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A 
 
 BRIEF OUTLINE 
 
 OF THE 
 
 RISE, PROGRESS, AND FAILURE 
 
 ii^@iwfn@if4i¥ 
 
 NINETEEN VAN BUREN ELECTORS 
 
 SEi^ATE ©F MARYLAJ^©, 
 
 MONTHS OF SEPTEMBER, OCTOBER, AND NOVEMBER, 1836. 
 
 -May no such storm 
 
 Fall on our times, where Ruin must Reform ! 
 
 iJaltimorc: 
 
 PRINTED BY SANDS & NEILSON. 
 
 N. E. COKNER OF BALTIMORE & CHARLES-STS. 
 
 1837. 
 
c^ 
 
 BRIEF OUTLINE 
 
 OF THE 
 
 RISE, PROGRESS, AND FAILURE 
 
 OF THE 
 
 :^l^@llSff 2@15rAl¥ SQEBIMI 
 
 NINETEEN VAN BUREN ELECTORS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 SEiVATE OF ]!IARYLA]^D, 
 
 5 3 ^^^' 
 
 MONTHS OF SEPTEMBER, OCTOBER, AND NOVEMBER, 1836. 
 
 -May no such storm 
 
 Fall on our times, where Ruin must Reform ! 
 
 UaltCmore: 
 
 PRINTED BY SANDS & NEILSON, 
 
 If. E. CORNER or BALTIMORE &, CHARLE3-STS. 
 
 1837. 
 
f\Z^ 
 
 sO <: 
 
r 
 
 t/i 
 
 TO THE 
 
 NINETEEN RECUSANT SENATORIAL ELECTORS 
 
 OF MARYLAND, 
 
 THE FOLLOWING PAGES ARE RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED, 
 
 THAT THE MEMORY OF THE DEED MAY LIVE 
 WHEN THEY SHALL HAVE BEEN 
 
 FORGOTTEN ! 
 
A BRIEF OUTLINE. 
 
 It is the fixed conviction of the author of this brief outline, that the Re- 
 volution which separated this province from the mother country, and gave 
 her a station among the nations of the earth, was intended by our patriotic 
 and sagacious forefathers as the parent of a I'epublican settlement^ and not as 
 a nursery oi future revolutions. In the struggle which for a time unsettled 
 the frame of government in Maryland, he does not hesitate to avow, that his 
 association was with those, who, with a generous zeal, devoted all the pow- 
 ers of their heads, hands and hearts to the maintenance of peace, government, 
 and good order. He was one of those, who could recognize, in the dis- 
 charge of his duty as a citizen of the State of Maryland, no distinction be- 
 tween foreign aggression and the organized action of party feud or civil 
 commotion. Having participated in the stormy discussions which resulted 
 from this irregular and unprecedented movement, it is not improbable that 
 he may have done less than justice to its projectors, and that in his devotion 
 to the cause of order, he may have overlooked the merits of the friends of 
 revolution. 
 
 He has felt it due to himself, as well as to the public, thus frankly to avow 
 not only his participation in the struggle, but also the feelings by which he 
 was influenced. But the considerations which impelled him to engage in 
 the controversy, have induced him closely to observe the action of the con- 
 tending parties, and diligently to collect and preserve the proceedings and 
 documents, which may enable him to present to the world, if not a full his- 
 tory, at least a brief and correct outline of the projected revolution in the 
 government of Maryland. The observations of the writer, when he pro- 
 ceeds with his narrative, will be strictly confined to such expositions as may 
 be necessary to connect or to illustrate such documents and proceedings as 
 he may exhibit, in order to present to readers, as well within as without the 
 State, a clear and comprehensive view of the subject. 
 
 Independent of other circumstances, the corrupt administration of the fed- 
 eral government for the last six or eight years, and the levelling movements 
 in Pennsylvania and Maryland during the last three months, evince such 
 looseness in public morals as not only to endanger the integrity of our re- 
 publican institutions, but to render still problematical the capability of man 
 for self-government. In the brief period of sixty years from the foundation 
 of our government, while our institutions are yet in their infancy, reflecting 
 men have been amazed at the alarming and gigantic strides of a youthful 
 
G 
 
 people in the paths of precocious cnmiplion. Tliroughout the whole con- 
 federacy, from the fervid shore of Florida to the bleak frontier of the Cana- 
 da?, the spirit of levellinof, misrule, and disorder seem to pervade the land. 
 The frame work of our institutions — the sanctity of contracts — public faith 
 — and public credit — the arm of government, — shrink and wither before the 
 breathings of this turbulent spirit. 
 
 As this revolutionary spirit has first met with a decided rebuke in the Stale 
 of Maryland, there is both at home and abroad a laudable anxiety to be ful- 
 ly informed of all the proceedings connected with the projected revolution 
 of the Nineteen Recusant Senatorial Electors. As well to subject to the sa- 
 lutary censure of public opinion the refractory and insubordinate, as to en- 
 courage in the faithful discharge of duty the lovers of order, this brief and 
 feeble outline has been attempted. The documents and proceedings con- 
 nected with tiie late revolutionary movements in this State were originally 
 compiled for the private n.se of the writer, but yielding to the suggestions o( 
 others, he has been induced to give them publicity for the information of 
 those who have been less diligent in their preservation. The records of our 
 own times, as well as the history of the past is philosophy teaching by ex- 
 ample. 
 
 There is no wholesome truth, which should be more deeply impressed 
 upon the people of this country, than that governments should not be chang- 
 ed for light and transient causes. And although we fully concur in the lan- 
 guage of the iMaryland Bill of Rights, that " tiie doctrine of non-resistance 
 against arbitrary power and oppression is absurd, slavish, and destructive of 
 the good and happiness of mankind" ; and that *•' the people may, and of 
 right ought, to reform the old or establish a new government" : yet, in the 
 words of the same section, this is only justifiable "when the ends of gov- 
 ernment are perverted, and public liberty manifestly endangered, and all 
 other means of redress are inetTectual". An enumeration of the acts of ty- 
 ranny, oppression, and misrule whicli justify Revolution in the estimation 
 of those illustrious men who framed our political establishments, maybe 
 found in the Declaration of American Independence. 
 
 It has become a dangerous practice in our times to consider the reforma- 
 tion of old, or the institution of new governments as a liglit and easy task, 
 requiring little labour, learning or experience; and such is the familiarity 
 of our intelligent population with the abstract rights of man, that it is a mat- 
 ter of no great difficulty for aspiring demagogues to attem[)t, under colour 
 of reform, the subversion of a government. This is a frightful delusion, 
 and is well calculated not only to endanger the permanency and stability 
 of government, but to enfeeble the attachment of a free people for those ex- 
 cellent institutions, the rich inheritance of their forefathers, which should 
 be interwoven with every fibre of tiieir hearts. 
 
 The free spirit which has been breathed into our institutions is not of 
 yesterday. It has been borrowed from the collected wisdom of successive 
 ages. Our free institutions have descended to us from a long line of illus- 
 trious ancestors ; and no consideration is so well calculated to endear them 
 to us, as to accustom ourselves to view them as a priceless inheritance from 
 our forefathers, which we are bound to transmit unimpaired to our posteri- 
 ty. An idle spirit of innovation is exclusively selfish in its character; but 
 tho8« who look back with reverence to their ancestors, are for the most part 
 
thoughtful of their posteritv. Those who are accustomed to coHsider their 
 frame of ffovernraent as an inheritance, cherish at the same time a principle 
 of conservation as well as a principle of transmission •, and looking upon it 
 as a kind of family settlement, they combine the interests of the State with 
 the charities of social life, the affections of the heart, and with the sanctity 
 of their hearths, their sepulchres, and their altars. 
 
 Our institutions are certainly venerable for their wisdom, and a sound 
 and philosophic mind may discard all superstitious reverence for antiquity, 
 and yet delitrht to trace in the hidden recesses of time, the germ ot this 
 free government. Lineal descendants of the Anglo-Saxon, we are proud to 
 discover in the forests of Germany, among the only people whom the arms 
 of Imperial Rome could never subdue, that scion of freedom, which trans- 
 planted in a new world, has grown up, and stretched forth Us arms to the 
 four winds of heaven, until it overshadows a continent from the Pole to 
 the Equator. In England through the lapse of centuries, and through the 
 vicissitude of times and events, it has flourished like her own native oak, 
 in a perpetual course of progression, decay, and renovation 
 
 These remarks are designed, not to check or to rebuke the spirit ot tem- 
 perate, peaceful, and salutarv reform ; but to suppress that inquietude, and 
 to subdue that thirst for novelty, which leaving the ancient landmarks lar 
 behind, would plunge at once, without skill or experience, into the turbid 
 and tempestuous waters of innovation. There are unquestionably inequal- 
 ities in the operation of the present frame of government in this State, 
 which should be speedily removed. There appears to be, on this subject 
 but one opinion throughout the State ; and the only difficulty consists in 
 the mode and extent of reform. And if in a time of profound peace it has 
 been hitherto found impracticable to adjust these points speedily, there can 
 be litde hope of settling them amicably and satisfactorily in the midst of 
 party feud and revolution. 
 
 We will now proceed to unfold the proceedings of those reformers m 
 the State of Maryland, who attempted by a revolution " /o reform the oldy 
 and to establish' a new government,'' before the " ends of government were 
 perverted, pullic liberty manifestly endangered, and all other means of re- 
 dress found inefectualP 
 
 Throwing aside all the salutary restraints of law, and forgetful of the 
 first duty of citizens, the Nineteen Recusant Electors, and their supporters, 
 boldly avowed the destructive doctrines of Mr. Dallas, and relied upon the 
 support of a majority of that people, who, to shield themselves from the 
 horrors of anarchy, might be induced to adopt such government as might 
 be framed for them by the Destructives to succeed the establishment they 
 laboured to subvert. 
 
 The fraraers of the Constitution of Maryland were for the most part the 
 sages of the Revolution. The Convention which assembled for that pur- 
 pose were required to discharge a duty of extreme difficulty. There were 
 conflicting and disparted interests in the State, springing from its geogra- 
 phical position, which had little or no existence in other States. The low- 
 er counties were densely, and the upper or western counties sparsely po- 
 pulated ; the former contained a large proportion of slave population, while 
 the settlers of the latter were almost exclusively white. The city of An- 
 napolis, at that time the seat of government, and the town of Baltimore re- 
 
8 
 
 quired peculiar and special attention. And above all, the division of the 
 territory of Maryland into tlie Eastern and Wesiern Shores, required such 
 recognition and protection of the rights and interests of each, as infused 
 into the Constitution somewhat of the appearance, if not of the spirit of a 
 compact between the counties of the opposite shores. Notwithstanding 
 the difficulties and perplexities which attended the labours of the Conven- 
 tion, ihcy proceeded to ordain for the State of Maryland a Constitution or 
 frame of Government, which, if we are correctly informed, was a theme 
 of just eulogy to the eminent Statesmen, who in framina: the Constitution 
 of the United States borrowed largely from its chaste and beautiful design. 
 The Constitution of Maryland was long considered a fauUless model. 
 
 It has never been denied by the most reckless among these disorganiz- 
 ers who have for years been labouring to bring into disrepute the Institu- 
 tions of their native State, that the government of Alaryland was originally 
 framed in a spirit of justice and equity, giving to every portion of the Slate 
 due influence and power, and that for a long time its operation was just 
 and equal. On the other hand the friends of law and order will readily 
 admit, that owing to the operation of causes unforeseen by our sagacious 
 forefathers, inequalities have grown up, which have become burdensome to- 
 certain portions of the Slate, and should be speedily removed. The city 
 of Baltimore at the time of the adoption of the Constitution appeared to 
 have been in a state of decline, for we find provision made in the organic- 
 law for depriving her of the representation then allowed in the event of 
 further decay. That city now contains in round numbers little less thaa 
 one hundred thousand souls. 
 
 The resources of the western counties have since that time been devel- 
 oped, their fertile vallies densely populated, until the operation of the gov- 
 ernment as originally established, is to that city and to those counties un- 
 just and unequal. But these inequalities should be removed in the same 
 spirit which influenced our revolutionary fathers at the time of the adoption 
 of the present Constitution. Public opinion, which is ever on the side of 
 right and justice, and which in this country is irresistible, is the only agen- 
 cy which should be used for the attainment of this desirable object. 
 
 It is true that there has been on the part of the smaller counties much 
 reluctance to surrender too hastily the undue share of power they possess ; 
 while it must be admitted there has been on the part of Baltimore and the 
 larger counties, a feverish and harsh tone of demand, which rather re- 
 tarded than hastened reform. 
 
 All changes and modifications of government, as they operate upon con- 
 flicting interests, should proceed in a spirit of compromise ; for the spirit of 
 compromise induces an impartial consideration of the several interests of 
 the component parts of the government, and by a gentle, cautious, and 
 peaceful action, begets that spirit of moderation and forecast, so essential to 
 the formation of a wise and stable government. A State without the capa- 
 bility of change is without the means of conservation ; and can only be re- 
 modelled by a Revolution, which is the direct opposite of Reform. The 
 POWER of a people or a majority of them to overthrow their government at 
 pleasure, should be accurately distinguished from the right so to do. To 
 deny that a people can enter into solemn compacts to bind themselves and 
 Jheir poBlerity, is the destructive doctrine of Mr. Dallas ; and to assert that 
 
a supposed majority, in a moment of temporary delusion or excitement may 
 rightfully subvert existing institutions, as whim, or caprice, or party may 
 suggest, is the Jacobinical creed of the Nineteen Seceding Electors. 
 
 Having exposed the unequal operation of the government of Maryland, it 
 now becomes necessary to trace the action of the two great political parties 
 on the subject of reform ; and as the late revolutionary movement receiv- 
 ed its first motion in Frederick county, we will for the present direct our 
 attention to that quarter. Some time during the spring or summer of 1833, 
 the whig party of that county proposed to their political opponents to 
 unite, without distinction of party, in the prosecution of Reform. The 
 proposition was accepted in apparent good faith, and a joint meeting took 
 place, and a joint committee was appointed, to shape the future action of 
 the people. The committee could not concur; whereupon the Jackson 
 branch of the committee presented and commenced reading a report, reflect- 
 ing most indecently upon one of the Whig chairmen of the meeting. This 
 conduct being properly resented, the meeting broke up in confusion. From 
 that moment the banner of Jackson reform was unfurled, and "The Party" 
 refused peremptorily to unite in the prosecution of Reform, and passed re- 
 solutions denouncing such members of their party as should advocate 
 such union. 
 
 In 1836, the policy of the Jackson party changed, and its leaders sought 
 an alliance with their political adversaries to eflect the same object. The 
 Whigs, always sincere in their attachment to reform, and thoroughly con- 
 vinced that it could never be obtained upon party grounds, generously 
 overlooked the past, and cordially united with the Jackson party in several 
 counties of the State, in the election of delegates to a Reform Con- 
 vention, which assembled in the city of Baltimore on the sixth of June, 
 1836. In that Convention the counties of Cecil, Harford, Baltimore, Fre- 
 derick, Montgomery, and Washington, and Baltimore city, were represent- 
 ed. The following resolutions were adopted : 
 
 1st. Resolved, That it be recommended by this convention, to the peo- 
 ple of the counties and cities friendly to a reform of the constitution of 
 the state, to elect, at the next October election, delegates faithfully pledged 
 to the people to introduce and support a bill to provide for taking the sense 
 of the people on the question of reforming the constitution of the state, 
 on the first Monday in May, 1837, and in the event of a majority of the 
 people declaring themselves in favor of such reform, providing in the same 
 bill for the calling of a convention for that object. 
 
 2d. Resolved, That in the bill providing for the call of a convention, the 
 members of the convention ought to be distiibuted equally among the sev- 
 eral congressional districts of this State, with the exception of the fourth, 
 which being a double congressional district, ought to have twice the num- 
 ber of representatives of any other district — that the members of the con- 
 vention should be elected on the first Monday in June, 1837, to assem- 
 ble in the city of Annapolis, on the 4lh day of July, thereafter, to prepare 
 and present a constitution for the ratification of the people of Maryland at 
 the following October election. 
 
 3d. Resolved, That if within forty days after the commencement of its 
 session, the legislature shall refuse or neglect to provide for ascertaining 
 the sense of the people of the State upon this important question, and for 
 2 
 
10 
 
 calling a convention as prescribed in the previous resolutions, the president of 
 this convention is hereby required forthwith to convene this convention 
 for the adoption of such ulterior measures as may then be deemed expedi- 
 ent, just and proper, and as may be best calculated, u'llkout the aid of the 
 legislalvre, to ensure the accomplishment of the desired results. 
 
 4ih. Resolved, That this convention respectfully recommend the ap- 
 pointment of delegates to the convention from such portions of the state as 
 may not heretofore have made such appointments. 
 
 It will be observed that this Convention having been composed of dele- 
 gates from each of the two great political parties, they were solemnly bound 
 to each other to adhere to the mode of reform indicated in these resolutions. 
 
 The covenant which die members of this Convention of either party 
 made with each other, was, tliat they would await the action ol the next 
 session of the legislature ; and if within forty days no convention should 
 be authorised, the ''President of the Convention then silling should be re- 
 quired forthwith to convene the same Convention again for the adoption of 
 such ulterior measures as might then be deemed expedient, just, proper, and 
 best calculated, without the aid of the legislature, to ensure the accom- 
 plishment of the desired results." They adjourned with a solemn pledge to 
 each other, and with a recommendation to the people whom they claimed 
 to represent, that ihey would abide the action of the next legislature. The 
 Whig members of that Convention remained true to their pledge. But it 
 will be found in the progress of this outline, that the Nineteen Van Buren 
 Electors falsified that engagement, and attempted to destroy that very 
 
 LEGISLATURE, AVHICH THEY WERE ELECTED TO CREATE, AND TO WHICH 
 THEIR PARTY HAD PROMISED TO APPEAL. 
 
 Before proceeding further, it becomes necessary to revert to the Consti- 
 tution of the Slate of Maryland to ascertain the mode of Reform thereby 
 indicated, as well as the prescribed duties of the Senatorial Electors. 
 
 In speaking of the Constitution of Maryland, in the preceding remarks, 
 we have applied that term to the whole organic or fundamental law, in- 
 cluding the Bdl of Righli--. Hereafter it may be proper to consider them 
 distinctly ; bearing in mind, however, that both were framed bv the same 
 Convention, had relation to each oiher, and were drawn up about the same 
 time. 
 
 The fourth section of the Bill of Rights distinctly recognizes the right 
 OF REVOLLTioN BY THE PEOPLE, and points out the circumstances which 
 alone can justify it: while the fifth-ninth article of the Constitution indicates 
 the only mode in which any part of the Constitution or Bill of Rights 
 
 MAY BE ALTERED, REFORMED, OR ABOLISHED BY THE LEGISLATURE. 
 
 All free governments are supposed to possess inherently the capacity of 
 change or reformation whenever the great body of the people unite and 
 concur in the contemplated change. But in the Constitmion of Maryland 
 this corrective or alterative power is direcdy asserted and clearly regulated. 
 This power is vested in the representatives of the people, subject however 
 to the controlling power of the people themselves in their primary capacity 
 at the polls. 
 
 The Fourth Section of the Bill of Rights is in these words : " That all 
 " persons invested with the legislative or executive powers of government 
 ^ are the trustees of the public, and as such, accountable for their conduct ; 
 
11 
 
 *' wherefore, whenever the ends of government are perverted^ and public 
 " liberty manifestly endangered^ and all other means of redress are inef- 
 ^^ fectual, the people may, and of right ought, to reform "the old, or estab- 
 "lish a new government; the doctrine of non-resistance against arbitrary 
 *' power is absurd, slavish, and destructive of the good and happiness of 
 " mankind." 
 
 The Fifty-Ninth Article of the Constitution is thus expressed : "This 
 " form of Government, and the Declaration of Rights, and no part thereof, 
 " shall be altered, changed, or abolished, unless a bill so to alter, change, or 
 " abolish the same, shall pass the General Assembly, and be published at least 
 " three months before a new election, and shall be confirmed by the General 
 *' Assembly after a new election of delegates, in the first session after such 
 " new election. Provided, that nothing in this form of Government, which 
 " relates to the Eastern Shore particularly, shall at any time hereafter be alter- 
 "ed, unless for the alteration and confirmation thereof at least two-thirds of 
 " all the members of each branch of the General Assembly shall concur.'' 
 
 In order to understand fully the late condition of afl'airsin this State, it is 
 deemed advisable to insert here a part of the oath taken by the members of 
 the legislature. By Article 34 of the amendments of the Constitution, 
 " Every member of the Senate and House of Delegates, before he shall act 
 " as such, shall take and subscribe the following oath or affirmation, to 
 " wit : 1, A. B. do swear, (or affirm,) that I will be faithful and bear true al- 
 " legiance to the state of Maryland, and that 1 will support the constitu- 
 
 " TION AND LAWS THEREOF." 
 
 Now, inasmuch as the Bill of Rights only justifies or permits Revolu- 
 tion, or the right to " reform the old, or to establish a neio government,'''' (ex- 
 cept in the mode designated by the Constitution,) '■'■ ivhenever the ends of 
 government are perverted, and public liberty manifestly endangered, and 
 all other means of redress are ineffectual ;'''' it would seem to follow ne- 
 cessarily, that no man who has sworn to support the laws and Constitu- 
 tion of Maryland, can participate in any revolutionary action, except in the 
 case specified, without a violation of his oath ofall'^giance. So much for 
 Revolutionary Reform. But again, as to Conventional Reform under the 
 sanction of the legislature. 
 
 By the Forty-second article of the Declaration of Rights it is ordained, 
 "That this Declaration of Rights, or the form of government (Constitu- 
 " tion) to be established by this Convention, or any part of either of them, 
 " ought not to be altered, changed, or abolished, by the legislature 
 " OF this State, but in such manner as this Convention shall prescribe 
 "and direct." Now, this mode is prescribed strictly by the fifty-ninth 
 article of the Constitution subs,equenUy adopted by the same convention. 
 This ordinance is strict and imperative, and exclusive of any other mode of 
 change or reformation by or through the legislature, and is iiulissolubly bind- 
 ing upon the consciences of those legislators who have sworn to support the 
 " CONSTITUTION AND LAWS OF MARYLAND." This argument leads to 
 the direct conclusion, that until the Fifty-ninth article of the Constitution, 
 and perhaps the Forty-second article of the Declaration of Rights are re- 
 pealed by two successive sessions of the Legislature, that body cannot 
 conscientiously or rightfully either direct or recommend, or take any initia- 
 tory or incipient step tovjards directing, recommending, or aiding a Con- 
 vention of the People to alter or amend, or abolish the present frame of 
 government, or to establish another. 
 
We have now thrown sufficient light upon the field we propose to tra- 
 verse, to enable us to view objects correctly and distincdy. From the 
 high ground of Constitution and law, which we now occupy, we may 
 clearly trace the tortuous and frantic movements of the Nineteen Recusant 
 Senatorial Electors of Maryland. 
 
 If, upon a severe investigation of the conduct of these Nineteen Elec- 
 tors, an impartial observer can be satislied that they were prompted solely 
 by the desire to redress the inequalities whicii prevailed in the operation of 
 the State Government, and had been elected for that purpose by ilieir con- 
 stituents ; then they are onhf guilty of a breach of a high and solemn trust, 
 which they had earnestly solicited, and of a conspiracy to subvert a gov- 
 ernment which many of them had directly sworn, and all were bound, to 
 uphold. But if in the course of this enquirv it should be ascertained, be- 
 yond peradventure, that on the eve of the Presidential election, they have 
 coUeagued among themselves and with the tools of a faction to Van Bitrcn- 
 ise the Slate under colour of Rp form, and to sell for the miserable price 
 of party, ihe peace and integrity of the State of Maryland ; then have they 
 richly merited ihe execrations of a betrayed and insulted people. ]f with 
 the presumptuous audacity of Uzzah, but with more criminal intent, they 
 have raised their hands, not to support, but to overthrow the Ark of the 
 Covenant ; though the divine wrath may not instantly pursue, the indigna- 
 tion of a free and loyal people will speedily overtake them. In proportion 
 to the magnitude of the crime should be the candour and severity of the 
 inquisition. 
 
 The Senate of Maryland is composed of Fifteen members, who are elect- 
 ed every Five years, not immediately by the people, but through the inter- 
 vention of a College of Electors, forty in number, who are elected by the 
 people. Two ol" these Electors are elected from each of the Nineteen 
 Counties, and one from each of the two cities in the State. On the First 
 Monday m September, ISSti, the Nineteen Recusant Van Buren Electors, 
 as well as the Twenty-one Whig Electors were elected by the people to 
 appoint a Senate. Their duties are clearly pointed out in the Fifteenth 
 article of the Constitution, which ordains . "That the said Electors of 
 " the Senate meet at the city of Annapolis, or such other place as shall be 
 "appointed for convening the legislature, on the third Monday in Septem- 
 " ber, 17S1, and on the same day in every fifth year forever thereafter, and 
 " they, or any twenty-four of them, so met, shall proceed to elect, bv bal- 
 " lot, cither out of their osvn body, or the people at large, fifteen senators, 
 " (nine of whom to be residents of the Western, and six to be residents of 
 " the Eastern Shore,) men of the most wisdom, experience, and virtue, 
 "above twenty -five years of age, residents of tiie Stale above three whole 
 " ypars next preceduig the election." 
 
 The requisitions of this ordinance are plain and simple, direct and impe- 
 rative : first, ^' that the Electors meet at the place appointed for convening 
 the legislature^ on the third Monday »n September ;" secondly, »• that 
 tclien so met they proceed to elect, by ballot, fifteen senators ;" thirdly, that 
 the Senators elected be *' rnen of the most zcisdom, experience, and virlueP 
 It is not necessary in this place to discuss the right of the people to elect 
 and to require the services of any citizen of the Slate, legally qualified, in 
 
13 
 
 the discharge of any public function , for it will not be denied that the 
 Nineteen Recusant Electors voluntarily accepted the trust with which they 
 were honoured. Arrogating to themselves functions with which they had 
 never been clothed, they did " meet at the place appointed on the third 
 Monday in September" ; but they did not " proceed to elect by ballot, fif- 
 teen Senators." They utterly refused to join their associates in ihe Col- 
 lege, unless the majority would concede to them, the minority, the appoint- 
 ment of a majority of the Senate. Jt may be proper here to remark, that 
 for two days subsequent to the election of Electors, it was confidently be- 
 lieved by both parties in the city of Baltimore, and in our neighbouring ci- 
 ty of Frederick, that twenty-one Van Buren members of the electoral col- 
 lege, and only nineteen VVhig members had been elected. During this 
 time there was not heard a whisper of Reform, but the two cities were fill- 
 ed with bonfires and rejoicings for the success of the Van Buren party, 
 who were busily engaged in p.pportioning the spoils among the victors. 
 But as soon as it was ascertained that the case was reversed, and the Whigs 
 triumphant, " Reform or Revolution" became the war cry of " the 
 Party." By the Constitution of Maryland no Senate can be elected un- 
 less TWENTY-FOUR Electors be present in the College. Availing them- 
 selves of this provision, which seems to have been designed for the protec- 
 tion of the counties on the Eastern Shore, who were separated from the ca- 
 pital by the Chesapeake Bay, five of the Nineteen Van Buren Electors were 
 instructed by a meeting in one of the fourteen election districts of Frederick 
 county, and another of Cecil county and in the city of Baltimore, to refuse 
 lo meet the Twenty-one Whig Electors, or to go into an election of Sen- 
 ate, unless (in substance) the Twenty-one would pledge themselves to elect 
 Eight Van Buren Senators, a majority of the wliole body. At the 
 meeting in Frederick county, Francis Thomas, a representative in Con- 
 gress, and the prime iusiigator of this secession, M. E. Bartgis, and five 
 others were appointed a Committee, who reported, among others, the fol- 
 lowing resolutions, which were unanimously adopted : 
 
 Whereas, The 15th section of the Constitution declares that NO SEN- 
 ATE CAN BE FORMED, UNLESS TWENTY-FOUR ELECTORS 
 agree to meet for the appointment of the members of which it is to consist : 
 
 Therefore, Resolved, That the Senatorial Electors of this County, be 
 instructed to require of the Twenty-one Whig Electors, a pledge, that no 
 member of the former Senate, and no member of the House of Delegates 
 who opposed the bill calling a Convention of the people, shall be elected to 
 the next Senate of the State. That at least eight of the members of the 
 Senate to be chosen by the Electoral College shall be selected from among 
 persons known to entertain opinions and sentiments coinciding with the 
 principles and opinions held by, and governing a majority of the people 
 (205,922,) who have elected Nineteen Van Buren Electors, and that, in the 
 formation of the Senate, there shall be a majority of members known to be 
 favorable to such a thorough and radical reform of the Constitution of the 
 State as will ensure to all citizens living under it, equal political rights 
 and privileges. 
 
 Resolved, That unless the pledges required by the preceding resolution, 
 are solemnly given in true faith, the two Electors from this county, be re- 
 quested to refuse to enter into an election of Senators : Provided, that the 
 
14 
 
 Electors from other counties and cities, having a majority of the white po- 
 pulation of the State therein, will co-operate with them to defeat the elec- 
 tion of a Senate, hostile to a reform in the Constitution, to the extent re- 
 quired in the first resolution. 
 
 Resolved^ That our friends in the counties and cities, that have elect- 
 ed Van Buren Reform Electors, are earnestly invited and recommended to 
 join us in these measures, as the only means by which we can avoid the 
 fate of being again compelled to submit for five years at least, to the tyran- 
 ny of a government, wielded and controlled by a small and aristocratic mi- 
 nority of the people of the Slate. 
 
 On motion of Mr. M. E. Bartgis, the preamble and resolutions were sub- 
 mitted to the meeting, and unanimously adopted, and were on motion or- 
 dered to be printed in the newspapers of the State. 
 
 When on motion, the meeting adjourned to meet again, at the same place, 
 on Wednesday evening next. 
 
 J. J. Steiner, ) « , . 
 ,,r rr. T ^ Secretaries. 
 
 Wm. Tyleh, Jr. ) 
 
 GEO. W. ENT, ) ^, . 
 H. NIXDORFF, \ ^'^^"'^ 
 
 It has been roundly asserted by the supporters of the Nineteen Recusant 
 Electors, that they were not instructed to require a majority of Van Buren" 
 Senators, but only a majority of Reformers in the New Senate. Upon a 
 close examination of the first of the above resolutions, it will be discovered, 
 that while the latter clause speaks of a " majority of members of the Senate 
 known to be favorable to radical Reform," the former clause indicates Sen- 
 ators, "known to entertain opinions coinciding with the principles and opin- 
 ions governing a majority of the people who elected the Nineteen VanEu- 
 ren Electors." Now, in the name of reason, who elected the Van Buren 
 Electors ? Did the Whigs elect them } The Whigs elected the Twenty- 
 one faithful, and the Van Burenites the Nineteen unfaithful public servants. 
 But although the secret design is obvious to intelligent readers; yet, there 
 is both in this resolution, and ni the publication of ilie Nineteen Electors, a 
 studied attempt at concealment in the language. Il will soon be apparent, 
 that the object of this duplicity, was to hold out to their own adiiereiiis the 
 ascendency of their party, after it had been prostrated by the residi of the 
 constitutional voto in September ; and by the pretence of uncommon ze.al 
 for Reform, to seduce from the purity of their principles those Whigs, who- 
 were known to be warm advocates of Reform. This taint of duplicity 
 clings with the tenacity and loathsomeness of leprosy to the whole subse- 
 quent action of the Recusant Nineteen, their prompters, aiders and abettors. 
 It is well known that the September Elections threw the Van Buren party 
 in the State into a minority ; that the Presidential election was close at hand, 
 and that without some bold and decisive movement, there were no hopes 
 for Mr. Van Buren in Maryland ; and that the Nineteen V. B. Electors, in 
 pursuance o( the instructions of the revolutionary coteries in Frederick, Bal- 
 timore, and Cecil, peremptorily refused to discharge their high and solemn 
 trust 
 
 The Address of the Nineteen, which is subjoined, is said to have been 
 the production of a lawyer \ but such is the gross ignorance of the first prin- 
 ciples of law apparcHt on its face; and such is its puling puerility, that ev- 
 
15 
 
 en the Nineteen and " the party" have blushed for the weakness of their 
 defence. Commencing in the lofty tone, and almost in the language of the 
 Declaration of Independence^ it rapidly dwindles into a political rhodomon- 
 tade^ which would have reflected little credit on a wrangling sophister. 
 
