'-v.-;' /"-. .0 ^ ^0 < ^^-n^ <. .0^ * ^'?- '"Ho ». «,„.,m,«-< vv -^ Y// ^ts \\V ^ >.S vP^ &^^3 fll^^ V^ -^ ^ -^^ o^l"*. o. vv * ^% '^_ -t^o^ JAMES K. POLK A POLITICAL BIOGRAPHY BY EUGENE IRVING^ McCORMAC, Ph.D. Professor of American History in the University of California UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS BERKELEY, CALIFORNIA 1922 > •Mil -2 ^ TO THE MEMORY OF MY MOTHER PREFACE In the two standard sets of American biographies — namely, the American Statcsynen Series and the American Crisis Bio- graphies — the name of James K. Polk does not appear in the list of titles. Evidently the editor of the first set did not consider Mr. Polk to have been a statesman worthy of serious consideration, and the editor of the second set seems to have been unaware that Polk had played a conspicuous part in any of the crises of American history. Although it is not my purpose to criticize the selection made by these editors, I believe that the character and success of Polk's political career entitled him to a place in either series. I believe that the following pages will show Mr. Polk to have been a con- structive statesman — a statesman possessed of vision, sound judg- ment, and unusual executive ability. Surely he was a "crisis" President. He extended our national boundaries to the Pacific Ocean and determined the political destinies of the future popu- lation of the vast area lying west of the Louisiana Purchase. His request for an appropriation with which to conduct negotiations with Mexico called forth the Wilmot Proviso; and this proviso precipitated the "irrepressible conflict," which was one of the greatest crises in American history. When nominated for the Presidency in 1844, Polk was neither unknown nor inexperienced in national affairs. He had been selected to conduct Jackson's bank war in the House of Repre- sentatives, and he liad performed this task to the entire satisfac- tion of the President and the Democratic party. As Speaker of the House of Representatives, he had displayed alertness of mind, [V] sound judgment, and ability as a party leader. And when, in 1844, Van Buren announced his opposition to the annexation of Texas, General Jackson urged that Polk be nominated, for, as he said. Governor Polk was the ablest exponent of Democratic doctrines and the one who would be most capable of carrying them into successful operation. The General did not overrate the political ability of his protege. As President, Polk formulated his policies with precision and confidence ; and despite many obstacles, he succeeded in carrying them into effect. It has not been my purpose to write a personal biography. Therefore this volume deals almost entirely with Polk's political career. In the discussion of the events of his administration I have attempted to show the part played by the President in formulating the policy of the nation. In the field of foreign relations I have been concerned mainly with the President's for- eign policy and with the motives, viewpoints, and exigencies which led to the adoption of that policy. For this reason the history, policies, and motives of other countries concerned have been treated incidentally only. Polk's policies were influenced by what he believed to be the facts concerning those countries, and not by the facts which have subsequently been found to be true. For example, I did not feel that a biography of President Polk called for an exhaustive discussion of conditions in Mexico, either before or during our war with that nation. For similar reasons, the discussion of the Oregon question is confined to the official acts of Great Britain and to the interpretation of those acts by the government of the United States. The material used in the preparation of this volume has been gathered mainly in the University of California Library, the Tennessee State Library, and the Library of Congress. I am indebted to Dr. John W. Jordon, Librarian of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, for placing at my disposal the Buchanan Papers, and to Professor St. George L. Sioussat for assistance [vi] of various kinds. I am under especial obligation to Dr. Gaillard Hunt and Mr. John C. Fitzpatrick, of the Manuscripts Division of the Library of Congress. Their never-failing courtesy and valuable suggestions facilitated my research work in many ways. Dr. Justin H. Smith 's valuable work entitled ' ' The War with Mexico ' ' was published soon after the manuscript of my volume had been completed. Although it appeared too late to be used in the preparation of my manuscript, I am gratified to note that on most points covered by the two works we have arrived at substantially the same conclusions. Berkeley, Califorxia, December, 1919. [viil CONTENTS PAGE Preface - i^iii CHAPTER I Ancestry and Early Life of James K. Polk 1-9 CHAPTER II Opposition Member of Congress 10-25 CHAPTER III Polk and the Bank of the United States 26-46 CHAPTER IV Polk-Bell Contest for the Speakership 47-61 CHAPTER V Judge White and the Presidency 62-91 CHAPTER VI Speaker of the House under Jackson 92-112 CHAPTER VII Speaker of the House under Van Buren 113-138 CHAPTER VIII Polk versus Cannon, 1839 139-154 CHAPTER IX Governor of Tennessee 155-179 CHAPTER X Defeated by Jones in 1841 180-191 CHAPTER XI Polk in Retirement 192-211 CHAPTER XII Selection of Candidates, 1844 212-247 [ix] CHAPTER XIII PAGE Campaign of 1814 2-18-283 CHAPTEE XIV President-elect 284-318 CHAPTER XV Administration and Patronage 319-351 CHAPTER XVI Completion of Annexation 352-372 CHAPTER XVII Prelude to the Mexican War 373-414 CHAPTER XVIII War in Northern Mexico 415-452 CHAPTER XIX Campaign against the City of Mexico.. 453-486 CHAPTER XX Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo 487-554 CHAPTER XXI Oregon 555-611 CHAPTER XXII Slavery and Territorial Governments 612-655 CHAPTER XXIII Tariff, Internal Improvements, and the Independent Treas- ury 656-689 CHAPTER XXIV The "Polk Doctrine" and Minor Diplomatic Questions 690-712 CHAPTER XXV Close of Career 713-725 Bibliography 726-732 Index 733-746 [X] CHAPTEE I ANCESTRY AND EARLY LIFE OF JAMES K. POLK The pedigree of the Polk family has been traced back to 1075_to Fulbert, who was born in the reign of Malcolm III, of Scotland. In 1153 Fulbert was succeeded by his son Petrius, who took the surname Pollok from the estate which he inherited. In 1440 Sir Robert de Pollok, a "j^ounger son" of the family, inherited an Irish estate and removed to Ireland. By common usage the name of this branch was soon contractd into Polk. Sometime between 1680 and 1687^ Robert Bruce Polk, or Pollok, second son of Sir Robert II, left Ireland with his wife, six sons, and two daughters, and settled in Somerset County, Maryland. Their oldest son, John Polk, married Joanna Knox and estab- lished that branch of the family whence came our subject, James K. Polk. William Polk, the only son of John and Joanna, after living for a time in Carlisle, Pennsylvania, removed with his family to Mecklenburg County, North Carolina. Colonel Ezekiel Polk, the seventh child of William, married Mary Wilson, and the fourth child of this union was Samuel Polk, the father of the future President. The President's mother was Jane Knox, a great-grandniece of John Knox, of Scotland. Her father, James Knox, of Iredell County, North Carolina, was a captain in the Revolution. Mrs. Polk was a rigid Presbyterian, and a woman of keen intellect and high character. From her James inherited many of his well-known traits. She lived to witness the whole of his successful career, and to assist, during his last moments, in preparing him for ' ' a future estate. ' '^ 1 Authorities differ as to the date. 2 Garrett, Pedigree of the Polk family. Richardson, Messages, IV, 371. Nelson, Memorials of Sarah Childress Polk, 150 and passim. Cliase, HiMory of the Polk Administration, 475. JAMES K. POLK James Knox Polk, oldest of the ten children of Samuel and Jane Knox Polk, was born on November 2, 1795, in Mecklenburg County, North Carolina.3 The Polk family had settled in this frontier region some time before the Revolution, and tradition has credited Polk's ancestors with a leading part in promulgat- ing the much-mooted Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence His grandfather. Colonel Ezekiel Polk, whom the Whio-s in 1844 accused of Toryism, was an officer in the Revolutionary army James's father, Samuel Polk, was a plain but enterprising farmer. At an early age he had been thrown upon his own resources and had met with the hardships incident to frontier conditions. With the hope of improving his fortunes, he fol- owed the trend of emigration westward, and in the autumn of 1806 settled m the valley of the Duck River, Tennessee. He was one of the first pioneers in a region then a wilderness; but the valley proved to be fertile and Mr. Polk in time was rated as a prosperous farmer. He was an ardent supporter of Jefferson and hi^ faith in the soundness of Republican doctrines was in- herited by his son James. The correspondence in the Polk Papers indicates that the entire family, including the President's mother took a keen interest in politics and that all of them were firm believers m the maxims of Jefferson. James was but eleven years old when his father located in Teimessee. Had he possessed a strong physique, doubtless he would have shared the fate of the average eldest son and have been trained to cultivate the family estate. But he was not ^trong^d his first years in Tennessee were spent in making Acc:SSngr"tS%'ntr\'1^^.?!'/°,r^^%^^^ ^'^^y^ "This is my birthday 2ndday?f Nov i7?5 andT^wt" f ^T?7 ^'^^' ^ '''^' born ou Se ^^^. She co^^iaX^^??- -iSia- T^^S^ — -; 4 "I closed my education at a later roeriod of ^\f^ +i consequence of having- been verv muoh^L KIi ? ■ ^''^^ ^^ ^^^^^' in in my youth. I did^ot com ifen^e thp T A n""'^ '^'"''^^"'^ ^''^ bad health July, 1813." (Polk, ^"arj,™60.) Granmiar until the 13th of ANCESTEY AND EAELY LIFE 3 good use of such limited educational advantages as were afforded in a pioneer community. Young Polk was studious and ambitious, but Fate seemed determined to deprive him of the opportunity for satisfying his desire for an education. His health did not improve, and his father, believing that a more active life than that of a student would be conducive to health, determined to make a business man of his son. Accordingly, much to the son's disgust and over his protest, he was placed with a merchant to learn the business. After remaining but a few weeks with the merchant, however, the earnest appeals of the son overcame the resistance of the father, and in July, 1813, James was permitted to continue his education under the guidance of Reverend Robert Henderson at a small academy near Columbia, Tennessee. For about a year Polk "read the usual course of latin authors, part of the greek testament and a few of the dialogues of Lucian," and, according to the testimony of his preceptor, he "was diligent in his studies, and his moral conduct was unexceptionable & ex- emplary."^ After spending nine months at Murfreesborough Academy, where his "literary merit and moral worth" won the approval of the rector, Samuel P. Black,« James entered the Uni- versity of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in the autumn of 1815. He was naturally drawn to the university of his native state, and the fact that his cousin, Colonel William Polk, had for many years been one of its trustees, may have been an additional reason for selecting this institution. At college Polk manifested those peculiar traits which later characterized his career as a statesman. Eschewing the less profit- able, but usually more attractive, side of college life, his time was occupied with hard and well directed study. "His ambi- 3 A recommendation dated December 31, 1814. MS in Tenn. Hist. Soc. Library. 6 Eeeommendation dated October 5, 1815. MS in Tenn. Hist. Soc. Library. 4 JAMES E. POLK tion to excel, ' ' wrote one of his political friends, ' ' ' was equalled by his perseverance alone, in proof of which it is said he never missed a recitation nor omitted the punctilious performance of any duty." Numerous remarks in the diary written while he was President show that, in Polk's own opinion, time spent in mere pleasure was so much time wasted. He seems to have been equally serious-minded during his college days. Neither at col- lege nor at a later time did Polk deceive himself or attempt to deceive others by assuming great native brilliancy. He never posed as one whose genius made it easy for him to decide great questions offhand. He never attempted to conceal the fact that his conclusions were reached as the result of unremitting labor. And if his conclusions were sometimes attacked as unsound, he was, on the other hand, spared the embarrassment of ridicule, which often fell to the lot of his more brilliant competitors during his long political career. Polk was graduated from the university in 1818 and enjoyed the distinction of being awarded first honors in both mathematics and the classics. He was very fond of both subjects, as each appealed to his taste for industry and precision. Of his classical training he retained the substantial and discarded the ornate. "So carefully," wrote the friend above cited, "has Mr. Polk avoided the j^edantry of classical display, which is the false taste of our day and country, as almost to hide the acquisitions which distinguished his early career. His preference for the useful and substantial, indicated by his youthful passion for mathematics, has made him select a style of elocution, which would perhaps be deemed too plain by shallow admirers of flashy declamation. ' ' After his graduation Polk returned to Tennessee with health impaired by close application, and early in 1819 began the study of law in the office of Judge Felix Grundy. A warm personal and political friendship resulted, which was severed only by the death 7 Democratic Review, May, 1838. Polk says that this sketch was written by J. L. Martin, later charge d'affaires to the Papal States {Diary, TV, 132). ANCESTET AND EARLY LIFE 5 of Grundy in 1840. The pupil studied hard, and late in 1820 he was admitted to the bar. He immediately began the practice of law at Columbia, in his home county of Maury, among friends and neighbors whose confidence in his ability assured him, from the beginning, a profitable practice. "His thorough academic preparation, his accurate knowledge of the law, his readiness and resources in debate, his unswerving application to business, secured him, at once, full employment, and in less than a year he was already a leading practitioner."^ His account books show that he continued to enjoy a lucrative practice although much of his time was spent in public service.^ For three years the young attorney 's time was occupied exclu- sively in the practice of his profession. His only active participa- tion in politics was to serve for one term as clerk of the state senate. In 1823, however, he was chosen to represent his county in the state legislature, and, having thus entered the political arena, he continued in a very active, and for the most part suc- cessful, political career to the close of his term as President. He spent two years in the legislature, where he soon established a reputation for business capacity and for superiority in debate. He took an active interest in all measures for developing his state and gave special attention to the providing of better educa- tional advantages. He enjoyed the personal and political friend- ship of General Jackson, and it afforded him much pleasure to assist by his vote in sending that military hero to Washington to represent the state in the Senate of the United States. Few acts of his life gave him, in later years, greater pride than his partici- pation in launching Jackson in his political career ; and, as the General was ever mindful of the welfare of his political sup- porters, this incident was no impediment to Polk's own political advancement. His friendship for Jackson was natural, although the two men differed widely in personal characteristics and in 8 Bern. Rev., sup. cit. 9 His account books are in the Library of Congress. 6 JAMES K. POLK their attitude toward authority. From early youth Polk had been an ardent advocate of republicanism. He was a firm believer in the teachings of Jefferson and shared with his patron an unbounded faith in individual freedom. Pioneer conditions also are conducive to a strong belief in practical democracy, and Jackson seemed to be a leader who understood the people's desires and sympathized with them. On January 1, 1824, Polk married Sarah Childress, whose father was a prosperous farmer near Murfreesborough, Tenn- essee. ^^^ Mrs. Polk was a lady of refinement and ability. Her sound sense and personal charm aided materially the political fortunes of her husband and later caused her to be regarded as one of the most popular ladies of the White House. Many who rated her husband as inferior, even contemptible, joined in the unanimous verdict that Mrs. Polk was a lady of culture and attractive personality. This fact is attested by numerous private letters. Judge Story was "thunderstruck" to hear of Polk's nomination in 1844, but he admired Mrs. Polk. When her hus- band was leaving Washington in 1839 to enter the campaign for the governorship of Tennessee, Story expressed his admiration for Mrs. Polk in a poem written in her honor. ^^ One of the young men who attended Polk on his wedding day was his law partner, Aaron V. Brown, later United States senator and governor of Tennessee. Their friendship continued to the end, and to no one else, except Cave Johnson, did Polk more frequently confide his usually well concealed political plans. Two years in the state legislature increased the young attorney's natural taste for politics, and his success in that field made him determine to seek a wider opportunity for satisfying his political ambitions. In 1825 he offered himself as a candidate, and in August of that year was chosen to represent, his district in Congress. When elected, he was not quite thirty years of age. 10 Nelson, Memorials of Sarah Childress Polk, 17. 11 Ibid., 54. ANCESTEY AND EARLY LIFE 7 and on entering Congress, he was, with one or two exceptions, the youngest member of that body. Mrs. Polk did not accompany her husband on his first trip to Washington. The journey was made on horseback, in com- pany with several other members of Congress. At Baltimore they took the stagecoach, leaving their horses until their return in March. ^- On his second journey to Washington, Mrs. Polk accom- panied him in the family carriage. The money paid to members as mileage in those early days was small compensation for the hardships encountered on a journey from remote western states. Still, the pioneer statesmen endured such hardships without com- plaint ; they even extracted pleasure from these tedious overland journeys. There was little ostentation in Washington in this early period. The life of the average congressman's family was extremely simple. It was customary for two or more families to rent a single house for the season and "mess" together.^^* Among the "messmates" of the Polks were Hugh L. White, of Tennessee, and John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina, both of whom later became Polk's bitter political enemies. Although in politics a disciple of Jefferson and an ardent supporter of Jackson, Polk was wholly unlike either man in per- sonal peculiarities. Jefferson was a born leader of men, and his exuberant optimism and personal charm attracted hosts of dis- ciples. He advertised his democracy by extreme informality and slovenly garb; and he delighted in shocking the "well born" by disregarding the rules of social etiquette. Jackson, also, M-as a born leader of men. He commanded the multitude because he insisted upon doing so,^* but the "plain people" approved him 12 lUd., 27-28. 13 ihid., 30-31. 14 Judge Catrou has given such an excellent description of Jackson 's will to command that it seems desirable to rescue his letter from oblivion in spite of its length. It was written on the day after the General's funeral. "One thing may be safely said of Gen' Jackson— that he has written his name higher on the Temple of fame, than any man since Washington, 8 JAMES K. POLK mainl}^ for the reason that they regarded him as one of them- selves. Polk, on the contrary, had few intimate friends. His associates recognized his ability, but he lacked that magnetism which alone' can attract a wide personal following. He was naturally formal and punctilious, and he seldom sacrified his dignity in the pursuit of popular applause. While he was of those belonging to History in this country. And what is more remark- able in him than any other American is, that he maintained his power from seventy to eighty, when he had nothing to give. This he did by the force of will and courage, backing his thorough out & out honesty of purpose. His intuitive faculties were quick and strong — his instincts capitally good. The way a thing should be done struck him plainly — & he adopted the plan. If it was not the best, it would still answer the pur- pose, if well executed. Then to the execution he brought a hardy industry, and a sleepless energy, few could equal — but this was not the best quality he brought to the task. He cared not a rush for anything behind — he looked ahead. His awful iviU, stood alone, & was made the will of all he commanded; & command it he would and did. If he had fallen from the clouds into a city on fire, he would have been at the head of the extin- guishing host in an hour, & would have blown up a palace to stop the fire with as little mis-giving as another would have torn down a board shed. In a moment he would have willed it proper — & in ten minutes the thing would have been done. Those who never worked before, who had hardly courage to cry, would have rushed to the execution, and applied the match. Hence it is that timid men, and feeble women, have rushed to onslaught when he gave the command — fierce, fearless, and unwavering, for the first time. Hence it is that for fifty years he has been followed, first by all the timid who knew him — and afterwards by the broad land, as a match- less man — as one they were ready to follow wherever he led — who with them never was weary — and who could sweep over all opposers abroad or at home, terrible and clean as a prairie fire, leaving hardly a smoke of the ruin behind. Not even death could break the charm. The funeral yester- day was a great mass meeting — of women, children, men, black, white colored — of every grade, mixed up by the acre outside — the House crammed within. There was not a loud word nor a smile so far as I heard or saw. See him they would and did — nay they would see the cof[f]in cased in lead. It was just possible to have room for the soldiers, (a rather tedious process) they claimed it as a right to see the thing done. The [illegible] crowd followed him to the Tomb; a stone grave by the side of Mrs. Jackson's — laid there in 1828 — covered with a copper roofed canopy some ten feet high resting on stone pillars. He was tediously put in, and the tomb-stone left off, so all could look once more. It was a scene for a painter to see the dense crowd at the particular spot — the slave women in an agony of grief laying their heads on the shoulders and backs of the lady friends of their old master; leaving laces wet with tears — nor did the circumstance elicit a single remark so far as I heard. Death did not make all equal, more completely than did this funeral" (Catron to Buchanan, Nashville, June 11, 1845, Buchanan Papers). ANCESTEY AND EAELY LIFE 9 Speaker of the House, a press correspondent gave the following sketch of his personal appearance : I have never seen a man preside over a popular legislative body with more dignity and effect than Mr. Polk. In person he is rather below the middle size, and has a firm and upright carriage which gives great self- possession and command to his manner. His head is finely formed, with a broad and ample forehead, and features indicative of a character at once urbane and decided. He is scrupulous in his dress and always appears in the chair as if he were at a dinner party.is 15 United States Magazine, quoted by Nashville Union, July 17, 1839. CHAPTER II OPPOSITION MEMBER OF CONGRESS On questions of governmental policy which divided the people of his day Polk entered the political field, as he left it, a con- sistent Jeffersonian Republican. Like his illustrious patron, hoAvever, he found, when entrusted later with the highest execu- tive responsibilities, that theories, however good, must sometimes yield to the practical solution of the problem in hand. On such occasions, as in his expansion policy, he did as Jefferson had done ; he assumed far-reaching power for the executive branch of the central government, leaving himself thereby open to the same criticisms which he and Jefferson had hurled at the Federalists. Polk began his career in Congress as an opponent of the existing administration, and republicanism is always most vigor- ous when relieved of responsibility. During his first years in Congress his republicanism could have free play. He took a definite stand at once on the side of the states and the people, and vigorously assailed the autocratic powers alleged to have been assumed by President Adams, as well as the centralizing tendencies of that administration. At a later day Polk's political opponents ridiculed him as being Jackson's alter ego and asserted that he had ascended the political ladder on the coat-tails of the "old hero." However effective such allegations may have been as campaign arguments, the fact remains that as early as 1825 Polk's political views were already freely promulgated in Congress, while those of Jackson on most questions were yet unformulated, or at least unan- nounced. As to the tariff, the only important question on which the General seems at that time to have formed a definite idea, OPPOSITION MEMBER OF CONGBESS 11 the two men differed widely. That Polk, like others, humored the whims of General Jackson for political reasons need not be denied, that he profited by his friendship is beyond question ; but priority in advocating measures later championed by both men would seem to absolve Polk from the charge that his opinions were derived ready-made from his more conspicuous chief. It does not appear that he gripped more firmly to the General's coat-tails than did others of his party. Since the Tennessee land question was the theme of Polk's first formal speech in Congress, and since this subject w^as des- tined to acquire great political significance, it seems desirable to give a summary of its history in order to show its political importance.^ North Carolina, the former owner of Tennessee, when ceding this territory to the United States, had reserved the right to dispose of certain lands included in the ceded area. Other tracts were reserved for the Indians. These reservations necessarily limited the amount of land left at the disposal of Tennessee. Under the so-called compromise agreement of 1806, much of the Indian land was procured for the state, and one-sixth of it was to be reserved for educational purposes. In 1821, however, the provision relating to school lands was found to be invalid. As a result, the Tennesseans decided to ask Congress for certain gov- ernment lands (in Tennessee) which might be disposed of for educational purposes. As the lands in question were those which settlers had declined to purchase at the price asked by the fed- eral government, they were commonly called "waste" lands, although they were far from being worthless. Although the legislature considered the subject as early as 1821, no definite action was taken until 1823, when it was referred to a select committee of which Polk was made chairman. From 1 For a more detailed account, see Professor Sionssat 's interesting article, "Some Phases of Tennessee Politics in the Jackson Period," Am. Hist. Bev., Oct., 1908. 12 JAMES K. POLE this committee the chairman reported resolutions which, in addi- tion to asking Congress to grant the lands in question, requested the senators and representatives from Tennessee to work for this end.^ In 1825, Polk was transferred from the state legislature to the federal House of Representatives. Realizing that the school land question was of prime importance to the people of his state^ he embraced the earliest opportunity (January 23, 1826) to call up the Tennessee memorial — which he had prepared in 1823 — and moved that it be referred to a select committee rather than to the Committee on Public Lands ; and despite considerable debate this course was followed. Polk was made chairman of the new com- mittee.* The bill which he reported soon afterward failed to pass the House. As will appear later, however, this Tennessee land question was revived from time to time by both Polk and "Davy" Crockett, and it was one of the rocks on which the Jackson party in Tennessee split into fragments. Questions less local in character soon presented themselves. All of Jackson's supporters asserted, and doubtless many of them believed, that their hero had been virtually, even if not legally, cheated out of the Presidency in 1824 by "bargain and corrup- tion ' ' on the part of Adams and Clay. The well-known fact that the House of Representatives, whenever it might be called upon to select the chief magistrate, was intended by the Constitution to - Printed copy of the resolutions in Colonel W771. Polk Papers. 3 ' ' You cannot be too industrious, ' ' wrote one of his constituents a year later, ' ' in endeavoring to effect the object contemjjlated in your Eeport of the last session on the subject of those govr n ment lands. To get this matter through ' is a consumation devoutly to be wished ' for it will in a great measure disarm the opposition." The writer told Polk that the press did not tell the people very much about his work in Congress, and he advised Polk to send personal communications to many friends to coun- teract any assertions by enemies that he is inefficient. He also urged Polk to make a ' ' thundering speach ' ' against Haynes ' bankrupt bill. "I do not know what your sentiments are on this subject but I think I know what your interest is" (Jim R. White to Polk, Dec. 30, 1826, Poll- Papers). 4 Register of Debates, 19 Cong., 1 sess., 1075-1077. OPPOSITION MEMBEE OF CONGEESS 13 have a free choice, irrespective of the popular vote, did not in the least appease their wrath. They resolved at once on two lines of policy — to alter the Constitution of the United States in order to deprive the House of the privilege of choosing a President in any case, and in the meantime to make it as uncomfortable as possible for the one who had been so chosen. It is not easy to determine the degree of their sincerity in the first part of their program, but in the second part they were in deadly earnest. The first move toward altering the Constitution was made by McDuffie, of South Carolina. On December 9, 1825, he offered resolutions which were referred to the Committee of the Whole House. His resolutions declared that the Constitution ought to be so amended that in electing the President and Vice-President of the United States "a uniform system of voting by Districts shall be established in all the States," and in no case should the choice of these officers devolve upon the respective houses of Congress. The resolutions provided also that the subject should be referred to a select committee "with instructions to prepare and report a joint resolution embracing the aforesaid objects."^ On December 29, Cook, of Illinois, offered resolutions much like those of McDuffie, but providing in addition that the voters in the districts should vote directly for both officers. If by employ- ing this method no election resulted, the choice should ' ' be made by States" from the two highest on the list.*' The last part was not clear, for it did not specify the manner in which the states should make the choice. The resolutions of McDuffie and Cook caused considerable debate, and afforded an opportunity for others to air their views on constitutional questions. Some thought that the people were already intrusted with more power than they could use with intel- ligence, while others vigorously expounded the doctrine of vox populi vox dei. McDuffie was not, he said, ' ' one of those visionary 5 Begister of Debates, 19 Cong., 1 sess., 797. eibid., 866. 14 JAMES K. POLE advocates of the abstract rights of man, that would extend the power of the people further than is conducive to the happiness of the political Society. ' ' Patriotic intentions, he admitted, w.ould furnish no adequate security for the wise selection of a chief magistrate, in the absence of sufficient intelligence. "It would be a vain and delusive mockery, to invest them with an elective power, which they could exercise to the destruction of that which is the end of all government — the national good."" Although IMcDuffie himself believed that the people were sufficiently intel- ligent to make a proper choice, the conservatives could not be convinced that he was not playing with fire. Polk spoke to the resolutions on March 13, 1826.* He apolo- gized for departing from his usual custom of giving a "silent vote," and for extending a debate already prolonged. But as the subject was national in scope and vital in character, he could no longer remain silent. He attempted no flights of oratory, but he displayed at once more than ordinary ability as a debater. His remarks were clear and incisive, both in declaring his own views and in refuting the arguments of others. Jefferson him- self never gave more unqualified endorsement to the doctrine of majority rule. The resolutions involved, said Polk, the question of the people's sovereignty. "That this is a Government hosed upon the ivill of the People; that all poiver emanates from them; and that a majority should rule; are, as I conceive, vital prin- ciples in this Government, never to be sacrificed or abandoned, under any circumstances." In theory, all "sound politicians"' admit that "the majority should rule and the minority submit," but the majority, in his opinion, did not always prevail under the existing system of elections. In his zeal for the popular cause Polk attempted to refute an assertion made by Storrs, of New York, that it was not intended by the framers of the Constitution to intrust the choice of T Feb. 16, 1826. Abridg. of Debates, VIII, 992. 8 Abridg. of Debates, IX, 8-16. OPPOSITION MEMBER OF CONGRESS 15 dent and Vice-President to direct popular vote. He made the rather astonishing statement that, if Storrs were right, "I am free to admit that I have been wholly mistaken, and totally wrong, in my conceptions upon this subject." With a shade of sophistry he held that it was not reasonable to suppose that the people, having ' ' recentlj^ broken tlie chains of their slavery, and shaken off a foreign yoke, ' ' should in drafting their Constitution have voluntarily disfranchised themselves. In spite of well- known facts to the contrary, he tried to prove his contention by quoting parts of the preamble,^ and rather unsuccessfully from the Federalist, Randolph, and Monroe, to show that election by the people had been intended hy those who framed the Constitu- tion. He was on surer groimd when he asserted that it mattered •little whether Storrs were right or wrong, inasmuch as the ques- tion before them did not concern elections under the present provisions of the Constitution but an amendment for changing the present method of selecting a President. In Polk's opinion, there were several good reasons why the President should never be chosen by the House of Representa- tives. He is not an officer of the House. He is the chief magis- trate of the whole people and should therefore be responsible to them alone, and dependent upon them for reelection. Election either by the House or the Electoral College always makes choice by a minority possible, and there is danger that such elections will become more frequent. Representatives are chosen a long time before, and not for the purpose of selecting a President. A Representative may be ignorant of the wishes of his con- stituents, or he may willfully ignore their preference. The long period between the election of Representatives and their choice of a President affords ample time to influence their votes by bribery or by executive patronage. Election by districts, as proposed in the resolutions, was, Polk believed, better than a continuation of the present system under o"Wc, the People etc. do ordain and establish this Constitution. 16 JAMES K. POLE which some electors were chosen by state legislatures, others by districts, thereby making- it possible for one-fourth of the people to elect a President. But he concurred with Livingston, of Louisiana,^" who preferred to dispense with electors altogether. "Let the people vote directly for the President without their intervention ..." then "... there can be no division between contending candidates for elector, in favor of the same candidate, and the majority of the people of each district can control and give the vote of that district . . . the sentiment of each mass of the community throughout the Union, composing a district, is fairly elicited, and made to have its due and proportional weight in the general collected sentiment of all the districts in the Union." Although he offered no resolution embodying his ideas he suggested one^^ for the committee's consideration. His sugges- tions were more explicit and covered the ground more completely than the resolutions already before the House. Some of his arguments on this subject were partisan and sophistical ; but in no case did he indulge in such absurdities as did one of his opponents, Edward Everett, who tried to convince his fellow- members that any attempt to amend the Constitution was itself unconstitutional. Each member, said the sage from Massachu- setts, had taken an oath to support the Constitution as it is, and could not propose to alter it without violating that oath.^^ Neither George III nor John Tyler could plead a more tender conscience nor display a greater respect for oaths of office than Everett did on this occasion. No wonder Polk asked if "the gentleman [were] serious in this puerile conception?" 10 MeDuffie favored this also. 11 Each state Avas to be divided into as many districts as it had members in both liouses of Congress. The people in each district were to vote directly for President and Vice-President, without the intervention of electors, and a plurality in each district was to count as one vote. If no election should result, the matter was to be referred back to the people, who were then to select from the tAvo highest on the list (Abridg. of Debates, IX, 16). y^Ibid., 18. OPPOSITION MEMBER OF CONGEESS 17 In attempting to show that members of the House were not the proper persons to elect a President, Polk supported the ex- treme democratic view which would divest a member of Congress, even as a legislator, of his representative character and make him a mere delegate. "It has been openly avowed upon this floor," said he, "that there is no connection between the Repre- sentative here, and his constituent at home ; that the Representa- tive here is not bound to regard or obey the instructions of those who send him here. For myself, I have never entertained such opinions, but believe, upon all questions of expediency, that the Representative is bound to regard and obey the known will of his constituent." Any other view would intrust the rights of the people to "the accidental interest, or capricious will of their public servants." He no doubt had Jefferson's inaugural in mind when he added : ' ' Shall we assume to ourselves the high prerogative of being uncontaminated and incorruptible, when the same attributes are denied to all the rest of mankind? Is immaculate purity to be found within these walls and no other corner of the earth?" Whether representatives endowed with "immaculate purity" or "angels in the form of kings "^^ can be intrusted with the government of their fellows may be open to question, but both Jefferson and Polk must have known that the framers of the Constitution had consciously placed more reliance on the discretion of the public officials than on the efficacy of a count of heads. A remark made by Everett gave Polk an opportunity to pay tribute to General Jackson as the champion of the people. If the government were ever destroyed, said Everett, "it would not be by a President elected by a minority of the people, but by a President elected by an overwhelming majority of the people ; by some 'military chieftain' that should arise in the land." "Yes, sir," answered Polk, "by some 'military chieftain,' whose only crime it was to have served his country faithfully at a period i^See Jefferson's inaugural address. 18 JAMES E. POLK when that country needed and realized the value of his services. ' ' If the government were ever destroyed, it would be, in his opinion, by "the encroachments and abuse of power and by the alluring and corrupting influence of Executive patronage." This was intended, of course, as a thrust at President Adams ; but in lend- ing his support to the elevation of the ' ' old hero, ' ' Polk was help- ing to hasten the demoralizing influence of patronage which he so much feared. Some of the northern members objected to the proposed amendment on the ground that under it slaves would be repre- sented. During his whole political career, slavery was a subject which Polk avoided whenever possible. It is interesting to note, however, that his opinions now expressed for the first time in Congress were never substantially modified. He regretted ex- ceedingly "that scarcely any subject of general concern can be agitated here, without having this important subject of slavery, either collaterally, or incidentally, brought into view, and made to mingle in our deliberations." His views now expressed were reiterated in substance when he had to deal with the Wilmot Proviso. Both now and later he was unable to see why this irrelevant topic should be dragged into discussions of public policy. In answering his opponents Polk declared his firm belief in state rights. Storrs and others had alleged that the proposed amendment would tend to consolidate the people of the Union. Polk denied this and said that he would oppose the amendment if he had any idea that it would produce any such result. "No man," said he, "deprecates more than I do, any violation of rights secured to the States by the Federal Constitution," and no one more fears "the yawning gulf of consolidation."" Polk always referred to himself as a Republican, but it is plain that he was not a believer in true representative govern- 14 "When I speak of State rights, I mean, as I understand the consti- tution to mean, not the rights of the Executives of the States, but I mean the rights of the people of the States. ' ' OPPOSITION MEMBER OF CONGRESS 19 ment, and was in fact a democrat. ^° His remarks show clearly the influence of Jefferson 's teaching. He was an admirer of Gen- eral Jackson, and used his influence both publicly and privately^*^ to promote the General's interests, but there is no evidence that he relied on Jackson for political opinions. On the contrary, Jackson read with approval Polk's speech on the constitutional amendment and assured him that it was well received by his constituents and would give him a strong claim to their future confidence. "I agree with you," wrote the General,^^ "that the District System is the true meaning of the Constitution, but as this cannot be obtained any uniform System ought to be adopted instead of leaving the election of President to Congress." As a critic of the Adams administration Polk did not rise above the political claptrap of the day. All that can be said in his favor in this respect is that he spoke less frequently than did some of his colleagues. Even his private letters are tinctured with a bias and a bitterness that do him no credit. A letter written to Colonel William Polk concerning the subserviency of the Speaker and of congressional committees is of special interest, for in it Polk makes the same charges which were later made against himself when he became the leader of the administration forces. "The 'factious opposition' as they are termed," said the letter,^® who really consist of the friends of the Constitution, & who do not support upon the fashionable doctrine of faitJi every measure emanating from the administration, merely because it is an administration measure, are to the extent of the power of the administration, and its friends literally proscribed. ' ' Senate committees have been "arranged for effect," although there is but a small administrative majority in that body. 15 There was, of course, no Democrat party at this time. iG For example, in a letter to Colonel William Polk, Dec. 14, 1826, he urged the latter to induce the legislature of North Carolina to give some public expression in favor of Jackson on January 8 (Colonel JFm. Polk Papers). 17 Jackson to Polk, May 3, 1826, Polk Papers. 18 Polk to Col. Wm. Polk, Dec. 14, 1826, Colonel Wm. Poll: Papers. 20 JAMES K. POLK "Studied majorities in favor of the administration have been placed on each, regardless, it would seem in some instances, of qualifications, talents, or experience. The selections were no doubt made, in conformity to a previous secret understanding, among the favorites at Court. ' ' In the House, also, ' ' some remarkable changes have been made in committees by the Speaker. They too have all been arranged for effect." The power of patronage, he continued, is corruptly used to ''sustain an administration, who never came into power by the voice of the people. ' ' How could a man who felt thus, within three short years, give his unqualified support to the administra- tion of General Jackson? The answer is simple. Polk was, despite his ability and generally sound judgment, above all a party man. At the close of his first term in Congress, Polk, in his appeal to his constituents for reelection, laid special stress on his oppo- sition to the Panama mission. Soon after taking his seat, he said it became his duty to act upon a proposition emanating from the executive, "as novel in its character as it was believed to be in consequences."^'* Not believing in entangling alliances, "I was opposed to the Mission in every possible shape in which it could be presented, believing, as I did, that the United States had nothing to gain, but much to lose, by becoming members of such an extraordinary Assembly. ' ' The administration, lacking popu- larity, was trying to extend the powers of the federal government "to an inordinate and alarming extent . . . and substitute patronage for public will." He was reelected without difficulty and was, at the beginning of the next session of Congress, made a member of the Committee on Foreign Affairs.-° Throughout the Adams administration Polk corresponded with General Jackson. He not only supplied the hero of the Her- mitage with information on passing events, but offered welcome suggestions and advice. "I feel greatly obliged to you," wrote 10 Polk's circular letter to his constituents, dated March 4, 1827. Printed copy in Colonel Wm. Folk Papers. 20 Jour, of H. R., 20 Cong., 1 sess., 25. OPPOSITION MEMBER OF CONGRESS 21 Jackson on one occasion,-^ "for the information contained in your letter [on internal improvements] . . . and I truly appre- ciate those feelings of friendship which dictated the communi- cation. ' ' When, in the spring of 1828, the subject of Jackson's execu- tion of the six militia men was under investigation in Congress, Polk and Judge White procured and published a statement from General Gaines and a copy of Governor Blount's orders to Jack- son.-- It was Polk who first notified Jackson of his vindication by a committee, and it was to Polk that the General forwarded additional documents to be used in case it should become neces- sary.-^ Jackson approved Polk's advice that the attack of the opposition relating to this subject should be met by an active cam- paign of refutation, but that there should be no defense on the Burr episode until there had been some definite charge.-* To another letter from Polk offering advice on political matters, Jackson answered : "I have read your letter with great interest & attention — the reasons therein contained leaves no reason to doubt of the correctness of your conclusions, it is such as I had long since concluded to pursue. ' '" It is evident that the General already recognized the soundness of Polk's judgment and his shrewedness as a practical politician. During the session of 1828-29 the Tennessee land bill again became the subject of animated discussion in the House. When he first introduced it, in 1825, Polk had the unanimous support of the people of Tennessee, and of the entire delegation in Con- gress from that state. But it now met with opposition from an 21 Jackson to Polk, Dec. 4, 1826, Poll: Papers. 22 Polk to Jackson, April 13 and 15, 1828, Jackson Papers. 23 Jackson to Polk, March 23, 1828, Pollc Papers. 2-t The six militia men are made a hobby by the opposition, said Jack- son, by which they ' ' can impose upon the credulity of the ignorant. ._ . . The plan there that you have suggested is the only one that can fairly meet, and effectively put down their hobby." "I think your reflections on the Burr business is correct, no defence, without a charge" (Jackson to Polk, May 3, 1828, iUd.). 25 Jackson to Polk, Sept. 16, 1828, ibid. 22 JAMES E. POLE unexpected quarter — an opposition which resulted in a bitter political feud. The eccentric David Crockett, for reasons best known to himself, had come to the conclusion that the "waste" lands, instead of being sold at a higher price for the support of schools, should be given or sold at a nominal price to poor settlers. He therefore offered an amendment to effect this purpose, and thus assumed the role of champion of the poor, as opposed to the rich who, as he said, could alone afford to take advantage of schools. Whatever his motives may have been, his opposition to a bill which he had ardently supported at the last session was at once attributed to the influence of Jackson's political enemies. The Tennessee delegation, wrote Polk,-*^ were mortified to think that Crockett ' ' should have cooperated with some of our bitterest and most vindictive political enemies, men, some of them of 'coffin hand bill' and 'six militia men' memory, and joined them in denouncing the Legislature of his state on the floor of Con- gress." Gales and other "Adamsites," Polk continued, are urg- ing him on and reporting speeches that he never made, while he, it is said, will vote for Gales and Seaton for public printers and against Duff Green. They are making a tool of Crockett in order to deal a blow at Tennessee. Other members of the Tennessee delegation, said Polk, will furnish evidence against Crockett, but prefer not to do so, because the people might regard such action as persecution. Crockett differed from his colleagues not merely on the land question ; he opposed, also the attempt made by the Jackson party to introduce viva voce voting in the House so that they might brand the unfaithful. Several members, including Polk, Judge White, R. Desha, and J. C. Mitchell prepared statements con- cerning the boasts and the conduct of Crockett, and addressed them to Pryor Lea, one of their colleagues. The statements were based largely on assertions made by Crockett at White 's lodgings in the presence of the men who had prepared them. Crockett 2ru.lonce led Bell to refrain from leading the assault and to delegate this function to his two associates. Still, Wise needed little urging, and the fact that Bailie I'eyton was a nephew of Judge White was sufficient to account for his animosity. 10 March 16, 22, 25, 1836. Cong. Globe, 24 Cong., 1 sess., App., 722 fP. 11 "It was, I believe, a private scheme [earlier] of my colleague, who is now the presi.ling officer of this House [Mr. Polk] to take from the Secretary of State the power of designating the publishers of the laws, an Robertson, of Virginia, when speaking (April 5) on the same bill, assertfil that the administration desire. I a large appropriation for the navy so that there miglit be no surplus to distribute among the states. SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE UNDER JACKSON 101 if to make amends for the moderation displayed in his speech on the naval appropriation bill, Bell, when discussing the river and harbor bill on June 23, severely castigated both the Speaker and the administration. He charged the administration with delib- erate extravagance, and said that the Committee of Ways and Means had been purposely organized by Polk ''upon a principle of extravagance."^* His purpose was to show, as Robertson, of Virginia, had tried to show when discussing the naval appro- priation bill on April 5 that the administration hoped to nullify the eifect of Clay's "distribution bill" by leaving no surplus for distribution among the states. However, it is difficult to see how Polk could have anticipated the passage of this bill when he appointed the Committee of Ways and Means. Bell had little reason to complain of Polk's committees, for, as Gillet, of New York, pointed out (June 24), they were sub- stantially the same as those appointed by himself.^^ In selecting his committees Polk had given no greater advantage to the ma- jority than was customary, yet it is interesting to recall in this connection that he, too, during the Adams administration, had complained because "studied majorities" had been placed on committees, "in conformity to a previous secret understanding. 14 " I have said that I regard this bill as the result of a deliberate system of extravagance — of a plan for increasing the wants of the Gov- ernment, and exhausting the Treasury. ... I affirm that your Committee of Ways and Means of this House was organized upon a principle of ex- travagance. Look at the composition of that committee, sir, and then tell me it was not constituted with a deep design, and expressly with a view to the largest expenditure for which a pretext could be found, in every branch of the public service. Was there ever such a Committee of Ways and Means appointed in this House? Was there ever a more palpable desertion of the principle of representation — a more shameful abandon- ment of the interests of the entire interior of the country?" {Cong. Globe, 24 Cong., 1 sess., App., 745). 15 Gillet scathingly denounced Bell's attitude toward Polk. He twitted Bell with not having defended his constituent (the President) when during the last Congress he had been called a toothless tyrant by a member of the opposition party. Repelling such attacks upon the President and declining to attend a caucus of the Tennessee delegation were the only crimes, said Gillet, of which Polk could be convicted, and as Speaker, "even his political opponents bear testimony to his capacity, honesty, and impartiality. ' ' 102 JAMES E. POLK among tlir favorites at Court. "^^ Both men advocated majority rule, yet neither accepted it with good grace Avhen he chanced to hf numbered with the minority. In this same speech Bell reverted to the caucus of the Tenn- essee delegation, which had been called to consider the nomi- nation of Judge White. He said that the main object of the meeting liad been to test the sincerity of certain members and that two of these gentlemen, Polk and Grundy, "are at this moment in the enjoyment of the rewards of their hypocrisy and their treachery to their colleagues." He still spoke with respect of General Jackson and denied that he had ever called the Presi- dent a tyrant or a crouching sycophant. "He may be the master of sl(iv(s and menials/' said Bell, "but nature has disqualified liim from becoming one himself." Tlie first session of the twenty-fourth Congress terminated on July 4, 1836. Among its legislative acts were the admission to statehood of Arkansas and Michigan, and the reorganization of the gcnei-al post-office along lines advocated by Amos Kendall. Another law aj^proved the President's order for removing public deposits from the Bank of the United States, and regulated for tlie future the method of depositing public money in state banks. As a i-esult of the payment in full of the national debt, Clay introduced in the Senate his well-known measure for distributing among the states the surplus revenue of the federal government. As it was made to assume the guise of a deposit rather than a gift, tlic bill passed both houses of Congress and was signed — but witii reluctance— by the President. On June 7, while the bill was before the House, an attempt was made to refer it to the Conunittee of the Whole, for the purpose, said the Globe, of pro- longing the debate and thereby defeating the admission of Ar- kansas and ^lichigan. Polk blocked such a reference by casting his ballot in the negative and making it a tie vote.^^ 10 Polk to Coloucl Wm. Polk, Dec. 14, 1826, Col. TTm. Folic Papers. •" Wasliiiiyton Globe, June 10, 1836. SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE UNDER JACKSON 103 Although the Speakership is the most important and respon- sible position in the House, and although the Speaker's influence upon legislation is surpassed by few other officers of the federal government/^ yet, from the very nature of his position, that influence is difficult to trace. By the personnel of his committees, by his decisions, by his control over debate by recognizing or refusing to recognize members who may desire to speak, one may trace in a general way the part played by the Speaker ; but neces- sarily he takes little part in the discussions of the House. Polk did not even avail himself of the privilege of participating in debate when the House had resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole. For this reason his views on the various measures are not readily ascertained, and during this particular period his private correspondence affords little assistance. That he satisfied the party which elected him, there is abundant evidence in the records of the House, and in the public press. That he possessed the necessary knowledge and coolness of temperament to avoid the pitfalls prepared by his adversaries, is equally clear. "Never," said the editor of the Boston Age, was man more rigidly and constantly assailed by a pack of untiring pursuers, than was Mr. Speaker Polk by his uncompromising assailants. They left no stone unturned that could be moved to his disadvantage. . . . But notwithstanding all the efforts that were made to destroy Mr. Polk, he passed the ordeal unscathed, and ultimately triumphed. The editor said that he did not like Polk personally, and that he had preferred Bell for Speaker, still " it is but an act of justice to say of him, that he discharged his duties with great ability, promptness, and throughout the session was popular with an im- mense majority of the members," and self-respect compelled 18 Mrs. Polk probably voiced her husband's sentiments when she said, years afterward: "The Speaker, if the proper person, and with a correct idea of his position, has even more power and influence over legislation, and in directing the policy of parties, than the President or any other public officer." Conversation with Samuel J. Eandall. Quoted in Nelson, Memorials of Sarah Childress Polk, 206. 104 JAMES K. POLE noil li. Til Whigs to support tlie Speaker in putting down Wise and his friends.^" After the adjournment of Congress on July 4, the great prob- lem to be solved by the administration forces was not so much liow to (dect Van Buren, for that seemed certain, but how to save Tt'uncssee. The prospect of losing the vote of the President's own state was most Inimiliating to himself and to the entire party. At first Jackson could not believe such a calamity possible ; but, as the campaign proceeded, even he began to realize that, if the state could be saved at all, it could be done only by heroic efforts. As usual, Jackson spent his vacation at the Hermitage, and during the summer he was honored with public dinners at various places. The people of Nashville entertained him with a barbecue to which "all creation" was invited.-° The press and the plat- form of the respective parties vied with each other in regaling the people with i)olitical gasconade and personal abuse of the opposing politicians. On the President's side were Polk, Grundy, Cavf Joluison, and Judge Catron, assisted by many lesser lights who followed their directions. Opposed to them were "White, I '.ill. Peyton, and Foster, aided by a much longer and much abler list of second-rate assistants than could be rallied to the Jackson standard. The most serious handicap with which the administration leaders had to cope was the want of an influential press. The Nashville Vnion, which had been founded after Bell had obtained eontrol of the other Nashville papers, had never prospered, and was now in the final stages of bankruptcy. Long, the proprietor, had given up in despair and gone to Athens in East Tennessee to edit an obscure Van Buren sheet of precarious existence.-^ Due to (liink, Laughlin, the editor of the Union, had become so unreliable that Catron, in llie heat of the campaign, was forced >•' Boston Age, Aug. 17, 18.36; copy among Polk Papers. -« Laughlin to I'olk, Aug. 8, 1836, Polk Papers. => Long to I'olk. Aug. 21, 1836, ibid. SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE UNDER JACKSON lOo to come to the rescue and edit the paper himself.-- The "Wash- ington Glohe devoted considerable space to political affairs in Tennessee. It tried to convince the people of the state that White could not by any possibility be elected, and that his nomination had been the work of instruments of Clay and Calhoun, who were conspiring against Jackson and Van Buren and attempting to deceive the people of Tennessee.-^ Bell, of course, was charged with being the chief conspirator. "It is painful," said the Glohe on October 7, to a fair mind to deal with petty tricks — the oflfspring of low cunning — of a man educated as a pettifogger, and improved into a political Machiavel by a persevering study of the arts of deception in a seven years ' appren- ticeship in Congress. John Bell has arrived at a point which entitles him to a diploma as a political imposter who is trying to deceive the people of Tennessee. As examples of Bell's hypocrisy, it cited his original opposition to White and his attempt to induce R. M. Johnson to run for President on a bank platform. Much emphasis was placed on White 's alleged affiliation with friends of the United States Bank. Bell's "Cassedy letter" was said to have pledged White, in the event of his election, to sign a bill for rechartering the bank. In several letters. Van Buren had already stated his unalterable opposition to such an institu- tion, and by so doing furnished an excuse for the catechizing of his rival. In a letter addressed to him by one of the local Demo- crats, White was asked the definite question whether he, if elected, would sign a bill to establish a bank of discount and deposit, or one of deposit only. It was hoped that the letter would place the judge in an embarrasing position, but this hope was not realized. He met the issue squarely by stating that, while he considered the bank question to be obsolete, he would nevertheless give his 22 After the campaign was over Catron, in a letter to Polk (Nov. 24) said that, while he hated to desert a man for ' ' that infirmity, ' ' they must have a reliable editor. 23 Washington Globe, Aug. 27 and Sept. 5, 1836. 106 JAMES K. FOLK vit'ws on till' subject. He liad always believed, he said, that Con- grt'ss (lid not possi^ss the power to authorize any bank to transact business within the states ; moreover, even if the power existed, it shouhl not be exercised. This was still his opinion.^* In a speech delivered at Knoxville in August, White had alrt-ady given a very complete statement of the principles for whicli he stood. He enumerated the doctrines which had been advocated by himself and the President at the time of the latter 's first election. For advocating these same doctrines, said he, the President is now "openly denouncing me as a 'red hot Federalist,' having abandoned his Administration and being as far from him as the poles are asunder." The judge claimed to uphold the Kfpul)lican creed of Jefferson, while the President is on "that side which leads directly to monarchy, although I hope he does not so intend it."-^ Not even Jackson could shake the faith of Tennesseans in the ability and the integrity of Judge White. Even though the motives of his leading supporters may have been somewhat ques- tionable, nothing that was ignoble or equivocal could be traced to White himself. He carried the state in spite of the misrepre- sentations of his traducers, and never again during the life of the "hero of New Orleans" was Tennessee to be found in the Demo- cratic column at a Presidential election — although one of her own sons was the candidate in 1844. Till' Pri'sidi-nt was greatly mortified by the loss of his state. He declared that White had always been a hypocrite, and that the "morals of society" demanded his exposure.-** But the mote in 2< Andrew A. Kincannon to White, Sept. 14: White to Kincannon, Sept. lit, 1836, Polk Papers. ' -•••Speech printed in Scott, Memoir of EugJi Lmcson White, 340 fF. Excerjits in Wasliinyton Globe, Sept. 23, 1836. -« "Nothiiif,' hut falsehood appears to be the weapons of our modern new l.orn White Whirrs of Tennessee in their late political crusade. White, Hell. Peyton, Murray & Co. appear to have abandoned truth, and now M'heu the election is over, does not wish to be held accountable for their false- hoods . . . should 1 live to get home, a duty I owe to truth & the morals of society will induce me to expose Judge White, Mr. Bell Mr Peyton SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE UNDEB JACKSON 107 his brother 's eye obscured the huge beam in his own own ; his unfair treatment of White had been the determining factor in making the Judge a candidate and in winning for him the electoral vote of the state. Congress reassembled on December 5 and, on the following day, received the last annual message of General Jackson. This document criticized the operation of the deposit act passed at the last session and advised the adjustment of revenue to the actual needs of the government. It informed Congress of the promulga- tion of the "specie circular" and asked that the policy therein adopted be made permanent by legislative enactment. It urged that the finances of the government should be put on a hard money basis. The tone of the message was optimistic, and indica- tive of the satisfaction felt by the President with the results of his administration. It contained no hint that he even suspected the country to be already on the verge of one of its most disastrous industrial and financial crises. To carry the administration program through the House was a task of little difficulty for the Speaker. Polk arranged his com- mittees on a political basis, and there was a safe majority in that body to insure the passage of desired measures. It required both skill and patience, however, to preserve order and to render harm- less the assaults of an opposition whose animosity had not been lessened by their recent defeat at the polls. Early in the session there appeared a new avalanche of memo- rials in which Congress was asked to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia. Generally, but not always, they were presented by John Quincy Adams. Polk decided that the "gag rule" had Mr. Murray, and their falsehoods, so that the moral part & truth loving portion of the citizens of Tennessee may judge what credit can be reposed in those men, when they make assertions as to the acts & doings of others. I now believe that Judge White has been acting the hypocrite in politics, all his life, and individually to me — that he is unprincipled & vindictive I have full proof — that he Avill willfully lie, his Knoxville speech amply shows. I can forgive, & will, but I never can forget hypocrisy, or the individual capable of it" (Jackson to Rev. H. M. Cryer, Nov. 13, 1836, Am. Hist. Mag., IV, 242-243). 108 JAMES K. POLK expired with tlie last session, and so the whole question was once more open for discussion. After several heated debates, the rule was reenacted in an aggravated form which sent all such peti- tions to the table as soon as presented, without even the courtesy of a reference to a committee. Southern members looked upon these petitions as the work of fanatics-^ whose sole purpose was malicious mischief. They failed to realize that abolition was simply one among the many manifestations of the birth of a pub- lic conscience and of a desire to reform the world. The old idea that governments should not abridge personal privileges, even by eradicating admitted evils, was, during this period, rapidly giving way to a new belief that society as well as individuals possesses rights, and that governments are in duty bound to protect them. It was a period among which "isms" of various sorts flourished, and among ttie number, dbolitionism. The most important and per- manent product which resulted from this social unrest and striv- ing for the ideal was the emergence of a public conscience and a determination to adjust individual conduct to the standards of public opinion. A feeling of responsibility for existing evil led the trouliled conscience to seek power to eradicate it, and in seek- ing tiie necessary power the reformers naturally turned to the federal government. Calhoun understood the changed viewpoint far better than did his contemporaries. He realized that, on the subject of slavery, a national conscience had developed, although he nmy have exaggerated the part played in this development by the Nullification proclamation of General Jackson.-^ 27 "Abolition," said Byuum, of North Carolina, Jan. 9, 1837, "is priestcraft | i.e. New England clergy], concocted and brought into exist- ence by their unholy alliance with the superstitious and ignorant of both sexes. ' ' -'«Si.eaking in the Senate on the Oregon bill, Aug. 12, 1849, Calhoun said: "The abolition of African slavery in its old form in the British West In.lia Islands, and the long and violent agitation which preceded it, • lid Min.di to arouse this feeling at the North, and confirm the impression that it was sinful. But something more was necessary to excite it into action,— and that was, a belief, on the i)art of those who thought it sinful, that they were responsible for its continuance. "It was a considerable time before such a belief was created, except to a very limited extent. In the early stages of this Government, while SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE VNDEE JACKSON 109 The enactment of gag rules resulted in more harm than good to the cause which they were intended to benefit. Many who had little sympathy with abolitionists disapproved of this drastic method of stifling public opinion. They regarded the gag laws as a fatal blow to the right of petition, although it is difficult to see why the southern members were not right in their contention that this right extended only to those who would petition about their own grievances, and not those of other persons. The right of the people to petition for a redress of their own grievances was never questioned by the most belligerent of the southern fire- eaters. Polk was a slaveholder, but he did not let this fact influence his decisions. When objections were raised because Adams in- sisted upon presenting petitions from states other than Massa- chusetts the Speaker decided, on February 6, 1837, that "every member had a right to present a petition, come from what quarter it might. ' ' Adams thereupon informed the Speaker that he had a petition purporting to have come from slaves and asked if it would fall within the regular rule. The character of the peti- tioners presented a new point in procedure, which Polk did not attempt to decide ; instead, he asked for a ruling by the House. Without seeking to ascertain the nature of the petition— which it was yet called, and regarded to be, a federal Government, slavery was believed to be a local institution, and under the exclusive control of the Governments of the States. So long as this impression remained, litj;le or no responsibility was felt on the part of any portion of the North, for its continuance. But with the growth of the power and influence of the Government, and its tendency to consolidation, — when it became usual to call the people of these States a nation, and this Government national, the States came to be regarded by a large portion of the North, as bearing the same relation to it, as the counties do to the States; and as much under the control of this Government, as the counties are under that of their respective State Governments. The increase of this belief was ac- companied by a corresponding increase of the feeling of responsibility for the continuance of slavery, on the part of those in the North who considered it so. At this stage it was strengthened into conviction by the proclamation of General Jackson and the act of Congress authorizing him to employ the entire force of the Union against the Government and people of South Carolina." Having discovered the extent of national power, said Calhoun, the abolitionists have, since 1835, been striving to bring it into operation (Calhoun, Works, IV, 517-521). 110 JAMES K. POLK tiinifil out to be a hoax, and asked for the expulsion of Adams — southern members wasted much time in an intemperate tirade against the venerable ex-President. They at first demanded his expulsion, and, failing in this, asked that he should be censured "for giving color to an idea" that slaves might address a com- munication to Congress. After Adams had riddled their argu- ments with sarcasm and ridicule, the House finally ended the matter by deciding simply that slaves had no right to petition. The charge made by Adams that Polk had exercised arbitrary authority in his decisions on the subject of petitions seems to have been wholly unwarranted, for the Speaker accorded him every privilege which the rules of the House permitted.-^ The Speaker's enemies tried on many occasions to confuse him by propounding unusual and complicated questions, but in this they were invariably disappointed. His thorough knowledge of parliamentary procedure, and his ability to anticipate their designs and to prepare for them, enabled him to render his deci- sions promptly and correctly. Never frustrated, he was quick to see the bearing of an unusual proposition. ^° Although he safeguarded the interests of the administration whenever possible, yet liis rulings were sustained — almost without exception, by a considerable number of his political opponents. The most severe charge which was brought against Polk during the session arose out of the investigation of Reuben M. Whitney's connection with the Treasury Department. It was alleged that Whitney had given out advance information to speculators 20 Polk's opinion of Adams' conduct and his complaints is recorded in an undated manuscript in the Polk Papers. It is an answer to letters written by A but the politicians, fear- ing lliat lie would be defeated, did not rally to his support. 22 Doneldson to Polk, Jan. 4; Jackson to Polk, Feb. 2, 1838; Folh Papers. 23 Carroll to Polk, Feb. 17, 1838, ibid. SPEAEEB OF THE HOUSE UNDER VAN BUBEN 123 Even before Polk had consented to run for governor, each party was striving to strengthen its own position in the state and to weaken the hokl of its opponent. In Boston, C. G. Greene, under Polk's direction, collected evidence to prove that Bell, on his New England tour, had been entertained by Hartford Con- vention Federalists;-* while in Tennessee, the Whig legislature instructed Grundy to vote against any sub-treasury bill that might come before the Senate. Although the purpose of this move was to force his resignation, he disappointed the Whigs by promptly announcing that he would obey his instructions. Much Whig literature was franked from Washington. White and Bell scattered widely the speech in which Wise had castigated Polk and the President. From many sources Polk was importuned to accept the guber- natorial nomination, for it was believed that he could regain the state for the Democratic party.-'^ Apparently the office was not attractive to him, yet duty to his party seemed to point in that direction. Late in the summer, after mature consideration, he finally consented to become a candidate. Many letters told him of the good effect which his acceptance had produced. One from Cave Johnson reported that in many places "whole neighbor- hoods" had returned to the Democratic party .^^ The Democrats were still embarrassed by the weakness of their local papers, for Cunningham had proved to be quite as unsuccessful a journalist as Bradford. When seeking a more competent editor for the Union, Polk offered the position to 24- Green to Polk, Jan. 18, 1838, ibid. 25 One correspondent intimated that prospects of success might be better in the state than in Congress. Polk, he said, would redeem the state if any one could, and "If there is any possible chance of the opposition getting the upper hand in the ensuing Congress, perhaps this course might be the prudent one; as your friends would as soon be annihilated at once, as to see that most infamous of all infamous PUPPIES, John Bell, triumph over you in a contest for the Speaker's chair. Should the opposition succeed in their views, this must and will be the result, as you are now the most dreaded and consequently the most hated by them" (W. S. Haynes to Polk, July 24, 1838, ibid.). 26 Johnson to Polk, Nov. 2, 1838, ibid. 124 JAMES E. POLK si'veral persons in succession. Among the number were Edmund Hurkc-' and C. G. Greene, of Boston. It was Greene, who, when declining the offer, suggested Jeremiah George Harris, then edi- toi- of the Bay State Democrat.^^ For the Democrats this proved to be a most fortunate suggestion. In Harris they found a man in every way .suited to Tennessee politics — one who was more than a match for his adversaries of the quill, with the possible exception of Parson Brownlow. The Union was enlarged, and on February 1, 1839, the proprietor, J. M. Smith, introduced the new editor to the people of Tennessee. In the same issue Harris announced his policy: namely, to fight for the principles of Jefferson and his Republican successors, and for the overthrow of "Federalism" in the state.-'* A week later Smith reported to Polk that a war of words with Hall, editor of the Banner, had already begun and that he [Smith] was much pleased with Harris.='« The proprietor of the Union had no reason to revise his opinion. Harris launched at once into a campaign of vitupera- tion and merciless denunciation of the Whigs which endeared him to his friends and made him dreaded by his opponents. He was the type of editor in whom the people of the West delighted. He and General Jackson became fast friends, but, in the main, it was to Polk that he looked for counsel and guidance. He plunged witii zeal into the campaign against Governor Cannon and an- nounced that "Tennessee has not seen so proud a day since the election of her own Jackson to the Presidency as will that on 27 Burke was later a Eepresentative from New Hampshire. In 18-15, Polk put him in charge of the General Patent Office. 2^ Greene to Rives of the Glohc, Dee. 3, 1838, Folk Papers. 20 "That tory federalism of 1798, Hartford convention federalism of 1814, and 'whig' Federalism of this day are identical, so far as they relate to the two grand party divisions of the country, is too susceptible of the clearest letter of proof to admit of a doubt." 30 "Mr. Hall of the Banner has commenced the war with the new editor of the 'Union' and if I am not mistaken he will find that he will have a little more to do than he at present imagines" (Smith to Polk, Feb. 7, 1839, Polk Papers). SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE UNDER VAN BUREN 125 which the sovereigns of her soil shall by their iinbought suffrage call Mr. Polk to the gubernatorial chair. ' '^^ This is not, however, the place for a prolonged discussion of Polk's gubernatorial campaign. Reserving this for another chap- ter, we may follow his career through his last session as Speaker of the House. Selected by the Democrats for the avowed purpose of bringing Tennessee back into the party fold, Polk, as he called to order the third session of the twenty-fifth Congress, was more cordially hated than ever by Bell, Wise, Prentiss, and other enemies of the administration. Van Buren's message, which reached the House on December 4, 1838, was optimistic in tone. He informed Congress that the rapid improvement of financial conditions and the resumption of specie payment by the principal banks had proved beyond ques- tion that a federal bank is not indispensable. Reiterating the belief that a sub-treasury would prove to be the best agency for collecting and disbursing the public revenue, he again recom- mended its creation by law. He alluded to Swartwout's defalca- tion and asked for legislation which would make such peculation in future a felony. The lawmaking body of the nation paid little heed to the President's recommendations. Jockeying for position suited their present mood far better than constructive legislation. Having made gains in recent political contests, the Whigs had high hopes of carrying the next Presidential election. Without as yet announcing any program for themselves, they employed all of 31 Nashville Union, Feb. 8, 1839. In the same issue Harris quoted an article from the Pennsylvania Reporter in which that paper urged that Polk should be made Vice-President. Concerning Polk 's record the Reporter said: "Knowing that the Bank of the United States was about to bring the whole of its mighty influence to bear against the administra- tion of Gen. Jackson, it was deemed of the highest importance to be well fortified at the point where the attack was to be made, and the chair- man of the Committee of Ways and Means, as the financial organ of the administration, became the most important position in the House. Col. Polk's known position in opposition to the re-charter of that institution, his intimate acquaintance with its history and transactions, and his powers as a ready and able debater, recommended him for its occupancy. And well did he justify the confidence so reposed in him. ' ' lL>r, JAMES K. POLK tlit'ir energies in heaping odium upon the administrations of Van Bureii and liis predecessor. In the House the session was stormy from the beginning. When they could enlist the votes of the so-called conservatives, the Whigs were able to outvote the Demo- crats, and the task of the Speaker was made still more difficult. On the second day of the session, and before the President 's message had been received, Adams fanned the flame of sectional discord by moving that all petitions, remonstrances, and resolu- tions, for or against the annexation of Texas, should be referred to a select committee. His resolution was laid on the table by a vote of 136 to 61. His solicitude on this subject proved to be unwarranted, for the President in his message assured Congress tliat all proposals for annexation had been withdrawn. Adams then submitted a resolution which called for a committee to inves- tigate the controversy of Andrew Stevenson, late Speaker of the House and present minister to England, with Daniel O'Con- nell, a member of Parliament. This also was sent to the table, hut it had accomplished its intended purpose of attaching odium to the administration. Abolition petitions again made their appearance. The per- sistence of the reformers aroused the fears as well as the wrath of southern members, and slaveholders required guaranties for tile i)roteetion of their "peculiar institution." On December 11, Athei-ton, of New Hampshire, submitted a series of resolutions Hie purport of wliieli was to declare unconstitutional any inter- ference with slavery either in the states or the District of Columbia, and to reenact the gag rule regarding petitions. After a lirief debate these resolutions were adopted by the House. The adoption of the gag rule did not, however, eliminate the slavery (juestion. On the thirteenth, Adams tried to introduce a resolu- tion to the effect that no enactment of Congress could add to or ilr.iiiet from the powers of Congress which had been conferred by the Constitution. On the same day, Wise offered a series of resolutions which were designed to deprive Congress of all power SPEAKEB OF THE HOUSE UNDER VAN BUEEN 127 to interfere with slavery. In both eases permission to introduce the resolutions was denied by the House. While Polk applied the gag rule whenever possible, Gushing, of Massachusetts, won applause from the reformers by forcing the Speaker to decide that a protest against the constitutionality of the gag rule, although itself out of order, must be inserted in the Jaurnal, if brought up on the following day in the form of a correction of the minutes.^- For the Whigs, the news of Swartwout's defalcation was an unusually sweet morsel, for it gave them an excuse to explore with telescope and microscope the administrations of Jackson and Van Buren. And, as the Democrats no longer had a majority in the House, it incidentally gave them a chance to humiliate Polk by depriving him of the power to appoint the investigating committee. In disposing of the questions mentioned in the Presi- dent's message, Cambreleng had moved that the part relating to the defalcation be referred to the Committee of Ways and Means, of which he was chairman. On December 21, Garland, of Vir- ginia, moved to amend by referring the question to a select com- mittee of nine to be chosen by ballot. In a scurrilous tirade. Wise asserted that any committee appointed by the present Speaker would conceal rather than disclose the facts. He had, he said, been chairman of another committee selected by Polk to investigate the affairs of the General Post Office, and all his efforts to ascertain the truth had been defeated. Kendall, the Post Master General,^^ had declined to furnish information on the 32 Dec. 21, 1838. Cong. Globe, 2.5 Cong., 3 sess., 59. 33 Wise called Kendall "the President's thinking machine, and his writing machine — ay, and his lying machine! Sir, if General Jackson had been elected for a third term, one great good would have come of the evil — Amos Kendall would have heen worked to death! Poor wretch, as he rode his Eosinante down Pennsylvania avenue, he looked like Death on a pale horse — he was chief overseer, chief reporter, amanuensis, scribe, accountant general, mnn of all work — nothing was well done without the aid of his diabolical genius. ' ' Shielding Kendall, said Wise, was the more reprehensible because Jackson had so relentlessly pursued Tobias Watkins: "When the indictments, the prosecutions, were pressed unre- lentingly against poor Watkins — -when the Administration was crying, 128 JAMES K. POLK ground tliat he was responsible to the President alone, and the majority of the committee had excluded everything that might reflect upon tlie administration. "Now, sir," said Wise to the Speaker, I propose to show that your committee obeyed the Avill of their master. Yes, as you had done, by i^aclcing and stocking the committee. It was your committee — peculiarly and emphatically yours — its appointment, its conduct, its lionor or infamy, will forever attach itself, sir, to your name. In illus- trating the conduct of that committee, I could consume days to show Iioav the plainest and most obvious and undeniable propositions were voted down ; liow resolution after resolution, question after question to witnesses, going into the very vitals of inquirj', were unbluslringly rejected and stifled by the majority of the committee . . . you,, the Speaker, the President of the Uuitcd States, the heads of Executive Departments, your committee, and your wliole party, combined and conspired to stifle investigation. Some of Wise's friends asked him to yield the floor for a motion to adjourn. He declined on the plea that he might never get it again, for, said he to the Speaker, ' ' I distrust you, sir. ' '^* Polk bore the onslaught with dignity and composure, and without interference until Wise referred to Benton as the "monster" who was to perpetuate the present dynasty. On January 8, 1839, he again assailed the Speaker and compared him to a gambler who plays with loaded dice.''^ It was believed by the Speaker's friends that Wise, Peyton, and Clay were trying to provoke him into sending a challenge,^*^ for the "murder" of Jonathan Cilly had not been forgotten. Shylock-like, 'my bond, my bond!' against one of Mr. Adams's default- ers, then 'general and minute inquiries' were not only lawful, but a duty; but, sir, the moment the band of investigation touched one of his 'little ones,' then inquiry was worse than a 'Spanish Inquisition.' " 34 Dec. 21, 1838. Cong. Globe, 25 Cong., 3 sess., App., 386-387. 35 "My colleague," said he, "wants the committee appointed by bnllot, in order to avoid imputations on the Speaker; I want it appointed by liailot, to avoid the Sjjeaker himself." 3" According to a story printed in the Globe, August 21, 1844, on the authority of General Jackson, Clay at one time appeared at the bar of the House and said to Speaker Polk: "Go home, G-d d-n you, where you belong!" In 1844 this ejaculation was made the theme of a cam- j.aigu song. During a heated debate in the House, Wise shouted to Polk: "'jxii are a damned little petty tyrant; I mean this personally— pocket SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE UNDER VAN BUREN 129 But Polk treated their insults with silent contempt, and by so doing did much to establish a new precedent in such ' ' affairs of honor." His personal bravery was questioned by none except his bitter enemies, and even the impetuous Jackson commended him for ignoring such flagrant indignities.^^ The committee was chosen by ballot, and, needless to say, a majority of its members were opposed to the administration. The Democrats asked for the privilege of selecting the minority mem- bers, but their request was denied. Both majority and minority reports were tabled by the House on February 27, 1839. The investigation had been successful only in intensifying political discord. In a letter to Polk, Jackson asked for an account of the investigation, and expressed the belief that Swartwout could not have invested all of the million and a quarter which he had taken. "Where is the balance?" he asked, "The Whiggs have it. ' '^^ To Grundy he suggested that William B. Lewis and Daniel Jackson, if put on oath, might tell how Swartwout had invested some of his money.^^ Defalcations had been both frequent and brazen, and their cause, as Underwood, of Kentucky, pointed out,^° could be traced to Jackson's policy of filling offices with those "whose subserv- iency to the will of the President, and devotion to the interests of party, constituted their principal recommendation." But undoubtedly Bynum's statement was equally true — that, when demanding that the select committee be chosen by ballot, the Whigs were less interested in political purity than in blasting Polk's prospects in his gubernatorial campaign.^^ 3T Jackson to W. P. Bowles, Aug. 24, 1840. Printed in Washington Glohe, July 19, 1844. 38 Jackson to Polk, Feb. 11, 1839, Polk Papers. 39 " I have no doubt, ' ' he continued, ' ' if the truth can be reached, that the Whigg merchants of New York hold in their hands of the revenue chargeable to Swartwout, from $600,000 to $800,000 if not more, and it is suggested that he loaned to our little Whigg printer, Hall of the Banner, some thousands." Jackson to Grundy, Feb. 20, 1839 {Am. Mag. of Hist., V, 141-142). 40 Cong. Globe, 25 Cong., 3 sess., App., 375. 41 Idem, 125. 130 JAMES E. POLK Unquestionably disintegration of the Jackson party was due in i»ai-t to the jealousy of ambitious politicians who had failed to obtain what they considered to be an adequate reward for services rendered. But there was a deeper cause for defection — one based on the nature and ends of government itself. For example, a man of Bell's type — one who believed in constitutional govern- nu'iit, and one whose penetrating mind enabled him so clearly to see the inevitable results of administering the government accord- ing to Jacksonian methods — never logically belonged in the ranks of the party which followed so loyally the dictates of the ''old hero. ' ' Bell, and all others who viewed things as he did, were con- stitutionalists, and they gravitated naturally to the party which accepted the precepts of Hamilton, Marshall, and Webster. Dur- ing Jackson's first term, and to some extent during his second, there was much confusion of thought on governmental principles and functions. Admiration for the man had obscured the vision of many who would otherwise have been quick to detect the inherent evils of Jacksonism. By the time Van Buren became President, the personal element had, to a considerable degree, disappeared from politics. In the party realignment which re- sulted, personal qualities were not entirely ignored; but of far greater importance was the attitude of statesmen and their sup- porters toward the fundamentals of government itself. On this question the issue was clear cut. Several speeches delivered during this session show that their aulhdis fully understood the nature of Jacksonism and its para- lyzing influence upon constitutional government. The President in his message had attributed the success of our institutions to the "constant and direct supervision by the people over every |>iil)Iic iiicasurc." With this as a text. Bell assailed the "demo- cralic tendencies" of which the administration boasted, and made an ardent plea for a return to constitutional government: The People are told that our ancestors, who framed the Constitution in 1789, were half a century in the rear of the improvements of the present age; that they had not the benefit of the new lights which experience has SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE UNDER VAN BUREN 131 shed upon tlie subject of government since that time, and which are now in full blaze around us. The science of government, we are told, has made great strides since our Constitution was framed; and, in deed, that instru- ment is beginning to be looked upon by many rather as a device of bad men, to advance the interests of the few at the expense of the many, and forming an actual obstruction to that full tide of happiness and prosperity which awaits us when the inventions of modern democracy shall be substituted for it. At all events, it is proclaimed to be the duty of every man who would improve the condition of the human family to strengthen the demo- cratic tendencies of the Constitution, and to disrobe or rather strip it of those limitations and restrictions upon the popular will, with which our unimproved ancestors have thought it necessary to encumber it. . . . In truth, sir, it cannot be disguised that there are a class of politicians in the country at this moment, whose aspirations it does not suit that any restriction, any limitation whatever, shall exist in the practice of the Government upon the will or absolutism of the majority; and, in the estimation of all their followers, our Constitution is defective.^^ Deploring the attempt to bring about more immediate control by the people, Bell boldly asserted that according to our system, the People do not, and cannot, exercise any direct supervision over any public measure. Their power, their influence, their supervision, can be constitutionally exercised only by petition and remon- strance, and by the utterance of their voice at the ballot-box. This was but a simple statement of facts ; nevertheless, it required temerity to proclaim such a truth in the face of clamor for the exercise of popular will. To Van Buren's declaration that the extension of practical democracy had strengthened the Union, Bell replied that never before had there been such a relaxation of all ties which bind society together.*^ The power of the people, he said, had not in reality been increased, for party discipline had deprived them of all voice in public affairs.^* The 42 Dec. 26, 1838. Cong. Glohe, 25 Cong., 3 sess., App., 360-361. 43 "At no former period has so general a spirit of opposition to legal restraints or requirements manifested itself throughout the country, when they stand in the way of mlful passions or purposes of any kind. Slight regard for the Constitution and laws, commencing with the Government itself and its administrators, has gradually diffused itself over society." 44 ' ' Such is and has been the power of party discipline — such the despotic principle of party association for years, that the mass of the community have rather stood in the relation of subjects to be governed than the controlling elements of power. ' ' 132 JAMES K. POLK truth of tliis statement, liowever, only made more deplorable the fact that the party which Bell himself had helped to organize should keep up the fiction of popular sovereignty, and even outdo tlioir opponents in catering to the passions of the multitude. AVhrn discussing an appropriation bill, on February 19, 1839, Ki'unedy, of Maryland, diverged from his subject to give a critical analysis of Jacksonism and to point out its disastrous consequences. Jackson, he said, had been singularly unlucky as a reformer, although he had been an innovator ' ' in the broadest and worst sense": His administration "was one ceaseless change: change, sometimes steal- ing along in noiseless advance, sometimes bursting forth in bold, open-day achievement ; one while siveoping -with the breath of spring, at another with the rage and havoc of the tornado. We had ever change of men, change of measures, change of principles. . . . The pervading characteristic. of that most anomalous and extraordinary administration was mutation — uncer- tainty — experiment. It lived in perpetual motion, defying all hope of repose; it rejoiced in turmoil, and revelled in paradox. . . . The idea of political consistency never entered the President's head — he had no per- ception of the meaning of the term. Jackson 's idol, continued Kennedy, was popularity, and what- ever sustained popularity constituted the theory of his conduct. It was not that wholesome popularity based on services rendered, "hut a doinint'cring, wayward, arrogant popularity — an im- l)atifiit, ht'ctoring assumption of the right to lead, which repu- diates all law. des])ises all observance, and maintains its supre- macy ])}■ ixTsonal and party force." Jackson, said he, used his I)opu]arity to increase his power ; and, in turn, he used that power to increase his iiopidarity."*^ 45 "The very hohlnoss of his designs seemed to fascinate the public admiration: he dazzled the popular mind by that fearlessness which we were, for a time, accustomed to interpret as a proof of his honesty and uprightness of purpose He flattered the People with the address of a i.racticed courtier, startled and amused them by the thunderclaps of Ills i)olicy, identified liis success with the gratification of their favorite I)aHsionH, grappled himself with wonderful adroitness to the predominant sentiments, wishes, ami prejudices of the great and massive majority— SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE UNDER VAN BUEEN 133 On February 22, Slade, of Vermont, obtained the floor for the purpose of discussing the general appropriation bill. His time was mainly occupied, however, in a masterful arraignment of Jackson and Van Buren, and of their methods. He attributed the gift of prophecy to Benton, Van Buren, and R. M. Johnson, who, in 1826, had reported to the Senate on the evils of executive patronage. Patronage, they said, would inevitably lead to one man power. By exchanging patronage for votes the President would soon control not only both houses of Congress, but the entire country.**' "What was prophecy in 1826," said Slade, "has become history in 1839." Under the caption of the "Pretensions of Democracy," he contrasted the now obsolete Republicanism of Jefferson with and became a monarch, an autocrat, by the sheer concentration of repub- lican suffrage. ' ' Having discussed in detail the methods by which Jackson had arro- gated all authority to himself while professing reverence for the Con- stitution, Kennedy depicted most admirably the effect of Jacksonism, not alone upon the character of the government, but upon society itself. It led not merely to corruption in official circles, but it demoralized the masses, as well.' "We lived," said he, "in the midst of convulsions. The public taste was vitiated and fed by the stimulous of constantly recurring political eruptions; it delighted in strange conjectures — the heavings and spasms of that capricious power which displayed itself in such fantastic action at the capital. A spirit of insubordination, of mis- rule and riot became diffused through the community. Wild and visionary theories of political duty were disseminated abroad and showed them- selves, in the most mischievous forms, in the proceedings of the State Legislatures. The most abstruse and difficult problems of political economy — questions of currency, finance, constitutional power — were summarily but authoritatively disposed of by the shallowest pretenders to statesmanship; and the oldest and best institutions of the country attacked and beaten down by political charlatans. Knowledge, delibera- tion, experience, all were obliged to give way to this newly-inspired intuition; and the greatest pains were taken by party leaders and dema- gogues to deceive the people into the belief that the profoundest ques- tions of government might be consigned to the decision of men of the lowest scale of qualification in political science" {Cong. Globe, 25 Cong., 3 sess., App., 410-412), The whole speech is well worth reading. 46 ' ' We must look forward to the time when the nomination of a President can carry any man through the Senate, and his recommenda- tion can carry any measure through the two Houses of Congress; when the principle of public action will be open and avowed — the President wants my vote, and I want his patronage; I will vote as he wishes, and he will give me the office I wish for. What will this be but the govern- ment of one man? and what is the government of one man, but a mon- archy?" Quoted from their report by Slade. 134 JAMES K. FOLK tile luadness of Jacksonian Democracy — "the Democracy," as it is called. Its chief characteristic, said he, is sham, and it relies for its success upon fomenting class prejudice.^' He read the well-known letter to Monroe in which Jackson urged the Presi- dent to crush the "monster, party spirit," and contrasted the sentiments expressed in that letter with the practice of the admin- istration of its author. Hypocritical as had been the pretensions to political virtue of those who had brought General Jackson forward for tlie Presidency, Slade did not believe that even they had fully realized the ])olitical debauchery upon which they were entering.*^ The Speaker, to wliom this merciless, but for the most part wcll-iiK'ritcd, arraignment of Jacksonism was officially addressed, listened, undismayed by the perils which were being depicted. None believed more thoroughly in party discipline than he, and few liad been more closely identified with the administrations of Jackson and Van Buren. He had effectively served his party in many capacities, from conducting the bank war in the House down to establishing local party newspapers. His enemies fully recognized his skill as a political strategist, even though they denounced him as the tool of tliose whom he served. 47 < < Thus, the rich are made an object of jealousy to the poor. The laborer is excited against the capitalist — the indolent and improvident against the industrious and frugal — the ignorant against the learned and intelligent — and even the vicious and abandoned against the virtuous and upright. Associated wealth, no matter how widely it may embrace men of small means, is declared to be monopolizing and dangerous. Banks, however prudently and safely managecl, are denounced as the money making machines of the wealthy, designed only to make the rich richeV and tlie poor poorer. Factitious distinctions are created. Jealousies are excited. An imaginary aristocracy is raised up in the midst of every community; and nothing can be heard but the war-cry — down with monopolies, and down with the aristocracy." ♦8 "It seems impossible they should have dreamed that General Jack- son, the author of the noble sentiments I have quoted, could ever be brought to enact, in his own administration, an utter falsification of every l)rofession tliey contained— a falsification so complete, that there should not be, as in truth, there is not, found a single one of his friends whose face does not crimson with blushes at an exhibit of the contrast" (Conn. Globe, 25 Cong., 3 sess., App. 323 ff). SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE UNDEB VAN BUBEN 135 Jacksonism was not without its defenders, although they failed to match their opponents in oratorical powers or in logical arguments. Crary, of Michigan, saw in the Supreme Court a political body ''of the worst character," and he commended Jackson for having assumed the right to construe the Constitution as he pleased. As soon as men are elevated to that court, said Crary, they apply themselves to the study of British law and British precedents, and "they cannot be operated upon by the healthy influence of a sound public opinon."*^ Rhett, of South Carolina, said that the country had always been divided into two great political parties — one which feared government and another which feared the people. Inasmuch as strength in the government could be attained only at the expense of popular freedom, he believed, like Jefferson, in restricting the functions of government within the narrowest possible limits.^° The entire session was characterized by intense party and personal recrimination. The Democratic party was no longer omnipotent. It was reaping the harvest of its own misdeeds, and, in addition, it was held accountable for the distressed con- dition of the country, although this had resulted from causes economic rather than political. Hope of success added boldness to the attacks of its opponents. Twelve years earlier, an attack upon Jackson and his policies would have meant political suicide for the assailant ; it was now one of the surest means of acquiring popularity. More than any other member of the House, Polk was given credit by one party, and blame by the other, for the success of the legislative part of the Jackson program. Consequently his adversaries were unwilling to permit him to withdraw from na- tional politics without making one more attempt to humiliate him in the eyes of the nation. They had been unsuccessful in their efforts to confuse him in the complexities of parliamentary 49 Cong. Globe, 25 Cong., 3 sess., App., 154. 50 Idem., 134. 136 JAMES K. FOLK procedure. Their insulting invectives and their invitations to personal combat had been received with a dignity and composure that did credit to the Speaker. Unable to gratify their desire to injure the Speaker in a more effective manner, his enemies resorted to the petty and unprecedented course of opposing the ordinary vote of thanks on his retirement from office. Prentiss, wlio had, at a previous session, been deprived of a seat in the House by Polk 's casting vote, was chief actor and stage manager in this puerile opera houffe. The resolution which thanked the Speaker for "the able, impartial, and dignified manner" in which he had presided over the House, Prentiss moved to amend by striking out the Avord impartial. Prentiss did not "deny the capacity of the Speaker, his dispatch of business, or his full and thorough knowledge of parliamentary law," but he could not agree tliat he had been impartial. He argued that the House had expressed its distrust of the Speaker by taking from him the appointment of the Swartwout committee. On the other hand, he frankly admitted that his main objection to the resolution was the favorable effect it would have upon Polk's gubernatorial canvass in Tennessee. The Speaker, he said, was "playing a political game," in which this resolution would constitute an important part. Reviewing the personnel of the House commit- tees, he condemned the Speaker for having put on all ' ' political committees" a greater number of administration men than the small majority of that party would justify. He charged Polk with being a tool of the President and of the party. "A more perfectly party Speaker," said he, "one who would be more dis- posed to bend the rules of the House to meet the purposes of his own side in politics, never had pressed the soft and ample cush- ions of that gorgeous chair. "'^^ There was little justification for this intemperate arraignment and for the conduct of the other fifty-six members^- who co- operated with Prentiss in opposing the customary vote of thanks. =1 Cong. Globe, 25 Cong., 3 sess., 251-252. 52 Tlio vote stood 9-4 to 57. SPEAEEE OF THE HOUSE UNDER VAN BUEEN 137 When forming his committees, Polk had simply followed prece- dent. Many Whigs bore testimony to the justness of his de- cisions. And yet, he could hardly complain because of this par- tisan attack, for he had himself, on a former occasion, quite as unjustly accused a Speaker of subserviency to "the throne. "^'^ Polk 's farewell address to the House, in response to the reso- lution of thanks just passed, did much to destroy the effect of the shafts which had been hurled at him, and to elevate him in the opinion of fairminded men of all parties. He did not de- scend to answer the charges made against him or to indulge in recrimination. Without boasting, he alluded to his record of "constant and laborious" service,^* and to the peculiar difficul- ties which attach to the office of Speaker. All Speakers, said he, have borne testimony to the impossibility of giving entire satis- faction to all, but it has been made my duty to decide more questions of parliamentary law and order many of them of a complex and difficult character, arising often in the midst of high excitement, in the course of our proceedings, than had been decided, it is believed, by all my predecessors, from the formation of this Government. Ignoring the minority, he thanked the majority for the evidence of their approbation. With good-tempered adroitness, he belit- tled the effect of the negative vote by declaring that he regarded the resolution just passed "as the highest and most valued testi- mony I have ever received from this House, ' ' because, under the circumstances, it was not a mere and a meaningless formality.^" Many who, for partisan reasons, had voted against the resolution, as soon as Congress had adjourned, hastened to assure the late Speaker of their personal good will.^*' Instead of discrediting 53 See pp. 19-20. 54 " I can, perhaps, say what few others, if any can — that I have not failed to attend the daily sittings of this House a single day since T have been a member of it [14 years], save on a single occasion, when prevented for a short time by indisposition." 55 Cong. Globe, 25 Cong., 3 sess., 252-253. 56 The Nashville Union, March 22, 1839, quoted a letter from a person who had been present when Polk made his farewell address: "I 138 JAMES E. POLE tlu' Speaker, the minority had really made him an object of interest tliroughout the Union. Their conduct was generally con- demned, while his dignified reply raised him in the estimation of all except the most zealous partisans.''" His ability as a pre- siding officer was made still more apparent during the following session by contrasting him with his successor, R. M. T. Hunter, of Virginia. In the opinion of Cave Johnson, Hunter displayed "ignorance of rules and a want of energy & power to command" ; he feared that the House had chosen a boy to do the business of a man."^ J. W. Blackwell likewise reported that Hunter was too young for the position. "While you were Speaker," said he, "your friends praised, and your enemies abused you, but it is now admitted, on all sides, that Jas. K. Polk was the best pre- siding officer that we have had for many years, and some say — the best we ever had."''" At tlu- close of the session Polk set out for Tennessee to engage in an active campaign for the governorship. After four- teen years of service in the House of Representatives, his party had assigned him duties in a new field of labor. Whatever his success in the new field might be, no one even dreamed that the ii'tiring Speaker would next appear in Washington as President- elect. never ■witnessed more enthusiasm than the Speaker's admirable reply to the vote elicited. Many of those who had voted in the negative expressed their admiration of it, and gave evident signs of shame and regret at the partisan course they had pursued. Even Mr. Graves, of Kentucky, declared to a friend at his elbow that the Speaker had done as well as any one could do under such circumstances, and stepping forward took manly leave of him — as also did most of the members, a few bitter and envious partisans excepted." 57 For example, the Worcester (Mass.) Palladium, an independent paper, said: "The disreputable conduct of the opposition members of (Jongress, towards the Speaker of the House, at the close of the session, nuikes that gentleman an object of peculiar interest, at the present moment, to the whole democratic party of the Union. An effort was made, as violent as it was uncourteous, to prevent the passage of the usual comi>limentary resolution to the Speaker on his retiring from the Chair. But it was an unavailing effort." Quoted bv Nashville Union, Ai)rii 8, 18:^9. 58 Johnson to Polk, Dec. 21, 1839, Poll: Papers. 5» Blackwell to Polk, Dec. 30, 3839, ihkl. CHAPTER VIII POLK VERSUS CANNON, 1839 In May, 1838, shortly before he consented to become a candi- date for the governorship of Tennessee, Polk was examined by a phrenologist, who, unless he had made a thorough study of his client beforehand, made some exceedingly shrewd guesses.'^ ' ' He is very quick of perception " ; so reads the prepared statement, when he enjoys, he enjoys remarkably well, and when he suffers, he suffers most intently. . . . His is a remarkably active mind, restless unless he has something of importance to do; cannot be idle for a moment, is by nature one of the most industrious of men; loves mental labour & hard study as he does daily food; . . . and is throughout a positive character. The traits pointed out in another part of the statement are mani- fest throughout Polk 's public career, but especially so during the four years of his Presidency : He thinks well of himself; often asks advice, & does just as he pleases; is one of the firmest of men; slow in committing himself, but once committed, does all in his power to carry through his measures . . . has many acquain- tances, few bosom friends . . . has an astonishing command of facts and can call to mind with great precision what occurred long ago. To those who are familiar with Polk's career in national politics only, one part of the phrenologist's statement might seem very wide of the mark. In it, the phrenologist says tliat Polk w^ould have succeeded on the stage, for he has ability in the use of pungent sarcasm and ridicule and "could 'take off' the peculiarities of others if he would indulge this propensity." During the campaign which followed, Polk indulged this pro- pensity to the full — especially against his opponent and Bailie Peyton — for ridicule and mimicry were among the chief weapons 1 The phrenologist's name was O. S. Fowler, and the statement which he prepared bears the date of May 30, 1838 {Polk Papers). 140 JAMES K. FOLK iisrd in assailing his adversaries. He is usually regarded as "a man wlio never smiled"; however this may have been, he was very successful in the art of amusing others. Tliere was rejoicing among the Democrats of Tennessee when, in September, 1838, Polk announced that he would enter the contest with Governor Newton Cannon for the highest office of his state. He received many letters in which the writers ex- pressed their delight, promised support, and assured him of vie- to i-y. It was the general opinion that he alone could restore the state to the Democratic party. It was, indeed, this belief that induced him to abandon his career in the national legislature. The unholy work of White and Bell must be undone ; Old Hick- ory 's state must be redeemed. While he was still in Washington, presiding for the last time over the House of Representatives, Polk received many letters fi-om Tennessee friends urging him to put the chief emphasis of his gubernatorial campaign on national issues and state in- ternal improvements. It was pointed out that the Whigs would confine themselves almost exclusively to an attack upon the na- tional administration and that the people of the state were much interested in internal development. The advice seems to have accorded with his own views. At any rate the topics suggested were the ones on which he placed the most emphasis. As stated elsewhere, one of the most important events of Polk's campaign against Cannon was the advent of Jeremiah George Harris as editor of the Nashville Union. In response to the pop- uhir taste of the period, the press of the state had been notorious for extravagance of statement and personal abuse. It now en- tered upon a campaign of scurrility and abandon that has seldom been equaled ; Mark Twain 's employer could scarcely have made his editorials more "peppery and to the point."- Equipped witli a style that was cutting without descending to mere ribal- dry, and with a pen dipped in wormwood, Harris goaded his 2 See Mark Twain, "Journalism iu Tennessee," in Sketches New and Old. POLK FEESUS CANNON, 1839 141 opponents to a frenzy that was unprecedented. Lacking the ability to imitate his style, his enemies often resorted to coarse and vulgar abuse. No "Whig editor in the state, except the in- imitable Parson Brownlow, could cope with him in picturesque invective. Harris had a spread-eagle woodcut prepared, large enough to cover a considerable portion of the front page of his paper. As its appearance in the Union was always accompanied hy news of Democratic victory, the Whigs expressed their con- tempt by calling it "Harris's. buzzard."^ When Harris took charge of the Union, February 1, 1839, A. A. Hall, of the Nashville Banner, was already making capital of the charge made in Congress, by Wise and others, that Polk had "packed" the committees of the House. The new editor plunged at once into a vigorous defense of the Speaker and at- tributed the charges to jealousy of Polk's success and to a desire to injure him in Tennessee. When the House voted to select the Swartwout committee by ballot, the Banner exultingly heralded the event as proof positive that the House, having learned by experience that "Speaker Polk could not be trusted, proclaimed the fact to the world."* Some of the other Whig papers were even more scurrilous than the Banner. For example, an article in the Knoxville Register, signed "Curtius, " spoke of Polk as "lost to a sense of honesty, decency and integrity, laboring under insanity and disgrace, pliant tool, traitor, apostate and tory."" The Memphis Enquirer called him "a crouching sychophant" who lacked even 3 It was said that a leading Whig, who had gone to the Murfrees- borough post-office in quest of election news, saw through the window a package of "Unions" and exclaimed in disgust: "It's all over; there is Harris's infernal buzzard in the mail" (Phelan, Hist, of Tenn., 381). 4 ' ' He has been tried by his peers and found wanting. A brand is upon him that no time can efface. He may cry 'Out d — d spot,' but it will abide with him for life" (Quoted in Nashville Union, February 8, 1839.) When criticizing a speech made by Dr. Duncan, candidate for Congress, the Banner called it "the roaring, staving, bellowing, howling Doctor's fanfaronade of bombast and nonsense" February 13, 1839. 5 Quoted in Union, March 4, 1839. 142 JAMES K. POLK tlic sense of shame.° A friend had written to Polk that "your election is dovetailed into that of every candidate for Congress in the State. "^ The Whigs apparently believed this, also, and were resolved at all hazard to defeat him. Ill April, 1839, Polk formally opened his gubernatorial cam- l)aigii by publishing a long and argumentative "Address to the Pt'oi)le of Tennessee."^ The address deals almost entirely with national issues, the nature of the government, and the principles of the two great political parties. It was pronounced by the Banner^ to be "a poor enough concern"; but Phelan, with sounder judgment, has called it "the ablest political document which appeared in this State up to the time of the war."^" For the student of history, it is one of the most interesting documents ever penned by its author, for in it he has stated fully and with clearness the principles and doctrines which he considered to be essential to all just government. It was evidently prepared Avith great care, and nowhere else does he give so full a statement of his views on so varied a list of subjects. «" Condemned and spit upon by a majority of the U. S. House of Representatives, in taking from him [Mr. Polk] the power of appoint- ing committees, freely entrusted to all of his predecessors, but which he basely prostituted for the benefit of the party — of locofocoism — plainly told in language of thundering indignation that has been heard even to the shores of the seas, that he was no longer worthy of the confidence of (,'oiigress, like a crouching sychophant, instead of resigning his narrowed trust with shame, and disdaining tamely to see his integrity assailed by even those who exalted him, he submits, ignobly bears the rankling con- tumely, an-. Will not this open the eyes of Tennesseaus! If not, then may we surrender at discretion" (Nicholson to Polk, Feb. 12, 1841, Polk Papers). 58 "Tomorrow night, at twelve o'clock," said the Madison.iaii, "the administration of Martin Van* Buren terminates. That administration, acci- dental in its beginning, and unfortunate and profitless in its career, will then have gone, with all its powers, its prerogatives, its follies, its malign influence, and with whatever streak of virtue may have been possibly nniiglcd in its texture, to control us, to agitate us, to injure us, no more. Four years it has lived, and its principal achievement has been the passage of tlie suh-Treasury, by trampling with contempt upon the broad seal of a. sovereign State. What good it has done, Ave are unable to point out. What harm it has accomplished, we may possibly conceive of, by consider- ing the jiresent condition of tlie Treasurv, of our foreign relations, of our Navy of the Army antl the defences, of the Post Office, and of the public morals, and the condition of the people. But we congratulate the country that It has at last come to an end. It is gone" (The Madisonicui, March o, J o4- 1 ) . o» UnUni, March 4, 1841. 00 Under the heading "Hospitality at the White House" an article in the New Haven Palladium said: "He [Harrison] keeps his house open to all comers. . . . The servants at the White House find more difficulty GOVEBNOE OF TENNESSEE 179 his inauguration, the President had directed Webster to issue a most wholesome order stating that any interference in elections, state or federal, by federal officers, would be regarded as cause for removal. The plain farmer of the Whigs was promptly branded by Harris as a usurper of royal powers and a violator of the rights of states, for ' ' the Autocrat of all the Russias never issued an Ukase more potent. ' '^^ But before these unjust charges against the President had been put in type, the career of the "autocrat" had been cut short, and the same issue of the paper which contained them chronicled, also, the news of Harrison's death. As Polk's campaign for reelection began as soon as his com- petitor had been nominated on March 5, 1841, the incidents of the remainder of his gubernatorial term will be treated in the succeeding chapter, which deals primarily with that spirited political contest and with the transfer of Tennessee to the Whigs. in adapting tliemselves to the change of Administration than any other officeholders. He breaks in on all the elegant aristocratic usages of the Ijalace, and plays the mischief with that systematic courtly etiquette which with the Sub-Treasury constituted the two great radical reforms of the late President. He gets up at sunrise, like a plain farmer as he is, and wants his breakfast within an hour after, (the vulgar man!) — and eats with an appetite of a common day laborer. He gave one of his servants a regular 'blowing up' the other day, for leaving a visitor dripping wet and muddy in a cold 'ante-chamber,' because the President was at break- fast and could not be disturbed, and because-the carpet would be injured by the muddy feet of one who came on foot! The President brought the visitor into the breakfast parlor, and insisted on making him comfortable at the fire at once. At all these things the demooracy are much shocked, and look aghast at this desecration of the 'palace! ' " Quoted in Nashville Banner, April 5, 1841. 61 Harris quoted from the Evening Post: "this document has added the last insult that can be given to a free and independent people, and will be held up to popular execration by every man who is not disposed to yield his neck to the yoke of party, or who is not a base and degraded slave. It is so insolent in spirit and dictation, breathes an air so vile and debasing, that it is difficult to speak of it without subjecting one's self to an unwonted excitement" (Nashville Union, April 12, 18-41). CHAPTER X DEFEATED BY JONES IN 1841 From the day of their defeat in 1839 the Whigs of Tennessee had been marshalling their forces for the next gubernatorial con- test, and the great national victory of 1840 gave them reason to hope for success. It had also, by example, indicated the type of campaign that would be most likely to win that success. Can- non 's main weakness as a candidate had been his inability to adjust himself to the guerrilla variety of campaign by which many a less brilliant politician had endeared himself to the peo- ple. Capable but painfully serious, Cannon was a shining mark for the shafts of wit and ridicule which Polk had hurled with unerring aim whenever they had met in joint discussion. On the contrary, Polk had demonstrated his adaptability to a degree that surprised his closest friends. Distinguished for his dignified and learned discussions in the national House of Representatives, Polk had, in 1839, discomfited his rival and won the people by a most skilful use of mimicry and sarcasm. The Whigs were there- fore familiar with the campaign methods of the Governor as well as the predilections of the people, and the convention which assembled at Murfreesborough on March 5, 1841, displayed polit- ical wisdom by nominating the one man in the state who was thought to be capable of "beating the governor at his own game." This man was Major James C. Jones,^ a "horny-handed" farmer from Wilson County, who had represented his county in the legislature, served as a Presidential elector, and acquired a local reputation as an effective "stump speaker." Tall and ungainly HI appearance, Jones possessed many of those grotesque personal 1 Jackson (ledined to call Jones, major, "for he never was a corporal" (Jackson to Polk, March 20, 18-41, Polk Papers). DEFEATED BY JONES IN 1841 181 qualities which had made John Randolph famous. Even the sobriquet "Lean Jimmy," with which his admiring friends had christened him, served as a valuable asset in a contest so closely following the "great whirlwind campaign" of 1840. Realizing that, in knowledge and debating powers, he was no match for his adversary, Jones resorted to hectoring tactics and relied more on amusing than on convincing his audience. Nevertheless he was a man of considerable ability, and he displayed a fair knowl- edge of the political issues of the day. In spite of the picture draAvn by Phelan and others, there was a serious side to the cam- paign of 1841. Jones did not devote all of his time to "coonery and foolery," but at times displayed alertness and skill as a debater. As in 1839 the canvass dealt principally with national issues. In his "Address to the People," Polk stated that his views on national questions had been given in detail in his address of 1839, and that nothing had since occurred to alter them. He had, he said, been forced to begin the campaign early because of the untiring efforts of the Whigs to defeat him.^ Each side accused the other of being Federalists, and Har- rison's "autocratic" order against interference in elections, and Van Buren's regal splendor, were offered as evidence to prove the opposing contentions. The death of Judge White nearly a year before did not prevent his name from being dragged into the contest. Jackson, in exhorting Polk to answer the "false- hoods" of Bell and Foster regarding Van Buren's extravagance in furnishing the executive mansion, provided him with a state- ment that it was Bell's disappointment at not being made a member of Jackson's cabinet, on White's recommendation, that had caused Bell to desert the party and to bring White out for 2 "From the moment of my election in 1839, it had been manifestly an object of no minor importance with my leading political opponents in the State, to prostrate and destroy me. Their attacks Avere constant. Their presses kept up an incessant war upon me. No calumny or misrepresenta- tion of my political opinions and course had been too gross to fill their columns" (Nashville Union, March 29, 1841). 182 JAMES K. POLE the Presidency.^ A friend in Albany* furnished Polk with sev- <'i-al letters written by Granger, the Postmaster-General which were to be used for the purpose of proving him to be an Aboli- tionist. Jones and other Whigs tried to counteract the effect pro- duced by these by asserting that Polk's grandfather had been a Tory. Early in March Jones published a list of his speaking appoint- ments. He opened the camjjaign at Murfreesborough, where he boasted that he could tell a greater number of anecdotes than the Governor himself." He promptly accepted an invitation from Polk to meet in joint debate whenever possible,*' and they met for the first time at Murfreesborough on the twenty-seventh of March. Polk opened the discussion with a spirited attack upon the Harrison administration. He denounced Granger as an Aboli- tionist, and Webster as a Federalist who, in 1835, had been so unpatriotic as to declare that he would not support a certain bill to appropriate money for defense "though the enemy were batter- ing down the walls of the Capitol." Unfortunately for himself, Polk tried, as he had done in the canvass with Cannon, to weaken his opponent by making him an object of ridicule. Among other shafts of sarcasm, he said that his friend Jones was a "promising young man," but "as for his being Governor, that's all a notion."' As soon as Jones took the platform, he referred repeatedly to Polk as "my venerable competitor." This he con- tinued to do whenever they met in debate, much to the amuse- ment of the audience, for Polk at that time was only forty-six years of age. Before the candidates met again. Governor Polk issued a I)ublic statement in which he gave his reasons for not convening 3 Jackson to Polk, March 20, 18-41, Polk Papers. *E. Crowell to Polk, March 19, 1841, ihid. 5 Yoakum to Polk, March 15, 1841, ihid. <•' I 'oik to Jones, March 15; Jones to Polk, March 18, 1841, ihid. '' Nashville Union, March 29, 1841. DEFEATED BY JONES IN 1841 183 the legislature in extra session so that Senators might be chosen in time for Harrison's called session of Congress. He had already called a special election for the purpose of choosing members of the House of Eepresentatives. In declining to convene the legis- lature, Polk, as we have already noted, disregarded the wishes, not only of General Jackson, but of nearly all of the leading Democrats of the state. It was thoroughly characteristic of Polk to follow his own judgment rather than the wishes of his friends, even of "Old Hickory," and yet he was often charged with being a weak tool of General Jackson. The main reasons assigned in his public statement for not convening the legislature were unnecessary expense and the impropriety of taking advantage of an accident to strengthen his own party in the federal Senate. The members elected to the legislature in 1839 had not, he said, been chosen with the selec- tion of Senators in view, and ' ' my opinion is that the frank, fair, and honest course, is to leave the choice open for the decision of the people at the next August election." Harrison, he said, had given him an opportunity to disregard the popular will, for it is certain that if I had availed myself of them that the present General Assembly, if convened, would choose two Democratic Senators. If, how- over, the President under the influence and control of inflamed partisans, maddened with their late success . . . has committed a capital political blunder, it is no reason why I should commit one also. He denounced the President for unnecessarily convening Con- gress, for, as there was plenty of money in the Treasury, the call must have been made for purely political reasons.^ 8 ' ' Large and extravagant promises which can never be redeemed had been made to the people, and it was doubtless deemed to be necessary to do something, or to appear to do something to keep up the public expecta- tion, and thereby possibly to operate upon the elections which are to take place in States during the present year. . . . They probably fear to let the public mind sober down to a state of calm reflection, lest peradventure they may not succeed in their favorite measures of Federal policy, at the next regular session of Congress. ' ' Printed in Nashville Vnion, April 1, 1841. 184 JAMES E. POLK "Whether the Governor was influenced solely by a spirit of fairness, no one but himself could know, but, whatever his motives were, he received no thanks from the Whigs for his magnanimity. The Banner bitterly assailed him for impugning the motives of the President, and for praising himself. It pronounced his action, hypocritical and declared that his forbearance had been due to a knowledge that the legislature would not dare to choose two Democrats in the face of the late election, and to fear that an attempt to make such a choice would injure his own prospects of reelection." At a debate held at Lebanon shortly after the publication of Polk's statement, Jones won applause by remind- ing the Governor that his solicitude for the popular wull had not prevented him from appointing Nicholson Senator after the peo- ple had repudiated him (Nicholson) by refusing to make him a Presidential elector. The Whig paper of the town commended Polk 's wit and added that ' ' he makes as much of it with his face as with his tongue. "^° Most effective of all were his impersona- tions of Bailie Peyton, the chief feature of which was what the Whigs called * ' Polk 's horrible grin. ' ' The candidates visited the principal towns of the state. From the press notices, one would be led to believe that their time was occupied almost entirely with the relation of humorous anec- dotes and the coining of witty remarks. Nevertheless, their printed speeches show that a serious discussion of political issues was by no means omitted. Polk, especially, displayed great power as a debater. He thoroughly understood the questions under 8 Nashville Banner, April 5, 1841. The most abusive of all papers was Parson Browulow's Jonesborougli Whig. In an article addressed to Polk, the editor said that the Governor while "under the influence of liquor or opium, being half druiik" had denounced the Whig for criticising his ancestors who had been lying in the tomb for forty years. Brownlow reminded I'olk that he had criticized both White and Harrison since their death, and then continued: "You canting, cringing hypocrite — you dema- gogue and time-serving politician, you advise mankind as to prudence and moderation!" Undated in Folk Papers. 10 Lebanon Chronicle, quoted by Nashville Banner, April 5, 1841. DEFEATED BY JONES IN 1841 185 discussion, and few could excel him in clear and logical presenta- tion. Had his opponent attempted to meet the Governor's argu- ments by a frank and fair discussion, he would have been easily vanquished, for his knowledge of political questions was super- ficial and limited. To Jones, however, ignorance of the subject was never a cause of embarrassment. By substituting bold asser- tion for knowledge, he was able to discuss any topic without hesi- tation, and, so far as his audience was concerned, he had dis- proved every contention of his adversary. It availed Polk little to demolish these assertions by clear presentation of historical data. Like Douglas in his debates with Lincoln, Jones would calmly reiterate his assertions, no matter how often they had been refuted, or else he would divert the attention of the audience by a humorous anecdote or by a dissertation on the beauties of coon fur. In either case the effect of Polk's argument was entirely lost, while his adversary succeeded in winning the vociferous applause of an uncritical audience. No wonder that a Democrat who heard their debate at Somerville exclaimed in disgust : ' ' Mr. Polk made an ass of himself, talking sense to a lot of d — d fools, and urged that the Governor "ought to get a stick and crack Jones's skull, and end this tomfoolery!"" One of Jones's most exasperating characteristics was his never-failing good humor. As he had declined to become em- barrassed by the most complete demonstration of his ignorance, so, also, he refused to be angered by sarcasm or ridicule. At times Polk tried to crush his opponent by belittling his abilities and by holding him up to scorn. In reply, Jones would solicit the compassion of the hearers for his "irascible but venerable competitor. ' ' Polk said that he had tried to discuss questions of state in a serious manner and that his opponent had wisely made jest of things which were beyond his comprehension. When he asserted that Jones was better suited to the circus ring than to the Governor's chair, Jones good-naturedly admitted that they 11 Phelan, Eist. of Term., 403. 186 JAMES K. FOLK woulil both do well in the ring — himself as a clown, and the Governor as "the little fellow that is dressed up in a red cap and jacket and who rides around on a poney."^- The Governor wearied of the travesty, and would gladly have abandoned joint meetings, but, as they had been undertaken upon his ow^n invi- tation, there was no way of breaking gracefully with his trifling antagonist. The debates attracted attention in all parts of the state, and everywhere large audiences greeted the speakers. Much import- ance was attached to their meeting at Nashville, which was not only the capital, but the political headquarters of the state. Here, on May 19, they were greeted by a large and enthusiastic concourse of people, and each candidate according to agreement spoke for two and one-half hours. "Polk," as Phelan has well said, "made a speech that would have swept from the stump any iiuiii who had ever been Governor of Tennessee before him, and any man who was Governor after Jones until Andrew Johnson came forward. "^^ It was a forceful and logical presentation of the issues, replete with historical data and spiced with humor- ous illustrations. Jones's address was a compound of sophistry and nonsense. Iiitead of answering Polk's arguments he con- structed innumerable "men of straw" and then demolished them to the entire satisfaction of his audience. He misquoted and distorted everything that the Governor had said, after which lie amused the crowd by poking fun at his opponent and by re- lating preposterous stories.^* No man of Polk's training and dignity could cope with such politcal bushwhacking. Had the people been really interested in political issues, Jones could not have commanded a hearing. But since 1840, 12/btd., 402. ■^■■'- Ibid., AQ-i. 11 The Union of May 24 thus described him: "Maj. Jones is a floater; aniusiiifj at tiiiK^s, but superficial as a bubble. He drifts along on the sur- face of today and plays ^v\t^\ the upjierniost passions and prejudices of his hearers; trifles with important matters and converts important matters into trifles. ... In a word, he is quite possible as an electioneer for his party — good of the kind, but the quality is none of the best. ' ' DEFEATED BY JONES IN 1841 187 the Whigs had abandoned serious discussion and had staked everything on an appeal to the emotions. For this reason Polk's training and success were used to prejudice the people against him. Not only had his grandfather been a Tory, but the Gov- ernor himself was said to be an aristocrat, who, at heart, held the people in contempt. Ignorance, uncouth appearance, and slovenly dress were regarded as attributes of honest statesman- ship, and Jones always emphasized the fact that he had followed the plow.^' The Governor, however, deserved little sympathy on account of these misrepresentations, for with similar weapons he had aided in "putting down" the able and upright John Quincy Adams. Up to the close of the canvass, no one could predict, with any degree of certainty, what the result would be. The Whigs did most of the shouting. They made extravagant claims, but many Democrats could not believe that a majority of the people would be willing to cast out a man of Polk's ability and repu- tation and put in his place a man whose sole claim to fame rested on a grotesque personal appearance and low-grade wit. The Democrats, however, had overrated the people's sense of pro- priety, and on that account were doomed to disappointment. At the election, which was held on August 5, Polk was defeated by a majority of over three thousand votes, but the Union con- gratulated the Democrats on their "signal triumph of prin- ciple in sweeping away ten thousand of the last year's ma- jority."^" It was generally conceded, even by the Whigs, that no other man in the party could have polled so many votes, and instead of losing prestige, Polk was credited by his party with 15 The Knoxville Ecgister in contrasting the candidates said tliat Jones was "free, manly, undisguised, plain, and carrying conviction with every sentence." Polk was "hidden, dissembling, artful, shrinking and hypo- critical in the extreme" Quoted in Nashville Banner, August 2, 1841. 16 "Never," said Harris, the editor, "did Gov. PoTk win for himself more laurels than he has won in this contest. The Democracy of the whole Union will appreciate his Herculean efforts at the expense of health to maintain the principles that he has uniformly supported, the principles of Jefferson and Jackson" (Nashville Union, August 12, 1841). 188 JAMES K. POLE having won a great personal victory. In a letter to Van Buren, Greneral Jackson rejoiced in the reduction of the Whig majority and said that ' ' Gov. Polk deserves the thanks of the Democracy of the whole union, he fought the battle well and fought it alone, I may say." Strange to say, Jackson commended rather than criticized Polk for having disregarded his advice about conven- ing the legislature. He pointed out to Van Buren that, had the legislature been called, two Democratic Senators would have been elected, but "the Governor threw aside policy, and adopted the real republican creed — that a majority have the r^ght to rule."^'^ In the legislature which was elected with Jones, the Whigs had a majority of three in the lower house. In the senate the Democrats still had a majority of one. But one of their number, Samuel Turney, was regarded as rather independent in politics, and, when the time came for him to take a definite stand with his colleagues, he proved to be weak and vacillating. Nominally, however, the Democrats had a majority of one and thereby pos- sessed the power to block any measure of the lower house that required their separate approval. But on any question which required the joint vote of the two houses the Whigs, by virtue of their majority of three in the lower house, were in a position to outvote their opponents. In Tennessee, politics had precedence over legislation. There- fore the defeated party began at once to devise ways and means of pi-eventing their opponents from filling the two vacant seats in tlie United States Senate. The term for which Judge White had been elected, and which since his resignation had been filled by Alexander Anderson, had expired. The other vacancy had been caused by the death of Senator Grundy, and had been filled temporarily by A. 0. P. Nicholson, by virtue of the Gov- ernor's recess appointment. Following the election, Polk received many letters, the main object of which was to congratulate him for having reduced the 17 Jackson to Van Buren, Aug. 16, 1841, Van Buren Papers. DEFEATED BY JONES IN 1841 189 Whig majority. In these letters several of his friends expressed the opinion that the Democrats ought to demand the privilege of choosing one of the Senators, and that Polk himself should be the man. Among others, Hopkins L. Turney advised such a course. He assured Polk, also, that his brother, Samuel Turney, would vote with the Democrats. ^^ When plotting to force the Whigs to concede them one Sen- ator, Democratic leaders tried to ease their conscience by assert- ing that in 1840 Whig members of the legislature had threatened, in the event of Polk's convening the legislature, to remain at home and thus prevent an election of Senators. It was further alleged that these threats had been made on the advice of Henry Clay.^'' It was said, also, that, during the recent campaign, when it was believed that the Democrats would elect a majority of the legislature, Jones had boasted that the Whig members would not permit the Democrats to hold an election for Sen- ators.-° Polk at first was noncommittal, but he soon made it known that he was not a candidate for the office. The reason which he gave for not permitting the use of his name was that he would not accept any office except one conferred upon him by a vote of the people.-^ With Polk out of the race, the politicians turned their attention to other candidates, but nothing could be done, of course, until the meeting of the legislature and the inauguration of a new governor. 18 Turney to Polk, Washington, Aug. 24, 1841 {PolJ: Papers). Laugli- lin, Huntsman, and others assured Polk that some of the Whigs had agreed to vote for him. 19 H. L. Turney to Polk, Jan. 2, 1842, ibid. 20 Alex. Anderson to Polk, Aug. 20, 184], ibid. Anderson urged that the Democrats should now practice this plan upon those who had invented it. 21 Geo. W. Smith, of Memphis, advised Polk not to permit the use of his name for tAvo reasons: (1) possibility of defeat and loss of prestige; (2) it would lend color to the Whig charge that he had never cared for the governorship, and had wished it only as a stepping-stone to a higher office. (Smith to Polk, Sept. 2, 1841, ibid.) Polk may have been influenced by con- siderations of this kind. 190 JAMES K. POLK As soon as the legislature had convened, Polk, on October 7, submitted his final message as governor." It was a long docu- ment and filled with detailed information on various topics, but mainly on banks and internal improvements. For a man w4io liad only a week longer to serve, Polk was surprisingly free with advice and suggestions for the future. He expressed satisfaction with the degree of prosperity which had been enjoyed by the people during the last two years, and he attributed it to cor- rective legislation and the consequent elimination of extravagant speculation. He regretted that banks had not been compelled by law to resume specie payments, and once more recommended the enactment of such a law. "There is," said he, "no sound principle of ethics or of public policy which should exempt Banks from the moral and legal obligations which rest upon individuals to pay their debts." He pointed out that the bank note circu- lation amounted to about three million dollars and that the aver- age rate of depreciation was eight and one-half per cent ; this unnecessary burden was borne by the people, while the banks were prosperous — even paying dividends. He reported that the law recently enacted which provided for "the reduction of the State debt" had enabled him to recall and to cancel fifteen hun- dred state bonds of one thousand dollars each. The outstanding internal improvement bonds amounted to $1,816,916.66%, while, so far, only one company had paid a dividend to the state — the small sum of $1620. The currency, he said, had been much im- proved by the law which prohibited the emission of notes under ten dollars; as a further remedy for financial ills, he recom- mended that commercial houses and improvement companies should be prevented by law from issuing checks designed to circulate as money. The internal improvement board had, in his opinion, accomplished much good by requiring various companies to reduce their stock and to conduct their affairs in a more economical manner. Among other things the retiring Governor -'-' Tenn. Sen. Jour., 1841-42, 22-42. DEFEATED BY JONES IN 1841 191 recommended that improvements be made in hospitals for the insane, that sexes be segregated in penitentiaries, and that the governor be given power to commute the death penalty to life imprisonment.-^ His recommendations were salutary and sensi- ble. Some of his suggestions indicated grave need for improve- ment in social conditions. One paragraph in the Governor's message is especially inter- esting, for in it Polk expressed his views on the slavery question, a subject which he usually avoided. He informed the legislature that he had, during the past year, received two communications from friends of negroes convened in London, on June 12 to 20, 184:0, in which they had asked for the abolition of slavery and the slave trade. Viewing these communications ' ' as an imperti- nent and mischievous attempt on the part of foreigners to inter- fere with one of the domestic institutions of the State, ' ' he had declined to enter into any correspondence with this convention. Doubtless he was governed more by his belief in state rights than by an interest in the institution of slavery itself; still, he was ready to resent 'outside interference with the "peculiar insti- tution. ' ' On October 14 Polk delivered his valedictory, and on the same day James C. Jones was inaugurated as his successor.-* While it is true that Polk's interests were national rather than local, yet the state was indebted to him for causing the enact- ment of beneficial laws. Under his leadership the state had been freed from a ruinous internal improvement policy, and he had done much to check currency inflation and to reduce the debt of the state. His reform measures were all in the line of sound statesmanship, and, if we may judge from the suggestions made in his final message, the people might have profited by continuing him in office. 23 He could now pardon only. 24 Tenn. Sen. Jour., 1841-42, 78. CHAPTER XI POLK IN RETIREMENT On October 14, 1841, James C. Jones became governor of Tennessee, and on the nineteenth his first message was sent to the legislature.^ His recommendations differed little from those which had already been submitted by his predecessor,- and, also like Polk, he attributed most of the distress of the people to their own fault — to buying more than they could reasonably hope to pay for. In one respect only did Jones differ radically from the former governor. The crisis in the monetary affairs of the coun- try, he said, had been produced by the destruction of the Bank of the United States. Such a statement was naturally to be ex- pected, for some part of a Whig governor's message must needs indicate the change of administration, and the bank was a sub- ject of general interest. As usual the legislature was far more interested in ''practical politics" than in the less sportive business of lawmaking. The paramount question was the election of United States Senators, but first of all, the opinions of both legislators and constituents must be molded so as to accord with those of the leaders. The Democrats were most active in the senate, for in this branch they had, counting Samuel Turney, a majority of one. The leaders in the senate were Samuel H. Laughlin, former editor of the Union, and Andrew Johnson, who, at the recent election, had been promoted to the upper house. Johnson had ability and force, but Laughlin excelled him in political cunning and effec- tiveness as a manipulator. In the Polk-Bell contest, Johnson 1 Tenn. Sen. Jour., 1841-42, 116-125. 2 Jones was accused of having borroived from Polk's inaugural of 1839, and to prove the claim the Union published the two addresses in parallel columns (Laughlin, Diary, Oct. 21, 1843). FOLK IN EETIBEMENT 193 had supported the latter. Laughlin had ever been subservient and therefore enjoyed the entire confidence of Polk and other prominent Democrats. On October 18, Laughlin, as chairman of the committee on federal relations, submitted a series of eight resolutions to which four more were added on the fifth of November.^ The preamble recited the Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions of 1798 and de- clared that many of the laws enacted by Congress at the late extra session violated the spirit of the Constitution quite as much as did the laws against which those historic resolutions had pro- tested. The first resolution reaffirmed those of 1798 and asserted that they were "universally true at all times and especially applicable to the present crisis and state of affairs." The suc- ceeding seven resolutions condemned the convening of Congress by Harrison and, also, the various measures* proposed or enacted by the Whigs at that session. This indictment of the Whigs was intended to prepare public opinion for the items which were to follow — the four resolutions that were added on the fifth of November. The first of these, the ninth of the entire list, de- clared that the legislature had full power to instruct Senators chosen to represent the state in Congress, and that it was the duty of these officials to obey or resign. The second asserted that it was the duty of candidates for legislative offices to give explicit answers to queries made by citizens or members of the legislature concerning their views on public questions. The third affirmed the right of the people to instruct members of the legis- lature. The fourth formally instructed the Senators (not yet chosen) and requested the Representatives from Tennessee to conform their votes to the opinions expressed by the foregoing resolutions. The last four resolutions displayed far more shrewdness than principle. On their face they contained nothing which any 3 The resolutions may be found in Tenn.. Soi. Jour, under tlie dates given. 4 For example, the "bankrupt bill' and the tariff, distribution, and bank bills. 194 JAMES E. POLK advocate of representative government could very well decline to support. But they were designed, as every one knew, for the purpose of harassing the Whig candidates with embarrassing interrogations and for rendering them ineligible should they de- cline to answer. By asserting the right of the people to instruct their representatives in the legislature, the Democrats hoped to hold in line their own members who might be inclined to follow their individual judgments. Their party had nothing to lose by obstructive tactics, and, by blocking their opponents at every turn, they might worry the Whigs into conceding one seat in the Senate. Ephraim H. Foster and Spencer Jarnagin were selected as the Whig candidates and on November 16 the lower house sent to the senate a resolution urging the immediate election of two United States Senators lest delay "may lead to bargain, intrigue, and management, to the detriment of the public interest." As soon as the resolution was read in the senate, Andrew Johnson moved to amend by making it read that delay "may lead to bargain, intrigue, and management, to the great detriment of E. H. Foster and Spencer Jarnagin, and thereby promote and advance the public interest, by keeping them out of power for the next four and six years. "^ The Democratic majority in the senate soon came to be called "the immortal thirteen" and ex- cept for an occasional desertion by Samuel Turney they voted as a body on all questions of party politics. The customary method of electing Senators in Tennessee was by a joint "convention" of the two houses. As the Whigs had a majority of three in the lower house and the Democrats a majority of but one in the senate, it was obvious that if the usual method were to be followed the Whigs would outnumber their rivals in the convention. The Democrats now made the discovery that tlic usual method was unconstitutional, for, as they alleged, tlie constitution of the state required that each house should vote •■■' Protests against the anicnrlnient Avere made, but it passed the senate by a vote of !.■? to 12 (fenn. Sen. Jour., 18-41-42, 227, 232-233). POLK IN RETIREMENT 195 separately for Senators. For their own purposes it was an im- portant discovery ; by no other method could they hope to prevent an election until the Whigs were ready to compromise on choosing one Senator from each party. Up to November 22 the Democrats were confident of their ability to prevent an election unless the Whigs would yield to their terms. A few days before, Turney had introduced a reso- lution calling for an election by convention, but he had subse- quently voted with the Democrats on the above-mentioned John- son resolution. On the twenty-second, however, Turney caused consternation in Democratic ranks by announcing that he would call up and support his resolution in favor of a convention election." According to William H. Polk, Turney had, for the last two weeks, "been shivering in the wind," due to the fact that the Whigs had "brought every influence to bear on him within the range of human ingenuity."^ On November 22 Gardner moved to amend Turney 's resolution by fixing the fol- lowing Saturday as the date on which the Senate would vote separately for federal Senators. Turney accepted the amend- ment, but it was the younger Polk's opinion that, after one trial, Turney would revert to the convention plan. The Democrats offered another compromise resolution the purport of which was to declare elected Hopkins L. Turney and Thomas Brown, a Whig from East Tennessee. It was hoped that, having passed the senate, this resolution could be forced through the lower house.^ On the twenty-third Gardner modified his amendment. 6 ''On Saturday last the '13' were safe against the world, and the Whigs considered themselves as beaten. Guess then, Avhat our astonish- ment was, when coming into the Senate on Monday morning [November 22], Sam Turney announced that he had changed his mind, and would call up and vote for his OAvn resolutions to bring on the Senatorial election at an early day on joint vote in Convention." Turney said that his change of mind was due to letters from his constituents (Laughlin to Polk„ November 24, 1841, Polk Papers). 7 W. H. Polk to J. K. Polk, November, 22, 1841, ihicL 8 ' ' My own impression is, tiiat if the resolution passed the Senate, as now amended, declaring Turney and Brown the Senators elect — we can force it through the House, by lashing the doubtful men into a redemption of their former pledges .... can at least produce a tie" {Idem). 