 ADDRESS. 
 
 Impelled by a deep and solemn sense of duty to acquiesce in the neces- 
 sity which imperiously required a surrender into your hands of the high 
 trust committed to us — it becomes us to submit fully and frankly the con- 
 siderations by which our conduct has been influenced. It is well known 
 that, in those counties and cities which we represent, the great body of the 
 people are unchangeably rivetted in the conviction, that the government of 
 this State is based and administered upon unjust and anti-republican prin- 
 ciples, and that similar views are entertained by respectable numbers of our 
 fellow-citizens residing in other parts of the State. That such an opinion 
 is well founded, seems scarcely to admit of controversy. By the existing 
 government, the Governor and members of the Senate are not elected di- 
 rectly, as they ought to be, by the people ; and many public officers who 
 ought to be subjected to the control of those whose trustees they are, hold 
 their respective ofiices, contrary to sound political principle, by a tenure for 
 life. 
 
 In the formation of both branches of the Legislature political power is 
 apportioned arbitrarily without regard to any principle of moral or political 
 justice, our representation in the Electoral college and House of Delegates, 
 is not based upon population nor territory, nor a mixture of both. But eve- 
 ry acknowledged and just foundation is disregarded, and an arbitrary rule 
 substituted, by which the majority is allowed fewer representatives than the 
 minority : thus inverting the first principles of a free government, and ren- 
 dering the majority's inalienable rights of personal liberty, personal security 
 and personal property, subject to the operation of laws, in the enactment of 
 which, they are not permitted an equal participation. 
 
 Whatever may have been the views or principles with reference to which 
 the government of Maryland was instituted, it is perfectly manifest that its 
 practical operation carries out and enforces, to a most odious extent, the mi- 
 nority's right to rule. It pervades the whole compact and enters into the 
 constitution of each department of the Government. 
 
 By the organization of the Legislative powers, the counties of Kent and 
 Calvert, with a population of 19,401, are allowed as many represeniatives in 
 the Senatorial Electoral College and the House of Delegates as the counties 
 of Frederick an,d Washington with a population of 71,056, and Kent and 
 Calvert, each, have double tlie number of delegates allowed to the city of 
 Baltimore with a population of 80,625. 
 
 The executive department is the creature of the Legislature, being elected 
 thereby, the judicial and most of the civil officers receive their appointment 
 from the executive ; so that the minority of one-fourth of the people having 
 the right to elect a majority of the members of the Legislature, control all 
 the departments of the government. This minority not only rules and gov- 
 erns in the enactment of the laws, but likewise in the appointment of those 
 by whom they are to be expounded, administered, and enforced. Can a 
 government thus organized, be termed republican ! The tenure of the rights 
 
16 
 
 and immunities of the majority is thus held at the will of so small a minor- 
 ity, that it cannot be expecled,such flagrant injustice will be forever endur- 
 ed. We do not believe that any respectable portion of our fellow-citizens, 
 who will, wiilioiit prejuflice, calmly contemplate liiis gross inequality of po- 
 litical rights, can desire to perpetuate it. ^Ve have loo n)iich confidence in 
 the high sense of justice, the virtue and patriotism ol' the people of Mary- 
 land to believe that lliey will, wiien well informed as to the extent of the 
 evils we have alienipled to arrest, condemn the measure which has beea 
 adopted for tbat purpose. 
 
 It is true, the framers of our Constitution, foreseeing that amendments 
 would become necessary, in that instrument, have authorized the Legisla- 
 ture to correct all tlie evils of which the people of Maryland justly complain. 
 And it may be asked, why have we undertaken to arrest the formation of 
 one branch of that body with which the power is entrusted. To such an 
 enquiry a satisfactory answer may be readily given. The present con.stitu- 
 tion was formed in 177G, and at that lime the representatives in the House 
 of Delegates and in the Electoral College were apportioned amongst the se- 
 veral counties and cities in pro[)ortion to their population as nearly as that 
 could be done. Our fathers, then, recognized freely the binding force of 
 that great principle that all freemen have an inalienable right to enjoy equal 
 rights in the choice of their governors. Anticipating those changes which 
 have occurred in the condition and location of the population of the State, 
 those who established our constitution gave power to the Legislative de- 
 partment to incorporate those amendments therein, which experience and 
 time might make expedient and just. We must say, and all candid men 
 will confess, that this solemn trust has not been faithfully exercised. Year 
 after year, repealed, earnest petitions have been presented to the Legislature, 
 asking, praying, and at last, demanding a redress of those gross grievances 
 of which the majority of the people have long complained. These petitions 
 and memorials have been again and again rejected. The minority, who 
 rule, have persisted for nearly half a century in disregarding the just de- 
 mands of tlie majority who are governed. What then was to be done .^ 
 Were the Republican yeomanry of Maryland to be doomed to endure that 
 galling yoke ol political bondage which has so long pressed heavily on them, 
 and is felt to be more insuflerable because the freemen of almost every Stale 
 in the Union delight in the enjoyment of equal and equitable political prin- 
 ciples. Tame submission was not to be ihought of with the least pa- 
 tience, and the undersigned proceeded to examine, with anxious solicitude, 
 the extent and nature of the power entrusted to them, to discover a mode 
 in which it could be peaceably and honorably exercised so as to provide an 
 eflectual remedy. We preferred that an arrangeinent should be made with 
 our colleagues in the Electoral College by whicii the rights of our constitu- 
 ents couhl be secured, and the honor and prosperity of the whole people of 
 the Slate be promoted. The nature of that arrangement and the cause of 
 its failure is disclosed in the accompanying correspondence. The first let- 
 ter proposed an equitable apportionment of the members of the Senate 
 amongst the several counties and cities. It was on the day of its date, de- 
 livered by our Chairman and Secretary, to one of the Electors to whom it 
 was addressed, who was in the Senate chamber at the time, in company 
 with others ol the twenty-one members of the College, with whom we 
 desired to open a co.umunication at an early day. 
 
17 
 
 After retaining it a few minutes it was returned to our chairman by the 
 same gentleman, who alledged that no communication of that character 
 could be received until the College had been constitutionally organized. 
 
 This proceeding we could but consider unreasonable. VVe were known 
 to be Electors of Senate and felt fully authorized to correspond with our 
 colleagues touching the discharge of our duties, before or after oath of of- 
 fice had been taken. In pursuance of this opinion, another letter was sent 
 to the same genUemen, through the same channel and again a refusal to hold 
 a correspondence was the reply. Unavailable efforts was also made infor- 
 mally, by several of the undersigned, by personal applications to other of 
 the twenty-one Electors, to open a correspondence. 
 
 Being convinced by these repeated refusals that no Senate could be form- 
 ed, disposed to respond to the known wishes of our constituents, the hi^h 
 power reposed in us is respectfully returned to the people to whom it belongs 
 legitimately, and by whom we are confident it will be exerted so as to se- 
 cure to them and their posterity, no matter on what part of the soil of Ma- 
 ryland they may be located, tho?e dear inalienable rights of man for which 
 our fathers fought and bled. We have declined to participate in the election 
 of a Senate in the full expectation that the people of Maryland, in Conven- 
 tion assembled, can and will provide for the election of thai branch of their 
 legislature, more wisely than we could have done, and at the same time, or- 
 ganize anew their whole government, subjecting all its functionaries to their 
 sovereign will, and laying its foundations on the immutable principles of 
 liberty, equality and justice. 
 
 We are fully sensible that an acquiescence on our part, in the purposes 
 of our colleagues, would not have left without power to redress their wrongs, 
 those whom we represent. We might have qualified, and thereby have af- 
 forded to those twenty-one gentlemen an opportunity, in conformity with the 
 letter of the Constitution, to elect a Senate, and this too, they would probably 
 have done, although they are the representatives of but 85,179 of the free 
 inhabitants of U»e state, while three of the undersigned alone have been 
 chosen by 98,419 free iidiabitants, and received more votes at the polls than 
 were given to those who claim the right, and were prepared to exercise it, 
 to make one branch of the legislature — a body constituted for, and clothed 
 with power to check and control all the operations of the entire government. 
 — Still, if this had been done, the people of IVIaryland would not have been 
 absolutely without means of redress. The framers of our Constitution have 
 expressly reserved to them, in our Bill of Rights, the power to reform the 
 old, or establish a new form of government." But this authority, by the 
 same instrument, is declared to exist only '* whenever the ends of govern- 
 ment are perverted, and public liberty manifestly endangered, and all other 
 means of redress are inefiectual." It is manifestly a revolutionary remedy, 
 inherent in all communities, and of which oi^e generation of men cannot 
 deprive those who are to succeed them. And it is obviously a violent mode 
 of redress, not to be thought of until all others have been ineffectually tried. 
 Unwilling that evils and inequalities, oppression and injustice, should be 
 piled, like Ossa on Olympus, on the people until sufferance woidd no long- 
 er be esteemed a virtue, we have taken the responsibility to exert all the 
 power with which you have clothed us, to ensure the permanent peace at 
 the same time that we hope to have provided the means to perpetuate equal 
 3 
 
18 
 
 laws and equal privileges to the whole of ijie State, with whose destinies we 
 are all deeply identilied. The means used are neither violent nor uncon- 
 stitutional. 
 
 To the three-fifihs of the Electoral College, the Constitution has given 
 the power to form the entire Senate of the State. It so happens that iho.se 
 who desire to perpetuate the rule of a party in Maryland, who, it is well as- 
 certained, have forfeited public confidence, do not constitute the number of 
 electors required. The same constitution has secured expressly to seven- 
 teen of our members, power to prevent the consummation of this purpose. 
 This provision in that instrument was de.'signed for the protection of the mi- 
 nority. If then, we were the represenlaiives of that minority, the power to 
 adopt the course which has been pursued, would not be denied, although 
 its propriety might, under such circumstances, be questioned. But standing 
 as we do, in relation to the people of Maryland, will it not be granted by 
 all liberal, unprejudiced and enlightened Republicans tliat our conduct, un- 
 der most delicate and trying circumstances, has been prudent — and may we 
 not, without presumption, add, patriotic. 
 
 No political principles are better established than that all public function- 
 aries are but trustees for the benefit of those by whom they have been ap- 
 pointed. And it is equally undeniable that all depositories of political pow- 
 er are bound to surrender it to those from whom it was derived whenever it 
 cannot be exercised (or their benefit. These elementary principles have 
 been so often sanctioned — we might say without irreverence, sanctified by 
 the conduct of public functionaries in the country, that instances need not 
 be adduced to show that we have not acted without numerous precedents to 
 justify us. Senators of the United Slates, Governors, Legislators, Judges, 
 and other officers, or trustees of the people, have repeatedly, when made 
 sensible that they could no longer exercise advantageously the authority 
 with which they were clothed, returned it to the great fountain of all legiti- 
 mate authority to be again deposited in other hands. Resignations, surren- 
 ders of power in instances, such as we have adverted to, have produced no 
 shock, have afforded no pretexts for political panics. On the contrary, they 
 have been hailed by the Democracy of the whole country as proof, incon- 
 testible, of admitted sovereignty of the people, of the patriotism of their 
 agents, and of that firmness and dnrabdity which is fondly claimed for our 
 Republican institi.tions by all who would not, if opportunity ofl'ered, be Aris- 
 tocrats in practice, though they are Republicans ni profession. 
 
 Kot oidy have indivichial public officers surrendered authority entrusted 
 to them, but whole legislative bodies have done likewise. In few, if any of 
 the State constitutions formed in this country after the revolution, was there 
 authority expressly given to the Legislature to pass a law calling a conven- 
 tion to new model and amend them. — And yet, who does not know that 
 Maryland alone, of the old thirteen States, has never had the benefit of a 
 convention to impart new life and restore youthful vigor to its institutions. 
 These conventions were assembled in pursuance of a law passed by the se- 
 veral Slate legislatures. And whence we a>k, did such laws derive this 
 binding force and obligation ? Certainly not Irom the words of the consti- 
 tution. But undoubtedly their validitv, justice and propriety had its origin 
 in the belief of the legislators, that the time had arrived when it became their 
 duly to surrender to the people all power necessary to reorganize this de- 
 
19 
 
 fective government. Why, we ask, should senators, governors, judges, and 
 whole legislatures be commended for a surrender of power, which they be- 
 lieved could no longer be rightfully and beneficially exerted by them, and 
 we be condemned for refusing to afford to others the opportunity to form a 
 most important branch of our legislature, when we felt, and now feel, a deep 
 and abiding conviction, that the will and wishes, the rights and interests of 
 our constituents would be trampled upon and violated by our consent to 
 be present at the unholy sacrifice. We do not anticipate that such an in- 
 consistent judgment will be rendered by that great and just tribunal to which 
 we appeal. Truth is omnipotent and public justice certain. 
 
 It does not become ns to prescribe the manner in which the vast power 
 now tendered to the people of Maryland shall be exercised. We cannot, 
 however, conclude without expressing an earnest conviction that there is no 
 cause for the least apprehension or alarm, or even anxiety as to the security 
 of all our personal rights and civil privileges. It will be admitted that the 
 resignation of all the members of a state Irgislature could not endanger pub- 
 lic liberty or private property. Such an event would only make necessary 
 a Convention to reconstruct that department of the government. With what 
 propriety then, can the alarmists (the panic makers,) contend, that '' we are 
 in the midst of a revolution, bloodless as yet.?" True, a State Senate -has 
 not been organized, but the process is very simple by which that defect in 
 our institutions can be remedied. Il we could be permitted to do so, we 
 would most humbly and respectfully recommend to our fellow citizens 
 throughout the State, to proceed forthwith, to elect on the first Monday of 
 November next, six delegates from each city and county, to meet in Conven- 
 tion at Annapolis, on the third Mcnday of the same month, clothed with 
 full powers to extend the authority of all civil and military officers now in 
 commission, until a Convention, hereafter to be chosen, can be convened to 
 amend the old or form an entire new government for the people of Maryland. 
 
 By such a prompt movement on the part of the people, all apprehension 
 would be quieted and the panic avoided which may possibly be attempted 
 by individuals whose deep personal interest in the present form of govern- 
 ment, renders them incapable of appreciating the great and inestimable ad- 
 vantages to be derived from a reorganization of our system, and the substi- 
 tution of wholesome Democratic features, for its present odious aristocratic 
 ones. For ourselves, we cannot indulge the hope of escape from censure, 
 by some of those whose possession of power may be disturbed or expecta- 
 tion of office disappointed, by the course which a fervent and conscientious 
 devotion to the public interest, constrained us to select. It is natural that it 
 should be so. Man's perception and acknowledgment of rights which do 
 not accord with the tenure by which he enjoys power, are generally slow 
 and reluctant. 
 
 This must always constitute an impediment even to the most necessary 
 reform of existing institutions. It was the greatest obstacle which the pre- 
 sent constitution of the United States had to encounter, " the interests of a 
 certain class of men to resist all changes which might hazard a diminution 
 of the power, emolument and consequences of the offices thus held under 
 existing establishments." We trust however, that there are but few, very 
 few indeed, who are not willing to surrender upon the holy altar of disin- 
 terested patriotism, power and office, with all their allurements when the 
 
20 
 
 public will demands it : and that instead of becoming alarmists, they will 
 unite and co-operate wiih their fellow-citizens in providing such amendments 
 as shall plant our institutions upon the deepest and most enduring founda- 
 tion, tlie affections of ihe people. This can only be done by making them 
 just and equitable— diffusing equally their burdens and benefits. 
 
 Let but our fellow-ciiizens put aboard our ship of Slate, pilots of tried 
 skill and integrity, men who know how 
 
 To steer the bounding bark with steady toil. 
 When the waves thicken and the billows boil, 
 
 and the gallant vessel will soon be pprmanenlly and securely moored in a 
 harbor of peaceful and abounding prosperity. 
 
 We are yours, fellow-citizens, 
 
 CHARLES MAG ILL, 
 ROBERT WASON, 
 CASPAR QUYNN, 
 JOHN FISHER, 
 GEORGE ELLICOTT, 
 EPHRAIM BELL, 
 JOSHUA VANSANT, 
 JOHN EVANS, 
 GEORGE A. THOMAS, 
 SAMUEL SUTTON, 
 WASHINGTON DUVALL, 
 ROBERT T. KEENE, 
 M. FOUNTAIN, 
 ENOCH GEORGE. 
 JOHN B. THOMAS, 
 SPRIGG HARWOOD, 
 WESLEY LINTHICUM, 
 THOMAS HOPE, 
 JOHN S. SELLMAN. 
 
 An.vafolis, September 19/A, 1836. 
 
 Gentlemen: — It is a duty which we owe to our constituents, that before 
 we take our seats in the College of Electors of the Senate of this Slate, we 
 should have a distinct and positive understanding, as to the course to be 
 pursued by thai bodv. 
 
 You art apprised that a crisis has occurred, when neither of the political 
 parties of the Stale have elected Electors haviuij the conslitutiohal power to 
 form a Senate. Of the nineteen counties and two cities into which the State 
 is divided, we represent the two cities and eight of the counties, having a 
 white population of 205,92-2, and federal numbers 267.669. You represent 
 ten of the counties, having a white population of 85,179, and federal num- 
 bers 138,020; and the vole of the remainins: counties is divided. Of the 
 Electoral bo''y we are nmeleen in number wlule you are twcniy-one. But 
 although you are a majority (the smallest possible) of the college, it is to be 
 recnllected that we represent nearly three-fourths of the free white popula- 
 lion, and two-thirds of the federal numbers of the State, and very much the 
 
21 
 
 largest portion of its territorial extent and wealth ; we shall therefore expect 
 that you will concede to us, the nomination of eight members of the Senate 
 to be chosen, and that yoa will vote for the persons whom we may nomi- 
 nate to the colleaje, although they may be favorable to a convention to revise 
 and amend the Constitution of the Slate, if in all other respects in your opi- 
 nion well qualified. The counties and cities we represent ought to have, up- 
 on any political principle which governs the appointment of members of a 
 Legislature, a majority of the Senate to be formed greater than that which is 
 sought to be obtained. To force upon them, then, being the majority of the 
 people, an entire Senate, against their will, would be unjust and anti-repub- 
 lican ; and we, their agents, cannot participate in such a violation of their 
 rights, as freemen; neither can we become passive members of the Electo- 
 ral College, and thereby enable you to select for the people we have the 
 honor to represent. Senators residing in the districts from which we come. 
 The people of those counties and cities have elected us to make choise of 
 their Senators, presuming that we who reside among them, are better quali- 
 fied than strangers can be, to choose those who know their rights and in- 
 terests, and will protect them. 
 
 If our constituents are to be subjected to a Senate opposed to their will, 
 it would be an aggravation of the evils they would be compelled to endure, 
 to have some of the members of that body taken from the midst of commu- 
 nities whose confidence they do not enjo^J, and whose wants and wishes 
 they are not willing cheerfully to gratify. — From these considerations, we 
 feel compelled to take the position above assumed. Moreover, our consti- 
 tuents, who desire to see radical changes made in their present constitution, 
 have a right to expect that we will not fail to exert all the powers reposed 
 in us under our form of Government to make the institutions of the State 
 more republican and conformable lo the will of those for whose happiness 
 and safely they were designed. 
 
 The friends of reform in Maryland have sought, repeatedly to obtain from 
 Jhe Legislature, by an exertion of the powers confided lo that body by the 
 iifty-ninlh section of the Constitution such amendments of that instrument 
 as are indispensable, and it is with regret we say that all of iheir applications 
 were in vain, and indeed it may be said, that they were not even treated 
 with that respectful deference to which the remonstrances of a large majo- 
 rity of the people are jusUy entided. It would be needless for us here to 
 spread out in detail, llie several applications for reform which have been 
 made. 
 
 You know the history of many petitions which have been presented to 
 the Legislature ; and we have felt the manner of their rejection. Each in- 
 stance is fresh in the recollection of our constituents, and ihey believe as 
 we do, that no redress of grievances can be had through the ordinary form 
 which the framers of our Constitution provided. Under this solemn con- 
 sideration, we have determined not to be willingly instrumental in perpetu- 
 ating institutions that work such bitter injustice, and if, gentlemen, you will 
 give us your pledge ot honor to accede to our proposal, and give to the ma 
 jority of the people a majority of one branch of the Legislature to protect 
 from future violations their rights anil privileges, it will aflbrd us great plea- 
 sure to meet you in the Electoral College to-day. Should, however, your 
 views as to our relative rights and duties not accord with ours, we shall 
 
22 
 
 most deeply re^et it and be compelled by a high and holy sense of duty to' 
 our constituents and to the whole State, not to meet you in College, and 
 thereby, we shall avoid the ocHous responsibility of assisting to forma Sen- 
 ate obnoxious to the people we represent. 
 
 We are aware that your rejection of this proposition, and the state of 
 things which may grow out of it, will give some alarm to the timerous. 
 But upon the most calm and deliberate examination of the whole subject in 
 all its bearings, we can discover none of those causes for deep and lasting 
 excitement which endanger the peace and order of the community, if the le- 
 gislative functions of the government should cease for a season, that will 
 be found to arise, should we assist to organize a Senate, which would per- 
 petuate, possibly, all existing evils, and secure for five years, at least, that 
 oppressive dominion, of a small minority over the majority, which has been 
 so long reluctantly endured by the people of Maryland. We perceive no 
 cause for apprehension and alarm in the temporary suspension of the powers 
 of the Senate. Thereby, the whole Consiiiuiion would not be abrogated. 
 The Governor would remain in office long enough to afford time to form a 
 new Constitution, and perform the functions of the Executive Department. 
 
 The Judiciary and the officers connected with the Courts would experi- 
 ence no interruption of their powers, and all the officers who derive their 
 appointments annually from the Executive are impowered under the forty- 
 ninth article of the Constitution, to hold their offices until they are super- 
 ceded by the appointment of others. 
 
 The laws, therefore, would be administered — civil rights and private pro- 
 perty protected, and the peace of the community preserved, by all the means 
 now employed for that purpose. In the mean time the powers which have 
 been delegated to us, will revert to the People, in whose integrity, virtue, 
 patriotism and intelligence, we have the most entire confidence; and we 
 doubt not but that they, guided by the spirit that animated our fathers in 
 seventy-six, will provide for every exigency that may arise. Before any in- 
 convenience can be experienced, the sovereign power of the people of Ma- 
 ryland will be employed, by means of a convention to reform our Consti- 
 tution, so as not to justify a recurrence of a similar contingency by basing 
 all its departments on souiul Republican principles, so as to secure equality 
 of political rights, and a just responsibility in all public officers, to popular 
 
 To prevent misapprehensions, we have submitted our proposition in writ- 
 ing, and its manifest justice gives us every reason to expect that you will 
 yield to it a ready assent. We hope you do not desire to leave the Slate 
 without a Senate, uidess you are permitted to select all its members, — as 
 well for counties you represent, as the counties and cities represented by us. 
 . Nor can we believe that you will ask us to join you in the Electoral Col- 
 lege, ami be passive spectaU)rs of your proceedings, merely to witness the 
 degrading of our constituents by your choice of a Senate for 205,92'^2 peo- 
 ple, whose representatives you are not. We ask only what we think is 
 right, and are determined to submit to nothing that is wrong. To our pro- 
 positions we respectfully ask an answer at your earliest convenience. 
 
 And whatever may be your response, we cannot doubt your concurrence 
 with U9 in the perfect conviction of the competency of the people to accept 
 a surrender of the Legislative functions of the Government, and that deeply 
 
23 
 
 imbued with the spirit of patriotism and justice, and guided by the lights of 
 experience they will, through the instrumentality of a Convention, so adjust 
 and apportion them as to secure the inestimable blessings of a republican 
 government. 
 
 We are, very respectfully, 
 
 Gentlemen, your's, &c. 
 
 CHARLES MAGILL, 
 ROBERT WASON", 
 CASPAR QUYNN, 
 JOHN FISHER, 
 JOSHUA VANSANT, 
 THOMAS HOPE, 
 SAMUEL SUTTON, 
 JOHN EVANS, 
 GEORGE A. THOMAS, 
 GEORGE ELLFCOTT, 
 EPHRALM BELL, 
 ROBERT T. KEENE, 
 ENOCH GEORGE, 
 M. FOUNTAIN, 
 JOHN B. THOMAS, 
 SPRIGG HARWOOD, 
 JOHN S. SELLMAN, 
 WESLEY LINTHICUM, 
 WASHINGTON DUVALL. 
 
 To Messrs. Heard, Leigh, Vickers, Gales, Gaither, Kent, Dalrymple, 
 Williams, Handy, Spence, Franklin, Dickinson, Dudley, Hicks, LakCj 
 Pratty Duvall, Merrick^ Brawner, Bruce and Beall. 
 
 Annapolis, Septemher 19th, 1836, P. M. 
 
 Gentlemen : — We are anxious to elect a Senate, and for the promotion of 
 this object, we sent propositions to you, for your consideration, and select- 
 ed Col. Heard as the organ of communication, knowing him to be an old 
 member of the Legislature, and an Elector returned for the County of St. 
 Mary's, which is always first called from priority. Col. Heard returned this 
 paper stating that he had no authority to act; and therefore declined present- 
 ing it to his political associates. We have therefore to request of you, whe- 
 ther you will receive any communication from us — and to indicate the man- 
 ner in which you would prefer to receive communications from us. 
 
 We are, gentlemen, 
 
 Very respectfully, your's, &c. 
 
 CHARLES MAGILL, 
 ROBERT WASON, 
 CASPAR QUYNN, 
 JOHN FISHER, 
 GEORGE ELLICOTT, 
 
24 
 
 EPIIRAIM BELL, 
 
 JOSHUA VANSANT, 
 SPRIGG HARVVOOD, 
 THOMAS HOPE, 
 SAMUEL SUTI'ON, 
 ROBERT T. KEENE, 
 M. FOUNTAIN, 
 JOHN EVANS, 
 GEORGE A. THOMAS, 
 WASHINGTON DUVALL, 
 JOHN B THOMAS, 
 ENOCH GEOPGE, 
 JOHN S. SELLMAN, 
 WESLEY LINTlllCUM. 
 To Messrs. Heard, Le'iglu, Vickers, Gale^ Gailher, Kent, Dalrymple, 
 Williams, Handy, Spence, Franklin, Dickinson, Dudley, Hicks, Lake^ 
 Pratt, Duvall, Merrick, Bravner, Bruce and Beall. 
 
 Annapolis, September 21, 1836. 
 
 At one o'clock, P. M. the Democratic Republican members of the Elec- 
 toral College again assembled, when Charles IMacgill, of Washington conn- 
 ty, resumed the Chair, and George A. Thomas, of Cecil, acted as Secretary, 
 whereupon the following proceedings were had. 
 
 Contrary to our reasonable hopes and expectations, the other Electors 
 having refused even to receive or reply to the propositions which we have 
 thought proper to submit, formally and informally, in letters adtfressed to 
 all of them, and in conversations held by individual members of this meet- 
 ing, with individual members of the other branch of the Electoral College, 
 and the other Electors having, moreover, made to us, or to any of us, no pro- 
 position whatever, calculated to restore to the people of Maryland, through 
 the medium of the Legi.<lature, the right to revise and amend the constitu- 
 tion ; and this meeting being fully convinced that we have no alternative 
 left but to adjourn, or to submit to the selection of a Senate opposed to those 
 reforms, both of the constitution and of the administration of the government 
 of the Stale, which our constituents desire to see accomplished — Therefore, 
 
 Resolved, That this meeting do now adjourn. 
 
 CHARLES MAGILL, President. 
 George A. Thomas, Secretary. 
 
 In the few observations which we may make on this branch of our sub- 
 ject we will blend the conduct of the Nineteen with the character of the 
 apology contained in the foregoing Address. The principle with which 
 we will commence i.s, that the election of a Senate, whether made directly 
 by the peo[)le, as in other States, or by the intervention of Electors, as in the 
 State of Maryland, is nevertheless the action of the people, and is a Right 
 and Duty, which they alone can neglect or postpone. The Electors be- 
 ing their agents or trustees for the discharge of a specific duty in the mode 
 prescribed by the fundamentul law, can have no discretion in the matter, but 
 
25 
 
 must eUher promptly discharge their function, or be faithless to their trust. 
 The Electors are not a deliberative body to legislate for the people, either 
 by ordinary municipal enactments, or by alterations of the organic or Con- 
 stitutional compact; much less have they right or power, either, by neglect 
 of duty, to subvert the existing government, or by assumption of authority 
 to recommend the mode and character of a substitute. Now, the constitu- 
 ency of the Van Buren Electors, who are that portion of the people of Ma- 
 ryland comprising the Van Buren party, having through their representa- 
 tives in the Baltimore Convention in June last, solemnly resolved to apply 
 to the next legislature for Reform, and having attended the polls, and cast 
 their ballots for Electors of Senate, had in the most decisive and oidy con- 
 stitutional mode, expressed their desire to perpetuate the government by 
 the appointment of a Senate, one of the branches of that legislature upon 
 which they relied for a reformation of abuses in the present Constitution. 
 If then the Nineteen Van Buren Electors had been disposed faithfully to 
 represent the will of their constituents, or if they had been animated by a 
 sincere desire for Reform, they would have entered the College, qualified as 
 Electors, and in their Electoral capacity, urged the appointment of Fif- 
 teen Reform Senators ; and would not have resolved themselves into a 
 Revolutionary club at a public tavern, and rudely demanded of their quali- 
 fieil associates in the Senate Chamber, Eight Van Buren Senators. 
 Their constituents desired the election of a legislature, and through that le- 
 gislature hoped to obtain a Convention of the peo;)le to reform the Consti- 
 tution. But they desperately assumed the responsibility of nuUifyino' that 
 very branch of the government, which they were elected to create ; and 
 then tt;rn with unblushing effrontery, to ask, in the words of their Ad- 
 dress, "of all enlightened and unprejudiced Republicans to admit that their 
 conduct was prudent and patriotic .'" 
 
 In their Address the Nineteen Electors admit, that the " provision of the 
 Constitution which requires the attendance of twenty-four Electors (three- 
 fifths,) in the College to electa Senate was intended as a protection of the 
 minority," Upon reading this admission, the first consideration that oc- 
 curs, is, that it comes with a bad grace from the Nineteen, who claim 
 throughout that paper that they represent a large majority of the people. 
 
 We have abundant assurance through those who assisted in framing the 
 Constitution of Maryland, that in requiring the presence of twenty-four 
 members to electa Senate, the Convention did not fix that number because 
 it constituted three-fifths of the whole body of Electors ; but it was intend- 
 ed, in the language of the Address, to " protect the minority" on the East- 
 ern Shore — who in consequence of stress of weather were frequently una- 
 ble to cross the Bay. This was an efficient safeguard, because at the time 
 of the adoption of the Constitution, the presence of some of the Electors 
 ffom the Eastern Shore was necessary to make up the number. But waiv- 
 ing this point for the sake of argument, let us revert to the fundamental 
 and salutary principle in all republican governments, the "protection of 
 minorities." It was intended as a shield to protect — not as a spear to of- 
 fend. Deeply convinced of the natural tendency of majorities to oppress, 
 our sagacious forefathers seenled to forget the wiles and stratagems of un- 
 principled minorities. Whenever constiiutional minorities become so 
 heedless and coTruptt as to use their safeguards, as a means of checking the 
 
 4 
 
euatomary and legitimate operation of goTerijment, the capability of man- 
 for self-government ceases to be a problem. It is the doctrine of Mr. Dal- 
 las and tlie destructives in relation to the Bank in Pennsylvania ; and it is 
 the argument of the Globe, the official organ at Washington, in relation to 
 the refusal of Michigan to enter the confederacy. ShnuUl the three votes 
 of that quasi-State become requisite for the election of Mr. Van Buren, this 
 abhorrent doctrine will be sprung upon us in all iis hideous deformity. It 
 is contended, that although the Bank has been chartered by the constituted 
 authorities in the one State, and the Union rejected in the other ; yet that 
 portion of the people ot those Slates, who under the constitution of their 
 governments are in a minority in its councils, or who have been thrown 
 into a minority by a failure to exercise their elective franrhi^e, are not 
 bound by the enactments of their respective legislatures. Carry out this 
 principle in its application to the late elections in Pennsylvania, Virginia, 
 and North Carolina, and the Whigs, who slumbered on the day of election, 
 would be entitled to the Electoral vote for President in those Stales. 
 