19<5 JAMES K. POLK Tile legislature was now asked to choose one Senator from each party on the ground that the popular vote at the recent election had been nearly equally divided. Other modifications were sug- gested, but these, as well as Gardner's resolution, were rejected. The Democratic majority in the senate succeeded in passing a resolution which named Hopkins L. Turney as Grundy's suc- cessor, but, on December 1, the lower house refused to concur in its adoption. On the same day Speaker Samuel Turney joined the Whigs of the senate in making an agreement with the lower house to meet in joint convention on the second and third of December for the purpose of electing Senators. It was under- stood that each of those days would be devoted to filling one of the vacancies. On December 2, therefore, Speaker Turney and the twelve Whigs proceeded, according to agreement, to the chamber of the lower house to join with that body in choosing one of the Sen- ators. The other twelve Democratic senators declined to attend the election. When summoned by the doorkeeper, they sent written notice to their speaker (Turney) that they were in the senate chamber, ready for "constitutional business."" The joint convention, for want of a quorum, was forced to adjourn. On the morning of the third the lower house again notified the senate that it was ready to receive the senators and to proceed to the eleetion of one of the federal Senators. It had already been ai'i-anged to hold the other election in the afternoon and for this reason Speaker Turney deemed it to be unnecessary to join til.' liouse in convention twice in one day, inasmuch as both elec- tions could be held during the same half-day. He therefore voted with the Democrats in declining to attend the forenoon session of the convention. This vote so angered the Whig sen- ators that they left the senate chamber in a body. By so doing tliey gave a distinct advantage to the Democrats, who now ad- journed to the following day, thereby nullifying the original Tenn. Sen. Jour., 1841-42, 280. POLK IN RETIEEMENT 197 resolution which had designated December 2 and 3 as the days on which elections by convention should be held. By seceding from the senate the Whigs had committed the tactical blunder of releasing Turney from his agreement. He now blamed them for the failure to elect Senators, and once more became one of the "immortal thirteen."^*' Five of the twelve Democratic senators submitted a written statement of reasons why they had refused to participate in the proposed election. The proposed method of election, they asserted, would violate the Constitution of the United States, which vests the election of Senators in the legislature of the state — not in a convention. It would violate, also, the state constitution, which says that Sen- ators shall be chosen by the concurrent vote of the two houses "sitting separately '' — not together. Both statements were un- true, and besides, the convention method had been thoroughly established by custom, and up to this time its validity had never been questioned. This new-born solicitude for constitutional limitations was simply a clever bit of pettifogging. Before any attempt to elect Senators had been made, two interesting resolutions for dividing the state were offered in the senate. The first was introduced by Andrew Johnson, on De- cember 7, and provided that a joint committee of the two houses should be appointed to consider the expediency and the consti- tutionality of ceding East Tennessee to the United States so that it might be made an independent commonwealth and called the ' ' State of Frankland. ' ' The resolution directed Governor Jones to correspond with the governors of Georgia, North Carolina, and Virginia with a view to procuring portions of those states for inclusion within the limits of "Frankland." On December 15, Gardner offered a similar resolution which provided for the 10 Turney 's explanation, ibid., 304-305. On December 13, J. Geo. Harris informed Polk by letter that there was no prospect of an election. ' ' Thank God and the immortal thirteen Ephraim's [Foster] fiddle is broke. ^ No more will its dulcet strains minister to the desponding faculties of faction ' ' {Polk Papers). 198 JAMES K. POLK creation of the state of " Jacksoniana." It was to include the "Western District" of Tennessee and portions of Kentucky and ^lississippi.^^ The senate rejected Gardner's proposal by a vote of eleven to fourteen. Johnson's resolution passed the senate by a vote of seventeen to six (January 18), but after consider- able discussion and many futile attempts to amend, this too was finally rejected by the lower house. In accordance with the Laughlin resolutions,^- Democratic members of the legislature had addressed queries to all senatorial candidates concerning their views on public questions. Foster and Jarnagin treated these queries with silent contempt. Hop- kins L. Turney, the Democratic aspirant, gave satisfactory an- swers as a matter of course, and so, also, did Thomas Brown, a Whig of Roane County, East Tennessee. On December 20, Laughlin offered in the senate a resolution which differed little from the one previously submitted by Gardner. Whereas, in choosing Senators, the popular will should be consulted, so read the preamble, and, as the recent election had shown the people to be about equally divided in politics, and as neither party was able to choose Senators without the cooperation of the other, it was therefore resolved that Turney and Brown, having responded to all interrogatories, be declared the Senators to represent the state in the Senate of the United States. Turney was to fill the unexpired term of Grundy, and Brown was 1*o have the full term of six years." The resolution passed the senate but failed in the other house, and that body once more invited the senate to join them in an election by convention. The Whigs of both houses refused to cooperate with the Democrats in electing a 11 Tenn. Sen. Jour., 1841-42, 288, 345. 12 Those which he had introduced on Nov. 5, relating to the interrogation of candidates for office. See above. isTf/iH.. Sen.. Jour., 1841-42, 366-67. "Some of our friends here are of opinion— tliat after all our Senators should be elected — if the Whigs can be brought 'to elect one and one' " (A. V. Brown to Polk, Washing- ton, Dec. 23, 1841, Polk Papers). This seems to indicate that the Demo- crats had counted more on preventing an election than on effecting a compromise. FOLK IN BETIBEMENT 199 comptroller and a treasurer unless the Democrats would agree to choose Senators by a joint vote. Of this refusal the Democrats tried to make political capital ;^* by exploiting it they endeavored to divert the attention of the people away from their own ob- structive tactics. Polk kept in close touch with the contest that was being waged at Nashville and from time to time gave directions to his political friends. He was one of the first to doubt the loyalty of his old friend A. 0. P. Nicholson, and to suspect him of courting an alliance with Foster for the purpose of procuring their elec- tion to the Senate.^^ He was most severe in his denunciation of Nicholson and predicted that he would follow in the footsteps of John Bell." Hearing that some of Bell's friends had made overtures offering to settle the senatorial deadlock by choosing Bell and some Democrat, Polk stated to Senator Maclin^^ that it would never do "to elect Bell by Democratic votes. It would not only be placing him in a position to do mischief but it would be rewarding his apostacy." He had heard also, he said, that similar overtures had been made by Foster's friends. "To no man in the State," he continued, "would it be more grating than to myself to be driven to the necessity of making a compromise by which he might obtain a seat in the Senate, and yet it is not 14 "Our whole object is," wrote Wm. H. Polk, who was a member of the lower house, "to place them [the Whigs] in the position of refusing to elect State officers, necessary and essential to the proper administration of our State Government, because we prevent them from placing in the Senate men who stand Mum" (W. H. Polk to J. K. Polk, Jan. 6, 1842, Polk Papers). 15 In answer to one of Polk's letters, J. P. Hardwick wTote from Nash- ville that "I have no doubt a great effort is being made to carry out an unholy alliance between F. & N." (Hardwick to Polk, Jan. 16, 1842, ibid.) 16 "Every day convinces me more and more that lie [N] is now travelling in the broad road— that John Bell travelled for several years before his apostacy — Avhilst he was making Imid irrofessions of his adhesion to our principles. We all know where John Bell now is, and mark wliat I now sail to you, that five years, perhaps not one wall pass— before he is where Bell now is, unless it shall be his personal interest shall make him seem otherAvise. I am not mistaken" (Polk to State Senator Sackfield Maclin, Jan. 17, 1842, Andrew Johnson Papers, vol. 1). 1' Ihid. 200 JAMES K. POLK impossible that our safety as a party in the State might require such a sacrifice. "^^ Should an agreement with Foster be made, Polk believed that the Democrat ought to be chosen from East Tennessee ; but if any western Democrat was to be selected, it should be Hopkins L. Turney. He preferred a Whig Senator to Nicholson, because he had ' ' more respect for an open opponent than a hypocritical friend."^*' Some of the "immortal thir- teen," however, were unwilling to accept any compromise which did not eliminate both Foster and Bell. On February 7, the last day of the session, Laughlin, prob- ably acting under instructions from Polk, offered a new reso- lution "in the spirit of harmony, concession and compromise." This resolution authorized the Whig members of the legislature to choose a Senator from any of the three divisions of the state (east, middle or west), and provided that the Democrats should then select a Senator from one of the other divisions. The reso- lution passed the senate by a strict party vote, but not until an amendment had been added which required that both Senators must be ' ' selected from men who have not been in public life for the last four years." Such a limitation had not been contem- jjlatcd by either Laughlin or Polk, but some of the thirteen would accept nothing less. The lower house would not, of course, agree to the resolution ; all hope of compromise was at an end ; and the legislature adjourned without having filled either va- cancy. On the same day the thirteen had the satisfaction of J«"It would bo a hitter pill," said Polk, "to take Mr. F. even upon a conipromiso, and yet if notliinjj else can be done I have been broug'ht verv seriously to doubt, whether we had not better take him with some good and true Democrat than to have tlie State unrepresented in the Senate and thus raise up a perplexing troublesome issue of Senators or no Senators in the State, \\iiu'li may and probably will be the test question in our elections in 1843. Before you can compromise at all with him or any other Whig — they must yield to your mode of elections and agree to obey instructions. It tliey will do this and agree to give us a Democratic Senator w-ith him— my conviction is, that it is the course of safety to yield to it. ' ' 10 Polk to James Walker, Jan. 17, 1842, Polk Papers. Whether well toutided or not, the belief in Xicholson's disloyalty was quite general. a' k' tT^'xt''-^ ^^'''"**' ^""^"^ Washington to Polk, April 25, 1842: "I think A. U. 1 N. ha« put his foot in it. Can it be possible that he can longer deceive the democracy of Tennessee?" POLK IN BETIBEMENT 201 rejecting for a second time a list of persons whom Governor Jones had nominated to be directors of the Bank of Tennessee, and as a result, the Democratic incumbents retained their posi- tions. In their game of obstruction the Democrats had won a de- cided victory — much greater than they had any reasonable hope to expect. Had any of the "immortal thirteen" failed them, everything would have been lost, and more than once Samuel Turney had threatened to desert to the enemy. By bad manage- ment, the Whigs had failed to take advantage of his willingness to cooperate with them, while the Democrats spared no effort to hold him in line. The tactics employed by the senate to attain its ends were as unscrupulous as they were successful. The aid given by Polk and Jackson was something of which neither man had reason to be proud, but politicians are seldom overscrupulous when party interests are at stake. Just as the Democrats were rejoicing over their success in tlnvarting the Whigs, their own party suffered a real loss in the retirement of J. George Harris from the editorship of the Umdn.'° He had taken charge of the paper when it was bank- rupt and impotent, and under his management it had become one of the most influential papers in the state. His style was not always elegant nor his assertions true, but he was peculiarly fitted to perform the task to which he had been assigned. After his retirement the Union rapidly deteriorated, until Polk and his associates had to take its rehabilitation in hand during the campaign of 1843. After the adjournment of the legislature, the thoughts of politicians turned to plans for the future. Although it was an open secret that Polk would, in 1843, again be the candidate for governor, both he and his friends were ever on the alert to pro- ipote his prospects for the Vice-Presidential nomination in 1844. 20 In the issue of March 31 Harris announced that he was going to Europe for a few months and that the owners, Hogau and Heiss, wouhl conduct the paper themselves. 202 JAMES E. POLE The more apparent it became that Van Buren would again head the Democratic ticket, the more necessary it seemed to be to find a ni lining mate that would be acceptable to the South and West. ]\Iaclin, of the Tennessee senate, voiced the general sentiment when he told Polk that "Our friends intend to fight the battle with you, and keep Van Buren as much out of sight as possible." In these two sections of the Union, influential leaders fully ap- preciated Polk 's great services to the party and looked with favor upon his nomination for the Vice-Presidency, but, as Maclin frankly told him, it had been urged that he was not well known to the people in other parts of the country.-^ Politicians of both parties attached much importance to Van Buren 's visit to the Hermitage in the spring of 1842. Knowing Jackson's warm friendship for Polk, the Whigs expected and many Tennesseans hoped that the visit would result in a formal agreement between Van Buren and Polk. But, despite the ef- forts of Polk's friends in his behalf, the New Yorker remained noncommittal to the point of exasperation- and left Tennessee without having mentioned to Polk the subject of the Vice-Presi- dency.^^ Although Van Buren declined to take any part in promoting Polk's candidacy or even to discuss it, and even though his in- different attitude during his visit had still further alienated the supporters of Polk, yet both the Whigs and the Calhounites were 21 Maclin to Polk, May 4, 1842, PolJc Papers. Maclin had just returned from Mississippi, where he had been sounding Polk's praises and urging tho people to call a convention for the purpose of nominating- Van Buren and Polk. " ^^ ' ' ^ ^™ ^^ ^ loss to know what to say to you, I can learn notliing. . . . Mr. Van Buren seems disposed to say nothing on thfe subject we spoke of when I last saw you. I made an effort through Donelson again this evening but It was all Mum. . . . It may be that he will say to you what he will not say to another person. The old Genl Avill tell Mm before leaving the y/r/-nnoints in his intrigues that enlisted ardent supporters, and on these points he concentrated the energies of an intellect of unusual power, and pursued his object with an intensity that had no limits." SELECTION OF CANDIDATES, 1844 243 Pillow had, for some time before the meeting of the convention, been playing a "deep and subtle game" to procure Polk's nom- ination. They "concealed their purpose from Genl Jackson who would give no countenance to the movement " [ ! ] ; they ' ' fast- ened themselves on Wright and Benton as friends and partisans of Van Buren, which they were except in the contingency of securing Polk's nomination," betrayed their confidence and secretly intrigued against Van Buren.^° Many of the items in Welles 's statement may be true enough, but in one of the main clauses the terms are inverted. He con- tends that the Tennesseans were ready to support Van Buren unless they could nominate Polk ; whereas, they desired to nom- inate Polk because Van Buren 's nomination, or his election at any rate, was no longer possible. Their efforts in Polk's behalf were made not only with Jackson's knowledge, but at his instiga- tion. Under the circumstances, neither he nor they considered these efforts to be a betrayal of Van Buren. Surely Jackson had made it clear to both Van Buren and Butler, as well as to Benton, that he favored the nomination of some pro-Texas candidate. So successful, however, were the Tennessee delegates in their decep- tion, according to Welles, that the friends of Van Buren "had no conception of the duplicity in that quarter" until all was over, and then they were forced to support the party nominee. The "reserve" of Wright and the "indignant resentment" of Benton were caused by the discovery of this ' ' treachery. ' ' The New York Democrats worked loyally for the ticket, and "few knew what doubt & repugnance their strongest men entertained for the candidate "[ !] The New Yorkers were chagrined by the defeat of their favorite, and not knowing all the facts, it was natural for them to suspect the motives of those who had profited by their defeat. 80 Welles admits that for two years the Tennesseans had been loyal to Van Buren while others were intriguing against him. He states that New Yorkers desired to associate Polk on the ticket with the ex-President, instead of R. M. Johnson. This is extremely improbable. 2-14 JAMES K. POLK It was nuiiored at Baltimore that Polk's nomination had been agreed upon at the Hermitage, and Whig papers made assertions to this effect. ^^ In stating to Polk his reasons for declining the Vice-Presidential nomination, Wright said that the people of New York believed that there had been intrigue against Van Burcn in the convention and that votes for Polk could be pro- cured in the state only by asserting that the candidate had had nothing to do with the intrigue.^- Doubtless Wright shared the belief of his associates ; but even if all of the charges against the insurgent element had been true. Van Buren's rejection had been brought about not so much by intrigue as by the application of the Democratic doctrine of majority rule. To be sure, he received the votes of a majority of the convention, but the delegates had been selected before his views on Texas had become known ; and although there is no means of ascertaining with certainty the desire of Democratic voters as a w'hole, there is ample reason for believing that a large majority of them did not prefer Van Buren after the publication of his anti-Texas letter. From the first, Calhoun Democrats had been openly hostile, and those led by Walker, whom Welles had called the ' ' chief engine ' ' of the con- vention, made no attempt to conceal their unalterable opposition to Van Buren. It is not easy to see why their efforts to defeat his nomination should be termed an intrigue any more than the efforts of his supporters to procure it. Even ' ' Old Hickory ' ' did not hesitate to say that no anti-Texas man could possibly win, and surely he could not be accused of plotting against his old friend and protege. Naturally Polk's immediate friends did not confide «> "There is one circumstance, and only one," said the Nashville Union (June 11, 1844) in denying these charges, "which could impress any lioncst mind with the belief that General Jackson controlled the nomi- nation — that circumstance is this: the work is so iveU done, that to an honest miiid, it looks reasonable that, it might have been done%y old Hickory!" «2 Wright to Polk, June 2, 1844, Polk Papers. It has been said, con- tinued Wright, that Van Buren was set aside because of his anti-Texas letter. Better leave it so. Had he (Wright), who held the same views, accepted the nomination on an annexation ticket, the people would have concduded that Van Buren had been dropped for some other reason. SELECTION OF CANDIDATES, 1844 245 their secret hopes to Wright or to Benton, and the realization of these hopes was contingent on the defeat of Van Buren's nom- ination ; but if this amounted to deception, it should be remem- bered that the ex-President 's doom was sealed by the vote of 148 to 118 in favor of the two-thirds rule, and even if the Tennessee delegates had joined with the minority, such action would not have altered the result. Van Buren had always been indifferent when Polk stood in need of assistance, consequently there was no valid reason why the Tennesseans should continue to follow the ex-President in his pursuit of a forlorn hope. On the first seven ballots they voted for Cass, after which they transferred to Polk. Irrespective of intrigues in his behalf, the selection of Polk as the compromise candidate was quite natural, if not inevitable. Apparently, a majority at least had come to Baltimore prepared to support him for the second place. He was the only aspirant who was not also a candidate for the Presidency, and for that reason, objectionable to the different factions. The Van Burenites would not support any of their hero's rivals, with the possible exception of Colonel Johnson ; and the other factions would never consent to make Johnson the Presidential candidate. Some new man must be selected ; and of these, who had a better claim than Polk's? As a member of Congress he had done valiant party service, and had proved himself to be a man of ability and discre- tion. The statements made by Welles^^^ that he ' ' was destitute of personal popularity" and especially that he had "no qualities to recommend him" are gross exaggerations. Welles himself had expressed a different opinion in 1844.** Even Horace Greely, although he spoke disparagingly of Polk during the campaign, had, in 1839, called him "one of the ablest men and most powerful 83 Welles, loc. cit. 8* In a letter written to Van Buren, Nov. 13, 1844, he asked whether Polk would have suffieient energy and discernment to make the adminis- tration his own, and added that "my own belief is, that he will prove himself worthy of being the choice of the democracy, after it could not have its first choice" {Van Buren Papers). 2-46 JAMES E. POLK speakers in the south west."**^ General Jackson aptly summarized Polk's qualifications for office when he wrote that Ills capacity for business [is] great — and to extraordinary powers of labor, both mental and physical, he imites that tact and judgment which are requisite to the successful direction of such an office as that of Chief Magistrate of a free people.^e Joseph Storey was "thunderstruck" by the selection made at Baltimore ; Governor Letcher exclaimed ' ' Polk ! Great God, what a nomination!";"' and the Whig journals predicted an easy vic- tory. But the Democrats, in the public press and in private cor- respondence, gave abundant evidence of both satisfaction and relief because a party crisis had been averted. Of course, due allowance must be made for partisan zeal, and for a self-seeking desire to stand well with the nominee. No doubt many professed a friendship which they did not feel, and, in the hope of reward, claimed to have been influential in procuring the nomination. ^^ Still, he was scarcely less popular than any of the other aspirants, and as the campaign proceeded it came to be recognized generally that tlie convention had chosen the leader who would be most likely to win. The Spectator, which was supposed to voice the sentiments of Calhoun, while expressing surprise that Polk had been selected, nevertheless approved the choice which had been made.-^ Its »'^ Biographical Anmml, 1841, p. 52. When quoting this the Washington Globe, July 12, 1844, called attention to the fact that Clay lived in the southwest. 80 Letter dated June 24. Quoted by Nashville Unioii, Aug. 13, 1844. «7 Story to McLean, Aug. 16, 1844, McLean Papers. Letcher to Bu- chanan, July 7, 1844, Buchanan Papers. 88 "If you were here," wrote Pillow, "you would imagine yourself the most popular man in the world, and you would be sure you never had an enemy in the convention. You cannot know how much pains they take to give in to me their adhesion to you, and to impress me with the great merit of their conduct." "Never," said Benton, "was such a multitude seen claiming the merit of Polk's nomination, and demanding the reward, for having done what had been done before they heard of it" (Pillow to I'oik, May 30 (29?), 1844, Polk Papers: Benton, Thirty Years' View, II, 594). 80 Spectator, IMay 29, 1844. SELECTION OF CANDIDATES, 1844 247 editor, John Heart, announced his intention to publish a weekly journal, to be called ' ' Young Hickory ' ' in honor of Polk. Tyler was nominated by a convention of his own, but his letter of acceptance intimated that he might cease to be a candidate if Texas should be annexed by treaty or otherwise.^" Polk entered the canvass, therefore, supported by an apparently united Democ- racy, and with some prospect of eventual assistance from those who had recently unfurled to the breeze the banner of "Tyler and Texas." 'M Nat. InteU., May 31, 1844. Several years later he hinted that his main object had been to force the Democrats to stand firmly for Texas (Tyler to Wise, Tyler, Letters and Times of the Tylers, II, 317). CHAPTER XIII CAMPAIGN OF 1844 "Who is James K. Polk?" Such was the derisive query raised by the Whigs as soon as the result of the Democratic con- vention had been announced.^ It was an effective campaign cry. i\Iore than argument could have done it attached to Polk the stigma of mediocrity and obscurity, and, to some extent at least, it appears to have influenced the opinion of later generations. But as it turned out this very cry recoiled as a boomerang upon those who hurled it, for this "obscure" person was soon to be known as the vanquisher of their own renowned "Prince Hal." Justly or unjustly, both in 1844 and since that time. Clay has enjoyed the reputation of being a great man. On the other hand, Polk's opponents have rated him as a man possessed of scarcely second-class ability — a man whom accident alone had placed in an exalted position. Even his friends have usually been rather apologetic — not insisting that he was really a great man, but that he was more able than he has been represented to be by his adversaries. The Whigs entered the campaign full of confidence in their staiidai'd bearer and delighted that the Democratic party had made the "blunder" of passing over a man of ability like Van Buren, and had as the National Intelligencer put it, "let itself down" to Polk. The Demcrats, on the contrary, while they rallied loyally to the ticket, were manifestly full of misgivings because one of the prominent men of the party had not been selected to 1 Writing from Columbia, S. C, to Crittenden, Wm. C. Preston said: "The democrats here cry hurra for Polk in the street and come round to ask me who the devil he is" (undated letter in the Crittenden Papers, vol. 9). CAMPAIGN OF 1844 249 enter the contest with Clay. Some of the newspapers, while ad- mitting that Polk was not of the first rank, argued that great men and democracy were incompatible. And yet, what is a grea,t man, and by what standard is he measured? In his long career in the political field. Clay had been an opportunist, and, to a considerable degree, an adventurer. He had mounted one hobby after another in the hope of political advancement. There was little consistency in his record, for the panacea which he advocated on any particular occasion might differ radically in principle from the one offered only a year or two before. Many of the policies championed by Clay were vision- ary and impracticable, and few of them would now be considered sound. Furthermore, if greatness is to be rated by success, Clay's claim to it was not very well founded; for although he frequently succeeded in upsetting the plans of others, he was seldom successful in inaugurating his own most cherished policies. His greatest strength lay in his power of persuasion, and his greatest achievements were in compromising the divergent views of others and in procuring the adoption of measures after the compromise had been agreed upon. Polk early adopted the fundamentals of the Jeffersonian creed. A conservative by nature, he was wary of experiments and shaped his course in accordance with the principles of the party which had been founded by his patron. His record, there- fore, was consistent, and he could seldom be accused of trimming his sails to catch the varying winds of popular opinion. He was not a creator of issues, but his judgment on those which were presented was far sounder, as a rule, than that of his great opponent. With no pretense to oratory, he was an effective and convincing debater, while his thorough knowledge on public questions was conceded even by his foes. When he was nominated for the Presidency, he could point to a career of almost uniform successes, and as President few have had a more definite program to carry out or have succeeded so well in accomplishing their 250 JAMES K. POLK purposes. But in spite of all this Clay was conceded a place in the first rank of statesmen, while many, even of Polk 's supporters, did not claim for their candidate more than second-rate ability. The Democratic Review,'- although it denounced the methods by which Clay had achieved his fame, did not deny that in the popular mind Clay was rated higher than Polk, so it made the best of the situation by saying that ' ' our opponents are welcome to all their pride in their chief as a 'great man' — we are content witli ours as a good one, and great enough for all practical purposes. ' ' At the time that the two men were nominated, it was natural enough that Clay should be heralded as the superior of his rival. It was a period that was dominated by great personalities, and spectacular qualities were regarded as essential attributes of greatness. The influence wielded by Clay, Webster, and Calhoun, resulted more from the eloquence of their delivery than from the soundness of their arguments. Even the tempestuous and gen- erally illogical conduct of President Jackson was easily mistaken for statesmanship. Polk M-as not possessed of spectacular qualities, and he never tried to cultivate them. He was by nature secretive, even sly,^ and the degree of his influence in shaping public policies was known only to his intimate friends. In all of those qualities which are thought to make men iUustnous, Polk suffered by com- parison with his rival ; but, as the Review pointed out, a Demo- cratic candidate might succeed without possessing them, however essential they might be for the Whig. In no otiier campaign has Democracy and Whiggery so definitely contested for victory; in no other campaign have the 2 Article on "First and Second Rate Men," August, 1844. 3 For example, he made a jjractice of sending his Nashville correspond- ence under an extra cover, addressed to General Armstrong, so that his opjionents, through the Whig postmaster, might not learn its final desti- nation. CAMPAIGN OF 1844 251 candidates so clearly represented the principles and policies of their respective parties.^ Polk was the first "dark horse" ever nominated for President by a political party, but while his name had not been previously associated with that ofifice, it is not true that he was unknown or that his nomination was entirely accidental. The Baltimore con- vention did not simply make a grab in the dark, with the hope that either Providence or Fate would save the party from disaster. The man who, as chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means, had borne the brunt of the war against the Bank was unknown to neither party ; a Speaker who was so thoroughly hated that his opponents had wished to deny him the customary vote of thanks could not have been so soon forgotten — least of all by the Whigs. He had never filled any of the great executive offices, but he had been intrusted by his party, during a most critical period, with the two most responsible positions in the lower house of Congress. No faction of his party doubted his ability, but like John Quincy Adams, his personal following was small. For personal reasons, many in the party may have preferred another candidate, but, if a certain newspaper story is to be credited. Clay, at least, recognized that the wisest choice had been made.^ ■4 " The two candidates indeed, with a felicity of adaptation and corre- spondence, which is no mere accident, may be said in a remarkable manner to represent, respectively, the spirit and character of the two great parties by whom they have been chosen. . . . Mr. Clay is truly the living embodi- ment and incarnation of his party. Eloquent, showy, versatile, adroit, imperious, . . . the first Whig in America. A second-rate man in point of eloquence, intellectual force, and eminence of rank, would never have answered — could never have been adopted — as the head of such a party. We concede them this credit. They are naturally fond of splendor and strength — large and sweeping action — bold and brilliant energy and enter- prise. Such is precisely the character their instinct has ever tended and striven to impress upon the government." Thus abbreviated, this char- acterization of Clay and his party is by no means an inaccurate descrip- tion, and it is quite as true that Polk would ' ' have been perfectly satisfactory to us for the presidency, even if he possessed in a far less degree than he has already amply proved, the further addition of the latter qualification [intellectual eminence], for the high office to which he is about to be called" {Bern. Rev., August, 1844). 5 "When the news of the democratic nomination reached Ashland, young Clay, who was impatiently waiting its announcement at the office. 252 JAMES K. POLE Apparently the Democrats of all sections received the news of the nominations with genuine satisfaction — only in the Van Buren camp were there signs of resentment and reluctant sup- port. They had not looked with favor on Polk's claim to the Vice-Presidency, and now he had beaten their patron in the race for first place. One of Catron's letters throws some interesting light on the attitude of political leaders toward Polk. It indi- cates also that, aside from the Texas question, Polk had profited by a desire on the part of the younger Democrats to get rid of the older leaders, by whom they had "been treated as boys." Together with others to be cited presently, this letter seems to make it plain that Polk's desire for a new party organ did not result from any bargain with Calhoun, but from a real distrust of the Glohe, which of course was the organ of A^'an Buren.*' Polk's nomination was a victory for the annexationists, and it was also a victory for the younger element of the party. All factions were in duty bound to support the ticket, but it was evident from the first that "old fogies" must give way to those hastened with the news to his father, who remained at home. 'Well, my son, who is nominated?' 'Guess, father.' 'Why Matty, of course.' 'No, father; guess again.' 'Cass?' 'No.' 'Buchanan?' 'No.' 'Then who the devil have they nominated?' 'James K. Polk,' said the son. The old man started from his seat, and rushing across the room, with disap- pointed hopes painted on his countenance, exclaimed, 'Beat again, by G-d' " (N. Y. Plebeian, copied in tlie Washington Glohe, Oct. 29, 1844). « ' ' Mr. Van B., ' ' said Catron, ' ' was out of luck — we again have it. Had the Dem. Con. met a month sooner, we w'd have been ruined in the west & South for ten years. Clay is out fully — many of the undermen are out, on annexation — and we have the strength added of a rejection of our V. P. on the precise ground, drawing in all the Calhoun strength — a vast, & controlling power, in the South. Among the leaders, you have many jealousies to quiet; they feared to see you on any ticket as' vice, for fear you would set up for chief, after the first success. My position has let me into the deepest recesses of these things. I traversed the city night after night, last winter, encountering and pledging myself to the contrary of this opinion: But, sir, 1 made no converts, as l' then believed. Bu- chanan was for Johnson — Benton for King; the Van B. men for either, sooner than voursolf " [Both Calhoun and Tyler friendly to Polk]. "The coarse brutality of the Globe, was loathed last winter, by a large majority of our party." . . . "Your strength lies mainly as I think in this; you are of the present generation — the old leaders are thrown off; to do this has been an ardent wish by nineteen in twenty of our party in the House CAMPAIGN OF 1844 253 who were abreast of the times. Old in years, but young in spirit, Jackson gave his enthusiastic support to both platform and candi- dates;' nevertheless, even his wishes went unheeded in cases where he desired to restore any of the ' ' old guard ' ' to power. Within a few days after Polk's nomination, his Tennessee friends in Washington began to formulate plans, not only for the campaign, but for his course as President of the United States. The most active — not to say presumj)tuous — of all was A. V. Brown, who did not hesitate to draft a list of instructions for the guidance of the candidate. First of all Polk was told that he must, in his letter of acceptance, commit himself to a one-term policy.^ The Democratic platform had said nothing on this point, but it was evidently thought necessary to checkmate the Whigs, whose platform had limited their candidate to a single term. Besides, as Brown seems very clearly to intimate, other "deserving Democrats "'' with high aspirations might be expected to support the campaign with more enthusiasm if they could be assured that the way would be open for them at the end of four E. for two sessions — but they would not do it, as they believed — not as I believed. They are now gone" (Catron to Polk, June 8, [1844], Polk Papers). ~ "Although I regret losing Mr. V. B. and the cause, yet T rejoice that the Convention have made choice of those worthy Democrats, Polk and Dallas. They are the strongest and best selection that could have been made" (Jackson to Gen. Planche, June 14, 1844:, Polk Papers. Same to W. G. Eeeves et al., June 5, 1844, Wash. Globe, June 28, 1844). Polk doubted that the Planche (often spelled Plauche) letter was intended for publication, and thought it imprudent in Planche to publish it. He feared the cry of "dictation" (Polk to Donelson, July 11, 1844, "Polk-Donelson Letters"). 8 "In your acceptance you must some way or other express yourself in favor of the one term system. This is important — I might say all im- portant — you will know exactly Iww it will be highly useful. The thing is right per se & under all the circumstances I think you ought not to hesitate to do it" (Brown to Polk, May 30, 1844, Polk Papers). 9 Laughlin, although not without some doubt as to the wisdom of such a declaration, thought that ' ' perhaps all in all it may be best — and will be making assurance doubly sure, and put us on an equality with the Whigs on that question" (Laughlin to Polk, May 31, 1844, Polk Papers). 254 JAMES K. POLK years. Although Brown's suggestion may have been entirely superfluous, the one-term pledge found a place in Polk 's letter of acceptance." The next instruction was for Polk to prepare data on his life and career for Brown to turn over to Bancroft, Kendall, or some other person who would incorporate it into a biography.^^ An- other thing to be considered, said Brown, w^as whether the Glohe was to be continued as ' ' the Polk organ ' ' ; and while he was not yet certain that it should not be so continued, it is apparent that the discarding of that paper was already being diseussed.^- Cave Johnson, as well as Brown and Catron, distrusted the Glohe,^^ but he by no means believed in courting the favor of or permitting the domination by the southern wing of the party. On June 1 he WTote to Polk that the party was more united than at any time since the election of Jackson, but he pointed out that danger might result from the fact that the South had been zealous in procuring Polk's nomination. The Glohe, he said, is noncom- mittal, and is already expressing doubts of Democratic success — a new paper of unquestioned loyalty is very much needed. Two weeks later he wrote that matters are growing worse and must soon come to a head. "The struggle now is by a few Southern men to appropriate you & the nomination to their exclusive bene- fit whilst the northern Democrats are determined to yield no such 10 In 1835 Polk had, on the floor of the House, advocated a single term for all Presidents {Cong. Globe, 23 Cong., 2 sess., part 2, 292). 11 Brown had asked Laughlin to write the biography and it was he in turn who had suggested Bancroft (Laughlin to Polk, May 31, 1844, Folk Papers). 12 "Much is said here by some as to continuing the Globe as the Polk organ — this we will manage with sound discretion. The Globe will change its tone & perhaps take back much that it has said & go in warmly if not heartily — if so — well. But we will not commit ourselves to it after the election.' ' 13 "Benton & the Globe falls in but not with so good a grace as we expected" (Johnson to Polk, May 31, 1844, PoJk Papers). He referred to an editorial of the 29th in which Blair had said that the nomination of Polk would at first be received with disappointment by those who had stood for favorites, but that a little reflection would convince all that it was for the best. CAMPAIGN OF 1844 27,o thing. ' ' Johnson had called a caucus in the hope of compromising differences, but the northern men became alarmed for fear the Calhoun members would get control ; and Johnson decided that the best thing he could do was to prevent anything from being done. I have been to see S. W. Jr. [Silas Wright] hoping to have it controled in some way & ended — lie is furious and I think determined to push C[alhoun] and his clique to the wall or finish — in this battle. The object of both ■w'ill be to make us take sides — the Northern know, that you have always been with them, whilst the South think that the question & the posi- tion of Gtenl J[ackson] will take you with them — how both are to be kept I cannot see — already we have much secret talk of upsetting the Globe — turning Benton overboard &c. I was disgusted to day, even Keuben Whit- ney talked of turning Benton out of the Democratic church. I am sick of this state of things & see no means of avoiding the explosion & most anxious to leave here.i* Johnson's fears increased rather than abated, for a few days later he expressed a belief that the combined obstinacy of Benton and the South Carolinians would lead to a southern movement that might imperil not only the Democratic party but the Union itself.^" It seems very evident that Johnson had entered into no 1* Johnson to Polk, June 13, 1844, Folic Papers. 15 He has seen, he said, many prominent Democrats and all are pleased with the nominations, but "the only difficulty I fear arises from the course of T. H. Benton, when connected with the movements of S. C. The latter uses immediate annexation for the purpose of uniting the South and killing T. H. B. & will if practicable identify you & Geul J. with all their future movements — fears are entertained in the North, that this may he so — & if any incident takes place to confirm the suspicion, our cause is jeoparded. I have given every assurance to S. W. Jr. & a few others that you could not be induced to separate yourself from the Northern Democracy — in- stanced your former course, in the case of White «fcc &e and also thought it impossible that Genl J. should lend himself to any such purpose. The only danger of the latter taking any step to favor the Southern movement they think will arise, from some letter from him, that will seem to favor the movement without sufficiently weighing the consequences. "Can not you see him & have a free conversation as to the Southern movement & put him on his guard?" Johnson fears that there will be a southern convention called to meet at Nashville, and advises that this should be forestalled by an earlier meeting to which Wright and other northern men should be invited. "I have the most serious apprehensions from the Southern movement not only to our cause but the country. Mason & Dickson 's line now divides th'e Methodist church & will soon 256 JAMES K. POLK agreement with southern delegates to procure Polk's nomination, and it is equally clear that he had no desire to see the party brought under southern domination. He desired harmony, to be sure, and support from all factions, but harmony that would leave Polk indebted to neither section — free and unhampered in shaping his own course. Polk's replies show that he fully agreed with the views expressed by Johnson. He promptly warned General Jackson and took other steps to forestall a sectional con- vention ; " no countenance must be given to any attempt should it be made."^" A few days later he asked Donelson to prepare an article on this subject for the Nashville Union. "The idea," said he, "of a Southern convention or a sectional meeting at Nash- ville or elsewhere must not for a moment he entertained." He did not believe it to be necessary to allude specifically to disunion sentiments in South Carolina, but Let the article strongly enforce the leading idea, that a meeting of the masses from all sections of the Union is what is intended, and let every- thing giving it the appearance of a sectional or Southern affair be expressly negatived. This would have the effect of allaying the fears of the North, by satisfying them that we in Tennessee gave no countenance to the sugges- tion for a Southern Convention upon the Texas or any other subject. i" While Johnson was warning Polk against the southern wing of the party, Catron was exhorting him not to listen to those who insisted that the salvation of Democracy depended upon the restoration to office of the old guard that had been ousted by Harrison, -'cabinet & all," leaving no place for the rank and file whose money and talents would be responsible for the victory. "You who fought in the very van," said Catron, divide the other cliurches. This movement will tend to divide political parties by it. The Texas ciuestion brings into the contest the fanaticism of the North with increased fervor. Our only safety for the country & our cause depends upon the Southern Democracy maintaining the position we have hitherto occupied — firm & consistent" friends of the Northern Democracy — yielding much for conciliation & harmony" (Johnson to Polk, Louisville, June 21, 1844, Polk Papers). 10 Polk to Johnson, June 21 [?], 1844, July 1, 1844, "Polk- Johnson Letters," Tenn. Hist. Mag., Sept., 1915, 245-246). 17 Polk to Donelson, June 26, 1844, "Polk -Donelson Letters." CAMPAIGN OF 1S44 257 and who the worthy old gentlemen thought last winter, had died in the ditch, have been brought out alive, not by their consent, nor help, but [by] those who look to chances for themselves. ' ' Treason & Traitor, " " rotten to the core," — have been the gentle epithets that have greeted every move tending to wrench the power, as a party, from the old clique. Mr. Van Buren thought this public opinion, if Col. Benton let him think at all, which I doubt.is Like Johnson, Catron warned Polk against unnecessarily express- ing his views, and, as he had "a soul to be saved," he should avoid answering letters of the Sherrod Williams type.^" Benton had written a letter in which he had exonerated Polk and Dallas from any part in the "intrigue which had nullified the choice of the people,"-" but on June 13 he openly accused A. V. Brown of having "vicariously" procured from Jackson the letter in favor of annexing Texas.'^ While General Jackson was charitable enough to attribute Benton's outbursts to insanity, caused by the Princeton disaster," others knew that he was simply expressing what Van Burenites generally were thinking; and, although the appearance of harmony prevailed during the cam- paign, mutual distrust was manifest in private correspondence,-^ and a break was almost inevitable as soon as the election had been held. In general, the Democratic press of all sections and factions rallied to the support of the candidates without reservation or 18 Catron to Polk, June 10, [1844], Polk Papers. 19 In 1836 Williams had catechised Van Buren, Harrison, and White as to their opinions on certain campaign isues. See Shepard, Martin Van Buren, 264. 20 Dated June 3. Nat. Intell, July 1, 1844; Benton, Tliirty Years' View, II, 595. 21 "A card," printed in the Wash. Globe, June 13, 1844. 22 "Gen. Jackson was a good deal excited at Benton's course— said 'he shall hear from me soon'; and asserts that ever since the explosion of the big gun Benton has not been in his right mind. I think so too" (J. Geo. Harris to Bancroft, June 25, 1844, Polk Papers). 23 For example, Sacfield Maclin, of Tennessee, wrote from Little Eock, Arkansas, to Polk, on June 14, that "Colo Benton and the Globe for the last eighteen months have done our party more damage than all the Whig, papers in the Union. 1 have no doubt, and our friends here belieje with me, that if Colo Benton thought he could hold his place in the affections of the Democratic party, anil go against you, he would do so with all his . energy" {Polk Papers). 258 JAMES K. POLK qualification. Most enthusiastic and influential of all, perhaps, was tlie Richmond Enquirer,--' but Calhoun's Washington organ was hardly less effusive in its praise.-^ Cass bore his defeat with better grace than any of the other aspirants. At a ratification meeting held in Detroit he commended the action of the Baltimore convention and promised his support. He spoke of Polk as a man who would follow in the footsteps of Washington, Jeiferson, Madison, and Jackson, a statement which caused the Charleston Courier to remark that Polk, in order to do this, would have to "walk all sorts of ways."-" He took an active part in the campaign-' and spent his energies freely in preaching the Texas gospel in a northern latitude. Polk's letter accepting the nomination bore the date of June 12, 1844. In it the most significant phrase, aside from approval of the Baltimore platform, was that I deem the present to be a proper occasion to declare, that if the nomination made by the convention shall be confirmed by the people, I shall enter upon the discharge of the high and solemn duties of the office with the settled purpose of not being a candidate for reelection. This self-denying declaration resulted evidently, as we have noted, from an effort to checkmate the Whigs and a desire to 24 " Mr. Polk's nomination has been received at Baltimore, at Wash- ington, and at Eichmond, with enthusiasm. It heals all divisions, unites our party with bands of iron. It thwarts every hope the Whigs had in- dulged of discord and divisions. It blasts the election of Mr. Clay, and saves our country from the sceptre of the dictator. Mr. Polk is true to all our republican principles, and he is the friend of Texas." Quoted by Nashville Union, June 11, 1844. -•'■' ' ' The great mass of the people wantd a man pure in morals, sound in political princi])ies, and in favor of the immediate annexation of Texas, and such they have in James K. Polk. He is a consistent and sound poli- tician, of the Jeffersonian Democratic school; talented, firm and discreet" (Washington Spectator, May 29, 1844). 2« Quoted in Nat. Intell., June 24, 1844. 27 Geo. N. Sanders to Polk, July 12; Austin E. Wing to Polk, Aug. 2, 1844, Polk Papers. CAMPAIGN OF 1844 259 harmonize factional discords in Democratic ranks. ' ' I said noth- ing to commit the party upon the one term principle," he told Cave Johnson, "but expressed simply my own determination."-^,-^ The pro-Texas Democrats may be said to have included three fairly well defined groups. The first was made up of the fol- i lowers of Calhoun whose interest centered mainly in promoting his advancement. The second comprised those who were not friends of Calhoun, but who were interested primarily in wresting the control of the party from the hands of the older leaders. They saw in the Texas question a possible means of accomplish- ing this purpose; and, in addition, annexation would enlist southern sympathies and place the party reins in southern hands. Some of them were accused, and perhaps not unjustly, of being influenced by prospective profits from Texas land scrip. The \ third group was composed of men like Cave Johnson, and appar- ently Polk, who favored annexation but who, at the same time, / did not desire southern domination. They wished above all things to harmonize differences which were threatening to disrupt the party, if not the Union itself. The second group was most active in the nominating convention, and Robert J. Walker, of Missis- sippi, was its reputed head. Catron and A. V. Brown were close friends of Polk but, unlike Cave Johnson, they had strong lean- ings toward the southern groups. Walker had long been inter- ested in Texas. During Jackson 's administration he had worked hard for the recognition of the new republic. In February, 1844, he had written a long letter in which many reasons were assigned why Texas should be annexed."'' It was alleged by his opponents that he was influenced by the hope of profit from land speculations, but undoubtedly this personal motive was greatly exaggerated. 28 Polk to Johnson, June 21 [?], 1844, "Polk- Johnson Letters," Tenn. Hist. Mag., Sept., 1915, 245. 29 For an excellent summary, see Smith, Annexation of Texas, 140-144. 260 JAMES E. POLK The annexation of Texas was not the only question on which tlie Democrats of 1844 were unable to agree. For a time con- siderable anxiety was felt for fear that Polk's well-known views on tariff might cost him votes in northern states, particularly in Pennsylvania. The discussion of Polk's views on this subject was precipitated by the so-called Irvin-Hardin correspondence. Shortly after Polk's nomination James Irvin, of Pennsylvania, had addressed a letter to John J. Hardin, of Illinois,"" asking about the candidate's opinions on tariff. Hardin replied that Polk was a believer in free trade. As soon as Polk read the letters in the papers, he asserted that, although the second letter had been signed by Hardin, it must have been written by Milton Brown, a member of Congress from Tennessee. He asked that the "trick" be exposed.^^ Walker undertook to instruct the nominee as to the stand he should take on this perplexing subject, and also as to the proper treatment of Democrats who had left the party in 1840. He suggested that Polk should make it known that he would welcome "all Jacksonian Democrats." On the tariff he was to declare for a revenue basis, adjusted in such a manner as to give "inci- dental aid" and a "reasonable profit" to every branch of domes- tic industries. He urged especially that the word aid should be used instead of protection.^- But before Walker's letter had left Washington, Polk had already announced his views on the tariff in a letter to J. K. Kane, of Philadelphia. When he penned his "Kane letter," Polk had not of course read Walker's sug- gestions, but tlieir ideas were practically identical and even the pliraseology of their letters was very much the same. More straiglitforward than Walker, however, and less southern in his leannigs, Polk did not sugar-coat incidental protection by calling 30 Both men were members of Congress. Their letters, dated Mav 30, 1 8-1:4, are printed in Niles' Reg., LXVI, 234. 31 Polk to Johnson, June 8, 1844, "Polk- Johnson Letters.'* 32 Walker to Polk, June 18, 1844, PoJk Papers. CAMPAIGN OF 1844 261 it an " aid. ' '^^ It was said at the time that Polk in drafting his letter made a definite attempt to face both ways — that his emphasis on incidental protection was for the North, while the substance was for the South. But if the tariff Democrats were in any sense deluded it must have resulted from a meaning which they had read into the letter, for, as Polk had pointed out in the letter itself, his present views were to be found in his own record, the record of his party, and the declarations that had been adopted at the Baltimore convention. In such a statement there was nothing equivocal — nothing to which a protectionist had reason to pin his hopes. "On all great questions," wrote Gen- \ eral Jackson in a letter commending Polk, "from the Panama mission to the present day, he has been consistent, orthodox, and true to the standards of old-fashioned Jeffersonia^i democ- racy";^* and the Kane letter promised no departure from such a course. To an intimate friend Polk wrote that his letter had been sent to Kane with a request that he would show it to Mr. Dallas and Mr. Horn, and if in their judgment, it was absolutely necessary, they were at liberty to publish it, but not otherAvise. It was but a re-declaration of the opinions upon which I have acted on that subject; it was carefully prepared and upon its doctrines I am ready to stand.35 33 ''I am," said Polk, "in favor of a tariff for revenue, such a one as will yield a sufficient amount to the Treasury to defray the expenses of the Government economically administered. In adjusting the details of a revenue tariff, 1 have heretofore sanctioned such moilerate discriminating duties, as would produce the amount of revenue needed, and at the same time afford reasonable incidental protection to our home industries. I am opposed to a tariff for protection merehj, and not for revenue." [Cites his votes on tariff bills.] "In my judgment, it is the duty of the Govern- ment, to extend as far as it may be practicable to do so, by its revenue laws & all other means within its power, fair and just protection to all the great interests of the whole Union, embracing agriculture, commerce and navigation" (Polk to Hon. J. K. Kane, June 19, 1844; copy of original in Polk Papers; printed copies in newspapers). 34 Jackson to M. M. Jones, Utica, N. Y., June 25, 1844, Wash. Glohe, July 20, 1844. 35 Polk to Johnson, June 21 [?], 1844, "Polk-Johnson Letters," 262 JAMES K. FOLK Shortly after the adjournment of the Democratic convention the Senate took a vote on Tyler's treaty of annexation. Instead of the two-thirds in its favor which the President had promised the Texan diplomats, more than two-thirds (35 to 16) voted to reject it. Many who were not averse to annexation voted against the treaty, for they resented the manner of its negotiation and despised the renegade President and his Secretary of State. Tyler's friends tried to cast the blame for ill feeling on Calhoun and his Pakenham correspondence, while Calhoun regretted that the question had been brought forward under such a weak administration.^'' In the Senate, Benton now introduced a bill of his own for annexing Texas whenever Mexico should be ready to acquiesce, while McDuffie presented a joint resolution which would require simply a majority vote of both houses of Con- gress. Both failed, and without taking further action Congress adjourned on June 17, to await the result of the pending campaign. Wlien, on May 1, Clay was nominated at Baltimore, all signs seemed to augur success for the Whigs. The party was united and the choice of the candidate was unanimous. Tyler's annex- ation treaty had caused some annoyance to be sure, but by his "masterly" Raleigh letter Clay was thought to have made his own position unassailable. Besides, it did not appear that Texas would be an important issue, for Van Buren, whose nomination by the Democrats seemed a foregone conclusion, had also taken a stand against immediate annexation. Although Van Buren 's nomination was fully expected, it was known that many Demo- crats had set their hearts on procuring Texas, consequently division and weakness appeared to be the inevitable result. At first it did not seem that Polk's nomination had solved the difficulties which had confronted the Democrats, for despite the professions of harmony it was well known that Benton, Van 3« Schouler, But. of the TJ. S., IV, 470. CAMPAIGN OF 1844 263 Buren, and their followers were dissatisfied with, if not indeed hostile to, their party. Tjder had been nominated on an annex- ation ticket, barring any accessions from Democrats who with him had deserted to the Whigs in 1840. His official organ even insisted that Polk should decline the nomination in favor of the man who had been responsible for bringing the Texas question forward.^^ The Democrats had trouble in plenty, but the Wliig program was likewise going awry. Van Buren had not been nominated as they had expected, and Clay's Raleigh letter, instead of settling the Texas question, bid fair to cost him many northern votes. In August, 1843, the Liberty party had nominated James G. Birney, of Michigan, on an anti-slavery ticket, and, after the publication of Clay's letter, many who under ordinary circum- stances would have voted for him now announced their intention to support the Liberty candidate. Although Clay was a slave- holder and did not oppose the annexation of Texas with the consent of Mexico, still the Whigs had, originally, no reason to believe that the Liberty Party would be more hostile to him than to the Democratic candidate, who was likewise a slaveholder and, in addition, an advocate of immediate annexation. Never- theless the unexpected happened, for on the stump Birney avowed a preference for Polk, arguing that Clay's superior ability, coupled with his equivocal attitude, made him the more dangerous and objectionable of the two.^^ The Raleigh letter was denounced even more bitterly in the South, and, as will appear later, it was defection in this quarter which caused the candidate most alarm. No wonder that a leading Whig declared the Texas question to be "an enigma and 37 ' ' Mr. Polk is too wise a man to suffer the Blairs and Kendalls to set him up as a mark for the shafts of the Whigs ... to enter the contest, with Mr. Tyler already in the field, and with the certainty of an over- whelming defeat awaiting him" (The Madisonian, June 1, 1844). 3s Schouler, Hist, of the U. S., IV, 475; Smith, Annex, of Tex., 306, 308. 264 JAMES K. POLK a puzzle to the most astute, "^^ for the most ardent advocates of annexation would lose, economically, by its consummation, while the opponents of annexation, for the sake of principle, were indirectly aiding Polk. After Congress had adjourned, all parties were free to devote their energies to the campaign. The Democrats fully realized that the contest would be close, that defection must be prevented, and new recruits gained. Benton and the Globe must be whipped into line, and if possible, Tyler must be made to withdraw in favor of Polk. No one was in a better position than Old Hickory to perform this valuable service, and no one was more ready to undertake the difficult task. Jackson was much excited by Benton's heated reply to McDuffie while discussing his own annexation bill, and still more so by the report that his old friend had solicited the cooperation of John Quincy Adams.*° His irritation was increased because Benton had not been con- vinced by a letter he had sent him stating that the Union could not be preserved except by annexing Texas and extending the laws of the United States over Oregon. He was certain that Benton had induced Van Buren to declare against annexation. He called Blair's attention to Polk's one-term pledge, and prophesied that Van Buren would succeed Polk if he should take the proper course. "My dear friend," he pleaded with Blair, "permit not Col. Benton to have controle over your 38 Chas. A. Davis to Crittenden, New York, June 5, 1844, Crittenden Papers. It was a curious fact, said Davis, that on two important questions party considerations had made people in the South and West blind to their own interests; they had crushed the bank and thereby driven much needed capital back to the North and East, and were now clamoring for Texas, although the other sections would profit more by its annexation. ••0 Jackson to Blair (coiifidential) , June 25, 1844, Jaclson Papers. "The last Washington papers give an account of the very irrated reply of Col. Benton to Mr. :\IcDufIie on Benton's annexation Bill in the Senate after which Col. Benton seized J. Q. Adams by the hand & said 'we are both old men, we must now unite & save the constitution' — do my dear Mr. Blair inform me if this can be true — if it is, I want no better proof of his derangement, & it politically] prostrates him." CAMPAIGN OF 1844 265 editorial column, as he will ruin y"" paper. If he will, he must pursue his eratic course, which has, & will political [ly] destroy him if not already done." Blair assured Jackson that Benton was zealous in the cause of Polk and Dallas, but that he dis- trusted Calhoun and opposed his program of Texas with or without the Union. These views were shared by Blair himself. Jackson wrote again to Blair on July 12, criticizing Benton's attitude and urging Blair to attend the ratification meeting to be held at Nashville on the fifteenth of August.*^ Before Jackson had received his reply from Blair he expressed his opinion of Benton in a letter to Polk.*- Benton 's hatred of Calhoun and his jealousy of the growing popularity of Tyler, said Jackson, had deranged him, but you will perceive I have estopped Benton or any others from believing that you or I could countenance nullification or disunion. Every letter I get gives us joy full news— You will get 20 states at least & your one term [pledge] A\all get you 22. He told Polk that, while it was quite unnecessary for Cave John- son to put him on his guard lest he should inadvertently give aid to the nullifiers, still every Democrat should "put his face against any meeting of disunion, or nullification — we must & will have Texas, with & in our glorious Union. The Federal Union must be preserved — A, J. "*^ 41 Blair to Jackson, July 7; Jackson to Blair, July 12, 1844, Jaclson Papers. The "Texas, with or without the Union," program mentioned by Benton was an attempt made in South Carolina, while Tyler's treaty w^as before the Senate, to call a southern convention and annex Texas to the southern states if it should be rejected by the federal government. See Benton, Thirty Years' View, II, 616. 42 Jackson to Polk, June 29, 1844, Pollc Papers. "In my reply to Col. Benton's first letter to me in which he adverted to my toast, — 'The Federal Union must be preserved,' amongst other things, I said to him, The Federal Union must be preserved, and to do this effectually & perma- nently — Texas must be reunited to the United States — the laws of the Union extended forthwith over the Oragon, which would place this Federal-. Union on as permanent basses as the Rocky mountains, and preserve our glorious Union, & our Eepublican system as long as time lasted. ' ' ^ 43 Ibid. 206 JAMES K. POLK Johnson was still mueli concerned for fear that something might be said or done at the Nashville meeting which might be construed as an approval of the South Carolina program of "annexation or a dissolution of the Union." Doubtless he exag- gerated both the strength and the determination of the disunion element. So far as the success of the campaign was concerned, much more was to be feared from the attitude of Benton, whose irascible temper could not be held in check. He did not hesitate to discuss, even with "Whigs,** the ''villany" of the Baltimore convention, and no plea for hannony could induce him to abate his attacks on those who had been responsible for reviving the Texas question. To be sure he had, in a public declaration exonerated Polk and Dallas from participation in the * ' intrigue, ' ' but in a speech made at St. Louis he said that the Texas question had been "exploded" only forty days before the Baltimore convention — ' ' just time enough for candidates to be interrogated, and for the novices to amend their answers."*^ Polk was evi- dently the novice whom he had in mind. As the campaign progressed Polk came more and more to distrust both Benton and Blair. "Since the nominations," he said ill a letter to Donelson, uoue can fail to liave observed the coldness or indifference of the Globe. After Blmr's professions made confidentially to you, I had expected that he would come zealously into the support of the nominations, and not throw cold Avater upon them. After quoting a letter in which Dallas spoke of this hostility, Polk suggested that Donelson and Jackson should urge Blair to alter the tone of his paper.**' ** Letcher to Buchanan, July 19, 1844, Buchanan Papers. *■' Speech printed in Wash. Globe, Nov. 6, 1844. Yoakum, of Tennessee, iu calling Polk's attention to this speech says that he has "no doubt but Col. Benton has injured us 100,000 votes"! (Yoakum to Polk, Nov. 22, 1844, Polk Papers). ••"Polk to Donelson, July 22, 1844, "Polk-Donelson Letters." CAMPAIGN OF 1844 267 Toward the end of June certain overtures made by close friends of President Tjder gave hope that he might yet with- draw from the race. J. B. Jones, the editor of the Madisonian, approached A. V. Brown and others with a suggestion that J. George Harris should be brought to Washington to assist in editing that paper. Harris was an intimate friend of both Polk and Jackson, and had made the Nashville Union an effective party organ. Harris suggested to Polk that a new paper might be started with which the Madisonian (Tyler) and the Spectator (Calhoun) might soon be merged. A new paper, in his opinion, would be more likely to succeed because of preju- dices against those already in existence. General Armstrong, like Harris, thought favorably of the plan to merge these papers, and believed that after the election even the Globe might be joined with the rest. Both Johnson and Brown, however, were opposed to this plan, and especially to putting Harris in charge of the Madisonian.*'' Early in July R. J. Walker, who had from the first urged a friendly attitude toward the deserters of 1840, called on Tyler in order to ascertain his views. The President told Walker that he would withdraw at once were it not for the fact that his friends felt hurt by the abuse heaped upon them by the Olohe and other papers. There were, he said, about 150,000 of his friends who had voted for Whigs in 1840; he would withdraw and his friends would support Polk and Dallas, provided that assurance be given that they would be welcomed by the Demo- cratic party as brethren and equals. "Now I think," said Walker when reporting the conversation to Polk, "that the importance of this union & co-operation cannot be overrated"; therefore he suggested that Polk and Jackson might write letters to political friends, speaking kindly of Tyler and his followers.*^ 47 Harris to Polk, June 27, 29; Johnson to Polk, June 28; Armstrong to Polk, June 30, 1844, Polk Papers. 48 Walker to Polk, July 10, 1844, ibid. 268 JAMES K. POLK After reading Walker's letter Polk sent it to the Hermitage by Gideon Pillow. In a letter of his own, 'sent by the same messenger, he told Jackson that, however desirable the object sought by Walker might be, he would not write any letter or make any promises. He would like of course to see a reunion of "all the old Jackson Democrats of '28 & '32," but he would neither write a letter to Tyler nor "make any pledges to any one — except as it regards my public principles, in advance of election." He suggested, however, that if the attacks of the Globe were responsible for Tyler's continuing in the race and thereby jeopardizing the result in certain states, something should be done to induce Blair to cease abusing the President. He told Jackson that he was the only one who could influence Blair, but as to the wisdom of exercising such influence Jackson must judge for himself.*^ Jackson was disgusted with Walker's "want of common sense" in suggesting that he and Polk should write letters in commendation of the President. Such letters, he told Polk, would "damn you & destroy your election," for the AVhigs would at once charge "bargain & intrigue. "^° Although not yet ready to ask favors from John Tyler, he was quite willing to remove, if possible, the cause of the President's injured feelings. On that very same day he dispatched a letter to Blair in which he condemned Benton 's conduct, urged the importance of annex- ation, and ordered Blair to "support the cause of Polk & Dallas, & let Tiler alone— leave Calhoun to himself we in the South & West will attend to the Federal Union, it must be preserved. ' "^^ Indeed, on the same day, he authorized Major Lewis to express to the President his (Jackson's) wish for the success of the ■»» Polk to Jackson, July 23, 1844, Jackson Papers. See also Polk to Doiielson, same date, " Polk-Donelson Letters." In this he doubted the propriety of Jackson's writing a letter for publication; still, he seemed anxious that tlie general should write a private letter "which might reach the President 's eye. ' ' J-'O Jackson to Polk, July 26, 1844, PoUc Papers. 51 Jackson to Blair, July 26, 1844, Jackson Papers. CAMPAIGN OF 1844 269 administration and the assurance that Tyler's friends would be received as brethren into the Democratic fold.^- From various quarters pressure was brought to bear upon Tjder, and appeals to his vanity were not wanting. Ritchie, of the Richmond Enquirer, who was called the ' ' king of the Demo- cratic press," warmly urged the President to withdraw, while Democratic electors agreed to support Tyler in case it should develop that he was stronger than Polk. The Democratic general committee of New York, on August 6, drafted resolutions laud- ing the President and asking his support ;°=^ and on August 1 Jackson sent another letter to Major Lewis in which he argued that Tyler ought to withdraw, for if he did not, it would be said 52 Jackson to Lewis, July 26, 1844 (Tyler, Letters and Times of the Tylers, III, 143-146). The letter read in part: "You know I have a great desire that Mr. Tyler should close his term with credit to himself. It is certain he can not now be elected, and he has now a fair field by with- drawing, to add great and lasting popularity to himself by the act, and free himself from the imputation that his exertions to re-annex Texas were to make himself President, and show that his energy in this case was from imperious public duty, to prevent a country so important to the defence, safety and great interest of our whole Union from falling into the hands of England, our most implacable enemy. On Mr. Tyler's with- drawal from the canvass every true American will say. Amen to his patriotism in the case of Texas. ' ' Several of Mr. Tyler 's friends yesterday visited me, and wished me to cause it to be known to him their wishes, as his withdrawal at once would unite all the Democrats into one family without distinction. .This would render our victory easy and certain by bringing Mr. Tyler's friends in to the support of Polk and Dallas, received as brethren by them and their friends, all former differences forgotten and cordially united once more in sustaining the Democratic candidate. "... It is impossible now that Mr. Tyler should be elected, and if he does not withdraw he will be charged with conniving with the Clay Whigs to defeat the Democratic nominees. Although this ivouJd be untrue, vet really it would have that affect and would do Mr. Tyler much injury. T told Mr. Tyler's friends I could not write to him on such a subject, but that 1 had such confidence in his good sense and patriotism, that I was sure he would withdraw in due time, as I believe him to be a good Demo- crat, and that he would do nothing to promote Clay or injure Democracy. If you think it prudent, you can make these suggestions to Mr. Tyler. I tliink he would receive them kindly, be his determination what it may. His proper dignified course is a magnanamous withdrawal, with such reasons as his goo*« H. C. Williams wrote from Washington that "the letter repudiating C. M. Clay has had no effect in the northern states, while it satisfies the Southern Whigs. The Whig papers will not publish it." Democrats, he said, have to oppose all "fag end" parties, and Greelv is now trving to stir up the Irish (Williams to Polk, Oct. 14, 1844, Polk Papers). «' Armstrong to Polk, Nov. 5, [1844], Polk Papers. s^See Birney, James G. Birney and his Times, 355. "» Cameron to Polk, Oct. 18, 1844, Polk Papers. »" Governor Letcher, of Kentucky, scoffed at the idefe of Polk being in favor of tariff, and he tried to persuade Buchanan to i'#frain from advo- cating his election. "Polk," said Letcher, "has no more chance to be elected than if he were dead and buried, and d — nd, as he will be in due time" (Letcher to Buchanan, Aug. 3, 1844, Buchanan Papers). CAMPAIGN OF 1844 279 "Native Americanism" was said to have cost the Democrats votes in Pennsylvania. Catholics, as a rule, affiliated with that party, and the Wliigs made political capital out of the fact that Shunk, the Democratic candidate for governor, had been induced to march in a Catholic parade.^^ It was alleged that the Whigs used money freely in Pennsyl- vania,"- and that they were guilty of practicing frauds,*'^ but it is unlikely that the Whigs were the sole transgressors in these respects. New York was regarded as the pivotal state. There thirty- six electoral votes were to be won or lost, and the result seemed to be highly problematical. In this state various extraneous ele- ments helped to complicate the political situation. Both ' ' Native Americans" and Abolitionists commanded a considerable num- ber of votes in the state, but it was by no means certain just how these votes would be cast. At the beginning of the campaign it was feared that the followers of Van Buren might not rally with enthusiasm to the party standard, and besides, there was lack of harmony in Democratic state politics with respect to policies and candidates. In order to carry the state it was necessary to hold the Van Burenites in line, and since the Baltimore convention many of them had been silently nursing their resentment. Gov- ernor William C. Bouck wrote that a number of Wright's friends had tried to get up a secret intrigue to procure Polk's defeat, but that Wright had been nominated for governor and his ad- herents brought into harmony."^ Van Buren told Jackson that Wright had accepted the nomination reluctantly and not until 91 J. Miller to Polk, Oct. 12; J. M. Porter to Polk, Oct. 12, 1844, Polh Tapers; also, newspapers. «2 For example, Kane informed Polk that $20,000 had been subscribed at the office of John Sergeant, of Philadelphia. Sergeant's nephew. Win. B. Eeed, had by mistake sent a letter regarding this money to some Demo- crat (Kane to PSJk, Oct. 24, 1844, Folk Papers). 93 Henry Hora, for example, wrote that desponding letters had been sent to his friends with his forged signature attached (Horn to Polk, Oct. ;n, 1844, Poll- Papers). 34 Bouck to Polk, Sept. 7, 1844, Polk Papers. 280 JAMES K. POLK lie liad been told that it was the 011I3- means of saving New York,"'^ but the supporters of Bouek felt that he had been unceremon- iously sacrificed to satisfy the ambitions of Wright and his friends."*' Some of the extreme anti-Texas leaders in New York supported the candidates, but repudiated the annexation plank in the platform. '■'" This was the policy of the New York Evening Post. According to "William E. Cramer, of the Albany Argus, the Democrats in New York "were on a volcano" until Clay repu- diated the statements of Cassius M. Clay and changed his posi- tion on the Texan question. The Abolitionists, he said, held the balance of power and would poll from fifteen thousand to twenty thousand votes. ' ' Before Mr. C 's fatal letter they were hesitat- ing whether they should not vote for him," but "this puts an impassable gulf between them.""^ On the other hand, in pre- dicting victory for Polk and Dallas in New York, Wright re- ported that "Never have I witnessed an equal degree of enthu- siasm among our democracy, not even in the days of Genl Jack- son, nor have I, at any time, known greater harmony, activity or confidence. ' ''"* Late in October another letter from Cramer stated that the Whigs were putting forth every effort to form coalitions with "Native Americans," Abolitionists, and Anti-renters, and that they were confident of winning the election. Prospect of success, he said, had brought them much campaign money from manufacturers who desired high tariff.^"*' 05 Jackson to Polk, Sept. 26, 1844, ibid. 00 In a letter to Polk, Sept. 11, Marcy stated that Bouek had made a satisfactory governor, and that Wright had been nominated for political reasons; while an anonymous letter, Sept. 14, said that Bouek had been set aside without reason, and that the action might cause Polk to lose the state. 97 See the signed statement of Bryant and others in Niles' Beg., LXVI, 371. 08 Cramer to Polk, Sept. 17, 1844, Polk Papers. 00 Wright to Buchanan, Sept. 23, 1844, Buchanan Papers. 100 "The report is that the Bostonians promised $100,000 provided they could receive ample assurance that it would secure New York for Mr. Clay! ! " (Cramer to Polk, Oct. 22, 1844, Polk Papers). CAMPAIGN OF 1S44 281 Still other factors complicated the political situation in New York. The Abolitionists who had formerly voted the Whig ticket were appalled when Birney came out in favor of free trade and opposed to distributing among the states the proceeds derived from the sale of public lands, and it was feared in Tam- many circles that his announcement might cause them to vote for Clay.^°^ In order to win votes for their national ticket the "Wliigs withdrew some of their candidates for Congress and the state legislature in favor of the "Native American" candi- dates.^"- It availed them little, however, for Polk and Dallas carried the state. ^°^ It appears that the Democrats, also, withdrew some of their candidates in favor of "Native Americans, "^°* and in the process of rapid naturalization they outrivaled their opponents. ' ' Tam- many Hall," wrote Melville, "is a perfect jam from 8 a. m. till after midnight. Naturalization going on among our friends to an immense extent. On Saturday 260 — all Democrats — rec'd their papers. "^°^ Charges of wholesale frauds were made by both parties, ^"^ but it may be doubted that such frauds materially affected the election results. The Texas question was of course the paramount issue of the campaign, although it was not, apparently, the chief factor in winning the election for Polk. ]\Iany contemporaries believed that Clay's defeat was not caused by the emergence of this question, 101 Melville to Polk, Oct. 26, 1844, Poll: Papers. 102 Alex. Jones to Polk, Xew York City, Oct. 30, Xov. 6, 1844, ibid. 103 Jones told Polk in a letter dated November 21, that some of the "Wliigs had been so confident of -winning that they had bet all of their money, and even their homes. One had lost $38",000; another, $40,000. One Whig's wife lost her mind because of his losses {Polk Papers). 104 John P. Heiss to Polk, Nov. 3, 1844, Polh Papers. 105 Melville to Medary, Nov. 4, 1844, ibid. 106 A correspondent from New London, Conn., informed Polk that in Connecticut, Massachusetts, and Ehode Island "the lords of the spindle compelled the degraded operators to vote their will, and thus obtained large majorities for your opponent" (Dr. Charles Douglas to Polk. Nov. 22. 1844, Polk Papers). For a useful summary of press opinions on frauds, see Smith, Annexation of Texas, 316 flf. 282 JAMES K. POLK and tliis belief is held by Justin H. Sniith/°^ who has recently made a thorough examination of conflicting opinions and care- fully weighed their value. The Democratic Review evidently stated the truth when it said on the eve of the election that neither party had won or lost many votes on account of the Texas issue, and that "the issue is between the principles of the two parties more than ever before. "^"^ If Polk owed his success in the election to the Texas issue, it was due to the fact that it brought him the support of President Tyler and his followers. While we can not be sure that Tyler would have remained in the field if the Democrats had not espoused annexation, certainty that they would continue his Texas program at least furnished him with a plausible excuse for retiring from the canvass.^*"' Polk received 170 electoral votes ; Clay only 105. In the North, Polk carried the great states of New York and Pennsyl- vania, while New Hampshire, also, contributed her six votes. Much to their delight the Whigs carried not only Polk's own state, Tennessee, but even the very precincts of both Jackson and Polk.^^" The Tennessee Democrats were keenly disappointed, of course, because they had failed to win the election in their candidate 's own state ; but their disappointment soon gave way to rejoicing over the general party victory. On receiving the news that New York had gone Democratic, Jackson sent the letter on to Polk with a marginal note, " 'who is J. K. polk,' will be no more asked by the coons — A. J.""^ 10" Smith, Annexation of Texas, 317. ios"One Last Word before the Election" {Dem. Rev., Oct., 1844). It thanked heaven that Polk was not a "military chieftain" and had never even killed an Indian; also, that "there is no peculiar eminent 'popu- larity' attaching to him, of a character personal to himself, and distinct from his simple position as the representative of the general principles and policy of the party whose candidate he is." •i('«See correspondence, including his letter of withdrawal, in Tyler, Letters and Times of the Tylers, II, 338 ff. 110 Nashville Banner, Nov. 11, 1844. The Union on the 14th retorted that these precincts had been carried by non-resident Whigs who had gone there and voted illegally. 111 Written on a letter from A. C. Flagg to Jackson, Nov. 7, 1844, Polh Papers. The "coons," of course, were the Whigs. The name had been attached to them during the ' ' log-cabin ' ' campaign of 1840. CAMPAIGN OF 1844 283 Polk received the news of his election some hours before it was known to the people of either Columbia or Nashville. The New York mail arrived at Nashville at nine o'clock in the even- ing, and on the outside of the package the postmaster at Cincin- nati had written a note stating that Polk had been elected. This attracted the attention of General Robert Armstrong, postmaster at Nashville and one of Polk's most intimate friends. Without giving out the news, Armstrong sent a messenger to Columbia with a note for Polk. At dawn he read the glad tidings which the note contained, but he said nothing about it to his neighbors and friends. For the next twenty-four hours he went about his work, and calmly received expressions of sympathy on his defeat."- Sphinx-like silence was a role that Polk dearly loved to play, and an opportunity to do so on this occasion no doubt added much to the gratification caused by the information contained in the note. When the result of the election at last became known there was great rejoicing in Democratic ranks. On the other hand, desperado admirers of Clay, both in Tennessee and Kentucky, threatened Polk's life, and friends warned him to "take some thought of where you go & eat & drink. "^^=^ No violence, how- ever, was attempted, and apprehensions were forgotten in the din of exuberant celebrations. At Nashville Polk was given an elaborate reception. A. 0. P. Nicholson made the principal ad- dress, and there was general rejoicing because the "Young Hickory" was soon to grasp the helm that had been so tirmly guided by the "Old Hickory.""* Some of the Democratic factions had little love for Polk, but all could agree with the Democratic Review in thanking God for the defeat of Henry Clay. ' ' Had he succeeded, ' ' said the Review, "it would have stamped him, his ideas and his character upon the future history of our government, with a fatal depth and extent of mischief never perhaps to be again effaced.""^ 112 Nelson, Memorials of Sarah Childress Polk, 76-77. 113 A. V. Brown to Polk, Nov. 13, 1844. Also Gen. John A. McCalla, Lexington, Ky., Nov. 22, 1844; both in Polk Papers. Ill Nashville Union, Nov. 30, 1844. nsKem. Eev., Nov., 1844. CHAPTEE XIV PRESIDENT-ELECT Various individuals and factions claimed the credit for Polk 's nomination and election, and as soon as the result of the ballot- ing had become known their claims to recognition were presented. While in one sense it was true that the successful candidate owed his elevation to a number of discordant elements within the party, in another sense he was under no obligation to any of them. With the exception perhaps of the younger element the several groups within the party had united on Polk, not from choice but necessity, and not until each had found it impossible to procure the nomination of its particular favorite. The circumstances under which he had been nominated — the very fact that he had not been generally considered for the first place — relieved the President-elect from the necessity of making pledges to any one. Although Polk himself fully appreciated this fact and resolved to make the most of it, others did not and the ''jockeying for position" at once began. One of the first to congratulate Polk on his victory was James Buchanan. The Senator from Pennsylvania was usually num- bered with the old leaders, but his plea, oddly enough, was for the recognition of young men in the distribution of offices. ' ' The old office holders generally," said he, "have had their day & ouglit to be content. Had Mr. Van Buren been our candidate, worthy as he is, this feeling which everywhere pervaded the Democratic ranks, would have made his defeat as signal as it was in 1840." Even Polk, he added, would have run better in Phila- delphia had it not been rumored that he would distribute the patronage among the ' ' old hunkers. ' '^ Such a letter from Robert 1 Buchanan to Polk, Nov. 4, 1844, Polk Papers. PBESIDENT-ELECT 285 J. "Walker would not have been surprising, but Buchanan's solicitude for the younger men was significantly of recent origin. Tyler's withdrawal from the canvass occasioned speculation as to the recognition which his friends would receive from the Democratic party, and during the campaign Polk received many letters which were designed to pledge him in advance. The candidate discreetly refrained from committing himself, although his supporters may have given assurance that the followers of the President would not be proscribed. Special importance was attached to a letter written by Jackson to Major Lewis- in which the General said that Tyler 's friends would be received as breth- ren. Then, too, Walker, as chairman of the national Democratic committee, had made promises to influential adherents of the President. Nevertheless the Tylerites were apparently unwill- ing to run any risks, and soon after Polk's election they were charged by prominent Democrats with having concocted a scheme whereby they hoped to intrench themselves in office. One part of this scheme, according to H. C. "Williams, was to procure the resignation of "Whigs so that President Tyler might fill the offices with eleventh-hour Democrats whom it would be embarrassing for Polk to remove.^ Probably such reports exaggerated the facts, especially as to Whig resignations, but it is certain that the Tyler faction believed themselves to be entitled to a share of Democratic patronage. In plaintive note, John .Y. Mason, Tyler 's Secretary of the Navy, expressed a willingness to remain in the cabinet. He had, he told Polk, from a sense of duty resigned a judgeship so that he might take charge of the Navy Department, and had felt "very unhappy" since Tyler had be- come a candidate. Jackson, whom he had consulted, had advised him to remain in the cabinet because Tyler would soon with- draw. He would resign of course on March 3 unless Polk should 2 Dated July 6, 1844. See Tyler, Life and Times of the Tylers, III, 143 ff. 3H. C. Williams, Washington, Nov. 15; Henry Simpson, Philadelphia, Nov. 21, 1844, Polk Papers. 286 JAMES K. POLK desire otherwise, therefore he desired a "'frank statement" of Polk's intentions. !Mason had heen a college mate of Polk and they had since been warm personal friends, but with habitual cantion the President-elect replied that he would leave all such matters to be settled after his arrival in "^ashington.- Directly and indirectly Polk received much unsolicited advice on the subject of patronage, and especially on the selection of his cabinet. Through General Armstrong, H. C. Williams warned him that rival factions were already planning for the succession of their respective favorites, therefore he should dis- countenance all of them.^ As usual. Judge Catron was free with his fatheriy advice. He had been told by Governor Letcher, of Kentucky, that the "Whigs confidently believed Polk to be under pledges to Calhoun: and that because Calhoun's friends and those of Van Buren and Benton could never work in har- mony, discord and disaster would beset the new administration. Catron assured Letcher that Polk had made no pledges to any wing of the party, but despite the truth of his statement, the rumors regarding Calhoun continued to circulate. Since Polk had been elected without making promises, Catron's advice was that he should '"go to Washington entirely unpledged, down to a post office."' The cold shoulder, he said, might at first give offense; but no matter, for '"you are under no pressure of obligation to your party, other than to administer the govern- ment through the agency of men of undoubted strength and worth of character, from head to foot."^ John Blair, of * Mason to Polk, Nov. 16; Polk to Mason, Dec. 6, 1844, iUd. 5 Williams to Armstrong, Nov. 26, 1844, ibid. « Catron to Polk, Nov. 23, 1844, PoJlc Papers. Catron, like others, had his own in.li%-idual preferences, but he continued to urge Polk to make his own selections. Both Johnson and Brown wrote on December 14 that Catron had suggested Buchanan, Wright, and Cass for the State, Treasury, and War Departments, respectivelv. ''Of one thing I am abso- lutely certain," wrote Catron to Polk on Februarv 4, "that vou must begin as absolute master of vour wiU, if this be possible, in framing vour cabinet. Strength it must have, and men in it that will work in harmonv: This done and vou are perfectly safe, regardless of fretting for a brief space. The old dare not, as the young will overthrow them — and the young, set up no claim to such assumptions" {PolTc Papers). I PEESIDEXT-ELECT 2*7 Temifissee, offered a happy solution for sectional discord — patronage in plenty for the North and principles for the South.' Warnings and advice, however well meant, were entirely superfluous, for Polk felt himself to be fully capable of formulat- ing his own plans. He could not prevent gossip and speculation, but he declared emphatically to Cave Jc^mson that he was "under no pledges or commitments to any of the cliques '^if such exist mentioned by the newspapers. ' ' The policy which he had chosen to follow relieved him in a great measure frcHn consulting the wishes of discordant factions, and his success in executing it proved the wisdom of his choic-e. "iMy objec-t," he told Cave Johnson, win be to do my duty to tiie eoantry, and I do not intmd if I can avoid it. that my eoonsels shall be distiaeted by the snppoeed or not tM/a&etJag into'- ests of those cliques. Anotiier thing I wfll say — that I Trill if I ean have a united and harmonious set of cabinet eounselloTS. irho irill hare tie exist- ing administration and the good of the country more at iKart tlom the question who shall sueeeed me, and that in any erent I intend to be mufsdf President of the IT. S.* Xo one can follow his career for the next four years without being convinced that he held the executive reins firmly in his own hands. Selecting a cabinet fr Polk to Johnson, Dee. 21, 1M4, "Polk-Johnson Letters." 288 JAMES K. POLK Although Calhoun denied emphatically that there had ever been any understanding between Polk and himself/^ apparently he Avas not ■without hope that he would be invited to remain at the helm in the Department of State. Late in November one of his intimate friends, General James Hamilton, sounded Polk on the subject and dwelt on the desirability of having Calhoun con- tinued in charge of the Texas and Oregon questions. For a southern member of the cabinet, said he, the entire South, from the Potomac to Louisiana, would prefer Calhoun.^*^ The difficulties which might result from any attempt to har- monize factions were set forth in a, letter from Cave Johnson. He said that it was understood in Washington that Calhoun and other members of Tyler's cabinet desired to remain. It was also the general opinion that should Calhoun be retained Benton and his friends would oppose Polk's administration, while, on the other hand, the southern element would be hostile unless Calhoun should be continued in office. Calhoun, said Johnson, is the choice of southern men for Secretary of State, while many from the North want Silas "Wright; and Benton is reported to have de- clared that should Polk retain any of the Tyler cabinet he would open fire on the "rotten eggs."^^ General Jackson's advice to Polk was the exclusion from his cabinet of "all aspirants to the presidency, or vice ' ' ; and the General was so confident that his advice would be followed that he assured Blair that neither Cal- houn nor any other aspirant would be appointed. In another letter to Polk, Jackson urged that Calhoun must not be retained, because other members of the cabinet could not get along with him : ' ' England is the place for him there to combat with my Lord Aberdeen, the abolition question." The entire cabinet, ""Nothing has ever passed between Mr. Polk and myself, directly or indirectly, on the subject. I neither know his views nor he mine on the subject" (Calhoun to J. A. Stuart, Oct. 21, 1844, Eep. of Am. Hist., 1899, 11,626). 10 Hamilton to Polk, Nov. 29, 1844, Folic Papers. 11 Johnson to Polk, Dec. 1, 6, 1844, ihid. PRESIDENT-ELECT 289 said he, ought to be composed of new men.^- Writing late in December, Cave Johnson said that the friends of Benton and Calhoun feared each other's influence with Polk, consequently the breach between the wings of the party was widening. Espe- cially did the northerners fear that Polk would be brought under the influence of Calhoun. In a similar strain A. V. Brown wrote that all elements were working to induce Polk not to retain Calhoun. There was, he said, scarcely less opposition to Cass; M'hile Benton and Wright opposed Buchanan on account of the stand he had taken at Baltimore in favor of the two-thirds rule.^^ While others were doing their utmost to prevent his retention, Calhoun himself was telling his friends that there was much speculation concerning the cabinet and not a little intriguing in various quarters. He reported himself to be " perfectly passive ' ' and "indifferent." Whether he would remain or not, if invited, would depend on the "probable course of the administration."^* His supporters, however, were both active and hopeful. Some of them were sanguine enough to believe that Calhoun would be able to build up such a strong party following that Polk would not dare to remove him.^^ Hearing that Gideon Pillow had re- marked that Polk's chief difficulty was "how to get rid of Cal- houn, ' ' even Duff Green felt constrained to warn the President- elect of the dangers which would result from sacrificing Calhoun in order to conciliate Benton and Wright. ' ' I make no pretense of friendship for you," he told Polk very frankly; but as a 12 Jackson to Polk, Dec. 13, 16, Polk Papers; Jackson to Blair, Dec. 14, 1844, Jackson Papers. 13 Johnson to Polk, Dec. 26; Brown to Polk, Dec. 29, 1844, Polk Papers. 1* Calhoun to his son-in-law, Thos. G. Clemson, Dec. 13, 1844, Eep. Am. Assn., 1899, II, 633. Dr. Gwin, who was supposed to be voicing Calhoun's views, suggested to A. V. Brown the following cabinet: Calhoun, Sec. of State; Walker, Sec. of Treasury; Woodbury, Sec. of War; Reed, of Pa., Atty. Gen.; Flagg, P-M Gen.; Mason, Sec. of Navy. Van Buren was sug- gested as minister to England (Brown to Polk, Jan. 5, 1845, Polk Papers). 15 C. A, Davis, New York, to Crittenden, Dec. 17, 1844, Crittenden Papers. i 290 JAMES E. POLE friend of the South, he urged Calhoun's retention.^*' Calhoun himself continued to remain passive until February 26, when, in a personal interview, Polk informed him that there was to be an entirely new cabinet and offered to send him as minister to Eng- land. On the day following he sent Polk his resignation and assured him that there was neither dissatisfaction nor abatement of kind feelings on his own part.^^ New England began at an early date to solicit a place in the cabinet. In New Hampshire, Hubbard and Woodbury were mentioned, but her congressional delegation preferred Pierce. ^^ Bancroft was suggested as the New England member, but he informed Polk that he would prefer a foreign mission. ^^ Maine was especially insistent in her claims for recognition, and Polk received numerous letters from politicians of that state. In several of them Governor Fairfield was suggested as Secretary of the Navy, and Nathan Weston as Attorney General. The greatest rivalry, however, aside from the solicitation in Calhoun's behalf, was that between New York on the one side, and Pennsylvania and the West on the other. In Pennsylvania Buchanan and Dallas were the recognized heads of two rival fac- tions, each of which was desirous of gaining a strategic position in the new administration. In order to accomplish his purpose, Dallas recommended that Robert J. Walker, of Mississippi, be made Secretary of State.-° Dallas and Walker were connected by family ties as well as by political sympathies. In addition. Walker had the support of the aggressive forces in the south- western states. Richard Rush urged the claims of Buchanan. !•' Green to Polk, Jan. 20, 1845, Polk Papers. On January 1, Memuean Hunt wrote from Galveston that leading public men in Texas wished Calhoun to be retained and Donelson to be made Secretary of the Treasury. i'^ Calhoun to Polk, Feb. 27, 3845, Polk Papers. Same to Clemson, March 11, 1S45, Eep. Am. Hist. Assn., 1899, II, 647. If* John P. Hale to Pierce, Dec. 3, 1844, Pierce Papers. !'■• Lewis Josselyn, of Boston, to J. Geo. Harris, Dec. 4, 1844; Bancroft to Polk, Jan. 1, 1845, Polk Papers. 20 Dallas to Polk, Dec. 15, 1844, ibid. PBESIDENT-ELECT 291 The latter had also received the formal endorsement of the Pennsylvania electoral college, but Dallas informed Polk that this action had been procured by the intrigue of a man who wished to be made collector of the port of Philadelphia. Dallas once more recommended Walker, dwelling on his command of foreign languages and upon the fact that he would be especially acceptable to the Texans.-^ The rejection of Van Buren at Baltimore made it desirable that the powerful state of New York should be placated if pos- sible. Polk very naturally, therefore, turned his thoughts in that direction, and his offer of the Treasury Department to Silas "Wright was the first tender of a cabinet position to any one. Wright promptly declined the offer. The reason, as stated in his letter, was that he had pledged himself to serve as governor, if elected, and should he fail to do so it would be said that his nomination had been a trick to enable him to procure a cabinet position. When expressing regret because Wright had felt con- strained to decline, Polk stated that while he had not yet decided upon a person for any of the cabinet positions, he intended to select either the Secretary of State or the Secretary of the Treas- ury from the state of New York. He asked Wright freely to suggest a man for either position." In his reply Wright recom- mended Benjamin F. Butler for the State Department and Azariah C. Flagg for the Treasury. Lest Polk might think that he would have accepted the State portfolio, he assured the Presi- dent-elect that he did not feel qualified to fill that office. Had he been at liberty to fill any such position he would have accepted the Treasury appointment. In a letter dated January 4, 1845, Polk assured Van Buren that his nomination at Baltimore had been unsought and unex- pected. He prevaricated to the degree of stating that : "Until 21 Rush to Polk, Dec. 27, 1844; Dallas to Polk, Jan. 10, 1845, ibid. 22 Polk to Wright, Dec. 7; Wright to Polk, Dec. 20, 1844; Polk to Wright, Jan. 4, 1845, ibid. 292 JAMES K. POLK the moment it was made, it was very far from ray thoughts, that any state of circumstances could arise, which could lead to such a result." He thanked the ex-President for his "powerful support" and requested his advice as to suitable members of the cabinet. Wright, he said, was the only selection he had made without consulting anyone, but as that offer had been declined, he would like to have Van Buren suggest persons for either the State or Treasury Departments."^ In reply, Van Buren stated that Polk had acted just as he would have done in offering the Treasury portfolio to Wright, and that Wright's refusal to accept was due entirely to the political situation in New York. He knew of no one so well qualified to take charge of foreign affairs as Benjamin F. Butler, and he believed either Flagg or Cambreleng to be suitable for the Treasury Depart- ment. A month later he told Polk that Donelson would be a good man to have near him. He had desired to have Donelson in his own cabinet, but had feared that modesty would prevent him from accepting.-* Jackson believed that Wright 's refusal to accept a cabinet position had been due to the fear that Calhoun would be retained. He advised Polk to deliberate well and to make no final decisions until he had reached Washington. He believed Mason and Wilkins to be worthy men, but "surely you will do well to select an entire cabinett fresh from the people as your own, & leave Mr. Tylers out to be provided for, if thought wortliy otherwise. ' '^^ Before making another tender of a cabinet office Polk pre- pared a form of invitation to be used in future cases. Its pur- pose was to make clear to those who might receive it that a cabinet position was not to be used, during the next four years, as a stepping-stone to the Presidency, and that each member 23 Polk to Van Buren, Jan. 4, 1845, Van Buren Palmers. Also, copy in Polk Papers. 2+ Van Buren to Polk, Jan. 18, 1845, Polk Papers and Van B. Papers; Van Buren to Polk, Feb. 21, Polk Papers. 23 Jackson to Polk, Jan. 10, 1845, Polk Papers. PBESIDENT-ELECT 293 must devote his whole time to the duties of his office.-^ Although he was not a military man, Polk possessed at least one attribute of a true soldier. As a private in the ranks of his party he was ever ready to submit without complaint to the judgment of the leaders ; and now, as party chieftain, he required from others a similar respect for authority. Jackson, who knew Polk thoroughly, assured Blair that "He will have no caball about him, his heads of Departments must be a unit. This is my opin- ion of the man, and I think you will, when you know the men be pleased with his selection."-^ On January 28, 1845, Polk left his home at Columbia and set out for Washington. The fact that he was going to fill the highest office of his country did not for a moment overcome his habitual caution nor prevent him from giving thoughtful atten- tion to minute details. He had written to Cave Johnson and other friends and asked them to procure rooms for him at Cole- man 's hotel, but the rates must be reasonable and the bargain made in advance.-^ When he arrived in Washington in the middle of February the President-elect had not, with the exception of Buchanan, definitely decided upon any member of his cabinet.-" Early in 26 See infra, p. 325. 27 Jackson to Blair, Jan. 21, 1845, Jaclson Papers. There were, of course, those who held a radically different opinion. "Polk," wrote Prentiss, "was elected by a union of factions. He has neither honesty nor capacity to be the president even of his party— he will become at once the tool of" those factions" (Prentiss to Crittenden, Dec. 22, 1844, Crit- tenden Papers). J. K. Paulding, also, considered Polk weak and unable to cope with the situation, "whether he selects a northern, a southern, or a mixed cabinet." "He is by no means a great man — nor scarcely one of extraordinary mediocrity; and if the truth must be told, I admire Mrs. Polk much more than I do the colonel (Paulding to Van Buren, Jan. 19, 1845, Van Buren Papers). 28 ' ' You know I have no money to spend unnecessarily, — and to avoid being subjected to an extravagant or enormous charge, it is necessary that a distinct bargain shall be made in advance" (Polk to Johnson, Dec. 21, 1844, "Polk -Johnson Letters"). 29 According to Gideon Welles, he had also settled upon Bancroft for the Treasury and Walker for Attorney General, before leaving Tennessee (MS "Rev. of Pol. Hist, of U. S. and Pres. Contests," Welles Papers). 29-4 JAMES K. POLK the winter, at a meeting held at the Hermitage, Buchanan had been discussed as a possible premier for the cabinet, but then it was believed that his appointment would cause too much jealously on the part of Benton, Calhoun, Cass, and Wright.^" However, on his arrival in Washington, Polk immediately invited Buchanan to take charge of the State Department, and the tender was promptly accepted.^^ Having thus provided for Pennsylvania, Polk addressed an- other letter to Van Buren. When he last wrote, he said, he intended to look to New York for either a Secretary of State or a Secretary of War. Subsequently he had decided to call a citizen of another state to the Department of State, but was still desirous that a citizen of New York should take charge of the Treasury. Such had been his intention when he came to Wash- ington. On his arrival, however, he found that the South had already united on a distinguished individual from that section and that Indiana as well as other western states favored the same person. I was not satisfied that it was proper to appoint him to that Post — but became convinced — that if I did not — great and extensive dissatisfaction would prevail — unless I could find some individual in some part of the Union Avho would be unexceptionable to them & also to the North. Believing that Bancroft would fulfil these conditions, "my pre- sent determination therefore is to call him to that [Treasury] Department." He was inclined, he said, to retain Mason in charge of the Navy, and would be glad to have either Butler or Marey as his Secretaiy of War.^'- Evidently the distinguished individual mentioned in the letter was Robert J. Walker, of Mississippi. Writing early in January, A. V. Brown told Polk 30 J. P. Brawles to Buchanan, Dec. 20, 1844, Buchanan Papers. Brawlcs was told this by A. V. Brown, who had been present when Polk discussed cabinet appointments with Jackson. 31 Polk's letter was dated at Washington on Feb. 17 (Buchanan Papers) and Buchanan replied on Feb. 18 (Polk Papers). 32 Polk to Van Buren, Feb. 22, 1845, Van Buren Papers. PEESIDENT-ELECT 295 that Joseph A. Wright, Representative from Indiana, had re- ported that his own section as well as the Northwest wished \ Walker to be made Secretary of the Treasury so that he might have the appointment of land agents and other western officials. / If, said he, Silas Wright should be given the office, he w^ould use it to his own advantage and to the prejudice of Cass. From Cave Johnson, also, came the information that the "Cass men" all preferred Walker, and he gave the same reasons for their preference. ^^ Polk did not yield immediately to the importunities of Walker 's friends ; instead he held to his original plan of making Bancroft Secretary of the Treasury and Walker Attorney Gen- eral. He even drafted a letter in which he invited Walker to accept the latter position, but probably it was never sent.^* On February 25, without awaiting a reply from Van Buren, he offered the War portfolio to Benjamin F. Butler. Butler promptly declined because of "domestic and prudential consid- erations," although he would have made the sacrifice if he had been tendered either the State or the Treasury Department.-^'' Van Buren deliberated well before answering Polk's letter of February 22; but on March 1, he drafted a reply and sent it to Washington by his son. Smith Van Buren. In it he said that the "honest portion" of the New York Democracy were excited by a rumor that Woodbury was to be made Secretary of the Treasury, and that New York was to be passed over entirely. He did not say, but seemed to assume, that Butler would reconsider his refusal of the War portfolio.'" Polk appears to have felt 33 Brown to Polk, Jan. 9; Johnson to Polk, Jan. 11, 1845, Polk Papers. 34 Copy, dated Feb. 19, 1845, Hid. 35 Butler to Polk, Feb. 27, 1845, Polk Papers. Mrs. Butler wrote to Van Buren that she was responsible for her husband's refusing the War portfolio; that she had promised that if he were offered the State Depart- ment she would not object, but this promise did not apply to other depart- ments. Her reason was that she did not like to live in Washington (Mrs. Butler to Van Buren, Feb. 27, 1845, Van Buren Papers). 30 Van Buren to Polk, Albany, March 1, 1845, Polk Papers. 296 JAMES E. POLK til at Butler's prompt refusal and Van Buren's delay had ab- solved him from further obligation to that wing of the party, for, on March 1, he informed Van Buren that, as Flagg did not have a national reputation, he had decided to make Marcy Secre- tary of War. He hoped that this appointment would be satis- factory to New York. The rumor that Bancroft was to be made Secretary of the Treasury had "brought down upon me" the delegations from New Hampshire and Maine, and many — on ac- count of the patronage he dispenses — were demanding the ap- pointment of a southern man to that office.^^ When Smith Van Buren arrived in Washington with the let- ter from his father he was chagrined to learn that Polk had already appointed Marcy. "Well," he reported to the ex- President, the letter which you rec 'd dated last night from the illustrious cabinet-maker of our day has advised you of the fate of my mission ; and unless the excuses & explanations were more skilfully done in writing than in conversation, you will have seen through the flimsy pretexts — the contradictory & evasive & trimming character of the business, at least so far as New York is concerned. Polk, he said, had declined to receive him for half an hour, in order to give himself and A. V. Brown time to "concoct" an an- swer. Polk wished that he might have seen Van Buren 's letter a day earlier, but the matter had now been decided. ' ' The Treasury arrangement [Walker's appointment] you perceive tells the whole story for New York. The only chance now is that your letter may upset the whole concern, & start anew the business to- morrow." In a letter written on the following day he said that when he read his father's letter to Polk, the latter, instead of feeling crestfallen, had the "impudence" to say that he felt relieved. "I denounced Marcy to him in good round terms" and 3T Polk to Van Buren, March 1, 1845, Van Buren Papers. Evidently Marcy had been expecting an offer, for on Feb. 24 he wrote to Dickinson about "my appointment as a member of the cabinet." This must have been speculation, because on the day following (25th) Polk offered the War portfolio to Butler. PEESIDENT-ELECT 297 said that he was simply an office seeker in whom honest Demo- crats had no faith. Polk replied that he had never heard these things before and was "thunderstruck," although "Dix has told him the same thing over and over again. "^* Instead of beginning anew with his cabinet making, Polk dis- patched another letter to Van Buren. If he had committed an error, he said, it had been unintentional; and it pained him to think that Van Buren might think he had acted unkindly to him or his friends. He had acted, he said under no outside influence ; he had followed his own judgment, and harbored no unkind feel- ing toward either Van Buren or Wright.^** Nevertheless, Smith Van Buren had formed quite a different opinion. "The sound- est judges here," he wrote, "think P. came here all right — but has been be-deviled since he arrived. To a large extent this is of course evident, but not wholly so."*° It is scarcely to be wondered at that Polk should have dis- sembled during the days just preceding his inauguration. He was beset on every hand by conflicting demands, all of which he was expected to satisfy. That he strove to harmonize factional discord so far as his own self-respect would permit, there is no reason to doubt. He tried to deal fairly with each faction, but to accept the dictation of none. If the Van Burenites suffered disappointment they had only themselves to blame, for Polk had given them more consideration than he had ever received from them. He had tendered cabinet positions to two of their number. 38 Smith Van Buren to his father, March 2, 3, 1845, Van Buren Papers. Tilden and 'Sullivan, who bore letters from Butler to Polk, were, on the other hand, thoroughly captivated by the President-elect. The latter re- ported that Polk seemed like "one of us" and evinced great admiration for both Wright and Van Buren. "He certainly entirely won the hearts of both of us, and has effectually dissipated whatever slight degree of anxiety may have rested in our minds in regard to the Adm'n" (0 'Sul- livan to Van Buren, Washington, March 1, 1845, Van Buren Papers). 39 Polk to Van Buren, March 3, 1845, Polk Papers. M Smith Van Buren to his father, March 4, 1845, Van Buren Papers. ' ' Armstrong, ' ' said he, ' ' so far as I can observe, is the only honest nian about him. He [Armstrong] is sick & very much affected by our affairs. He doubtless sees the approaching storm from Nashville. ' ' 298 JAMES K. POLK and he had kept Van Buren fully informed regarding his plans. He had even told the ex-President of his intention to appoint Marcy unless Butler should accept the place offered to him. Van Buren had delayed in answering his letter, and it was unreason- able to expect Polk to wait indefinitely when inauguration day was already at hand. Surely Polk had the right to make his own choice for the office of Secretary of State, and it was cool effront- ery on IButler's part to intimate that the position should have been bestowed upon himself. Walker's assignment to the Treasury evidently was contrary to Polk's own wishes, yet he felt constrained to make this con- cession to the western element after his own choice, Bancroft, was found to be unpopular even in New England states. A new adjustment became necessary, therefore Mason was made Attorney General so that Bancroft might be assigned to the Navy. Mason's retention in the cabinet was due to personal friendship, and not to a desire to placate Tyler and his friends. Tyler had, in January, bestowed a diplomatic appointment upon William H. Polk, but the latter declined to accept it in order to free his brother from any obligation to the retiring President.*^ In fact, Tyler was much displeased by the ingratitude of his successor, and, in 1846, wrote that Polk seemed to be "avenging the sup- posed wrongs to Mr. Van Buren. "^- Marcy 's acceptance of the War portfolio" completed the cabinet, for Cave Johnson had accepted the appointment as Postmaster General shortly after Polk's arrival in Washington." Although many persons had suggested Donelson as the Tennessee member, Polk evidently preferred Johnson, and Jackson assured Polk that Donelson •ti Cave Johusou to Polk, Jan. 8; J. L. O 'Sullivan to Polk, Jan. 20, 1845, Polk Papers. 42 Tyler to Alex. Gardner, July 11, 1846 (Tvler, Letters and Times of the Tylers, II, 342). •»3 Welles says that "Gen. [William O.] Butler of Kentucky accom- panied the President-elect to the seat of government in expectation of the ai)pointnient [War Dept.] then tendered him" (MS " Eev. of Pol. Hist., etc."). 1 have seen nothing else to indicate that such an offer was made. •»■« Johnson to Polk, Feb. 26, 1845, Polk Papers. PBESIDENT-ELECT 299 would be satisfied with a foreign mission. Jackson had made it clear to Donelson, he said, that he was the one who had suggested a diplomatic appointment in preference to any other. *^' Johnson thoroughly deserved a place in Polk's cabinet, for no one had stood by him so loyally or had rendered more efficient service dur- ing his entire political career. Polk was by nature secretive and self-reliant, but to Johnson more than to any other person he disclosed his plans and his aspirations. Johnson had never failed him in the hour of need, and, both in Washington and in Tenn- essee, had done much to aid his political advancement. As a statesman, Johnson was conservative and rather narrow ; but he was a crafty and capable politician, and a recognized leader in the House. In selecting his cabinet, as in distributing the patronage, Polk had to steer between Scylla and Charybdis. When he tried to be fair to all wings of the party, he was charged with weakness ; while independent actions were attributed to vanity and conceit, or characterized as downright treachery to his benefactors. It was freely predicted that leading cabinet members would dom- inate the President and reduce him to a mere figurehead, yet, from the beginning, Polk was master of the situation. Scarcely less difficult than the selection of a cabinet was the choice of a party "organ" which M'ould give ungrudging sup- port to the new administration. Historians have indulged in no small amount of conjecture as to Polk's reasons for discarding Blair and the Glohe despite General Jackson's vigorous protests. His action is usually said to have been the consummation of a preelection bargain to obtain votes. Sometimes Tyler is made the other party to the contract, sometimes Calhoun; and in an attempt to make out a strong case, some have asserted that Blair's head on a platter had been offered to each of them in return for his political support. Usually their information has been derived 45 Jackson to Polk, Jan. 10, Feb. 15, 1845, ibid. On account of Donel- son 's delicate health, Jackson asked that he might be sent as full minister to Spain, Brazil, or Mexico. 300 JAMES K. POLK from Benton, and accepted without question. But even von Hoist, who had no difficulty in believing the Tyler story, balks at the absurdity of a bargain between Polk and Calhoun.^'' For very good reasons both Tyler and Calhoun despised the editor of the Globe, and both supported the nominees of the Democratic party, but such a coincidence does not imply any bargain between them and the Democratic candidates. Calhoun 's letter to Stuart concerning the prospective cabinet*'^ seems to indicate that he had no knowledge of Polk's plans for the future, and Tyler has specifically and emphatically denied that he and Polk had ever entered into an agreement by which Tyler's withdrawal from the canvass was made contingent on Polk's promise not to make the Crlohe his official organ. As Tyler very aptly remarked, ' ' Blair was already dead, ' ' and it only remained for Mr. Polk to chant his requiem.^® It is unnecessary to seek some mysterious intrigue or pre- election pact in order to find Polk's motive for establishing a new paper in Washington. The obvious reason for establishing the Union was his desire to have an organ at the capital which would give his administration its undivided and loyal support. He had always believed Blair to be hostile or indifferent to his political advancement when he had been a candidate for Speaker, and when he had sought the Vice-Presidential nomination. Both Polk and his friends believed that the Globe had supported the nominees of the Baltimore convention with great reluctance and that its editor was now, and would continue to be, under the absolute domination of Senator Benton. This belief is the best of reasons for Polk's refusal to make the Globe his official news- paper. Walker and others were hostile to Blair and undoubtedly 48 von Hoist, History of the United States, III, 7-8. •»" See above, p. 288, note 9. •«« Tyler to Ritchie, Jan. 9, 1851; same to John S. Cunningham, May 8, 1856 (Tyler, Letters and Times of the Tylers, II, 409 ff., 415). In the second letter, Tyler said that the "conspiracy to supplant the Globe, by substituting Mr. Ritchie or anybody else as the editorial mouth-piece of Mr. Polk, is the sheerest invention that ever was conceived of." PRESIDENT-ELECT 301 desired his elimination. Their feelings may have strengthened Polk's determination to look elsewhere for an editor, but there is no reason for believing that they caused it. Polk's Tennessee friends wrote freely concerning the advisability of establishing a new paper, but in his correspondence there is no letter from Walker on this subject.^'' Polk 's feelings toward Blair are manifested in a letter written to Cave Johnson on January 21, 1844. "Amicus" had published in the Globe an article w^hich urged the claims of W. R. King to the Vice-Presidency. In reply, S. H. Laughlin and H. L. Turney prepared an article in Polk 's behalf and sent it to Blair for pub- lication. "Blair," said Polk, "surely cannot do me the injustice to exclude it from his columns"; if so, he instructed Johnson to have it published in pamphlet form. After alluding to his nom- ination by the Mississippi state convention, Polk wondered whether Blair would suppress this news ' ' or stick it in an obscure corner as he did the Tennessee and Arkansas nominations?"^*' Such remarks indicate that he did not, even at that time, regard Blair as his friend. Immediately after Polk had been nominated at Baltimore, A. V. Brown reported from Washington that ' ' much is said here by some as to continuing the Globe as the Polk organ — this we will manage with sound discretion. The Globe will change its ione & perhaps take back much that it has said & go in warmly if not heartily — if so — well — But we will not commit ourselves to it after the election."'^ The last remark might seem to indicate that Blair's fate after election had already been determined, but this is disproved by letters written later in the campaign. Cave Johnson, who was hostile to Calhoun and averse to the Tylerites, wrote that the Globe was noncommittal and that a new paper was ■49 Although Ambler assigns to Walker the chief role in the overthrow of Blair, he admits his inability to produce any tangible evidence (Ambler, Thomas Ritchie, 252). 50 Polk to Johnson, Jan. 21, 1844, "Polk-Johnson Letters." 51 Brown to Polk, May 30, 1844, Polk Papers. 302 JAMES K. FOLK needed ; but two weeks later, when he had come to believe that the southerners were trying to "appropriate" Polk, he spoke with disgust of the "secret talk of upsetting the Globe [and] turning Benton overboard."''- Judge Catron vehemently de- nounced the Globe and declared that its "coarse brutality" was loathed by a large majority of the party. ^^ Late in June, J. B. Jones, editor of the Madisonian, invited J. George Harris to become joint editor of that paper. Harris and General Armstrong looked wuth favor upon the offer and believed that all threeWashington papers — Madisonian, Spectator and Globe — might be merged into one. However, A. V. Brown, who had come from Washington recently, did not approve such an arrangement."* It was not yet a question of an administration organ, for there was no certainty that Polk would be elected, but many of Polk 's friends felt that Blair 's support of the ticket was merely perfunctory and that a more vigorous journal was needed. This feeling was not caused entirely by what appeared or did not appear in the columns of the Globe. The campaign leaders be- lieved Blair to be under the thumb of Benton, and the latter w'as vociferously denouncing the "intrigue" which had deprived Van Buren of the nomination and, also, the annexation program. Despite the need of a reliable party organ there seemed to be no satisfactory solution of the difficulty, therefore the matter was dropped until after the election. The correspondence does not disclose who it was that first suggested inviting Ritchie to come to Washington, but Brown rather than Walker seems to have been the prime mover. In a letter written to Polk, soon after the election. Brown said that Walker "entertains the same opinion Math us" as to the import- ance of procuring Blair's half of the Globe for Ritchie. Blair would not be approached, he said, until Cave Johnson had gone I '>2 Johnson to Polk, June 1 [1844?, year not given], June 13, 1844, Folic Papers. 53 Catron to Polk, June 8, [1844], ibid. 64 Harris to Polk, June 27, 29; Armstrong to Polk, June 30, 1844, ibid. PBESIDENT-ELECT 303 to Richmond to sound Ritchie on the subject. "If that dont take — then B & Rives must sink into mere proprietors, with an able & competent Editor having absolute controul of the political character of the paper. "^"^ Cave Johnson, also, had become con- vinced that Blair must go. Some of the politicians, said he, fear that the Globe will be dominated by Benton and they will there- fore oppose giving it the public printing; "I see no chance of a reconciliation with them if F. P. Blair is retained." A few days later he reported that "the Globe is regarded as Benton's organ by the friends of C [alhoun] & will oppose him to the utter- most & will in connection with the Whigs defeat him & therefore B[rown] & myself have been sounding, to learn the prospect of getting Ritchie . . . . T. H. B[enton] has a great dislike to Ritchie & I expect will be greatly provoked, if he learns any such movement."^" This letter shows a desire to prevent opposition from the Calhoun faction, but it indicates, also, that there had been no preelection understanding. Had there been any such understanding Johnson would have been one of the first to learn of it. As soon as General Jackson heard of the scheme to supplant the Globe he took immediate steps to thwart it. Assuming that Polk knew nothing about the matter, Jackson warned him that an intrigue was being concocted in Washington which might divide the party and wreck his administration. Some, he said, wished to substitute the Madisonian for the Globe; others wanted to make Ritchie editor of the Globe. He urged Polk to discoun- tenance such maneuvers for the first would blow you sky high & destroy the Republican party— The second would be an insult to the Editor of the Globe & separate him from you, whose administration he is determined to support — Keep Blairs Globe the administration paper, and William B. Lewis, to ferret out & make known to you all the plotts & intrigues Hatching against your administration am] you are safe. ■<■- Brown to Polk, Dec. 5, 1844, ibid. 50 Johnson to Polk, Dee. 6, 12, 1844, ibid. 30-t JAMES K. POLE These men had been such a source of strength to Jackson himself that very naturally he desired his friend Polk to have the benefit of their services. But battling for Old Hickory was one thing, and loyal support of the man who had profited by the intngue against Van Buren was quite another. Polk well knew that both men had always been ready to throw obstacles in his way, and he had no reason to believe that their feeling toward him had undergone any change. Jackson may have been wrong in his belief that Blair and Lewis would labor for the glory of Polk's administration, but another part of his letter showed that he understood Ritchie's weaknesses better than did those who were so anxious to bring him to Washington. "Ritchie is a good Editor," he told Polk, "but a very unsafe one — He goes off at half bent, & does great injury before he can be set right. "^^ Before many months had elapsed, Polk realized fully the accuracy of the General's state- ment. On the following day, Jackson informed Blair of the scheme to merge the Spectator and the Madisonian into a Polk organ. He attributed this scheme to Calhoun. Believing that his word was still law, he told Blair that " I am sure polk when he hears of it will feel as indignant at the plott as I do."^* In Washington the "plott" had already been discovered, and Cave Johnson (on account of his known intimacy with Polk) feared to go to Rich- mond for the purpose of negotiating with Ritchie. The pre- mature discovery greatly annoyed Johnson, and he complained that "even old J. Q. A [dams] asked when we were going to Richmond. ' '^^ Brown, who facetiously called himself ' ' the Presi- dent elect ad interim," was somewhat disconcerted by Johnson's timidity. He even suspected that his colleague did not desire to 57 Jackson to Polk, Dec. ]3, 1844, ibid. 58 Jackson to Blair, Dec. 14, 1844, Jaclson Papers. 50 Johnson to Polk, Dec. 14, 1844, Poll Papers. PEESIDENT-ELECT 305 get rid of Blair."" General Bayly, of the Virginia delegation, and a personal friend of Ritchie, now undertook to negotiate by letter with the veteran editor of the Enquirer. ' ' If my road is blocked there," said Brown, "I shall then go for sinking Blair & Rives into Proprietors only & putting the political controul (absolute) into the hands of a new Editor & that man Burke would not be a bad one." Brown believed that Blair would not oppose the change "if he sees that Benton means to be antagonistic to your administration as many of his Western friends think likely enough. He shews no mitigation of his opposition & nothing but instructions plain & powerful can subdue him. ' "'^ Here again is a statement of the main reason for wanting a new party organ — not pledges to Tyler or to Calhoun, but distrust of Blair and a fear that he would be controlled by Benton, who was considered to be an enemy of the incoming administration. Another indi- cation that Polk had made no bargain with the Tylerites is the sentiment voiced in a letter written by J. B. Jones, editor of the Madisonian. The plan contemplated was, in his opinion, the only sensible one, for he believed that discord would surely result from the employment of any of the Washington editors. "When," said he, "Col. Polk shall convince all parties that he is in his own hands — that he will be the President, and not a partisan of any aspirant, there will be no door left open for the ingress of factious schemes."*'" GO " He feared some newspaper squibs at him & 7 feared he was rather indifferent about any matter that was against the Globe Benton & Co but perhaps I was wrong. ' ' 61 Brown to Polk, Dec. 23, 1844, Folk Papers. 62 Party factions can not "object to the [new] paper because its con- ductor entertains no special partiality for any one of the aspirants to the succession. But if I were to conduct the paper it would be said that Mr. Polk had thrown himself into the hands of the Tyler men — if the editor of the Globe, into the hands of Col. Benton— and if the Constitution [successor to the Spectator], into the hands of Mr. Calhoun" (Jones to , Dec. 23, 1844). Apparently this was written to J. Geo. Harris, for it was inclosed in his letter to Polk, Jan. 4, 1845, Polk Papers. 306 JAMES E. POLK At first Eitchie did not take kindly to the plan which had been arranged for him, and, in a letter to Bayly, he declined the invita- tion. He was not able, he said, to purchase the Globe, and rival Democratic papers would do the party more harm than good.**^ After reading Ritchie's letter, Brown concluded that "If Benton goes right on Texas & Calhoun is not in the Cabinet there would be no insuperable difficulty with the Globe — but you Avould find it hard to keep in order. ' '"* Edmund Burke was once more con- sidered, but his former affiliations with Calhoun were urged against his selection.''^ A few days of reflection seem to have convinced Brown that neither Benton nor Blair could be kept in order, for he presented for Polk's consideration an entirely new solution of the difficulty. He offered to purchase Blair's share of the Globe and to continue the paper under the firm name of Brown and Rives. Brown was to have exclusive control, and, witli Kendall's help, to edit the journal in the interest of the administration.*^*' His new scheme, like the others, came to naught, and no arrangement had been made when Polk reached Washington. Apparently the President-elect gave no encourage- ment to the editor of the Globe, for Smith Van Buren reported to his father that "Blair says — 'Where am I to go?' "®^ Polk's own opinions concerning a party journal were ex- pressed in very definite terms before he left Tennessee. In a letter to Cave Johnson, he said : As to the press which may be regarded as the Government organ, one thing is settled in my mind. It must have no connection with, nor be under the influence or control of any clique or portion of the party which is making war upon any other portion of the party — ^\\t\l a view to the succession and 03 His letter, dated Dec. 28, is printed in full in Ambler, Thomas EitcJiie, 247-249. 6-* Brown to Polk, Jan. 1, 1843 [1845], Polk Papers. «5 Cave Johnson to Polk, Jan. 2, 1844, ibid. 00 Brown to Polk, Jan. 5, 1845, ibid. He told Polk that if this plan did not work out he might consent to run for governor of Tennessee, although he would rather "rent a brick yard" than go through that campaign! 07 March 2, 1845, Van Buren Papers. PRESIDENT-ELECT 307 not with a view to the success of my administration. I think the view you take of it proper and of the proposed arrangement the best that can be made. I hope it may be effected.^s Apparently Polk felt that he was regarded as a sort of charge d' affaires who was to keep things running while the great men contended for the prize. He had no intention of playing such a role, and his determination to make the administration his own and to have a paper which would promote its interests was both characteristic of the man and an exhibition of sound sense.**^ Even von Hoist, who has found little in Polk's career to com- mend, obsolves him from the charge of subserviency to factional leaders. He says^ Obedience to party commands, was certainly one of the principal articles of his political creed. But if politicians had expected that they were now going to have the mastery, because he was willing to play the part of a manikin, they were greatly mistaken in the man.'^o As to patronage in general the President-elect maintained a discreet silence. There was much speculation concerning future rewards and punishments, but all had to wait until the new President had canvassed the situation and was ready to act. Although General Jackson made no exception to his rule of at- tempting to provide for his friends, he did not find Polk as accommodating as Van Buren had been. His solicitation for the welfare of Blair and Lewis has already been noted, and Polk had scarcely been elected before Jackson consulted Amos Kendall in order to ascertain the position which would be most acceptable to the star member of his "kitchen cabinet." Kendall selected the Spanish mission and his wishes were forthwith reported to 68 Polk to Johnson, Dee. 21, 1844, "Polk-Johnson Letters." The "proposed arrangement" evidently refers to the attempt to procure Ritchie. 69 A rumor that Laughlin was going to Washington to edit the Madi- sonian caused General Jackson much needless worry. He warned Polk to keep clear of Tyler influence, for, if he did not, he would be in as bad a position as Tyler himself (Jackson to Polk, Feb. 28, 1845, Folic Papers). 70 von Hoist, History of the United States, III, 21-22. 308 JAMES K. FOLK the President-elect. Jackson assured Polk that "there can be no delicacy in recalling Erwin [Washington Irving] — he is only fit to write a Book & scarcely that, and has become a good Whigg.""^ Congress had already consented to annex Texas before Polk became President of the United States. Nevertheless, since one of the principal planks in the platform on which he had been elected related to this subject, and since he had been an indirect, if not a direct, participant in this important transaction, it is necessary to give a brief outline of the progress of events during the period between the rejection of Tyler's treaty and the passage of the joint resolution of annexation. Tyler's annexation treaty was rejected by the Senate on June 8, 1844. Calhoun, we are told,^- disheartened by this action, was ready to abandon all further attempts at annexation. His dejection was so great that Tyler thought of requesting his resig- nation, but he soon recovered his spirits and his old-time vigor. Since the treaty method had failed, nothing could be done with- out the cooperation of Congress. During the summer, a rumor to the effect that Tyler was about to convene Congress in extra session caused the Democratic candidate no little anxiety, and he appealed to Jackson as the only man who could dissuade the President from committing such a political error. A month later Jackson assured him that Congress would not be convened, al- though it is not clear whether Jackson was instrumental in pre- venting such a course." At any rate no call for an extra session was issued, and no further action could be undertaken until winter; but the death of T. A. Howard, the American charge in Texas, gave Tyler an opportunity to strengthen his position by assigning A. J. Donelson to the vacant post. When notifying 71 Kendall to Jackson, Dec. 2; Jackson to Polk, Dee. 13, 1844, Folic Fapers. 72 Tyler, Letters and Times of the Tylers, II, 331. 73 Polk to Donelson, Aug. 27, 1844, "Polk-Donelson Letters." Jackson to Polk, Sept. 26, 1844, Folk Papers. PEESIDENT-ELECT 309 Jackson of Donelson's appointment the President expressed the belief that the selection of " a member of your family .... will have a controuling influence with Gen^ Houstin and incline him .... to pause ere he declares against annexation." He declared his determination to proceed with his Texas program, and to protect' that country from the threatened aggressions of Mexico. Jackson informed Polk of the President's plans and remarked that ' ' This is the true energetic course. ' '^* On December 3, 1844, Tyler submitted to Congress his last annual message. In it he called attention to the threatening Mexican manifestoes that had resulted from the treaty which the United States had negotiated with Texas. Mexico, he said, had no cause for complaint ; on the contrary, the measure ' ' should have been regarded by her as highly beneficial." The treaty, said he, had been rejected by the American Senate on the ground that the question had not been submitted to the people, but popular approval had since been expressed at the recent election. Such being the case, he urged Congress to annex Texas by joint resolution.'^^ He followed this up with another message on Decem- ber 18, and along with it submitted a collection of correspond- ence. He called attention to the abusive character of this cor- respondence and to the barbarous measures which were threatened by Mexico. Especially did he resent Mexico's criticism of south- ern states, and he declared with emphasis that annexation was not a sectional question.''' His statement that "the subject of annexation addresses itself, most fortunately, to every portion of the Union" was, to say the least, an exaggeration ; still, since the election had been decided, there were many indications of a change in public opinion, and the question was becoming more national every day. Could the subject, when it was presented originally, have been divested of its factional and its sectional 74 Tyler to Jackson, Sept. 17, 1844, Jaclcson Papers. Jackson to Polk, Sept. 26, 1844, Polk Papers. 75 Eichardson, Messages, IV, 341-345. 76 ihid., 353-356. 310 JAMES K. POLK concomitants, doubtless there would have been little opposition to annexation. Now that the election was over, those who had really wished to see Texas admitted into the Union no longer had the same incentive to oppose annexation for mere factional rea- sons. They might still cavil over ways and means, yet the pros- pect of eventual compromise was perceptibly brightening."' There was no certainty, however, that the friends of Texas would be able to effect annexation during the present session, for those who had been defeated at Baltimore still harbored a bitter re- sentment. Late in December, Calhoun believed that the House would take favorable action, but that annexation would be de- feated in the Senate. "The real opposition is from the Benton V. Buren party" who would join with the Whigs against Texas; still he was not without hope that "publick opinion will force them to give up their opposition. Its effects are already ap- parent."'® It M^as at this time that Calhoun was ready to make the "sacrifice" of accepting a place in Polk's cabinet, if the probable course of the administration should appear to be satis- factory. While Calhoun denounced Benton and Van Buren for their obstructive tactics, others believed that the South Carolinian himself had sounded the knell of the Texas treaty. A long article on "Abolitionists" which appeared in the January number of the Democratic Review held him responsible, in the main, for the widespread hostility to annexation. Although himself in favor of annexation, the writer flayed Calhoun for the position he had assumed regarding the slavery side of the question. In the writer's opinion, the fanatical demands of the Abolitionists and the "gag rule" of Congress were equally to be deplored ; but the climax of absurdity had been reached when Calhoun, in his letters to Pakenham and King, had represented the United States as ■7' See press comments, Smith, Annexation of Texas, 323 flf. 78 Calhoun to Clemson, Dee. 27; same to Hunter, Dec. 29, 1844, Eep. Am. Hist. Assn., 1899, II, 634-636. PEESIDENT-ELECT 311 desiring Texas in order to protect slavery. In his effort to nation- alize slavery, he had also nationalized abolition. Other critics of Calhonn expressed similar sentiments. Since the opposition had been aimed, for the most part, at the negotiators of the treaty and their methods, acquiescence in annexation was made easier when it became practically certain that Calhoun as well as Tyler would soon depart from the scene of action. Soon after Congress had convened in December various plans of annexation were offered in each house, some to admit Texas as a state, others to acquire it as a territory. In the House, after several projects had met with serious objections, Milton Brown, one of Polk's Whig antagonists from Tennessee, offered a reso- lution which, after certain alterations, was eventually adopted by the House. Brown's resolution provided that the territory right- fully belonging to Texas should be admitted as a state. The federal government was to undertake the adjustment of the boun- daries of the new state, but was not to assume her debt or take over her public lands. Slavery was prohibted in all territory north of 36° 30' ; south of that line the people were to decide the question for themselves. In the early days of the session, McDuffie once more presented the joint resolution of annexation which had failed to pass in the spring. It voiced the sentiments of the Tyler administration and was, in substance, a restatement of the rejected treaty. As such, it was unacceptable to the Senator from Missouri, and Cave Johnson reported to Polk that "the great battle between Mr. T. H. B. [enton] & Mr. C. [alhoun] has commenced." Appar- ently the main reason for presenting the resolution in this par- ticular form was the desire to embarrass the Van Burenites by compelling them either to accept a measure which they had de- nounced or to incur the odium of opposing annexation after they had endorsed the Baltimore platform. Such, at least, was the opinion of Cave Johnson: 312 JAMES K. FOLK The friends of T. H. B. Silas Wright, who took general ground before the people for annexation but against the Treaty are to be forced to take that Treaty or appear before the people as hostile to Texas. Mr. C. thinks that he has got the advantage of T. H. B. on this issue & intends to drive him home upon it. The N. Y. democrats will go en-mass ag't the treaty & I have no idea, that the friends of C will take any thing but the Treaty.'!* On the day following the appearance of McDuffie 's resolution, Benton met the issue by reintroducing his own bill which had failed at the close of the last session, with a modification for making the territory half slave and half free. Since this bill could not by any possibility get but a few votes, Johnson consid- ered Benton 's conduct to be " outrageous. ' ' He asked the Senator to cooperate in offering a joint resolution which would assert the determination of the United States to defend Texas against all assaults, leaving the question of annexation to Polk's adminis- tration. Benton declined to accept this resolution, and continued to rage against his opponents.^" Late in December Johnson thought that the hostility between the two factions was increas- ing; each feared that the other would influence the incoming President.^^ Benton blustered, of course, for, under the circum- stances, he could hardly do otherwise. Since the election, how- ever, he must have known that he was championing an unpopular cause. There was also a future ahead, and his course had alien- ated a large majority of his party — even many of his lifelong friends. In addition, the legislature of Missouri had, by reso- lution, requested members of Congress from that state to support annexation.^- This made it clear that his conduct did not meet with approval at home ; on the other hand, such a request made it easier for him to modify his attitude on the subject. About the same time a letter from Donelson told him "that his course is injuring his friends and his country, and that I hoped he would TO Johnson to Polk, Dec. 12, 1844, Folk Fapers. 80 Idem, and Johnson to Polk, Dee. 14, Folk Papers. 81 Johnson to Polk, Dec. 26, 1844, Folk Papers. 82 Meigs, Life of Thomas Hart Benton, 351. PBESIDENT-ELECT 313 be willing to modify his position. ' '^^ No doubt all of these mani- festations of displeasure had their influence in determining Ben- ton to retreat, provided he could do so in good order. His avenue of escape was by way of a new bill, and this he introduced on February 5, 1845. No mention was made in the new measure of obtaining the consent of Mexico. It provided for the admission of a state of suitable size and boundaries, said state to be formed out of the territory of the republic ; the remainder of Texas was to be a territory of the United States. The measure was to become effective as soon as an agreement had been reached by the governments of the two nations concerned. His plan would delay, but not necessarily defeat, annexation, although defeat is evidently what its author desired. His bill and the House reso- lution seemed hopelessly irreconcilable until R. J. Walker, a few days later, offered as an amendment a combination of the two methods, and Haywood proposed to leave the choice between them to the President of the United States. To this modification Walker readily agreed.^* Calhoun, according to a statement made later, believed that Benton's bill would have defeated an- nexation, and he was scarcely less opposed to the combination measure.^^ He used his "best efforts" to defeat both, but was unsuccessful in the second instance. Many counseled delay, but at the evening session of February 27, 1845, the Senate was ready to vote on Walker's combination amendment. Before the vote had been taken, however. Archer, of the Committee on Foreign Relations, offered a substitute bill. This proposed a transfer of the territory of Texas, with the assent of the people thereof, to the United States. The vote on the substitute resulted in a tie, and it looked for a time as if annexation were doomed. Never- theless, relief was already at hand. When the vote on the Walker 83 Donelson to Calhoun, New Orleans, Dec. 26, 1844, Sep. Am. Hist. Assn., 1899, II, 1012. 8* Smith, A7inexation of Texas, 343. Smith gives an exhaustive account of the various proposals offered in each house (idem, chap. xvi). 85 Calhoun to Donelson, May 23, 1845, Bep. Am. Hist. Assn., 1899, II, 658. 3U JAMES E. POLK amendment was taken in Committee of the Whole, Johnson, a Whig from Louisiana who had voted for the Archer bill, now swung to the Democrats and made the vote twenty-seven to twenty-five. According to Judge Catron, Johnson had difficulty in supporting the joint resolution on constitutional grounds, but, after consulting Catron, finally agreed to do so.**^ As soon as the committee had reported the measure to the Senate, Miller, of New Jersey, offered Benton's original bill as a substitute. Benton said from his seat that he would vote against this substi- tute, and when asked if he would destroy his own child, he re- plied, "I'll kill it stone dead." -The substitute failed, and Walker's amendment passed the Senate by a vote of twenty- seven to twenty-five, Johnson again aligning himself with the Democrats.^'^ The amended resolution was transmitted to the House for approval, and although it met with strenuous opposi- tion there was never any doubt of its passage. This measure was given precedence over other matters ; the Speaker, by his rulings, prevented filibustering; and, in Committee of the Whole, the debate was limited to five minutes. Milton Brown, the author of the House resolution, tried to "kill his own child," but the measure as amended by Walker passed by a vote of one hundred thirty-two to seventy-six.^^ The President-elect had been in Washington since February 13, but whether and to what extent his influence was effective at this time is very difficult to determine. Before Polk had left Tennessee, Cave Johnson assured Calhoun that the incoming President and his friends desired to have Texas annexed during 80 "The amendment offered by Mr. Senator Walker," continued Catron, "was rather sudden; it left the slave line at 36° 30' N. open. To this Gov. Johnson had most decided objections; it threw Mr. Senator Foster the other way, and endangered the measure." Johnson, said the judge, voted for the measure because he had confidence in Polk, and because he believed that 36" 30' would be definitely fixed as the northern boundary of slavery (Catron to Buchanan, March 15, 1845, Buchanan Papers). »~ Cong. Globe, 28 Cong., 2 sess., 362; Smith, Annexation of Texas, 344- 345. s^Cong. Globe (Feb. 28), 28 Cong., 2 sess., 372. PBESIDENT-ELECT 315 the present session, and Donelson informed Calhoun that both Jackson and himself hoped for immediate action by the existing Congress.*'* While at Coleman's hotel awaiting his inauguration the President-elect, according to his own account,®" freely ex- pressed the wish that annexation in some form might be effected before the adjournment of Congress. Should Congress fail to take definite action, he feared that Texas would be forever lost to the Union. He did not, he said, have time to examine the different measures proposed, but thought that any measure would be better than none. That he desired to have this vexed question settled before his inauguration, we may very well believe. In- deed, it was said that he offered rewards and threatened punish- ments for the purpose of influencing votes. Such charges rested on no tangible evidence and doubtless, for the most part, were unfounded, although it is quite probable that he may have let it be known that the disloyal need not look to him for favors. Always ready to ' ' play the game ' ' himself, he was a firm believer in party discipline. Later, a more serious charge was brought against Polk in this connection — a charge of base deception instead of party disci- pline. In a letter printed in the New York Evening Post, July 28, 1848, Senator Tappan, of Ohio, asserted that, in February, 1845, Polk had personally assured Senator Haywood that, should the joint resolution pass, he would choose the Benton alternative and negotiate under it. In a letter to Tappan, F. P. Blair averred that he, also, had discussed the matter with Polk, and that the President-elect had promised to choose the Benton plan of nego- tiating a treaty with Texas. It was charged, therefore, that at least five Senators had voted for the joint resolution because they had been deceived by Polk.®^ Polk denied all recollection of any 89 Johnson to Polk, Dee. 9, 1844, Folk Papers. Donelson to Calhoun, Dec. 26, 1844, Eep. Am. Hist. Assn., 1899, II, 1012. 90 Polk, Diary, TV, 41. 91 The essential parts of both letters may be found in Benton, Thirty Years' View, II, 636-637. 316 JAMES E. POLK conversation on the subject with either Blair or Haywood, and called attention to the fact that no complaint of violated pledges had been made at the time. In addition, he pointed out that in August, 1846, Blair had expressed to him a warm approval of the principal measures of his administration.'^^ The members of Polk's cabinet disclaimed all knowledge of such a pledge, and even the fine-meshed dragnet of Justin H. Smith has failed to find any evidence to substantiate the charges made by Tappan and Blair. On the contrary. Smith offers some valuable sug- gestions as to why it is highly improbable that the President elect made pledges to any one.^^ Polk had committed liimself to immediate annexation ; and even if he had been as unprincipled as his enemies alleged, it seems incredible that so crafty a poli- tician should have made so stupid a blunder. Besides, Polk was a man who seldom disclosed his intentions until he was ready to act, and, as Cave Johnson said in his letter, it was extremely unlikely that he would do so to Blair. It is significant, also, that, as soon as Texas had approved annexation, Polk wrote a letter to Haywood in which he commented on the wisdom of choosing the House resolution and expressed the belief that Texas would have been lost if the Benton alternative had been selected. ''It was not, ' ' wrote the President, ' ' until after I entered upon my duties that I had an opportunity — deliberately to consider the 02 Polk, Diary, II, 84. 93 Smith, Annexation of Texas, 347-350. In answer to Polk's request for a statement on the subject, Cave Johnson (Oct. 6, 1848) said that he conversed with the President-elect while the joint resolution was before Congress. Polk said that he hoped one of the alternatives would pass, but expressed no preference. After the measure bad passed, he expressed no preference until the cabinet had met. Walker (Oct. 6) said that when the measures were before Congress, Blair came to him and, after saying that the House resolution could not pass, asked him to vote for the Benton bill. Walker refused. Blair stated that Texa? would prefer Benton's bill. Walker then said that he would combine the two and let Texas take her choice. After consulting Benton, Blair said that they would support the combined resolution, if the choice were left to the President instead of Texas. Walker agreed, and so it passed. Polk expressed no prefer- ence — the cabinet was divided. Bancroft's letter of Oct. 13, Buchanan's of Nov. 9, Mason's of Nov. 12, and Marcy's of Nov. 20 all stated that Polk had not expressed any preference. All letters are in the Folic Papers. PEESIDENT-ELECT 317 two propositions — and select between them. I acted upon my own best judgment and the result has proved that I was right. "^* It is inconceivable that he could write thus to a man to whom he had given a pledge to select the Benton method of annexation. When the provision was added to the joint resolution which gave the choice of alternatives to the President, it was intended of course to give this selection to Polk. Nevertheless, it was sug- gested during the debate that Tyler and Calhoun might make the selection, but McDuffie, who was a close friend of both men, de- clared in the Senate that they would not have the "audacity" to do such a thing. When, therefore, the House passed the mea- sure on February 28, it was fully understood that the choice would rest with President Polk. But the resolution gave this choice to the "President of the United States," and for three days more that office was occupied by ' ' Captain" Tyler. Despite McDuffie 's assurances Tyler possessed the necessary audacity, for he immediately took steps both to make the selection and to carry it into effect. In 1848 he prepared a statement which gives his version of the transaction and explains his reasons for forestalling his successor. As soon as Tyler had approved the resolution, on March 1, Calhoun, the Secretary of State, remarked that the President now had the power to make his selection. Tyler replied that he had no doubt of his power, but that he had some doubt as to the propriety of exercising it. The danger of delay, urged Calhoun, was sufficient to overrule all feelings of delicacy re- garding Polk. Next day, at a cabinet meeting, all agreed that Tyler ought to select the House resolution and act at once. He decided to do so and requested Calhoun to call upon Polk, after the meeting, "and explain to him the reasons" for immediate action. Calhoun complied with the request, and reported that "Mr. Polk declined to express any opinion or to make any sug- gestion in reference to the subject." On the third instructions were dispatched to A. J. Donelson, whom Tyler had recently 9* Polk to Haywood, Aug. 9, 1845, Polk Papers. 