 But in the late proceedings of the Nineteen in Maryland, they have not 
 even the credit of devising a new, though destructive scheme. It has be- 
 fore happened in this State, when party feeling ran higher than at present, 
 that there were twenty-one Senatorial electors of the one party, and nine- 
 teen of the other. The requisition of twenty-four electors in the college 
 was as well known then as now. The Electors of that period (1812) 
 were not less informed, but more virtuous and faithful. At any one ses- 
 sion of the legislature since the organization of the government, when the 
 more numerous branch could command a majority on joint ballot, the Sen- 
 ate, if opposed in political caste, might have refu-ed to enter into joint bal- 
 lot to elect the Executive, unless the majority would concede to them the 
 appointment; and thus the government would have fallen. This state of 
 case is stronger than its parallel. For in the legislature they are all duly 
 qualified upon o '.th, and the demands of the majority may touch the con- 
 science of the weaker party. But in the case of the Nineteen Electors, 
 they were an unqualified rkvolutionart tavern club, and could 
 not be recognised by their sworn associates until tliey entered the college. 
 No Judge upon the Bench, we presume, would so far forget his dignity as 
 to confer with his designated associate, until he had been duly invested 
 with the robe and ermine of justice. 
 
 Let us carry this principle into the federal government. If the election 
 of Presirent should devolve upon the House of Representatives, the Con- 
 stitution requires, that, before they proceed to elect, " a member or mem- 
 bers from two-thirds of the States" should be present. The members from 
 nine states, by absenting themselves, could defeat an election by the House. 
 Let us suppose that it was rendered certain that Mr. Van Buren would ob- 
 tain the vote of the House, and that nine of the smaller Western Slates 
 should prefer a Western to a Northern President. By absenting themselves 
 until the fourth of March, the Vice-President, ex-officio becomes the Presi- 
 dent. And thus by the abuse of the privilege of a slender minority, Rich- 
 ard M. Johnson, that living stain upon the public morals and private virtue 
 of the country, might rule the destinies of this free people. But to run a 
 stricter parallel with the course of the Nineteen Maryland Electors. Sup- 
 pose that these members from nine States, should proceed to Washington, 
 
27 
 
 »nd knowing that the oath of qualification would be binding upon their 
 consciences, should refuse to take their seats, and assembling at Gadsby'i 
 National Hotel, should address a note to the Speaker of the House, declin- 
 ing to enter until the majority would pledge themselves to elect such Presi- 
 dent as they should designate. They would merit the execrations of un- 
 born generations. Yei their crime is less than that of the Maryland Elec- 
 tors ; for the Constitution of the United States provides for the contingen- 
 cy by the advancement of the Vice President, President of the Senate, or 
 Speaker of the House to the Presidency. But the Maryland electors, in the 
 plenitude of their ignorance, as well as of their wickedness, confidently be- 
 lieved that the government was destroyed, and arrogating to themselves 
 the will of the sovereign people, indicated the mode of erecting, first a pro- 
 visional, and subsequendy a new frame of government. We have dwelt at 
 some length upon the abuse of the privileges of minorities, because it is de- 
 structive of all well-ordered government. It is a principle replete with 
 confusion, discord, and iniquity ; and fitter to prevail in the infernal coun- 
 cils than among an intelligent people. 
 
 The address of the Nineteen admits the truth of the position we have 
 assumed in our introductory remarks, that the "mode of redress under the 
 Bill of Rights is violent and revolutionary in its character, and only justi- 
 fiable when the ends of Government are perverted, and public liberty mani- 
 festly endangered, and all other means of redress ineflfectual." It is admitted 
 that such a crisis does not exist at this time. But when it asserts, that the 
 "mode of Reform recommended by the nineteen is neither unconstitutional 
 aor violent,'''' we take direct issue on the fact. If there be any provision 
 in the constitution of Maryland which permits or authorises nineteen unqual- 
 lified electors to subvert the government by a breach of trust, and then to 
 recommend or ordain a Convention to frame a new government by a tavern 
 ^roc/fl/na/J07i, we would blush for our country. One would suppose that 
 the lucid glimmerings of reason which flit through this Address, had been bor- 
 rowed (mm the generous inspiration of the botde. The orgies of the arch- 
 'cotifipirator, Cataline and Ceihegus, if they were conducted with less decen- 
 •ey and sobriety, had the same object in view, the subversion of the insti- 
 tutions of their country. The atrocity of their design was measurably 
 re<ieemfd by the valor and energy with which it was prosecuted: — while 
 the more timorous of the nineteen were driven into the college by the rod 
 of power, and the Convention of Sixes recommended in the Address fled 
 before Cointee's Dragoons, like the Rump in England before the omin- 
 ous frown of Cromwell. In reply to ihe assertion that their plan was not 
 violent, it is well known that every orderly citizen in Maryland had devoted 
 "life, limb, and terrene honour" to vindicate the majesty of the laws. 
 
 Thus the Nineteen Van Buren Electors attempt to subvert our govern- 
 ment, and frame another, and call it peaceful reform ; not unlike certain 
 military ruffians of olden times, who desolated empires, made a solitude and 
 «alled It peace. 
 
 The address maintains that it is a practice sanctioned and sanctified by 
 Senaliirs, Governors, and Legislators, and Judges to surrender public truste 
 to those from whom diey were derived whenever they cannot be beneficial- 
 ly exercised.^' But can the authors of that address point out in the his- 
 iory of this government any instances save those of Hull and Arnold, in 
 
58 
 
 which a wilful breach of trust was necessarily connected with serious injury, 
 disjjrace or ruin to the beneficiary.' 
 
 The Address complains ihat wjiile other slates have authorised conventions 
 of the people to reform the government, although no such specific power 
 was vested in them by their Constitutions, the legislature of Maryland alone 
 denies that privilege to the people. The plain reason is, that the people 
 of Maryland, when they entered into their constitutional compact, retained 
 by their Bill of Rights the right of revolution in specified cases only, and 
 engrafted on their frame of government or Constitution one only efficient 
 mode of reform, by l/ieir legislature. A people who were so wise and so 
 cautious as to deny to their representatives the power of levying a poll tax 
 or passing an expost facto law, would have been singularly inconsistent and 
 improvident, if they had autliorised them, upon any supposed emergency, 
 to have resolved the government into its elementary principles. But the 
 Nine'een adopted in their wisdom a summary course. Jn order to obviate 
 constitutional reform, supposing according to iheir own doctrine, the legis- 
 lature of Maryland to be empowered to authorii-e a Convention by a single 
 act, ihcy failed to elect a Senate ; and thereby, as they supposed, destroyed 
 the only lunctionary which could grant the object of their fondest wishes. 
 They crushed the only hope of Reform to ensure "peaceful revolution." 
 
 Wc will conclude our remaiks upon this learned. '-prudent and patriotic" 
 Address by a few strictures upon a principle of law contained in the first 
 letter of the Nineteen Recusant Electors to their qualified associates in 
 the College. They use this language; ''We perceive no cause for alarm in 
 " ihe temporary suspension of the powers of the Senate. Hereby the whole 
 •'Constitution would not be abrogated. The Governor would remain in 
 " office long enough to afford time to form a new Constitution, and perform 
 " the functions of the Executive department. The Judiciary and the offi- 
 " ccrs connected with the courts would experience no interruption of their 
 "powers, and all the officers who derive iheir appoint mfnts annually from 
 " the Executive are empowered under the fnrly-ninlh article of the Con- 
 " stitulion to hold their offices until they are superseded by the appointment 
 '•''of others.''"' We have before said that this Address was supposed to have 
 been written by a lawyer ; a reference to a decision in the Court of Appeals 
 of this Slate will conclusively prove that the writer of this " prudent and 
 patriotic address," together with the Nineteen Recusant Electors were pro- 
 foundly ignorant of the first principles of fundamental law, which they 
 rashly undertook to re-organize, instead of discharging the single dutv for 
 which they were elected, the formation of a Senate. The decision is famil- 
 iar to every lawyer of credit and repute in Maryland, and explains the same 
 "forly-ninih section of the Constitution," to which the Address refers, and 
 upon their construction of which they rely exclusively for a justification of 
 their proceedings. It will be seen by this decision that officers of annual 
 appointments do not, in the language of the address, " hold their offices 
 until they are superseded by the appointment of others;" but that in the 
 event of no new appointment at the expiration of the year, the former incum- 
 bents are fundi officio. 
 
 The case js reported in 2. Gill and Johnson, The Stale vs. Wayman, 
 page 278. Earle, Judge, delivered the opinion of the Court. " All appoinl- 
 ^' ouents to i>Snc9 under the ConsUlulioo, by the Eiecutive of the State, are 
 
^9 
 
 •♦ made by the anthority of the 40th, 48th, and 49th sections ; and it not 
 "being pretended that the Register in Chancery is comniis'sioiied during good 
 " behaviour, he is necessarily an officer of annual uppoinlment under the 
 " 49th section of t/ie Cnnstitulion. Tlie tenure of his office heiiig limited, 
 ''he cannot continue to act until after his term expire?, except in the single 
 '» instance of the appointment of a successnr, in which case he may act until 
 "such successor, toumiissioned in his stead is qualitied. If re-appointed, 
 •'he may continue to act witiioul any new-commission or qualification, but 
 "unless re-appointed, he is not legally an incuinbeiit of the office, and can- 
 "not lawfully perform any of its duties, 'i'liis is tlie plain interpretatiim of 
 " the Constitution. The constitutional grant limits the duration of the office 
 "to a certain term, and no irregularities in the proceedings of the appoinl- 
 "ing power can extend it bevond the period. The idra so much insisted 
 " on. of continuing office witiiout a re-ap[)ointment until a new a[)poiniment 
 " is made, has grown out of dfviiitions Irom the constiiuiional law, and 
 " therefore cannot receive the saiirtinn of this Court." Thus upon solemn 
 agreement, in the highest judicial tribunal in the state no farther back than 
 the year ISSO, the doctrine on which the nineteen rely for a justification of 
 their cofuluct, and for evidence, that their course did not endanger the peace 
 and happiness of the people of iMar\land, has been distinctly repudiated. 
 Did the author of the Address intend wllidly to misrepresent and deceive, 
 or was he stupidly ignorant of this clear and recent exposition of the Forty- 
 ninth article of the Constitution of Maryland.' 
 
 'Independent of the gross errors contained in the .Address it furnishes con- 
 clusive proof of certain mistakfu impressions and opinions of the Nineteen 
 which give to their faithless proceedings the character of deliberate guilt. 
 They were evidently under the impression, dial bv their refusal to concur 
 in the Election of a Senate the establislied government would be subverted. 
 Sufficient evideivce of this fact is contained in their recommendation of a 
 mode for tlie establishment of a provisional Government, until a Convention 
 of the people could be assembled to fra'ue a permnment establishment. 
 Strange delusion ! Maudlin stnpidityl Nineteen iinqiialifipd and recreant 
 Electors — Nineteen faithless functionaries, seriously undertaiie to shake the 
 pdlars of a government, which was supported by the affections of more than 
 four hundred thousand people, and which had dispensed vvith wond(!rful suc- 
 cess all the blessings of freedom to two succeeding generations of the children 
 of men. What must have been the consternation of these faithless and des- 
 perate men, when they perceived that government, which they vainly sup- 
 posed had been disarmed, arising, after two months of patient forbearance 
 with her rebellious and nnnatural children, in all the majesty of her strength, 
 to chasten and subdue.-' yet the evil is not without its moral. It has gone 
 far to teach the disorganizers and levellers of this country that Jacobimsm 
 is a purple plant, which cannot flourish in a free and peaceful soi"!. V> hat 
 have been its fruits in other climes? It has been buried in France (we hone 
 forever!) beneath the foundations of a throne, upheld by the veneration of 
 fourteen centuries, and crushed beneath the iron heel of the successor of 
 Seventy Kings. It is a spirit, which not only shakes down the edifice 
 above — but crushes the foundations beneath, hs price is an ocean of blood, 
 and its fruits the destruction of public and private morals. Like the dark 
 .wild grass of the cemetry, its luxuriance denotes the love of freedom. 
 
30 
 
 In mercy to misguided men we will forbear to discuss between the pro- 
 ceedings of the Nineteen Electors, and the designs of the federal govern- 
 ment upon the elective franchise of Maryland. Jl has been a matter of no 
 little annoyance to the chief Executive officers of the Union, that while 
 other States have yiehJed to the sedticlive influence of a corrupting and pro- 
 flijfaie a(lmini?trati(tn, he could trace from the windows ol his palace, the 
 outline of a state which tio patronage could corrupt — no power could sub- 
 due. No offering could have been more acceptable at the footstool of the 
 Executive than the integrity of the Siate of Mar\land. That integrity 
 U'ould have have been a victim, meet for the sacrihce, for it was without 
 stain, and without blemish. 
 
 The extraordinary and levelling character of the proceedings and Address 
 of the Nineteen Recusant Electors filled the minds of reflecting men with 
 consternation and dismay. Trade and Commerce were suspended, public 
 credit was shaken, the whole system of Internal Improvements in which 
 the Slate was so deeply interested, was arrested; and the whole land grew 
 pale at the astounding intelligence. The frightful tendency and conse- 
 quences of the movement, were apparent to all others. The Baltimore Re- 
 publican, with a tone of complacency, responded to by the shouts and ho- 
 sannahs of the Party, indicated as the only consequence^ the reduction of the 
 Stale to a territory, to be regulated by a federal Satrap of Executive appoint- 
 ment. 
 
 A deep felt and wide spread alarm seemed for a while to suspend the 
 action of the people. But, after a brief interval, the friends of peace, go- 
 vernment, and good order, lallied around the Constitution, and solemnly 
 pledged to each other, life, limb, and honor to maintain the supremacy of 
 the laws, and to vindicate the dignity of the State. The voice of our com- 
 mercial emporium was responded to in the fertile valleys and by the hardy 
 mountaineers of the West. The task of the writer is nearly complete. 
 The proceedmgs which follow contain in themselves the whole history of 
 the progrrss and downfall of the projected Revolution. The first in order 
 of lime is the subjoined Address of the Twenty-one faithful electors to the 
 people of Maryland. 
 
 TO THE PEOPLE OF MARYLAND. 
 
 The present momentous crisis evidently demands of the undersigned, 
 twenty-one of the Electors chosen by you on the first Monday of the cur- 
 rent month, to elect under the provisions of the Consliiution, a Senate for 
 thesiftte of Maryland, that they should submit to your calm consideration 
 the causeB which have thus far prevented them from discharging their solemn 
 trust, and the principles and views by which they have been governed in 
 their endeavors to accomplish ii. 
 
 Sincerely desirous of performing with scrupulous fidelity the duty de- 
 Tolved upon them, the undersigned in conformity with the practice of every 
 prior College of Electors since the J4ih day of August, I 776, determined to 
 lake, for their sole and exclusive guide the Cimstiiufon under which alone the 
 .office was created, its duties prescribed and themselves elected. Recurring 
 to that instiument they have found tlie 15th section to be in these words — 
 "That ihs said Electors of Senate elj^ll.nifiet at th« City of Annspolif or 
 
31 
 
 ** tuch other place as shall beappointed for convening the Legislature, on the 
 " 5d Monday of September 1 781, and on the same day in every fifth year fore- 
 " ver thereafter, and they, or any twenty -four of them, so met, shall proceed to 
 "elect, and by ballot either out of their own body or the people at large, 
 " fifteen Senators, (nine of whom to be residents of the Western, and six to 
 "be residents of the Eastern Shore) men of the most wisdom, experience 
 " and virtue, above twenty-five years of age, resident of the Slate above three 
 " whole years next preceding the election." 
 
 They also found that by an amendment of the Constitution proposed by 
 the act of 1822, chapter 204, and confirmed by the act of 1823, chapter 116, 
 each elector of the Senate, before he could act as such, was bound to take 
 the following oath of office : — " 1 do swear (or affirm as the case may be) 
 " that I will be faithful and bear true allegiance to the State of Maryland, and 
 *'/Aa< / will support, the Constitution and Laws thereof, and that 1 will to the 
 ^' best of my skill and judgment, diligently and faithfully, without partiality or 
 "prejudice, execute the office of elector according to the Constitution and 
 " laws of this stateP And by the 18th section of the original instrument 
 which is so far unrepealed, that such oath was to be taken by the Electors 
 immediately on their meeting. These provisions? were too plain to be mis- 
 understood. They are obvious as every organic law especially should be, 
 to the dullest capacity ; with our duty so clearly and specifically defined, we 
 assembled in compliance with the universal usage in the Senate Chamber 
 at Annapolis, on Monday last, the third Monday in September, at 12 o'clock, 
 and immediately qualified by taking the oaths of office — as however, oply 
 twenty-one (the undersigned) did so assemble and qualify, and the Consti- 
 tution by its letter seemed to require that twenty-four should be present at 
 the election of a Senate, we waited patiently for the other nineteen members 
 elect to join us. We knew that they were in the city and confidently anti- 
 cipated that they would take the oath of office in the course of the day 
 and organize the College. A report, however, soon reached us, that they 
 had resolved not to unite with us, in the performance of a common manifest 
 duty, except upon conditions, to be previously prescribed by them. 
 
 At first we did not credit the rumor. We did not believe it possible that 
 any mere agents of the people of Maryland, selected for a specific purpose, 
 the performance of a single and well defined duty, would gravely determine 
 to make it depend upon any thing else than a fair construction of th« 
 constitution and the laws. We could not suppose that we, who were known 
 to be under the most solemn obligation to execute a trust faithfully and con- 
 scientiously could be approached with a proposition of bargain touching 
 the performance of our duty. We never for a moment entertained the 
 idea of trafficking upon such a subject; and a proper self-respect, together 
 with the palpable obligations of duty, precluded all of us from hastening 
 to such a proposition coming from any quarter, however respectful in its 
 language ; and still less could we receive it from any other than a member 
 of the college, duly qualified as such. Our duties were most clearly pointed 
 out by the Constiution, and we were not only bound as good citizens to 
 support it, but our very oath of office made it our particular and sacred 
 duty to uphold it in all its integrity. The votes we were to cast for Sena- 
 tors were not to be given as our votes, but as those of the people of Mary- 
 land. They had by their constitution laid down the rules, and the only 
 
32 
 
 fulea, which were to govern us ; and we should have been false to ihem, 
 and false to our oaihs, if we had permitted any other to be prescribed to us. 
 
 We soon ascertained lliat there was tr o much truth in the rumor to which 
 we have referred, and that a mis<riii(led p;irliziiii feehii^ was Uireatening 
 ihe Slate with aiiarcliy and iis terri''le reaulis. Hoping for a reiuriiiiiff 
 sense of dniv, we continued iu session nearly the whole of each dav, until 
 Wednesday last, the tliird day of our session, when, without taking the 
 oaths of office, the whole of the nineteen electors left the city of Ainiapolis, 
 and the State without a Senate. Whether tliey are to return or not depends 
 upon you. It becomes you to act promptly and decidedly. Be not deceived 
 by the cry of Reform. .Many «if the undersiirued and those by whom they 
 were immediately elected, are in favor of Reform to a certain extent and by 
 constitutional means. Revolution is not Reform. The history of the 
 world reads us awful lessons of the former. Nothing can justify it, except 
 in the language of your bill of rights, " the ends of government are perverted 
 and the public liberty endangered and all other means of redress are inelH- 
 cient." Can these things be predicated of ]\Iaryland, of a constitution 
 adopted by men as ptire, free and patriotic as ever lived.' Tune may have 
 rendered some of its provisions unsuitable to tiie present condition of the 
 Stale. Some changes are proper and necessary, but who can say that liberty 
 is manifestly endangered, and that all other means of redress are inefTectual, 
 but revolution. 
 
 It is for you, freemen of Maryland, to decide upon the destiny of your Slate, 
 whether she is to continue the pride and boast of her sons, or be involved 
 rn all the horrors of Revolution. Do not deceive yourselves-, the moment 
 an efTort is mada unauthorised by the Constitution, to organize a different 
 g^overnment — the moment it is understood that we are resolved into the 
 original elements of society — the moment it is attempted to force upon the 
 people a new Constitution, in anv other mode than that provided by the 
 existing in'«trument, iMar\land ceases to exist. Once gone she will be no 
 more, forever. 
 
 We now propose briefly to examine the grrounds upon which your nine- 
 teen aijpnlsseek to justify their conduct. They are found in an address for 
 the first time publisiied in the city of Baltimore, after tliey had abandoned 
 their trust at Annapolis. You are there told that it is not the purpose of 
 these gentlemen, to rrreet us in the college, and that the power that was de- 
 legated to them is surrendered into your liands, and that no Senate, because 
 of their absenting themselves can be constitutionally chosen, or will here- 
 after exist in Maryland under the present constitution. 
 
 Waving for the present, all questions as to the right of such agents to 
 surrender their office, what are the reasons given for their conduct ? we 
 have a right to examine them, because they are designed to cast upon us 
 the responsibility of the present alarming crisis of affairs. We are told 
 that they would have been willing to have gone into the election, to have 
 made a senate whose powers would have been necessarily limited by the 
 constitution as it i.s, if before doing so the undersigned should have given 
 them a pledire to vote for eight persons as senators to be named by them, 
 and this pledge they assert thev had a riglu to exact, because they received 
 a majority of all the votes taken at the late Electoral election, and desired 
 tome radical changes in the constitution and form of Government. Passings 
 
33 
 
 by, for the present, the question whether Electors of the Senate could, con- 
 sistently with their oaths, and the nature of the trust confided to them, 
 given any such pledge, let us see the results to which the principle ol the 
 nineteen would lead. 
 
 In the first place it involves a subversion of the very constitution we had 
 sworn to support by the virtual substitution of numerical foi constitutional 
 majorities. It requires of tlie majority of the college to surrender their 
 judgments and their oaths to the will of a minority. It destroys the only 
 ground upon which a representative republic can be maintained, and con- 
 sequently aims a fatal blow at our forms of government, state and ge- 
 neral. This might be shown by a variety of illuslralions. One will 
 be sufiicient. A candidate for the Presidency (Mr. Van Buren for instance) 
 might be elected by a large majority of the electoral votes, a constitutional 
 majority, and his right to office would be clear beyond all doubt. By recur- 
 ring, however, to the votes given in the different states, at the same election 
 it might be that an overwhelming numerical majority was against him. For 
 example — Suppose the following states to vote for Mr. Van Buren, in the 
 order, and by the majorities given, to wit : 
 
 New York, 40 Electors by 500 majority. 
 
 Pennsylvania, 30 500 
 
 Virginia, 23 500 
 
 Kentucky, 15 500 
 
 Ohio, 21 500 
 
 Tennessee, 15 . 500 
 
 Massachusetts, 14 500 
 
 153 3500 
 
 Here would be 158 electors, a considerable majority of the whole num- 
 ber, elected by only 3500 votes. Now suppose all the other States, New 
 Hampshire, Rhode Island, Connecticut. New Jersey, Delaware, North Car- 
 olina, Georgia, Vermont, Louisiana, Indiana, Alabama, Mississippi, Illinois, 
 Maine and Missouri, were to elect their 130 electors, all opposed to Mr. 
 Van Buren, by majorities in each of 5000 voles, or in all 85,000 votes. Now 
 what would be thought of the 130 minority electors, if they were to 
 require of the President elected by a constitutional majority, to resign in 
 favor of the candidate of their choice, because they had been elected by a 
 large numerical majority of all the votes given in the Union, and that to such 
 majority he was decidedly obnoxious. 
 
 What would the nineteen, who, as they proclaim to you, now refuse to 
 unite with us upon such a ground alone, say to such a proposition, and 
 above all, what would be said by every good citizen, every lover of his coun- 
 try, if failing in the election of their own candidate, the States electing the 
 minority electors should refuse to perpetuate the Constitution of the United 
 States by refusing to send Senators or Delegates to Congress ? Can any man 
 doubt that such a course of conduct would receive, as it would deserve, 
 the indignant reprobation of every freeman in the land ? It is unnecessary 
 to give any other example of the dangerous tendency of such a doctrine. 
 Give it full force and the government of the Union and every State compos- 
 ing it, is destroyed. It is at war with the theory and practice of all repre- 
 5 
 
34 
 
 •cntative republican governments. They cannot exist an instant under ity 
 influence, and we solemnly warn you against giving it a momentary sanC' 
 tion. 
 
 But, it) this particular case what becomes of tlie principle of the nine-' 
 teen, as applied to themselves. Which of the undersigned was elected by 
 so small a popular vote as the elector from Annapolis, and yet he is one of 
 those claiming the right to dictate to a majority of the college, because he 
 and his associates, as they say, represent the large part of the white jjopu/a- 
 tion of the State. Now which of the counties has not more than double 
 the population of that city. They maintain that the undersigned do not 
 represent the people of their respective counties, and should not therefore 
 select senators from such counties, except at their nomination, if this doc- 
 trine be sound, what reason can be assigned why an elector has the right 
 to vote upon his own judgment and conscience for any other senator of the 
 whole fifteen than the one who may be selected from his own particular 
 county? Why is it that we are not as much the representatives of the peo- 
 ple of Baltimore, as are the electors from Caroline county, or as much entiUed 
 to choose a Senator for Frederick county as are the electors from Queeiv 
 Anne's. We find these four gentlemen, a part of the nineteen, repre- 
 senting the smaller counties and elected by fewer popular voles than many 
 of the undersigned, and yet they are of the number who claim to dictate 
 terms to us, upon the gratuitous assumption that they represent the larger 
 portion of the popnlation of the State. It is impossible not to perceive 
 the gross injustice of such pretensions. What public reason can exist, why 
 greater power should be allowed to them than to the majority of the Col- 
 lege } Or what propriety is there in considering them the especial repre- 
 sentatives of the more populous part of the Slate. Is it because there is 
 more magic influence in being an advocate for the election of Mr. Van 
 Buren to the Presidency of the United States .'' Will a mere party name 
 invest electors chosen under their own state constitution, with powers 
 utterly subversive of the very constitution which, if they qualify, they 
 iwear to support } Have his partizans tiie uncontrolled right to violate 
 clearly defined constitutional duties, to destroy long established forms 
 of government, if it is believed his election will be thereby promoted ? 
 The honest friends of that candidate, and doubtless he has many such, may 
 hereafter deeply deplore the excess which, in times of high political excite- 
 ment, some partizans seek to involve them. The question now in Mary- 
 land is infinitely above all mere questions of Presidential preference. It is 
 a question of constitutional freedom. If the State government is to fall by 
 the means now taken to overthrow it, the calamity will be fell long after the 
 names of Harrison, White and Van Buren shall have been forgotten. We 
 never can acquiesce in the demands of the nineteen unqualified elec- 
 tors. Our rights and powers are known to and derived from the constitution 
 alone. The whole body of electors represent the people of the whole 
 State, elected from separate districts, on a particular day, and in a pre- 
 scribed form. 
 
 They are not elected to subserve the views of any political division of 
 the people of any county or city from which they may respectively come, 
 but bound by the most solemn obligations, to their country and their God, 
 to be faithful, and bear true allegiance to the State of Maryland, by support- 
 ing h«r Constitution — as it is, they are not invested, nor was it designed, that 
 
35 
 
 they should be invested with any power to render negative a single one of 
 its provisions. 
 
 If they have a right to disregard any one article, they may with equal 
 propriet}', refuse to acknowledge the whole. If any nineteen of them re- 
 fuse to elect a Senate because tlie majority will not violate their own plain 
 and palpable duties, by permitting them to select a majority of the Senate, 
 they may, with like reason, hereafter, upon a similar plea of numerical ma- 
 jority, deny to the Eastern Shore her constitutional right to six members 
 of the body. In a word, there is not a single wholesome provision by which 
 the territorial rights of the two great sections of the State are secured by the 
 present constitution, which may not, and in all probability will not, be sub- 
 verted by this heresy of the absolute and controlling power of a numerical 
 majority, and the mere agents of such a majority may disregard the plain 
 written words of the present constitution, to accomplish their immediate 
 purpose, ruin, inevitable ruin, must be the consequence. 
 
 But if the nineteen had no other object in view, and as yet they have 
 avowed none other, than the election of a Senate favorable to a reform of the 
 Constitution, why did they not come into the College, take the oaths of 
 office and vote for such a Senate ? Who can say that a Senate of that de- 
 scription would not have been elected? It was perfectly well known that 
 there were amongst the undersigned many favorable to reform, and if noth- 
 ing more was desired by the nineteen than the selection of a reform Senate, 
 their plain course was to have met the college and united their votes with, 
 those of the undersigned, who are constitutional reformers. Many of us 
 desire to see material changes in the constitution, and are not now for the 
 first time expressing that opinion, as will appear by our recorded votes as 
 members of your House of Delegates. Indeed there is not one of us who 
 is not willing that such amendments of the constitution should be made 
 as are just and necessary ; but we desire to see them accomplished in a 
 peaceful and constitutional mode,, without gross usurpation of power on 
 one part, or a violent disruption of the bonds, which for upwards of sixty 
 years, have so happily united the people of Maryland in peace and security. 
 All that we can do to ensure your safety we are solicitous and determined 
 ■to perform. I-t is our business to elect fifteen men of the most wisdom 
 and experience and virtue in the State, to constitute one branch of your Le- 
 gislature. It is not our province to blot one letter from the constitution. — 
 ^ur .power is in no sense a Legislative one. It is the Senate together with 
 ,the co-ordinate branch of the Legislature, the House of Delegates, acting 
 .under a proper sense of duty, guided by an enlightened public opinion, 
 who can, alone, constitutionally legislate for your wishes or your wants. 
 All that we are selected to accomplish is the choice of as capable and as 
 virtuous a Senate as we can make — that done our function? are at an end, 
 and in our opinion not until then. We assert no right to resign the trust 
 you have imposed upon us — it is a duty we have assumed for the public 
 good under the sanction of the constitution, which no elector can in our 
 opinion, cast off at pleasure, more especially when he has sought the office 
 *t the hands of the people. Should we decline its exercise, we have no 
 doubt that the laws might be appealed to against us. It is impossible that 
 the mere agents of the people — trustees appointed to do an act necessary 
 to the continuance of their government, can with impunity decline the trust 
 and thereby possibly involve the state in all the horrors of anarchy. 
 
36 
 
 PEOPLE OF MARYLAND, the crisis is an awful one— the times 
 are big with the fate of freedom — if the revolutionary spirit now sialk- 
 ing abroad amongst us, is not promptly subdued by the majesty of your 
 power, upon you will rest the fearful responsibility of being the first in 
 the country of Washington to give to Liberty a mortal wound. We shall to 
 the last endeavor faithfully to perform our duty to you and to ourselves — we 
 have remained patiently at the seat of government, keeping the college 
 open from day to day to the present time, and here we are resolved to con- 
 tinue until all hope is lost of the return of the absent electors. We are 
 determined that if confusion and anarchy and ruin are to come upon us, if all 
 the bright hopes of the people of Maryland are to be forever blasted, and 
 our once fair and happy land is to become a scene of desolation and terror, 
 we will have the consolation of reflecting, in the midst of our afflictions, 
 that we have faithfully performed our duty. 
 
 GEORGE S. LEIGH, 
 BENEDICT I. HEARD, 
 GEORGE VICKERS, 
 JAMES P. GALE, 
 JAMES KENT, 
 JAMES A. D. DALRTMPLE, 
 • HENRY BRAWNER, 
 
 WM. D. MERRICK, 
 SOLOMON DIKINSON, 
 GEORGE W. DUDLEY, 
 WILLIAM WILLIAMS, Jr., 
 SAMUEL J. K. HANDY, 
 WILLIAM W. LAKE, 
 THOMAS H. HICKS, 
 GEORGE W. DUVALL, 
 THOMAS G. PRATT, 
 THOMAS A SPENCE, 
 HENRY FRANKLIN, 
 EPHRAIM GAITHER, 
 RICHARD BEALL, 
 ANDREW BRUCE. 
 ! Anwapolis, Sept. 24, 1836. 
 
 This Address speaks for itself, and requires no comment. Next in order 
 follow the proceedings in Baltimore. 
 
 GREAT PUBLIC MEETING. 
 
 The following call for a public meeting at Monument Square, or Monday 
 Afternoon, at half past three o'clock, was circulated on the previous Fri- 
 day and Saturday for signatures ; and such was the conviction generally 
 entertained, that a crisis had arrived in the affairs of Maryland which de- 
 manded the immediate attention of the people, and the explicit expression 
 of public sentiment, that the paper was signed with the greatest avidity 
 by nearly all to whom it was presented. 
 
 Fellow-Citizens : — Our Slate Government has reached a fearful crisis. 
 It 18 openly threatened with dissolution. Nineteen agents of the people 
 elected and at their own instaoM for the sj)ecial purpose of selecting one of 
 
37 
 
 Ihe branches of your legislature, refuse to discharge their trust. If they 
 persist in their determination, the Legislative department of your govern- 
 ment, as they maintain, must end, and if their views be correct, with it must 
 soon fall the Executive and Judicial. The consequences are appalling. If 
 total anarchy shall not reign over us, our national character will be destroy- 
 ed — oiir credit prostrated — nur national improvements arrested^ — the grov>- 
 ing and cheering prospects of our city blasted, and all confidence in our in- 
 stitulions lost. — There is yet time to arrest the evil, — you are believed to 
 approve of this measure. We are sure it is a libel on your intelligence and 
 patriotism, but it is important that you promptly and decidedly disabuse the 
 public mind. We therefore earnestly solicit every friend of social order, of 
 the City'^s welfare., and the State'^s existence., to suspend all other business, 
 and assemble in Town Meeting in Monument Square, TfllS AFTERNOON, 
 at half past three o'clock, to consider the crisis, and adopt proper measures 
 to meet it. 
 
 [^Signed by about 1,500 of the most respectable citizens of Baltimore.] 
 
 In compliance with the above notice, one of the largest and most respec- 
 table meetings ever convened in the City of Baltimore, was held at Monu- 
 ment Square; on motion of Columbus O'Donnell, Esq. the meeting was 
 organized by the appointment of Gen. WM. M'DONALD, as President. 
 
 And on motion of Daniel Cobb, E?q. the following genUemen were ap- 
 pointed Vice-Presidents : John M'Kim, Jr. Solomon Etting, John Du- 
 SHANE, Luke Tiernan, Rob't D. Millholland, Vy^i. H. Conkling, Ja- 
 cob Wolfe, Solomon Betts, Samuel Hoffman, John Gibson, Joshua 
 Wall, and Jos. W. Patterson, Esqs. 
 
 On motion of S. Owings Hoffman, Esq., the following gentlemen 
 were appointed Secretaries ; Thos. W. Hall, Wm. Crawford, Jr., Osmond 
 C. Tiffany, and Wm. G. Harrison, Esqs. 
 
 The object of the meeting having been stated by the President, JOHN 
 V. L. McMAHON, Esq. offered the following ADDRESS' and Resolutions, 
 which he sustained in a strain of unsurpassed eloquence and force. 
 
 He was followed by DAVID STEWART, Esq. who moved their adop- 
 tion in a speech fraught with noble and republican sentiments. 
 
 They were thereupon unanimously adopted. 
 
 We, the citizens of Baltimore, opposed to Revolution and Anarchy, and 
 the supporters of Law, Order and Constitutional Reform, have in Town- 
 Meeting assembled, to consider the recent attempts of some of our public 
 Agents to break up all the foundations of our Government, to cut society 
 loose from all its moorings, and to put us, our wives, our children, our in- 
 stitutions and all we hold dear afloat, upon the troubled sea of Revolution. 
 We are here assembled to lift up our voices in denunciation of these attempts, 
 and to call upon our fellow-citizens here, and throughout the State, to come 
 up with us to the rescue, to rally around the Banner of Peace and Order, 
 and by the instant and energetic adoption of the constitutional and peaceful 
 measures which yet remain to us to snatch our hitherto happy and favored 
 State from the horrors of Anarchv. 
 
38 
 
 The crisis to which we have arrived, forces upon us the most painful and 
 revolting contrasts. Placed by the hand of a bountiful Providence in a cen- 
 tral and rommanding' position on the Atlantic Border of our country — the 
 untiring energy and enterprise of the inliabitants of our beloved City in past 
 times, have conthicted it in the lapse of little more than half a century, from 
 the humble station of a fishing village, to the third City of the Union. They 
 accomplished this under many difficulties and in the face of much opposi- 
 tion — With rival cities on either side, who had started far ahead of her in 
 the cftntest, for the prize of the great and hourly growing commerce of the 
 great West, Baltimore had not lagged behind in the race, but with gigentie 
 strides continued to approach her competitors. Each day of the contest on- 
 ly made more manifest her advantages in position over all her rivals, and 
 gave her the promise of assured victory, if the State of Maryland, whose 
 proud emporium she was, would but follow and .sustain her in the race. 
 For years sectional jealousies, fomented by many of those v.'ho now stand 
 prominent in urging her to the measures of Revolution, continued to retard 
 her progress. Local interests, which were natural allies in the cause of 
 Stale Improvement, were artfully arrayed against each other by adversaries, 
 who rejoiced in thus effecting the overthrow of all. The seeds of mutual 
 distrust between City and County, were thus sown : Baltimore was repre- 
 sented as the self-aggrandizing Capital, who sought to centre all the power^ 
 influence and wealth of the Slate in herself, and the counties were, in turn, 
 denounced as so many petty communities clothed with undue political pow- 
 er, and wielding it all to the injury of Baltimore. I\Iany of us well remem- 
 ber the results of ihose causeless distrusts and jealousies, and the recollec- 
 tion of them forces us all to hope they may never return. A few years since 
 Slate Pride aroused from her long sleep, and touched by her impulses, from 
 that period to this, our local jealousies have been disappearing ; the dema- 
 gogues who sought to inflame the people of our State by exciting in ihe dif- 
 ferent sections of it, mutual distrusts of each other's power and influence ia 
 the government, were passed by disregarded; and we seemed at length to 
 have become in feeling brethren of one great Political Family, in every sec- 
 tion, intent only upon the welfare and advancement of our common State, 
 and proud of the growing wealth and prosperity of this, its Commercial Me- 
 tropolij. All have seen the workings of this change. Baltimore under the 
 shelter and fostering aid of the State, undertook with Herculean energy, the 
 prosecution of her great works of Internal Improvement ; and at the last ses- 
 sion of our General Assembly, when our city seemed to be tiring under the 
 effort to continue them, the Legislature at one bound provided all the means 
 necessary for their completion, and for the elevation of our city to the pin- 
 nacle of commercial prosperity. All our hopes for her welfare, seemed at 
 lengtli gratified in prospect. In anticipation, we already beheld her the 
 Queen oi ilie Commercial Cities of the East, the Zenobia of American Com- 
 merce. Fired by the prospect, the energy of our citizens sprang up to fresh 
 exertions, inactive wealth poured itself out from the coffers where it had 
 long lain, into the lap of industry, and they eye of enterprise every where 
 throughout our land was turned to our city. High in credit, rich in our 
 internal and expected resources as a People, our ciiy during the past sum- 
 mer has every where presented the evidencea of a rapidly growing and pros- 
 perous population. 
 
39 
 
 At this very moment, when we are just about to reap the fruiis of Slate 
 aid to our great enterprises, and when with all the evidences of present and 
 prospective prosperity around us, flowing from the beneficence of our State 
 Government, one would suppose we were filled with grateful recollections, 
 the cry o( Revolution is raised amongst us, the hand of the disorganizer is 
 uplifted to strike down our Slate Government and all its institutions: and 
 we are called upon at the bidding of men, unknown to us in all our efforts 
 for the advancement of our city, or known only as hostile to it, to dash the 
 cup of prosperity from our lips ; to suspend all our works of internal im- 
 provement ; to break our Government into fragments, and go back to a state 
 of nature to recompose it, and to rekindle in the struggle over its formation^ 
 and in the contests for relative political power under it, all the petty, local 
 and sectional jealousies which so long retarded our prosperity. Nor is that 
 all — without a single developed plan, adopted or likely to be adopted for our 
 future government, and agreeing amongst themselves in nothing but the in- 
 tention to destroy the present, these disorganizers, whose schemes of gov- 
 ernment are so various that even the lifetime of a Sieyes could not manufac- 
 ture constitutions enough to meet them, would have us to take no thought 
 for the future; and having brought us to the brink of Revolution would 
 plunge us off" and tell us to trust to the accidents of the future for our es- 
 cape from the Gulph of Anarchy. 
 
 Before we consider this extraordinary proposition, we would ask : 
 *' Who are they who have forced it upon our attention?^^ This bold 
 proposition to overthrow the whole government at one blow, and to 
 leave us in a state of nature and to the chances of the future for the es- 
 tablishment of a new one, is submitted to us by nineteen individuals 
 who were chosen Electors of the Senate of Maryland on the first Mon- 
 day of September last, and who in that official capacity affect to have 
 the right to propose it. They were elected to that office under the 
 provisions of the 14th Article of our Constitution; and their powers 
 are defined by the 15th, l6th and 17lh Articles. The loth Article as 
 it now stands declares : " That the said Electors of the Senate shall 
 " meet at the city of Annapolis on the third Monday of September, 
 " 1781, and on the same day in every fifth year forever thereafter, and 
 " they or any twenty-four of them so met shall proceed to elect by 
 *' ballot, either out of their own body or the people at large, 15 Sena- 
 *' tors, (9 of whom to be residents of the Western and 6 to be resi- 
 " dents on the Eastern Shore) — men of the most wisdom and experi- 
 '' ence, above twenty-five years of age, and residents of the State above 
 *' three whole years next preceding the election." The 15th Article 
 having thus declared in the strongest terms the obligation of these Elec- 
 tors to perform this duty, the 16th and 17th Articles direct the manner 
 in which they shall qualify and conduct their elections. This is the 
 office which these individuals sought under this Constitution ; the office 
 of the people's agent under it, selected for the single purpose of electing 
 a Senate to continue the government under it. They stand therefore 
 in the attitude of individuals, who sought at the hands of the people an 
 office having but a single duty to be performed under it— the election of 
 
40 
 
 a Senate; and they therefore stood pledged to their constituents, to the 
 people of the State, and to the Constitution of their Country to make 
 that election, by the very act of asking the people to devolve upon them 
 the known duty of electing a Senate. They stand in the attitude ol in- 
 dividuals, who knew when they offered themselves to the people that 
 they were asking them to put upon themselves the solemn duty of elect- 
 ing that Senate. They stand in the attitude of individuals who by ask- 
 ing the office of an agent under the Constitution, stood pledged to their 
 country to act under that Constitution and not against it. Men may 
 sometimes assume offices which cast upon them duties they had not 
 anticipated, and sometimes unexpected duties which put their own 
 judgments in conflict with that of their constituents — we stop not to 
 speak of the propriety of surrendering their official power in such ca- 
 ses : as there is no parallel between such and the case of these Elec- 
 tors. Every Elector before he was elected, knew the exact amount 
 of influence he would have in electing a Senate : he knew that he could 
 have but one vote out of forty ; that if he was elected the constitution 
 required that he should elect a Senate, and that twenty-one Electors 
 elected from any section of the State, great or small, had under the 
 constitution the majority of power in the Electoral College. If the 
 power which the constitution gave him when elected was too little, he 
 knew it, and by accepting it with this knowledge, he agreed to take 
 it and exercise it as the Constitution gave it to him, and in no other 
 way. And even if it were for a moment admitted, that when the pow- 
 er is accepted with a knowledge of its extent, the agent could turn 
 back from the exercise of it upon the pretence that it was not large 
 enough, this is a question the consideration of which belongs solely to 
 his constituents, and with which he has not the least right to meddle. 
 His constituents elected every Elector to give his vote under the con- 
 stitution as their vote and not as his own: and until they had express- 
 ed their discontent with the power they had given him, and enjoined 
 him noi to exercise it, it was his bounden duty to act it out as he found 
 it. We do not admit that a constitutional duty thus assumed could 
 even then be proj)erly disobeyed. The people who gave the power 
 under the Constitution, and the agent who so took, are alike bound by 
 that constitution to the rest of the State, to exercise it as that consti- 
 tution gives it. 
 
 This being in our view the character of the office accepted by these 
 nineteen Electors, they repaired to Annapolis at the time appointed 
 for the election of a Senate, and instead of proceeding to discharge 
 their duty of making the election, they refuse to qualify, and thus de- 
 clining the duties of that office, they yet claim by virtue of it that the 
 other 21 Electors shall surrender to them the exclusive right of elect- 
 ing a majority of the Senate, and if this be not yielded refuse to act as 
 Electors, upon the sole ground that the very power to which they 
 were elected is not as great as it ought to have been. Of these nine- 
 teen thus acting, a large majority acted wholly without even the color 
 
41 
 
 of instructions from their constituents; and we say without the fear 
 of contradiction, that several of these Electors acted not only without 
 such, but on the contrary, in direct defiance of the will of their consti- 
 tuents as nnanifested on every occasion in all past times since the for- 
 mation of the Constitution. Passing by all the rest, the recorded votes 
 of Annapolis, Caroline, Queen Anne's and Montgomery have evtr 
 been found rallied in support of the present constitution : and the 
 rights which these have under it are the very rights which were 
 most assailed by this proceeding. Yet these counties furnish six of 
 " the illustrious nineteen :" and if these six, or any three of them^ had 
 discharged their duty, the Senate would have been now elected. To 
 such a proposition coming from such a quarter, there could be but one 
 reply from the Electors who had qualitied. The men who made it 
 had refused to assume their duties, and had therefore no more right 
 to make it than any other individuals in the community. It was a pro- 
 position which on the part of several of the nineteen, struck at the 
 dearest rights of their constituents and violated their will, as manifest- 
 ed by all their public acts and votes in all past times. It icas a pro- 
 position which required the 2\ Electors lo commit wilful and deliberate 
 perjury, and {in violation of the solemti obligations of their oaths, to ex- 
 ercise their own best judgments in the selection of a senate) to elect for a 
 majority of that body such Senators as the nineteen might be pleased to 
 select for them. Such a proposition was of course not even received; and 
 upon its declension " the nineteen'''' turn their backs upon their Constitu- 
 tional duty, refuse to elect, and gravely maintain " that the constitution 
 expressly secured to any seventeen of them the right lo defeat the elec- 
 tion of a Senate," or in other words, that the constitution in expressly 
 saying, that they shall go in and elect a Senate, gives the right to keep 
 out and refuse to elect. Having thus, as far as in them lay, plunged 
 us into revolution : and conceiving that they had thus pulled down in 
 ruins at one fell swoop our whole Government, they call upon us to 
 come forward and folloio them in the work of rebuilding another. 
 These are they who without a thought for the future, having, as they 
 conceive, at one blow cast down to its very foundations the Government 
 of a people, who one short month since, never even dreamed of the 
 possibility of this mad experiment, now claim to be our pioneers, 
 and undertake to dictate to us in what mode we shall escape from the 
 consequences of their rashness and misconduct, by obeying their instruc- 
 tions in the endeavor to keep peace and order amongst us, and to get up 
 some scheme to protect our lives, liberties and property, and to avert 
 a state of anarchy until the people can agree upon a new government. 
 Fellow-Citizens! to you we appeal to answer the question, " Where 
 did these Destructives find their warrant for this mischievous experi- 
 ment upon our Government ? who gave them the power to pull down 
 and build up Governments at their pleasure, as if they were the toys 
 of an hour.-* Who authorized them to plunge us without a moment's 
 warning, into a condition where, by their own admission, our liveSj 
 6 
 
42 
 
 our liberties, our property, the security of our homes, the sanctity of 
 our firesides, the honor of our wives and of our children are at the 
 mercy of the lawless and the depredator, unless you, the People, will 
 step in and rescue us from this condition by some temporary provis- 
 ions for the protection of all these — They advise you to assemble in 
 November next to select a Provisional Government " clothed with 
 ' full powers to extend the authority of all civil and military officers 
 " now in commission, until a convention, hereafter to be chosen, can 
 " be convened to amend the old or form an entire new form of Gov- 
 " ernment for the People of Maryland." — We quote their language : 
 and in it you find their own impression of the consequences of their 
 own acts if persisted in, in the necessary inference that if this be not 
 done, your Courts are prostrate, your Laws have ceased to operate, 
 your Governor and all subordinate officers are no longer in authority, 
 and your persons and property left to self-protection without the aid 
 of Laws, Courts or Officers — Where, fellow-citizens, we repeat the 
 question, did these men find the warrant for the attempt to hurry the 
 People of this State without even a warning into such a condition ? 
 They pretend to have found it in your recent elections — will they tell 
 us where ? will they point to that county where they even dared ty 
 hoist the banner of Revolution, or whispered that they sought office 
 o proclaim us in a state oi Anarchy — We appeal to you, fellow citi- 
 zens throughout the State, to answer the question, " Did any of them 
 ask you to elect them for such purposes?" — We are aware that in se- 
 veral of the counties of this State, as well as in this City, there has 
 been a great and growing desire to reform some obnoxious features 
 of our Constitution, and that in these places at the recent elections 
 this subject was much agitated — yet will any of the Destructives pre- 
 tend that even the subject of Conslilutional Reform was touched in 
 one half of the counties of this state? — Did the People of Somerset, 
 or of Worcester, or of Dorchester, or of Caroline, or of Talbot, or 
 of Kent, or of Queen Anne's, or of Charles, or of St. Mary's, or of 
 Calvert, or of Prince George's, or of Annapolis, or of Anne Arundel, 
 hear any thing in those counties of the necessity even oi Constitution- 
 al Reform from the candidates for their suffrages at the late election, 
 and more especially from the candidates there agreeing with the illus- 
 trious nineteen in theii Presidential preferences? Did the People of 
 Montgomery or of Alleghany hear any thing of the intention of their 
 Electors to diminish their representation, and at their expense to in- 
 crease that of the larger counties ? In the remaining counties of Fre- 
 derick, Washington, Baltimore and Harford, was the design tochange 
 the whole form of government even there fully disclosed .-* — It is fresh 
 in all our memories, that one of these very nineteen, Mr. Fisher, of 
 Frederick, upon being questioned through the press immediately after 
 he became a candidate as to his friendliness for Constitutional Re- 
 form, in a card published in the papers of that county, stated to the 
 People, that " having been brought out against his wishes he would 
 
43 
 
 " not consent to be catechised on that subject," and thus remaining 
 mute in this great Reform county, he was nevertheless elected. In 
 fine, fellow-citizens, wherever Reform was agitated, it is known to 
 you all that it was advocated as Reform to be made through the Con- 
 stitution and by your constitutional agents : and that even where thus 
 advocated, it was used as the vague and undefined watchword of par- 
 ties, without even a definition of what it meant — And if plans of Re- 
 form ever were proposed, like the Chameleon, they took their color 
 from the soil they were placed upon — In Alleghany they meant one 
 thing, in Montgomery another, in Washington and Frederick another, 
 in Harford another, in Baltimore City something very different from 
 all the rest — Yet admitting the design of Reform to have pervaded 
 these counties, did any of you, fellow-citizens of the counties, ever 
 hear of Reform to be accomplished by Revolution? Did you, the 
 People of Alleghany, or Washington, or Baltimore, ever hear of the 
 design to break down your government, to suspend all your great im- 
 provements until you could get a new one, to revive all your old sec- 
 tional squabbles and jealousies about relative powers under it, and to 
 check the high tide of your prosperity until these could be adjusted 
 amongst yourselves and with your sister counties, and then to take 
 your chances under the new government for regaining all the benefits 
 already secured to you by the law of the last session, and lost to you 
 without the sanction of the new government, if the measure of the 
 Destructives be persisted in ? Did you, the people of the Slave Coun- 
 ties of this State, embracing nearly all, ever hear of the design of a 
 Revolutionary Reform to be based upon an attack on Federal num- 
 bers ? 
 
 Fellow-citizen?, shallow as this pretence of the Destructives is, there is 
 yet another feature which reveals more fully the secret purposes of the »^n- 
 archists — Reform until this attempt has always been advocated as a measure 
 into which party considerations were not to enter; and even now the at- 
 tempt is to be made to lull us by that cry — In the great county of Frederick, 
 particularly, it was conducted avowedly upon that basis : and many Whigs 
 there and elsewhere are enlisted zealously in the cause — Now, however, 
 Reform can be entrusted only to Van Buren Electors : and Revolution we 
 are to have in all its dreadful consequences unless the twenty-one will not 
 only consent to elect a Reform senate, but also a Reform senate the majori- 
 ty of which is to consist of Van Buren senators. 
 
 Fellow-citizens of the Van Buren party, we speak to you with more sin- 
 cerity than have hitherto these pretended friends of Reform without distinc- 
 tion of party, when we say to you, the question which these Destructives 
 have presented to you, is one far above all party considerations, and we 
 know that many of you will so regard it. Whatever office seekers, men 
 who having nothing to lose and every thing to gain by revolution, men who 
 scruple at no means to accomplish their ends, men who hate peace and riot 
 in change, may think of our present crisis, we know that there are amongst 
 yon as amongst u?, many actuated by a sincere desire to act uprightly in all 
 things, and to advance the welfare of our common State, and the happines* 
 
44 
 
 of its people. Behold this measure of Revolution therefore, exhibited in all 
 its nakedness, as a mere expedient to gain a temporary party advantage! — 
 Are you prepared to sanction such a measurer Are you prepared to justi- 
 fy a high public oflicer in wilfully violating a high public duly involving the 
 rery continuance of your government, for the hope of a momentary party 
 triumph ? Are you prepared, in the effort to promote the elevation of a JVew 
 York candidate for the Presidency, to blight for the present all the fair pros- 
 pects of your own Stale and your own city, to give a dangerous if not fatal 
 stab to the credit of your State and city by shakmg all confidence in the se- 
 curity and stability of your institutions, and to commit yourselves and all 
 you hold dear, to the hands of such Revolutionists ? It may suit the views 
 of JVew For^- to produce all these results, at this moment when with gigan- 
 tic strides your Slate is reaching at the commerce of the West. It may suit 
 her views at this moment, when it is known to you all that the people of the 
 South, irritated at the continued attempts from that quarter to inflame their 
 slave population, are turning to Baltimore as free from the disorganizing spi- 
 rit. What are Presidential questions to you, compared with the preserva- 
 tion of peace, law and order amongst you, with the constant and steady in- 
 culcation of respect for these, with peace and security at home, with tran- 
 quility and prosperity throughout your State } A few short years hence, 
 and the very Presidential preferences you feel will be forgotten. But the 
 step of Revolution once taken on such pretext, the sense of public or pri- 
 vate security once shaken by such a measure, who can tell tlie impression 
 it will make upon all the future prospects of your Slate ? The downward 
 step to anarchy and tumult is easy : but once taken, who can tell the time of 
 your recall from it } 
 
 But, Fellow-citizens of all parties — Friends of Law, Order and Religion, 
 to you we appeal to mark the crisis at which this Revolutionary attempt has. 
 uplifted its head amongst us — The beginning of the end now is — The Ene- 
 my of all Republican Governments is amongst us — It comes, as it ever has 
 come in all such governments, under the guise of Jacobinism — with great 
 affected respect for the rights of the People, it strikes at the very root of their 
 security by inculcating insubordination to our laws and institutions, and 
 substituting the lawless and licentious impulse of the moment for the well 
 regulated liberty of the freeman — with great pretended regard for the poor, 
 under a government which opens to every man and to every man's children 
 the door to the highest offices and stations of the nation, it strives by its base 
 appeals to envy, to excite discord in the relations of employer and emplo}'- 
 ed, and to make these relations of mutual benefit and protection, sources of 
 social strife — Property acquired by honest iiulustry is held up as a cause of 
 jealousy and offence : and a sincere desire for the peace, order, and stability 
 of society is denounced as warring against the supremacy of the People — It 
 is the cardinal maxim of such a spirit that there is no right of personal liber- 
 ty or private property so sacred that it ought not to be subject to instant de- 
 molition, at the will and bidding of any demagogue who can excite and turn 
 upon it a momentary odium. To restrain such a spirit all governments are 
 established : and in the anxious care and numerous provisions of the Con- 
 stitution of the United States, and of all your Stale Constitutions, to protect 
 the Government, themselves, and all rights of person and property under 
 them from the hasty inroads or lawless assaults of Faction or violence, and 
 
45 
 
 \o subject them only to the calm, deliberate and settled action of the People 
 through their laws and authorities, you find your Fathers of the Revolution 
 manifesting their horror of that spirit — they knew that such a spirit, unhing- 
 ing all public and private morality, diffusing distrust and jealousy through 
 all society, and inculcating habitual disregard for every thing like the autho- 
 rity of government, was the sure forerunner of social and political Anarchy: 
 and that from such a state there was but one step to Despotism. Already 
 is the bold and decided action of this spirit manifest in two of your sister 
 States, in the open assault upon rights of private property as much protected 
 by the Constitution of your Country and the Laws of the Stales as any right 
 of any of you to any property you have. Admitting, as its chief advocates 
 do, that the rights of property thus assailed are expressly protected by the 
 Constitution of tlie United States, and that Legislatures cannot and ought 
 not to assail them because they are rights of private property originating in 
 and protected by contracts, and the Laws of the land, a convention is to be 
 the process by which the gordian knot of public truth and honor, public 
 law, and private right is to be severed — Even here by some amongst us, the 
 doctrine is already proclaimed, that private rights of property are to beat the 
 mercy of this process amongst us — We ask you, then, to whom we make 
 this appeal, to go with us a little further in marking the traces of this spirit 
 in the revolutionary movement of the Destructives in our own State. 
 
 Assuming that the case justifying instant revolution in our State Govern- 
 ment has arisen, the Destructives affect to rest their right to bring it about 
 upon the assertion of the right of revolution, in our Bill of Rights — of that 
 right we shall speak hereafter : and we now only ask : whose right is there 
 asserted ? — the right of the people, or the right of mere officers and agents 
 under the government? — Who gave these insubordinate and disobedient 
 agents the right to proclaim Revolution ? The sole right resides in the Peo- 
 ple of the State to change their government : and when have the people de- 
 legated to them the riglit to make revolution ? They elected them to make 
 a Senate : do they find in that the power to overthrow the government? 
 They elected them as officers who were to be sworn to act and elect under 
 the Constitution : do they find in that the warrant to demolish it all at one 
 blow? No, fellow-citizens, disguise it as they will, they know that in thi» 
 step they have acted the part of sheer Usurpers of your rights : and having- 
 as they conceived by one rash step plunged you into Revolution without 
 authority or notice, they want to father the bantling of their mischief upon 
 you. We recognize amongst them several who have heretofore filled high 
 stations under our State Constitution, and took their official oaths to support 
 that very constitution : and who, therefore, in our judgment had still less, 
 right to attempt its overthrow. 
 
 But, fellow-citizens, what is this Right of Revolution ? Is it a plaything- 
 to be wielded in every moment of excitement ? Is it an instrument to be 
 used whenever party expediency may require it; or discontented oflice seek- 
 ers may lament the temporary loss of power ? Is it not on the other hand, 
 the last fearful resort of a free people, when all other means have failed ; 
 when every spark of hope is extinct ; and when it is calmly and deliberate- 
 ly setUed, after the fullest consideration, that they are suffering actual, prac- 
 tical tyranny and oppressions from the government under which they live, 
 «f so intolerable a character, that it is better to incur all the evils of anarchy 
 
46 
 
 than continue to endure them, and when there is a rational hope that by the 
 step of revolution they may relieve themselves from such oppressions ? In 
 a word, it is like the thunder of Jupiter, only to be wielded on these great 
 occasions of elemental strife between society and government. What ra- 
 tional man ever dreamed of precipitating a people into Revolution for mere 
 theories in government; for mere improvements in its form ; or in a word, 
 for any thing but actual and intolerable oppression ? Government is not an 
 end but a means. It is a mere instrument to protect the rights of the citi- 
 zen, and advance the happiness and prosperity of the people : and the caus- 
 es of its overthrow in our favored land are lo be found only in its utter 
 prostration of these. 
 
 Fellow-citizens, before we speak of the pretended necessity for Revolu- 
 tion alleged by the Destructives, we deem it proper to say that we are the 
 friends of Constitutional Reform in our Slate Government, and that we be- 
 lieve it may and ought to be improved by amendment in several particulars. 
 Whether we will agree with the Destructives in all their contemplated re- 
 forms, we are unable to say : for to this day Reform has been " the veiled 
 prophet.,'''' which they call upon men to fall down and worship, and yet will 
 not show us its features. If they desire to change the representation in the 
 House of Delegates, they will not tell us whether they mean to adopt re- 
 presentation according to population, so as to place Baltimore at the head, 
 or whether they will lake arbitrary numbers, which only put Baltimore with 
 twice the population, on a level with Frederick County, and thus by adopt- 
 ing a rule without any fixed basis of representation engraft the very same 
 inequality in the new Constitution, to be a subject for future squabble and 
 perhaps attempts at Revolution. If they seek to break down the Senate, 
 where we have always had two Senators, or two-fifteenths of the power of 
 that body, to give us in its stead one senator out of twenty, or one-twenti- 
 eth of its power ; they will not tell us whether they will make up this loss 
 in that body by a proportional increase in the House of Delegates. And so 
 it is with every proposed reform. " Reform" means " Reform :" and that 
 is the only definition we can get from them. The Destructives have howe- 
 ver given us an insight into their views, or the views of some of them, as to 
 the pioper ratio, in their modest request to us to go into an election on the 
 first Monday of November next, to elect for their conservative body six de- 
 legates from each county and city ; or in oiher words, six from Annapolis, 
 with her three hundred voters, as well as from Baltimore with her ten thou- 
 sand, and twelve from Frederick county, as she too has a city in her limits. 
 This is railed Reform ! ! ! 
 
 But, Fellow-citizens of the Counties, whilst we who address you, agree 
 in the propriety of mode'ate and Constitutional Reform, and will co-operate 
 with the majority of the People of the Slate, in the endeavor lo procure the 
 amendments they may desire in the proper mode, we are not amongst those 
 who call you our Tyrants and Oppressors. If you have sometimes by your 
 Legislation acted injuriously upon our inleresls and against our remonstran- 
 ces yet we deny llmt vonr course to us has been one of systematic, wanton, 
 and long continued oppression — were we to make this assertion, the mil- 
 lion': which you have poured out by your legislation for the last eighl or 
 ten years, to aid us in works of Improvement, all leading to our own city, 
 would stamp upon it the character of a libel — we remember the period 
 
47 
 
 when, as we have already said, sectional jealousies infested our State, to 
 the great prejudice of Baltimore : fomented too by many who are now lead- 
 ing in the cause of destructive Reform — And yet, at that period when Po- 
 tomac interests, and Eastern Shore interests, and Country interests, gene- 
 rally, were souifht to be arrayed against Baltimore, and the want of due 
 power in the Legislature was most felt, did any of the pretended Reformers 
 cry out " Revolution," niucli less attempt it — Where were they found in 
 the counties? — For the most part, in the ranks of demagogues, inflamitjg 
 country jealousies, and railing at propositions merely to increase the dele- 
 gation of Baltimore to four! — But in the last eight or ten years we have per- 
 ceived and hailed with pleasure the gradual subsiding of all these causeless 
 jealousies of us, and have seen you with delight taking a pride in the ad- 
 vancement and welfare of our City, as identified with the prosperity, power 
 and happiness of the State. 
 
 And, fellow-citizens of the Eastern Shore and of the lower Counties on 
 the Western Shore, we cannot but remember that at the last session of our 
 Legislature, when the counties of Baltimore, Frederick, Washington, Har- 
 ford and Cecil, either in part or in whole, were all agitated either in hostili- 
 ty to the aid of the State to our Improvements, or to clog it with restrictions, 
 to your generous and public-spirited support were we indebted for that aid 
 — Nor can we trace your hostility to us in the legislation of the last eight 
 or ten years — If our chartered rights to appoint the Inspectors of Flour, or 
 Whiskey, or Fish were wrested from us, we know that it was the work of 
 the Great Reform counties of Frederick, Washington, Baltimore, Harford 
 and Cecil, constituting in tiieir combined action for these purposes what was 
 facetiously termed by one now a Revolutionist, " the Holy ^llianee" — If 
 our Auction Duties were taken away in 1827, we know that it was the act 
 of the representatives of a large majority of the People, led on by the now 
 very head and chief of the Revolution Party of Frederick and of the State — 
 If the right to regulate your Markets was assailed, the blow came from Bal- 
 timore county, aided again by the large and Reform counties — These are 
 not injuries we can trace to your having too much power in the Government : 
 for the recorded votes on all these subjects show that with any representa- 
 tion which any plan of Reform would give us, the large counties would still 
 have accomplished all these measures — The Lesislation of Maryland for the 
 last eight or ten years shows conclusively ihat instead of being our peculiar 
 oppressors, the action of the small counties towards Baltimore has been 
 more kind and beneficent than that of the large counties. 
 