318 JAMES K. POLE appointed to be charge d'affaires at the capital of Texas.^^ When Polk became President he still had the option of reversing Tyler 's action**" and recalling the messenger or of acquiescing in the choice made by his predecessor. Since he chose the latter alternative there was little delay in carrying out the mandate of the Balti- more platform. The progress of annexation under his adminis- tration will be considered in another chapter. o"' See statement, Tyler, Letters and Times of the Tylers, II, 364-365. At a later time Tyler was angered by Calhoun 's assertion in the Senate that he had selected the House resolution. "If he selected, then Texas is not legitimately a State of the Union, for Congress gave the power to the President to select, and not to the Secretary of State." He referred to Calhoun as "the great 'I am,' " and to Benton as "the most raving political maniac I ever knew" Tyler to Gardiner, March 11, 1847, ibid., 420). 96 There was a difference of opinion regarding this. Walker, and per- haps other members of the cabinet, believed that Polk had no power to reverse Tyler's action. See Polk, Diary, IV, 44. CHAPTER XV ADMINISTRATION AND PATRONAGE On March 4, 1845, an unusually large " concourse of people " congregated in Washington to witness the inauguration of Presi- dent Polk. The "arrangements were admirable"^ and, in true American fashion, men who had bitterly assailed each other in the press and on the platform now joined in doing honor to the new chief executive. Climatic conditions proved to be the only disturbing element. Rain began to descend in torrents as the procession wended its way to the capitol where, according to the picturesque description given by John Quincy Adams, the new executive delivered his inaugural address to " a large assemblage of umbrellas." "At night," said the same writer, "there were two balls: one at Carusi's Hall, at ten dollars a ticket, of all parties ; the other of pure Democrats, at five dollars a ticket, at the National Theatre. Mr. Polk attended both, but supped with the true-blue five-dollar Democracy. "- Not yet fifty years old, Polk enjoyed the distinction of reach- ing the highest executive office at an earlier age than any of his predecessor s — a fact which he did not fail to not e in his in- augural add ress. This address was in the main a reiteration of Jeffersonian principles and of his own oft-expressed opinions. Strong emphasis M-as laid on the value of the Un ion ; ' ' no treason to mankind since the organization of society would be equal in atrocitv to that of him who would lift his hand to destroy i1^." On the other hand, he frowned upon the "schemes and agita- tions" which aimed at the "destruction of domestic institutions iNiles' Reg., LXVIII, 1. 2 Adams, Memoirs, XII, 179. He added that "my family aud myself ■eived invitations to both, but attended neither." 320 JAMES K. POLK existing in other sections," and urged the necessit}^ of preserving the compromises of the Constitution. If the compromises of the Constitution be preserved, if sectional jeal- ousies and heart-burnings be discountenanced, if our laws be just and the Government be practically administered strictly within the limits of power prescribed to it, we may discard all apprehensions for the safety of the Union. Having thus expressed his disapproval of both abolition and disunion, he again declared himself to be in favor of a tariff for revenue, but not for "protection merely." He congratulated the country on the passage of the joint resolution to annex Texas, and he pronounced our title to Oregon to be "clear and unques- tionable." Experience, he said, had disproved the old belief that a federal system could not operate over a large area, and like a true expansionist expressed the opinion that as the system "shall be extended the bonds of our Union, so far from being weakened, will become stronger." The reference to Texas must have been inserted shortly be- fore the address was delivered, but certain letters written by A. V. Brown indicate that the first draft of the inaugural was written early in December and sent to Washington for criticism and approval by Polk's political friends. The Brown letters are too enigmatical to throw much light on the subject, but as Polk had many times before expressed practically all of the views contained in his address, there was no reason for believing that it was not substantially his own product.^ 3 On December 14, 1844, Brown wrote from "Washington to Polk: "I received yours of the 7th Inst, our friend called yesterday & informed me that he would be ready in a few days & I shall loose no time after examination to forward it to you. ' ' On December 23 he wrote: "You must not be impatient— Our friend has been sick a few days — has sent me for examination about half to be returned with my comments & then the whole to be finished & polish M— say all by the first January or sooner. So far it is a happy conception for instance in allusion to the Union. " 'If this be not enough, if that freedom of thought word and action given by his Creator to fallen man & left by human institutions as free as they were given, are not sufficient to lead hini into the paths of liberty i ADMINISTBATION AND PATRONAGE 321 Among the rejoicing Democrats none felt more sincere satis- faction in the defeat of Henry Clay or expressed a more ardent wish for the success of the new administration than did the ' ' old hero" at the Hermitage. In a letter written two days after the inauguration he told Polk that I have the pleasure to congratulate my country on your now being, really, president of the United States, and I put up my prayers to the great Jehova, that heniay conduct you thro' your administration with honor to yourself, and benefit to our Glorious Union. Success could be attained only by "continuing to take principle for your guide, and public good for your end, steering clear of the intrigues & machinations of political clickes."* If the Gen- eral had any misgivings regarding Polk's independence, they must have been removed by the receipt of a letter from Judge Catron — a letter written before his own had reached "Washington. ' ' Our friend, ' ' wrote the judge, ' ' is very prudent, and eminently firm, regardless of consequences. He came here to be — the & peace, whither shall he turn? Has the sword proved to be a safer and surer instrument of reform than enlightened reason"? Does he expect to find among the ruins of this Union a happier abode for our swarming millions, than they now have under its lofty arch & among its beautiful columns? No, my countrymen never, until like the blind Israelite in the Temple of the Philistines, we find ourselves in chains and dispair, shall we be justified in thrusting those pillars from their base; for whenever we do, we shall like him be crushed by their fall. ' "It will be surely ready in time & finished with a polish suitable to the occasion. I shall enclose it to you under an envelope to our friend J. H. Thomas but securely sealed so that he shall [not] be aware of its contents." (Compare the part quoted by Brown with Polk's inaugural. See Messages, IV, 376. Query: Was Brown quoting from Polk's original draft, or was this paragraph written in Washington and remodeled by Polk?) On December 26 Brown wrote: "In a few days now I shall hear from our friend K again & be ready to meet your wishes. The Major is here on yesterday we went up to see the President. He is acting very friendly but I shall encourage the idea of his remaining here but a short time or the letter writers will be speculating on the purpose of his visit &c." {Folk Papers). Probably "K" means John Kane, of Philadelphia, but the identity ot "our friend" and "the Major" is difficult to conjecture. Major Lewis was not a close friend of either Brown or Polk, and Major Donelson was then in New Orleans. 4 Jackson to Polk, March 6, 1845, Polk Papers. 322 JAMES K. POLK PRESIDENT — which at this date is as undisputed as that you was THE GENL at N. Orleans."^ On March 5 the new President submitted to the Senate his list of cabinet officials. James Buchanan, the Secretary of State, liad long been a leader in Peinisylvania politics and for many years a Senator from that state. His selection was a concession to that wing of the party which believed in a moderate protective tariff, and his subsequent opposition to the tariff of 1846 caused the President no little annoyance. He was a man of more than average ability, but he possessed certain traits which made him the source of constant irritation to the President. With a timid- ity which caused him to quail before responsibility he combined an obstinacy and a petulance which manifested themselves in obstructive tactics and petty insolence. After four years of inti- mate association Polk concluded that "Mr. Buchanan is an able man, but is in small matters without judgment and sometimes acts like an old maid. ' '^ He was the only member of th6 cabinet whom the President found it necessary to discipline, and he was the only one whom Polk believed that he could not fully trust. Robert J. Walker, the Secretary of the Treasury, was a man of ability and industry. He was cordially hated by the Whigs and was disliked and distrusted by many Democrats. Originally se- lected for the office of Attorney General, he was called to the Treasury Department in order to placate the Cass-Dallas element of the party. He was the only member to whom General Jackson offered objections," but Polk had full confidence in both his in- tegrity and his ability. As Secretary of War, William L. Marcy 5 Catron to Jackson, March [1845], Jaclson Papers. Polk, Diary, IV, 355. 7 "/ say to you, in the most confidential manner, that I regret that vou put Mr. R. J. Walker over the Treasury. He has talents, I believe honest, but surrounded by so many broken speculators, and being greatly himself incumbered with debt, that any of the other Departments would have been better, & I fear, you will find my forebodings turn out too true, and added to this, under the rose, he is looking to the vice presidency" (Jackson to Polk, May 2, 1845, Polk Papers). ADMINISTRATION AND PATRONAGE 323 displayed both ability and tact. He was a leader of that wing of the party in New York which opposed Van Buren, and his appointment greatly imbittered the friends of the ex-President ; otherwise his appointment added strength to the administration. George Bancroft, the Secretary of the Navy, had had little ex- perience in practical affairs. His appointment seems to have been a makeshift, and he was soon given a diplomatic position, for which he had originally expressed a preference. His most not- able achievement as a cabinet officer was his success in procuring the establishment of the naval academy at Annapolis. John Y. Mason, a college mate of the President, was made Attorney Gen- eral. He had served as Secretary of the Navy in Tyler's cabinet and was again put in charge of that department when Bancroft was made minister to England. Cave Johnson, the Postmaster General, had for many years been Polk's closest political friend. Although he was not considered to be a brilliant statesman, his good judgment and methodical habits well fitted him for the office assigned to him. He was a democrat par excellence, and when a member of Congress he was best known as an enemy of extravagant appropriations. His friends gave him the sobriquet of "watch-dog of the Treasury"; some called him the "scourge of private claimants," and Adams once referred to him as the "retrenchment monsoon."^ The appointment of an entirely new^ cabinet caused general surprise and considerable press comment. None except his inti- mate friends realized that Polk was a man of unusual determi- nation, and that he was resolved to be President in fact as well as in name. The belief that he would be a mere figurehead — a pliable instrument in the hands of able politicians — had become 8 Adams, Memoirs, XI, 223. 9 Mason, of course, had been a member of Tyler's cabinet, but not in the position assigned to him by Polk. "An entire new Cabinet, at the accession of a new President without a reverse of politics, is a novelty under the present constitution. Rumors of it have been in circulation for some weeks, which I did not believe" {ihid., XII, 180). 324 JAMES K. FOLK SO firmly fixed in. the public mind that the most convincing evi- dence to the contrary had little weight. Although it is now well known that Polk dominated his cabinet to a greater degree than most chief executives, so keen an observer as Gideon Welles could at the time write : In none of his [Polk's] Cabinet, 1 am sorry to say, have I any confi- dence. Yet this cabinet appears to me to have more influence and higher authority than any other I have ever known. The Cabinet is a sort of council of appointments, and the President is chairman of this council, instead of being President of the United States. It is, as I wrote our friend Niles, a sort of joint Stock Company in which the President is, by no means the principal partner. Yet several of them have been at particular pains to tell me that the President has his own way — does as he has a mind to — makes his own appointments ^c. There is not, however, a man in the cabinet, except Johnson, who does not believe himself the superior of the President in abilities & qualifications as a statesman. lo Writing in 1860, Claiborne says that Polk's cabinet was "one of the ablest ever assembled around any executive," but that the President himself "can only be regarded as a man of medioc- rity."" Both statements are exaggerations. Although each member of the cabinet performed well the duties of his office, none except Buchanan, Walker, and Marcy can be included among statesmen of the first rank. On the other hand, an ex- ecutive who could formulate important and far-reaching policies, and successfully carry them out despite strenuous opposition, could not have been "a man of mediocrity." To say that the President ranked below the members of his cabinet is only to add praise to his executive ability, for, as a recent writer has well said : "In the Cabinet Council Polk was the unmistakable guide and master."^- Welles had been correctly informed. Undoubt- edly the President had ' ' his own way. ' ' 10 Welles to Van Buren, April 29, 1845, Van Buren Papers. The italics are mine. 11 Claiborne, Life and Correspondence of John A. Quitman, I, 229-231. 12 Learned, Some Aspects of the Cabinet Meeting, 128. ADMINISTRATION AND PAT EON AGE 325 Polk's control over his cabinet was not the result of accident or of incidental circumstances, for, with his usual forethought, he had planned to be " guide and master. ' ' Before leaving his home in Tennessee he prepared the draft of a letter a revised copy of which was sent to each prospective member of his cabinet. After calling attention to the "principles and policy" which he expected to carry out it was made very clear that he desired only such advisers as would "cordially co-operate" in effecting his purposes. Each member would be expected to give his time and ability in promoting the success of the present administration; whenever he should feel that he could no longer do so, he would be expected to retire. Should these restrictions prove acceptable, the person addressed was invited to become a member of the cabinet. The following is a copy of this interesting document : Sir: The principles and policy which will be observed and maintained dur- ing my administration, are embodied in the Resolutions adopted by the Democratic National Convention of Delegates, assembled at Baltimore in May last, and in my Inaugural address this day delivered to my Fellow Citizens. — In making up my Cabinet I desire to select gentlemen who agree with me in opinion, and who will cordially co-operate with me in carrying out these principles and policy. In my official action I will myself take no part, — between gentlemen of the Democratic party, who may become aspirants or candidates — to succeed me in the Presidential office, and shall desire that no member of my Cabinet shall do so. Individual preferences it is not expected or desired to limit or restrain. — It is official interference by the dispensation of public patronage or otherwise that I desire to guard against. — Should any member of my Cabinet become a candidate or an aspirant to the Presidency or Vice Presidency, of the United States, — it will be expected up^the happening of such an event, that he will retire from the Cabinet. — I disapprove the practice which has sometimes prevailed of Cabinet officers absenting themselves for long periods of time from the seat of Government, and leaving the management of their Departments to Chief Clerks — or less responsible persons. — I expect myself to remain constantly at Washington — unless it may be an occasional necessary absence, — and then for a short time,— It is by conforming to this rule,— that the President and his Cabinet can have any assurances that abuses will be 326 JAMES E. POLE prevented — and that tlie subordinate executive oflficers connected with them respectively, — will faithfully perform their duty. — If Sir: you concur with me in these opinions and views, I shall be pleased to have your assistance as a member of my Cabinet; and now tender you the office of and invite you to take charge of the Department. — I shall be pleased to receive your answer at your earliest convenience. I am with great respect Your Ob't S'v't.i3 To every item of the program outlined in this letter the Presi- dent rigidly adhered. He had "his own way" despite the in- credulity of Gideon "Welles. Catron !s above-quoted remark, and not the opinion expressed by Welles, is a true statement of Polk 's position as chief executive. Even Welles at a later date, although he continued to underrate the President's ability, was forced to admit that "he had courage and determination and shrank from no labor or responsibility. ' '^* Claiborne has called Polk a ' ' polit- ical martinet" :^^ he was likewise something of an executive mar- tinet, but no member of his cabinet except Buchanan seems to have questioned his right to dictate the administrative policy of the government. Quite frequently the Secretary of State tried to substitute his own policies for those of the President, but in- variably he was forced to submit to the will of his superior. On several occasions Polk was on the point of dismissing him from the cabinet for violating his pledge to put aside Presidential aspirations. On questions of importance the President sought freely the advice of his cabinet, members of Congress and private individ- uals ; very often the advice given led to modifications in matters of detail, but, except in very rare instances, the main essentials of his policies were carried into effect as originally planned by 13 On the back is written: "Kough Draft of Letter. To be revised >/r\ corrected. Jan. 15, 184.5" (Polk Papers). The revised copy which was "sent to Buchanan is printed in his Works, VI, 110. 1-4 MS "Eeview of Pol. Hist, of U. S. etc.," Welles Papers. 15 Claiborne, op. cit., 228. ADMINISTRATION AND PATEONAGE 327 himself. His habit of considering carefully the problems in- volved before they were presented for discussion left little of importance for his advisers to suggest. He felt keenly the indi- vidual responsibility of his office ; it followed, therefore, that his own, and not the opinions of others, should dictate the policies to be pursued. The President jdelded his convictions neither easily nor for petty reasons. Politics influenced him. But he seldom forgot principles even though he had to sacrifice the friendship and influence of men as powerful as Senator Benton of Missouri and to some extent the assistance of Buchanan. le Polk was not indulging in idle flourish when he told pros- pective cabinet members that he would "remain constantly at Washington, ' ' for during his entire term he was absent from the capital not more than six weeks.^^ Being a strict Sabbatarian he abstained from Sunday labor except in cases of absolute necessity. The other six days of each week were devoted to unremitting toil, and frequently his labors extended far into the night. Near the middle of his official term he noted in his diary : It is two years ago this day since I left my residence at Columbia, Tennessee, to enter on my duties as President of the U. S. Since that time I have performed great labour and incurred vast responsibilities. In truth, though I occupy a very high position, I am the hardest working man in this country. A few weeks later he wrote : This afternoon I took a ride on horseback. It is the first time I have mounted a horse for over six months. I have an excellent saddle-horse, and have been much in the habit of taking exercise on horseback all my life, but have been so incessantly engaged in the onerous and responsible duties of my office for many months past that I have had no time to take such exercise.18 it> Learned, op. cit., 124. 1- Ihid., 120. 18 Polk, Diary, II, 360, 456. A year and a half later his story is the same: "Since my return early in July, 1847, from my Northern tour, I have not been more than two or three miles from my office, and during the whole period (13 months) my labours, responsibilities, and anxieties have been very great" {ihid., IV, 85-86). 328 JAMES E. POLK The office of President is never a sinecure, yet why, it may be asked, did Polk find it necessary to expend his energies more lavishly than other chief executives. The answer is that he felt under obligation to make himself familiar with all branches of executive government. He alone must bear the responsibility for efficient administration, consequently he alone must direct the affairs of the various departments. Supervision on so vast a scale meant a sacrifice of time and energy, but he had the satis- faction of believing that he had not sacrificed them in vain. "We are not left in doubt regarding his feeling of self-reliance, for on September 23, 1848, he observed: I have not had my full Cabinet together in council since the adjourn- ment of Congress on the 14th of August last. I have conducted the Government without their aid. Indeed, I have become so familiar with the duties and workings of the Government, not only upon general prin- ciples, but in most of its intimate details, that I find but little difficulty in doing this. I have made myself acquainted with the duties of the subordinate officers, and have probably given more attention to details than any of my predecessors. It is only occasi[on]ally that a great measure or a new question arises, upon which I desire the aid and advice of my Cabinet. At each meeting of the Cabinet I learn from each member what is being done in his particular Department, and especially if any question of doubt or difficulty has arisen. I have never called for any written opinions from my Cabinet, preferring to take their opinions, after discussion, in Cabinet & in the presence of each other. In this way harmony of opinion is more likely to exist.io Still another passage from his diary may be cited as indicative of his industry and of solicitude lest some duty might go unper- formed : No President who performs his duty faithfully and conscientiously can have any leisure. If he entrusts the details and small matters to subordi- nates constant errors will occur. I prefer to supervise the whole operations of the Government myself rather than entrust the public business to subordinates and this makes my duties very great.20 Although the excerpts just quoted were written during the last year of his administration, Polk's painstaking supervision 10 Polk, Diary, IV, 130-131. 20 Ibid., 261. ADMINISTEATION AND PATRONAGE 329 of the ''whole operations" of the government began as soon as he had entered upon the duties of his office. His searching ex- amination of all documents presented for his signature and his ability to detect errors caused considerable newspaper comment.-^ His thorough knowledge of affairs enabled him to win a wager from the astute Buchanan in an argument concerning proper diplomatic usage. " The introduction of systematic methods in the handling of department affairs added greatly to the efficiency of the adminis- tration. On questions of policy Polk preferred oral discussions to written opinions from his cabinet, but each member was re- quired to report regularly on all matters relating to his depart- ment. In a circular dated April 11, 1845, he asked the head of each department to furnish him with a monthly report concern- ing the work of the various bureaus and clerks under his juris- diction. The tendency of bureau chiefs to favor large expendi- tures made it necessary for each cabinet officer to ' ' give vigilant attention" to all estimates, and to pare them down whenever possible.'^ Such reports, supplemented by discussions at regular meetings of the cabinet, enabled the President to understand thoroughly the operations of all departments. As a rule the cabinet met regularly on Tuesdays and Satur- days of each week, and there were frequent special meetings on other days. Frequency of meeting afforded ample opportunity for the consideration of administrative policies. Apparently the President never attempted to interfere with a free expression of opinions, yet by adroitly directing the discussions he was able to 21 For example: "The President is devoted to his official tasks. He signs nothing without the strictest examination, and has frequently, to the confusion of clerks, detected serious errors in the jiapers sent for his signature" (New York Evening Post, May 3, 1845; quoted by the Wash- ington Union, May 8). 22 Polk, Diary, III, 97-99. The bet was made in a jesting mood and the President declined to accept his basket of champagne. "I record this incident," said he, "for the purpose of showing how necessary it is for me to give my vigilant attention even to the forms & details of my [sub- ordinates'] duties." 23 Polk, Diary, I, 48, and passim. 330 JAMES K. FOLK "have his own way" Avithout causing offense. That his method of dealing with his cabinet resulted in both harmony and unity of purpose is corroborated by the testimony of Buchanan, the most discordant member. "However various our views might have been and often were upon any particular subject when entering the cabinet council," he wrote, in advising Pierce to follow Polk's example, "after mutual consultation and free dis- cussion we never failed to agree at last, except on a few questions, and on these the world never knew that "\ve had differed. ' ' More surprising, perhaps, is his praise of the President for having personally directed diplomatic relations. "Mr. Polk," said he, ' ' was a wdse man, and after deliberation he had determined that all important questions with foreign nations should be settled in Washington, under his own immediate supervision."-* Another proof of the President's ability to gain and to retain the good will of his cabinet is contained in a letter written by Bancroft in 1887 after he had made an exhaustive examination of the Polk Papers: His character shines out in them just as the man he was, prudent, far- sighted, bold, excelling any democrat of his day in undeviatingly correct exposition of democratic principles; and, in short, as I think, judging of him as I knew him, and judging of him by the results of his administration, one of the very foremost of our public men and one of the very best and most honest and most successful Presidents the country ever had.^s In a letter written during the following year Bancroft again sounded the praises of his former chief and gave the reasons for the success of his administration : His administration, viewed from the standpoint of results, was perhaps the greatest in our national history, certainly one of the greatest. He succeeded because he insisted on being its centre, and in overruling and guiding all his secretaries to act so as to produce unity and harmony. Those who study his administration will acknowledge how sincere and successful were his efforts, as did those who were contemporary with him.26 2* Curtis, Life of James Buchanan, II, 72, 76. 25 Bancroft to J. Geo. Harris, Aug. 30, 1887 (HoAve, Life and Letters of George Baiwroft, I, 294). 26 Bancroft to J. G. Wilson, March 8, 1888 (Wilson, The Presidents of the United States, 230). ADMINISTRATION AND PATRONAGE 331 "With a deep sense of personal integrity and a desire to avoid everything which might impair his ahsokite independence, Polk declined to accept presents of more than nominal value. Shortly after his inauguration Thomas Lloyd sent him a valuable saddle- horse, but he promptly gave orders that it should be returned to the donor. Another admirer who sent a consignment of wine and other delicacies for the President's table was instructed to send a bill or to take the articles away. It soon became known that he would accept nothing of greater value than a book or a cane. The same rule applied to presents for Mrs. Polk.-" The same scrupulous regard for propriety is shown in his refusal to invest in government securities a certain sum of money belong- ing to his nephew and ward, Marshall T. Polk.-^ His public policies were denounced in unmeasured terms, and his political honesty was frequently impugned, but even his enemies credited him with personal integrity and purity of character. His own personal affairs were characterized by simplicity and frugality. This fact has already been noted in the care with which he guarded against exorbitant charges at the time of his inaugu- ration.-^ On the other hand, his generosity is shown by loans and gifts to friends whenever he believed the recipients to be deserving.^° The improvident beggar was unceremoniously dis- missed, for Polk had no sympathy for the man who believes that the world owes him a living. One of the first purely political questions which required the new President's attention was the establishment of a newspaper which would serve as the "organ" of the administration. We 27 Letters among Polk Papers; also. Nelson, Memorials of Sarah Chil- dress Polk, 89. 28 Polk, Diary, III, 15-17. 29 See above, p. 293, note 28. He was, according to a remark in the Diary, his "own harbour" (Diary, III, 9). 30 For example, when the news came that Colonel Yell had fallen in the battle of Buena Vista the President wrote: "His eldest son, and perhaps his only son, is now at College at Georgetown, and as my impression is that Col. Yell died poor, I Avill in that event educate the boy, and shall take great interest in him" (Diary, II, 451-452). 332 JAMES K. FOLK have seen that the subject had already been discussed, but noth- ing definite had been accomplished when Polk entered upon the duties of his office. The refusal of Ritchie to leave Richmond determined the President to procure, if possible, the services of Donelson, for in no case would he consent to make Blair the administration editor. On March 17 he told Jackson in a "con- fidential" letter that There is at present no paper here which sustains my administration for its own sake. The Globe it is manifest does not look to the success or the glory of my administration so much as it does to the interests and views of certain prominent men of the party who are looking to succeed me in 1848. The arrangement which above all others I prefer would be that, the owners of the Globe would agree to place it in the hands of a new Editor, — still retaining the proprietorship of the paper if they choose. You may rely upon it, that without such an arrangement, the Democratic party who elected me cannot be kept united three months. If Maj^ Donelson would take charge of the Editorial Department — all the sections of the party would be at once reunited and satisfied. Donelson and Ritchie, he said, were the only ones whom he would permit to edit his government organ.^^ Within the next two weeks the President "had full and free conversation with Mr. Blair and in good feeling frankly told him, that it was impossible for the whole party ever to be united in support of the administration whilst the Globe was regarded as the official organ," and that he must have a new paper. In sending this information to Donelson on March 28 Polk said that within the last forty-eight hours the whole matter had "been bi-ought almost to a head." Ritchie had been in Washington and Blair had agreed to sell the Glole and retire, leaving Ritchie and Donelson to take charge as joint editors. Blair had made but one stipulation, that the arrangement should be delayed until he could consult Van Buren and Jackson; "he says positively that if Gen^ Jackson assents, he will at once sell and retire." After repeating the reasons, already given to Jackson, why he 31 Polk to Jackson, March 17, 1845, Jackson Papers. ADMINISTBATION AND PAT EON AGE 333 could not employ the Glohe and expressing the hope that the ar- rangement then pending might be effected, he added that "if it should fail I am still deeply convinced that it will be indispens- able to have a new paper and I have so informed Mr. Blair. ' '^- After some further negotiation Blair and Rives consented to dispose of the Globe and retire. The purchasers were Thomas Ritchie, of the Richmond Enquirer, and John P. Heiss, of Ten- nessee, formerly editor of the Nashville Union. A new paper called the Washington Union succeeded the Glohe with Ritchie as its chief editor and Heiss as its business manager. The daily edition of the new "Polk organ" made its debut on May 1, 1845, and a semi-weekly followed four days later. Among the note- Avorthy features of the initial numbers were a eulogy on the late editors of the Glohe, and the first installment of "Mrs. Caudle's Curtain Lectures," copied from the London Punch. The humor of the lectures may have been the more apparent to ingenuous readers. General Jackson was quite as unsuccessful in his attempt to make Major William B. Lewis the "ferret" of the Polk admin- istration as in his effort to have Blair retained as editor of the "organ." Lewis had for some time held the office of second auditor of the treasury, and, as he was considered to be a still more treacherous politician than Blair, the new President sum- marily dismissed him. In a letter to Polk, Lewis stated that he had learned from a private source that you have intimated that my removal from office was rendered necessary, because the position I occupied was dangerous to the Government, in as much as it would enable me to impart information to a foreign power to the disadvantage of my own country. He hoped that the report was unfounded but desired to know whether Polk had made such a remark. As the President made no reply to this or to other letters on the same subject, Lewis 32 Polk to Donelson, March 28, 1845, " Polk-Donelson Letters. 334 JAMES K. POLK left for his home in Tennessee and published the correspondence in a Nashville paper.^^ Polk's reasons for declining to make explanations are given in a letter to a friend in Tennessee : As to Maj. Lewis I shall of course enter into no controversy with him. What he desires most is to make himself conspicuous by such a contro- versy. His course since his removal from office proves his unworthiness of which I had full & ample proof before I dismissed him. . . . [Had Jackson known the reasons he would have approved. Js* The enforced retirement of Blair and the dismissal of Lewis have been given special notice because many have cited them as evidence to convict Polk of ingratitude and disloyalty to General Jackson — the man to whom, it was said, he owed his own political advancement. There is little consistency in some of the criticisms relating to this matter. The man whom the critics denounced for being bold enough to ignore the wishes of "Old Hickory" was, by the same men, said to be weak and temporizing. Such critics commended Jackson for discarding his old friend Van Buren on account of the Texan question ; but they condemned Polk for dismissing his own detractors and obstacles to party success because these detractors happened to be friends of the General. ^^ Jackson himself, when replying to Lewis's complaints, pointed out that the President had the right to fill offices with men in whom he, and not others, had confidence.^" Although General Jackson was undoubtedly disappointed be- cause his two most intimate friends had been dismissed, their removal does not seem to have impaired his friendship for the President or his desire for the success of the administration. The last letter which the General ever penned was written to 33 The orig-inals are among the Polk Papers. Printed copies may be found in Niles' Beg., LXVIIl, 277. 34 Polk to A. O. P. Nicholson, July 28, 1845, PoUc Papers. In a letter to Polk, July 19, J. Geo. Harris expressed the belief that both Blair and Lewis had plotted against Polk. 35 Claiborne, for example, reflects these contrary opinions of Polk. See Life and Correspondence of John A. Quitman, I, 228-229. 30 Jackson to Le-sN-is, April 10, 1845 (Niles' Beg., LXVIIl, 277). ADMIN I ST BAT ION AND PATRONAGE 335 Polk on June 6, 1845. It expressed not only personal friendship for the President, but warned him that certain rumored acts of Secretary Walker and land speculators might "blow you & your administration sky high." The letter was characteristic of the w^riter and exhibited his well-known traits — solicitude for his friend and protege, a wish to supervise public affairs, and a patriotic desire to serve his country, even though his methods were not always of the best. "Here, my son," he said, as he handed it to Andrew Jackson Jr., "read this letter, I want you to be a witness to the fact that I have warned the government against the disaster witly which it is threatened — and have done my duty." The letter was mislaid under some papers and not found until October and it was feared it had been stolen. The high value set upon it by the President, as well as his feeling toward the writer, is stated in a letter in which Polk asked that a search be made to recover it : I shall prize the letter as above all price as being the last ever written by the greatest man of the age in which he lived — a man whose confidence and friendship I was so happy as to have enjoyed from my youth to the latest.37 On the question of ousting Whigs from office in order to make room for Democrats, Polk's own views accorded with those of his party,^^ and when making appointments, except a few military positions, political orthodoxy was a sine qua non. De- spite the importunities of Buchanan, he refused to appoint John 37 Jackson to Polk, June 6; J. Geo. Harris to Polk, June 28; Polk to Nicholson, June 28, 1845, Polk Papers. Andrew Jackson, Jr., approved what the President had done and when writing, on October 10, to explain how Jackson's last letter had been mislaid said: "Our old friend Majr Lewis has completely killed himself here & I expect else where by his imprudent publications — he is now very sick of it, and well he may be" {Pollc Papers). 38 In 1846 an ofiicer who had been notified that he would be removed protested that, although he had once been a Federalist, he had been a Democrat for many years. "Although not the only reason for making the Change proper," the President observed, "I have no doubt he is a Whig in all his feelings, and that his patronage is bestowed exclusively on members of that party, as far as he thinks he can do so with safety to himself" {Diary, II, 113-114). 336 JAMES K. POLK M. Read to a place on the Supreme Bench, because that distin- guished jurist had once been a Federalist. His remarks in this connection on the perdurance of original ideas showed his political sagacity, for Read later deserted the party and became a Re- publican : Mr. Read, I learned, was until within 10 or 12 years ago a leading Federalist, and a Representative of that party in the Legislature. Al- though he has since that time acted with the Democratic party, I have no confidence in the orthodoxy of his political opinions or constitutional doctrines, and was therefore unwilling to appoint him to a station for life, where he would almost certainly [have] relapsed into his old Federal Doctrines & been latitudinarian in his doctrines. I have never known an instance of a Federalist who had after arriving at the age of 30 professed to change his opinions, who was to be relied on in his constitutional opin- ions. All of them who have been appointed to the Supreme Court Bench, after having secured a place for life became very soon broadly Federal and latitudinarian in all their decisions involving questions of Constitu- tional power. Gen '1 Jackson had been most unfortunate in his appoint- ments to that Bench in this respect. I resolved to appoint no man who was not an original Democrat & strict constructionist, and who would be less likely to relapse into the Broad Federal doctrines of Judge Marshall & Judge Story. 39 Even Benton's son-in-law, William Carey Jones, was denied an office because he had once edited a Federalist paper in New Orleans. Like Jackson, Polk seemed to take it for granted that honesty, except in very rare cases, was not to be found among the Whigs, and his naive remarks about the exceptions which he discovered are very amusing. Senator Mangrum, for example, "though a Whig, is a gentleman, and fair & manly in his oppo- sition to my administration." Senator Crittenden, also, "though differing with me in politics is an honorable gentleman. "^° He does not, however, seem to have found a Whig honorable enough to hold an appointive office. Still, though he declined to place Whigs in appointive offices, he did not, on the other hand, dis- miss them for partisan considerations merely. In his diary he 30 Polk, Diary, I, 137-138. 40 Ibid., Ill, 381, II, 349. ADMINISTRATION AND PATRONAGE 337 has noted the gratitude of those whom he had retained in office, despite their political opinions : Many Whigs whom I retained in office were among those who called. Though many removals & new appointments to fill vacancies have been made by me, my administration has not been proscriptive, and the Whigs who were faithful & good officers, whom I have retained in their places, seem to appreciate my liberality towards them and many of them have called to express their gratitude & to take leave of me.'H The independence displayed in dropping Blair and Lewis was characteristic of the policy which Polk endeavored to employ in all matters of patronage. He was soon to discover, however, that the dispenser of offices is by no means a free agent, and that "political considerations" must be taken into account. Although many at the time alleged that the President had made preelection pledges to the Tyler and Calhoun factions, there is now no reason for doubting Polk's oft-repeated assertions that he was "under no pledges or commitments"*" to any of the political cliques. Even so, their wishes could not be wholly dis- regarded with impunity. Hostile elements within the party had united for the purpose of winning the election, and each was ready to claim its share of the ' ' spoils. ' ' Having no assured ' ' adminis- tration majority" in Congress, the success of his own program must depend upon his ability to enlist the support of several discordant factions. His effort to deal fairly with all of them resulted in general criticism, for each laid claim to all important offices and resented all favors accorded to its rivals. To have allied himself with any one of these factions would have resulted in disaster ; the refusal to do so was attributed to timidity and a temporizing disposition. It has been noted in the preceding chapter that there were three rather well-defined groups within the Democratic party. The first comprised the followers of Van Buren and Benton ; the 41 Polk, Diary, March 2, 1849, IV, 360, 42 For example, Polk to Cave Johnson, Dee. 21, 1844, "Polk- Johnson Letters. ' ' 338 JAMES K. POLK second, the adherents of Calhoun; and the third, that element in the South and "West which accepted the leadership of Walker and Cass.^^ Until the appearance of Van Buren's anti-Texas letter nothing had occurred to disturb the harmony which long existed between the Van Burenites and Jackson's followers in Tennessee, consequently Polk had been identified with the first group even though his claim to the Vice-Presidency had met with no cordial response. Due, no doubt, to this affiliation and to a desire to assuage the disappointment caused by the dropping of Van Buren by the Baltimore convention, Polk turned first to New York when mak- ing up his list of cabinet appointments. Wright, as we have already seen, was invited to take charge of the Treasury Depart- ment ; and when this invitation was declined, Butler, on the advice of Van Buren, was tendered the War portfolio. Rebuffed a second time, Polk ceased his efforts to placate the Van Burenites, and appointed their rival, Marcy, to be Secretary of War. For the sake of harmony within the party he had done all that any self-respecting man in his position could have been expected to do, and if the friends of the ex-President did not receive their proper share of the ' ' loaves and fishes, ' ' the blame rested entirely upon their own shoulders. The President's offer, a few months later, to send Van Buren as minister to England was likewise declined, and the attitude of the ex-President and his adherents continued to be one either of sullen reserve or of secret opposition to the administration. When Polk reached New York on his north- ern tour in July, 1847, Van Buren sent him a verbal invitation to call. Believing the invitation to be a mere "formal courtesy" impelled by public opinion, the President promptly declined to accept it. "The truth is," is the comment in his diary, "Mr. Van Buren became offended with me at the beginning of my ad- ministration because I chose to exercise my own judgment in the 43 With characteristic pungency J. Q. Adams divided Democracy into two parts: "Southern Democracy, which is slavery, and Western Democ- racy, which is knavery" {Memoirs, XII, 11). ADMIN I ST EAT ION AND PATRONAGE 339 selection of my own Cabinet, and would not be controlled by him and suffer him to select it for me. ' '^* Although the President could not consent to retain Calhoun in his cabinet, he was prepared at the outset to deal fairly with that wing of the party. The British mission was offered first to Calhoun himself, and after his refusal, to his friends, Elmore and Pickins. But this faction, like the Van Burenites, declined to accept anything because their chief had not been permitted to control the administration. The Treasury Department with the patronage incident to the office was assigned to Walker as a clear concession to the South and West. The selection of Greer, a friend of Dallas, for the Supreme Bench was likewise a recognition of the claims of this wing of the party. Apparently Cass did not seek an appointive office, but preferred to remain in the Senate. When selecting federal officers the President did not, of course, overlook his own personal friends. First of all, Cave Johnson was made Postmaster General, and Donelson, after being consid- ered as possible editor of the Union, was, on his return from Texas, sent as minister to Berlin. J. George Harris, whose vitri- olic pen and exasperating "buzzard" had made the Nashville Union so effective a party journal, was made purser in the navy. The loyal but dissolute Laughlin was appointed to be recorder of the general land office as a reward for his services as editor of the Nashville Union and for his support of Polk in the Balti- more convention. The President's old friend and former law 44 Polk, Diary, III, 74. Polk had received information from many sources concerning the hostility of the Albany regency. For example, Buchanan, who visited Albany in the fall of 1846, reported that, while Governor Wright himself was friendly, Cambreleng and others avoided him. A month later George Bancroft, who had always been a warm friend of Van Buren, after a similar visit informed Polk that New York poli- ticians were hostile to the administration and that Van Buren evinced no desire to renew friendly relations with the President. Although Bancroft had originally suggested the tender to Van Buren of the British mission, he now advised that no further attempt be made to placate the ex-President (Buchanan to Polk, Sept. 5, 1846; Bancroft to Polk, Oct. 4, 1846, Polh Papers. Van Buren 's correspondents freely criticized the President, Van Buren Papers, passim). 340 JAMES K. POLE partner, Gideon Pillow, who claimed to be mainly responsible for Polk's nomination at Baltimore, was, when the war broke out, made a brigadier-general of volunteers. Even John 0. Bradford, whom a Whig bishop had excommunicated for editing the Nash- ville Union, was now rewarded by a pursership in the navy. ]\Iost questionable of all, however, in point of propriety, was the appointment of the President's own brother, William H. Polk, to be charge d'affaires at Naples. Having pointed out that the President, in an effort to promote harmony, assigned to the several factions some of the most de- sirable appointive positions, and that friendship rather than merit dictated the selection of certain minor officials, we may now con- sider his general policy in dealing with the public patronage. The patronage incident to the office of chief executive is a source of great power, and for this reason the popular belief seems to be that it is also a source of great pleasure. The corollary is doubtful in any case and certainly is erroneous when applied to Polk, for his administration had not proceeded far before he came to regard patronage and office-seekers as a veritable night- mare. Polk was a man of very positive ideas, and one of those ideas was that public office is an opportunity for public service. Al- though in the finesse of practical politics he was no more scrupu- lous than his fellows, he never regarded any position held by himself as a sinecure and he believed that offices should not be so regarded by others. The keynote of his policy was foreshad- owed in the circular letter, already quoted, that was sent to prospective members of his cabinet. He would aid no aspirant for the Presidential nomination in 1848 and he would not permit his subordinates to use tljeir offices for such a purpose ; his and their energies must be devoted to the "principles and policy" of the existing administration. Determined to devote his whole time to the public service, he required that cabinet members should do likewise ; intrusting of important business to chief clerks was not to be tolerated. ADMIN ISTB AT ION AND PAT BON AGE 341 In theory, therefore, the President believed office to be an opportunity for present service and not a reward for acts already performed. And if we except the few instances already noted where appointments were made either for personal reasons or in an effort to promote harmony it may be said that Polk, at the beginning of his administration, sincerely endeavored to carry his theory into practice. The more important appointments re- ceived his own personal attention, and, in order that he might conserve his time for affairs of state, the selection of minor offi- cials was turned over to his cabinet."*^ The Union, soon after its establishment, repelled in an editorial assertions made by poli- ticians that Polk would have to dispense patronage in accordance with the wishes of the various candidates for the Presidency. On the contrary, said the editor, the President, in making his ap- pointments, will take no thought of whether the person is a Van Buren man, a Calhoun man, a Cass man or a Buchanan man. His thought will be simply : " Is the man honest and capable ? ' ' Two months later the following editorial appeared : Mr. Polk has avowed and acted, and will continue to act, upon the settled determination not to permit the course of his administration to interfere with, or influence, the selection of a candidate of the democratic party to succeed him. That important duty he will leave to be performed by the people, unbiased and uninfluenced by his ofiicial action. Can any ^ portion of the democracy object to this course ?46 45 Commenting on this policy, Niles ' Begister said : ' ' The course adopted by President Polk, on taking hold of the helm of state, in relation to the importunities for ofiice which had grown out of an erroneous course admitted by some of his immediate predecessors, seems to have given satisfaction to every body except those who were in full cry for office. We allude to his having announced semi-officially that personal attend- ance at the seat of government, and personal importunities for ofiice would operate against the applicant; — that the papers designed to urge claims for appointment, must be submitted in the first place to the presid- ing ofiicer of the department to which the office belonged, and must be by him deliberated upon and presented in due form, together with those of all other applicants for the same office, by the chief of the department to the president, for his deliberate judgment — with the whole subject before him. This announcement occasioned a general scatterfication. Washington city immediately lost a large proportion of its transient crowd. It is to be hoped the position will be adhered to in its genuine spirit, and with due decision" (Niles' Beg., LXVIII, 51, March 29, 1845). 40 Washington U7iion, May 13, July 14, 1845. 342 JAMES K. POLE Despite the soundness of the President's position, it was al- ready apparent that not only "any portion" but every portion of the party was displeased. A few days before the appearance of the latter editorial he had told Silas "Wright that dispensing of patronage was his greatest source of annoyance. Concerning the general policy of the administration, said he, there seems to be no complaint, but much dissatisfaction about offices; "I sin- cerely wish I had no office to bestow."^' Could he have seen contemporary private correspondence his wish undoubtedly would have been still more emphatic. For example, old line Democrats complained because room had not been made for them by the ousting of all ' ' Federalists, ' ' and because Polk and Walker were too busy to see their fellow-citizens. One of them in reporting to Van Buren this sad state of affairs remarked that one ' ' never •had to call twice" to obtain an interview with either Jackson or Van Buren. *^ Enraged because he had not fared so well as certain other Tennesseans, Andrew Johnson pronounced Polk's appoint- ments to be the "most damnable" ever made by any President,*" and this fact he attributed to duplicity and the want of moral courage. Nevertheless, it required greater courage to resist im- portunities than to gratify them, and dissatisfaction from so many sources is but evidence that an attempt was being made to divorce patronage from factional politics, even though that at- tempt was destined to prove unsuccessful. We are not left in doubt conceriiing the President's own opinions on the subject of patronage, for in making daily entries in his diary he seldom neglected to express his loathing for the 47 Polk to Wright, July 8, 1845, Polk Papers. 48 John P. Sheldon to Van Buren, Oct. 30, 1845, Va7i Buren Papers. 49 "Take Polk's appointments all and all and they are the most damnable set that were ever made by any president since the government Avas organized, out of Tennessee as -well as in it. He has a set of inter- ested parasites about him who flatter him till he does not know himself. He seems to be acting on the principle of hanging one old friend for the purpose of making two new ones" (Johnson to ? [someone in Tennessee], July 22, 1846, John-son Papers). ADMIN I ST EAT ION AND PATBONAGE 343 office-seeker. He had the utmost contempt for those whose "patriotism" consisted solely of a willingness to draw a salary from the government; he regarded them not merely as an in- cubus but as a serious public menace. The personal boredom caused by listening to their tales became almost intolerable, but Polk was even more exasperated because they prevented him from devoting his time to important governmental affairs. At the beginning of his administration Polk tried to follow the program announced in the Union of making his appointments on the basis of honesty and merit. He attempted also, as we have seen, to conserve his own time by delegating to his cabinet the lesser appointments. But for "practical" reasons he was constrained to modify this salutary program. In the first place his predecessors had made themselves accessible to the public and it was difficult for any President, particularly a Democratic President, suddenly to reverse the precedent. In the second place he had several important measures which could be carried into effect only by the cooperation of Congress, and he soon dis- covered that such cooperation could not be procured by ignoring the claim of members to their "share" of the patronage. Re- gardless of his own wishes, therefore, he was forced to give audi- ence to individual office-seekers, and to make many appointments on the recommendation of members of Congress. In order to give a complete history of his patronage tribulations it would be necessary to reproduce his entire diary; some selected passages may serve to illustrate the annoyance experienced not only by Polk but by every chief executive. Once the horde had been admitted to his presence the Presi- dent, being a very courteous man, found it difficult to get rid of them. A few months' experience, however, taught him that "the only way to treat them is to be decided & stern. ' ' In February, 1846, Washington was infested with an unusually large number of persons "who are so patriotic as to desire to serve their country 344 JAMES K. POLK by getting into fat offices.""" On the anniversary of his inaug- uration he wrote in his diary : I am ready to exclaim wdll the pressure for office never cease! It is one year to-day since I entered on the duties of my office, and still the pressure for office has not abated. I most sincerely wish that I had no offices to bestow. If I had not it would add much to the happiness and comfort of mj^ position. As it is, I have no offices to bestow without turning out better men than a large majority of those who seek their places.51 The inconvenience of possessing a courteous disposition is illus- trated by an entry made on June 4, 1846 : When there are no vacancies it is exceedingly distressing to be com- pelled to hear an office [seeker] for an hour tell his story and set forth his merits and claims. It is a great and useless consumption of my time, and yet I do not see how I am to avoid it without being rude or insulting, which it is not in my nature to be.52 There were times, however, when politeness ceased to be a virtue, especially after the same individual had called repeatedly "on the patriotic business of seeking office." After a trying experience with "old customers," he observed on August 17, 1846: I concluded that it was useless to be annoyed by them any longer, and I was more than usually stern and summary Avith them. I said no! this morning with a free will and a good grace. The truth is that the persons who called to-day, with but few exceptions, were a set of loafers without merit. They had been frequently here before, and I find as long as I treat them civilly I shall never get clear of them. 53 If, as the Whigs would have it, Polk needlessly precipitated the war with Mexico, he suffered ample punishment in the form of renewed scramble for office. Congressmen now not only sought places for their constituents, but many of them desired military positions for themselves. For the sake of harmony the President 50 Polk, Dmry, I, 158 (Jan. 9, 1846) ; ibid., 255. 51 Ibid., 261. 52 Ibid., 44&-447. 53 Polk, Diary, II, 85. See also il)id., 105-106. ADMINISTBATION AND PATRONAGE 345 was ready to suffer much inconvenience, but when it came to a matter of principle he was unyielding. The Diary for June 22, 1846, notes that The passion for office among members of Congress is very great, if not absolutely disreputable, and greatly embarrasses the operations of the Government. They create offices by their own votes and then seek to fill them themselves. I shall refuse to appoint them, though it be at the almost certain hazard of incurring their displeasure. I shall do so because their appointment would be most corrupting in its tendency. I am aware that by refusing their applications I may reduce my administration to a minority in both Houses of Congress, but if such be the result I shall have the high satisfaction of having discharged my duty in resisting the selfish- ness of members of Congress, who are willing to abandon their duty to their constituents and provide places for themselves. I will not counte- nance such selfishness, but will do my duty, and rely on the country for an honest support of my administration. By December 16, 1846, the unscrupulous methods resorted to by members of Congress in their efforts to procure offices for their clients had become so appalling that Polk began ' ' to distrust the disinterestedness and honesty of all mankind. ' ' Complaints and disaffection over petty offices gave him more trouble than did great national policies. "There is," he confided to his diary, ' ' more selfishness and less principle among members of Congress, as well as others, than I had any conception [of] before I be- came President of the U. S. ' '^* Every day added new evidence of congressional depravity, and he was ' ' disgusted with the trick- ery and treachery" exhibited in recommendations for office.^" The way in which patronage had become a menace to both polit- ical parties and to the country is set forth in the entry for Janu- ary 7, 1847 : The passion for office and the number of unworthy persons who seek to live on the public is increasing beyond former example, and I now predict that no President of the U. S. of either party will ever again be re-elected. The reason is that the patronage of the Government will destroy the popularity of any President, however well he may administer ^ilhid., 278-279. 55 Ihid., 296. 346 JAMES K. POLK the GoverDmeiit. The office seekers have become so numerous that they hold the balance of power between the two great parties of the country. In every appointment which the President makes he disappoints half a dozen or more applicants and their friends, who actuated by selfish and sordid motives, will prefer any other candidate in the next election, while the person appointed attributes the appointment to his own superior merit and does not even feel obliged by it. The number of office seekers has become so large that they probably hold the balance of power between the two great parties in the country, and if disappointed in getting place under one administration they will readily unite themselves with the party and candidate of the opposite politics, so as to increase their chances for place. Another great difficulty in making appointments which the President encounters is that he cannot tell upon what recommendations to rely. Members of Congress and men of high station in the country sign papers of recommendation, either from interested personal motives or with- out meaning what they say, and thus the President is often imposed on, and induced to make bad appointments. When he does so the whole responsibility falls on himself, while those who have signed papers of recommendation and misled him, take special care never to avow the agency they have had in the matter, or to assume any part of the respon- sibility. I have had some remarkable instances of this during my admin- istration. One or two of them I think worthy to be recalled as illustrations of many others. In the recess of Congress shortly after the commencement of my administration I made an appointment upon the letter of recom- mendation of a senator. I sent the nomination to the Senate at the last session & it was rejected, and, as I learned, at the instance of the same Senator who had made the recommendation. A few days afterwards the Senator called to recommend another person for the same office. I said to him, well, you rejected the man I nominated; O yes, he replied, he was without character & wholly unqualified. I then asked him if he knew upon whose recommendation I had appointed him, to which he replied that he did not. I then handed him his own letter & told him that that was the recommendation upon which I had appointed him. He appeared confused and replied. Well, we are obliged to recommend our constituents when they apply to us. The Senator was Mr. Atcheson of Missouri, and the person appointed & rejected was Mr. Hedges as Surveyor of the port of St. Louis.ss A week after the above had been writteri^he begging for office had become "not only disgusting, but almost beyond endurance." 56 Ibid., 313-315. Polk crossed out the last sentence, but undoubtedly Atchison was the Senator in question. Members of Congress frequently signed enthusiastic recommendations for applicants and then sent private letters which requested Polk to pay no heed to the recommendation. The applicant of course blamed Polk when the appointment was not made. See ibid., 278, note. ADMINISTEATION ANV PATBONAGE 347 "I keep my temper," wrote the President, "or rather suppress the indignation which I feel at the sordid and selfish views of the people who continually annoy me about place." The rule which he had adopted under which no member of Congress was to be appointed to office, except diplomatic and high military positions, had already caused twenty disappointed applicants to oppose the measures of the administration ; nevertheless he was determined to persist in applying the rule, regardless of conse- quences. "If God grants me length of days and health," he wrote in desperation, "I will, after the expiration of my term, give a history of the selfish and corrupt considerations which influence the course of public men, as a legacy to posterity. I shall never be profited by it, but those who come after me may be."^^ More than a year later he again expressed his determi- nation to write an expose of office-seeking,^^ and it is very prob- able that he would have done so had his death not occurred a few months after his retirement. \It would have been an interesting volume, for he possessed both the data and the disposition to do the subject full justice. The phrenologist who examined Polk in 1839 stated, among other things, that "when he suffers, he suffers most intently." No one who has followed the President's almost daily denunci- ations of place-hunters will be inclined to deny the truth of this statement. ' ' I was doomed this morning, ' ' is the diary entry for February 18, 1847, "to pass through another pressure of impor- tunate office seekers. I am ready to exclaim God deliver me from dispensing the patronage of the Government. "^^ His suffering was made the more intense by his efforts to conceal it. His habit 57 Polk, Dianj, II, 328-330. 58 Polk, Diari/, III, 419. "If a kind Providence permits me length of days and health, I will, after I retire from the Presidential office, write the secret and hitherto unknown history of the Government in this respect. It requires great patience & self command to rej^ress the loath- ing I feel towards a hungry crowd of unworthy office-hunters who often crowd my office. ' ' 59 Polk, Diary, II, 382. 348 JAMES K. POLK of reticence and a desire to preserve his dignity led him, for the most part, to endure the agony in silence ; to his diary alone did he communicate his real opinions. "It is enough," he wrote on one occasion, "to exhaust the patience and destroy the good temper of any man on earth, to bear the daily boring which I have to endure. I keep, however, in a good humor as far as it is pos- sible to do so."*'*^ It was this same passive exterior which led many to believe that he did not have positive opinions on other subjects. The severest of weather was no deterrent to the procession of the office-seeking "patriots," for "neither ice nor fire" could stop them. Polk "pushed them off and fought them with both hands like a man fighting fire," but "it has all been in vain.""^ He felt the need of "one of Colt's revolving pistols" to enable him to clear the office so that he might attend to his public duties.®^ Most disgusting of all were those who, on hearing a report of an officer's illness, rushed to the President with an application for the sick man's position, "if he should die." Nearly all of them were ' ' mere loafers who are too lazy to work and wish to be sup- ported by the public" — in a word, "the most contemptible race on earth. "^^ So far as members of Congress were concerned. Senator Breeze, of Illinois, enjoyed the distinction of being the champion pest. "He has," said the President, "no sooner pro- cured an appointment than he sets to work to procure another," and his recommendations were governed by his political interests and not by the public good.®* Although Polk fully realized at the time of his inauguration that he was entering upon four years of incessant toil, he un- doubtedly, like all who have not held the office, believed the Presi- dency to be a position of dignity as well as power. The political intrigues and factional jealousies with which he was beset soon 60 Polk, Diary, III, 250. 63 Polk, Diary, III, 331, IV, 79. 61 Polk, Diary, II, 360-361, 383. 64 Polk, Diary, II, 426. 62 Polk, Diary, IV, 246. ADMINISTBATION AND PATRONAGE 349 divested the office of much of its glamour ; the political necessity of enduring the importunities of the office-seeking horde made it even contemptible. On this subject we may quote his own words : The office of President is generally esteemed a very high dignified posi- tion, but really I think the public would not so regard it if they could look in occasionally and observe the kind of people by whom I am often annoyed. I cannot seclude myself but must be accessible to my fellow-citizens, and this gives an opportunity to all classes and descriptions of people to obtrude themselves upon me about matters in which the public has not the slightest interest. There is no class of our population by whom I am annoyed so much, or for whom I entertain a more sovereign contempt, than for the pro- fessional office-seekers who have besieged me ever since I have been in the Presidential office.^s Scarcely less obnoxious than the office-seeker was the casual visitor who had no business to transact but who nevertheless wasted the President's valuable time. Even though he begrudged the time spent in pointless conversation he realized that a refusal to meet callers would cause adverse criticism and weaken his administration. "I feel," said he, "that I am compelled to yield to it, and to deprive myself of the ordinary rest, in order to attend to the indispensable duties which devolve upon me.""® Ceremonious notifications of royal births and deaths added their share of irritation to the busy and democratic President. "I confess," he noted on one occasion, "the practice of announc- ing officially the birth of Foreign Princes to the President of the United States, has always appeared to me to be supremely ridicu- lous, ""i' When his attention was called by Buchanan to a grave 65 Polk, Fiary, IV, 160-161 (Oct. 19, 1848). 66 Polk, Diary, II, 280-281. 67 Polk, Diani, I. 237. When not too much absorbed in affairs of state, he sometimes saw the funny side as well. E.g. ' ' These ceremonies seem to be regarded as of Great importance by the Ministers of the Foreign Monarchies, though to me thev are amusing & ridiculous" {ibid., II, 215- 216). The solemn notification of the death in the royal family of Russia struck him as being so ridiculous that he could "scarcely preserve his gravitv." "I simplv remarked [to the Russian minister] that such occurrences would take place, and at once entered into familiar con- versation" {ibid., 374). 350 JAMES K. POLE communication from the French Minister of Foreign Affairs re- lating to a dispute between American and French consuls over their claims to precedence, Polk related with approval a story of Jefferson's "pell mell" etiquette, and told Buchanan that "I was not a man of ceremonies, that he and Mr. Guizot might settle the dispute between the consuls in any way they pleased. ' ""'^ Although Polk was not, as is generally believed, devoid of all sense of humor, the austerity of his bearing when President of the United States very naturally gave rise to this belief. His habitual gravity was caused in part by ill health, but still more by the weight of responsibilities. Official cares so filled his mind that no room was left for amusement. This fact is well illustrated by an incident which he has noted in his diary. One day a magician gave an exhibition before a select company at the execu- tive mansion and the President was persuaded by Bancroft and Mrs. Catron to attend. The rest of the company derived much enjoyment from the entertainment, but Polk felt that his time had been unprofitably spent. "I was thinking," he wrote, "more about the Oregon & other public questions which bear on my mind that [than] the tricks of the juggler, and perhaps on that account the majority of the company might think my opin- ions entitled to but little weight." He could not, like Lincoln, find relaxation in a homely anecdote or in a chapter from some humorous writer. Official cares were constantly on his mind and he had no time for amusements. The cares of office added much to the gravity of the Presi- dent's naturally serious disposition. Indeed, he had become, as Claiborne has said, "grave almost to sadness."*'^ While he will- ingly spent his energies in the public service, he longed for the day to arrive when he might relinquish the helm of state ; it needed no one-term pledge to prevent him from standing for reelection. ' ' I have now, ' ' he wrote on his fifty-second birthday. 08 Polk, Diary, II, 175, 09 Claiborne, Life and Correspondence of John A. Quitman, I, 228. ADMINISTRATION AND PATEONAGE 351 "passed through two-thirds of my Presidential terra, & most heartily wish the remaining third was over, for I am sincerely desirous to have the enjoyment of retirement in private life."^° Polk's success as an executive and as a constructive statesman will, we believe, be made manifest in the chapters which follow. The topics to be considered cover the fields of w^ar, diplomacy, finance, industrial development, and constitutional law. In all of these fields, the President formulated his own policies and, in the main, succeeded in putting them in operation. Soon after his inauguration he announced to George Bancroft that the ' ' four great measures ' ' of his administration would be : reduction of the tariff, establishment of an independent treasury, settlement of the Oregon question, and the acquisition of California.'^ He carried out this program in spite of vigorous opposition. And if we except the coercion of Mexico, upon which there is still a difference of opinion, it is the verdict of history that his policies were both praiseworthy and sound. 70 Polk, Diary, III, 210. 71 Sehoiiler, Hislonj of the United States, IV, 498. CHAPTEE XVI COMPLETION OF ANNEXATION As we have noted in a preceding chapter, the joint resolution adopted by Congress on February 28, 1845, authorized the annex- ation of Texas by either of two methods. Under the first — the House resolution — Congress consented to admit Texas as a state as soon as the government and people of that republic had agreed to annexation and had conformed to certain requirements specified in the resolution. The second method — the so-called Benton plan — provided : That if the President of the United States shall in his judgment and discretion deem it most advisable, instead of proceeding to submit the fore- going resolution to the Republic of Texas, as an overture on the part of the United States for admission, to negotiate with that Republic. Three days before Polk's inauguration Tyler, as we have seen, approved the joint resolution and selected the first method — the one specified in the House resolution. On March 3 Presi- dent Tyler dispatched a messenger with instructions to Donelson, the American charge d' affaires^ who was residing temporarily in New Orleans. The action taken by Tyler did not, of course, effect the annex- ation of the lone-star republic. There was a possibility,^ at least, that the new President might recall the messenger and select the Benton alternative of negotiating with Texas. Besides, annexation in any case was contingent on the acceptance of the proposed terms by the government and people of the Texan republic. 1 See p. 318 and note 96. COMPLETION OF ANNEXATION 353 When Calhoun called upon Polk to inform him that Tyler had decided to select the House resolution, the President-elect declined, as we have seen, to express an opinion. And, if we except the seemingly incredible statements made by Tappan and Blair, he did not reveal his opinions concerning the method of annexation up to the time of his inauguration. He says in his diary- that his mind was not fully made up as to the choice of method until he met his cabinet on March 10, 1845 ; he then decided to select the House resolution, or in other words, to acquiesce in the choice made by Tyler. Additional evidence that he arrived at no decision until he had consulted the cabinet is contained in a private letter written to Donelson on the seventh of March. He said : A despatch was transmitted to you by the late administration on the 3rd Ins. In two or three days another will be forwarded to you on the same subject by a special messenger. But five members of my Cabinet have been confirmed by the Senate; the remaining members I hope will be confirmed at the next meeting of the Senate. I write now to say that I desire you, not to take any definite action in pursuance of the instructions given in the despatch of the 3rd Inst, until after you receive the one which will be for- warded in two or three days, and by which the instructions will probably be modified. I write you this informal note for the reason that Mi: Buchanan the Secretary of State has not entered the duties of his office, and because I desire to have the Cabinet complete before definite action is had on my part.3 Just what the President meant by saying that Tyler's instruc- tions would probably be modified we can only conjecture. Pos- sibly he may have been contemplating a reversal of Tyler's action, although his statement does not seem to warrant such an inference. More likely he was thinking of the reasoning con- tained in the instructions sent by his predecessor, for this, as we shall see, was criticized in the official dispatch which soon followed. 2 Polk, Diary, IV, 44. 3 Polk to Donelson, March 7, 1845, "Polk-Donelson Letters." The endorsement on the letter reads: "The President March 7. Eecd. from Mr. Pickett on the 19th at New Orleans." 