 But even upon the subject of Reform, where did these Destructives find 
 the proof that every possible hope of amendment without Revolution had 
 failed — You are all aware, fellow-citizens, that our Constitution embodies 
 in itself the mode of its amendment : and that that mode is by a law passed 
 at one session, then published and submitted to the People of the Slate for 
 their consideration before the next election, and then confirmed by the next 
 Legislature— One Legislature proposes the amendment to the People: and 
 the next Legislature either adopts or rejects, according to the will of the 
 People as ascertained at the election when it is submitted — We know that 
 it is the fashion in these days, with some of the Revolutionists, to deride 
 and laugh to scorn our forefathers of the Revolution, the men of '76, who 
 rescued us from tyranny, who gave us a name among nations, and built up 
 
48 
 
 for us the Government under which we live — Whatever we may think of 
 their mode of amendment, we respect their opinions and reverence their 
 memories : and the times are sadly out of joint, when coarse sneers upon 
 them and their works, such as some of us have recently heard amongst us, 
 could not only pass without censure but even receive applause. In adopt- 
 ing that mode, the men of '7ti have handed down to us their opinion that 
 every amendment of a Constitution ought to be specially submitted, well 
 considered and deliberately sanctioned. Now what has been the course of 
 many of the Reformers towards the Legislature — Have they or a majority 
 of the People or their Representatives ever gone forward to the Legislature 
 at any time presenting specific propositions of Reform, and asking their 
 adoption in the constitutional mode.'' Have the majority of the People or 
 their Representatives ever yet clistincdy told the Legislature the exact Re- 
 form which they vvant? — Nay, have the majority ever been able to agree 
 even amongst themselves as to the Reform they desire ? Have Reform Con- 
 ventions themselves been as yet able to agree upon any definite plan of 
 amendment? Whenever a majority of the People of this Stale shall dis- 
 tinctly and unequivocally declare to the Legislature tlie amendments they 
 desire, we cannot but believe that full justice will be yielded to them — We 
 know that our brethren of the smaller counties are animated with a very 
 different spirit from that of the Destructives, and would not involve us in 
 discord and revolution rather than make Reforms which might involve a sa- 
 crifice of some of their political power — And if those of the Nineteen from 
 the smaller counties have truly represented their constituents, there is at once 
 a sudden accession of power to accomplish such amendments from section* 
 of the State hitherto in the front ranks of opposition to Reform. 
 
 In the face of all these facts, what language, fellow-citizens, can charac- 
 terise this measure of Revolution. In a moment of general tranquility and 
 prosperity, when the citizens of the State were dwelling together in most 
 perfect amity, and each day was drawing all of them nearer to each other 
 in feeling and in interest ; when the proper steps were just about to be ta- 
 ken to conduct to speedy consummation our great works of Internal Im- 
 provement, on which all the future prosperity of our city depends : when 
 every citizen was in the full, secure and uninterrupted enjoyment of every 
 right of person and property, the Firebrand of Revolution is hurled amongst 
 us, like the thunderbolt from a clear sky. We hope the rash men who 
 have done this, have ere this felt regret for their step. They have, in our 
 judgment, not only disregarded a high duty, but have also committed a high 
 misdemeanor against our laws. But if deluded by the excited purposes of 
 party feeling, their consciences whisper no re[>roaches for the step they 
 have taken, we know there is a tribunal to whose award they cannot be in- 
 different — Public opinion is the greatest of all Reformers. — Let but the 
 people of Maryland speak out in their majesty : and we have no doubt 
 these towering Revolutionists will sink into obedient public agents. An 
 occasion for the people so to speak is at hand. On the first Monday of 
 October next an election of Delegates takes place under our Constitution. 
 On that day, let all the friends of Law, Order and Government; let all who 
 fear Revolution; let all who desire Reform by peaceable and proper means; 
 let all who would preserve for their families, themselves and their fellow- 
 citizens, Protection and Security ; let all who love Peace and hale AnarchY> 
 
49 
 
 rush to the polls, and with united voices proclaim that they are not Revolu- 
 tionists. By their votes and proceedings on that day let them make that 
 manifest. This done, we have no fears for the future. These Agents, 
 who have attempted to subvert the government, will then know their duty 
 beyond the possibility of doubt : and if knowing they still disregard it, we 
 know there is yet redeeming power enough in our Judiciary to enforce the 
 performance of a high public duty, thus made manifest even to the agent. 
 He will then learn that high public trusts involving the very continuance of 
 the government, cannot be abandoned at his pleasure. 
 
 For ourselves, fellow-citizens of Maryland, under the stripes and stars of 
 the glorious old Thirteen, we take our stand in the defence of our Govern- 
 ment and Institutions — We want no Revolution, and least of all such as 
 these would bring us — We are here assembled to pledge ourselves one and 
 all to all that men can do to save us from Anarchy. On the first Monday of 
 October next, we hope to shew you that Baltimore is not for Revolution — 
 Our motto is, '■'■ Constitulmial Reform and no Revolution.''^ 
 
 Therefore Resolved, by us Citizens of Baltimore in Town Meeting as- 
 sembled. That the nineteen electors of the senate, in their refusal to elect 
 that body, in our judgments have disobeyed the express command of our 
 Constitution ; have disregarded a high public trust involving the very con- 
 tinuance of Government, and the security of our persons and property ; 
 have committed a high misdemeanor by their wilful abandonment of a high 
 public duty to the discharge of which they stood pledged by their accept- 
 ance of it, and merit the severest reprobations of the people of Maryland, 
 and of the friends of liberty, order and good government throughout the 
 Union. 
 
 Resolved further, That in their attempt to overthrow the Government of 
 this State, and to introduce Anarchy and Revolution in its stead, the said 
 nineteen electors have warred against the peace, order and happiness of 
 society ; have sacrificed the best interests of the people of Maryland, have 
 endangered the present prosperity, and blighted for a time all the fair pros- 
 pects of this city ; and that in so doing, they have given us just cause to 
 doubt their claim to the title of Reformers. 
 
 Resolved further, That in their proclamation of Revolution, and in their 
 attempt to dictate to the people of this State the manner in which they shall 
 form a new government to escape the consequences of anarchy, the said 
 nineteen electors have usurped the sovereignty of the people of Maryland, 
 and put in jeopardy the vital principle of all republican institutions. 
 
 Resolved further. That in the attempt by the disregard of a high public 
 duty to prostrate the government, laws and institutions of this state for the 
 accomplishment of mere Party ends, the said Nineteen Electors have lost 
 ail claim to the support of the virtuous and patriotic of all parties, who ab- 
 hor the use of wrong means to accomplish any end, and who hold the wel- 
 fare of their country and the permanent prosperity and happiness of their 
 state and city above the mere expedients of Party. 
 
 Resolved further. That the Twenty-one Electors of the Senate who have 
 qualified for the discharge of their duty, and who are still continuing their 
 sessions at Annapolis from day to day, for their endeavors to preserve to 
 us the inestimable blessings of Peace, Order and Government, are entitled 
 to the confidence and affections of the People of Maryland : and that it i« 
 
 7 
 
50 
 
 the most earnest wish and request of this meeting, that the »aid Elector* 
 will there remain prepared to discharge their duty of electing a Senate^ un- 
 til the People of Maryland shall have had lime by the power and majesty of 
 public opinion, to quell revolution, and to return their Agents to the post of 
 duly. 
 
 hesolved further, That the said Twenty-one Electors in refusing to re- 
 ceive propositions coming from individuals who would not assume the 
 office under color of which they professed to act, and propositions too in- 
 volving a degrading surrender of their duty, and asking nothing less than 
 the commission of deliberate perjury in the surrender of their own right of 
 choice, have acted the part of honorable men and faithful public servants. 
 Resolved further, That we are for Reform and against Revolution. 
 Resolved further. That to make manifest to the People of the State and 
 to our fellow-citizens throughout the union, that Baltimore prefers Peace, 
 Order and good Government, Stable Institutions, and Inviolate Public and 
 Private Credit, to Faction and Revolution, this meeting will proceed forth- 
 with to nominate two suitable iodividuals as candidates for the offices of De- 
 legates from this city to the next General Assembly of Maryland : and that 
 for that purpose the President of this meeting be requested to nominate forth- 
 with a committee of twelve, to select and report to this meeting for their ap- 
 probation, two suitable individuals for those offices. 
 
 Resolved further. That from this period until the first Monday in Octo- 
 ber next, we will devote our time and energies in the endeavour to make 
 manifest by the success of our candidates, " that Baltimore is against /2e- 
 volulion ;" and that that day we will set apart as a day sacred to the cause 
 of Peace, Order, and the Preservation of our Institutions, Persons and Pro- 
 perty, and on that day closing our shops, our stores and our offices, and 
 •bandoning all other avocations, we will devote ourselves to the endeavour 
 to secure the success of the candidates whom this meeting may select. 
 
 On motion a committee was appointed by the President, consisting of S. 
 C. Leakin, J. Frazier, W. H. Conkling, Thos. Kelso, Thos. Wildep, G. 
 R. Gaither, A. E. Warner, F. Tensfield, That. Sheppard, Joshua Dryden^ 
 Thomas W. Hall and Joshua Medlart, Esqs. to consider and report suita- 
 ble persons to be nominated as candidates lor the Legislature. The com- 
 0jittee having retired, reported the following resolution, which was unani- 
 mously adopted : 
 
 Resolved by this Meeting, That SAMUEL JONES, Jr. and SAMUEL 
 THOMPSON, be and they are hereby nominated as Delegates from this 
 city to the General Assembly of Maryland, and that we pledge ourselves 
 io use all foir and honorable means to secure their eleciion. 
 
 WM. MCDONALD, Presidtnt. 
 
 John M'Kim, Jr. Jacob Wolfe, 
 
 Solomon Ettino, Solomon Betts, 
 
 John DusHANE, Samuel IJoffmaw, k fiee Pff^r^^ 
 
 Luke Tiernan, John Gibso.v, i 
 
 Ro. D. Millholland, Joshua Wall, * 
 
 Wm. H. Conklin, Jos. W. Patterson, j 
 
 Thos. W. Hall, O. a Tiffany, l g.crttariss 
 W. Crawford, W. G. Harrison, { ^«'^*'«'^»"- 
 
 Baltimore, Sept. 26. I8f«. 
 
51 
 
 The spirited proceedings in Alleghany next claim our attention. Thejr 
 are copied from the papers published in that intelligent and patriotic county. 
 
 PRESENTMENT 
 
 Of the eighteen recusant Electors, hy the Grand Jury of Alleghany 
 
 County. 
 The Grand Inquest for the body of Alleghany County, being about to 
 .return to their homes, deem it their duty, before they separate, to take some 
 notice of the causes \vhic!> led to the present momentous and alarming 
 crisis in the public affairs of our stale. Certain individuals intrusted by 
 the people with the duty of appointing a Senate for the State have refused 
 to execute their trust, and have left the State without a Senate. The con- 
 duct of those men is without excuse or palliation — they intended to secure 
 the triumph of a party, and failing in that, to subvert the Government, and 
 endangering the public tranquility. The Grand Jurors do, therefore, pre- 
 sent 
 
 Geo. a. Thomas, Weslet Linthicum, 
 
 Charles Magill, Samuel Suttox, 
 
 Robert Wasox, Wash. Duvall, 
 
 Casper Quynn, Robert. T. Keexk, 
 
 John Fisher, M. Fountain, 
 
 Geoege Ellicott, Enoch George, 
 
 Ephraim Bell, John B. Thomas, 
 
 Joshua Vansant, Sprigg Harwoop, 
 
 John Evans, Thomas Pope, 
 
 ai unfaithful public agents and disturlers of the -public -peace. 
 George M'Culloh, Foreman. 
 Henrt Brown, "Peter Krigbaum, 
 
 Alexander King, *George Staup, 
 
 *M. Duckworth, 'Andrew Rice, 
 
 -H. N. Shaw, •VVm. Robinson, 
 
 •Joseph Dilley, James M'Cartv 
 
 *J. L. Browning, •Joshua Knight, 
 
 John Poland, "Thomas Beall, 
 
 •John Watts, Henry White, 
 
 Robert Lashlet, "Godfrey Fazenbakkr, 
 
 Sing. Town send, 
 Cumberland, Oct. IS, 1836. 
 [» Those marked with a star (•) are Van Buren men— beinj 11 of the 20 Jurors.] 
 
 LARGE MEETING 
 
 Of the citizens of Alleghany County, at the court house, in Cumberland^ 
 
 October 17, 1836. 
 
 In pursuance of public notice, an unusually large assemblage of the peo- 
 ple of Alleghany County, without distinction of party, convened at the 
 Court Hotise in the town of Cumberland, on Monday the 17th in-». The 
 meeting was organized by calling IVm. McMuhonlo the Chair, asssisted by 
 Mtmhack Frost and Joseph Dilley, and appointing Jahn M. Buchanan,S&' 
 cretary, and Singleton Townsend, assistant Secretary. 
 
 The object of the meeting, which was to take into consideration tha 
 present important crisis in our state afE\ir«, was stated by B. S. Pigman. 
 
52 
 
 James Dixon, of Frederick^ having been called upon, addressed the 
 meeting in an eloquent and forcible manner, repudiating in the strongest 
 terms, the conduct of the nineteen recusant Senatorial Electors — denounc- 
 ing the course recommended by them as leading directly to collision and 
 ultimate bloodshed. On concluding his remarks, he was heartily and unan- 
 im ously cheered by the meeting. 
 
 William Price, nf Hagerstov;n, being next called upon, arose and ad- 
 dressed the meeting in his usual happy and eloquent manner, depicting the 
 deplorable condition in which the state will be thrown by a perseverance in 
 ihe course adopted by the recreant Electors. He sat down amidst the ap- 
 plause of the meeting. 
 
 The venerable chairman of the meeting — Wm. M'Mahon, honest and 
 true to the last, next arose and implored the meeting in the name of God 
 to pause and reflect before they took any step which could, by possibility, 
 lead to a revolution — that he hoped they would remain firm and stand by 
 and sustain the Laws and Constitution of the State. lie seemed very much 
 affected, and appeared like a father addressing his children, and in taking 
 his seat he was enthusiastically cheered. 
 
 Michael C. Sprigg, then offered the following preamble and resolutions, 
 which were unanimously adopted by the meeting — (save the single dissent- 
 ing voice of Mr. Daniel Blocher, the editor of the Advocate.) 
 
 [Here follows the Preamble and then ihe following Resolutions.] 
 
 Resolved, that we condemn the conduct of the aforesaid recusant Elec- 
 tors, who, having solicited and obtained the appointment at the hands of the 
 people, betrayed the trust reposed in them, by basely and treacherously re- 
 fusing to attend the Electoral College (as enjoined by their positive obliga- 
 tions to the Constitution) with a view to dissolve the Government of the 
 State. 
 
 Resolved, that we consider a revolution at this crisis, the greatest of all 
 conceivable calamities — that we deprecate it as fraught with certain mis- 
 chiefs, and recommended to us not even in prospect by any counterbalanc- 
 ing good, and that as peaceful citizens devotedly attached to our native and 
 adopted State, and feeling a deep and abiding interest in her honor and 
 prosperity, we solemnly pledge ourselves to sustain the Government against 
 any revolution. 
 
 And whereas, we have understood that John S. Sellman has returned to 
 the Electoral College, with a view to the appointment of a Senate — there- 
 fore, Resolved, That we consider his conduct in that respect as highly hon- 
 orable and patriotic. 
 
 Resolved, That as we cannot approve, we will not unite or co-operate in 
 the measures recommended at some late meetings in Frederick county, as 
 tending directly to anarchy and confusion, and we fervently iiope that such 
 rash and imprudent counsels will be discountenanced by the good sense, 
 virtue and patriotism of the people, and for this purpose we recommend that 
 District meetings be held throughout the county. 
 
 On motion the proceedings of the meeting, signed by the officers, were 
 directed to be printed and copies sent throughout the State. 
 
 On motion, the meeting then adjourned. WM. M'MAHON, Pres't. 
 
 MESHACK FROST, ) ^. p ,. 
 JOSEPH DILLEY, 5 ^ice rrea is. 
 
 John M. Buchanan, Sec'y. 
 
 SiNOLBTON Townsend, Assistant Sec'y. Oct. 17, 1836. 
 
53 
 
 Mr. Michael C. Sprigg, having applied to Mr. Buchanan for the circular, 
 which he had understood was in his possession, received it as follows, and 
 also the reply : 
 
 (CIRCULAR TO MR. BUCHANAN.) 
 
 Baltimore, Oct. 9th, 1836. 
 To J. M. Buchanan, Esq. 
 
 Sir : \i will be recollected that the Nineteen Electors who refused to 
 meet with certain of their colleagues to form a Senate, in their Address to 
 the People of Maryland made the following recommendation : " We would 
 most humbly and respectfully recommend to our fellow-citizens through- 
 out the State, to proceed forthwith, to elect on the first Monday in Novem- 
 ber next, six delegates from each county and city, to meet in Convention at 
 Annapolis, on the third Monday of the same month, clothed with full 
 powers to extend the authority of all civil and military powers now in 
 commission, until a Convention hereafter to be chosen, can be convened 
 to amend the old or form an entire new government for the people of Ma- 
 ryland," 
 
 In pursuance of the above, meetings have already been called in several 
 counties, and Delegaites to a Provisional Convention will have been nomi- 
 nated before this reaches you. For the purpose of deliberating upon the 
 just demands of the whole people, and the best means to attain a reform of 
 present abuses, it is very desirable that the friends of a Republican Consti- 
 tution in every county in the State should make a common effort in the 
 cause, and elect Delegates to said Convention. You are therefore respect- 
 fully requested to use your best exertions to further the object recommend- 
 ed by the Nineteen Republican Electors, by calling meetings immediately 
 and putting in nomination such gentlemen as the friends of Reform in your 
 County may judge best able to represent their views on the subject in agi- 
 tation, and to carry out the measure recommended in the foregoing extract 
 from said Address to the People. 
 
 It will be necessary that some arrangements be made in reference to the 
 Judges of Election. 
 
 On behalf of the friends of reform, 
 We are, with high respect, 
 
 Your obedient servants, 
 
 William Krebs, Geo. Gordon Belt, 
 
 John Jas. Graves, Cornelius M'Lean 
 
 T. Parkin Scott, B. H. Richardson, ' 
 
 Joshua Vansant, John S. Tvson 
 
 Albert Constable, Joseph White.' 
 
 (MR. BUCHANAN'S REPLY.) 
 
 Ellerslie, near Cumberland, October 15, 1836. 
 Gentlemen : I received your circular communication dated 9th inst in 
 forming me that " the nineteen electors who had refused to meet the twentv 
 one and elect a Senate had recommended to their fellow citizens throuahont 
 the State to proceed forthwith to elect on the 1st Monday in November 
 next, SIX delegates from each county and city to meet in Convention at 
 
u 
 
 Annapolis," 8tc. 8t,c. and to " use my best exertions to further the object re- 
 commended," &c. &c. 
 
 Could I imagine that any possible advantage would be derived to the in- 
 terests of this, the county of my adoption, to the honor of my native state, 
 or to the welfare and happiness of the citizens thereof, by adopting the 
 course recommended by the nineteen electors, I would most cheerfully and 
 cordially yield my feeble but zealous exertions to promote the object of 
 your communication. But inasmuch as I conscientiously believe that 
 should the course recommended by the nineteen recusant electors be car- 
 ried into effect, that it will be destructive of the best interests of the state^ 
 and will inflict a stab upon our institutions, and present happy and prospe- 
 rous condition as a slate, which neither time nor the ingenuity of man will 
 ever be able to heal, Icannot of course, co-operate in carrying the propos- 
 ed convention into effect. 
 
 In thus refusing to lend you my aid, I trust I will not lay myself liable 
 to the imputation of having changed my sentiments upon the all-absorbing 
 subject of state reform. 
 
 Those who know me personally will not for a moment entertain such 
 an idea. It is well understood here that I have been a principal pioneer in Al- 
 leghany in propagating the principles of reform ; but I never for an instant 
 supposed that the good work was to be accomplished by means of a Revo- 
 lution, and at the sacrifice of the honor of the state, and thereby bringing 
 upon us all the calamites of a civil war, anarchy, confusion, bloodshed and 
 a train of evils too horrible to imagine. This is no ideal picture. Before 
 the proposed project can be consummated, we will be witnesses of the sadVeal- 
 jty, and those who are now foremost and loudest in advocating this nefa- 
 rious scheme, will be first to fall victims to their mad and ruinous indiscre- 
 tion. 
 
 I entreat you, gentlemen, by that love which I know you all entertain 
 for your country, by the tender and endearing ties by which you are con- 
 nected wiih your wives and children, to abandon your present wild and vi- 
 sionary scheme (to call it by no harsher name) and let us all, at this impor- 
 tant crisis, unite, cordially, and heartily in one common effort to save the 
 constitution of the state and her laws inviolate, from the perfidious hands 
 of ambitious demagogue.^, and the machinations of wicked, corrupt and 
 abandoned political knaves. 
 
 I am now as I always have been, the decided and zealous friend of reform, 
 and will cheerfully go as far as those who step the farthest to remedy the 
 grievances complained of in our present form of government, according to 
 the mode indicated by the sages who framed our constitution. To any 
 other mode 1 would object at this time, as being dangerous alike to the sta- 
 bilityof r)iir instiluiions, to the interest and honor of the state, and to tba 
 peace and happiness of her citizens. 
 
 Under the present very excited state of public feeling, I doubt very much^ 
 whether any form of government coultl be adopted, which wouhl prove at 
 all acceptable to the ichole people^ or give pe^ce and quiet to the Slate. 
 
 I humbly pray, however, that a season much more propilit^us to a calm 
 discussion of the interesting subject of reform is not far tlisiant, when we 
 will all see ''how sweeet and pleasant it is for brethren to dwell together in 
 unuy and love" — when the feuds and angry bickerings of parly strife will 
 iuso died awnji, nnd floated down the stream of time no more to be remem* 
 
55 
 
 bered, or remembered only to be condemned and regretted, when \re vriW 
 bU be able to set down together as our fathers did of old, intent only on 
 forming such a system of Government as will advance the prosperity of 
 the slate, the honor and happiness of the people, and enable us to hand down 
 to the latest posterity, unimpaired, the advantages and blessings of a free 
 government. 
 
 With sentiments of respect, 
 
 1 am, gentlemen, your friend truly, 
 
 JOHN M. BUCHANAN. 
 To William Kuebs, John James Graves, &c. [as above.] 
 
 The people of Alleghany not only repudiated the conduct of the Nine- 
 teen Electors, but extended their resentment to tiie Hon. Francis Thomas, 
 the Van Buren Representative in Congress from that district, for his active 
 agency in the origin and prosecution of the Revolutionary scheme of the 
 seceding Electors. From one of the papers of that county we transcribo 
 the following resolutions : 
 
 POLITICAL MEETING AT SELBY'S-PORT, 
 
 Alleghany county. 
 At a large and very respectable meeting of the voters of Selby's-port dis- 
 trict, convened agreeable to previous notice, without distinction of party, at 
 Selby's-port on Wednesday the 29th Oct. 1836. Mr. Leonahd Smith was 
 called to the chair, and Mr. Jlthanasius Mwld appointed Secretary. Oa 
 motion of Mr. Singleton Townsend, the chair was empowered to appoint a 
 committee of five, to report to the meeting Resolutions for its consideration, 
 in regard to the present momentous crisis of our State affairs. The 
 chair appointed Mr. Singleton Townsend, Jacob Clemmer, David Hoff- 
 man, Richard Drane, and Jonathan Frantz as said committee. After retiring 
 for a while, Mr. Townsend, in behalf of the committee offered the follow- 
 ing resolutions, which he prefaced with some very appropriate remarks. 
 
 Resolved, by us citizens of Alleghany County who have assembled at 
 Selby's-port, that the 18 recusant electors of the Senate in their refusal to 
 elect that body, in our judgment have disobeyed the express command of 
 our Constitution, have disregarded a high public trust involving the very 
 continuance of our state Government, and the security of our persons and 
 property ; have committed a high misdemeanor by the wilful abandonment 
 of a high public duty to the discharge of which they stood pledged by their 
 acceptance of it, and merit the severest reprobation of the people of Ma- 
 ryland and the friends of liberty, order and good Government throughout 
 the Union, 
 
 Resoleed, That in their attempt to overthrow the Government of the 
 State and to introduce anarchy and Revolution in its stead, the said 18 elec- 
 tors warred against the peace, order and happiness of society, have sacri- 
 ficed the best interest of the State of Maryland, and especially of Allegha- 
 ny County ; have endangered the present prosperity and blighted for a time 
 all our fair prospects, and in so doing, they have given us just cause to 
 doubt their claim to the title of Reformers. 
 
 Resolved, That in their proclamation of Revolution, and in their atttmpt 
 lo dictate to the people of thia stat« the manner in which they shall for^ 
 
a new government, to escape the consequences of anarchy, the said l8 
 electors have usurped the sovereignly of the people of Maryland, and put 
 in jeopardy the vital principles of all Republican Institutions. 
 
 Resolved, That the said 18 electors in iheir refusing to perform a high 
 public duty, which was required of them by the constitution of our slate, 
 did make the attempt to prostrate the laws and institutions of the state for 
 the accomplishment of mere party ends. 
 
 Resolved^ That we consider a Revolution at the present crisis the great- 
 est of all conceivable calamities; that we deprecate it as fraught with in- 
 calculable mischief, without any counterbalancing good; that as peaceable 
 citizens devoted to the state, and feeling a deep and abiding interest in her 
 honor and prosperity, we solemnly pledge ourselves to sustain our govern- 
 ment against Revolution. 
 
 Revived, That the 21 electors of the Senate, who qualified as the con- 
 stitution required, and took their seals in the College, have done their duty, 
 and deserve the approbation of the friends of order throughout the Union, 
 and especially of the people of Maryland. That by their prudent and cor- 
 rect course, they have preserved us from an evil that we cannot but dread. 
 
 And whereas, Jo/j7i S. Sellmanhas returned to the electoral college with 
 a view to the election of a Senate — Therefore, Resolved, that we consider 
 his conduct in this respect highly honorable and patriotic. 
 
 And whereas, the aforesaid 18 electors did, in their address to the people 
 of Maryland, recommend to them to elect si.\ delegates from each county 
 and city, on the first Monday in November, to meet in Convention at the 
 city of Annapolis on the 3d Monday of the same month, clothed with full 
 power to extend the civil and military functions now in commission, until a 
 convention hereafter to be chosen can be convened to amend the old or form 
 an entire new Government for the people of the state of Maryland ; and 
 whereas, certain individuals in the city of Baltimore have, in obedience to 
 the aforesaid recommendation, been endeavoring to promote such an elec- 
 tion in this county ; and whereas, we look upon such characters as disturb- 
 ert of the peace and good order of our state — therefore 
 
 Resolved, That any person or persons in Alleghany county, who shall, 
 in obedience to the recommendation of the aforesaid 18 electors, proceed 
 to appoint, elect, or cause to be appointed or elected, delegates to meet in 
 such convention, deserve all the COJVTEMPT that is due from an hon- 
 est and patriotic people towards common DISTURBERS OF THE 
 PEACE of the state, and as SUCH tve shall look upon them and treat 
 them. 
 
 The above resolutions were unanimously adopted by the meeting. 
 
 Mr. Singleton Townsend then arose and remarked, that considering the 
 conduct of Francis Thomas, Esq. as deserving the highest animadversion, 
 he would offer the meeting for consideration the following Preamble and' 
 Resolutions: 
 
 Whereas, Francis Thomas Esq. our present Representative in Congress, 
 has taken an active part in promoting a change in our State Government, 
 by such means as we believe to be against our best interests, as also the in- 
 terest of the Slate of Maryland ; and whereas, from his course in this matter, 
 hb has given us reason to believe that he haa no regard for our intarest, but 
 
57 
 
 that he is seeking self aggrandizement at the expense of his constituents — 
 therefore, 
 
 Resolved, That we view him guilty of base ingratitude to the citizens of 
 the Slate, and especially to the people of Alleghany county. 
 
 Resolved., That he has no longer any claim to the confidence or respect 
 of the people of Maryland or of this Congressional District, and that in 
 our opinion he ought forthwith to resign his seat in Congress, that the vo- 
 ters of the district may select another to fill the vacancy, who would pay 
 more respsct to their interests. 
 
 The above were carried by the meeting except three dissenting voices. 
 
 The above to be signed by the ofiicers and printed in the Cumberland 
 Civilian. 
 
 LEONARD SMITH, Cham'n. 
 
 Athanasius Mudd, Secretary. 
 
 From the National Intelligencer we copy the following proceedings in 
 Washington County : 
 
 WASHINGTON AND FREDERICK COUNTIES. 
 
 The largest meeting ever convened in Washington county was held near 
 Hagerstown on Saturday last. It was addressed by a number of gentlemen 
 in the most eloquent manner, amongst whom were Maj. J. M. Coale and 
 David Hoffman, Esq. two of the Whig candidates for Electors, We 
 have no room for but two of the resolutions and one or two toasts. 
 
 Resolved., That we solemnly pledge ourselves to the friends of order and 
 law throughout the State, and with equal solemnity warn those who have 
 defied, and are yet seeking to subvert both, that we deem it our first duty 
 under heaven to defend the institutions bequeathed to us by our wise and 
 gallant sires; that we acknowledge the authority of the Constitution and 
 Laws, and will uphold them as they now sland until peaceably and consti- 
 tutionally changed ; and ihat we disclaim and utterly renounce the illegal 
 Convention proposed by the faithless Electors, and deny that it can have 
 any power., but further to disturb the peace. 
 
 Resolved., That we will support our institutions and resist their lawless 
 assailants by all the means in our power ; as our forefathers did, so do 
 we now, in the sight of heaven, solemnly pledge our lives, our fortunes, 
 and our honor. 
 
 TOASTS. 
 
 The Grand Conspiracy — Let its leaders remember that Guy Faux was 
 beheaded by the common law. 
 
 The Glorious^l — Faithful sentinels on the watch-tower of liberty ; they 
 richly merit the patriot's warmest gratitude. 
 
 The ^^ Inglorious 18" — 'i'he good ship of State was entrusted to their 
 care : they have leagued with a pirate to run her upon the rocks, and plun- 
 der the wreck. 
 
 The Whig Central Committee of Frederick county have issued resolu- 
 tions declaring, in the most emphatic manner, their firm rosolution to sus- 
 tain the Laws and Constitution of the Stale. The following is one of the 
 resolutions : 
 8 
 
58 
 
 Resolved, "That we strike hands" with a solemn pledge to rebuke the 
 spirit of revolution, and to vindicate the peace, government, and dignity of 
 the State. 
 
 As the Revolutionary design of the Nineteen was supposed to have ori- 
 ginated in Frederick County, and as instructions to the Nineteen to secede 
 from the electoral college were first adopted in that pla^e upon the recom- 
 mendation of a commillee, of whom the Hon. Francis Tlionias, the Repre- 
 sentative in Congress from that district, was a proniincnl inemher, the in- 
 dignation of the people of that county, like that of the independent yeo- 
 manry of Allegliany, was extended from the faithless electors to their 
 Representative, 
 
 From the Frederick Herald we transcribe the subjoined Address and Re- 
 solutions : 
 
 TO THE 
 
 FRIENDS OF PEACE, GOVERNMENT AND GOOD ORDER. 
 At a meeting of tlie Central Committee, and the Committee of Vigilance 
 of the Whigs for Frederick county, the following Address was unanimous- 
 ly adopted by the meeting, and ordered to be signed by the chairmen and 
 secretaries, and printed ; and it was on motion further unanimously order- 
 ed, that copies thereof should be sent to every district in the county, and 
 every county in die State : 
 
 We stand on the verge of a fearful Revolution. We have been thrown 
 by the desperate measures of a faction, in Baltimore, Frederick, and Cecil, 
 into a state of confusion and impending anarch v, the consequences of 
 ^vhich no wisdom can anticipate, and which have tilled tlie minds of re- 
 flecting men with consternation and dismay. In the present condition of 
 things, the foundations of social government must be speedily broken up ; 
 and we are forced to trust to chance or to the workings of a fearful Revo- 
 lution, for the restoration of law and order. The Stale of Maryland in this 
 crisis presents to the world the unprecedented and awful spectacle, of a 
 free people whose ancient government has been overthrown by a few reck- 
 less disorganizers, without any preparation for the formation of a substi- 
 tute. We may be speedily thrown back upon the original elements of so- 
 ciety, tossed amid the storms of a wild and frightful Revolution, without 
 chart or compass, and almost without a ray of hope. In the great drama of 
 social life, it is a new and a lamentable act; and time atone can disclose 
 how lamentable may be the catastrophe. If this melancholy condition of 
 things were the result of the deliberate action of a whole people, in dieir 
 united energies might be reposed a linn hope for the speedy restoration of 
 peace, government and good order. But a betraved, an indignant, and a di- 
 vided people, phingod by a reckless faction into the midst of a revolution 
 for which they were wholly unprepared, cannot hope to emerge either 
 peacefully or speedily. Uniler such awful circumstances, the undersigned 
 feel impelled to lay before you, in the simple and unadorned language of 
 truth, a statement of the cause, the character, and the efTects of die present 
 revolulionary condition of the State of iMarvland. 
 
 By the Constitution of Maryland, the Electors of the Se.vate are 
 
 I'EKEMrTORILY REQUIRED TO MEET AT A.VNAPOLIS ON THE THIRO MoN^- 
 J)AY IN SeI'TEMEER, AM) ARE FURTHER REQUIRED THEN AND THERE TO 
 I'ROCEED TO THE ELECTIO.V OF FIFTEEN SENATORS- 
 
59 
 
 The voluntary acceptance of the Electors of this higli and solemn trust 
 with which they were invested by the sutFrages of a free people, imposes 
 upon them a solemn obligation, faitlifully and speedily to execute it. This 
 obligation in open contempt of the people, by a shameful violation of their 
 official duty, nineteen of the Senatorial Electors, have wholly refused to dis- 
 charge, by meeting the remainder of tlie College of Electors now assembled 
 at Annapolis in pursuance of the requirements of the Constitution. When 
 we reflect upon the importance of the trust confided to the electors, the ex- 
 ecution of which is absolutely necessary to maintain the laws and the gov- 
 ernment; we can scarcely realize any condition of things which could ei- 
 ther justify or excuse these trustees of a confiding people for non-compli- 
 ance with their duty. 
 
 It becomes us tlierefore to scrutinize severely the causes which have in- 
 duced the nineteen Electors to neglect their duty, to abandon their trust, 
 and by failing to appoint a Senate, to overtlirow ttie whole fabric of govern- 
 ment, and precipitate a revolution. No calculation of the popular vote of 
 the State, however plausible, can justify their conduct. It is sufficient that 
 they were elected by the sufiiages of a free people according to the forms 
 prescribed by the Constitution of Maryland, under which their predecessors 
 have faithfully discharged the trust since the formation of the government; 
 it is sufficient that they have been solemnly invested with the power, and 
 have voluntarily accepted the trust. In the discharge of their important 
 function the language of the Constitution is imperative ; and the neglect of 
 their duly is a daring assumption of responsibility, for results which no man 
 can foresee. The election of Electors has been made according to the fun- 
 damental law of the land, and the voice of the people constitutionally ex- 
 pressed through the ballot-box, has given to one of tlie two great political 
 parties of this county the ascendancy in the Electoral College. Tlie mi- 
 nority of the Electoral College consisting of nineteen members, with a reck- 
 lessness and effrontery, unparalleled in the annals of the world, present to 
 you but one desperate alternative, either to give to them that asct ndency in 
 the Slate, which the votes of the people have denied them, or, to behold the 
 whole frame of government thrown into inextricable confusion — the supre- 
 macy of the Iaws trampled under foot — peace, government and good order 
 swallowed up in anarchy and confusion — and our own native State, the 
 proudest and the purest of the OLD THIRTEEN", plunged into the hor- 
 rors of a frightful revolution. 
 
 Here let all reflecting men pause and contemplate. There is no despe- 
 rate demagogue wily enough to dupe the great body of the people in a cri- 
 sis like this, pregnant with destruction to every thing that is dear to free- 
 born citizens, who tremble for their beloved country. What is the expres- 
 sion of popular feeling and opinion upon which the recreant nineteen have 
 relied as a justification or as an apology for their deperate conduct.? 
 
 The recommendation of ihe Baltimore Republican, a press, which for the 
 last twelve months, has teemed with incendiary publications, disseminating 
 throughout the Slate, the most destructive and fanatical principles of levell- 
 ing and disorder, well calculated to alarm a peaceful people ; the instruction 
 of a revolutionary club in the second election district of Frederick, arrogat- 
 ing to itself the authority and presumptuously acting in the name of the 
 whole county ; and a small gathering in the city of Baltimore and the coun- 
 
60 
 
 ty of Cecil. These nineteen refractory and unfaithful Electors, relying for 
 a justification of their revolutionary conduct, exclusively upon the move- 
 ment of this faction of levellers and disorganizers in Baltimore, Frederick 
 and Cecil, have betrayed and undone the people. 
 
 We have seen the conduct and pretensions of these nineteen refractory 
 electors: let us now contemplate, with composure if we can, ihe frightful 
 consequences to this people, unless there be in our fundamental law some 
 conservatory principle as yet i.ncMscovere'l. It is well known to you that 
 the government of Maryland is composed of three departments, the Legisla- 
 tive, the Executive and ihe Judicial, which although separate, distinct and 
 independent in their respective spheres of action, are nevertheless, essential 
 to each other. The Leg^islaiive department is composed of two branches, a 
 Senate and a House of Delegates, hoth branches being necessary to consti- 
 tute the General Assembly. Tlie Senate is required to be appointed by 
 Electors who are immediatelv elected by the people. The House of Dele- 
 gales will be elected on the first Monday in October next: and the Legisla- 
 ture is required to assemble on the fourth Monday in December. The peo- 
 ple of this Stale promptly discharged their duly by the election of Electors 
 to appoint a Senate, but nineteen of their public servants, thus elected, have 
 deliberately defeated ilieir will by refusing to discharge their duty. The 
 government may continue until the first Monday in January, when the term 
 of service of the present Governor expires ; and then by the provision of the 
 constitution, a new Governor must be appointed by the joint ballot of the 
 two branches of the Legislature, the Senate and the House of Deleghles. — 
 The nineteen Electors having refused to elect a Senate for that purpose, you 
 will then be plunged at once into the vortex of a revolution. 
 
 The Governor and Council are the Executive branch of the Government, 
 who appoint the Judges and other public ofllcers. As then by the conduct 
 of these nineteen Electors you will have neither a Legislative nor an Exe- 
 cutive department, the whole machinery of Government will crumble into 
 ruins. You will bear in mind that officers who are appointed annually go 
 out of office at the end of the year, unless a successor be appointed, when 
 they may continue in ofiice until thai successor qualifies. There will be 
 no appointments for the ensuing year, for the nineteen Electors have annihi- 
 lated the appointintr power. Consequently after the first Monday in Janu- 
 ary, you will have no Governor and Council, no Justices of the Peace, no 
 Judges of ihe Orphans' Court, no Coroners, no Constables. Your Judici- 
 ary and your County Coiu'ts must fall, for there is no salary provided for 
 your Judges, and there will be no Executive to execute their decision. 
 The Orphans' Court, that great cnslodiary of the rights of the widow and 
 the orphan, will be stripped of its salutary jurisdiction. The dead bodies 
 of your fellow-citizens may blacken in the sun upon your public highways, 
 for there will be no Coroner to ferret out the slayer or to bury the slain. 
 The burglar, the robber, the felon, will be let loose to prowl abroad with 
 impunity. Red murder may stalk fearlessly through the land, for there is 
 none to question or to piniish him. The debtor wdl laugh to scorn his cre- 
 ditor ; for the courts of justice will be closed. 
 
 Nor do these recusant nineteen stop here. But arrogating to themselves 
 a sovereign power, which the people have thought too dangerous to bestow 
 even upon their Legislature, they have not only attempted to overthrow the 
 
61 
 
 establishedgovernment, but have, by a proclamation published in the city of 
 Baltimore, recommended to the people to assemble in convention to take 
 measures for framing a new system, and have prescribed the ratio of repre- 
 sentation in that body. 
 
 It is a principle admitted on all hands, that a change of government wheth- 
 er legal or revolullonary can only be effected by a decided majority of the 
 whole people clearly ascertained on that point. Yet we have presented to 
 us the startling spectacle of nineteen private citizens (for having failed to 
 qualify in the College and abandoned their trust they disclaim the title of 
 Electors) after having conspired to overthrow the government, these nine- 
 teen private citizens usurping the sovereign power of the people of Maryland 
 call upon the citizens of this State to assemble in convention to prepare for 
 building up out of the ruins they have scattered around us another govern- 
 ment, which may perchance restore to them that political ascendency, which 
 their party has lost in the late elections. Like the result of the delibera- 
 tions in the infernal councils, they have resolved to " RULE OR RUIN !" 
 But they further attempt to justify or excuse this movement to the people 
 of this country upon the ground that it will result in Reform. How far they 
 have been influenced by a sincere attachment to Reform, let their own con- 
 duct declare. If Reform, and not political ascendency in the Slate had been 
 their object, the nineteen seceding Electors would have bowed to the will of 
 the people as expressed at the late senatorial elections, and in their letter to 
 the Electorial College assembled in the Capitol at Annapolis, would have 
 demanded, not EIGHT VAN BUREN SENATORS but FIFTEEN RE- 
 FORM SENATORS. Again, seven at least of the nineteen Electors cannot 
 be called friends to Reform. These are the Electors from Anne Arundel, 
 Queen Anne, Caroline and the city of Annapolis. No man will pretend 
 that these seven electors are friendly to reform, or that they would be sus- 
 tained by their constituents in any action for that purpose. Yet these se- 
 ven, opposed as they are to Reform, united in this conspiracy to advance 
 the interests of their party. Political ascendency therefore, and not Reform, 
 was the main-spring of this desperate movement. We will pursue this en- 
 quiry yet a lilde further. Two great political parties of several counties of 
 this State, including Frederick, Baltimore and Cecil, assembled a few months 
 ago in full Convention in the city of Baltimore, and entered into mutual 
 pledges to apply to the next session of the Legislature to pass a law pre- 
 paratory to calling a Convention to reform the Constitution. That pledge 
 was still in force, and the prospect of reform brightning before us, when 
 these nineteen Electors blasted all immediate prospect of reform by destroy- 
 ing that very legislative body by whose agency it was to be obtained. The 
 cry of REFORM is upon their lips, but RIOT, REBELLION AND RE- 
 VOLUTION are in their hearts. In a word, confusion and anarchy with 
 all their train of calamities threaten to overwhelm a once peaceful, happy 
 and contented people. The nineteen were elected to appoint a Senate, but 
 faithless to their trust, they have attempted to subvert the government and to 
 call a convention. And if we, by any good fortune, escape the impending 
 calamities, it will be because the great body of the constituents of these re- 
 fractory gentlemen, scorning to uphold or countenance the intrigue of a 
 faction of desperate demagogues will compel them to discharge their duty 
 by returning to the College of Electors. 
 
62 
 
 Voters of Frederick county ! Freemen of Maryland ! Lovers of peace, 
 government and good order! Are you prepared for this state of disortler? 
 Reformers of Frederick County ! Ye who are determined steadily to pur- 
 sue reform hy all peaceful means — but wlio would not for any price or for 
 any purpose trample upon the Government of our native State, and plunge 
 recklessly into the depths of a fearful revolution— awake to the crises be- 
 fore you \—Men of peace — JV7en of rejleclion — Men of property — Men of 
 family^ar'ise in your strength to rebuke the insolence and effrontery which 
 threaten to wrest from your hands and to plunge into confusion the govern- 
 ment which you have inherited from your forefathers. Let your voice 
 speak in tones of thunder at the polls on the first 3Ionday in October, that 
 those who have attempted the subversion of your government, may read in 
 the result what it is to provoke the wrath of an insulted people. Arise and 
 exert yourselves to redeem the character and to wipe out this blot on the 
 escutcheon of Maryland, now a hissing and a bye-word among the nations 
 of the earth. Let us unite to cheer and to sustain in the discharge of 
 a most arduous duty the twenty-one Electors, who, true to the government, 
 to the people and to themselves, are now quietly awaiting at Annapolis the 
 return of the refractory nineteen to the discharge of their duty. Discharge 
 your duty firmly and faithfully and the scorn and the indignation of suclv 
 abused people will yet overtake the actors of this dark, and deep, and des- 
 picable conspiracy against the free people of Maryland. There is a fund 
 of good sense abroad among the people of all parties sufficient to shield us 
 from ruin. There are among our political adversaries rnen of peace^ men 
 of prudence, men of reflection^ who will never sustain this desperate con- 
 spiracy of a desperate taction. We confidently trust there are yet consti- 
 tutional conservative remedies. At all events, come weal or woe — victory 
 or defeat — triumph or disaster, let us unite to vindicate peace, government 
 and good order in the good old State of Maryland ! Let us be found 
 
 " Like brave men strugglin? to avert our fate. 
 Or greatly falling with a falling Slate." 
 
 Signed, by order of the Central Committee and of the Commiitee of Vi- 
 gilance for Frederick County. 
 
 MOSES WORMAN, ) chairmen 
 
 WM. BRADLEY TYLER, I ^""^^^"^^^^ 
 
 CvRUS Mantz, } Secretaries. 
 Wm. J. Ross, ) 
 
 WHIG RESOLUTIONS. 
 
 Resolved, by the Whig Central Committee of Frederick county, that wi? 
 denounce the conduct of the recusant electors, and empiuiiically disapprove 
 their illegal and unauthorised recommendation to the people to assemble in 
 convention for the purpose expressed in their address. 
 
 Resolved, That we will not submit to the recommendation of the recu- 
 sant electors, or to the proceedings of any convention, assembled under such 
 recommendation. 
 
 Resolved, That a deep sense of our obligation as citizens of tlie State 
 of Maryland, and as friends of order, peace and good government, will not 
 admit any union with the Van Buren party in their scheme of revolution, 
 
63 
 
 (and that we deprecate their proceeding's as subversive of republican princi- 
 ples, and destructive of the best interests of the State of Maryland. 
 
 Resolved, That the supporters of the recusant Electors are the friends of 
 tlevolution and the enemies of Reform. 
 
 Resolved, "That we strike iiands" with a solemn pledge to rebuke the 
 spirit of revolution, and to vindicate the peace, government and dignity of 
 the Slate. 
 
 Resolved, That we will in no manner countenance, aid or assist the 
 recusant Electors or their aiders and abettors in their nefarious design of 
 destroying the government, or by any concurrence on our part support them 
 in the attitude of hostility to the institutions of their country, which they 
 have assumed. 
 
 Resolved, That these proceedings signed by the Chairman and Secretary 
 by published on Monday morning, and that copies be sent to every county 
 in the State and to every district in the county. 
 
 RICHARD POTTS, Chairman. 
 Cyrus Mantz, Secretary. 
 
 The result of the election of delegates in the month of October, having 
 clearly indicated the indignation of the people of Maryland, in relation to 
 the conduct of the recusant Electors. It was confidenUy hoped that a suffi- 
 cient number of them to elect a Senate would enter the College. But the 
 Presidential election, upon which their whole movement seems to have 
 been designed to operate, had not yet taken place. The annexed cards of 
 Messrs. Duvall and Linthicum, show the pertinacity with which the seced- 
 ing Electors adhered to their original purpose. 
 
 TO THE PUBLIC. 
 1 had hoped that nothing would occur to make it necessary for me to 
 appear again before the public. In the address of the nineteen Electors 
 which I signed, it is announced to the people of Maryland, that not one of 
 Ihem would participate in the formation of a Senate. The reason for that 
 determination are succincUy given in that paper. They were understood 
 by me when I signed it — they were sanctioned by me then — they are ad- 
 hered to now, and at no time since that publication was first made, have I 
 by act or word justified a belief that I could change the position then as- 
 sumed ; on the contrary, I have uniformly declared before and since the last 
 election, that I had deliberately formed the opinion expressed in the address, 
 and had solemnly determined tO act in accordance with it. Notwithstand- 
 ing this unequivocal and undisguised course on my part, some busy bodies 
 who appear to think they know better than I do myself what I propose to do, 
 have continued to circulate the report that I intend to go to Annapolis, and 
 afford an opportunity to the gentlemen there assembled, to form a Senate. It 
 appears to me to be a duty that I owe to the people of the whole State, to 
 put to rest at once, and I hope forever, this idle, mischievous, and unfound- 
 ed rumour. For that purpose, I now publicly declare that I do not intend 
 10 change the ground assumed by me, as one of the Nineteen Electors. It 
 was not taken without full reflection, and subsequent observation has served 
 to satisfy me that by the course we have pursued, and by it alone, can the 
 people of Maryland be speedily and peaceably restored to the enjoyment of 
 
64 
 
 their inalienable rights and privileges. The issue of the last election, alone, 
 ought to satisfy every reasonable and unprejiuliced man that a Convention 
 ought to assemble to revise and amend the Constitution of this State. The 
 election was in some degree a trial of strength between two great political 
 parties. By one of them twenty, and by the other sixty members of the 
 House of Delegates, have been chosen, and by an examination of the returns 
 of the election, it appears that the twenty Delegates elected by one party, 
 represent about 176,000 of free white iniiahitants of the Siate^ and sixty 
 Delegates have been chosen by about 11 3,000 free white inhabitants. 
 
 If there then was no other defect in die constitution but that which pro- 
 duces such a gross inequality as this, in the power possessed by the people 
 to vote for those who are to levy taxes — to participate in the passage of all 
 laws, and in the formation of the executive and judicial departn>ents of the 
 government, the constitution of Maryland would be utterly unworthy of the 
 age. But the unjust apportionment of representatives to the House of Dele- 
 gates is not the only objection fell by me, and entertained by those who are 
 my constituents, to the present State constitution. 1 desire to see all life 
 estates abolished, and a less tyrannical, and more economical judiciary es- 
 tablishment created. I desire to see power given to the people to elect 
 their own Government, Senators, and county officers, and hope the day iS' 
 not far distant when Marylanders will enjoy like privileges, in the choice 
 of those who make and administer the laws, to those that are now enjoyed' 
 by the people of nearly every state in the Union. I know that great pains 
 are taking by many men to inflame the public mind and intimiilale the 
 friends of a convention. These artifices for that purpose have ha. I, and 
 shall have, no influence on my determination. I know the present consti- 
 tution was formed by a convention of delegates chosen by the people. — If 
 the people of Maryland, in the midst of revolution, could calmly assemble 
 by their representatives, and form a constitution, in the name of common 
 sense, why cannot we do so now. We are at peace with the whole world, 
 and have no cause to apprehend that we shall not continue at peace with 
 one another. And if so, with the advantage of experience under our own 
 constitution, and with opportunities to observe the aciiiju of government* 
 all around us, such as the people of Maryland appear to desire, why may 
 we not peaceably, speedily and harmoniously proceed to do justice to all 
 parts of the Slate, by forming a constitution v/ell calculated to protect and 
 foster all of its various interests. 
 
 The population of the Slate appears to be willing to make an honorable 
 compromise wiih the counties, by giving to each of them, without regard to 
 the numbers of their inhabitants, the right to elect a Senator, and there can 
 be no good reason why the representatives of the counties should not in re- 
 turn give to the population a small increase of the number of its represen- 
 tatives in the House of Delegates. All good and permanent governments 
 are formed in compromise, and I have no reason to fear that the people of 
 Montgomery, in the midst of whom I was born and have ever lived, will 
 disapprove of the course which I have adopted, since it is calculated to aflbrd 
 an opportunity to the whole people of the State to meet in convention, and 
 there by a spirit of m-fignanimily worthy of freemen, lay the foundaiions of a 
 government, republican in its character and impartial in its dispensations of 
 benefits and burdens to the whole people, for whose good and happiness it 
 
65 
 
 is to be created. The political panic makers may, for a time, stagger and 
 alarm the timid. — But there will be such a re-action as will carry dismay to 
 the hearts of those desperate men, who, for mere party purposes, are now 
 jeopardizing the peace and good order of society, by circulating the most 
 disgraceful and unfounded falsehoods. 
 
 To the people of Montgomery, by whom I was elected, I beg leave to ten- 
 der now publicly my heartfelt gratitude for their generous and prompt ap- 
 probation of my course, and to invite thetn to unite with the Republicans 
 t)f other portions of Maryland, in that spirit which did honor to, and im- 
 mortalized the patriots of seventy-six, in the good and just work of estab- 
 lishing peaceably and soberly a form of government worthy of the descen- 
 dants of Chase, Carroll and Paca. 
 
 I am, very respectfully, your fellow citizen, 
 
 WASHINGTON DUVALL. 
 
 TO THE PUBLIC. 
 I perceive, that some of the newspapers continue to insist, that I am about 
 to go to Annapolis, and unite with the twenty-one electors in the election 
 of a State Senate. Nothing that I have said justifies such statements. After 
 I returned from Annapolis, having signed the address to the people of Mary- 
 land, with eighteen other Electors, I said publicly that I would not go again 
 to Ann polis to elect a Senate, unless instructed to do so, by a majority of 
 those who had elected me ; and that I would not, even if such instruction 
 were given, assist to make a Senate, until I was first fully satisfied that the 
 other eighteen gentlemen, who have signed the address with me, could just- 
 ly say that I had fulfilled all the engagements into which I have entered 
 with them. — Several weeks have passed since I made these public declara- 
 tions, and no such instructions have been given to me ; neither do I believe 
 that any considerable portion of my political friends wish me to go again to 
 Annapolis as an Elector of Senate. This being the case, I desire to say dis- 
 tinctly, that I have neither heard nor seen any thing to make rtle change thfe 
 opinions expressed in the address to the people of Maryland ; nor have 1 any 
 intention whatever, to change the position taken by me in that address. This 
 Statement is given in the hope that it will assist to quiet the excitement, which 
 unfortunately, and without good fcause, prevails. The people of Maryland, 
 when once well satisfied that they have the power to amend the old Con- 
 stitution of the State, or form a riew one, by choosing Delegates to a Con- 
 vention, will proceed, I have no doubt, to elect their delegates to a Conven- 
 tion for that purpose. And I am equally confident that my friends and 
 neighbors of Anne Arundel County, of all political parties, have too much 
 good sense and love of country, to refuse to meet the people of other coun- 
 ties of the State, to arrange all other public affairs, so as to produce general 
 content and prosperity. It is proposed that each county shall send an equal 
 number of Delegates to the Convention, and in such a body, no man ought 
 to doubt, that all parts of the State, will find complete protection for all kinds 
 of property, and all possible public and private interests. 
 
 I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 
 
 WESLEY LINTHICUM. 
 Baltimore, Oct. Uth, l8S6. 
 
 9 
 
66 
 
 About this ihftfej John S. Sellman, Esq., one of the Remsant Electors^ 
 bowed to the wiH of a majority of the people clearly expressed at the Octo- 
 ber elections, and entered the College. 
 
 The next object which arrested public attention was a letter from the ven- 
 erable Richard T. Earle, late onre of the Judges of the Court of Appeals, but 
 now a private citizen, who stepped forward in this crisis to address his 
 countrymen with the solicitude of a father for his children. We extract 
 from the Centreville Times a copy of his letter. 
 
 TO THE PEOPLE OF QUEEN ANN'S COUNTY. 
 
 More than twenty-five years have passed away, since I was actively en= 
 gaged in party politics, and 1 am persuaded you will credit me when I de- 
 clare, I now step forward, earnestly to oppose the election by the Van Bu- 
 renites of a Provisional Convention, solely, because I believe in my consci- 
 ence, it will prove a measure destructive to ihe peace and happiness of our 
 country. Making this declaration, I solicit the attention of all to the opin- 
 ion and short admonition I venture with diffidence to submit to you for re- 
 flection. 
 
 The late attack upon your constitution by the nineteen recusant electors,' 
 has embarrassed its proceedings, but has not subverted or overturned the 
 venerable structure. I announce this as my decided opinion, and it has the 
 concurrence of most of the judicious in the State, and it is thought, of both 
 parties, and the support of able civilians and jurists in other States of the 
 Union. Your constitution then Citizens, be it known to every one, is in 
 active operation, and after this year will be administered by the constituted 
 authorities as usual : and so long as the vital operative principle continues, 
 the exercise of its powers by any man of body of men, in derogation of its 
 authority, will be considered rank usurpation, and if backed by violence 
 must be deemed treachery: and rebellion. If this is so, and none can deny 
 it, beware citizens of Queen Ann's county, how you countenance the at- 
 tempt about to be made, at the instigation of the Nineteen, to choose con- 
 ventionists to repair to the seat of government, and extend the authority of 
 the civil and military officers now in commission, preteadedly to protect 
 personal rights and preserve the peace of the public. Be assured they are 
 safe in the hand of the legal authorities, and will be endangered only by the 
 lawless intrusions of the Provisional Constitution. 
 
 The attempt to elect a convention for the purpose avowed in the Mani- 
 festo of the Nineteen, 1 most seriously and sincerely believe, is replete with 
 dangers to the community ; and its being made in the name of a portion of 
 your citizens, will not change its objectionable character or shield it with 
 innocency. In reality it will be the incendiary work of the Frederickiown 
 Dictator and some restless spirits that we are told surround him, prostitut- 
 ing party name to aggrandize and elevate themselves to power. 
 
 Again I repeat, citizens of Queen Ann's county, beware how yoU give 
 countenance to this unauthorised and irregular procedure. You may there- 
 by incautiously involve your country in difficulties, the extent of which no 
 human intelligence can foresee. Be content I entreat you, with peace and 
 quietness ; put beyond hazard your constitution, and heed not the artful 
 eouusels of insidious politicians, who have more love for themselves than 
 
67 
 
 the people — trust not to the uncertain issue of revolutionary measures 
 prompted by them. 
 
 That the Constitution we have venerated for more than fifty years, needs 
 reform in some of its provisions, to adapt it to the altered situation of the in- 
 iiabitants, is a sentiment common to us all. Let it be brought about, how- 
 ever, by gentle and peaceable means, and without the agitation and commo- 
 tions, ever attendant on revolutions. The reform can be made under the 
 •59th article of the conslilution as many important amendments have before 
 heen made, or can be effected by a Legislative call of a Convention, if the 
 citizens are resolved on having a Convention. It seems understood that 
 either mode (»f reform will be adopted at the next session of the Legislature 
 if asked for by the united voice of the people of the State. 
 
 In conclusion, I beseech you, citizens of Queen Ann's county, to be on 
 your guard against giving your support to the wild schemes of ambitious 
 men. Believe me, there is great risk in trusting them. 
 Your faidiful and obedient serv't, 
 
 RICHARD T. PARLE. 
 
 Queen Ann's County, October 29. 
 
 Our readers are now prepared to judge of the merits of the Governor's 
 Proclamation, which is set forth without one word of comment. 
 
 IMPORTANT FROM ANNAPOLIS. 
 
 The following important document. — the Proclamation of the Executive of 
 Maryland, convoking the General Assembly of the State on the 21st in- 
 stant — reached us by yesterday's mail from Annapolis. 
 
 By His Excellency, THOS. W. VEAZEY, Governor of Maryland. 
 
 A PROCLAMATION. 
 
 WHEREAS, by tiie Constitution of this State, and with the view, as well 
 of perpetuating an essential branch of the Legislative Department of the gov- 
 ernment, as of providing for such changes in the members thereof, periodi- 
 cally, as the people might desire to make, it was provided that the people of 
 the several counties, and of the cities of Baltimore and Annapolis, duly qua- 
 lified as electors, should, on the first Monday of September last, elect two 
 persons for each of the said counties, and one person for each of the said 
 cities, to be electors of the Senate, who were required to meet in the city of 
 Annapolis on the third Monday of said month; and they, or any twenty-four 
 ■of them, so met, were directed, after having qualified in the manner provid- 
 ed for, to proceed to elect fifteen Senators, who, when so elected, and duly 
 qualified as such, were to constitute " the Senate of Maryland," in the place 
 of those who tlien constituted that branch of the General Assembly. 
 
 AND WHEREAS, eigliteen of the persons \yho were chosen electors, in 
 pursuance of the aforesaid provisions of the constitiition, and in conformity 
 to law, have failed to perforiii the duty enjoined upon them as aforesaid, by 
 refusing, and ooiitinwing to refuse, or neglect, tq meet the other electors who 
 have alte(ide(l, qualified and held themselyef in readiness to perform their 
 duty, in consequence whereof no new Senate has yet been elected. 
 
 AfSfD WHEREAS, the said unfaithful agents of the people, in additioi^ 
 <io their violation of duty as aforesaid, seem vainly to have imagined that thf 
 
68 
 
 effect of their conduct would be the destruction and overthrow of the Con- 
 stitution and Government of the Slate, which many, if not all of them, had 
 heretofore sworn to support; and accordingly, presumptuously proceeded to 
 recommend measures for substituting another Consliuitionand Government 
 for that which they seem to have supposed they had destroyed, or, at least, 
 mortally wounded. 
 
 AND WHEREAS, sundry evil disposed, or misguided citizens have ta- 
 ken, and are continuing to pursue and prosecute measures in accordance 
 with said recommendation, and designed to carry out and consummate the 
 disorderly designs and purposes aforesaid. 
 
 AND WHEREAS, these unprecedented, unconstitutional, disorderly and 
 revolutionary occurrences and proceedings, although wholly inefficient to 
 accomplish any of the avowed objects of those engaged in them are fraught 
 ^ith incalculable evils and mischiefs, and must, if persisted in, and sustain- 
 ed by any considerable portion of the people, greatly disturb the tranquillity 
 and repose of the State — impair her credit and resources — blight her lately 
 brilliant prospects of increasing prosperity, and finally involve us in all the 
 horrors and unspeakable calamities of anarchy, intestine commotion and 
 CIVIL WAR, and therefore demand from the Executive the adoption of 
 such Constitutional and legal measures as may seem to them best adapted 
 to the quiet of the public mind, which has thus been wantonly disturbed; to 
 defeat the unholy designs and purposes aforesaid, and maintain and support 
 the Constitution and authority of the Government, by all the means and pow- 
 ers with which they are entrusted. 
 
 ANE WHEREAS, we are well advised, and entirely satisfied, that the 
 aforesaid unfaithful " Trustees of the public," and their ahcuors, have as en- 
 tirely mistaken their power of destroying the Constitution and Government 
 of the State, as they have clearly violated a solemn duly — that the Consti- 
 tution and Government yet exist in all their integrity and power — that the 
 Senate elected in September, 1831, continue to be " the Senate of Maryland," 
 and will so continue until superseded by the election of successors, as con- 
 stitutionally and lawfully provided for, and with the House of Delegates 
 elected in October last, now constitute "the General Assembly" of this State. 
 
 NOW, THEREFORE, I, TUOiMAS W. VEAZEY, Governor of the 
 State of Maryland, with the advice of the Council, and in virtue of the au- 
 thority vested in me by the Constitution, deeming it proper and necessary, 
 in the present crisis of our aflliirs, that the General Assembly should be con- 
 vened before the time fixed for the next annual Session, to which it stands 
 adjourned, DO HEREBY APPOINT AND PROCLAIM 
 
 MONDAY, the 2 1st of NOVEMBER, 
 
 Instant, as the time of the next meeting of the General Assembly, and call 
 upon and require the several Senators and Delegates to attend at the Seat of 
 Government, on that day, to take into consideration the present condition 
 of our public affairs, and adopt such measures as to them may seem meet 
 and expedient in relation thereto, and for the transaction of such other bu- 
 siness as the welfare of the State may require. 
 
 And I do furthermore declare and proclaim, to all whom it doth or may 
 concern, that, as Chief Magistrate of the State, 1 shall exert to the utmost all 
 the powers which have been, or may be, vested in me by the Constitution 
 
69 
 
 and Laws, and which it may become necessary to employ, to curb the spi- 
 rit of anarchy, disorder and revolution, manifested by the aforesaid conduct 
 and proceedings, and to support the Constitution, and enforce the Laws up- 
 on all offenders against her majesty, who shall proceed, by OVERT ACTS, 
 either of resistance to ihe constituted authorities of the State, or of carrying 
 out or consummating the revolutionary designs and purposes of the afore- 
 said recusants and their abettors ; and I do hereby require and enjoin all 
 eivil officers of the Slate to be vigilant in the performance of their several 
 and respective duties, at this important crisis ; and upon all military officers 
 and citizens to hold themselves in readiness, in case their services may be- 
 come necessary in aid of the civil authorities, to maintain the public peace, 
 repress disorder, uphold the Constitution, or enforce the Laws ; and, finally, 
 with humble supplication for, and reliance upon Divine Providence for di- 
 rection and aid, and also with tlie firmest reliance upon the people of the 
 State, to support, and, if nece'^sary, enforce the declaration, I do solemnly 
 DECLARE AND PROCLAIM that the Constitution of the Siate JVIUSt 
 BE PRESERVED, and the Government mamtained, as they now are^ until 
 '^ altered, changed or abolished," in the manner Constitutionally provided 
 for. 
 