354 JAMES K. POLK As soon as the decision to j:)roceed under the House resolution had been reached Buchanan, by the President's order, delivered to Almonte, the Mexican minister, an answer to the protest against annexation which that official had addressed to Calhoun. In his letter Almonte characterized annexation as "an act of aggression the most unjust which can be found recorded in the annals of modern history — namely, that of despoiling a friendly nation like Mexico, of a considerable portion of her territory." After asserting that Mexico would exert all of her power in recovering her province of Texas, he concluded by demanding his passports. In reply Buchanan informed Almonte that while President Polk desired to continue friendly relations with Mexico, annexation was "irrevocably decided" so far as the United States was concerned, and that it was too late to raise the question of Texan independence.* On the same day, March 10, Polk sent out another messenger, Governor Archibald Yell, with new instructions for Donelson. The instructions from both Presidents reached the charge d' affaires at New Orleans on March 24, and he set out immediately for Texas.^ In the new instructions, Buchanan informed Donelson that Polk did not concur with Tyler in the belief that procedure under the Benton alternative would necessitate the conclusion of a treaty which must be ratified by the Senate, "yet he is sensible that many of the sincere friends of Texas may entertain this opinion. ' ' Should this prove to be the case, dissension and delay must be the inevitable result. From all points of view, said Buchanan, the House resolution was to be preferred, therefore he urged Texas to accept it without modification and to trust to sister states for desired adjustments. He desired especially that the public lands of Texas should be transferred to the United 4 Almonte to Calhoun, March 6; Buchanan to Almonte, March 10, 1845 (Buchanan, Works, VI, 118-120). ■> Donelson to Buchanan, March 24, 1845 {Sen. Ex. Doc. 1, 29 Cong., 1 sess., 45, 46). COMPLETION OF ANNEXATION 355 States so that the federal government might extend its laws over the Indian tribes.*' Donelson reached Galveston on March 27 only to find that a British vessel had arrived there a short time before and that the British and French ministers had gone to Washington, Texas, to confer with the government of that republic. As it was rumored that these diplomats carried with them the promise of Mexico's recognition of Texan independence and an offer from England of a favorable commercial treaty, Donelson "put off in a hurry after them." When reporting this information to Polk, Yell said that should General Houston espouse the cause of annexation, President Jones would also support it. Yell had conversed with many Texan leaders, including Memucan Hunt. They talked, he said, of getting the people to demand that con- gress should be called for the purpose of considering annexation.^ Not all of the leaders, however, were pleased with the terms of annexation offered by the United States. Donelson did not be- lieve that the people would acquiesce in annexation unless the proposition were presented to them by their own government, and he thought that President Jones was not in favor of the measure. He was not encouraged by the apparent attitude at the capital when he first reached there, but within a month he was able to report that he considered the question as settled, so far as Texas was concerned.® The people proved to be in favor of annexation, and the leaders could not ignore their wishes;'' nevertheless, the Texan government could not afford to disregard the wishes of General Houston, and he, at first, assumed a hostile attitude. On his arrival, Donelson found the Texan government disposed to offer objections to the American terms of annexation, and he had 6 Buchanan to Donelson, March 10, 1845, ibid., 35-38. 7 Yell to Polk, Galveston, March 26, 1845, Polk Papers. 8 Donelson to Buchanan, April 1, 3, May 6, 1845 {Sen. Bog. 1, 29 Cong., 1 sess., 47, 51, 56). 9 Smith, Annexation of Texas, 434-435. 356 JAMES K. FOLK reason to believe that, in no small degree, this attitude was due to the hostility of Houston. The ex-President was sojourning at some distance from the seat of government. Donelson paid him a visit in the hope that he might overcome his objections to immediate annexation. In a letter to Donelson, Houston had said that in the House resolution "the terms are dictated and conditions absolute." Believing that Texas should have something to say about the terms of union, he therefore preferred the Benton alternative of negotiation. The proposed method, in his opinion, left too many things uncertain. He opposed, especially, the cession of Texan property to the United States and the ambiguous char- acter of the northwestern boundary.^'' Donelson reminded Houston that the specifications in the House resolution regarding property, debts, and public lands, were substantially those which had been suggested by Houston himself only a few months before, still the ex-President gave no" intimation that he would withdraw his opposition.^^ However sincere Houston's objections may have been, forces were at work which were likely to modify them. Donelson had brought to Houston a letter from General Jackson which praised the work he had already done and assumed that he would aid in its completion.^- The immediate effect of this letter was not apparent, but Houston, like Benton, always wished to stand well with "the chief." In addition, he could never quite overcome a lingering desire to be once more under the folds of ' ' old Glory. ' ' Then, too, the Washington Glohe and other newspapers intimated that he might be chosen President of the 'United States in the 10 Houston to Donelson, April 9, 1845 {Tex. State Hist. Assn. Quar., Oct., 1897, 79 ff). Donelson to Buchanan, April 12, 1845 {Sen. Doc. I, 29 Cong., 1 sess., 52). 11 Donelson to Calhoun, April 24, 1845 {Eep. Am. Hist. Assn., 1899, IT, 1029). Houston's memorandum of suggestions is given in Jones, Eepublic of Texas, 414^415. 12 Jackson to Houston, March 12, 1845 (Yoakum, History of Texas, II, 441). See also, Duff Green to Calhoun, Dec. 8, 1844 {Rep. Am. Hist. Assn., 1899, II, 1007). COMPLETION OF ANNEXATION 357 event of annexation. ^^ For the present, however, Houston was obdurate, and Donelson returned to the seat of government to continue the struggle with President Jones and his cabinet. Although Jones was noncommittal and spoke of offers from Mexico, already there were indications that popular pressure would be brought to bear upon the government." Some, it is said, even threatened to lynch Jones if he should attempt to prevent annexation. ^^ On the first of April Donelson transmitted the proposals of his government to Allen, the Texan Secretary of State, and with them a letter explaining why the House resolution had been selected. President Jones complained about the terms offered in the resolution, but on April 15 he issued a proclamation sum- moning the Texan congress to convene on the sixteenth of June.^*' As public opinion in favor of annexation rose to a high pitch, Houston's attitude experienced a noticeable change, and early in May he set out for the Hermitage to visit General Jackson. After conversing with him at Galveston, Yell reported to Polk that the ex-President was now friendly and not the least opposed to annex- ation — that ''he is noiv safe." He is, said Yell, the "Power behind the Throne, greater than the Throne itself." Donelson, in Yell's opinion, deserved much credit for the "heroic work" he had been doing ; his relationship to the ' ' old hero ' ' had greatly assisted him in dealing with the Texans.^'^ Whatever the reason may have been, Houston's conversion to annexation seems to have been complete, and late in May Jackson wrote with enthusiasm that ' ' Texas comes into the union with a united voice, and Geni 13 Smith, Annexation of Texas, 439, 14 Letters to Jones from Underwood, Norton, Lubbock, Ashbel Smith, et al. (Jones, Bepublic of Texas, 442, 444, 446-449). Jones's endorsements on these letters claim that instead of being opposed to annexation, he was ' ' its chief author.' ' This may be doubted. 15 Smith, op. mi., 441. 16 Donelson to Allen, March 31; same to Buchanan, April 12; Procla- mation of April 15, 1845 {Sen. Doc. 1, 29 Cong., 1 sess., 48, 52, 54). 17 Yell to Polk, May 5, 1845, Folic Papers. 358 JAMES E. POLK Houston, as I know, puts his shoulders to the wheels to roll it in speedily. I knew British gold could not buy Sam Houston all safe & Donelson will have the honor of this important Deed."^^ Houston's conversion did not settle the matter. Another difficulty now presented itself. The House resolution required that a convention should be assembled in Texas for the purpose of framing a new state government, but the Texan constitution had, of course, made no provision for such proceeding. Presi- dent Jones could block annexation by declining to exercise extra- legal authority, and for a time it was feared that he might do so. On May 5, however, Jones issued another proclamation. Admitting his want of authority, he nevertheless recommended that delegates be chosen to meet at Austin on July 4 for the purpose of considering the offer made by the United States.^" Allen now pointed out to Donelson that acceptance of the American proposal of annexation would very likely result in an invasion from Mexico. He therefore requested that an American army should be brought to Texas so that it might be ready to repel such an invasion.-*^ Donelson submitted Allen's request to his government ; but Polk and Buchanan had already antici- pated the wishes of Texas, and a promise of protection had been forwarded to Donelson. Buchanan was instructed by the President to say that as soon as Texas shall have accepted the American proposal, "he will then conceive it to be both his right and his duty to employ the army in defending that State against the attacks of any foreign power." A force of three I 18 Jackson to Polk, May 26, 1845, ibid. Smith tliinks it likely that Houston was influenced to some extent by the belief that the United States might seize Texas as it had seized West Florida (Smith, op. cit., 443). 19 Sen. Ex. Doc. 1, 29 Cong., 1 sess., 63-64. 20 President Jones maintained later that Donelson, by a " trick, ' ' had induced Allen to make the request for troops. This may be a misrepre- sentation, yet it is interesting to note that Polk and Buchanan made an offer of troops before they had received Allen's request (Jones, Republic of Texas, 53, 457-458). As to misrepresentation, see Smith, Annexation, 445, note 21, COMPLETION OF ANNEXATION 359 thousand men, he said, would immediately be placed on the border, prepared to enter Texas and to act without a moment's delay.-^ Shortly after this promise to protect Texas had been sent to Donelson a significant article appeared in the Washington Utvion. It may not, of course, have been inspired by the Presi- dent ; but the coupling of the American claims against Mexico and the desire for California with the question of annexing Texas accords so well with Polk's previously announced policy that one is tempted to assume that Ritchie voiced faithfully the views of the administration. Polk and his cabinet, said the article, are fully capable of handling the Texas and Oregon questions. It is uncertain what course Mexico will pursue, but Her true interest will be found in peace. Let the great measure of annexation be accomplished, and with it the questions of boundary and of claims. But if she madly rushes on to the alternative of war, who shall pretend to set bounds to the consequences? We infinitely prefer the friendly settlement of the great question now pending. It will secure the peace and welfare of the Mexican nation. It can now be done, and it should now be accomplished. For who can arrest the torrent that will pour onward to the West? The road to California will open to us. Who will stay the march of our western people? Our northern brethren also are looking towards that inviting region with much more interest than those of the South. They, too, will raise the cry of "West- Avard, ho!" However strongly many of them may now oppose annexation, yet let California be thrown open to their ambition and the torrent even of their population will roll on westwardly to the Pacific. 2 2 The preliminary treaty between Texas and Mexico, which had been arranged by Captain Charles Elliot, the British charge, was signed by the executive officers of the former country on the twenty-ninth of March. Under pretext of making a visit to South Carolina, Elliot had, in April, set out for the Mexican capital.-^ His artifice, for the time being, was successful. 21 Donelson to Buchanan, May 6; Buchanan to Donelson, May 23 (Sen. Ex. Doc. 1, 29 Cong., 1 sess., 40, 56, 69, ff.). 22 Union, June 2, 1845. 23 "I shall go out in the 'Electra, ' " Elliot wrote to President Jones on April 5, "but change ships out of sight of land, and go down in the 360 JAMES K. POLK Having sent (May 6) to Buchanan the letter in which he stated that Texas desired military protection, Donelson left for New Orleans — partly to get news of conditions in Mexico, and partly to keep track of Elliot. At New Orleans he heard it rumored that a British fleet was coming to aid Mexico. He notified Buchanan immediately and urged that the United States should take steps to protect Texas. "Of course," said he, "if war should be declared against us, Texas will be its theatre, and the earlier we are in possession of the commanding points on the Rio Grande the sooner we shall be able to bring it to a close. "^-^ While at Iberville, Donelson read in a New Orleans paper that Captain Elliot had induced Mexico to recognize the independence of Texas if she would agree to remain a separate nation. He returned immediately to Texas. Before starting, however, he dis- patched another letter to Secretary Buchanan in which he prophesied that Texas will be sure to call the proposal recognizing her independence as nothing but a mse on the part of the British government, by which it is hoped that the people of Texas will be led to reject annexation; and the effect will be, still greater unanimity in favor of the United States, and against all interference on the part of Great Britain in a question truly American. He believed that the United States should be prepared for "an immediate blow upon Mexico" in case that country should declare war, and that "Texas will be as ready as we are to defend the 'star spangled banner,' and denounce British dictation. "-^ On his arrival at Galveston, Donelson learned that Elliot was about to leave for Washington, Texas, for the purpose of sub- mitting to the Texan government the plan of recognition to which Mexico had consented. The two men discussed the plan freely, ^Eurydice.' By this means I shall be reported as gone to 'Charleston' in the 'Electra.' and so hope to arrive unobserved" (Jones, Eepublic of Texas, 443). The preliminary treaty is pointed on pp. 473-475 of the same volume. 24 Donelson to Buchanan, May 11, 1845 (Se7i. Doc. 1, 29 Cong., 1 sess., 56). 25 Donelson to Bucluanan, May 22, 1845 {ibid., 58-59). COMPLETION OF ANNEXATION 361 and Donelson was disgusted by the hypocrisy displayed in the representation that the overture for an agreement had come from Texas. "Stripped of diplomatic phrase," he wrote, "this recognition is nothing more nor less than a contrivance of Great Britain to defeat the measure of annexation, or involve Mexico in a war with the United States." Since Mexico was reported to be concentrating troops on the Rio Grande ' ' where Texas has, as yet, established no posts, ' ' Texas would probably send a force to remove these intruders and Captain Stockton would be ready to cooperate after the acceptance of annexation. In "addition to the suggestions before made on this subject, I would remark that the route for the infantry or artillery in our service which may be thought requisite on the Rio Grande, should be by water and not by land." Two days later he wrote again to the Secretary of State. He had just received Buchanan's letter of May 23 which promised protection, but it did not cover the whole ground. If Mexico should invade Texas to the Nueces or farther he fore the convention has had an opportunity to accept the American proposal, "are the United States," he asked, "to stand still and see the country thus invaded, without interposing protection ? ' '-^ In the same mail with Donelson 's dispatches went a letter from Charles A. Wickliffe, Polk's confidential agent in Texas. It informed the President that Captain Elliot was boldly assert- ing that annexation would be followed immediately by a declara- tion of war by Mexico. Mexico, said Elliot, would declare war instantly ; the United States would blockade the Mexican ports ; but Great Britain would not submit to this, and, consequently, there would be war for twenty years. Nevertheless, said the agent, Elliot was fully aware that a majority of the Texans were in favor of annexation. Wickliffe urged that any attempt on the part of Mexico to invade Texas while negotiations for annexation were pending should be' repelled with vigor by the United States.-^ 26 Donelson to Buchanan, June 2, 4, 1845, ibid., 64-66. 27 Wickliffe to Polk, June 4, 1845, Polk Papers. 362 JAMES E. POLK The letter just received from Buchanan authorized Donelson to guarantee protection after the American proposal had been accepted, and on June 11, he gave this qualified promise to the Texan Secretary of State. Elliot's bluster thoroughly aroused his indignation, and in his letter to Allen he said that if Texas cannot be allowed to enjoy the blessings of peace and independence, as one of the sovereign members of the American Union, Avithout asking per- mission of Mexico or of the monarcliies of Europe, the fact is ■worth volumes of argument in explaining the duty of those Avho are struggling to maintain a system of government founded on the will and controlled by the authority of the people.28 The tone of this letter had a reassuring effect upon the Texans and lessened the hazard of an exercise of independent judgment. The letters which Donelson and Wickliffe had written on the second and fourth of June procured prompt action on the part of their government. These communications reached Washing- ton on the evening of June 14, and on the following day Polk wrote an interesting and important letter to Donelson. The threatened invasion, said the President, increases our solicitude concerning the final action by the Congress and Convention of Texas upon our proposition of annexation. In view of the facts disclosed by you, not only as regards the approach of an invading Mexican army — but of the open intermeddling of the British Charge d' affaires with the question of annexation, I have lost no time in causing the most prompt & energetic measures to be adopted here. I am resolved to defend and protect Texas, as far as I possess the power to do so. This statement makes it clear that Polk did not doubt the genuineness of the British menace, and that he was prepared to meet it at all hazards. He informed Donelson that General Besancon, the bearer of this letter, would be dispatched that night with instructions and that another messenger would be sent at the same time to Fort Jessup, bearing orders for the troops to march at once to the mouth of the Sabine. These 28 Donelson to Allen, June 11, 1845 (Seii. Ex. Doc. 1, 29 Cong., 1 sess., 71). COMPLETION OF ANNEXATION 363 troops were to act as Donelson might direct, under his instruc- tions from the Department of State. The charge was told that the steamer Spencer had been ordered to leave New York to report to him at Galveston, and that an additional naval force would be sent immediately to the Gulf of Mexico. Polk urged that the Texan convention should, on the day of meeting, pass a general resolution accepting the offer made by the United States. ' ' The moment they do this, ' ' said the President, I shall regard Texas as a part of the Union ; all questions of Constitutional poAver to defend & protect her by driving an invading Mexican Army out of her Territory Avill be at an end and our land and naval forces will be under orders to do so. The convention could then proceed with its deliberations in safety, without fear of Mexican invasion or of ''British intrigue" . . . . "The assent of the Convention is all we want." The question of employing the army and navy of the United States to repel a Mexican invasion during the interval between the acceptance of annexation by the Texan congress and the meeting of the convention, Polk left to the discretion of Donelson. He expressed the hope that there might be no necessity for exercis- ing such discretion, nevertheless, should anything occur which was calculated to overawe or interfere with the peaceful delibera- tions of the convention — then in my judgment the public necessity for our interposition will be such that we should not stand quietly by & permit an invading foreign enemy to occupy or devastate any portion of Texan Territory. Of course I would maintain the Texan title to the extent which she claims it to be & not permit an invading enemy to occupy a foot of the soil East of the Eio Grande.-^ The troops stationed at Fort Jessup could not, as the letter pointed out, reach Texas in time to afford immediate protection to the convention which would assemble on July 4 ; nevertheless, as a definite statement of Polk's plans and purposes, this letter 20 Polk to Donelson, June 15, 1845, "Polk-Donelson Letters." Also, a copy in Polk Papers. 364 JAMES K. FOLK is extremely interesting. Writing to Donelson on the same day, Buchanan said that Captain Elliot, by obtaining Mexico's con- sent to annexation, had "deprived that power of the only miserable pretext which it had for a war against the United States. "=^° The troops to be sent from Fort Jessup were commanded by General Zachary Taylor. By a confidential dispatch dated May 28, Marcy had given instructions for the general's guidance, should annexation be accepted by Texas. Taylor sent a messenger to consult with Donelson concerning the necessity of sending troops into Texas and to investigate the resources for their sub- sistence. Donelson reported to him that all branches of the existing Texan government had assented to annexation, and that the convention would do so on the fourth of July. If any re- liance, said he, is to be placed upon the threats made by Mexico and the advice which it may be presumed will be given to her by the British and French governments, ''an invasion of Texas may be confidently anticipated " ; at all events, the General would be justified in moving to the western frontier in order to give the protection authorized by President Polk. He advised Taylor to transfer the troops from New Orleans directly to Corpus Christi, which is a healthy place and convenient for supplies, "and is the most western point now occupied by Texas." In the same, letter Donelson remarked that the "occupation of the country between the Nueces and Rio Grande, you- are aware, is a disputed question. Texas holds Corpus Christi; Mexico, Santiago, near the mouth of the Rio Grande. "^^ Von Hoist has made much of the phrases just quoted. Isolat- ing them from their context and giving to them an erroneous, or at least an ambiguous, translation, he has used them to sub- stantiate his assertion that Donelson, in this letter which was forwarded by Taylor to Washington, "emphasized the fact that 30 Buchanan to Donelson, June 15, 1845 (Buchanan, Worls, VI, 174). 31 Taylor to Ad.]. Gen., June IS; Donelson to Taylor, June 28, 1845 (H. Ex. Doc. 60, 30 Cong., 1 sess., 800, 805). COMPLETION OF ANNEXATION ' 365 it was an open question to whom the land between the Nueces and the Rio Grande belonged. ' '3- His purpose is to show that Polk, provoked a war by claiming unjustly a strip of land the ownership of which even his own subordinates had questioned. Whatever may have provoked the war, Donelson's letter conveys no such meaning. As a matter of fact his chief emphasis was placed on the healthful conditions at the places designated and his desire to avoid taking "an offensive attitude in regard to Mexico, without further orders from the government of the United States." Taylor was advised to limit his activities to the defense of Texas unless attacked, in which case he was to drive the Mexicans beyond the Rio Grande. Donelson spoke of occupation, not of oivnersliip ; but even if he had meant the latter, it is clear enough that it was not a "disputed question" so far as he was concerned. The paragraph which contained these phrases was followed by another which said that ' ' the threatened invasion of Texas, however, is founded upon the assumption that Texas has no territory independent of Mexico." Von Hoist found it convenient to omit this paragraph, for it did not har- monize with the thesis which he had set out to prove. ^^ Donel- son's views on the subject had already been expressed very clearly in his letters of May 11 and June 2, above quoted, in which he advised an early occupation of posts on the Rio Grande. In this same connection, von Hoist represents Taylor to have spoken of San Antonio as being situated on the western hoiindary ("redete gar von San Antonio als an der westlichen Grenze ge- legen") ; whereas the General simply spoke of the immediate occupation of "the western frontier (italics mine) of Texas, 32 vou Hoist, Historij of the United States, German eel., II, 72, Eng. trans.. Ill, 90. 33 His remark concerning Polk's suppression of facts might well be applied to his own writings: "That his silence about them was deliber- ately designed is made clearer than day by the false coloring by means of which he manages, without exciting distrust by bold misrepresenta- tions, to give to things which supported his assertion a weight which they did not remotely deserve" (ibid., Eng. trans., Ill, 89). 366 JAMES K. POLK from the coast to San Antonio, and ultimately further north. "3* On the same page we are told that the Texan Secretary of War asked Taylor to protect Austin, on the Colorado "da es an der Grenze ist," which the translators have made to read "because it is on the boundary. ' ' But the Secretary had written that The town of Austin where the convention will assemble, and the most of the archives of our government are now deposited, being on the frontier, and exposed to Indian depredations and Mexican invasion, would require pro- tection, as w^ould also San Antonio de Bexar and Corpus Christi.35 In justice to von Hoist it may be said that Grenze is the Ger- man equivalent of boundary, and that he may have been ignorant of the distinction drawn by Americans between the words boundary and frontier; and yet, it seems incredible that he could have so misunderstood the letters as a whole as not to have known that the American officials were speaking of a general region, and were not attempting to fix a boundary line. That von Hoist himself meant bowndary when he used the term Grenze is shown by the context, and his translators in converting his writings into English have invariably written boundary instead of fron- tier, which had been used in the original documents. Were it not for the fact that this writer's version of Polk's policy has influenced both writers and teachers of history, it would hardly be worth while to dwell on his misuse of official documents. Donelson's belief that Captain Elliot and his government were striving to prevent annexation was by no means unfounded. Great Britain was not willing to extend her interference to the point of risking a war with the United States, but she was deter- mined to apply every possible pressure that stopped short of this limit which she had set for her activities.^*' However, the 34 /bid., Ger. ed., II, 72. Taylor to Adj. Gen., July 8, 1845 (H. Ex. Doc. 60, 30 Cong., 1 sess., 802). 35 von Hoist, op. cit., Ger. ed., II, 72, Eng. trans., Ill, 90. Cook to Taylor, June 27, 1845 (H. Doc. 60, 30 Cong., 1 sess., 804). 3fi E. D. Adams, British Interests and Activities in Texas, chap. ix. It has been considered unnecessary, in a biography of Polk, to discuss in detail tlie acts aiwl the motives of England, France, and Mexico, except in their bearing on Polk's policy. The part played bv England is well presented in the volume by Professor Adams just cited. COMPLETION OF ANNEXATION 367 officious meddling of Captain Elliot and the Mexican threats of invasion caused anxiety in Texas, and fear of the latter led the government to solicit the protection of the United States. By- instructing Taylor to send dragoons to San Antonio and infantry to Corpus Christi, Donnelson had inspired the people with a feeling of safety, even though Taylor could not reach these points before the meeting of the convention.^' The preliminary treaty which Elliot had arranged between Texas and Mexico^* provided for the suspension of hostilities until the people of Texas had either accepted or rejected the terms of the agreement. Accordingly, on June 4, President Jones issued his proclamaation declaring a truce. The general effect of this proclamation and of the mystery and secrecy employed by Elliot in bringing the two governments together^^ led the people still more to distrust both men, and, consequently, aided the cause of annexation. Donelson handled the question most skilfully and did much to solidify the sentiment in favor of joining the United States. On the other hand, he very sensibly refrained from doing anything which might antagonize the Texan officials who were still trying to maintain a neutral position." Then, too, the apparent insincerity of Mexico added strength to the annexationists. As soon as President Jones had proclaimed a truce, Bankhead, the British minister in Mexico, pressed that government to issue a similar proclamation. Instead of comply- ing, Cuevas, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, made dire threats of war on Texas.*^ Even those in the lone-star republic who were inclined to oppose annexation could no longer contend that Mexico would peacefully concede independence. 37 Allen to Donelson, June 26; Donelson to Allen, June 30, 184:5 {Sen. Ex. Doo. 1, 29 Cong., 1 sess., 92, 94). Smith, Annexation of Texas, 4.j1. 3sFor a copy of this document see Adams, op. cit., 210-211, or Jones, Bepublic of Texas, 473-475. . „ . . ^u 39 Elliot was later reproved by the British Foreign Secretary tor the secrecy of his proceedings because they "laid Great Britain open to the charge of intriguing in Texas" (Aberdeen to Elliot, July 3, 1845; cited by Adams, op. cit., 220). ■40 Smith, Annexation of Texas, 452-454. 41 Adams, British Interests and Activities in Texas, 221-222. 368 JAMES K. POLK On June 16 the Texan congress assembled, and President Jones submitted the American joint resolution ; two days later he placed before this body the terms of the conditional recogni- tion of independence which Elliot had negotiated with Mexico. On the congress now devolved the duty of choosing between the two proposals ; but as Mexico was already threatening war, there was little probability that any arrangement made with that country would be selected. Without loss of time the congress by a unanimous vote agreed to accept the offer made by the United States, and by a similar vote it rejected the proposed treaty with Mexico.*- As the time for the meeting of the popular convention approached, it appeared that there might be greater difficulty in winning the approval of that body. In several respects the terms offered by the United States w^ere unacceptable to the Texans. The American joint resolution had not specified a definite boundary, and there were uncertainties regarding public lands, Indian policy, and other details. Some suggested, also, that before it had entered the Union the republic ought to be divided into several states, in order to increase its political importance.*''^ On the other hand, Donelson had been instructed by his govermnent to urge upon Texas the wisdom of accepting the proposed terms without modification, and before the meeting of the convention he had spared no effort in shaping public opinion to sanction such a course. In this connection he pointed out that many of the unsatisfactory matters could be adjusted after annexation, while haggling over terms would result in discord and delay. 42 Donelson to Buchanan, June 23, 18-15 (Sen.. Ex. Doc. 1, 29 Cong., 1 sess., 83). 4^ Smith, Annexation of Texas, 456-457. General Houston, as we have note). PEELUDE TO THE MEXICAN WAI! 393 at Mexico in 1844, President Polk had been informed, before sending- Slidell, that President Ilerrera would receive a commis- sioner, and that he was ready to settle all disputes and to cede New Mexico and California to the United States. He was told, on the other hand, according to the same statement, that the Herrera government doubted its ability to sustain itself against the power of Santa Anna if it should receive an ordinary minister as though nothing had happened. If tliis be true, then Polk must have known that, in all probability, Slidell would not be received, and his sincerity in sending the envoy may be seriously questioned. But it seems incredible that the President would deliberately jeopardize the success of a mission which promised to procure ever;yi;hing he could desire, even California, simply to gratify a whim of sending to Mexico the particular kind of a diplomatic agent which she did not want. Some allowance should be made for the fact that Green's statement was made many years after the event and that he was the son of Duff Green, the champion of Calhoun and the uncompromising opponent of Polk.*° On December 2, 1845, before the American envoy had reached his destination, Polk submitted to Congress his first annual message. In it he officially informed that body of the annexation of Texas, despite "British and French interference"; of the severance of diplomatic relations by Mexico; and of Slidell's mission. While expressing a "sincere desire for a peaceful adjustment of all difficulties," the message hinted at drastic measures in the event that negotiations should fail : 40 It is true, of course, that Polk had before him the letter of Pefia y Pena, which agreed to receive a commissioner and said nothing about a minister. See p. 389, note 34. It is true, also, that Joel R. Poinsett wrote soon after war was declared that "I took the liberty of remonstrat- ing to one in the confidence of the government that the Mexican govt would not and dared not receive our Minister Plenipotentiary but could and would receive a Commissioner and that any movement of our troops from the Nueces would lead to hostilities. The reply was not to be uneasy. The Mexicans would not cross the Rio Grande to attack our troops & Genl Taylor had orders to remain on this side of the river, that a war with Mexico depended altogether upon the state of our relations with England" (Poin- sett to Van Buren, May 26, 1846, Fan Burcn Papers). 394 JAMES K. POLK Tlie minister appointed has set out on his mission and is probably by this time near the Mexican capital. He has been instructed to bring the negotia- tion with which he is charged to a conclusion at the earliest practicable period, which it is expected will be in time to enable me to communicate the result to Congress during the present session. Until that result is known I forbear to recommend to Congress such ulterior measures of redress for the wrongs and injuries Ave have long borne as it would have been proper to make had no such negotiation been instituted. This passage indicates that, even at this early date, the President believed that the United States had ample ground for war and that he would not hesitate to recommend it if Slidell's mission should end in failure. Polk 's reference to British and French interference in Texan affairs and his allusions to the Monroe Doctrine in connection with the Oregon question were not relished in British official circles. When reporting this fact to the President, McLane wrote that "a favorate scheme of the leading powers of Europe is to compose the Mexican troubles by giving her a settled monarchical form of Government, and supplying the monarch from one of their own families."'*^ Doubtless McLane greatly exaggerated the desire for a Mexican monarchy, but his report harmonized so well with the suspicions already held by the administration that his opinions were probably accepted at face value. Slidell arrived at the Mexican capital on December 6, 1845. His secretary of legation, Parrott, soon followed, accompanied 41 McLane to Polk, Jan. 17, 1846, Polk Papers. Before the receipt of the message in England, the British press had spoken in praise of Polk's success in acquiring Texas. For example, the morning Chronide said: "That immense (juestion, the annexation of Texas, which seemed so difficult to solve that it affrighted the boldest men and parties, has been achieved by Mr. Polk in a thrice. The activity of English envoys, the suppleness of the French, the efforts of the most able and most eloquent partisans at home, all pointed at and making against annexation! All obstacles have been overcome. European interference has given color of reason to the act of annexation which it wanted before, since the measure was one which defeated and annulletl European intervention. Then the great objection was that it would produce war. Annexation, however desirable, argued the Wliigs, is not worth a drop of blood; but lo! it has not cost a drop of blood— the Mexicans are paralyzed." Quoted by the Washington Union, Jan. 2, 1846. -^ . PEELUDE TO THE MEXICAN WAR 395 b}^ Gillespie, who was on his way to California as bearer of dis- patches to Larkin and Fremont. Black, the American consul at Mexico, had met Slidell at Puebla and informed him that the Mexican government was much perturbed by his early arrival, as he had not been expected until January. President Herrera seems to have feared that the arrival of the American envoy would be used by his enemies to undermine his power. There was foundation for this belief. Broadsides appeared warning the people that Slidell had come to acquire from the Herrera goveriunent not only Texas but New Mexico and the Californias, consequently to receive him would be treasonable. Peila y Pena, the Secretary of Foreign Affairs, promptly refused to receive Parrott as secretary of legation, because of his former activities in Mexico; but as to Slidell, he adopted a temporizing policy. His first objection, as already stated, was the early date of the envoy's arrival. After the receipt of Slidell's credentials, the Secretary had a more tangible ground for objection. He pointed out to Black that Mexico had agreed to receive a commissioner to negotiate the Texas dispute, but that Slidell's credentials represented him to be a minister resident. On this ground the Mexican government declined to receive the American diplomat. *- Slidell did not, however, regard this as a final rejection, for on December 31, Herrera was forced to relinquish the government of Mexico, and on January 2, 1846, General Paredes became President, ad interim. It now remained for Slidell to seek recog- nition from the new government, and he repaired to Jalapa to await developments. On January 28, 1846, after he had received Slidell's letter of December 17 which reported that the Mexican government had declined to receive him until it had given the matter further consideration, Buchanan wrote again to Slidell, approving his 42 Black to Slidell, Dec. 15; Slidell to Buchanan, Dee. 17; Pena y Peiia to Slidell, Deo. 20, 1845 {H. Ex. Doc. 60, 30 Cong., 1 sess., 23-27, 28-30, 37). 396 JAMES K. POLK conduct and giving him further directions. As it was morally certain, said Buchanan, that Paredes would gain control of the government, Slidell was directed to apply again for recognition. The President, he was told, desired to preserve peace, because both inclination and policy dictated this course. Should the Mexican Governmeut, however, finally refuse to receive you, the eup of forbearance will then have been exhausted. Nothing can remain but to take the redress of the injuries to our citizens and the insults to our Government into our hands. In view of this serious alternative, every honorable effort should be made before a final rupture. Slidell was therefore to wait a reasonable time for Mexico to decide on his reception, unless he should discover that she was inclined to trifle with ''this Government." The length of time and the evidence of trifling were left to the envoy's discretion to determine. It will be noted that the President regarded a refusal to receive Slidell and a failure to pay the claims imme- diatel}^ as ample grounds for taking redress into his own hands — in other words, for making war on Mexico. Protection of Texas from threatened invasion had nothing to do with the question then under discussion. To make still more clear the President's intentions, Slidell was told in another paragraph that in case Mexico should finally decline to receive him he was to demand his passports and return to the United States. "It will then become the duty of the President to submit the whole case to Congress and call upon the nation to assert its just rights and avenge its injured honor." Additional naval forces had been sent to the Mexican coast and "should war become inevitable, the President will be prepared to conduct jt with vigor. ' '*^ While Slidell was seeking an audience in Mexico an agent of Santa Anna (then in exile in Cuba) appeared in Washington and obtained an interview with President Polk. This agent was Colonel Alexander J. Atocha, a Spaniard by birth but a natural- ized citizen of. the United States. As a friend of Santa Anna he 43 Buchanan, Worls, VI, 363-365. PBELVDE TO THE MEXICAN WAR 397 had been arrested when that wily ruler's government was over- thrown, but on proving his American citizenship he was released and banished. He had called on Polk in June, 1845, for the purpose of urging the United States government to press certain claims which he held against Mexico. He had now returned from a visit to Santa Anna in Havana, prepared to lay before Polk the views of the ex-dictator. In his diary under date of Febru- ary 13, 1846, Polk stated that Atocha called on that day, and the substance of the conversation was recorded. Atocha repre- sented Santa Anna to be in constant communication with the Mexican leaders. He said that Santa Anna approved the revolution headed by Paredes and that Santa Anna was in favour of a Treaty with the U. S., and that in adjusting a boundary between the two countries the Del Norte should be the Western Texas line, and the Colorado of the West down through the Bay of San Francisco to the Sea should be the Mexican line on the North, and that Mexico should cede all East and North of these natural boundaries to the U. S. for a pecuniary consideration, and mentioned thirty millions of Dollars as the sum. This amount, Santa Anna believed, would pay the most pressing debts of Mexico and support the army until conditions had improved. Col. Atocha said that Santa Anna was surprised that the U. S. Naval force had been withdrawn from Vera Cruz last fall, and that Gen '1 Taylor 's army was kept at Corpus Christi instead of being stationed on the Del Norte ; and that the U. S. would never be able to treat with Mexico, with- out the presence of an imposing force by land and sea, and this, Col. Atocha added, was his own opinion. Col. Atocha did not say that he was sent by Santa Anna to hold this conversation with me ; but I think it probable he was so. Atocha requested that the conversation should be considered confidential, and said that he had more to communicate.** Polk was evidently much interested in the views expressed by Atocha, and at a regular cabinet meeting held on the fol- lowing day he related to the members the substance of the 44 Polk, Diary, I, 222-225. 398 JAMES K. POLK conversation. The idea of sending a confidential agent to confer with Santa Anna was mentioned. Walker was inclined to favor such a course, but Buchanan was decidedly opposed to it. The President said that although he did not propose to send such an agent, if one should be sent, C. P. Van Ness, former minister to Spain, would be the best man that could be selected.*^ Atocha called again to see the President on the sixteenth of February. After discussing relations with Mexico for nearly an hour the con- versation was adjourned until afternoon when it was continued for more than an hour. Atocha repeated what he had said on February 13. Polk told him that Mexico must satisfy the claims of American citizens and that if her government had any propo- sition to make, such as he had suggested, the United States would consider it after it had been made. Atocha then pointed out that no government of Mexico would dare to make such an offer and that it ' ' must appear to be forced to agree to such a propo- sition." It was the opinion of Atocha himself and of Santa Anna that our [United States] army should be marched at once from Corpus Ohristi to the Del Norte, and a strong Naval force assembled at Vera Cruz, that Mr. Slidell, the U. S. Minister, should withdraw from Jalappa, and go on board one of our ships of War at Vera Cruz, and in tliat position should demand the payment of [the] amount due our citizens; that it was well known the Mexican Government was unable to pay in money, and that when they saw a strong force ready to strike on their coasts and border, they would, he had no doubt, feel their danger and agree to the boundary sug- gested. He said that Paredes, Almonte, & Gen'l Santa Anna were all willing for such an arrangement, but that they dare not make it until it was made apparent to the Archbishop of Mexico & the people generally that it was necessary to save their country from a war with the U. States. He said the last words which Gen'l Santa Anna said to him when he was leaving Havanna a month ago was, "when you see the President, tell him to take strong measures, and such a Treaty can be made & I will sustain it. ' ' Atocha said that Mexico owed half a million dollars to the archbishop, and that he could be reconciled by assurance that he would be paid as soon as Mexico had obtained the money from 45 Ibid., 226. PBELUDE TO THE MEXICAN WAE 399 the United States. He reported Santa Anna as having said that he could be in Mexico in April or May and would probably "go into power again," but that he and Paredes must have money to sustain themselves. With half a million in hand, they could make the treaty and retain control until the balance had been paid. Arista, he said, was friendly to the United States and in favor of ceding the northern departments to that country — in fact, he was anxious to do so, as he owned a large plantation near Monterey-. Atocha intimated an intention to return to Havana and seemed desirous of getting Polk's views to carry to Santa Anna, but the President remained silent. Polk thought him to be a man of talents, but one who could not be trusted; "I therefore heard all he said but communicated nothing to him."*'' We may well believe the President's statement that he listened attentively but offered no hint of his own intentions, for this habit was one of his best known characteristics. Although he believed Atocha to be a person who could not be relied upon, events which followed make it evident that he looked with favor upon the suggestions which had been offered. Some of them were followed, as we shall soon have occasion to note, in the new instructions given to Slidell and in the request made to Congress for money to be used in conducting negotiations. That Polk was influenced by Atocha 's suggestions there can be no doubt, and that his first impulse was to follow these sug- gestions very closely is made evident by the discussion which took place in the cabinet meeting on the following day, February 17. In giving an account of this meeting Polk says in his diary that, after relating the conversation held with Atocha, I expressed the opinion tliat it would be necessary to take strong measures towards Mexico before our difficulties with that Government could be settled; and I proposed that in addition to Mr. Slidell 's present instructions, he should be further instructed to demand an early decision of the Mexican Government, whether they would receive him as Minister or not; and, if they received him, whether they would without unnecessary delay pay the 46 Ibid., 228-230. 400 JAMES K. POLE amount due to American claimants ; and that if that Government refused to do one or both, that he should leave the country, but instead of return- ing immediately to the U. States as he had beeen instructed to do, he should go on board one of our Vessels of War at Vera Cruz, and there remain until he had further instructions from his Government. I stated that in that event I would send a strong message to Congress calling on that body to authorize me to cause another demand to be made by Mr. Slidell, from on board the vessel of war, on the Mexican Government to pay our demands, and if this Avas refused by Mexico, to confer authority on the Executive to take redress into our hands by aggressive measures. Walker, Marcy, and Bancroft favored the plan suggested by the President. Johnson was inclined to hold a different opinion, but was willing to acquiesce. Buchanan objected, because — as Polk thought — he was peeved over certain appointments and because he could not control the administration. However, it was decided that Buchanan should prepare new instructions for Slidell, in accordance with the wishes of the President. But within an hour after the meeting had adjourned Buchanan, who was in no amiable mood, sent to the President by messenger a draft of instructions, commencing with ' ' I am directed by President ' ' etc. He requested Polk to make corrections in pencil and return it in time for the mail. Polk was dissatisfied with the draft and replied that he would attend to it on the following day. Buchanan inuuediately sent the messenger back with a note stating his reasons for dissenting from the decision of the President. On receiving no reply Buchanan sent another note on the same subject, but again he received no response. Polk did not see Buchanan on the following day, but decided, on account of the Secretary's hostility, to postpone instructing Slidell for the present." The Mexican question was allowed to slumber for about three weeks, and during that time Oregon claimed the attention of both the President and Congress. On March 9 dispatches from 47 Ibid., 233-236, 238. Polk considered the conduct of his Secretary to be decidedly reprehensible, and he closed the entry for the day Avith the remark: "The draft of the despatch and the two notes. Numbered 1 & 2, I will preserve. " PRELUDE TO THE MEXICAN WAR 401 Slidell, for which Polk had been waiting, arrived, and were dis- cussed in cabinet meeting on the day following. The essential features of new instructions to Slidell were agreed upon, and Buchanan was directed to draft them.*** While the new instruc- tions, which bore the date of March 12, reflected in some degree the suggestions offered by Atocha, their tone was somewhat less bellicose than the declaration made by the President to his cabinet on February 17. The change was probably due to the opposition of Buchanan. Slidell was directed to make a formal demand to be received by the new government. Apparently the administration had slight hopes that Paredes would comply but Buchanan pointed out that the demand should be made in order to satisfy the American people that everything had been done to avoid the necessity of resorting to war. "On your return to the United States, energetic measures against Mexico would at once be recommended by the President, and these might fail to obtain the support of Congress, if it could be asserted that the existing Government had not refused to receive our Minister." Slidell was to make it known to Paredes "in some discreet man- ner" that the United States was both able and willing to relieve him from pecuniary embarrassment the moment that a treaty had been signed and ratified by Mexico.*" A rumor was afloat, said Buchanan, of a design of European powers to establish a monarchy in Mexico and to place Prince Henry of Spain on the throne. He thought that these rumors were probably idle specu- lations, but "should Great Britain and France attempt to place a Spanish or any other European Prince on the throne of Mexico, this would be resisted by all the power of the United States." Whether he should be received or not Slidell was advised to delay his return to the United States, for the Oregon question was rapidly approaching a crisis and his return might influence its settlement by creating public alarm.^° Nothing 48 Ibid., 282, 287. 49 This is evidently an echo of the suggestion made by Atocha. 50 Buchanan to Slidell, March 12, 1846 (Buchanan, Works, VI, 402-406). 402 JAMES E. POLE was said about Slidell 's repairing to a war vessel for the purpose of making another demand, as Atocha had advised and Polk had recommended to the cabinet. Apprehension concerning the Oregon question as well as the opposition of Buchanan may have been responsible for the President's change of mind. Polk seems to have been confident that Slidell would be received by Paredes. At a cabinet meeting held on March 28, he expressed the belief that Slidell 's dispatches indicated his reception to be probable. He apprehended that the greatest obstacle to the conclusion of a boundary treaty, such as Slidell had been instructed to procure, would be the want of authority to make a prompt payment of money at the time of signing it. Paredes was in great need of money to pay his troops and keep them loyal, and Polk was of opinion that if Slidell could be authorized to pay a half million or a million dollars as soon as the treaty had been signed, it "might induce him [Paredes] to make a Treaty, which he would not otherwise venture to make." Some of the cabinet members raised the question of how this money could be obtained from Congress without exposing to the public and to foreign nations the object in voting it. "That object," said the President, as may be seen from Mr. Slidell 's instructions, would be in adjusting a boundary to procure a cession of New Mexico & California, & if possible all North of latitude 32° from the Passo [El Paso] on the Del Norte & West to the Pacific ocean; or if that precise boundary cannot be obtained, then the next best boundary which might be practicable so as at all events to include all the country East of the Del Norte and the Bay of San Francisco. For the boundary desired, see Mr. Slidell 's instructions. The cabinet, except the Secretary of State, agreed. Buchanan thought the plan of asking for an advance appropriation to be impracticable. Polk called attention to the act passed in 1806 to enable Jefferson to purchase the Floridas, and suggested that memliers of Congress might be consulted infonnally for the purpose of ascertaining the probability of obtaining the appro- priation. He had already broached the subject to Ingersoll, of PBELUDE TO THE MEXICAN WAR 403 Pennsj'lvania, aiid Cullom, of Tennessee, After the meeting- had adjourned Polk summoned Benton and asked his opinion con- cerning the feasibility of the plan. Benton concurred in the views of the President and promised his cooperation.'^^ On ex- amining the laws Polk found another precedent for his proposed appropriation — the two millions voted in 1803 to enable Jefferson to purchase Louisiana. He conversed with Allen, chairman of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, and with Senator Cass. Both approved his plan. On the advice of Allen and Benton the President sent for Calhoun and asked his opinion on the proposed appropriation and on the purpose for which it was to be used. Calhoun was in favor of procuring a boundary which would include California, and said that he had contem- plated trying to procure such a boundary when he was Secretary of State. He did not, however, like the boundary suggested by the President. Neither did he approve the plan to ask for an appropriation, for fear it might interfere with the settlement of the Oregon question. '- While the President was exerting his influence to obtain from Congress an appropriation to facilitate negotiations, a dispatch arrived, on April 6, from the American consul at Vera Cruz stating that Slidell would probably not be received. The dis- patch was read in cabinet meeting next day, and Polk recorded in his diary: I stated that in the event Mr. Slidell was not accredited, and returned to the U. S., my opinion was that I should make a communication to Congress recommending that Legislative measures be adopted, to take the remedy for the injuries and wrongs we had suffered into our own hands. On the evening of the seventh dispatches from Slidell arrived, informing the President that he had not been received and that he had demanded his passports.^^ 51 Polk, Diary, I, 303, 305-308. 52 Ibid., 309-313. 53 Ibid., 319, 322. 404 JAMES K. POLK On March 12, the day on which Buchanan penned his final instructions to Slidell, the Mexican Minister of Foreign Rela- tions notified the American envoy that he could not be received. He was told that the annexation of Texas had always been and was still regarded by Mexico as a casus telli. In spite of this fact she had agreed to receive a commissioner to discuss this question, but the United States had sent instead a minister resi- dent. Should the United States persist in its present course the Mexican government would "call upon all her citizens to fulfill the sacred duty of defending their country," and if war should result, the entire blame would rest upon the United States. As soon as he received this letter Slidell asked for his passports, and they were sent to him by Castillo on the twenty-first of March.^* He had left, therefore, for the United States before the arrival of Buchanan's instructions of March 12. With one government maintaining that aggressive measures must follow the refusal to receive the American envoy, and the other asserting that an in- sistence upon his reception must be met by an appeal to arms, it will be seen that Slidell 's mission played an important part in bringing about a collision between the two nations. To be sure, Mexico still regarded the annexation of Texas as a casus helli and Castillo did not expressly state that she was prepared to acquiesce in its incorporation into the American Union, but at least he still intimated a willingness to negotiate on this limited question. On receipt of Slidell 's dispatch which announced that he had been rejected and had demanded his passports, the President consulted Benton concerning "the steps proper to be taken and especially if the principal Powers of Europe should attempt to force a Foreign Pi-ince on the throne of Mexico." He consulted Houston, of Texas, and Allen, of Ohio, also, and it was agreed that nothing should be done until it had been ascertained that pass- ports had actually been given to Slidell.^^ About a week later 54 Castillo y L.anzas to Slidell, March 12 and March 21. ; Slidell to Castillo, March 17, 1846 (H. Ex. Doo. 60, 30 Cong., 1 sess., 67-72, 79). 55 Polk, Diary, I, 325-327. PEELUDE TO THE MEXICAN WAB 405 (April 18) the President told Calhoun that he "saw no alter- native but strong measures towards Mexico." Calhoun depre- cated war and expressed the opinion that if the Oregon question could be settled first there would be no difficulty in adjusting the difficulties with Mexico, for he believed that Great Britain desired to prevent a war between the United States and Mexico. Polk, on the contrary, believed that the British minister in Mex- ico had exerted his influence to prevent Slidell's reception. Cal- houn urged against sending a message to Congress on Mexican affairs until the Oregon question had been settled. "I told him," said Polk, that I would delay a reasonable time, but that whatever the settlement of the Oregon question might be, I would feel it my duty to lay the Mexican question before Congress, with my opinion on the subject, in time for their action at the present Session.se Three days later Polk told his cabinet that "our relations with Mexico could not be permitted to remain in statu quo" ; that he contemplated asking Congress to adopt strong measures, but thought it prudent to await news from England before taking this step. He did not have long to wait, for on the following day (April 22) a dispatch from McLane was received. McLane was of opinion that Great Britain would take no step on the Oregon question until the Senate had come to some decision on the bill to terminate joint occupation of Oregon. On the twenty- third, the conference committee of the two houses came to an agreement on the bill to give England the required twelve months' notice; and on the twenty-fifth, Polk informed his cabinet that he deemed it to be his duty to make a communication to Congress without delay. "I expressed my opinion," the President re- corded, that we must take redress for the injuries done us into our own hands, that we had attempted to conciliate Mexico in vain, and had forborne until forbearance was no longer either a virtue or patriotic . . . and that we should take a bold and firm course towards Mexico. 56 Ibid., 337-338. 406 JAMES K. FOLK Buchanan, whose opinion was first requested, thought that the President should recommend a declaration of war, while the other members suggested that a message be prepared and submitted to them wdthin the course of a week. After considerable discussion Buchanan was requested to collect materials and prepare the draft of a message for the President's consideration.^' While Buchanan was preparing "a succinct history" of wrongs on which to base a message to Congress the President once more consulted Benton. The Missouri Senator had not yet made up his mind, but he expressed a decided aversion to a war with Mexico, if it could be avoided. He advised delay until the Oregon question had been either settled or brought to a crisis. *'I told him," said Polk, "we had ample cause of War, but that I was anxious to avoid it if it could be done honourably & con- sistently with the interests of our injured citizens." He w^ould delay, he said, until the arrival of Slidell in Washington, but he could not permit Congress to adjourn without laying the subject before them.^^ It should be noted that up to this point the President dwelt entirel}^ on the refusal to receive Slidell and the failure to adjust the claims of American citizens. These furnished, in his opinion, ample grounds for war. This fact is significant, for Mexico was in such dire financial straits that she could not pay the claims except by a cession of territory. In other words, the President was ready to wage war to procure a territorial compensation for claims against Mexico. He does not, up to this time, mention any military aggressions on the part of Mexico. But on May 5 Polk received a dispatch from Taylor, dated April 15, stating that he had been ordered by Ampudia to fall back across the Nueces, and the President noted in his diary that "the probabil- ities are that hostilities might take place soon."^" On May 8, 57 ihid., 343, 344, 347, 354. 5s Ihid., 375-376. ■r-o Taylor to Adj. Gen., April 15, 1846 {B. Ex. Doc. 60, 30 Cong., 1 sess., 138). Polk, D!«n/, I, 380. PRELUDE TO THE MEXICAN WAR 407 Slidell, who had just returned from IMexico, called on the Presi- dent and told him that there was only one course left — for the United States to take the redress of its injuries into its own hands. "In this I agreed with him," said Polk, "and told him it was only a matter of time when I would make a communication to Congress on the subject, and that I had made up my mind to do so very soon.""" The cabinet met on the following day and the President informed them that, although no open act of aggression by the Mexican army had been reported, it was imminent that such would be committed. All agreed that if Taylor's forces should be molested the President ought to recommend a declar- ation of war. Polk then asked each member whether, in his opinion, a message should be sent to Congress on the following Tuesday,"^ and whether it should recommend a declaration of war. All answered in the affirmative except Bancroft, who, how- ever, favored immediate war should Mexico commit any hostile act. It was agreed that a message should be prepared and con- sidered at the next meeting.''- On that same evening a dispatch from Taylor arrived, giving an account of the killing of Amer- ican dragoons on the east bank of the Rio Grande. Polk sum- moned the cabinet to a special meeting, and it was agreed unani- mously that the President should lay the matter before Congress and urge prompt measures to enable the Executive to prosecute the war. At noon on Monday, May 11, the war mesasge was ready and on its way to the capitol. Mexico herself had removed the obstacle which had worried both Bancroft and Buchanan. In addition, she rendered the President a distinct service by enabling him to base his war message on more tangible grounds — grounds which all friends of the administration could endorse with enthusiasm, and those which the opponents, for patriotic reasons, found it difficult to assail. Before the message was sent 60 Polk, Diary, I, 382. 61 This was on Saturday, May 9. 62 Polk, Diary, I, 384-385. Buchanan said that he would feel better if Mexico had committed some hostile act, but as matters stood, there was ample cause for war, so he gave his assent. 408 JAMES K. POLK to Congress, Benton called, by appointment, and criticized some parts of it. He was, he said, in favor of defending our territory, but was not prepared to make aggressive war on Mexico. Al- though he had remained silent, he had not favored marching the army from Corpus Christi to the Rio Grande, and he doubted that the territory of the United States extended west of the Nueces river.^^ The departure of Slidell from Mexico ended all attempt to adjust the international dispute by negotiation. Both nations now agreed on one point at least — that arms alone could settle the controversy. But which nation was the aggressor? Which committed the first overt act of war ; and to what extent, if any, was the American occupation of that strip of territory lying between the Nueces and the Rio Grande the real cause of the war ? We have already seen that Polk was ready to recommend war because Mexico would not pay the American claims by a cession of territory. Let us now consider the effect of Taylor's march to the Rio Grande upon Mexico's decision to attack the enemy. As a department of Mexico Texas had extended to the Nueces only ; the land lying west of that river belonged to the department of Tamaulipas. Except Santa Anna's agreement of 1836 and the Elliot treaty of 1845, Mexico never recognized the independ- ence of Texas, much less the extension of her boundary. Texas of course claimed everything to the Rio Grande, but throughout her career as a republic the territory between the two rivers remained unoccupied by either country except that Mexico held a few posts on the east bank of the Rio Grande. The legitimate extent and boundaries of Texas, therefore, were not determined when that republic joined the American Union, and the joint resolution of annexation left them as vague as before. "What, then, is Texas?" was the embarrassing question asked by the Whigs, as soon as the administration took steps to protect the new state from invasion. Texas, they said, was bounded by the Nueces, not by the Rio Grande; and they denied the President's C3 Ibid., 386-390. PEELUDE TO THE MEXICAN WAR 409 authority to send an army into the "disputed territory" between the two rivers.''* The occupation of this territory was later used by Mexico as an excuse for attacking the American army ; but at the time that diplomatic relations were severed, the question of boundary was not a definite issue. Almonte demanded his passports and left Washington soon after the joint resolution had passed, without waiting to see what boundary would be claimed. His conduct was approved by his government, and Mexico con- tinued to assert her determination to reconquer Texas — not sim- ply the "disputed territory," but all of it. There was no inti- mation of an intention on her part to acquiesce in the annexation of Texas until she agreed to receive a commissioner to negotiate that question, and she declined to receive Slidell because his credentials were unacceptable. Although Polk had, before annexation was completed, an- nounced his intention to claim the Rio Grande as the boundary of Texas, the western frontier was not occupied immediately. On July 30, 1845, Taylor was instructed to station part of his forces west of the Nueces, but it was not until January 13, 1846, that he was ordered to move his army to the east bank of the Rio Grande. On receipt of this order, early in February, Taylor at once made preparations to carry it into effect, and he reported that he did not anticipate that his advance would be resisted. Before leaving Corpus Christi, Taylor prepared and had trans- lated into Spanish an "order" which he caused to be circulated among the inhabitants dwelling "along the Rio Grande. This order stated that the advance to the Rio Grande was not a hostile move, and that both the personal and the property rights of the inhabitants on either side of that river would be respected."^ 64 On September 13, 1845, the National Intelligenoer said that if the Army of Observation should be sent beyond the Nueces it woukl not be in Texas and not defending Texas. "Is the disputed territory, then, a part of Texas? No. It was not Avithin Texas, as a part of Mexico. It has not been since acquired by arms or treaty." 65 Taylor to Adj. Gen., Feb. 4 and Feb. 10, 1846 (H. Ex. Doc. 60. 30 Cong., l" sess., 116-117). "Order No. 30," dated March 8, 1846 {ihid., 119-120). 410 JAMES E. POLK The march of Taylor toward the Rio Grande was undisputed by the Mexicans until he reached the Arroyo Colorado on March 19. Here a party of cavalry was encountered, and their com- mander warned Taylor that he was under orders to fire on the Americans should they attempt to pass that river. The warning was unheeded by Taylor and the Mexicans retreated without interposing armed resistance, but during the parley one of the officers placed in Taylor's hands a bellicose proclamation which had been issued on March 18 by General Francisco Mejia. This document is of interest, not only as being the first specific chal- lenge to the advance of the American army, but because it draws a sharp distinction between Texas and land lying between the Nueces and Rio Grande. The "degenerate sons of Washington," said Mejia, not satisfied with annexing Texas, were now advanc- ing to take possession X)i a large part of Tamaulipas. This they had begun ' ' whilst endeavoring to lull us into security, by open- ing diplomatic relations. " " The limits of Texas, ' ' he continued, ' ' are certain and recognized ; never have they extended beyond the river Nueces ; notwithstanding which, the American army has crossed the line separating Tamaulipas from that department." Even though Mexico might acquiesce in the annexation of Texas, nevertheless the territory of Tamaulipas would still remain beyond the law of annexation, sanctioned by the American Congress; because that law comprises independent Texas, the ground occupied by the rebellious colony, and in no wise includes other departments, in which the Mexican government has uninter[r]uptedly exercised its legitimate authority. All Mexicans were therefore exhorted to defend their country.''® While Taylor was on the march from the Arroyo Colorado to Point Isabel he was met by a civil deputation from Matamoras bearing a protest from the prefect of the northern district of Tamaulipas. It stated that Taylor's march was regarded as an invasion of Mexico, and the prefect pointed out that "nothing has been said officially by the cabinet of the Union to the Mexican «u Ibid., 125-129. PBELUDE TO THE MEXICAN WAIi 411 government, respecting the extension of the limits of Texas to the left bank of the Rio Bravo." The citizens of the district, he said, would never consent to separate themselves from Mexico and join the United States.*''^ To this protest Taylor paid no heed, but moved on to take a position opposite Matamoras. His batteries bore directly on the public square of that town, and "their object," reported Taylor, "cannot be mistaken by the enemy." A parley was held on the Mexican side of the river by General Worth and General Vega in which Worth demanded an interview with the American consul at Matamoras. The de- mand was refused, and Worth informed the Mexican commander that he regarded this refusal as a belligerent act. Worth stated also that Taylor would regard the crossing of the Rio Grande by Mexican forces as an act of war.*'^ On March 31, General Mejia addressed a note to Taylor stating that air Mexicans looked upon the occupation of the east bank of the Rio Grande as a "positive declaration of war on the Part of the United States." Taylor's march could not be viewed as pacific, "inasmuch as a question of limits is depending between our respective governments." It could not be so viewed, "because it is not easy to conceive the reason or justice of taking forcible possession of the very terri- tory in dispute, pending the negotiation."*'^ Had such a com- munication been addressed to President Polk he might have had difficulty in explaining the peaceful nature of the advance of the American army, but it was Taylor's duty to obey orders and not to justify his movements. He very wisely declined to assume the role of a diplomat. On April 11, General Ampudia arrived at Matamoras and took command of the Mexican forces. By "explicit and definite orders of his [my] government," he at once summoned Taylor fiTCardenes to Taylor, March 23, 1846 (ibid., 130-132). es Taylor to Ad.i. Gen., April 6, 1846; Minutes of the parley held on March 28 (ibid., 133-138). e^ Ibid., 1204. 412 JAMES K. POLK to retire beyond the Nueces witliin tAventy-four hours, there to remain until the limits of Texas should be determined by the two governments. ''If you insist in remaining upon the soil of the department of Tamaulipas, " he was told, "it will clearly result that arms, and arms alone, must decide the question." Taylor replied on the same day that he would remain where he was, ' ' leaving the responsibility with those who rashly commence hos- tilities." As a result of Ampudia's note, Taylor immediately ordered a blockade of the Rio Grande, which cut off supplies from Matanioras.'^*' On April 24, Ampudia was superseded by General Arista, who at once notified Taylor that Mexico could not submit to the indignities heaped upon her by the United States, and that hostilities had commenced. Taylor replied on the following day that he had carefully refrained from committing any act which couhl possibly be interpreted into hostility, until the per- emptory summons of General Ampudia to vacate my position within twenty-four hours, rendered it necessary to take some action, and I then chose a measure not in itself hostile, but a simple defensive precaution, viz: a blockade of the Eio Bravo. "i Altliough this definition of a blockade may have relieved the conscience of the man who made it, such a bottling-up of the opponent is usually regarded as an act of war. Ampudia pro- tested vigorously and demanded the free use of the river, but Taylor refused to raise the blockade "unless indeed you desire an armistice pending the settlement of the question between the two governments. "^- The Mexican President likewise considered Taylor's blockade to be an act of war. On April 23, Paredes issued a proclamation directing a "defensive war" to begin. After a recital of the injuries which, since 1836, the United States had inflicted upon the people of Mexico ; the sending of Slidell as minister resident 70 Ampudia to Taylor, April 12; Tavlor to Ampudia, April 12; Taylor to Adj. Gen., April 15, 1846 (ibid., 138-140). -1 Ibid., 1204-1206. "Taylor to Ampudia, April 22, 1846 (ibid., 144-147). PBELUDE TO THE MEXICAN WAR 413 at the very moment when the American troops were occupying Mexican territory ; and the blockade of the Rio Grande by war vessels : Paredes asserted that hostilities therefore have been begun by the United States of America, who have imdertaken new conquests in the territory lying within the line of the Departments of Tamaulipas and Nueva Leon while the troops of the United States are threatening Monterey in Upper California. He had therefore directed the commanding general to "attack the army which is attacking us ; to answer with war the enemy who makes war upon us." Like Taylor, Paredes invented a defi- nition to suit his purposes, for he declared the proposed hostilities to be not a M^ar against the government of the United States, but simply a defense of Mexican territory which had been invaded.'^ Arista, who assumed command of the Mexican forces on the day after Paredes had issued his proclamation, took immediate steps to cross the Rio Grande. General Torrejon, with all of the cavalry and a small body of infantry, was sent across the river above Matamoras, while the main body of infantry and artillery was to cross below Matamoras and cut Taylor off from his base of supplies at Point Isabel.'^* On April 25, Torrejon encoun- tered a scouting party of sixty-three American dragoons, under Captain Thornton. An engagement followed in which sixteen Americans were killed or wounded and the remainder forced to surrender. The prisoners were taken to Matamoras and treated kindly by the Mexicans.'" The long-threatened war with Mexico '3 "I solemnly announce that I do not decree war against the govern- ment of the United States of America, because it belongs to the august Congress of the nation, and not to the Executive, to decide definitely what reparation must be exacted for such injuries. But the defense of Mexican territory which the troops of the United States are invading is an urgent necessity, and my responsibility before the nation would be immense if I did not order the repulse of forces which are acting as enemies; and I have so ordered. From this day defensive war begins, and every point of our territory which may be invaded or attacked shall be defended by force" {Mexico a traves de los Siglos, IV, 559). Eives, The United States and Mexico, II, 141-142. "4 Rives, op. cit., 143. 75 Taylor to Adj. Gen., April 26, 1846; Reports of Captains Thornton and Hardee {ibid., 288, 290-292). 4U JAMES K. FOLK was at last a reality. The killing of Thornton's dragoons by the Mexican forces under Torrejon was soon described by President Polk as an unprovoked act of war. In a message sent to Congress on May 11, 1846, the President asserted that after reiterated menaces, Mexico has passed the boundary of the United States, has invaded our territory, and shed American blood upon the American soil. She has proclaimed that hostilities have commenced, and that the two nations are no-w at war. As war exists, and, notwithstanding all our efforts to avoid it, exists by the act of Mexico herself, we are called upon by every consideration of duty and patriotism to vindicate with decision and honor, the rights, and the interests of our country. He therefore recommended prompt and energetic measures for bringing the war to a speedy and successful termination.'^® Whether or not Taylor's advance into the "disputed terri- tory" was the actual cause of Mexico's refusal to renew diplo- matic relations and of her determination to resort to arms, it at least served as an excuse for such a course on her part. Although she had from the first claimed the occupation of any part of Texas to be an invasion of Mexico and a casus belli, she had, on various occasions, intimated that she might acquiesce in the annexation of Texas and discuss its limits. It was not until Taylor had crossed the Nueces that she actually took steps to attack the American forces. Polk may or may not have acted within his rights in assuming the boundary claimed by Texas, but at least there was some justification in the contention of the Whigs that he precipitated the war by ordering Taylor to the Rio Grande. 