 Given under my hand and the Great Seal of the State of Maryland, at the 
 City of Annapolis, this eighth day of November, in the year of our Lord 
 one thousand eight hundred and thirty-six, and of the Independence of 
 the United States the sixty-first. 
 
 THOMAS W. VEAZEY. 
 By the Governor, 
 
 THOMAS CULBRETH, Clerk of the Council. 
 
 The subjoined publications will afford some proof of the manner in which 
 the proclamation of the Governor was responded to by a portion of the peo- 
 ple of Maryland. 
 
 The Marlboro' (Prince George's county) Gazette, contains the following 
 call from Major Contee in response to the proclamation of the State Exe- 
 cutive, enjoining it upon all good citizens and officers, civil and military, to 
 hold themselves in readniess to assist, if need be, in maintaining the autho- 
 rity of the Laws, and the integrity of the Government, against all comers : 
 
 Pleasant Prospect, JVovember 14, 1836. 
 Fellow Soldiers. — The Governor of Maryland in his proclamation of the 
 8lh instant, (after calling upon the civil officers, "call upon the military of- 
 ficers and citizens to hold themselves in readiness," &c.) Under this clause, 
 I, as Major of the 2d Cavalry district call upon you, as good and true lovers 
 of your country, ti) meet at the Court House in Upper Marlboro', on Satur- 
 day next, the I9th instant, at 11 o'clock, A. M. to organize as volunteers, 
 and join with me, and offer our services to the Executive in case of neces- 
 sity, in the present critical period of our beloved Slate. 
 
 JOHN CONTEE, Major of Cavalry. 
 
 Upper Marlboro', JYovember 19th. 
 At a meeting of a number of citizens of Prince George's county, held at 
 
70 
 
 the Court House this day, in pursuance of a call made by Maj. John Corr-e 
 TEE — Robert VV. Bowie, Esq. was called to the Chair and Edward W, 
 Belt appointed Secretary. 
 
 Majiir Co.NTEE stated the object of the meeting in the following address: 
 
 "Under a dnty, my feliow-ciiizens, incumbent upon me as a military of- 
 ficer, and one who has sworn to support the Constitution of Maryland, I 
 have called this meeting for the purpose avowed in the notice, '» to organ- 
 ize as volunteers and join with me and ofl'er our services to the Executive 
 in case of necessity." I wish it clearly and distinctly understo<((i that 1 am 
 no party man, and this is no party meeting; for, I trust, we all unite in the 
 sentiment of the gallant Decatur. "Our country, may she be always riglit, 
 but, right or wrong, onr country." We are met to aid in the support of the 
 Constitution of one of the old thirteen United Stales, the Conslitntion of 
 Maryland, which "•must be preserved," ''peaceably if we can, forcibly if 
 we must," and, believing that the most certain way to preserve our rights is 
 to be prepared to defend them, I call upon you by all that is dear and sacred 
 to human nature, to enroll your names with mine and offer our services to 
 the Executive, if necessary, (which may God avert,) in the present awful 
 Kitiiation of our happy State, and therefore submit for your signatures the 
 following paper, which I move be read by the Secretary, and those who co- 
 incide, sign it forthwith." 
 
 "The undersigned, fully concurring in the proclamation of the Governor 
 of Maryland on the 8th inst., do hereby volunteer their services to the Exe- 
 cutive, under the name of "The Planters' Guards," — and under their con- 
 stitution, rules, regulations, and by-laws, (except uniform,) subject howe-? 
 ver to revision, alteration and amendment by the majority." 
 
 Wm. H. Tuck, Esq. seconded, and together with Walter W, W. 
 Bowie, Esq. each, in a short but eloquent address, supported the proposi- 
 tion offered by Major Contee. 
 
 The subscription paper being then submitted to the meeting, forty-five 
 gentlemen immediately signed their names thereto, and proceeded to elect 
 officers by ballot, when 
 
 JOHN CONTEE, Esq. was unanimously elected Captain. 
 
 THOMAS F. BOWIE, Esq. First Lieutenant. 
 
 JOHN C. GRAHAM, Esq. Second Lieutenant. 
 
 RICHARD WEST, Jr. Esq. Cornet, and 
 
 Mr. ELIS. BALDWIN, Orderly Sergeant. 
 
 On motion it was Resolved unnnimoushj^ That we will with our lives 
 and fortunes support the existing Government of Maryland against any vio- 
 leHce that may be attempted, and we tender to the Executive our services 
 whenever they may be called for. 
 
 Resolved further^ That the Chairman of this meeting be requested to 
 forward these proceedings to His Excellency the Governor, and to request 
 of him that if any requisition be made, it will be done through the Captain 
 elect. 
 
 Resolved, That lUc procoedings of this meeting, signed by the Chairman 
 and Secretary, be published in llie Marlboro' Gazette and Maryland Repub- 
 lican. 
 
 ROBERT W. BOWIE, Chairman. 
 
 Ed. W. Belt, Secretary. 
 
71 
 
 , §coufged by the resistless will of the people, one bf the seceding Electors? 
 Mr. Linthicum, notwithstanding his former publication, at length relented,' 
 and publisiied the following invitation to his nineteen coadjutors : — 
 
 Elk Ridge, JVovember lllh, 1836, 
 To Messrs. McGill, Wason, Quynn, Fisher., ElUcoU, Belt, Vamanf, Har- 
 
 wood, Hope, Sutton, Keene, Fountain, Evans, G. Jl. Thomas, Duvall, B. 
 
 Thomas and George. 
 
 Genllethen : — Believing that the course we adopted in seceding from the 
 Electoral College was expressive of the wishes of a majority of the People 
 of Maryland, but not having been sustained by that majority, and being 
 at all times willing to submit to the will of the people, I have determined 
 to obey this will as expressed by the votes of the November election, and 
 shall repair to Annapolis on Friday the 18th inst., and on the 19th qualify* 
 as an Elector of the Senate ; and I invite you to meet me there, for the pur- 
 pose of joining in making a quorum. 
 
 I am, with much respect, your obed't serv't, 
 
 WESLEY LINTHICUM. 
 
 Responding to this invitation, five of the nineteen Recusant electors (the 
 precise number which was originally instructed not to enter) did enter the 
 College, and a Senate was formed. In consequence of the election of a 
 new Senate, the former Senate did not meet in pursuance of the Governor's 
 proclamation. The following message, however, was addressed to the Le- 
 gislature : 
 
 GOVERNOR'S MESSAGE. 
 Gentlemen of the Seiitite, 
 
 And of the House of Delegates: 
 
 The extraordinary occurrences which, in our judgment, rendered it pro- 
 |)er and necessary that you should meet in General Assembly at this 
 time, having been briefly detailed in the Proclamation callinsr you together, 
 a copy of which is herewith submitted, we proceed to state to vou, more 
 at large, the views by which we were influenced, and the objects sought td 
 be accomplished by calling for the exertion of your authority, in the un- 
 precedented crisis in our afTnirs, so faithlessly and wantonly brought about. 
 
 it was with deep regret, that we felt ourselves callfd upon to expose to 
 the world conduct of MARyLANDERs, so utterly unworthy of the name 
 and so little to have been expected of descendants from, and partakers iri 
 the honor and name of ancestors of such unsullied purity and glorious 
 memory, as every Son of the State should be proud of and strive to emu- 
 late. But, after waiting in vain, with painful anxiety and deep solicitude 
 in hopes that a returning sense of duty, moral and political, would cause at 
 least a sufficient number of the recusant electors to attend the College and 
 with those who had qualified, elect a Senate, until after the last of the ex- 
 citing elections of the season was over, but not until its result was ascer- 
 tained, when there could be no suspicion of partizan design or political 
 motive for our action, we felt that we could no longer forbear, in duty to 
 4he people of the State and justice to ourselves, to take a firm and deter- 
 
72 
 
 mined stand in support of the Constitution and authoritjr of the Gotern- 
 ment, against the designs and proceedings intended to effect their over- 
 throw. 
 
 It is believed that the annals of party contention, and political errors and 
 aberrations from duty, to which all parly spirit naturally tends, would be 
 searched in vain for a ca«e of such plain and palpable violation of Consti- 
 tutional duty and moral obligation, as the conduct of the recusant Electors 
 of the Senate of Maryland exhibits; and alihough all who have approved' 
 of their unholy designs, and lent their aid and assistance to carry them into ef- 
 fect, have been guilty of gross dereliction and violation of the duty of good 
 citizens, it is only those who counselled, beguiled and misled them to the 
 course they pursued, that equal them in degree of guilt. 
 
 A painful sense of duty having required of us to denounce the conduct 
 of the recusant electors and their abettors, in terms suited to the nature and 
 design of their offences, it is with the greatest satisfaction that we turn from 
 them to do justice to the patriotic and noble conduct of many of their politi- 
 cal partizans. In some parts of the State, and particularly in Alleghany 
 county, the party to which they belong, almost with one voice condemned, 
 and from the first, reprobated their conduct, with as much severity as their" 
 political opponents have done; and we believe this has been the case with 
 a very respectable portion of their political friends in every part of the 
 State. 
 
 Such patriotic conduct, breaking and rising above all party trammels, 
 when the constitution and government — the tranquillity and welfare of the 
 State were endangered, merits all praise, and meets our unqualified admira- 
 tion. And we have great gratification in expressing the highest confidence, 
 inspired by manifestations and evidences in every quarter of the State, that 
 when the recent excitements shall have passed away, and reason shall have 
 triumphed over the madness of party, and resumed her empire, the number 
 even of the political partizans of the recusant electors, who will continue 
 to countenance and support them in their delmquency and Revolutionary 
 designs and proceedings, will be comparatively very few, and be confined 
 to such of their prominent counsellors and principal abettors as will have 
 no hope of re-establishing themselves in the good opinion and confidence 
 of the community. VV^e will not allow ourselves to doubt, that even among 
 the recusants themselves, there will be found some, whose honesty and pa- 
 triotism will finally trinmph over their misguided passions, and cause them 
 to look back upon their late conduct wiili mingled astonishment and shame, 
 and the most profound abhorrence of the evil advisers by whom they have 
 been led astray. 
 
 As soon as the recusant electors had taken their course, it became the du- 
 ty of the Executive, and indeed of all good citizens, to inform themselves of 
 the constitutional and best means of defeating their designs and supporting 
 the constitution and government, and providing a remedy for their derelic- 
 tion of duty. Upon examination of the constitution and form of government 
 with this view, we found cause of increased admiration of the wisdom and 
 forecast of the patriotic and eminent statesmen by whom it was framed. 
 We found that they had not left it in the power of any unfaithful agents of 
 the people, to destroy this work of their wise heads and pure hearts. They 
 provided that " the General Assembly of Maryland" should consist of a Sc- 
 
73 
 
 nate and House of Delegates, and for periodical elections of the members of 
 each branch without otherwise limiting the term of service of either. But 
 although they had the forecast so to frame the provisions in relation to the 
 elections of members of the Senate and House of Delegates, as to guard 
 against the effect of improper conduct or omissions of unfaithful agents, be- 
 ing to leave the State without a General Assembly, by leaving the term of 
 service of the members of each House unlimited, otherwise than by ihe elec- 
 tion of successors, yet it is manifest tliat they intended the people should 
 have the power and means, and expected they would be exercised, of termi- 
 nating the service of the members of the Senate every fifth year, and of the 
 members of the House of Delegates every year. It was in this view, un- 
 doubtedly, that they provided for elections to fill vacancies in the Senate, 
 " for the residue of the said term of five years." 
 
 If any support were necessary to this plain view of the provisions of the 
 constitution, it is abundantly supplied by numerous judicial authorities and 
 decisions, both English and American, in cases directly in point, in Foote^ 
 vs. Prowse^ mayor of the town of Truro, reported in Strange, page 6i5, " it 
 was held, that the words, annualim eligende (to be chosen annually,) were 
 only directory, and that an annual election of them was not necessary to 
 make an election in their presence good ; and King, C. J. who delivered the 
 opinion of the court, compared it to the case of constables and other annual 
 oncers, who are good officers after the year is out, until another is elected 
 and sioorn?'' In this case, the charter of the town directed, that the election 
 of Aldermen should be made annually, and that the election of Mayor should 
 be held in the presence of the Aldermen. The Aldermen, in whose pre- 
 sence Prowse had been elected Mayor, had not been elected annually, but 
 held their offices of Aldermen in virtue of an election held some years be- 
 fore. Prowseh election was held to be valid. To the same effect, sub- 
 stantially are the follovving decisions, viz : Hicks, vs. Town of Launceston, 
 1 Rolle's Abridgement, page 513. Queen, vs. The Corporation of Durham, 
 lOlh Modern Reports, page 146. Smith, vs. Smith, 3d Equity Reports of 
 South Carolina, and the People, vs. Runkles, 9ih Johnson's New York Re- 
 ports, page 147, in which all the other cases here mentioned, and several 
 Texi Books, are cited as authorities. 
 
 The continuance of the Senate, until superceded by the election of suc- 
 cessors being thus settled in our minds beyond a doubt, we should at once 
 have called the General Assembly together, with a view of their making pro- 
 vision for the election of other electors in the place of those whe had refus- 
 ed and neglected to attend the College and perform their duty, but for the 
 additional excitement and misconstruction of motive, which we apprehend- 
 ed would be produced in the public mind by such a step, during the pen- 
 dency of the recent election of electors of President and Vice-President of 
 the United States — and we determined to call the General Assembly for that 
 purpose, immediately after that election should be over, without regard to, or 
 intention to be influenced in the least by, what might be the result of that 
 election. 
 
 Considering that the spirit of the Constitution, and the plain intent of its 
 framers require that the term of Senators shall be terminated by the election 
 of successors every five years, or as soon thereafter as circumstances may 
 admit of; our first object in convening the General Assembly was, that they 
 
 10 
 
74 
 
 might pass a law providing for the election of Electors of the Senate, in the 
 place of those who had refused or neglected to attend the College and per- 
 form their duty. That the General Assembly have the authority to provide 
 by law for a new election in such a case, is a proposition so clear of rational 
 doubt, that, but for the lawless and anarchical spirit of the day, which calls 
 in question the most venerable and best settled doctrines of Constitutional 
 law, and embraces in their stead the most wild and monstrous absurdities, 
 no argument or authority would be necessary or even proper to sustain it. 
 Even if the original constitutional provision on the subject remained entire 
 and unchanged, the power to provide for the election in such a case, would 
 be ample •, b\it all such parts of that Constitutional provision, as relates to 
 the judges^ time^ place and manner of holdinjr elections, having been abol- 
 ished at the November Sessions 1798 and 1799, and left thereafter to be re- 
 gulated by law, it would seem impossible that doubt could be raised on the 
 subject. Yet being aware that the authority of the General Assembly in this 
 respect, has been not only questioned but strenuously denied, we deem it 
 proper to refer to a few conclusive authorities in support of it. 
 
 That eminent jurist, James Kent, late Chancellor of New York, in the 2d 
 volume of his coinmeniaries, says — that " the power of election, or the sup- 
 plying of members in the room of such as are removed by death or other- 
 wise^ is said to be a power incident to, and necessarily implied in every ag- 
 gregate corporation, from the principle of self preservation," that '' it was 
 decided in the case of Newling, vs. Francis, 3d Teim Reports, 189," that 
 "when the mode of electing corporate othcers, was not regulated by charter 
 or prescription, the corporation might make by-laws to regulate the election, 
 provided they did not infringe the charter." And he refers to various other 
 authorities in support of his position. Such power being "an incident to, 
 and necessarily implied in every aggregate corporation" how can it be doubt- 
 ed that the Legislative authority, which grant charters of incorporation, pos- 
 sess at least equal powers of "self preservation." 
 
 That there is no existing legal provision for an election to supply the va- 
 cancies in the Senatorial Electoral College, it is presumed, is lor the same 
 reason, that the punishment of the crime of Parricide, when first committed 
 in the Athenian Commonwealth, was found to be unprovided for: because 
 it had never entered into the conceptions of the Framers of the Constitution 
 or Laws, that such a provision was, or would become necessary. 
 
 A sufficient number of the recusant Electors having, since the issuing of 
 our Proclamation and before the day assigned for the meeting of the Gene- 
 ral Assembly, attended the Electoral College, qualified and joined with those 
 faithful electors who had from the first been ready to perform their dnty, 
 and a new Senate having been elected, it will now only be necessary, in re- 
 ference to the conduct of the recusants and their abettors, to provide appro- 
 priate remedies to meet any further like conduct or occurrences. And for 
 this ptirpose, we respectfully recommend an amendment of our election laws, 
 providing for new elections to fill any vacancies which may occur in any 
 future electoral college, by death or resijriiation, or by refusal or neglect to 
 attend and qualify within a specified time ; and we also recommend an 
 amendment of our crimiiial laws, providing for suitable and adequate punish- 
 ment of any agents of the people who may hereafter solicit and receive, or 
 accept of any public trust, and refuse or wilfully neglect to perform the du- 
 ties enjoined by the Constitution or Laws. 
 
75 
 
 Supposing that you will concur with us in the opinion, that at this extra- 
 ordinary session your attention and labors ought to be confined to the spe- 
 cial objects of calling you together, and such other business of importance 
 as the welfare of the State requires to be acted upon without delay, we shall 
 forbear to call to your notice or attention any other subjects of interest to 
 the Slate. Among these, we esteem the passage of such laws as you may 
 deem necessary and proper for suppressing all revolutionary designs and 
 proceedings ; for the better support of the constitution and government, and 
 for bringing to justice and deserved punishment their future violators. As 
 the constitution provides that no part thereof shall be altered, changed or 
 abolished, unless a bill so to alter, change or abolish the same shall pass 
 the General Assembly, and be published at least three months before a 
 new election, and shall be confirmed by the General Assembly after 
 a new elec'ion of delegates, in the first session after such new election ; and 
 as several bills for alterations of the constitution were passed by the last 
 General Assembly, it is necessary to their confirmation as a part of the con- 
 stitution, that you should act upon them at the present session. 
 
 And as the Act of Congress, providing for the deposite with the States of 
 the Surplus Revenue of the United States, requires that legal provision shall 
 be made by each State for receiving her proportion thereof, and giving the 
 required obligation for its return when legally called for, before receiving 
 any part of said surplus, and as the distribution is to commence on, or soon 
 after the first day of January next, we recommend the passage of a law in 
 conformity to the requirements of the Act of Congress: a copy of which, 
 with a circular from the Secretary of the Treasury of the United States, we 
 herewith submit for your consideration. 
 
 Reform of the Constitution having been held forth by the recusant Elect- 
 ors as their ostensible object in the course of conduct pursued by them and 
 their abettors, our views upon that subject are perhaps justly and properly 
 expected : 
 
 In an address to the people of the Stale, the recusant Electors undertook 
 to defend their attempt to subvert the Constitution by Revolutionary means, 
 upon the unfounded assumption that all hope of adequate amendment, or, 
 in the cant, various meaning, and undefined phrase of the day — Reform,hy- 
 the Constitutional method, are vain and illusory ; and they quoted, with a 
 view to support their assumption of right to pursue the course they had 
 adopted and recommended to their coadjutors, from our Bill of Rights, the 
 unquestionable truth, " that, whenever the ends of Government are pervert- 
 ed, and public liberty manifestly endangered, and all other means of redress 
 are ineffectual, the people may, and of right ought, to reform the old or es- 
 tablish a new Government. But they omitted all attempt to show that these 
 circumstances had occurred, or, that they were the people, or even the Re- 
 presentatives of any part of them, for such a purpose. 
 
 What are tke ends of Gooernmenl ? The security of life, liberty and pro- 
 perty, may be the brief but comprehensive answer; and we state wiiii hon- 
 est pride and in the fullest confidence, that in no community have these ends 
 been more effectually provided for, or more amply enjoyed, and that an in- 
 stance cannot be cited from our history, under the constitution, in which 
 any of them have been violated, by color of law. " When public liberty is 
 manifestly endangered ?" As it is notoriously felt by all, so it needs no ar- 
 
76 
 
 gument to prove, that public liberty has never been endangered, or even 
 threatened here, save by the rash or misguided men, and their abettors, 
 whose conduct is now under review. But were it otherwise, and had these 
 events occurred, can it be said, with the least semblance of truth, " that all 
 other means of redress" have been tried and found '' ineffectual ?" No oth- 
 er Constitution or form of Government has provided more amply for its 
 amendment, or a mode more ready, easy, safe and judicious for that purpose 
 than ours; nor has there ever occurred, since its adoption, a time when the 
 assumption or assertion that there is no hope of reform under it, was so evi- 
 dendy untrue, as at the present. 
 
 In the lapse of sixty years, the po«iition of society has materially varied, 
 so that the provisions of the Constitution are less perfect in theory, and less 
 adapted to ideas of ris^ht^ and to the present condition, wishes, and interests 
 of the people, than at the lime of its establishment. There are several parts 
 of the instrument, which it is generally believed might be beneficially chang- 
 ed. The establishment of a different basis and apportionment of represen- 
 tation is required by a just regard to the rights, interests and wishes of the 
 people of the more populous sections of the State, and there is every reason 
 to believe that such a change, in this respect, as ought to satisfy the large 
 and populous sections, and can be safely conceded by the smaller and less 
 populous, can and will be obtained in the Constitutional manner, and with 
 general consent. The comparative inequality of the representation of dif- 
 ferent sections of the Stale, with reference to population, taxation and busi- 
 ness, has been pressed upon the attention of the people and the Legislature 
 for several j'ears past, and, as evidence of the impression which had been 
 made in favor of conceding to the more populous sections, an increase of 
 representation and political power, or, in other words, of the advance of the 
 principal cause of reform, the General Assembly, at the last annual Session, 
 and but just before it has been so boldly, but untruly asserted or assumed, 
 that all hope of obtaining reform in the Constitutional mode, was vain and 
 illusory, passed two bills, such as had frequently before been rejected, which, 
 when confirmed, will give an increase of six Representatives to the most popu- 
 lous sections : — two to the City of Baltimore, and four to the people who 
 now compose the Comities of Baltimore and Frederick!! 
 
 Can any sane mind believe, under these circumstances, that the real^ and 
 main object of the recusant Electors and their abettors, in the course they 
 have pursued, was reform in the Constitution .'' But one answer, in sub- 
 stance and truth, can be given to this question. It is as manifest that the 
 ostensible was not the real and main object, as that the assumptions upon 
 which their measures were predicated, were, and are utterly destitute of 
 foundation, untrue, and have been disproved by unquestionable facts. 
 
 We feel warranted by the facts which we have slated, and by the eviden- 
 ces of public sentiment in every quarter of the State, in expressing the full- 
 est confidence, that whenever, and in whatever peaceable and orderly man- 
 ner, the people of the Slate shall have clearly indicated the kind and extent 
 of further just, reasonable and proper amend^ients desired by them, that 
 their wishes will be carrieil into effect, in the regular manner, and with as 
 litUe delay as a just and prudent consideration of, and the necessary action 
 upon them, will admit of. 
 
 As a change in the basis of representation, is the great question of reform 
 
77 
 
 most generally desired and justly insisted upon, y/e beg leave to suggest for 
 consideration, as a fair compromise of the conflicting views and interests in 
 relation to the nature and proper extent of such change, and as suited to our 
 condition and local circumstances, that our Constitution, in this respect, be 
 altered so as to conform, as nearly as our circumstances will justify, to that 
 of the United States : that the representation in the House of Delegates be 
 based on population of Federal numbers, limited however, by a maximum 
 for the larger counties, and the City of Baltimore, and by a minimum for 
 the smaller counties and the City of Annapolis, and that a Senator be allow- 
 ed to each county, and the City of Baltimore. And lastly. 
 
 Gentlemen of the House of Delegates : 
 
 !t is with you to coosider the necessity or expediency of exerting the 
 powers with which you are clothed by the constitution, " as the grand in- 
 quest of tlie Slate, to enquire into the complaints, grievances and offences," 
 which have occasioned you to be called together. 
 
 With humble supplications to Divine Providence, that all our labors may 
 be directed and controlled by virtue and wisdom, and result in the promo- 
 tion of the welfare and prosperity of the State, 
 
 We remain, with the highest consideration and respect, 
 
 Your obedient servants, 
 
 THOMAS W. VEAZEY. 
 
 The Electoral College having been formed, the following Senators were 
 elected : 
 
 LEVI HILLEARY, of Allegany county. 
 
 RICHARD J. BOWIE, of Montgomery county. 
 
 JOHN V. L. McMAHON, of Baltimore city. 
 
 RICHARD THOMAS, of St. Mary's county. 
 
 JOHN BECKETT, of Calvert county. 
 
 WILLIAM SCHLEY, of Frederick county. 
 
 ROBERT W. KENT, of Anne .Arundel county. 
 
 WILLIAM PRICE, of Washington county. 
 
 ELIAS BROWN, of Baltimore county. 
 
 WILLIAM U. PURNELL, of Worcester county. 
 
 WILLIAM T. GOLDSBOROUGH, of Dorchester county. 
 
 THOMAS KING CARROLL, of Somerset county. 
 
 EDWARD N. HAMBLETON, of Talbot county. 
 
 JAMES B. RICAUD, of Kent county. 
 
 THOMAS WRIGHT, (of Thos.) of Queen Anne's county. 
 
 Whether alarmed at the decided tone of the Governor's Proclamation, or 
 at the organization of Major Contee's Dragoons, the delegates to the Reform 
 Convention, elected in pursuance of the recommendation of the Nineteen 
 to frame a provisional government for the State of Maryland, did not meet 
 as in duty bound at the city of Annapolis. But imitating the example of 
 their Nineteen putative progenitors, they failed to meet as required, and fail- 
 ed to create a new government, for the plain reason that the old one was in 
 active operation. 
 
78 
 
 We feel it due, however, to this « HUMBUG CONVENTION" to pub- 
 lish to the world the Journal of their proceedings; one of the most precious 
 records of human wisdom. lu this document we are at a loss which most 
 to admire, the contempt expressed for the constituted authorities of their 
 native State, or the abuse of its existing institutions. 
 
 PROCEEDINGS OF THE REFORM CONVENTION. 
 
 Baltimore, JS'ov. 16/A, 1836. 
 
 According to previous notice, the Delegates to the Reform Convention 
 of Maryland assembled this day. 
 
 On motion of Joiin S. Tyson, of Baltimore county, the following mem- 
 bers were appointed to prepare and report to the Convention resolutions for 
 its adoption : 
 
 John S. Tyson, Benjamin C. Howard, Francis Thomas, John A. Car- 
 ter, Washington Hall, James W. Williams, George Cooke. 
 
 November 19th, 1836. 
 
 The Chair, on behalf of the aforesaid Committee, reported the following 
 resolutions, which was read and unanimously adopted : 
 
 Resolved, That the unexpected call on the part of the Executive upon 
 the members elect of the House of Delegates, and of the old Senate to as- 
 semble at Annapolis, on Rlonday next, has rendered it expedient to post- 
 pone the meeting of the Reform Convention to a day vvlien ample op- 
 portunity shall have been afforded to understand fully the reasons which 
 have induced the Executive to adopt this extraordn\ary procedure, and to 
 ascertain the results of their deliberation. 
 
 Resolved, That this convention repels proudly and indignantly the asper- 
 sions cast upon its members, and those whom they represent, in the late 
 proclamation of Gov. Veazey, and regard its doctrines as unsound and dan- 
 gerous — its language undignified, and its temper and spirit unbecoming the 
 Executive of Maryland. The friends of Conventional Reform have not 
 done or designed any thing inconsistent with their duties as peaceable citi- 
 zens, or in violation of the laws of the State. They have proposed to 
 adopt measures, solemnly sanctioned by the Bill of Rights of Maryland, to 
 ascertain whether a majority of the people of the State desire a Convention 
 assembled to devise and submit for their adoption that which they certain- 
 ly do not enjoy, a republican form of Government. 
 
 Resolved, That the people of Maryland, like those of every other repub- 
 lican community, have the right to change the form of government which 
 they have vohnitarily adopted whenever it may appear to them expedient 
 to do so, and of this inalienable right our ancestors neither did nor could 
 deprive us. 
 
 Resolved, That this right should be exercised cautiously, temperately, 
 and with great deliberation; but if a majority of the people of the State 
 should determine, by solemn vote, toesiahlisli a new government, it would, 
 by virtue of such sanction, become the rejjidar and only government enti- 
 tled to respect or obedience, and those who would refuse to obey it ought 
 to be considered enemies of the public peace and order. 
 
 Resolved, That we believe that a majority of the people of Maryland 
 desire to change the present constitution, by a direct vote, in favor of or 
 
79 
 
 against a new one to be submitted to them by a Convention, and are un- 
 willing to await the slow and uncertain action of the Legislature, the organi- 
 zation of that department of the Government being such as to preclude all 
 reasonable hope of their redressing the grievances of which the people have 
 so long comphined. 
 
 Resolved^ That, if the theory of those opposed to Conventional Reform 
 be true, the people of Maryland are placed in an extraordinary position, dif- 
 fering wholly from our brethren in other stales in the Union, who have the 
 control over their constitution, and can fashion it to suit their interests, 
 wishes, or even prejudices, whilst we are debarred from exercising the 
 same power over ours, being compelled to live under the government of 
 associated counties, having a confederacy instead of a Republican Govern- 
 ment. 
 
 Resolved, That, if the theory of the Constitutional Reformers be true, 
 that our ancestors had a riglit to transfer the power of altering the Consti- 
 tution from the people to two Legislatures, they had also the right to ordain 
 that there should be no alteration in any way whatsoever; a conclusion to 
 which the intelligent freemen of Maryland can never be brought to as- 
 sert. 
 
 Resolved, That we have no confidence in the opinion that the Legisla- 
 ture, if a new Senate had been chosen, would have gratified the known 
 wishes of conventional reformers; neither do we believe that this will be 
 done by the old Senate and the new House of Delegates. We anticipate 
 that, at a day not far distant, these impressions will become general, if not 
 universal, and with that expectation we think it will be expedient hereafter 
 to open the polls again throughout the Slate, invite the people to clothe with 
 the necessary power, a Convention, to submit to them a form of government 
 for acceptation or rejection. 
 
 Resolved, That the essential difference between a Republic and a Mon- 
 archy consists in the power of the people in the former, peacefully to 
 change the features of the Constitution, as well as the men vi^ho administer 
 it; whereas, in a Monarchy, such a change must necessarily be accompanied 
 with violence and civil war. Whatever, therefore, tends to create a resist- 
 ance to the will of a majority of the people, who desire to change their mode 
 of Government, must spring from some Anti-Republican quality in the Go- 
 vernment which the people originally established. 
 
 Resolved, That the votes given for the delegates to this convention in 
 some of the less populous counties of the State are especially encouraging, 
 as they indicate that magnanimous sense of justice in the bosoms of gener- 
 ous and just Marylanders, wherever located, which guided and governed 
 those who framed the present constitution, and bids us hope that the day is 
 now rapidly approaching when a convention of delegates from every coun- 
 ty and city will be held fully empowered to harmonise all conflicting views 
 and wishes which now prevail in the State, by some honorable compromise 
 of the claims of the population and of the counties similar to that which 
 clothed with immortal honor the labors of the Convention of 1789, in the 
 formation of the existing constitution of the United Slates. 
 
 Resolved, That a very large majority of the people are favorable to Con- 
 ventional Reform, and would have manifested more fully than has been done 
 this wish at the late election, but for the pendency of the Presidential elec- 
 
80 
 
 tion, and the prevalent belief with a portion of the people that the Legisla- 
 ture would authorise a convention empowered to f?rant the Reform in the 
 Constitution, imperiously required by every consideration of justice and 
 propriety. 
 
 Resolved^ That the friends of conventional reform desire a new Con- 
 stitution to be submitted to the people for adoption or rejection, containing, 
 among others, the following provisions : 
 
 1st. The election of the Governor by the people, and the abolition of the 
 Council. 
 