7fi Richardson, Messages and Papers of the Presidents, IV, 442-4-13. CHAPTER XVIII WAR IN NORTHERN MEXICO President Polk's war message was sent to Congress on May 11, 1846. After a brief debate of two hours the House, by a vote of one hundred and seventy-four to fourteen, passed a bill which authorized the President to prosecute the war that exists "by the act of the Republic of Mexico."^ Garrett Davis, of Kentucky, denied the truth of the statement just quoted and asserted -that : " It is our own President who began this war" by sending General Taylor beyond the Nueces river. In defense of the administra- tion, the Washington Union answered this contention by calling attention to the fact that Mexico had always claimed Texas to the Sabine, and that there was no reason for believing that her invading army would stop at the Nueces.- Greater opposition was encountered in the Senate, and for a time the President feared that Benton and Calhoun would join the Whigs and thereby defeat the House bill. However, after a day's debate, the Senate, having added a few amendments, passed the measure by a vote of forty-two to two. Benton voted for the bill and Calhoun, having opposed a declaration of war, declined to vote either way.^ Some of the members based their objections 1 Cong. Globe, 29 Cong., 1 sess., 795. Polk, Diary, 1, 392. 2 " No man has yet alleged, so far as we know, that a Mexican invasion of Texas, if permitted by us, wovld have stoirped at the Nueces; or would have thought of stopping there. ... The claim of Mexico is, m tenns, that she owns Texas up to the Sabine. She makes not the slightest ditter- ence in any one of her state papers between her ownership up to the Nueces and her ownership up to the Sabine. In a great multitude of state papers of old date, and of most recent date, Mexico says that Texas— aH Texas- is her soil. This claim to the whole of Texas is the claim on which she refused negotiation. On this claim, and none other, Almonte threw up his passports. On this claim Mr. Shannon was sent home" {Union, May lo, 1846). 3 Cong. Globe, lac. cit., 804. Polk, Diary, I, 394. 416 JAMES K. POLK on the lack of information as to what had happened on the Rio Grande ; others denounced the President for having invaded ter- ritory which did not belong to the United States. In general, tlie Van Burenites of both houses supported the administration witli their votes, but in private their criticisms were quite as severe as those of the Whigs. Although Cambreleng was not a member of Congress at the time, a letter which he wrote to the ex-Presi- dent well expresses the feelings of this faction. The letter is especially interesting, for when Polk occupied the Speaker 's chair, Cambreleng was his most loyal supporter. Having pronounced Polk to be worse than John Tyler and invoked divine pardon for having aided in his election, Cambreleng said : With regard to Mexico, they make inquiry through a consul — Mexico proposes to receive a Commissioner to treat about Texas if we will with- draw our naval forces — then we send in hot haste, and most secretly, a Minister Plenipotentiary, at a moment too when a revolutionary movement was going on and when it was obvious, that our minister could do nothing whatever but help Paredes to overthrow Ilerera, which he did very effec- tively and returned home with his credentials. [Taylor marched across Tamaulipas and blockaded the Mexicans] as if he had instructions [to make war, and Mexico had no choice but to fight].* The bill which decreed war against Mexico was signed by the President on May 13, and General Scott was given command of the army for which it provided, although Polk did not consider him to be "in all respects suited" for the position. At a cabinet meeting held on the same evening the President and his Secretary of State had a sharp disagreement concerning the scope and the objects of the war. Buchanan had brought to the meeting the draft of a dispatch which was to be sent to American ministers at foreign courts. Its purpose was to notify those governments of the declaration of war, and to announce the intentions of the American government. In his draft Bu- chanan disavowed any intention of dismembering JMexico, and of making conquests. He stated specifically that the war had 4 Cambreleng to Win Buren, Washington, May 16, 1846, Van Buren Papers. WAE IN NOBTHEBN MEXICO 417 not been undertaken ' ' with a view to acquire either California or New Mexico or any other portion of Mexican territory. ' ' Polk ' ' thought such a declaration to Foreign Governments unnecessary and improper, ' ' and believed the causes for war set forth in his message to be entirely adequate. He told his Secretary that while the United States liad not gone to war for the purpose of conquest, yet it was clear that in making peace we would if- practicable obtain California and such other portion of the Mexican territory as would be sufficient to indemnify our claimants on Mexico, and to defray the expenses of the war which that power by her long continued wrongs and injuries had forced us to wage. I told him it was well known that the Mexican Government had no other means of indemnifying us. Buchanan expressed the fear that Lord Aberdeen would demand from McLane, United States minister in London, a statement as to whether his government intended to acquire Mexican territory, especially California. Should a satisfactory answer be withheld, he feared that both England and France would join Mexico in the war against us. Polk replied that the present war did not concern any European power, a demand such as Buchanan had mentioned would be an insult, and ' ' if made I would not answer it, even if the consequence should be a war with all of them." He would give no pledges as to th^ terms on which he would ulti- mately make peace with Mexico. Buchanan insisted that if as- surances were not given we would surely have war with England, and probably with France, for neither would permit California to be annexed to the United States. "I told him," wrote the President, "that before I would make the pledge which he pro- posed, I would meet the war which either England or France or all the Powers of Christendom might wage," and that "neither as a citizen nor as President would I permit or tolerate any inter- meddling of any European Power on this Continent."' Although Buchanan still maintained that unless some pledge were given the Oregon question could not be adjusted and that England would declare war, the President was immovable and said that he would take the responsibility of a war rather than give a 418 JAMES K. POLK pledge which would prevent him from ''fairly and honourably" acquiring California. The other members of the cabinet sup- ported this position, and Polk was ' ' much astonished at the views expressed by Mr. Buchanan on the subject." The President him- self drafted a paragraph to be substituted for the one which Buchanan had submitted.'^ Scarcely had the President reduced his Secretary of State to proper subordination when difficulties with his Whig generals presented themselves.*' He had planned first of all to seize the northern provinces of Mexico and to hold them until the enemy had been forced to make peace. Without hesitation Congress voted the necessary troops and supplies, but the question of se- lecting suitable commanders to lead the troops to victory caused the President no little anxiety and annoyance. As Scott was the ranking general, Polk tendered him the command and consulted him concerning military arrangements, but he regarded the gen- eral as "visionary" and his advice as of no great value." From the beginning of his administration Polk seems to have looked upon the conquest of Mexico as an easy matter. Like most civilian executives he did not fully appreciate the time required to equip an army for active service. On the other hand. General Scott took both himself and his position very seriously, and was desirous of making his descent upon Mexico as imposing as pos- sible. He was a competent officer, and doubtless his intentions were good, but his vanity and tactless utterances soon involved him in difficulties. 5 Polk, Dmry, I, 396-399. For the dispatch as finally sent to the American ministers abroad, see Buclianan, Works, VI, 484. « Polk Avas told that not only Scott but General Wool and Adjutant General Jones Avere using their influence Avith members of Congress to prevent the passage of a bill to authorize the appointment of tAvo ncAv major generals and four brigadier generals (Polk, Diary, I, 418). T'l did not think that so many as 20,000 [the number Avhich Scott had requested for immediate scrAice] A-olunteers besides the regular army Avas necessary, but I did not express this opinion, not being Avilling to take the responsibility of any failure of the campaign by refusing to grant to Geu'l Scott all he asked" (Polk, Diary, I, 400-401). WAS IN NOBTHEBN MEXICO 419 Without consulting the War Department, Scott announced that he probably would not be ready to set out for the seat of war until the first of September. Through the Secretary of War, the President notified him that unless he should proceed to the Rio Grande very soon he would be superseded by another com- mander. Polk undoubtedly bore a prejudice against the general from the beginning and may have been too impatient with his delay ; on the other hand, Scott's amazing indiscretions soon gave the President no alternative but to deprive him of his command. Not satisfied with telling applicants for military positions that these places had been created "to give Commissions or rather pay to western democrats," he responded to Marcy's notice that the President desired greater promptness, by returning a most insulting and vainglorious letter. Although Polk had verbally tendered Scott the command of the Mexican expedition, the gen- eral now complained because he had not received a written order assigning him to the command; he had, nevertheless, been in- cessantly employed in making preliminary arrangements. "In the midst of these multitudinous and indispensable occupations, wrote the irate general, I have learned from you that much impatience is already felt, perhaps in high quarters, that I have not already put myself in route for the Rio Grande; and now, with fourteen hours a day of preliminary work remain- ing on my hands for many days, 1 find myself compelled to stop that necessary work to guard myself against, perhaps, utter condemnation in the quarters alluded to. I am too old a soldier, and have had too much special experience, not to feel the infinite importance of securing myself against danger, (ill will or pre-condemnation,) in my rear, before advancing upon the public enemy. He had no fear of the enemy ahead, but unless he could feel confident of support in Washington the selection of another com- mander was advised. For fear that Marcy.and Polk might not have sufficient mental capacity to grasp his meaning, the general added: "My explicit meaning is, that I do not desire to place 420 JAMES K. POLK myself in the most perilous of all. positions — a fire upon my rear from Wa.'ihington, and the fire in fro-nt from the Mexicans." So clear was his explanation that both men saw at once the injustice of placing the gallant and overworked general in such a danger- ous predicament. In a very able and dignified — but, at the same time, withering — letter, Marcy notified Scott that, instead of leading the Mexican expedition, he was to remain in "Washington.* In itself Marcy 's letter was galling enough to the pompous gen- eral's pride, but, as if to add insult to injury, it was handed to him just "as he [I] sat down to a hasty plate of soup." In another letter he made a lame attempt to explain that his allu- sions to "high quarters" meant members of Congress instead of the President, but he could not refrain from sneering at Polk's "magnanimity" in not having him court-martialed." The effron- tery exhibited in his letters indicates that the general was still deluded by the campaign cry, ' ' Who is James K. Polk ? ' ' Marcy enlightened him, for the time being at least. Indeed the Presi- dent felt himself to be fully competent to discharge the duties which the Constitution had assigned to the chief executive. To one of his many volunteer advisers he remarked that: "I hoped my friends in Congress and elsewhere would suffer me to conduct the war with Mexico as I thought proper, and not plan the cam- paign for me."^" As already noted, Polk did not anticipate great difficulty in defeating the Mexican armies. Apparently, he feared most of all the influence of the Mexican priests. He thought that de- signing persons in Mexico had led the priests to believe that the « After calling attention to the importance of the position to which Scott had been assigned by the President, Marcy said: "How could you, under these circumstances, arrest your labors of preparation, and suffer your energies to be crippled, for tiie purpose of indulging in illiberal im- putations against the man who has just bestowed upon you the highest mark of his confidence?" ••' Polk, Diary. I, 395, 400, 413-415, 419-421. The correspondence is printed in Nilcs' Meg., LXX, 231-233. 10 Polk, Diary, I, 427. I WAB IN NOBTHEBN MEXICO 421 United States had planned to pillage their churches and to over- throw their religion. So long as the priests harbored such fears they would do much to incite the people stubbornly to resist the advance of the American army. Being desirous of weakening the power of the Mexican government by winning the good will of the people, especially in the northern provinces, Polk attached great importance to disabusing the minds of the priests. ' ' If the Catholic Priests in Mexico, ' ' he told Benton, can be satisfied that their churches and religion would be secure the con- quests of the Northern Provinces of Mexico will be easy and the proba- bility is that the war would be of short duration; but if a contrary opinion prevails the resistance to our forces will be desperate. He therefore sought interviews with Bishop Hughes, of New York, and the Bishop of Missouri and asked them to select priests who might accompany the army as chaplains and assure the Mexi- can clergy that their fear of Americans was groundless. A proc- lamation in the Spanish language which promised religious free- dom and kind treatment was prepared and sent to General Taylor with instructions that it should be distributed among the inhabi- tants.^^ In planning the campaign against Mexico the President at- tached great importance to getting possession of California. As early as May 26 he proposed, and his cabinet unanimously agreed, that an "expedition be immediately fitted out against Upper California" if it should be found that the mounted regiments assembled at Independence, Missouri, could reach the Sacramento region before winter. On May 30 he again impressed upon the cabinet the importance of having military possession of California when the time for making peace should have arrived. "I de- clared," said he, "my purpose to be to acquire for the U. S. California, New Mexico, and perhaps some others of the Northern 11 Ibid 408-411. For the proclamation see H. Ex. Doc. 60, 30 Cong., 1 sess 284-287 In it the Mexicans were told that their government was in the 'hands of"tvrants and usurpers," and that the United States was doing the people a real kindness by invading their country. 422 JAMES K. POLK Provinces of Mexico whenever peace was made. ' ' Colonel Stephen W. Kearny, who had already been transferred from Fort Leaven- woi'th to Santa Fe for the purpose of affording protection to American traders, was now selected to lead the expedition to California. By a new commission which accompanied his in- structions he was made a brevet brigadier-general. A requisition was sent to the governor of Missouri for one thousand mounted men to supplement the force of dragoons under Kearny's com- mand. It was agreed that Kearny should be authorized to take into liis service any American citizens whom he might find in California. He was to be given authority, also, to enlist a few hundred of the Mormons who were now on their way to California, "with a view to conciliate them, attach them to our country, & prevent them from taking part against us." The President di- rected that arms and provisions should be sent immediately from New York to the Pacific for the use of Kearny's army.^- About two weeks later he consulted his cabinet on the propriety of send- ing from New York by sea a regiment of volunteers to join Kearny 's forces in California. Benton, whose advice was sought by the President, favored sending such a regiment, but he be- lieved that the men should go as emigrants and be discharged in California at the end of their service. ^^ This policy was subse- quently adopted. Although Polk was interested primarily in the acquisition of California and New Mexico he desired to procure, if possible, a much larger area; and the amicable settlement of the Oregon 12 Polk, Diary, I, 429, 437-439, 443-444. On June 3, J. C. Little, a Mormon from Pettrsborough, N. H., called on Polk for the purpose of ascertaining the policy of the government towards this sect. He was told that they would be treated like any other American citizens and that they would be invited to enlist in the army. Polk did not mention the projected expedition under Kearny. Little offered to overtake the Mormons and to muster .500 of them into the United States army; but fearing that they might reach California before Kearny and not wishing that the province should be at the mercy of Mormon soldiers, the President declined the offer. He decided, also, that Kearny should not enlist any of that sect until after they had arrived in California {ibid., 445-446, 449-450). 13 Ibid., 473, 48L WAE IN NOETHERN MEXICO 423 question by the treaty signed on June 15 made interference by Great Britain less probable. The extent of territory which he wished to acquire is stated very definitely in his record of a cabinet meeting held on June 30, 1846. At this meeting an ani- mated discussion arose between Buchanan and "Walker regarding the objects to be attained as a result of the war. Buchanan ex- pressed himself as being in favor of making the Rio Grande the boundary up to El Paso, in latitude about 32° ; from this point a line was to be drawn due west to the Pacific ocean. He op- posed the acquisition of any land south of 32° because the North would be unwilling to acquire a tract that was likely to become slaveholding territory. Walker held very different opinions. He proposed that the boundary should begin at the mouth of the Rio Grande, in latitude about 26°, and extend directly westward to the Pacific. The other members of the cabinet took no part in the discussion, but Polk agreed with Walker. ''I remarked," wrote the President, that I preferred the 26° to any boundary North of it, but that if it was found that that boundary could not be obtained I was willing to take 32% but that in any event we must obtain Upper California and New Mexico in any Treaty of Peace we would make.i* At this point we may leave the President to develop his pro- gram of conquest while we consider a parenthetical episode which affected his policy of territorial expansion but which was not, apparently, a part of it. Long before General Kearny could reach California, John C. Fremont had, by his indiscretions, come into collision with the Mexican officials of that province, and the famous "Bear Flag" republic had been proclaimed. These events, however interesting in themselves, call for small space in a biography of Polk, for, so far as any known evidence exists, they formed no part of the President's California program and were in no degree inspired by him. The only possible link which might connect these events It Ibid.. 495-496. 424 JAMES K. POLK with the plans of the administration is the "secret instructions" carried by Gillespie, and Fremont had already resisted Mexican authority before the arrival of Gillespie in California. Thomas 0. Larkin, American consul at Monterey, who doubtless was cog- nizant of all instructions brought by Gillespie, continued to use his influence for peace until after the "Bear Flag" insurrection. Another reason for believing that Fremont and his adherents acted without authority from Washington is the fact that the President, in all of his known instructions to naval and military officers, laid special stress on winning over the inhabitants by kind treatment. Fremont adopted the opposite course, and even went out of his way to antagonize them. During Tyler's administration Fremont had made two expe- ditions into the western country, and in the summer of 1845 had undertaken a third. Early in 1846 he reached California, and, after making brief stops at Sutter's Fort and San Francisco, he paid a visit to Larkin at Monterey. He explained to the Mexican authorities at Monterey that he was bound for Oregon on a scien- tific expedition, and his statement was accepted as satisfactory. Instead of proceeding to Oregon, Fremont, having gone as far nortli as San Jose, retraced his steps until he had reached a point not far from Monterey. The excuse for his return south- ward, long afterward given by Fremont himself,^^ was the desire to find a seaside home for his mother ! His original entry into the province without passports was a violation of Mexican law, and when, contrary to agreement, he returned to the vicinity of Monterey, he was ordered by Jose Castro, the comandante general, to retire from the department. After sending a verbal refusal to obey this order, Fremont re- paired to Gavilan Peak, erected a log fort, and hoisted the flag of the United States. Here he was warned by Larkin of the danger of such a proceeding, and, after much vain blustering, he set out for Sutter's Foi-t, which he reached late in March. 15 Frcniout. Memoirs, I, 4.17. WAR IN NOETHEEN MEXICO 425 Breaking camp on March 24, Fremont and his party pro- ceeded northward until they had reached Klamath Lake, where they were overtaken, on May 8, by messengers who announced that Lieutenant Gillespie was close behind bearing dispatches from the government of the United States. The dispatches turned out to be a letter of introduction from Buchanan, a letter from Senator Benton, and whatever verbal communications Gillespie may have conveyed. Despite Fremont's assertions that it was made known to him ' ' that to obtain possession of California was the chief object of the President," he has admitted that he learned nothing from Buchanan's letter and that Benton's epistle was equally harmless except when "read by the light of many con- versations and discussions with himself and others at Washing- ton."^** Concerning the verbal instructions related by Gillespie, we are told by Fremont himself that they "had for their prin- cipal objects to ascertain the disposition of the California people, to conciliate their feelings in favor of the United States. As Fremont 's subsequent relations with the Calif ornians were anything but conciliatory, and as he received no communications from "Washington other than those just mentioned, and finally, as his belligerent attitude toward the California government was so out of harmony with Polk 's general policy of conciliation, we must conclude that Fremont's later activities were undertaken without authority from the President. After Gillespie's arrival at his camp, Fremont returned to the Sacramento Valley in California. If further evidence were necessary to prove that the messenger had brought no orders to precipitate a revolution, it is furnished in letters written by both men under date of May 24, 1846. To Benton, Fremont wrote ifi'' The letter from Senator Benton, while apparently of friendship an.l family details, contained passages and suggestions Avhich read in the light of many conversations and discussions with himself and others at Wash- ington, clearly indicated to me that I was required by the Government to find out any foreign schemes in relation to California and so far as might be in my power, to counteract them" (ibid., 489). 426 JAMES E. POLK that "I sliall now proceed directly homewards, by the Colorado, but I cannot arrive at the frontier until late in September." "He now goes home from here [Peter Lassen's]," said Gillespie when speaking of Fremont in a letter to Larkin of the same date.^' While Fremont was encamped at the ' ' Buttes of Sacramento, ' ' General Castro at Santa Clara was collecting a body of troops for the purpose of going to Los Angeles to attack Governor Pic Pico, with whom he had had a disagreement. With this object in view he had sent a man named Francisco Arce to Sonoma to purchase mules for his troops. American settlers, having con- cluded that Castro was planning to attack them, reported the purchase to Fremont. A party led by Ezekiel Merritt set out from Fremont's camp and, on June 10, captured and brought back the mules. On the following day Merritt set out for So- noma and captured the town on the fourteenth. After a lively debate California was declared an independent republic and the "bear flag" chosen as its emblem. Fremont did not participate personally in these acts, but they were performed with his knowl- edge and consent. Captain John B. Montgomery, commander of the United States ship Portsmouth in San Francisco Bay, declined to iden- tify himself with the "bear flag" episode. The revolutionists therefore received no assistance from the navy until the arrival of Commodore Sloat, on July 2, at the port of Monterey. While off the Mexican coast Sloat had heard of Taylor's victories and of the blockade of Vera Cruz, and, on June 7, had set out for Monterey. On July 7, Sloat, after five days of hesitation which was due probably to Larkin 's desire to win California by concil- iatory methods,^" caused the United States flag to be raised at ^Monterey. On the following day Montgomery, acting under " Letter to Bi-nton, Fromont, Memoirs, I, 499. Gillespie to Larkin, Larkin FapeiS, Bancroft Library. IS* Bancroft, California, V, 228, note 6. WAB IN NORTHERN MEXICO 427 orders from Sloat, took possession of the posts on San Francisco Bay. The party at Sonoma now abandoned their "bear flag" republic and hoisted the stars and stripes. After a circuitous voyage via the Sandwich Islands, Com- modore Stockton, on board the Congress, reached Monterey on the fourteenth of July. About two weeks later he succeeded Sloat as commander of the Pacific squadron. More arrogant than his predecessor, Stockton rejected peace overtures sent from Gov- ernor Pio Pico and General Jose Castro, then at Los Angeles, and demanded their unconditional surrender. Seeing that re- sistance was futile, these officials fled to Mexico, and Stockton, with the cooperation of Fremont and Gillespie, took possession of southern California. Having thus completed the ''first con- quest" of California, Stockton, acting on his own responsibility, undertook to establish a government over the inhabitants.^'' In antagonizing the Californians and in attempting to estab- lish a civil government Stockton, as we have already noted, acted on his own responsibility, for nothing in instructions which had been received by himself or his predecessor authorized his arbi- trary procedure. Instructions prepared by Secretary Bancroft under the direction of the President — some prior and some sub- sequent to Stockton's arrival in California, but of course not received at the time — expressed very definitely the desires of the administration with respect to California. One addressed to Sloat on June 8, 1846, ordered him to "endeavor to establish the su- premacy of the American flag without any strife with the people of California. ' ' If California should be inclined to separate from Mexico and establish "a government of its own under the auspices of the American flag," he was to encourage such action, but no authority to make a conquest was given. The United States, said Bancroft, desired to make California a friend and not an enemy, "to hold possession of it, at least during the war; and 19 Except where noted, this summary of the first conquer has been drawn principally from Rives, .11, chap. 34, and Bancroft, California, V. 428 JAMES E. POLK to hold that possession, if possible, with the consent of the inhabi- tants." On July 12 he stated explicitly why possession was so much desired by the administration. "The object of the United States, ' ' Sloat was told, has reference to ultimate peace with Mexico; and if, at that peace, the basis of the uti possidetis shall be established the government expects, through your forces, to be found in actual possession of Upper California. A month later, August 13, Bancroft stated that "if the treaty of peace shall be made on the basis of uti possidetis, it may leave California to the United States. ' ' Possession at the date of peace negotiations, and not a revolution as had been effected by Fre- mont and Stockton, was all that the President had contemplated. To be sure, Bancroft, in his letter of July 12, spoke of the neces- sity of establishing some sort of civil government under the pro- tection of Sloat, and a copy of Kearny's instructions was in- closed ; but he urged that "in selecting persons to hold office, due respect should be had to the wishes of the people of California, as well as to the actual possessors of authority in that province. ' '-" Necessarily the officers in California did not know the contents of these letters, for two of them were written after they had taken possession of California; still, the instructions show clearly that Stockton and Fremont did not, in the course they pursued, cor- rectly divine the wishes of the President. A discussion of the uprising of the Californians under Gen- eral Flores, the second conquest by the United States forces, and the establishment of a government by General Kearny, acting under instructions from President Polk, must be postponed while we follow the advance of the main army into Mexico. While the President was making plans for acquiring new territory, and while subordinates without his sanction were making conquests on the Pacific coast, General Taylor was winning battles for his government, and laurels for himself, on the banks of the Rio Grande. 20 Instructions of Bancroft to Sloat, Stockton and Biddle, June 8, July 12 and Aug. 13, 18-16 {H.- Ex. Boo. 60, 30 Cong., 1 sess., 237-241). WAB IN NOBTHEBN MEXICO 429 The first bloodshed, as we have seen, occurred on April 25 when Captain Thornton's dragoons, after a loss of sixteen men, were surrounded, and forced to surrender. As a result Taylor, by authority already vested in him by the President, called upon the governors of Texas and Louisiana for eight regiments of vol- unteers. Before these could be available, however, he was obliged to meet the invading Mexican army with his small force of regu- lars. First of all he constructed and garrisoned a fort opposite Matamoras and with his main army returned to his base of sup- plies at Point Isabel, which was threatened by Arista. After strengthening the position at Point Isabel, Taylor set out on his return to the fort opposite Matamoras, upon which an attack had been made and the commander. Major Brown, killed. On the way back to this fort, which now took the name of Fort Brown, Taylor, on May 8, met and defeated Arista at Palo Alto. At daybreak on the following morning the Mexican commander retreated to Resaca de la Palma. where Taylor overtook him in the afternoon and won another victory. The Mexican army was completely disorganized, and scattered groups, after a precipitate flight across the Rio Grande, reassembled at Matamoras. This place was abandoned without resistance as soon as Taylor began to cross the river on the eighteenth of May. "The battles of Palo Alto and Resaca de la Palma," wrote General Grant long afterwards, ' ' seemed to us engaged, as pretty important affairs ; but we had only a faint conception of their magnitude until they were fought over in the North by the Press and the reports came back to us."-^ In these battles the Mexican forces outnumbered their adver- saries more than two to one, but the American army was better equipped and led by a more capable commander. Fearless and unassuming, Taylor enjoyed the confidence of his soldiers. They were always eager to respond to the call of "Old Rough and Ready." Ever prepared to do his duty, Taylor had no thirst for military glory. In a private letter written on the day after 21 Grant, Pers^mal Memoirs, I, 99-100. Grant was then a lieutenant. 430 JAMES K. POLK his occupation of Matamoras he said that "I heartily wish the war was at an end. ' '-- News of Taylor's victories reached Washington on May 23, the day on which Polk read to his cabinet Scott's letter about being fired upon in front and rear. When he received this news the President made no comment in his diary, except to record the fact that the news had arrived, but three days later he sent a message to the Senate nominating Taylor as major-general by brevet.-^ On May 30, just one week after the receipt of Taylor's official dispatch, the new commission was ready and Marcy for- warded it to the general along with an assignment to the chief command. On the same day the President in a letter to Taylor praised the general's "gallant conduct and distinguished ser- vices," and stated that the "battles of Palo Alto and Resaca de la Palma rank among our most brilliant victories."-* There is no reason for believing that, at the time of Taylor's promotion, Polk harbored other than the most kindly feelings toward the victorious general. The delay in preparing the cor- dial letter just quoted was due to the pressure of executive busi- ness such as planning the California expedition and reducing Scott and Gains-'' to proper subordination. Not knowing the reason why the President's expression of approval had been de- layed, Taylor felt slighted, and his distrust of the administration was aroused. "It is strange passing strange," he wrote to his son-in-law, "that I have heard nothing from Washing [ton] since my official report of the battles of the 8th & 9th reached there, which I have seen published in the National Intelligencer & Union." He hinted at politics in high quarters, and mentioned a rumor that members of Congress from the South and West had protested to the President against his being superseded by Scott. 22 Taylor to his sou-in-law, Dr. E. C. Wood, May 19, 1846, Taylor Letters, 4. 23 Polk, Diary, I, 422, 425, 428. Until tliis proinotiou Taylor had been a colonel in actual rank, but brigadier-general by brevet. 24 H. Ex. Doc. 60, 30 Cong., 1 scss., 282-283. -^> Gains had, \vitliout authority, been enlisting troops for the Rio Grande campaign. WAB IN NOETHEBN MEXICO 431 He hoped that the report was untrue, for "I consider this com- mand properly his, & I have no wish to prevent his exercis- ing it."-*' When another week brought no word from Washington Taylor became convinced that the administration was more interested in playing politics than in defeating the Mexicans. Merit and long service, in his opinion, were disregarded at the national capital ; "the more one does the more they expect of him, and his services or standing is estimated by political considerations." He was "perfectly disgusted" with the inefficiency in Washington, for small boats and wagons could be brought "from Liverpool" in less time than it had taken the government to supply them. "Was I a prominent or ambitious aspirant for civil distinction or honors," he wrote, "I might very readily suppose there was an intention somewhere among the high functionaries to break me down ' ' ; and he feared that such would be the result of the government's policy, "whether from design or not." He re- garded as ' ' ridiculous ' ' a report which had just reached camp to the effect that Scott had declined to take command of the army for fear of injuring his Presidential prospects, and that a quarrel with Polk had resulted from his refusal. "They need have no apprehensions, ' ' he added, ' ' of being interfered with by me for that high office, which I would decline if proffered & I could reach it without opposition. ' '"' As late as August 4 he expressed the hope that Scott would be the Whig candidate in 1848, but he put away the crown from his own head with a far less resolute hand.-^ 20 Taylor to R. C. Wood, June 12, 1846, Taylor Letters, 9-10. Scott had already notified Taylor that he [Scott] had been assigned to the com- mand, but would not go to Mexico immediately. 27 Taylor to R. C. Wood, June 21, 1846, ibid., 12-14. When more definite news of Scott 's quarrel with the President arrived, Taylor expressed regret, for it would keep him in Mexico "which I by no means desire ' (Taylor to R. C. Wood, June 24). 28 " So far as I am concerned I wish to have nothing to do with that high office; & if I had, this is not the proper time to discuss the subject; let this war at any rate be first brought to a close" (Taylor to R. C. Wood, ibid., 35). 432 JAMES K. POLE His attitude toward the administration was based on ground- less suspicions, for at this early date there was surely no desire to "l)reak liim down." Even the receipt of Marcy's letter which assigned him to the chief command and inclosed his new com- mission did not change his antipathy toward his superiors. The honor of liis promotion, in his opinion, was more than overbal- anced by his assignment to command an expedition which ' ' must be a failure owing to the ignorance of some in regard to some matters, & the imbecility of others, for all of which I shall be made the scape goat." He must have received Polk's laudatory letter in the same mail, but of this he made no mention. He pronounced Scott "crazy" because of his letters to Marcy, and he was certain that "Gen'l S. will never hear the last of a fire from his rear, or a hasty plate of soup. ' '^" While in this mood, Taylor questioned the good faith of the government in its dealings with Mexico. He was confident that "our ambitious views of conquest & agrandisement at the ex- pense of a weak power will only be restrained & circumscribed by our inability to carry out our view." He did not rate that ability very high, for he predicted that if the Mexicans should hold out for six or eight months "we will be fully as anxious to make i)eace as they are. ' ' Three weeks later he hoped that peace negotiations would soon begin, but he feared that the United States would claim a vast amount of territory as a war indemnity and for ' ' real & pretended roberies committed on our commerce ; which will no doubt be double & treble award to certain claimants over & above what tliey ever lost." No land grabbing act of the British government had been "more outrageous" than Polk's plan to take permanent possession of California.^" 20 Taylor to R. 0. Wood, June 30 and July 7, 1846, ibid., 18-2.5. »f' Taylor to R. C. Wood, July 14, Aug. 4, and Aug. 23, 1846, ibid., 28, 37, 49. Undoubtedly Taylor's distrust was increased by letters from Whig friends in the United States. See letters from Seott and Crittenden, in Coleman, Life of John J. Crittenden, 2.56, 278. WAB IN NORTHERN MEXICO 433 Taylor had reason enough to complain of the want of trans- portation facilities,^^ although the cause was to be sought, not in any desire to ' ' break him down, ' ' but in the lack of preparation usually experienced at the outbreak of a war, and more especially in the ignorance of the Washington officials concerning every- thing in Mexico. The President and his cabinet knew little of the topograi)hy of the country, or of its seasons, fertility, and accessibility. Even the geography was something of a mystery. As a result, consid- erable confusion and frequent misunderstandings were only to be expected. For the necessary information the executive de- partments had to depend largely on the reports of General Taylor ; and the general, fearing that the main object of the administra- tion was to make a "scape goat" of him, did not feel free to offer advice or to act without explicit orders. In a letter addressed to Taylor on June 8, 1846, Marcy stated that nothing had been heard from him since his brief dispatch announcing the victories of Palo Alto and Resaca de la Palma, but it was assumed that Matamoras had been occupied. He ex- pressed the hope that Taylor would get possession of all places on the Rio Grande as far up as Laredo, and that he would be able to capture Monterey. The measures to be pursued, however, were left to the general's "own discretion and judgment." The President very much desired, said Marcy, to have Taylor's "views and suggestions in relation to the fall campaign. ' ' Being desirous of prosecuting the war with vigor, the President wished to know whether, in the general's opinion, the present expedition should be conducted with a view of striking at the City of Mexico, or of operating in the northern provinces only. "Your views on this point," said Marcy, "will doubtless have an important influ- ence upon the determination of the government here. ' ' Informa- tion was requested, also, on overland transportation facilities and 31 " I consider there is an entire break down in the Qr M Quarter master's] department every where" (Taylor to R. C. Wood, June 21, 184b, ibid., 13). 434 JAMES K. POLK on the probabilit}' of obtaining adequate provisions, and the gen- eral's opinion was asked concerning the number and character of trooi)s to be employed. Four days later Scott impressed upon Taylor the importance of obtaining information regarding move- ments and designs of the enemy, and authorized him to pay ^'employes" liberally for procuring such information. Kearny's expedition to New Mexico and California, said Scott, would neces- sarily be independent of Taylor's command, but that of General Wool against the city of Chihuahua would be under Taylor's general directions. The general was authorized to agree to an armistice with a view to peace negotiations, provided he was convinced of the enemy's good faith.'^- In his reply to these letters, Taylor stated that he had little definite information to impart. He gave, however, his opinions regarding the probabilities of obtaining supplies in the interior. Should the inhabitants prove friendly, he thought that his army might obtain provisions sufficient to enable it to penetrate as far as Saltillo ; still, in his opinion, the army under his command sliould confine its operations to the northern provinces and should not attempt to reach the City of Mexico. He ' ' purposely ' ' abstained ' ' from any reference to movements against Tampico or Vera Cruz." He complained that he was greatly embarrassed by the lack of transportation facilities and closed his letter with the remark that : I am waiting -with the utmost impatience the arrival of steamboats suited to the navigation of this river to establish a depot at Caniargo, and throw the troops gradually forAvard to that point.33 Although General Taylor may have been overcautious in offer- ing suggestions, he seems to have reported air the information in his possession. But officials in Washington, especially Quarter- master General Jesup, were inclined to excuse their own short- comings by pleading lack of information from Taylor, and the S2H. Ex. Doc. 60, 30 Cong., 1 sess., 323-327. 33 Taylor to Adj. (\on., July 2, 184(5, ibid., 329-332. WAR IN NORTHERN MEXICO 435 President came to feel that the general did not possess the initia- tive and the vigor necessary for the command which had been intrusted to him. Polk admitted that he had no knowledge of military affairs, but he had ' ' a strong conviction ' ' that necessary equipments had been too long delayed. He told the quarter- master general that some of his subordinates had become gentle- men of leisure who ' ' required to have a coal of fire put on their backs to make them move promptly." He feared, also, that Taylor w^as not the man for the general command: He is brave but does not seem to have resources or grasp of mind enough to conduct such a campaign. In his communications to the War Department he seems ready to obey orders, but appears to l>e unwilling to express any opinion or to take any responsibility on himself. Though he is in the country with means of knowledge which cannot be possessed at Washington, he makes no suggestion as to the plan of the campaign, but simply obeys orders and gives no information to aid the administration in directing his movement. He is, I have no doubt, a good subordinate ofifieer, but from all the evidence before me I think him unfit for the chief command. Though this is so, I know of no one whom I can substitute in his place.^* These remarks greatly exaggerated Taylor's taciturnity, yet the President was sorely in need of information to aid him in direct- ing the campaign. When in October an expedition to Tampico and Vera Cruz was being considered, so little was known of the character of the coast that Polk found it necessary to send to Rhode Island for F. M. Dimond, former consul at Vera Cruz, ' ' believing that from him reliable information could be obtained. Nearly a month later the quartermaster general just awoke to the fact that : ' ' Had we foreseen the nature of the Rio Del Norte, and built suitable steamboats several months ago, a million of dollars might have been saved by this time."^^ 34 Polk, Diary, II, 117-119. 35lJ)id., 180, 196. Jesup to Marcy, Nov. 7, 1846 {H. Ex. Dog. 60, 30 Cong., 1 sess., 564). So vigorously had Taylor complained of inefficiency in the quartermaster's department, in a letter dated September 1, that Jesup was sent to New Orleans so that he might personally supervise the equipping of Taylor's army (Corresp." of Taylor, Marey and Jesup, in same Doc, 557 &.). 436 JAMES K. POLE Although the President was lacking in military experience, and although, according to his own testimony, he found it to be "impossible to give much attention to the details in conducting the war, ' ' his brain was most fertile when it came to concocting schemes for undermining the control of the Mexican government over its own citizens. Ample proof of this is furnished in a con- fidential letter sent to Taylor under date of July 9, 1846. The letter was signed by Marcy, but was drafted by Polk, with some assistance from Benton. The President approved Taylor's con- ciliatory conduct toward the Mexicans and urged him to continue friendly intercoui'se with the inhabitants. Tlie general was instructed to take occasions to semi officers to the headquarters of the enemy for military purposes, real or ostensible .... in which opportunity may be taken to speak of the war itself as only carried on to obtain justice, and that we had much rather procure that by negotiation than by fighting. Racial and social discords, he was told, made it possible to induce a large portion of the people to wish success to invaders who had no desire to injure them : In all this field of division — in all these elements of social, political, personal, and local discord — there must be openings to reach the interests, passions, or principles of some of the parties, and thereby to conciliate their good will, and make them co-operate with us in bringing about an honorable and a speedy peace Policy and force are to be combined; and the fruits of the former will be prized as highly as those of the latter. Another paragraph, which was penned by the President alone and which he considered to be the most important, was still more specific in outlining the policy of the administration: Availing yourself of divisions Avhich you may find among the Mexican peoi)lo .... it will be your policy to encourage the separate departments or States, and especially those which you may invade and occupy, to declare their independence of the central government of Mexico, and either to become our allies, or to assume, as it is understood Yucatan has done, a neutral attitude in the existing war between the United States and Mexico. WAB IN NORTHERN MEXICO 437 After peace had been concluded such departments were to "decide for themselves their own form of government." As to temporary governments Taylor was authorized to follow the course laid down in the instructions to Kearny, a copy of which was inclosed. He was informed that an expedition against Mexico City would probably be sent from Tampico or Vera Cruz, and not from the Rio Grande. Information was requested, and Taylor was in- structed to send his answer "directly to the President of the United States."^^ Only two days before this Houston, of Texas, had introduced in the Senate a resolution which extended the thanks of Congress to Taylor for his victories on the Rio Grande, and requested the President to present the general with a gold medal "as a tribute to his good conduct, and generosity, to the vanquished."'^" As usual, Buchanan was ready with a dash of cold water for the President's scheme of benevolent assimilation of Mexican territory. He was in favor of taking and holding California as far as Monterey but no farther. "He was opposed, too," said the President, "to giving the inhabitants of Tamaulipas or of any of the Provinces South of New Mexico any encouragement to annex themselves to the U. S." Both Walker and Polk preferred to extend the boundary farther south, and the President was sorry to find his Secretary of State "entertaining opinions so contracted & sectional."^'* About the same time, members of Congress gave the President no little annoyance by introducing resolutions of inquiry con- cerning the purposes of the war and the manner of conducting it. On June 29 the Senate had passed a resolution, introduced by Johnson, of Maryland, which called on the President for all 36Marcy to Taylor, July 9, 1846 (H. Ex. Boo. 60, 30 Cong-., 1 sess., 333-336). Polk, Diary, II," 16-17. "I will preserve the original draft for future reference," Polk recorded in his diary, ''should it become proper. I do this because it is a document of more than ordinary importance. ' ' 37 Cong. Globe, 29 Cong., 1 sess., 1064. 38 Polk, Diani, II, 15-16. 438 JAMES K. POLK correspondence incident to the raising- of volunteer troops. Polk sent for Johnson, on July 6, and by showing him the correspond- ence convinced him that it would be unwise to comply, for the projected conquest of California would be revealed, and this would "excite the jealousy of England and France, who might interfere to prevent the accomplishing of our objects. "^^ For the purpose of ascertaining why nothing had been done by Tay- lor's army since the occupation of Matamoras, Hannegan, on July 8, introduced a resolution which purposed to ask the Presi- dent for information concem.ing all orders sent to the general since the ninth of May. By his renewal of friendship with Benton the President had procured an able defender, and the Missouri Senator was successful in sending this resolution to the table by asserting that if an officer should furnish the information sought he would be court-martialed and shot.*" In truth, the executive departments had little information to inii)art. On August 1, Taylor answered the letter of July 9, which Benton and Polk had so carefully prepared, by saying that he had little to add to his dispatch of July second. He still de- clined to venture an opinion on the practicability of an expedi- tion against Vera Cruz, for the "Department of War must be much better informed than I am on that point." He told the President that he would obey his order to seek friendly inter- course with Mexican generals, and to induce the people to declare their independence, but he stated very frankly that he did not anticipate much success.*^ Presi(U'nt Polk's subterranean diplomacy was not confined to an attempt to undermine the loyalty of Mexican generals and people. Since his conversations with Atocha, he had never quite abandoned the hope of making use of Santa Anna, and he now decided to assist the ex-dictator in regaining power in Mexico. so Ibid., 13-14. 40 Cong. Globe, 29 Cong., 1 soss., 1068. 41 Taylor to Polk, Aug. 1, 1846 {H. Ex. Doc. 60, 30 Cong., 1 sess., 336-338). WAB IN NOETHEEN MEXICO 439 On May 13, 1846, two days after the President had sent his war message to Congress, Secretary Bancroft instructed Commodore Conner to blockade the Gulf ports of Mexico. At the same time, he inclosed a "private and confidential" order which read: "If Santa Anna endeavors to enter the Mexican ports, you will allow him to pass freely. ' ' Atocha, it will be remembered, had told Polk that Santa Anna would probably return to Mexico in April or May, and that he was in favor of ceding territory to the United States. Apparently the President had this conversation in mind when he caused Bancroft to issue the order to Conner. *- Early in June Polk decided to send a special messenger to Havana for the purpose of learning the plans of Santa Anna. The messenger selected was Alexander Slidell Mackenzie, a naval officer and a nephew of John Slidell, the minister whom Mexico had rejected. He was furnished with a letter from Buchanan to Campbell, the United States consul at Havana, a copy of Ban- croft 's confidential order to Conner, and verbal instructions from the President. Mackenzie gave the purport of these instructions when reporting to Buchanan the result of his interview with Santa Anna.^^ He arrived in Havana on July 5 and, by Camp- bell, was introduced to Santa Anna. From Polk's verbal instruc- tions he had prepared a memorandum, and this he read to the ex-President of Mexico. In substance it stated that the United States had taken up arms to redress its grievances and was deter- mined to prosecute the war with vigor, but that the President was desirous of ending the conflict speedily if an honorable peace could be made. Believing Santa Anna to be able and willing to make such a peace, "the President of the United States would see wdth pleasure his restoration to power in Mexico. ' ' It was made clear that Polk would insist on the Rio Grande as the boundary of Texas and that he must at least have enough of California to ^2lUd., 744. Polk, Diary, I, 229. 43 Mackenzie to Buchanan, June [July] 7, 184fi (duplicate in Polk Papers). This letter is printed in full in Reeves, Diplonmcy under Tyler and Polk, 299-307. 440 JAMES E. POLE incliule the port of San Francisco. For the latter concession he wouhl pay liberally, and his i)resent intention was to demand no indemnity for the expenses of the war. Although, according to Mackenzie's account, Santa Anna aserted that the Nueces was the real boundary of Texas, he finally agreed to make all neces- sary concessions rather than see Mexico delivered into the hands of a foreign prince or continue under the monarchistic govern- ment of Paredes. He even suggested plans under which Taylor could most easily defeat the Mexican armies, and advised the occupation of Tampico. Mackenzie considered these suggestions of such importance that he exceeded his instructions and carried them directly to General Taylor. He had an interview with Tayh)r late in July,** but it is not likely that the general was influenced by Santa Anna's recommendations. Mackenzie's report of his interview wath Santa Anna, accord- ing to a note appended by Buchanan, reached Washington on tlie tliird of August. The President did not mention the subject in his diary either at the time of sending the messenger or when the report was received. In January, 1848, however, after he and his cabinet had decided not to include this report with other documents submitted in response to a call from the House, the President recorded his version of the mission. In this account Polk stated that he had given Mackenzie no written instructions, and tliat lie had sent "no message" to Santa Anna. In reducing the conversation with the President to writing and in reading it to Santa Anna, the messenger had acted wholly without authority. As to wliether Mackenzie's memorandum correctly reported his conversation witli Polk, the record in the diary is somewhat am- l)iguous. "It is fortunate," is the President's comment, "that wiiat lie j)uts into my mouth could do me no injury, if it w^as genuine & was published; but it would exhibit me in a ridiculous attitude." For this reason, he decided to withhold it from the House.*'^ •«4 Meade, Life and Letters, I, 116. 4r, Poik, Biarn, III, 290-292. WAE IN NOBTHEEN MEXICO 441 The President was eager to settle all differences with Mexico by diplomacy instead of war, provided he could obtain the territory he most coveted. Without waiting to learn the results of Mac- kenzie's mission, he made one more attempt to make a satisfactory treaty with the government of Paredes. On Sunday, July 20, he sent for Benton and read to him a dispatch which had been pre- pared by Buchanan. It was addressed to the Mexican Minister of Foreign Relations. Benton approved the dispatch and advised that it should be sent. A week later a revised copy was forwarded to Commodore Conner with instructions that it should be de- livered to the Mexican government. The document stated that the President was no less anxious to terminate the war than he had been to avoid it in the beginning. To accomplish this pur- pose he was ready to send an envoy who would be clothed with power to make "a peace just and honorable for both parties." Should Mexico prefer to negotiate in Washington, her envoy would be treated with kindness. "In the present communica- tion," said Buchanan, "it is deemed useless and might prove injurious, to discuss the causes of the existing war."*" Having decided to seek a settlement with Mexico through diplomatic channels, Polk revived the plan of asking Congress for money to be used in negotiating a treaty. When discussing with Benton the dispatch just mentioned, the President expressed the belief that he could procure both California and New Mexico if Congress would furnish him with two million dollars which might be paid to Mexico as soon as a treaty had been signed. Benton favored such an appropriation and advised Polk to consult with members of the Committee on Foreign Affairs. The President sent for McDuffie, Cass, and other members of the committee. He cited the appropriation which had enabled Jefferson to pur- chase Louisiana and urged the expediency of making a similar appropriation now. Archer, the Whig member, agreed to take 40 Buchanan to Min. of For. Eel., July 27, 1840; Buchanan to Conner, same date (Sen. Ex. Doc. 107, 29 Cong., 2 sess., 2-3). The former is also in Buchanan, Works, VII, 40. 442 JAMES E. POLK the matter up with Senators of his party. Having thus paved tlic way, Polk sent a confidential message to the Senate on August 4, 1846, and along with it, a copy of the dispatch already for- warded to the Mexican Minister of Foreign Relations. Believing that "the best mode of securing perpetual peace and good neigh- borhood between the two Republics" would be the acquision of Mexican territory, he asked for an advance appropriation of two million dollars as a means of facilitating such an acquisition.*" After the Senate had given its approval, the message was trans- mitted to the House so that a bill might be drafted. As soon as the message had been read in the House, McKay, of North Carolina, presented a bill which provided that two million dollars be appropriated "for the purpose of defraying any extraordinary expenses which may be incurred in the inter- course between the United States and foreign nations," said monej' to be applied under the direction of the President. "While Polk's plans for acquiring California were not, of course, gen- erally known at the time, the Whigs at once charged that the money was to be used for this purpose, either by direct purchase or indirectly by bribing Mexican officials. The necessarily indefi- nite wording of the bill gave ample room for partisan interpre- tations. White, of New York, was the most uncompromising critic of the President. He asserted that Polk himself had, in his war message, furnished abundant evidence that this war had been "projected, planned, and provoked" long before Congress had been consulted in the matter. He intimated, also, that the purpose of the bill was to extend slaveholding territory, and he challenged any Democrat to propose an amendment which would exclude slavery from the territory to be acquired. During the evening session of the same day Wilmot accepted this challenge by offering his famous "proviso" that slavery should not be permitted in any teritory to be obtained from Mexico. 47 Polk, Diary, II, 50-66. Richardson, Messages, IV, 456. WAR IN NOETHEBN MEXICO 443 The position taken by John Quincy Adams is interesting. A violent opponent of the administration on nearly every occasion, he had supported Polk's claim to 54° 40' as the Oregon boundary, and he now warmly advocated the appropriation of the two mil- lion dollars for which the President had asked. For the sake of clearness, he asked McKay to substitute "Mexico" for "foreign nations," but, despite his sympathy with Wilmot's amendment, he was ready to "vote for the bill in any form." He did not believe an anti-slavery amendment to be necessary, for the insti- tution had been abolished by Mexico and would not be reestab- lished.^^ Based on the past, this was sound argument, but he could not forsee what the future would bring forth. The McKay bill, supplemented by the Wilmot amendment, passed the House by a vote of eighty-seven to sixty-four. On the day following, the last of the session, it was considered by the Senate, but Davis, of Massachusetts, prevented a vote on the measure by holding the floor until the session had expired. Whether the Senate would have pased the bill as amended we are, of course, unable to say, but the President believed that it would have struck out Wilmot's "mischievous & foolish amendment" and that the House would have concurred. "What connection slavery had with making peace with Mexico," said he, "it is difficult to conceive." In order to preclude all doubt concerning his motives, he confided to his diary an explicit statement of his reasons for requesting the advance appropriation.*'' 48 "There are no slaves in California — slavery is abolished there; and if we were to make peace, and in that peace to acquire California, there could be no law of slavery established there, unless it Avas made an article of the treaty itself. ' ' 49 ' ' My object in asking this appropriation has not been fully stated in this diary. It was this. Mexico is indebted to the U. S. in a large sum, which she is unable to pay. There is also a disputed question of boundary. The two countries are now engaged in War. When peace is made the only iudemnit}- which the U. S. can have will be a cession of territory. The U. S. desires to acquire Upper California, New Mexico, and perhaps some tcrritoi-y South of these Provinces. For a suitable cession of territory we are willing to assure the debts to our own citizens & to pay an additional consideration. My information induces the belief that Mexico would be willing to settle the 444 JAMES K. POLK The disappointment which resulted from the defeat of the appropriation bill was somewhat assuaged by news of the eon- quest of California which reached Washington on the last day of August. The welcome information and a copy of Sloat's proclamation were brought by a messenger who had just come from ^lexico City bearing dispatches for the British minister. The diplomat reported the news to Buchanan immediately, and the President noted in his diary : ' ' This important intelligence comes to us through no other channel. ' '°° The conquest, however, was of little immediate value, for Polk was soon to learn that Mexico had declined to accept his proffered "honorable peace." Santa Anna, and not Paredes, dictated the answer to Buchanan 's letter of July 27 in which Mexico was invited to open peace negotiations. Relying on Polk's assurances that he would not be molested, Santa Anna left Havana on August 8, 1846, on difficulty in tliis manner. No Government, however, it is believed, is strong enough to make a treaty ceding territory and long maintain power unless they could receive, at the time of making the treaty, money enough to sup- port the army. Whatever party can keep the army in its support can hold the power. The present Government is without any regular revenue, & without a prompt payment as a part of the consideration would not ven- ture to make a Treaty. Having no doubt that I could effect an adjustment of the pending war if I had tlio command of $2,000,000, I felt it to be my duty to ask such an ajipropriation. This I did in the first instance by a confi.lential communication made to the Senate in Executive Session on the 4th Instant. The Senate on the 6th Inst, passed resolutions approving my views and declaring that it was proper to make the appropriation asked. The Resolution approving my views passed the Senate by a vote of ayes 43 to nays 2, and the Resolution approving the appropriation by yeas 33 to nays 19 ( . . . ). With a full knowledge of all this SenatoV Davis had recourse to the desperate resorf of speaking against time, to defeat a measure which he had been unable to defeat by his vote. Had the appro- priation been passed I am confident T should have made an honorable peace by which Ave should have acquired California, & such other territorv as we desired, before the end of October. Should the war be now protracted, the resi)oiisibility will fall more heavily upon the head of Senator Davis than ujion any other man, and ho will deserve the execrations of the country. I_ desired when I made the communication to the Senate in Executive Ses- sion, to consult that body in secret Session, to the end that the appropriation, if approved, should liave been passed quietly and without attracting public attention, or exciting the jealousy of the Powers of Europe; but contrary to my wishes great publicity has been given to it by Congress" (Dairv, II. 7r)-78). '^^Ihid., 108. WAE IN NORTHERN MEXICO ' 445 board the British ship Arab, and eight days later he landed in Vera Cruz. With him came Almonte, former minister to the United States, and Rejon and Basadre who had been members of his cabinet at the time he was forced to leave Mexico. The way had been prepared for his return by pronouncement of the troops, and General Salas, the commander-in-chief, stood ready to do the bidding of the returned exile. On the day of his arrival, August 16, Santa Anna issued an address which was filled with specious promises and high sound- ing phrases.^^ If these were to be accepted at face value, the ex-dictator had returned a sincere patriot and a champion of the Constitution of 1824, ready to subject himself "entirely to the decisions of the constitutent assembly, the organ of the sovereign will of the nation. ' ' For a time, Salas continued to act as chief executive while Santa Anna, the general-in-chief, sojourned at a country residence. But the late exile selected the cabinet and controlled the affairs of the nation. By the last of August internal affairs were adjusted suffi- ciently to enable the new government to consider the offer made by the United States. In reply to Buchanan's note Rejon, the new Secretary of Foreign Relations, said that the general-in-chief could not but "fix his attention strongly" on the passage in that note which suggested the omission of all discussion concerning the causes of the war. He felt himself unable to negotiate on such terms; and besides, he was obliged to postpone a definite answer until the Mexican congress had met on the sixth of Decem- ber.=^= This aggravating snub was Polk's reward for helping to reinstate Santa Anna in Mexico. Before many months had passed he had still greater reasons for regretting that he had listened to the advice of Atocha. Rejon 's letter reached Washington on September 19 and was considered by the President as a virtual refusal to negotiate. He 51 A copy in translation, H. Ex. Doc. 60, 30 Cong., 1 sess., 777-785. 52 Rejon to Buchanan, Aug. 31, 1846 (ff. Ex. Doc. 4, 29 Cong., 2 sess., 43.) 446 JAMES K. FOLK at once decided that the character of the war should be changed so that the Mexican people might be made to feel the conse- quences of their government's refusal to make peace. The con- ciliatory policy of paying liberally for supplies was now to be changed for one of forcible seizures. The President directed that the towns in Tamaulipas should be occupied and that a descent should be made upon the coast at Tampico. Contrary to his usual custom of refraining from all labor on the Sabbath, Polk held cabinet meetings on September 20 in order to hasten aggressive movements against the enemj-. Colonel Stevenson, who had been put in command of the New York regiment destined for service in California, was reprimanded by the President be- cause his departure had been so long delayed, and Polk "inti- mated plainly to Col. S. that if further delay occurred he [I] would cause the officers who produced it to be arrested & tried. ' ' During the next few days much energy was devoted to war and naval preparations. Major-General Patterson was selected to command the Tampico expedition, and Pillow and Shields were chosen as his assistants. Polk gave personal attention to the f|uart('rmaster's department so that there might be no delay. The failure of his diplomatic overtures and the lax conduct of subordinates put the President in a petulant mood. He charged Whig officials with indifference regarding military operations, while General Scott, instead of being an aide to the War Depart- ment, was a constant embarrassment. ' ' I will observe his course, ' ' wrote the President in his diary, "and if necessary will order him to some other post. ' '^"^ While making preparations for war, Polk still left the way open for negotiations with Mexico. Under his direction, Bu- chanan, on September 26, prepared and sent a reply to Rejon's note of August 31. He charged the Mexican government with having distorted the meaning of his former letter. He told Rejon that "the President will now await with patience and 53 Polk, Diary, II, 143-151. WAB IN NOBTHEBN MEXICO 447 with hope the final decision of the Mexican Government." He informed the minister, however, that in the meantime the war would be prosecuted vigorously, and there was a veiled threat that Mexico would be required to pay the costs. Buchanan's original draft had stated explicitly that Mexico must indemnify the United States for the expenses of the war, but Polk and Marcy deemed it politic to reserve this blunt demand until nego- tiations had opened.'^* Commodore Conner was instructed to notify Slidell at New Orleans immediately in the event that the Mexican government should at any time show a disposition to negotiate.^^ From the middle of May, when he occupied Matamoras, until the first of September, General Taylor spent the time in training and equipping an army for an advance upon Monterey. Due to General Gaines's unauthorized call for volunteers, Taylor was overwhelmed with troops, but the quartermaster had failed to furnish him with adequate supplies or means of transportation. Commenting on the impatience felt by people in the United States, and even by volunteer troops, because the army did not advance into Mexico, Lieutenant Meade said in a letter : These wise people forget that soldiers cannot march or fight unless they have something to eat, and when in a country totally devoid of resources, they must carry with them the means of sustaining physical nature, and in consequence- must have the means of carrying their provisions and other supplies. He thought that Scott was right in not wishing to go immediately to the Rio Grande, there to idle away his time "waiting for wagons and pork"; but "unfortunately, he [Scott] chose to ascribe political reasons to what, I believe, was simply military ignorance on the part of Mr. Polk."^*' 54 Polk, Dianj, II, 156-158. Buchanan to Min. of For. Rel., Sept. 26, 1846 ( H. Ex. Doc. 4, 29 Cong., 2 sess., 44-45). 55 Buchanan to Conner, Oct. 1, 1846 (Works, VII, 90). 50 Meade, Life and Letters, I, 101-111. "This, with his 'hasty plate of soup,' " continued Meade, "has ruined him forever, for it is much better in this country for a man to commit a gross crime than^ to make himself ridiculous; the former he may get over, the latter, never. 448 JAMES K. POLK By the last of August Taylor had collected his invading force at Camargo, and within a few days his army was advancing on Monterey. The march was tedious, and on arriving at that place he found it to be well fortified. The attack upon the city began on September 20, and on the twenty-fourth Ampudia, the Mexican commander, offered to evacuate the city if Taylor would permit the troops to retain their arms and other movable property. Taylor at first demanded "a complete surrender of the town and garrison, the latter as prisoners of war" ; but he finally consented to allow the IMexicans to march out with all of their arms and accoutrements. He also agreed to a truce of eight weeks, or until further orders had been received from their respective gov- ernments.-'" The period of inactivity was destined to be longer than that agreed upon in the truce, for the President soon deter- minted to modify his plan of reducing Mexico to submission. The special messenger whom Taylor had dispatched with a report of the battle of Monterey reached Washington on Sunday, October 11, and the President was much displeased because the general had agreed to the armistice. ^^ At a cabinet meeting held on the following day all agreed that the general had committed a ' ' great error. ' ' After the meeting, Polk noted in his diary : But two reasons could have justified the terms granted to the enemy in the capitulation. The first is, if he believed that he could not capture them; & the 2nd. is, that Gen'l Ampudia may have induced him to believe that in consequence of the recent change of rulers in Mexico that Govern- ment Avas disposed to make peace. If the first reason existed Gen'l Taylor has not stated it in liis despatches, and we have no information to justify •'•' 7 Taylor 's reports {H. Ex. Doo. 4, 29 Cong., 2 sessi., 83-102). A good account of this battle is given in Eives, United States and Mexim, II, chap. 37. 58 "In agreeing to this armistice Gen'l Taylor violated his express orders & I regret that I cannot approve his course. He had the enemy in his power & sliould have taken them prisoners, depriving them of tlieir arms, discliarge them on their parole of honour, and preserved the advan- tage which lie had obtained by pushing on without delay further into the country, if tlie force at his command justified it. . . .' It was a great mistake in Gen'l Taylor to agree to an armistice. It will only enable the Mexican army to reorganize and recruit so as to make another stand" {Dmri/, II, 181). WAB IN NOETHEBN MEXICO 449 the existence of this reason, though it may have existed. If the second reason was the one upon which he acted, then Gen'l Ampudia has over- reached & deceived hun The Cabinet were united in the opinion that if Gen '1 Taylor had captured the Mexican army, deprived them of their arms, and discharged them upon their parole of honour not to bear arms during the war or until they were regularly exchanged, that it would have probably ended the war with Mexico It was agreed unanimously that orders should be forthwith sent to Gen'l Taylor to terminate the armistice to Avhich he had agreed, and to prosecute the war ^vith energy and vigor.59 Taylor's agreement had, in fact, placed his government in a most awkward position, but the difficulty was due more to the slow means of communication than to bad judgment on the part of the general or the administration. On receipt of- Rejon 's letter Polk decided immediately, as we have already noted, to strike a blow at both northern Tamaulipas and Tampico, and Marcy,"** on September 22, notified Taylor of the change in the President's plans. General Patterson was at the same time ordered by the President to invade Tamaulipas. To be sure Taylor had no knowl- edge of this arrangement when he made the agreement with Ampudia, but his armistice, if permitted to remain in force, would paralyze in a great measure the aggressive movement which had been assigned to Patterson. The letter in which Marcy instructed Taylor to terminate the armistice was not so drastic as the comments in Polk's diary would lead one to expect. In fact, it contained no phrase that should have given offense to the victorious general. The Presi- dent, he said, regretted that ""it was not deemed advisable to insist upon the terms which you had first proposed," but he added that the "circumstances which dictated doubtless jus- tified the change." After explaining the new plan of campaign and the necessity of beginning operations at once, he instructed Taylor to give the notice necessary for ending the truce.«^ 59 Polk, Diary, II, 183-184. 60 H. Ex. Boo. 60, 30 Cong., 1 sess., 341-343. r.i Marcy to Taylor, Oct. 13, 1846 {ibid., 355-357). 430 JAMES K. POLK Although nothing in Marey 's communication could reasonably be construed as a reflection upon Taylor, the ever-suspicious general drew from it evidence of a conspiracy to discredit him and to deprive him of his command. While admitting that Marcy's letter praised him, he detected in it a very cold tone. He believed that the administration was hostile to him simply because his friends had been indiscreet enough to connect his name with the Presidency.**- In his reply to the War Department, he stated that with .his limited force he could not have prevented the escape of the enemy from Monterey, and that his equipment did not warrant the pursuit of Ampudia into a country devoid of supplies. He admitted that he had been influenced, also, by Ampudia 's statement that Santa Anna was in favor of making peace, and with a thrust at the President, he added : " It is not unknown to the government that I had the very best reason for believing the statement of General Ampudia to be true. ' '^^ This pointed reference to Polk's part in the reinstatement of Santa Anna must have been read at the White House with anything but pleasure, yet Taylor could not be blamed for believing that the President desired, most of all, a peaceable adjustment with Mex- ico. All of his instructions had emphasized this point. He was aware of Polk's overtures to Santa Anna and of his recent ofi'er to the Paredes government. Since he had not received Marcy's in- structions of September 22 his agreement with Ampudia accorded very well with the policy of his government, so far as he knew it at the time. Still, he had no reason to complain because he had been instructed to end the truce, and the political motives whicli dictated these instructions existed only in his own very active imagination. The main difficulty, as already stated, was the slow means of communication which made it impossible for either the general or the administration to know the conditions 62 Taylor to Wood, Nov. 10, 1846, Taylor Letters, 67. C3 Taylor to Adj. Gen., Nov. 8, 1846 (27. Ex. Doe. 60, 30 Con< sess., 359-360). WAR IN NOETHEEN MEXICO 451 which governed the actions of the other. Even before the armis- tice had been disapproved, Taylor felt abused because the Presi- dent had tried to facilitate the advance upon Tamaulipas by send- ing orders directly to General Patterson,*'* but in this case, also, Polk's action was governed by military rather than political considerations. Santa Anna's declaration in favor of restoring the constitu- tion of 1824 led President Polk to abandon the hope of inducing the northern provinces of Mexico to declare their independence of the central government. Since the main purpose of Taylor's advance into Nueva Leon and Coahuila, and that of Wool into Chihuahua, had been to effect this separation, the President decided that both of these expeditions, especially the latter, had now become ' ' comparatively unimportant. ' ' Accordingly he sug- gested at a cabinet meeting that Taylor should be authorized to remain at Monterey, and, if he saw fit, to order Wool to the same place. He suggested, also, that the most effective means of bring- ing Mexico to terms would be an invasion from Vera Cruz. Marcy embodied these views in a letter to Taylor and his letter was care- fully discussed at a special cabinet meeting. In the meantime Marcy 's draft had been shown to Scott whereupon the general expressed a desire to command the Vera Cruz expedition, and recommended an army of twenty-five or thirty thousand men. But Polk had not forgotten Scott's indiscreet letters, conse- quently the request was not granted. After a discussion of more than two hours instructions were agreed upon and delivered to Robert M. McLane who had been selected as special messenger. They covered the points already noted, and the choice between remaining at Monterey or advancing into the interior was left entirely to Taylor's discretion. He was informed that General .