 2d. The election of one Senator from each county and the city of Bal- 
 timore, directly by the people, 
 
 Sd. The re-apporiionment of the House of Delegates so as to do justice to- 
 the populous Districts, and at the same time give to the small counties and 
 the City of Annapolis ample power to protect their interest. 
 
 4th. The abolition of all offices for life, the appointment of judges for a 
 limited time, by the joint action of the Governor and Senate. 
 
 5th. The election of Clerks and Registers by the people. 
 
 6ih. Limitation and restraint on the powers of the Legislature in the fu- 
 ture grant of charters. 
 
 1th. The whole Constitution to be so arranged and digested as to be 
 free from uncertainty and obscurity. 
 
 Resolved, That this Convention will meet at the City of Annapolis, on 
 the first Monday of January next, unless otherwise notified by the president 
 thereof, and that it is recommended earnestly and respectfully to the people 
 of those portions of the Stale not represented herein to choose delegates in 
 time to meet this Convention, when it shall again assemble. 
 
 Resolved, That the chair appoint a committee to prepare and publish an 
 address to the people of Maryland, enforcing and explaining the views and 
 opinions maintained in the foregoing resolutions, and that said committee 
 be authorised to nominate a Central Reform Committee for the State. 
 
 Resolved, That the thanks of this Convention be presented to the Trades' 
 Union for the use of their Hall. 
 
 Resolved, That the thanks of this Convention be presented to the Presi- 
 dent and Secretary for the dignified and able manner in which they have 
 discharged their respective duties. 
 
 Signed, C. S. SEWELL, President. 
 
 George Cooke, Secretary. 
 
 We have neither leisure nor inclination to expose the heresies of this pa- 
 per. The Address of the Nineteen was intended as an apology for a breach 
 of trust, an attempt at the subversion of the Government; while the above 
 proceedings of the "HUMBUG CONVENTION" were designed as a de- 
 cent cover to a disgraceful retreat, and as a justification to their constitu- 
 ents for having not only failed to erect that provisional government, for the 
 establishment of which they were appointed, but for having in fact most se- 
 dulously avoided the vicinage of the City of Annapolis, where they had ap- 
 pointed, and were instructed to meet. Whv not have frankly told their em- 
 ployers, that the Legislature, the GRAND INQUEST of the State was 
 awaiting their arrival at Annapolis, where any overt act of rebellion might 
 have been sharply visited. 
 
81 
 
 According to their theory the State of Maryland was without a legislative 
 department, and the ancient establishment was broken down ; yet, this Con- 
 vention had not proceeded to half their journey's end, before the pains and 
 penalties of this same government were suspended by a single hair over 
 their guilty and devoted heads. 
 
 The subdued tone of this paper is worthy of observation. It earnestly 
 asserts their innocence, in tender apprehension of the sharp sanctions of the 
 law. It was indeed a timely retreat. " The friends of Conventional Re- 
 form^'^ they strenuously plead, '•'■have not done or designed any thing in- 
 consistent with their duties as peaceful citizens^ or in violation of the laios 
 of the State?'' Now, if it were designed to extend the benefit of this plea 
 to the Nineteen Recusant Electors, we cannot admit its validity. Their 
 own Address furnishes conclusive proof of a deliberate and wilful breach of 
 a high and solemn trust ; and of a fixed purpose to subvert, by neglect of 
 duty, one government, and by an extraordinary assumption of power to fa- 
 cilitate the erection of another on its ruins. If any proof were required of 
 the supreme contempt with which the whole course of the Maryland De- 
 structives and Anarchists was viewed in other States, we might transcribe a 
 volume of foreign comment. But the annexed article from the New York 
 Courier and Enquirer will be abundantly sufficient: 
 
 A correspondent of the Baltimore Chronicle makes himself merry over 
 the poor abortion calling itself a Convention of the people of Maryland. — 
 That body had elected itself for the august purpose of framing a new con- 
 stitution for the State of Maryland. Fondly cherishing the idea that the re- 
 cusant electors of a Senate had, by violating their oaths, plunged the Com- 
 monwealth into utter anarchy, it struck the demagogues that it was an ex- 
 cellent opportunity to disport a litUe " Jacobinism," and they accordingly 
 got up a project extempore for a Convention — not doubting but they might 
 fabricate a Constitution for the good people of Maryland, and force it upon 
 them some morning before breakfast, to their own utter astonishment. It so 
 happened, however, that Governor Veazey, having the welfare of the State 
 at heart, and not choosing to give it over to anarchy and confusion, issued 
 his conservative proclamation ; and the destructives, having consulted their 
 nerves, and found them feebler than their propensity to "bide the buff" of 
 a contest, they went into the Electoral College, and elected a Whig Senate, 
 as they were bound to do — thus rendering the Revolutionary Convention 
 about as operative as a bag of tin whistles against a Northeaster. The 
 members of this Convention went provided, of course, with a Constitution 
 apiece for the Republic, but as said Republic happens to have the article on 
 hand, there is no sale, and according to the Baltimore papers, the Manufac- 
 turers are desirous of disposing of the commodity. There is no resort for 
 them but an auction ! Let them put up their goods to the liighest bidder, 
 if they would get rid of them at all. The Baltimore correspondent advises 
 them, indeed, to send their constitutions to the South American market, 
 where they adopt a constitution about once a week, and where they are too 
 much hurried to read it; but our own opinion is that even the Mexicans 
 would " beat down the price." There is no chance for a saving except by 
 vendue. — JS". Y. Cour. S^Enq. 
 
 But it is asserted that the Agitators in Maryland have not done or design- 
 11 
 
82 
 
 ed any thing in violation of the laws of the State. The subjoined argument^ 
 extracted from the Herald, of Frederick, said to be from the pen of one of 
 the first criminal lawyers in the county, deserves mature consideration : 
 
 COMMUNICATION. 
 We would call the attention of our readers to the following argument : 
 
 FOR THE HERALD. 
 
 A question has been agitated whether the conduct of the 18 Recusant 
 Electors be cognizable by the criminal law. I hold the affirmative, and 
 propose to prove it. 
 
 The 15lh section of the Constitution provides, "That the said Electors 
 meet at the city of Annapolis, or such other place as shall be appointed 
 for convening the Legislature, on the third Monday of September, 1 78 1 y and 
 on the same day in every fifth year thereafter, and they, or any twenty-four 
 of them, so met, shall proceed to elect, by ballot, either out of their own 
 body, or the people at large, fifteen Senators, &.c." 
 
 The constitution is the supreme law, and the above recited section con- 
 tains an express and peremptory command that " they, or any twenty- 
 four of them, so met, shall proceed to elect, by ballot, &c." 
 
 A crime or a misdemeanor is defined to be 'an act committed, or omit- 
 ted, in violation of a public law, either forbidding, or commanding it.' 
 
 This definition is in the 4th vol. of Blackstone's Commentaries, page 5, 
 a book which is, or ought to be, in the hands of all who undertake to alter 
 or to abolish constitutions, unless, indeed, the revolutionists mean to pro- 
 ceed as they did in France, without regard or reference lo any law, either 
 political, moral or divine. 
 
 Wherever a particular act is required to be done by any public officer, 
 either by statute or the common law, charge and prove he neglected that 
 duty and it is sufficient — per Buller Justice, 5 Term, Rep. 619. 
 
 " When a duty is thrown \ipon a body consisting of several persons, 
 each is liable for a breach of duly, as well for acts of commission as for 
 omission.^'' 5 Term, Rep. 607. 
 
 The constitution has not confided any discretion to the Electors as to 
 the act itself of voting. That duty is purely ministerial ; it is a command 
 directly and positively expressed, and in language too plain and strong to 
 be misconstrued or resisted. " They, or any twenty-four of them, so met, 
 shall proceed to elect by ballot.^'' They have a discretion, with certain re- 
 strictions as to age, residence, &.c., in casting their vote, but as lo the act 
 itself of voting, they have no discretion whatever. 
 
 A wilful omission to execute a public law, by any tribunal, exclusively 
 entrusted with that power, falls within the very terms of the definition to 
 which 1 have referred, and the authorities above cited. It is even indicta- 
 ble in justices of the peace, ^'ut/tcia/ officers, to refuse to execute an act of 
 the Legislature ; and how much more so, in a tribunal, entrusted exclusive- 
 ly with the power, to refuse to execute a provision of the constitution, the 
 supreme law of the laud. 
 
 '' By the statute 1 Geo. 1 ch. 13, sec. 1 1, it is enacted that any two jus- 
 tices of the peace may summon any person to take the oaths before them \ 
 (to wit, the oaths of allegiance ;) and if they do not appear, then on oath^ 
 
83 
 
 of serving such summons, the justices are to certify the same to the quar- 
 ter sessions, where if the party so summoned, does not appear to take the 
 oaths, he shall stand convicted of recusancy. The defendants were two 
 justices of the peace, and issued their summons accordingly ; but coming 
 afterwards to understand the party was a gentleman of fashion, and not 
 suspected to be against the government ; lest a transaction of this nature 
 should be an imputation upon him, they refused to give the prosecutor his 
 oath of ilie service of such summons, that the matter might go no further. 
 And now upon motion against them for an information, (an extraordinary 
 criminal proceeding,) the court declared that the justices had no discretion- 
 ary power to refuse to put the act in execution, and therefore granted the 
 information against them." 1 Stra. 413 ; recognized and adopted 1 Chit. 
 crira. law 874. 
 
 Again. "-The mayor of Totness^ being the mayor one year, was by the 
 charter a justice of the Peace for the following year, without whom the seS' 
 sions could not be held; and the court granted an information against him 
 for a ro/uniary absence." 1 Strange 21. 
 
 There is no escape from the conclusive tendency of these decisions.— 
 Their force upon the point in question is invincible. Is it less a crime to 
 refuse to put the supreme law in execution, than to refuse to put in exe- 
 cution a simple act of the Legislature ? Is a voluntary absence from the 
 Electoral College, a tribunal entrusted with a power of the whole people 
 of a sovereign State, less criminal than a voluntary absence from the Ses- 
 sions, a tribunal of petty and limited powers. 
 
 The office of Elector was created by the constitution : the eighteen recu- 
 sants were its mere creatures ; they received their appointment under it at 
 their own instance and request, and, by consequence, were electors de jure. 
 They met at Annapolis in compliance with its requirement; they took up- 
 on themselves thus far the execution of their office, and, by consequence, 
 became Electors rfe /ac^o. As electors they went further ; they advanced 
 propositions and sent communications to their brethren in the college ; and 
 even published a manifesto, as Electors, to the people of Maryland. It is 
 idle, and can avail nothing to allege that, as they never took the oath, nor 
 entered the college, they are not amenable to criminal justice. It is to al- 
 lege their own delinquency in their vindication. They knew their powers 
 and their duties, and considered their conduct as amounting to the destruc- 
 tion of the constitution, for they recommended a provisional government. 
 They are, by their acts, estopped from such allegation. They took upon 
 themselves a part, which in law is equivalent to a full acceptance. A man 
 who acts as an officer, is estopped from alleging his want of a commission, 
 or an irresponsibility in that capacity. 
 
 But I come directly to the point ; I maintain that the commands of the 
 constitution were upon them the moment they were elected. It became 
 their duty to meet at the time and place appointed, to take the oath, and 
 proceed to elect by ballot. There is no discretion granted as to these 
 matters. A voluntary failure to perform any one of them is a several in- 
 dictable omission. The 18th section provides for taking the oath and com- 
 mands it to be taken Hmmcdiately on their meeting.'''' They had more pow- 
 er in their hands, than any other 18 men in the State of Maryland, except 
 their faithful brethren. They received that power from the constitution, 
 
84 
 
 and in the maturity of their strength they raised, perversely raised in impi- 
 ous rebellion against the Power that matured them. They stung the bo- 
 som that warmed them into animation. But it has inherent energy suffi- 
 cient to purge off the poison, and to punish the attempted parricide. The 
 offence is enormous: they have wounded the constitution and credit of tlie 
 state ; and, as Electors, have defeated the object and end of their creation. 
 An offence against public justice may be committed by the non-accept- 
 ance of an office, as in the case of an overseer of the poor, a head con- 
 stable, sheriff, and the like j but upon that point I shall say nothing. I main- 
 tain, in fact, they did accept, but refused to perform a material part of their 
 duty. Neither am I disposed, at this time, to say any thing on the subject 
 of a conspiracy to obstruct the laws and subvert the government. 
 
 FREDERICK. 
 
 There is something so irresistibly forcible and conclusive in this argu- 
 ment, that the guilty agents must themselves admit, that if they escape the 
 penalties of the law, they will owe it, not to their own innocence, but to the 
 clemency and forbearance of die government. Above the crude and undi- 
 gested notions — the frothy and vapid publications of the Nineteen seceding 
 electors, their prompters, aiders, and abettors, the argument of ''Frederick" 
 looms, like a pyramid into notice, in the midst of the sterile and fluctuating 
 sands of the surrounding desert. Not unlike some sturdy and stalwart ba- 
 ron of the iron age of Britain, he bursts into the lists of the effeminate Nor- 
 man chivalry, and with the ponderous and downright blows of his massive 
 curde-axe cleaves asunder casque, helmet, and visor. 
 
 It has attracted attention tliroughout the whole country ; it has been re- 
 published in all the leading journals of the land, and is worthy of all com- 
 mendation. In the State of Maryland a correct idea of the respective ca- 
 pacities of the reputed authors of this argument and of the Address of the 
 Nineteen has been jusdy formed upon the character of the two productions ; 
 the one breathing the lessons of sober reason, and the other the delirious 
 ravings of Jacobinism. 
 
 In relation to the Proclamation of the Governor, it is worthy of observa- 
 tion, that it appeared on the eiglilh of November. The Presidential elec- 
 tion took place on the seventh of the same month. K this paper had been 
 published previous to the day of election, it might have been considered as 
 an improper interference with the elective franchise of the people. If it 
 had been postponed until the result of the election had been ascertained, 
 it might have been asserted that the Chief E.veculive officer of the State, 
 not only doubted the attachment and fidelity of tlie people of Maryland to 
 the institutions of their country, but that he looked abroad for that conserva- 
 tive force, which was inherent in the E.\ecutive, and which he was bound 
 to exert. 
 
 " Coming events cast their shadows before." We omitted to transcribe 
 in the proper place certain extracts from a speech delivered by Mr. Jenifer 
 of Maryland in Congress some time last spring. They were generally pub- 
 lished during the progress of the elections in Frederick county, and attracted 
 much attention. It will be recollected that Mr. Jenifer, one of the repre- 
 sentatives of the State of Maryland, presented certain resolutions of the Le- 
 gislature of his State upon matters of great public concernment, the recep- 
 
85 
 
 lion of which was objected to by Francis Thomas, Esq., a representative 
 from the same State, who argued that the " Legislature of Maryland was 
 not a far exponent of the popular will." 
 
 From a public print, published in one of the upper counties, we trans- 
 cribe the following extracts from Mr. Jenifer's speech : 
 
 " I do not mean to impeach the motives of my colleague — because it 
 would be unparliamentary to do so. 
 
 I regret that, in the war waged by the General Government against the 
 rights and interest of the States, my colleague should have taken his stand 
 in support of the former against the latter, and should have pursued a course 
 in relation to his own state calculated to bring into disrepute her constitu- 
 tion, her legislature, and her people. He admits that he has no respect for, 
 but holds in contempt her constitution ; he charges upon the legislature a 
 misrepresentation of the interest and opinions of their constituents ; and 
 therefore reflects upon the people themselves for having framed and approv- 
 ed this constitution, and for adhering to the legislature of their own volun- 
 tary selection. But why come here to complain of the constitution of Ma- 
 ryland ? Does he desire that this House or this Government should re- 
 organise it ? or does he intend to invoke the aid of this administration to 
 assist in the reform, which he and his friends are now attempting through- 
 out the Slate .'' Sir, we want no interference from this administration, or 
 the officers of this government, in the regulation of our affairs ; we have had 
 enough already of intermeddhng in our elections, by their dependents ; but 
 the honest intelligence of the people has withstood all these efll>rts at cor- 
 ruption. 1 am aware that Maryland has been pledged to the support of Mr. 
 Van Buren — but she has not yet been delivered over. Nor have we any 
 apprehension, notwithstanding the bold attacks made upon her consti- 
 tution and her legislature, and the inducements held out to her people, but 
 that she will be found resisting to the last, all efforts to bring her in subjec- 
 tion to the administration, or to transfer her over to the successor. I confess 
 I do feel a pride and gratification to be a representative from a State, and of 
 a district immediately adjoining, and almost surrounding the seat of this go- 
 vernment, whose people have had the firm independence to withstand the 
 temptations, however other districts and other Slates, have yielded to the al- 
 lurements of power and patronage. * * * * 
 Mr. Jenifer resumed. My colleague complains that the representation 
 in Maryland is unequal in another respect; that the smaller counties have a 
 much larger ratio of Mack population, in comparison to the whiie, than the 
 more populous ones. It was not to have been expected that such an ob- 
 jection would have been advanced by any member from a slaveholding 
 state, and at a time, too, when the rights of those states are in danger of 
 being invaded ; when the country has for months been almost convulsed 
 by the efforts of the abolitionists, that he should furnish them with an ar- 
 gument in furtherance of their unholy plans. Does not my colleague know 
 that one of the strongest complaints urged by those fanatics to the North is^ 
 that the slave population of the South should be represented in the congress 
 of the United States.'' Yet he charges it against his own state. But, sin, 
 upon this subject I have done. 
 
 Mr. Chairman^ I am sure you will agree with me, that the annals of 
 legislative proceedings do not exhibit a more flagrant violation of repre- 
 sentative duty than is here developed ! ! .'" 
 
j86 
 
 Thus ended the Revolution in Maryland, one of the wildest and most 
 profligate schemes, which ever disturbed for a season the tranquility of a go- 
 vernment, and recoiled with unutterable confusion upon its projectors. The 
 direct and exclusive object was to Van Burenise the slate under color of 
 Reform. The appropriation of eight millions of dollars for purposes of in- 
 ternal improvement by the whig legislature at its past session, had been so 
 misrepresented, and had created such alarm, that it was highly probable the 
 electoral vote of Maryland would have been cast for Mr. Van Buren for the 
 Presidency. 
 
 But there seemed to have been ajspiring spirits of the Van Buren party, 
 who were not content that the electoral vote of Maryland should be cast for 
 their candidate by the operations of prevailing causes ; it comported with 
 their views and their interests,that they should carry the elections by a great 
 ccup Wetat, and thus arrogate to themselves the whole merit, and claim 
 the full reward for the transfer of their native State. It was goodly ."port 
 to see the ''Engineer hoist with his own petard." The very means to which 
 they induced a portion of their party to resort, not only lost the State to 
 Mr. Van Buren, but has overwhelmed his party in Maryland with such ri- 
 dicule, contempt, and odium, that they can never recover under their pres- 
 ent organization. 
 
 We have before adverted to the rapid strides of our youthful people in the 
 paths of precocious corruption ; not the least disgusting evidence of which 
 is the paltry ambition which has succeeded to those lofty principles and 
 sentiments that animated those who framed, and for some time administer- 
 ed the government. Fifty years ago this paltry ambition would have been 
 held in contempt by the meanest of the people, or would have been frown- 
 ed into insignificance by that noble elevation of mind which only looked 
 for eminence in the devotion of high personal qualities to the public ser- 
 vice ; or would have been humbled before that austere virtue which confin- 
 ed public esteem to acts of public utiiility, supported by unblemished rep- 
 utation in private morals. 
 
 But in our times this high estimate of public and private character, this 
 reverence for virtue and good morals, seem to have been exploded as anti- 
 quated notions. The respect which was formerly paid to the institutions 
 of the country, — the attachment and fidelity formerly belonging to the 
 State, the public mind seems now prone to transfer to each private adventu- 
 rer, who, by abject flattery of the people, seeks the accomplishment of his 
 vile designs. 
 
 It is remarkable, that throughout the whole of their proceedings, the 
 Nineteen and their associates seem to have been utterly ignorant, not only 
 of the laws against which they offended, and of the consequences of their 
 coiduct ; but do not appear to have observed or comprehended, the fright- 
 ful character of the principles they avowed. 
 
 Their professed object was the destruction of the established govern- 
 ment, which they wildly thought they had efl^ected ; their inducement to 
 the attempt (for their party never acts without its price,) was the hopes of 
 a new establishment, in which their political consequence would be enhan- 
 ced. In a word they flattered the people to the very verge of destruction. 
 This REVOLUTioNART PRINCIPLE, brought into action always under some 
 popular pretence^ hu existed at all times and under all governments. It is 
 
87 
 
 as old as discontent, confusion, riot, anarchy, rebellion, and the blood-shed 
 of civil feuds, which are its inseparable attendants. 
 
 It presided in the commotions of the Gracchi in ancient Rome ; it was 
 awakened at short intervals by Marius and Sylla, Oclavius, Anthony and 
 Lepidus. Jacli Cade in England was one of its faithful ministrants, and its 
 high priests were Marat, Denton, and Robespierre in France. It is in vain 
 to speak of "peaceful revolution :" it is a contradiction in terms. It is 
 necessarily violent; violence is the element in which it lives, and which 
 it puts into destructive motion ; it is inherently violent; violence is its char- 
 acteristic and essence, it is its origin, means and end, scope, tendency, and 
 design. 
 
 If all the blood with which the earth has been deluged in the conflicts of 
 people and nations were gathered into one vast and fathomless ocean, there- 
 would be few rivulets supplying the reservoir, which have not sprung 
 from the fountains of Revolution, under pretence of Reformation of 
 Abuses. 
 
 The son of David, before he made war upon his father, seduced the fi- 
 delity of the people by complaint of abuses, and led them to an unnatural 
 attempt at revolution under colour of reform. But the plans of the Nine- 
 teen have been singularly unhappy in their results to themselves. The 
 Slate of Maryland, before their movement, was considered safe for Mr. 
 Van Buren ; but in their attempt to translate it by a grand coup de main^ 
 they have prostrated the Van Buren party in the Slate forever. And in- 
 stead of carrying Reform under their own exclusive auspices by a " peace- 
 ful revolution," they are at this time a discarded band or disorgani- 
 
 ZERS, RESERVED FOR FUTURE CHASTISEMENT OR CLEMENCT. 
 
 A peaceful, wise, and judicious reformation of abuses did not suit their 
 depraved taste; and the quiet passage of the State to the support of Mr. 
 Van Buren would not have answered the designs of certain individuals of 
 the Party. The truth is, the Nineteen Electors have been passive tools of 
 certain designing political aspirants, who have used them for their own ad- 
 vancement, to the destruction of their party in Maryland. If the plan of 
 the Nineteen had succeeded, the integrity of the State would have been 
 laid at the feet of Mr. Van Buren by these few individuals, who would 
 have arrogated to themselves the whole merit of the scheme, and would 
 have distributed among themselves the price of the tradition. But if the 
 Slate had quietly gone for Mr. Van Buren, as it probably would have done, 
 by the ordinary mode, it would have been the act of the whole people, and 
 not the bold stroke of a desperate few. 
 
 They are entitled to little thanks from their president. By connecting 
 his name with their silly and profligate scheme, they have not only lost him 
 the Slate of Maryland forever ; but they have gone far to infuse into the 
 principles of the Party a destructive and levelling spirit of Jacobinism, 
 which must render it the abhorrence of every virtuous mind. 
 
 The principles and consequences of Revolution are eternally the same. 
 They are the same when uttered by the Nineteen Electors, as they were 
 when they fell from the lips of Mirabeau, or were enforced through the lan- 
 tern and guillotine, by .\larat and Robespierre. The only difl*erence is in 
 the materials upon which the spirit of Revolution is intended to operate. If 
 the people of Maryland had been as ripe for revolution as the Nineteen 
 
88 
 
 seemed to suppose,.and if, (which Heaven in its mercy forever avert!) the 
 people of this State had been as ignorant and depraved as the canaille of 
 Paris and Lyons, or as irreligious as the French city population generally ; 
 then, the principles and conduct of the Nineteen Electors would have led 
 to the same horrors and atrocities, at the recollection of which the mind 
 shudders with apprehension. 
 
 The hasty spark which is struck from the stubborn flint can only ignite 
 combustible materials. 
 
 It is a mistaken apprehension, that the people of the western counties of 
 the State, or of the good old county of Frederick in particular, hold the 
 doctrines of the Nineteen seceding Electors in less abhorrence than do the 
 citizens of Maryland generally. The present inequalities of the govern- 
 ment operate on them with such injustice, that ihe voters of the Sixth 
 Congressional district, embracing nearly the whole of the three western 
 counties are almost unanimous in the demand for Reform ; but the great 
 body of the same people is prepared to sustain, against any Revolutionary 
 movement, the existing establishment until it is peaceably, rightfully, 
 AND SOBERLY AMENDED. Let it not be supposed, that, because the Revo- 
 lutionary excitement originated in Frederick, and spread consternation and 
 alarm among its sober inhabitants, it affords any evidence of a general 
 acquiescence in their opinions. On the contrary die Destructives arc no 
 where more prostrate and humiliated. 
 
 " Because half a dozen grasshoppers," I borrow the illustration from a 
 forcible writer, '* because half a dozen grasshoppers under a fern make the 
 "field ring with their importunate chink, whilst thousands of noble animals 
 "repose beneath the tree of rational liberty, and are silent; pray do not im- 
 "agine, that those who make the noise are the only inhabitants of the field ; 
 "that of course they are many in number; or that after all they are other 
 " than the litUe shrivelled, meagre, hopping, though loud and troublesome 
 " insects of the hour." The Nineteen Electors, and their approvers are a 
 doomed coalition. They are not only prostrate and inanimate now, but 
 they are powerless for mischief in future. The promised ascendancy of 
 their party induced many to support their scheme, who now curse them in 
 the bitterness of their hearts, for having crushed that parly forever in the 
 State. The ignis fatuus of radical Reform, with which they seduced many 
 better men than themselves into the bogs, and fens, and thorny paths of tu- 
 mult, sedition, and Revolution, can never lure a second time. In a word, 
 the prime instigators of this Rebellion are roundly charged with having sa- 
 crificed the party for purposes of personal aggrandizement; and with the 
 prostitution of the sacred cause of Reform to the same unhallowed designs. 
 
 Strongly as the people of Western Maryland are attached to Reform, they 
 do not desire, "that the vessel of Slate should fly forward in her course to- 
 wards regeneration" with more speed than is consistent with its safety be- 
 fore the stifle gales of treason and rebellion. They are not prepared to swing 
 loose from their ancient moorings, and leaving all the ancient landmarks far 
 behind, enter upon a tempestuous navigation, with no chart but the outline 
 of folly, and no pilot but disciples of the Abbe Sieyes, with the principles 
 of Marat. Let them commence the work of reformation when they will ; 
 madmen will not be their lawgivers. Men, in comparison with whom, Ca- 
 taline might be thought scrupulous, and Cethegus a man of sobriety and 
 
m 
 
 Vnoderation ; men, who placed as the corner stone of th^ir new govern- 
 ment the deUberate breach of trust, with which they attempted to subvert 
 the old establishment ; such men may sue for the clemency of that govern- 
 ment, whose peace and dignity they have so deeply wounded, — but they 
 can never ask of a betrayed and insulted people either to forget the enormi- 
 ty of their crime, or to remove from their foreheads the scathing brand of 
 faithlessness to a confiding constituency. 
 
 It was for the people, in their own good time, to proceed with a chary 
 and a skilful hand in restoring the beautiful edifice of their government to 
 its pristine congruity and proportions : — it was the strict and single duty of 
 the Nineteen Seceding Electors to perpetuate the government by the Elec- 
 tion of a Senate, and not to destroy it by a precipitate revolution. But they 
 have broken into the very sanctuary of the temple, and the ruins of its sa- 
 cred ornaments they proposed to make stepping-stones to their work of de- 
 secration and destruction. Ruin, in their frenzied conceptions, was the in- 
 cipient step to Refor.m. But they stand rebuked before the people, and as 
 long as the respect of a grateful people shall be extended to the Twenty- 
 one, who among the faithless were faithful found, — so long will the Recu- 
 sant Nineteen live, rebuked by all, and trusted of none. It may be pro- 
 per to remark here, once for all, that we have continued to use the term 
 Nineteen Electors to avoid confusion ; although it has not been our in- 
 tention to apply any portion of our remarks to that one of the Electors who 
 entered the College immediately after the October Elections. 
 
 Thus we have endeavored to trace a feeble outline of the projected Re- 
 volution of Maryland. It was a struggle not without deep interest to our 
 sister states of the confederacy. They have watched with intense interest 
 our gallant litde bark from the moment when the elements were first trou- 
 bled ; and long and anxiously did they observe her when the fury of the tem- 
 pest was abroad on the deep ; and gladly did they cheer her, when emerg- 
 ing securely from the storm, she at length entered the peaceful haven, with 
 her sails set and her streamers flying; her mutineers under the hatches, and 
 the staid watch proclaimed amid the bells of the night, the joyous sounds, 
 "all's WELL !" A Marylander may well be proud of his gallant little 
 State. The prodigality of her treasure and the blood of her noblest sons 
 were freely poured fourth in the purchase of American freedom. And there 
 lingered long among us that surviving one, who in the cause of freedom stak- 
 ed the most and lived the last. Providence in its mercy removed him before 
 the late unnatural attempt of a deluded portion of her children upon the 
 peace and dignity of the republic. Notwithstanding the whole power and 
 patronage of the federal government unceasingly directed against her; the 
 State of Maryland, from the commencement of the present administration, 
 has erected under the very walls of the palace, the banner of defiance, and 
 has gone on triumphing in her course, uncorrupted, undismayed, unsub- 
 dued. 
 
 Thus may she ever continue ! And may that eagle upon our banner, 
 whose gaze has been gladdened by the stars that have been lit up around 
 him beaming with the mild lustre of freedom, never behold stricken out or 
 shorn of its beams, the star of this our native State ; but bear it onward 
 forever the brightest of the constellation, the ever-burning type and emblem 
 of good old Maryland ! 
 12 
 
90 
 
 We publish below the names of the Twenty-one faithfui. Wnit, 
 Electors, and the JVineteen Recusant Van Buren Electors of Senate, that 
 the former may live in the esteem of their countrymen, and the latter be 
 doomed as they deserve. 
 
 NAMES OF THE TWENTY-ONE WHIG ELECTORS. 
 
 GEORGE S. LEIGH, 
 
 BENEDICT L HEARD, 
 
 GEORGE VICKERS, 
 
 JAMES P. GALE, 
 
 JAMES KENT, 
 
 JAMES A. D. DALRYMPLE^ 
 
 HENRY BRAWNER, 
 
 WILLIAM D. MERRICK. 
 
 SOLOMON DICKINSON, 
 
 GEORGE DUDLEY, 
 
 WILLIAM WILLIAMS, Jr. .'.''- 
 
 SAMUEL J. K. HANDY, 
 
 WILLIAM W. LAKE, 
 
 THOMAS H. HICKS, 
 
 GEORGE W. DUVALL, 
 
 THOMAS G. PRATT, 
 
 THOMAS A. SPENCE, 
 
 HENRY FRANKLIN, 
 
 EPHRAIM GAITHER, 
 
 RICHARD BEALL, 
 
 ANDREW BRUCE. 
 
 NAMES OF THE NINETEEN VAN BUREN ELECTORS. 
 
 CHARLES MAGILL, 
 
 ROBERT WASON, 
 
 CASPER QUYNN, 
 
 JOHN FISHER, 
 
 GEORGE ELLICOTT, 
 
 EPHRAIM BELL, 
 
 JOSHUA VANSANT, 
 
 JOHN EVANS, 
 
 GEORGE A. THOMAS, 
 
 SAMUEL SUTTON, 
 
 WASHINGTON DUVALL, 
 3477-251 ROBERT T. KEENE, 
 Lot-3& MARCEY FOUNTAIN, 
 
 ^ "^ ENOCH GEORGE, 
 
 JOHN B. THOMAS, 
 
 SPRIGG IIARWOOD, 
 
 WESLEY LINTHICUM, 
 
 THOMAS HOPE, 
 JOHN S. SELLMAN. 
 
 Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1S37, by Samuel Sands 
 and RoHERT Neilson, in the Clerk's Ollice of the District Court of the 
 United States, for the State of Maryland. ^ . 
 
 : >6 
 
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LIBRARY OP CONGRESS 
 
 filfllllilli II 
 
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