=4-1 conceive that this mode of regulating details and ordering detach- meuts direct from the Department of War is a violation of the integrity ot Sie chief CO nmand in the field, pregnant with the worst of evi s and aga.ns which I deem it my duty respectfully but earnestly to protest (TaUo. to Adj. Gen., Oct. 15, 1846, ibid., 354). 452 JAMES K. POLK Patterson would probably command the Vera Cruz expedition, and he was asked to send about two thousand of his regulars to this commander, if, in his judgment, they could be spared. On the other hand, he was forbidden to send them if, in his opinion, hispwn position would be endangered.**^ «5 Polk, Diary, II, 198-205. Marcy to Taylor, Oct. 22, 1846 {H. Ex. Doc. 60, 30 Cong., 1 sess., 363-367). CHAPTER XIX CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE CITY OF MEXICO For some time after instructing Taylor to remain at Mon- terey the President remained undecided as to what policy he would pursue. He had difficulty in making up his mind whether, after the capture of Vera Cruz, the army should simply hold the territory in possession and wait for Mexico to treat, or whether an advance to Mexico City should be undertaken. Before any decision had been reached. Colonel Richard B. Mason was sent to California via Panama, and instructed to command the troops in that region until the arrival of General Kearny.^ Financial as well as military considerations impeded the formation of a definite war policy. Department estimates caused so much apprehension concerning the cost of the war that the number of volunteers asked for by Marcy was cut down from 25,000 to 10,000 men. No decision had been reached as to whether the government should simply preserve the status quo, or "pro- secute the war into the heart of Mexico." Buchanan advocated the former policy and, apparently, Polk did not wish to decide the question either way until he had consulted the Senator from Missouri. Benton called by appointment on the same evening (November 7) and expressed himself as strongly in favor of taking Vera Cruz and of following this up with a crushing move- ment against Mexico City. To confine the military operations simply to holding the territory then in possession would, in his opinion, prolong the war and ruin the Democratic party; for ' ' ours were a go-ahead people and our only policy either 1 This action resulted from Polk's want of confidence in Colonel Stevenson who had been sent round the Horn with the New York volunteers (Polk, Diary, II, 209, 215). 4.14 JAMES K. POLK to obtain a peace or save ourselves was to press the war boldly. ' ' He believed that commissioners vested with authoritj^ to offer peace, "before a battle, during the battle, & after it w^as over," should accompany the army headquarters, and he offered to be one of the number. Three days later the Senator suggested that some man of "talents and resources" and of military training ought to be made lieutenant-general, and he modestly offered to accept the position if it should be created by Congress. After alluding to his original preference for Van Buren he declared that he was now ready to give Polk his unqualified support. To make his declaration more emphatic, he reminded the President that he [Benton] had quarreled with General Jackson and had subsequently defended him "in the gloomy period of the Bank panic."- The would-be commissioner continued to urge the necessity of an advance upon the Mexican capital, but the Presi- dent was reluctant to undertake such an expedition if it could be avoided. By November 17, however, Polk had decided to attack Vera Cruz, although he still ' ' considered it to be an open question, to be determined according to circumstances hereafter, wliether a column should be sent from Vera Cruz against the City of Mexico. " If, by that time, Mexico should decline to make peace, lie would be "decidedly in favour" of taking the capital city.3 The selection of a connnander for the Vera Cruz expedition caused the President great anxiety. He would gladly have chosen Benton ; but the Missouri Senator would not accept a rank lower than that of lieutenant-general, and there was no reason for be- lieving that Congress would create such an office. Polk had lost faith in Taylor's ability as a commanding officer. He had also come to regard him as the partisan dupe of Bailie Peyton and George W. Kendall, "who were cunning & shrewd men of more talents than himself, and had controlled him for political pur- poses. " " His constant effort has been to throw the responsibility 3 Polk, Dkirii, II, 221-223, 227-228. 3 jj^id,^ 241. I CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE CITY OF MEXICO 455 of any disaster which might happen on the administration. In this he had been most ungrateful for the kindness which he has received at my hands." These impressions had been derived, in part, from Taylor's dispatches. In addition, Polk's mind had been poisoned by adverse criticisms contained in private letters written to him by his friend and benefactor, General Pillow.* Taylor had quite a different story to tell about respondbUity. He told Crittenden in a letter that : When it was supposed I was in great peril from which, had I not suc- ceeded in extricating myself, the administration & its friends were prepared to throw the whole responsibility on me — [by saying that he had no authority to take a position on the Eio Grande]. 5 For some time Polk's aversion for Scott precluded all thought of assigning him to the chief command. Scott had, in Sep- tember, requested that he might be sent to Mexico, and at that time his request was denied." When, however, a majority of the cabinet, at a meeting held on November 17, reluctantly came to the conclusion that Scott ought to be appointed in spite of his faults, Polk consented to "think further on the subject," although "after his very exceptional letter in May last nothing but stern necessity and sense of public duty could induce me to place him at the head of so important [an] expedition." Benton was consulted, and when he, too, advised that, under present circumstances, Scott should be appointed, the President at last felt ' ' constrained to assign him to this command. ' ' When notified of his appointment Scott was, according to Polk's account, so grateful ' ' that he almost shed tears. ' '" If so, his gratitude proved to be ephemeral. * Ibid., 227, 229, 236, 241. Peyton, it will be recalled, had been one of Polk's most hated political opponents in Tennessee. At this time ho Avas a member of General Worth 's staff. Kendall was editor of the New Orleans Picayune and accompanied Taylor's army in the capacity of war cor- respondent. 5 Taylor to Crittenden, Sept. 15, 1846, Crittenden Papers. 6 Scott to^Marcy, S«pt. 12; Marcy to Scott, Sept. 14, 1846 {H. Ex. Voc. 60, 30 Cong., 1 sesa, 372-373). T Polk, Diary, II, 241-245. 456 JAMES K. POLK Meanwhile the President was busily engaged in preparing his annual message to Congress. The original draft was shown to Benton, and the Senator suggested certain alterations. In his Thirty Years' View, Benton stated that the draft con- tained a "recommendation to Congress to cease the active pro- secution of the war, to occupy the conquered part of the coun- try (....) with troops in forts and stations, and to pass an act establishing a temporary government in the occupied part ; and to retain the possession until the peace was made." He stated furtlior that he persuaded the President to give up the "sedentary project." Apparently these statements grossly ex- aggerated the facts, for they agree neither with the President's general war policy, nor with his own description of his original drafts. His diary for December 1 reads : I had proposed in my draft to submit to Congress the propriety, at the same time that the war should be vigorously prosecuted [italics mine] to establish a line of boundary securing to the U. S. a sufficient territory to afford indemnity for the expenses of the war, and to our citizens who hold pecuniary demands against Mexico. I proposed, also, that a more perman- ent Government should be provided by Congress over the conquered provinces than the temporary Governments which had been established by our own Military and Naval commanders according to the laws of war. Col. Benton thought tliese passages should be omitted, and submitted to me in writing the reasons for this opinion. Whether wise or unwise, these recommendations certainly did not advise a "sedentary" policy. The fact that Walker, who wanted all of Mexico, preferred Polk's draft to that of Benton is another indication that the President had no intention of ter- minating ' ' the active prosecution of the war. ' ' Although no sug- gestion to this effect seems to have been included in Polk's draft, certain modifications were made in order to please the Missouri Senator, for otherwise it was feared that he would oppose, and probably could defeat, everything which the President was about to recommend.^ 8 Benton, Thirty Tears' View, II, 693. Polk, Diary, II, 258-260. CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE CITY OF MEXICO 457 On December 7, 1846, the twenty-ninth Congress began its second session and, on the next day, received the President's annual message. In it Polk repelled the charge made by some of his opponents that the war with Mexico was unjust and un- necessary. "A more effectual means," said he, "could not have been devised to encourage the enemy and protract the war than to advocate and adhere to their cause, and thus give them * aid and comfort. ' ' ' The intended application of this quotation from the constitutional definition of treason could not be misunderstood, and Polk at once became the object of violent denunciation. In order to disprove the charges that had been made, he gave a history of events leading up to the war, laying emphasis on the fact that Mexico had violated two treaties in which she had agreed to pay American claimants damages awarded to them by a joint commission. The jfirst of these treaties was negotiated in 1839. The second, which postponed the dates of payment, de- clared upon its face, said the President, that " 'this new arrange- ment is entered into for the accommodation of Mexico. ' " " Not- withstanding this new convention was entered into at the request of Mexico** and for the purpose of relieving her from embarrass- ment, the claimants have only received the interest due on the 30th of April, 1843, and three of the twenty installments." 9 In this connection a letter of Waddy Thompson, who negotiated these treaties, is of interest: "In the unquestionable vindication of the Mexican war by the President I see that much prominence is given to two points both of which I claim exclusive credit of as they were both not only without instructions but in violations of the orders of the state department. By the Treaty of 1839 the Mexican government had the option to pay the awards in cash or in Treasury notes. These latter were worth then not more than 20 cents in the dollar and now are worth even less. But the whole (leb. could have been paid with less than one fifth of its nominal amount. Ihe brevity of a letter will not allow me to state to you the various means by which I managed to close the eyes of Mexico to the advantages which they possessed. But I did so and on my own respomihiUtii made a provisional arrangement subject to the ratification of my government. It was apiirov'ecl with certain alterations. Mr. Webster sent me the draft of a Ireaty. The preamble stated that this new arrangement was made at the instance and desire of the American claimants. I took the responsibility ot t-tiang- ing this and stated in mv despatch accompanying the Treaty that if Mexico failed to comply with the terms of thfe Treaty it would give us a much stronger justification for inforcing payment than if it had been stated in 458 JAMES K. POLK The President maintained that the United States had had ample grounds for war long before the Mexican army crossed the Rio Grande. He asserted, also, that hostilities had not been precipitated by Taylor's advance to the western frontier, for "Mexico herself had never placed the war which she has waged upon the ground that our army occupied the intermediate ter- ritory between the Nueces and the Rio Grande." After an elaborate argument which proved, to his own satisfaction at least, the Rio Grande to be the rightful boundary of Texas, he said that it would be "difficult to justify the Executive, whose duty it is to see that the laws be faithfully executed if .... he had assumed the responsibility of yielding up the territory west of the Nueces. ' ' One passage in the message relating to conquered territories was subsequently attacked in the Senate. Having urged a vigorous i)roseeution of the war the President went on to say that : In tho I'rovinees of New Mexico and of the Californias little, if any, further resistance is apprehended from the inhabitants to the temporary governments ■\vhieh have thus, from the necessity of the ease and according to the laws of war, been established. It may be proper to provide for the security of these important conquests by making adequate appropriation for the purpose of erecting fortifications and defraying the expenses neces- sary incident to the maintenance of our possession and authority over them. the Treaty that the change in the Treaty had been made at the instance of the claimants. I see that it is so regarded by the President in his message. ' ' Concerning article six of the treaty of 1843, wliich Polk had also men- tioned, Thompson said: "The sixth clause of the Treaty which provides for a new convention for claims not then adjusted was inserted by me not only without instructions, but it was disapproved by Mr. Webster but nevertheless retained" (Thompson to Buchanan, Dec. 13, 1846, Buchanan Papers). In this same letter, Thompson spoke of letters Avhich he and Webster had written to Bocanegra, Mexican Secretary of Foreign Relations, in 1842. These are printed in the appendix of his book, BecoUections of Mexico. Tliere Thompson agrees that Webster had written his letter before having seen his [Tliompson 's], l)ut in the letter to Buchanan he accuses Webster of plagiarism: "Mr. Webster stole my reply to Mr. Bocanegra 's letter to him and to the diplomatic corps and publislied it as his own — in a letter to me. He says in his letter to me endorsing his reply to Mr. Bocanegra that he had not received mine when he wrote his. In this he lied. That is the word and no other word will express the idea. He had received it & stole it, and then lied about it. Telling a falsehood to conceal a larceny— a petty larceny if you please— of tliis I have the proof. ' ' But cf . Eccollcctions, 284-304. CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE CITY OF MEXICO 459 As will be seen later, some members of Congress interpreted this as a recommendation to provide for permanent possession, before any treaty had been made. So far as it related to the war, the message concluded with a renewal of the request for an appropriation of two million dollars to be used at the discretion of the President for diplomatic pur- poses. The reasons which had induced him to ask for that amount at the preceding session, said he, "still exist," and he believed that it would have been granted then if a vote had been taken.^" When the message came up for discussion in the Senate, West- cott, of Florida, moved that the part relating to conquered terri- tories, above quoted, be referred to the Committee on Territories. Benton objected, and a discussion ensued as to whether the Presi- dent 's recommendation had contemplated the establishment of permanent governments. Westcott contended that no other mean- ing could be drawn from it, while Benton insisted that it meant nothing of the kind. No decision was reached, for, on motion made by Crittenden, the question was sent to the table.^^ In the House, Garrett Davis, of Kentucky, caused a heated debate by introducing a resolution which requested the President to submit for examination all orders to military and naval officers relating to the establishment of civil governments in the con- quered provinces. He had in mind, of course, the governments set up in New Mexico and California by General Kearny and Commodore Stockton, and he wished to know whether the acts of those officers had been authorized by the President; if so, he demanded to know "by what imperial or regal authority his majesty undertook to act in the premises." If Polk, said Davis, had authorized the organization of civil governments in foreign provinces, he was guilty of usurpation; and if the Santa Fe region was a part of Texas, as the message seemed to assert, then, the President had no right to set up a government over a portion 10 Eichardson, Messages, IV, 472-495. 11 Ca7ig. Globe, 29 Cong., 2 sess., 42-44, 460 JAMES K. POLK of a sovereign state. Similar arguments were made by Schenck, of Ohio, and by other opponents of the administration. The defense of the President was led by Douglas, although many other Democrats rallied loyally to his support. After a week's debate, the resolution was passed on the fifteenth of December.^^ The establishment of a government in California by Stockton and Fremont has already been discussed. A brief summary will indicate the objectionable features of Kearny's conquest of New Mexico which led the House to call upon the President for information. Leaving Fort Leavenworth late June, 1846, in command of a small force made up of United States dragoons and Missouri volunteers, Kearny reached Santa Fe on August 18 and, without resistance, took possession of the capital of New Mexico. Four days later a proclamation was issued in which Kearny announced that he would hold the department "as a part of the United States, and under the name of the 'territory of New Mexico.' " After promising a representative government at an early date, the proclamation added that The United States hereby absolves all persons residing within the boundaries of New Mexico from any further allegiance to the republic of Mexico, and hereby claims them as citizens of the United States. Before the end of September he had framed and put into opera- tion an elaborate civil government under the title of the "Organic law for the territory of New Mexico. . . ."^^ Kearny's authority for thus assuming the role of lawgiver was based on the following confidential instructions sent to him by the Secretary of War on June 3, 1846 : Should you conquer and take possession of New Mexico and Upper California, or considerable places in either, you will establish temporary civil governments therein You may assure the people of those l)rovinces that it is the wish and design of the United States to provide for them a free government, with the least possible delay, similar to that i-i Ibid., 12-33. 13 For the proclamation, "organic law," and other documents, see H. Ex. Doc. 60, 30 Ooug., 1 sess., 169ff. CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE CITY OF MEXICO 461 which exists in our territories. They will then be called upon to exercise the rights of freemen in electing their own representatives to the terri- torial legislature. It is foreseen that what relates to the civil government will be a difficult part of your duty, and much must necessarily be left to your own discretion. i* The explicit directions given in this letter, supplemented as they were by wide discretionary powers, seem to give ample authority for the action taken by General Kearny. Furthermore, when Polk received the news, on October 2, that Kearny had pro- claimed New Mexico to be "a part of the United States," he noted in his diary that "Gen'l Kearny has thus far performed his duty well."^^ Whether, had no objections been raised, he would have given similar approval to the "organic law," we have no means of knowing. This document did not reach Wash- ington until November 23, and, according to their own state- ments, it was not examined by either Marcy or Polk until after information regarding it had been requested by the House.^** Whatever he might have done with respect to Kearny's ter- ritorial governments had Congress interposed no objections, Polk now realized that part, at least, of Kearny's work could not be justified. At a cabinet meeting held on December 19, Buchanan expressed the opinion that the House resolution ought not to be answered, but the President decided to transmit the desired documents. In the evening he made the following comment : Among them was a document from Brigadier Gen'l Kearney, containing a form of Government over the conquered territory of New Mexico, which among other things declared that territory to be a part of the U. S. and provided for the election of a Delegate to the Congress of the U. S. In these and some other respects he exceeded the power of a military com- mander over a conquered territory. It was agreed that in my message to Congress I must disapprove this part of the Document, though, without censuring the Gen'l, who had misconceived the extent of his authority, but who had, no doubt, acted from patriotic motives. 14 Marcy to Kearny, June 3, 1846 (ibid., 244). 15 Polk, Diary, II, 169-170. 16 Marcy 's report to the President, Dec. 21, 1846 (J?. Ex. Doc. 60, 30 Cong., 1 sess., 151). Polk's Message of Dec. 22, 1846. Nothing is said in the Diary about this document until the matter had been brouglit up in the House. 462 JAMES K. POLE A message to this effect, with an additional statement that "such excess has resulted in no practical injury, ' ' was sent to the House a few days later. And yet, not two months before this, the Presi- dent had expressed satisfaction because Kearny had proclaimed New Mexico to be a part of the United States !" While awaiting information respecting territorial govern- ments, the House engaged in an acrimonious debate on the Presi- dent 's annual message and the causes of the war. Polk w^as assailed for having stated in his message that his opponents had, by their attacks upon the administration, been giving "aid and comfort" to the enemy. In turn, he w^as charged with having given "aid and comfort" to Santa Anna, the most powerful and unscrupulous of the enemies. Whigs averred that the President had w^antonly plunged the country into a war of aggression in order to show the world ' ' who James K. Polk was. ' ' Even those who had voted for the declaration of war now asserted that the executive was conducting "an unconstitutional war." Most abusive of all was Gentry, of Tennessee. Polk, he said, was a "petty usurper" who "had come into power without the will of the people of these States, and almost without the wish or knowledge even of his own party ' ' ; and his message w^as ' ' nothing but a low demagogical attempt to deceive the nation — to tell just enough of the truth to cause the people to believe a lie." On the other hand the President was ably defended by his Demo- cratic supporters^* who maintained, not only that his message had given a true history of relations with Mexico, but that Polk's remark about giving ' ' aid and comfort ' ' to the enemy had been amply vindicated by utterances which were being made on the floor of the House. The receipt of the special message, accom- panied by the orders issued to military and naval officers, pro- duced no change in the character of the discussion. The Whigs 17 Polk, Dian/, II, 170, 281-282. Richardson, Messages, IV, 506-507. IS In defending' tlie President, Bayly, of Virginia, arraigned the argu- ments and the attitude of Garret Davis in sueh scathing terms that a chal- lenge followed. The arrest of Bayly bv the municipal authorities prevented a duel (Polk, Diary, II, 297). CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE CITY OF MEXICO 463 still continued to fulminate against the "President's war," and to characterize the establishment of civil governments in the con- quered provinces as an unwarranted assumption of unconstitu- tional powers. The man thus portrayed as a usurper whose imperial ambi- tions neither Congress nor the Constitution had been able to check believed himself to be hampered by want of adequate authority. Upon his shoulders rested the responsibility of military victory, yet the officers at his disposal were, in his opinion, disloyal to the administration and interested solely in their own political advancement. However erroneous this opinion may have been, there is no reason for doubting that Polk believed both Scott and Taylor to be incompetent and unreliable. Having arrived at the conclusion that Taylor was a "narrow minded, bigotted partisan" who had been ' ' made giddy with the idea of the Presidency, ' ' the chief executive felt the need of a commander more in sympathy with the administration. He had selected Scott to lead the attack on Vera Cruz, not because he had great confidence in the gen- eral 's ability or his loyalty, but for the reason that Scott was the only man in the army "who by his rank could command Tay- lor. ' '^^ The admixture of war and politics had created a dilemma from which the President saw but one avenue of escape, namely, to follow the advice of Benton, and ask Congress to authorize the appointment of a lieutenant-general. Before Scott had had time to reach the seat of war Polk began to sound members of Congress for the purpose of ascertaining whether a bill to create such an office could be passed. He even sent for Calhoun and asked his assistance, explaining that Benton would be appointed should Congress see fit to create the position. Calhoun, however, was "decidedly opposed to having such an officer,"-'' and Polk's best friends doubted that Congress could 19 Polk, Diary, II, 249, 277. 2"/b(VZ., 282. Calhoun believed that the President was governed by I)olitical motives— by a desire to deal a blow at Taylor and Scott (Calhoun to Duff Green, April' 17, 1847, Bcp. Am. Hist. Assn., 1899, II, 727). 4(5-i JAMES E. POLE be induced to take favorable action. Indeed, the President him- self did not believe that the necessary law could be procured, but Benton urged him to make the recommendation, "and if Con- gress rejected it the responsibility would be theirs." Influenced partly by his own desire to have a Democratic commander and partly by the dread of Benton's opposition, Polk drafted a message on Christmas day in which he asked Congress for authority to appoint a lieutenant-general.-^ Although a bill for creating the coveted office was tabled by the Senate on January 15, the President by his action succeeded in retaining, for a time at least, the good will of the Missouri Senator. This in itself was of no small importance, for the de- fection of Calhoun and his coterie of adherents had converted the normal Democratic majority into a minority, and Benton wielded a far greater influence than did Calhoun. On the day that the Senate tabled the bill, Polk noted in his diary : With a large nominal majority in both Houses, I am practically in a minority. The several cliques & sections of the Democratic party are mani- festly more engaged in managing for their respective favourites in the next Presidential election, than they are in supporting the Government in pros- ecuting the war, or carrying out any of its great measures. The only corrective is in the hands of the people. I will do my duty to the country and rejoice that with my own voluntary free will & consent I am not to be a candidate. This determination is irrevocable.22 He was greatly discouraged because Congress delayed legislation on war measures which he had recommended, among them pro- vision for ten additional regiments of regular troops. ' ' Instead, ' ' said he, "of acting upon tlie great measures of the country, they are spending day after day and week after week in a worse than useless discussion about slavery. ' '-'' His discomfort was increased 21 " I found Col. B. fixed upon this point, ' ' said the Diary. " If I do not propose it, it is manifest from my interview with him that both he and his friends will be greatly dissatisfied" (Polk, Diary, II, 275, 286, 293). The message was sent to Congress on December 29. ^■ilbid., 328. 23 Ibid., 334. He referred to the debate on King 's slavery restriction resolution introduced in the House on Jan. 4, 1847. CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE CITY OF MEXICO 465 by cabinet opposition to the advance upon the Mexican capital and to the acquisition of any territory except New Mexico and California, although the members believed that other northern provinces should be encouraged to declare their independence. Even Walker, who up to this time had advocated expansion on a large scale, now gave his approval to a restrictive policy. Donel- son, also, from his post at Berlin, entered a protest against unre- stricted expansion. Since war had come, he believed the Rio Grande boundary to be necessary and Upper California to be desirable ; but he was decidedly averse to holding central Mexico. Even California, in his opinion, was not indispensable, for it would eventually become an independent nation any way. He hoped that Polk would not listen to those who desired to incor- porate Mexico into the Union.-* On January 13, 1847, when the President was downcast be- cause of obstacles which impeded a vigorous prosecution of the war, a harbinger of peace appeared in the person of Colonel Atocha. He came not as an avowed agent of Santa Anna, but as one who professed to have intimate, though unofficial, knowl- edge of the plans and purposes of his crafty patron. He showed to Benton personal letters received from Santa Anna, Almonte, and Rejon, all of which expressed a desire for peace with the United States. With Atocha 's permission, Benton showed the letters to Polk and Buchanan. All agreed that he had been sent by Santa Anna as a confidential agent charged with the duty of ascertaining the terms on which Polk would make peace. When asked about the terms which would be agreeable to Santa Anna, Atocha said that Mexico would consent to the Rio Grande as the boundary of Texas, but "reserving a space of territory be- tween that River & the Nueces as a barrior between the two 2* Ibid., 301. Donelson to Buchanan, Dec. 22, ]846 (rec'd Jan. 27, '47), Buchanan Papers. In a letter written two weeks later, he said that Europeans did not like Polk's message and were opposed to his war policy. They feared, he said, that Mexico, when defeated, would tlesire admission into the Union and would be admitted (Donelson to Buchanan, Jan. 8, 1847, Biwhanan Papers). 466 JAMES K. POLE countries." He said, also, that Mexico would cede California for a consideration of fifteen or twenty million dollars, but on the subject of New Mexico he seemed to have no authority to speak. He advised that commissioners should meet in Havana and that. pending negotiations, the blockade at Vera Cruz should be raised. As a concession to Mexican pride, he urged that the invitation to negotiate should come from the United States. For several days the President held consultations with Benton and with members of the cabinet. Although willing to open peace negotiations, he rejected some of the suggestions which had been made by Atocha. New Mexico as well as California must be ceded to the United States, and the proposal to create a neutral zone between the Nueces and the Rio Grande must not be enter- tained. The blockade of Vera Cruz would not be raised until a treaty had been made, for if it were raised and no treaty resulted, the administration would be subjected to ridicule. At a cabinet meeting held on January 16 Buchanan was directed to prepare a letter to the Mexican Minister of Foreign Relations. In it the Mexican government was invited to appoint peace commissioners wlio were to meet similar representatives from the United States at eitlier Havana or Jalapa. On seeing the letter, Atocha ob- jected to the passage which said that the war would be prosecuted vigorously until a treaty had been signed. On his suggestion, the President consented to vest the commissioners with authority, "in their discretion after meeting the Mexican commissioners," to raise the blockade and to suspend hostilities. The letter was so modified and delivered to Atocha, and Secretary Walker arranged to have a revenue cutter convey him from New Orleans to Vera Cruz. He was not regarded as an official bearer of dis- patches but as "an individual to whom a sealed letter was entrusted to be delivered. "^^ 25 Polk, Diary, II, 323, 325-327, 331-334, 335-336, 339. The letter to the Mexican Minister is printed in Buchanan, Worlcs, VII, 198-199, also in Sen. Ex. Doc. 1, 30 Cong., 1 sess., 36. CAMPAIGN AGAINST TEE CITY OF MEXICO 407 Polk's desire for a diplomatic victory was strengthened by obstacles which seemed to preclude military success. Congress appeared to be more interested in practical politics than in "strengthening the Executive arm," and the President had no faith in either the competency or the loyalty of his commanders in the field. Coincident with Scott's arrival in New Orleans on his way to the seat of war the newspapers of that city published a full account of the administration's plan of campaign. No one except the general could have imparted the information, and the President at once attributed this violation of secrecy to Scott 's ' ' inordinate vanity. ' '-*' To cap the climax a New York newspaper published a letter, written by Taylor to Gaines, in which the administration was denounced and its military plans completely exposed.-^ Apparently the "Whig generals" were determined to prevent the Mexican army from being taken by surprise. In his private letters, Taylor said that keeping him "in the dark" seemed to be the "great object" of the adminis- tration,-® and generosity may have led him to protect his Mexican adversaries from similar annoyance ! The President decided that the administration could be vindi- cated most effectively by the publication of all correspondence which had passed between Taylor and the War Department, and, evidently by his request, a resolution calling for these documents was introduced in the House by Thompson, of Mississippi.-'' Ashmun, of Massachusetts, offered an amendment which solicited information concerning the secret agent who had been sent to confer with Santa Anna at Havana. This amendment and the ^e Ibid., 327-328. "I have no doubt," Polk wrote a few weeks later, "the Mexican Government and Military commanders are as well apprised of the secret instructions which were given to Gen'l Scott when he left Washington as he is himself. His vanity is such that he could not keep the most important secrets of the Government which were given to him" (ibid., 393-394). 27 Ibid., 393-394. 28 Taylor to Wood, Jan. 26, 1847, Taylor Letters, 82. 29 Polk, Diary, II, 362. Cong. Globe, 22 Cong., 2 sess., 296. Taylor was reminded by Marcy (Jan. 27) that his offense had made him liable to dismissal (H. Ex. Doc. 60, 30 Cong., 1 sess, 391). 468 JAMES K. POLE appointment of the returned exile to the position of "lieutenant general for Mexico" gave an opportunity for a new assault upon the President, although the speakers were unable to add many items to the catalog of iniquities which they had been compiling since the opening of the session. The Thompson resolution was passed by the House and the correspondence was published, yet Congress seemed unwilling to cooperate with the President by enacting the laws which he had recommended. "I am in the unenviable position," he wrote on February 5, "of being held responsible for the conduct of the Mexican War, when I have no support either from Congress or from the two officers (Scott & Taylor) highest in command in the field. How long this state of things will continue I cannot forsee." For this state of affairs he blamed factious members of his own party who were more interested in the next Presi- dential election than in the welfare of the country. Said he : In truth faction rules the hour, while principles & patriotism is for- gotten. While the Democratic party are thus distracted and divided and are playing this foolish and suicidal game, the Federal Party are united and never fail to unite with the minority of the Democratic party, or any faction of it who may break ofP from the body of their party, and thus I)ostpone and defeat all my measures. 3° This statement was verified within the next few days when Cal- houn and his friends united with Whigs in temporarily blocking the passage of a bill for raising ten additional regiments of troops. As a result Polk now regarded Calhoun as the "most mischievous man in the Senate," and he attributed the South Carolinian's hostility to the fact that he had not been retained in the cabinet.''^ Senator Turney, a friend of the President, charged Calhoun with impeding necessary legislation by depriv- ing his party of a majority in the Senate. He proclaimed this fact to the people so that they might "place the responsibility exactly in the proper quarter."^- However, the rejection of the 30 Polk, Diary, II, 368. 31 Ibid., 371-372. 32 Cong. Globe, 29 Cong., 2 sess., 395. CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE CITY OF MEXICO 469 ten-regiment bill, as reported from the conference committee, proved not to be final ; after a reconsideration, it was passed by the Senate on the tenth of February. Congress had already authorized the emission of twenty-three million dollars in treas- ury notes, for war purposes. The satisfaction which Polk ex- perienced as a result of this new turn of events was counter- balanced by his disgust because members of Congress demanded for their personal friends all offices which had been created by the military bill. ' ' Take the day altogether, ' ' he wrote on Feb- ruary 15, "I am sure I have never been so wearied and annoyed in my life."^^ When the Senate voted, in the first instance, to reject the ten- regiment bill, the Washington Union characterized this action as ' ' Another Mexican Victory ' ' : If Santa Anna, Ampudia, or any other Mexican general could snatch from our soldiers a corresponding victory, we should place them upon the same elevation where their compatriots, friends, and fellow-soldiers in the Senate of the United States now stand. By a resolution passed on February 13 the editors, Ritchie and Heiss, were denied admission to the floor of the Senate — an action concerning which the President wrote : It is a second Duane case, & strikes a blow at the liberty of the press. The foul deed was perpetrated by the votes of the undivided Federal Senators, and Senators Calhoun & Butler of S. C. & Yulee & Weseott of riorida.34 On March 3, 1847, the twenty-ninth Congress ended its labors. Although Polk's opponents had filled pages of the Congressional Globe in charging him with miscellaneous crimes and misde- meanors, he had nevertheless been provided with men and money so that he might continue his "unholy war" against Mexico. The bill for granting him three million dollars to be used in negotiating a peace was also enacted into law, but not until the "Wilmot proviso," which sought to exclude slavery from all territory to be acquired, had been rejected by both houses. 33 Polk, Diary, II, 380. z^Cong. Globe, 29 Cong., 2 sess., 392, 417. Polk, Bmry, II, 378. 470 JAMES K. POLK During the last evening of the session, while the President was at the eapitol for the purpose of signing bills, an incident occurred which tested not only his patience but his courage as well. Among the bills which were expected to pass was one authorizing the appointment of two major-generals and three brigadier-generals. His original intention had been to ignore New York, when filling these positions, for he knew that he could not satisfy both Democratic factions in that state — one led by Marcy and the other by Senator Dix, the close friend of Van Buren. However, Marcy insisted that one of the lesser positions should be given to his friend, General Clark, while Dix emphati- cally opposed the appointment. As a compromise, Polk decided to appoint Enos D. Hopping, who, although affiliated with the Marcy faction, had been recommended for a colonelcy by both wings of the party. Although both Marcy and Senator Dickenson threatened to resign if Clark were not appointed, Polk defied their attempt to "bully" him, and appointed Hopping as soon as the bill had been signed. "I had become perfectly indiffer- ent," was his comment, "whether Mr. Dickinson and Mr. Marcy resigned or not. I knew that neither of them could be sustained in such a course for such a cause. ' '^^ Among the appointments made and confirmed during the clos- ing hours of the session was that of Benton as major-general. He had solicited the appointment, and had, at the time, attached no conditions to his acceptance, but it soon developed that he had no intention of serving unless the President would assign him to the chief command of the army and invest him with "plenary Diplomatic powers to conclude a Treaty of peace." The cabinet objected to clothing Benton with diplomatic powers, and, besides, Polk liimself had planned to send Buchanan as commissioner, should Mexico consent to negotiate. He would gladly have put Benton at the head of the army if he could have done so without recalling the four major-generals already in the field. According 35 Polk, Diarii, II, 399-405 CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE CITY OF MEXICO ill to his own statement, he would "have no hesitation" so far as Scott and Taylor were concerned, but he thought it won hi be unjust to recall Butler and Patterson. When informed of the President's decision, Benton declined to accept the appointment.-''*' Polk was ready to go a long way to avoid offending the Mis- souri Senator, for Benton was the only man in public life for whom he seemed to harbor a feeling of awe.^^ He was influenced still more, however, by his aversion for the Whig generals and by his desire to transfer the chief command to a member of his own party. At the time that Benton was appointed, Polk was especially hostile to General Scott on account of alleged discrimi- nation against Democratic officers.^^ Since the congressional batteries had ceased their "fire upon his rear, ' ' the President could devote more attention to the enemy across the Rio Grande. After consultation with Benton and the cabinet he decided to raise the blockade of the Mexican ports and to substitute a tariff, the proceeds of which were to be used for war purposes. He took steps to hasten the recruiting and equip- ping of the new regiments which Congress had voted, and to eliminate the "extravagance & stupidity" of the quartermaster's department.^'' sn Ibid,, 406-413. 3T But there were limits to his concessions. It was about this time that he refused to appoint Benton's son-in-law (Jones) to office, because he "was a short time ago the editor of a Federal paper in New Orleans" {ibid., 455). 38 He had, said the President, "arbitrarily & without cause" degraded Colonel Harney, of Tennessee. "Gen'l Taylor had acted with the same prescriptive spirit, not only towards Col. Harney, but other gallant Democratic officers." Against the advice of his cabinet, Polk directed that Harney should be restored: "I told the Secretary of War that if he was unwilling to write the letter ... I would do it myself. ... I am resolved that Col. Harney shall not be sacrificed to propitiate the personal or political malice of Gen'l Scott" (ibid., 384-386). 39 "The truth is," he wrote, "that the old army officers have become so in the habit of enjoying their ease, sitting in parlours and on carpeted Hoors, that most of tliem have no energy, and are content to jog on in a regular routine without knowing whether they are taking care of the public interest or not" (ibid., 431). 472 JAMES E. POLK While the President's mind was thus engrossed with details concerning military contracts and pack-mules, Atocha returned to Washington, on March 20, bearing Mexico's reply to his offer to negotiate a peace. "The question of Texas," said the Minister of Foreign Relations, "was a cover to ulterior designs, which now stand disclosed" ; nevertheless his government would "accede cheerfully" to the invitation to appoint commissioners, but such appointment would not be made "unless the raising of the block- ade of our ports and the complete evacuation of the territory of the Republic by the invading forces shall be previously accepted as a preliminary condition."*'' For the present this communication put an end to all hope of a peaceable adjustment, for Polk at once declared the condi- tions to be "wholly inadmissible," leaving no alternative but a "crushing movement" against Mexico. Buchanan interposed ob- jections to an advance upon the Mexican capital, but I [Polk] replied that I differed with him in opinion, & that I would not only march to the City of Mexico, but that I would pursue Santa Anna's army wherever it was, and capture or destroy it. I expressed the opinion that if I had a proper commander of the army, who would lay aside the technical rules of war to be found in books, which required a long train of baggage wagons; one who would go light & move rapidly, I had no doubt Santa Anna & his whole army could be destroyed or captured in a short time. On the same evening rumors reached Washington that Taylor's army was in great danger, consequently the President was still more determined to deal Santa Anna a speedy and crushing blow." It is necessary at this point to turn aside from the adminis- trative side of the war in order to give a brief sketch of the military operations of Kearny in California, and of Scott in his campaign from Vera Cruz to Mexico City. 40Monasterio to Buchanan. Feb. 22, 1847 (Sen. Ex. Doc. 1, 30 Cong., 1 sess., 37-38). Also, Buchanan, Worlcs, VII, 223-224. 41 Polk, Diarii, II, 432-434. CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE CITY OF MEXICO 473 On September 25, 1846, having put his "organic law" in operation in New Mexico, Kearny, with a force of three hundred dragoons, set out for California. At Socorro, on October 6, he met the scout. Kit Carson, who was on his way to Washington with dispatches from Stockton and Fremont announcing the con- quest of California and the subjugation of its inhabitants.*- As this news seemed to indicate that no further trouble was to be expected, Kearny sent back two hundred of his dragoons, and retained but one hundred as a personal escort. He forwarded the dispatches by another messenger, and Carson (much against his will) was required to guide the way to California. Beaching the junction of the Colorado and Gila rivers on November 23, Kearny's army intercepted a messenger bearing mail from California to Sonora, and from the letters examined, Kearny received his first intelligence of the uprising of the Cali- fornians under General Flores.*^ On December 2 he reached Warner's rancho, the most eastern settlement in California. Here he was visited by an Englishman named Stokes, who volunteered to carry a letter to Commodore Stockton, at San Diego. On receipt of this letter (December 3) Stockton sent a small force of thirty-nine men, under Captain Gillespie, to cooperate with Kearny. At San Pascual, on December 6, Kearny's army fought a battle with a Mexican force under Captain Andres Pico. A greater number of Americans than Mexicans were killed, but as Pico retreated, leaving Kearny in possession of the field, it was called a victory." As soon as the troops had recovered suffi- ciently, Kearny proceeded on his way to the coast. At several 42 Porter, General Stephen W. Kearny and the Conquest of California, 11. This interesting pamphlet is a strong defense of Kearny's conduct in California. 43 Emory, Notes of a Military Beconnoissanoe ; H. Ex. Doc. 41, 30 Oong., 1 sess., 96. This document gives a detailed account of Kearny's march from Ft. Leavenworth to San Diego. 44 Bancroft, Hist, of California, V, 341 ff. See also Porter, op. cit., wlio criticizes Bancroft and defends Kearny. 474 JAMES K. POLK points Pico harassed his little army ; hut on the evening of De- cember 10 he was met by a body of marines sent by Stockton, and two days later he reached San Diego in safety.'^ Kearny's instructions, as we have seen, authorized him to take possession of California and to establish a temporary civil government. All orders relating to that country which were issued by the War Department clearly indicated that the Presi- dent desired Kearny to have the chief command as soon as he had reached California. Despite this fact Stockton, who had constituted himself ' ' commander-in-chief and governor, ' ' declined to surrender the command, even after Kearny had exhibited his instructions, and until the arrival of other land forces, the general was not in a position to assert his rights. He declined to accept a subordinate command under Stockton, yet in the ' ' second con- quest" of California, which soon followed his arrival, he loyally cooperated with the commodore. When Kearny reached San Diego he found the country, ex- cept a few of the seaports, in possession of the Flores revolution- ists, whose headquarters were at Los Angeles. It had already been planned that Fremont should attack Los Angeles from the north. After consulting with Kearny, Stockton decided to move north from San Diego for the purpose of striking Los Angeles from the south. Having made the necessary preparations the army left San Diego on December 29 under the nominal com- mand of Stockton, although Kearny seems actually to have di- rected the operations. An engagement occurred on January 8 at San Gabriel River, and another on the following day near Los Angeles. Flores and Pico now abandoned that city ; the former fled to Mexico, while the latter moved northward and surrendered to Fremont on favoi-able terms. Although Stockton and Kearny were displeased with Fremont's assumption of authority in grant- ing these terms to the enemy, they decided to avoid further 45 Emory, Notes, etc., 112-113. CAMPAIGN AGAINST TEE CITY OF MEXICO 475 trouble b}^ ratifying the agreement/® The "second conquest" of California was now complete, and no further resistance was offered to the authority of the United States. Stockton and Fremont, still ignoring General Kearny 's author- ity, proceeded once more to set up a civil government. Kearny re- turned to San Diego, and soon after repaired to Monterey, where he found Commodore Shubrick, the successor of Stockton. Shu- brick promptly recognized Kearny's authority, and the general took steps to organize a civil government. Monterey was made the capital city and on March 1, 1847, Kearny assumed the office of governor. Having put the government in operation, he turned it over to Colonel Richard B. Mason, on May 31, and set out for Washington. By his order, Fremont accompanied him, under separate escort, and at Fort Leavenworth the pathfinder was put under arrest and ordered to report to the adjutant-general in Washington.*' Both arrived at the capital city about the middle of September and laid their respective complaints before the Government. President Polk was very favorably impressed with Kearny. He regarded the general as "a good officer & an intelligent gentleman" and one who had "performed valuable and important services in his late expedition to New Mexico & California. ' '*' After Kearny had filed charges against Fremont, Polk dis- cussed with the cabinet the propriety of constituting a court of inquiry instead of a court-martial. The latter tribunal was se- lected. Benton and his son-in-law, William Carey Jones, en- deavored to have the scope of investigation broadened so that Fremont might bring counter charges against his opponents, but Polk would grant no favors even though he expected that his refusal would subject him to the wrath of the whole Benton 46 Porter, ojj. cit., 25-29. 47 Bancroft, Hist, of Cat, V, 451-452. Porter, op. cit., 32-33. 4s Polk, Diary, III, 168, 175. 476 JAMES K. POLK clan.*" Fremont was convicted and sentenced to dismissal from the army. The President approved the sentence of the court, except on the charge of mutiny, but remitted the penalty and ordered Fremont to report for duty. The pathfinder, however, declined to accept this clemency, and sent in his resignation. As the President had anticipated, approval of the court's verdict caused an immediate break with Benton. All intercourse be- tween the two men ceased as soon as Polk's decision was an- nounced. About a 3^ear later a member of the Blair family told Secretary Mason that Benton was about to publish one of Polk's letters which would injure him in the eyes of the public. Unter- rified by the threat, the President noted in his diary : I told Judge Mason that he had no such letter. I do not know what this means. I am, however, at the defiance of both Blair & Benton. The former has proved himself to be unprincipled and the latter, I fear, is no better. From the day I approved the sentence of the Court martial in Col. Fremont's case. Col. Benton, for no other cause than that I dared to do my duty, has been exceedingly hostile to me. He has not called on me, nor have 1 spoken to him for more than twelve months. [Also, February 10, 1849.] There is every indication now that he [Benton] will join the Whigs in the support of Gen '1 Taylor, at all events until he can get offices for his three sons-in-law. If I had failed to do my duty in Col. Fremont's case, and given an office which he sought for his Whig son-in-law (Jones) he would never have quarreled with me. His course towards me and my administration for more than a year 'past has been selfish and wholly unprincipled. 50 It was mainly on Benton's recommendation that Kearny had been selected to lead the expedition to California, yet, after the 49 "I have always l}Oon upon good terms "'ith Col. Benton," Polk noted in his diary, "but he is a man of violent passions and T should not be sur- prised if he became my enemy because all his wishes in reference to his family" are not gratified. ... "I am resolved that Col. Fremont shall be tried as all other officers are tried. I will grant him no favours or privileges which T would not grant to any other officer, even though I should incur his displeasure & that of his friends by refusing to do so" {ibid., 177, 198, 204). See also page 203 where John Randolph Benton, the Senator 's son, threatened Polk for declining to give him an office. ■"■'O Polk, Diary, IV, 227, 330. For Benton's account of the court-martial, see his Thirtij Years' View, II, 715-719. CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE CITY OF MEXICO 477 court-martial, the Senator embraced every opportunity to deal a blow at his former friend. When, in August, 1848, Polk nomi- nated Kearny to be brevet major-general, Benton declared that he would "speak out the balance of the Session, and defeat all public measures before Congress, rather than suffer the vote on Gen'l Kearny's nomination to be taken." In fulfillment of this threat he harangued the Senate for thirteen days with execration of Kearny and laudation of Fremont, at the end of which he an- nounced that he would "break off," although he had not finished a third of what he had intended to say.°^ His effort failed to produce the desired result, for Kearny's appointment was con- firmed and he repaired to Mexico for service under Scott. As already noted, Scott was chosen to supersede Taylor after Congress refused to create the position of lieutenant-general. He received notice of his appointment on November 18, 1846, and within a few days he was on his way to Mexico. From New York he sent an effusive letter to Taylor — praising that general's gal- lantry and achievements but notifying him that he would be deprived of a large part of his army. He realized that his action would be "infinitely painful" to Taylor, but he relied upon the general's "patriotism to submit to the temporary sacrifice with cheerfulness."^^ According to the plans of operation decided upon m Washington before Scott's departure, Taylor's duties were to be confined to holding the territory already conquered, yet, as will soon appear, Scott greatly misjudged the cheerfulness with which Taylor would leave himself exposed to attacks of the enemy. On November 12, nearly two weeks before Scott had written from New York, Taylor informed the War Department that he 51 "I mean to show," he said, "that this brevet nomination of Gen- eral Kearny ought to be rejected; that the affair of San Pasqual was a disastrous defeat, through his mismanagement; that his conduct in Wew Mexico was unfortunate, and in California criminal; and that infamy, not honor, settles upon his name" (Polk, Dinnj, IV, 59. Cong. Globe, 30 Cong., 1 sess., App., 977-1040). 52 Scott to Taylor, Nov. 25, 1846 {H. Ex. Doc. 60, 30 Cong., 1 sess., 373). 478 JAMES K. POLK was about to press forward into the enemy's country. As late as January 7, 1847, he was only "unofficially advised" of Scott's presence in Mexico. By that time he had driven the Mexicans from Saltillo, Parras, and Victoria, while Commodore Perry had captured the port of Tampico.^^ Although Scott arrived in New Orleans on December 19, it was not until the middle of January that his several communi- cations reached Taylor, and that the victorious general learned tliat he was to be deprived of a large part of his army. With his usual indiscretion, Scott had not only disclosed his plans to the newspapers while at New Orleans, but when giving orders to his subordinates, he intimated that Taylor was purposely keeping at a distance so that he might avoid the orders of his superior. In a letter written to Scott, Taylor indignantly repelled this insinuation and complained of being left to face an enemy twenty thousand strong with only a thousand regulars and a few vol- unteers. "I cannot," he wrote, misunderstand the object of the arrangements indicated in your letters. 1 feel that I have lost the confidence of the government, or it would not have suffered me to remain, up to this time, ignorant of its intentions, with so vitally affecting interests committed to my charge. He felt "personally mortified and outraged" by such treatment, yet he promised to obey the orders of his government so long as he remained in Mexico. Soon after this, in a lefter to the ad- jutant-general, he gave vent to his resentment because he had not been notified by special messenger of the government's determi- nation to supersede him. He had been assigned to the command by the President, and had he "chosen to be punctilious," he would have declined to ])art with his troops without direct orders fi'om tlie same autliority. However, he had decided not to follow this course, and liis only regret was that the "President did not think proper ... to relieve me from a position where I can no longer serve the country with that assurance of confidence and 53 Letters of Taylor to Adj. Gen. {ibid., 374r-388). CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE CITY OF MEXICO 479 sui:)port so indispensable to success." He requested that this letter might be submitted to the President.^* By this time Taylor was thinking of serving the country in another capacity'. Nearly two months earlier he had decided to accept the nomi- nation for the Presidency, should it be tendered to him.''"' Scott's answer to Taylor's letter was conciliatory in tone. He passed over the caustic remarks which it contained by ex- pressing a "wish to forget them." After explaining that condi- tions had made it necessary to deal directly with Taylor's subor- dinates without previously consulting him, he asked the general to abandon Saltillo and to make no detachments^ except for reconnaissance beyond Monterey.^'" A few days after Scott had sent this letter, and before it had reached its destination, Taylor received word that a reconnoi- tering party which he had sent out on the road to San Luis Potosi had been captured. He considered this disaster to be a direct result of the "intrigue" of Marcy and Scott to discredit him, and he resolved to fight Santa Anna, "be the consequences what they may."" His determination to hold Saltillo at all hazards was not altered by the receipt of Scott's letter asking him to withdraw to Monterey. It reached him while he was at Agua Nueva, eighteen miles beyond Saltillo, and he notified Scott that he would remain there unless "positively ordered to fall back by the government at Washington. ""'' In a private letter he alluded to the correspondence with Scott and said that "he & myself now understand each other perfectly, & there can for the future be none other than official intercourse between us." His 54 Taylor to Scott, Jan. 15; Taylor to Adj. Gen., Jan. 27, 1847 {ibid., 863, 1101). 55 Taylor to Wood, Dec. 10, 1846, Taylor Letters, 76. 56 Scott to Taylor, Jan. 26, 1847 (F. Ex. Doc. 60, 30 Cong., 1 sess., 864). 57 "We now beffin to see the fruits of the arrangements recently made in Washington, by an intrigue of Marcy, Scott & Worth to take from me nearly the whole of the regular forces under my conmiaml, while in tlie immediate front of the enemy if not in their presence" (Taylor to Woo.l, Jan. 30, 1847, Taylor Letters, 84). 58 Tavlor to Scott, Feb. 7, 1847 (ff. Ex. Doc. 60, 30 Cong., 1 sess., 1162). 480 JAMES K. POLK enemies, in liis opinion, believed that he would leave Mexico in disgust and that they might use such action to his disadvantage, "but in this I shall disappoint them."^^ The main Mexican army, commanded by Santa Anna, was stationed at San Luis Potosi. Taylor's perversity in refusing to take Scott's advice about falling back to Monterey left his army in danger of being annihilated by a greatly superior force. How- ever, he took a gambler's chance and w'on the battle of Buena Vista. He had planned originally to meet the enemy at Agua Nueva, but, on Santa Anna's approach, he fell back to Buena Vista, within seven miles of Saltillo. The battle opened on the afternoon of February 22 and lasted until dark on the following day, when Santa Anna retreated toward San Luis with his thor- oughly demoralized army. According to his own report, Taylor 's force numbered 4500 men, while Santa Anna commanded 20,000."° Taylor's first reward for defeating the enemy at Buer.a Vista Avas the receipt of a reprimand from the President and the Secre- tary of War. Marcy's letter, dated January 27, rebuked him for having, in his letter to Gaines, criticized the administration and exposed the plans of campaign. Ignoring his own indiscretion which had called forth the rebuke, Taylor was now "satisfied," according to his own statement, that "Scott, Marcy & Co. have been more anxious to break me down" than to defeat Santa Anna. Marcy had supposed him to be powerless since his troops had been taken away, and consequently afraid to defend himself ; "but he will find himself somewhat mistaken, & I have no doubt when he gets my reply to his abusive & contemptable letter, he will regret the course he has pursued." Believing Marcy to be "entirely incompetent," he thought that friends of soldiers who had fallen at Buena Vista sliould hold meetings and memorialize the President to remove him and to recall Scott to Washington." s» Taylor to Wood, Feb. 9, ]8-47, Taylor Letters, 85, 87. «o Taylor to Scott, March 1, 1847 {H. Ex. Doc. 60, 30 Cong., 1 sess. 1168). «i Taylor to Wood, March 20, 1847, Taylor Letters, 90-91. CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE CITY OF MEXICO 481 Two weeks later he received a letter from Marcy"- which ex- pressed the President's "high appreciation" of his "distin- guished services," but this did not in the least remove his dis- trust of the administration. It will be seen, however, that the distrust on both sides resulted for the most part from misunder- standings due to the slow means of communication. Although General Scott, as we have seen, arrived at New Orleans on December 19, 1846, it took until the middle of Feb- ruary to assemble troops and make other preparations for his attack upon Vera Cruz. On February 15 he set out from the Brazos de Santiago, and, after stopping at Tampico and Lobos Island, his fleet of transports appeared off the coral island of Vera Cruz harbor on the fifth of March. Not knowing that Santa Anna had gone to attack Taylor, Scott expected that his landing would be vigorously opposed ; but instead, he was able to land his troops on the sandy beach in front of the city without resist- ance from the enemy. For about four days American land bat- teries and the warships of Commodore Conner kept up a con- tinuous bombardment, and on March 29 the Mexican commander ofiPered to capitulate. Scott took possession of both the city of Vera Cruz and the castle of San Juan de Ulua.*'^ After the battle of Buena Vista, Santa Anna set out for Mexico City, where he took the oath of office as President and adjusted a revolt of the clerical party."* Leaving the govern- ment in charge of a substitute President, he left the city on April 2, 1847, and prepared to meet Scott at the pass of Cerro Gordo, about twenty miles east of Jalapa. He occupied a position very difficult to approach, but in the battle of Cerro Gordo, which occurred on the seventeenth and eighteenth, the forces of General Scott won a comparatively easy victory. Within a few days Jalapa and Perote were occupied without resistance, and on the 62Marcy to Taylor, April 3, 1847 {H. Ex. Doc. 60, 30 Cong., 1 sess., 1133). fi3 Sen. Ex. Doc. 1, 30 Cong., 1 sess., 216-230. 04- See Eives, Vrdted States and Mexico, II, 391 ff. 482 JAMES E. POLK fifteenth Worth took possession of Puebla. "While Scott was at Jalapa, Trist arrived on the scene bearing a commission to nego- tiate a treaty, but a discussion of the controversy which followed his arrival is reserved for another place. Late in May Scott left Jalapa and established his headquarters at Puebla. Here he remained for several weeks, impatiently awaiting reinforcements. His time, however, was fully, if not profitably, occupied in quarreling and making friends with Trist, in bombarding the War Department with complaints and denun- ciations, and in a futile attempt to procure a peace treaty by bribing the Mexican officials. During the same period Santa Anna was in Mexico City making preparations to defend the capital. By an act passed on April 20, two days after the battle of Cerro Gordo, the ]\Iex- ican congress had authorized him to "adopt all necessary mea- sures to carry on the war ' ' but had deprived him of the power of making peace except with the consent of the congress."^ While engaged in his military preparations he received Polk's offer to negotiate a treaty, which Trist had transmitted by the aid of the Bi-itish minister. The action taken by Santa Anna and his con- gress will be discussed in the next chapter ; it may be said here, however, that nothing resulted at this time from Trist 's attempt to negotiate. After he had received for his own use ten thousand dollars from Scott's secret service fund, the Mexican President decided that the time for peace had not yet arrived. While encamped at Puebla, Scott 's army had been augmented by troops which had arrived during the summer. The health of his soldiers was much improved, and they had been made efficient by constant drill. By the seventh of August, nearly four months after the battle of Cerro Gordo, all of the reinforcements had arrived and the army began its march on the City of Mexico. The first engagement occurred at Contreras, where on the nine- teenth and twentieth of August Scott 's army won a signal victory C5 Ibid., 434. CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE CITY OF MEXICO 483 over its adversaries.*"^ On the following day the Mexicans were again defeated, and this time thoroughly demoralized, in the battle of Churubusco. It is quite probable that if Scott had chosen to pursue the enemy he could have entered the capital and ended the war."^ Scott, however, did not follow up the advantage gained at Churubusco. Instead, he agreed to an armistice in order to afford an opportunity for Trist to enter into negotiations with commissioners appointed by Santa Anna. In his report to the Secretary of War he admitted that he might have occupied the capital "with but little additional loss," but Trist and himself had "been admonished by the best friends of peace — intelligent neutrals and some American residents — against precipitation." This admonition and the fear that by ' ' driving away the govern- ment" peace would be delayed were the reasons assigned for consenting to an armistice."^ The "intelligent neutrals" were members of the British legation, and their opinions seem to have carried more weight than did the wishes of his own government. As will appear in the next chapter, Santa Anna's commissioners declined to accept the terms offered by Trist, and the armistice resulted simply in giving the Mexican army a chance to re- cuperate. The commissioners held their last meeting on September 6, and on the same day Scott addressed a note to Santa Anna. In it he stated that the armistice had been violated and that it would be terminated at noon on the following day, unless by that time he should receive "complete satisfaction" for the offenses which had been committed. Santa Anna's reply was anything but satisfactory, for he not only contradicted Scott's assertions but. G6Tn reporting this battle to the Secretary of War, Scott wrote: "I doubt whether a more brilliant or decisive victory ... is to be found on record" {Sen. Ex. Doc. 1, 30 Cong., 1 sess., 308). 67 Ripley, War with Mexico, II, 283. Ripley served on General Pillow 's staff. 68 Se7i. Ex. Doc. 1, 30 Cong., 1 sess., 314. 484 JAMES K. POLE in luni, charged the American commander with violating the principles of civilized warfare.*"^ Such an exchange of courtesies meant, of course, that hostilities would be renewed. Unofificial news of Scott's victories and subsequent armistice reached Washington on the fourteenth of September. As the President had recently decided to force a peace by ordering Scott to prosecute the war relentlessly and to defray his expenses by levying contributions, he was not well pleased when he learned of the truce. He noted in his diary : Judging at this distance, I would think he should have improved his victories by pressing the Mexican Government to an immediate decision upon the terms of peace which Mr. Trist was authorized to offer to them, and if they refused these terms I think he should have taken immediate possession of the City, and levied contributions upon it for the Support of his army. I fear the armistice was agreed to by the Mexican Commander only to gain time to re-organize his defeated army for further resistance. '^o On October 4, although he had already heard of the capture of Mexico City, the President decided to recall Trist. "Mexico," he wrote, ' ' must now first sue for peace, & when she does we will hear her propositions. "'^ Apparently, he had little hope that the fall of the capital would induce the enemy to make peace, for two days later Marcy, under his instructions, sent to Scott new orders for continuing the war. He was told that reenforce- ments were on the way. It was hoped that they would enable him to ' ' carry on further aggressive operations ; to achieve new conquests ; to disperse the remaining army of the enemy in your vicinity, and prevent the organization of another." It was ex- pected that he would conduct operations in the most effective way to "induce the rulers and people of Mexico to desire and consent to such terms of peace as we have a right to ask and expect." One means of effecting this result was the levying of 00 Scott to Santa Anna, Sept. 6; Santa Anna to Scott, Sept. 7, 1847 (Sen. Ex. Doc. 52, 30 Cong., 1 sess., 346-348). 70 Polk, Diary, III, 156, 170-172. T^Ibid., 185-186. CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE CITY OF MEXICO 485 military contributions."- These instructions did not reach Mexico City until the middle of November, and at that time Scott did not feel disposed to follow them. On September 8, the day following the termination of the armistice, Scott ordered Worth to make an attack on the Molino del Rey (king's mill), which was erroneously reported to be used as a cannon foundry." Worth succeeded in capturing the mill, but not without severe loss. A few days later General Pillow made a "successful, but bloody" attack upon the fortifications at Chapultepec.'* Scott's army now began its advance on the cap- ital city. Santa Anna offered further resistance at Belen and San Cosme, but, on the night of September 13, he evacuated the capital and withdrew to Guadalupe Hidalgo. Although defeated and driven from the capital, Santa Anna was not ready to lay down his arms'. Being now thoroughly dis- credited, there was but one hope of maintaining his authority, namely, by achieving some unexpected military victory. He therefore determined to fall upon the small garrison which Scott had left to hold possession of Puebla. Having issued a decree in which he resigned the Presidency and assigned the duties of this office to Peiia y Peila and two associates, he set out for Puebla, where he arrived on the twenty-first of September. His attempt to overwhelm the garrison ended in failure, as did, also, an attempt to capture a force under General Joseph Lane which was on its way from Vera Cruz to Mexico City. While near Huamantla, Santa Anna received an order from Queretaro, dated October 7, which directed him to turn over his command to a subordinate and to appear before a court of inquiry. He com- plied wdth the first part of the order, but not with the second. T2Marcy to Scott, Oct. (5, 1847 (Se7i. Ex. Doc. 52, 30 Cong., 1 sess., 138-140). 73 Hitchcock, Eiftx) Years in Camp and Field, 296. 74 "In later years," was Grant's comment, "if not at the time, the battles of Molino del Rey and Chapultepec have seemed to me to have been wholly unnecessary" (Grant, Mevioirs, I, 152-154). 486 JAMES K. FOLK After keeping under cover in Mexico until the following spring, he set out for Jamaica, there to await a favorable opportunity to regain his lost power. The order which came from Queretaro, and w^iich deprived Santa Anna of his command, was dictated by Pena y Peria, who claimed the right to exercise the office of President, not by virtue of Santa Anna's decree, but by the constitution and the laws of the republic. We are not here interested in the validity of this claim. For our present purpose we are interested simply in the fact that Peiia's action removed Santa Anna from control and opened the way for a resumption of negotiations. These and earlier negotiations will be discussed in the following chapter. CHAPTER XX TREATY OF GUADALUPE HIDALGO In January, 1847, as we have noted in the preceding chapter, President Polk, in response to overtures made by Atocha, invited the Mexican government to send commissioners to Havana or to Jalapa for the purpose of negotiating a treaty with diplomatic representatives of the United States. In March, Atocha, who had carried the invitation to Mexico, returned to Washington with the reply that Mexico would not consent to appoint commissioners unless the raising of the blockade and the evacuation of Mexican territory "shall be previously accepted as a preliminary con- dition." Polk at once pronounced such terms to be "wholly inadmissible" and decided to deal a crushing blow at Mexico City. Before Atocha had set out on his journey to Mexico, and while the personnel of the proposed commission was under discussion, Buchanan expressed a desire to be chosen as one of the number. "I told him," Avrote the President, "it struck me favourably, but that if he went he must do so in his character of Secretary of State, & go alone & without being associated with others."^ When the conditons demanded by Mexico became known there was, of course, no immediate necessity for making an appoint- ment. The idea of creating a commission which might accompany the army and take advantage of the first opportunity to negotiate a peace appears to have originated in the fertile brain of Senator Benton. He suggested such a commission in December, 1846, 1 "I told him," Polk eontinued, "that would be due to his position, & that the administration, if he went alone, Avould be entitled to the whole credit of the arrangement. It seemed to strike him favourably. Indeed I had no doubt he was highly delighted with the idea" (Polk, Diary, II, 338). 488 JAMES K. FOLK when the President had under consideration the appointment of Benton to the position of lieutenant-general. His plan provided for three commissioners who were to accompany the main army and who were to be clothed with full diplomatic powers. Polk approved the suggestion and mentioned Slidell as one of the number. To this Benton interposed vigorous objections and, iu turn, proposed the names of John J. Crittenden, Silas "Wright, and himself. The President was willing to nominate any of the men named, but he did not wish to slight Slidell, who had already performed valuable services in Mexico. Benton would not yield his objections to Slidell 's appointment, and the matter was dropped.- The Senator's next attempt to procure a diplomatic appointment was his request, during the following March, that the President should make him commander-in-chief of the army and invest him with power to negotiate a treaty.^ When, on March 20, 1847, Atocha returned to Washington bearing an unsatisfactory reply to the American offer, the Presi- dent announced to the cabinet his intention to "lay aside the technical rules of war to be found in books" and to crush Santa Anna at all hazards.* His belligerent mood, however, did not preclude a desire for peace at the earliest possible moment. Nothing occurred which led the President to believe that Mexico might of necessity be ready to accept his peace terms until April 10, when news of the fall of Vera Cruz reached Wash- ington. The effect of this news upon Polk's determination to appoint an ambulatory commissioner and his reasons for selecting Nicholas P. Trist to fill the position are recorded in his own memoraiiduin of a cabinet meeting held on that day: The subject of consideration today was the Mexican War. T had several times mentioned to Mr. Buchanan the importance of having a commissioner vested with Plenipotentiary powers, who should attend the headquarters of the army ready to take advantage of circumstances as they might arise to negotiate for peace. I stated to the Cabinet to-day 2 Ihid., 262-270. h Ihid., 412. * Ibid., 432. On this same day the mails brought the news of the battle of Buena Vista. TBEATY OF GUADALUPE HIVALGO 489 that such was my opinion, and that I thought it more inijiortant since the news of the recent victories, and especially since the information received this morning- of the fall of Vera Cruz & the Castle of San juan D'Ulloa. All the members of the Cabinet present concurred in this opinion. The embarrassment in carrying it out consisted in the selection of a suitable commissioner or commissioners who would be satisfactory to the country. This was a great difficulty. Such is the jealousy of the different factions of the Democratic party in reference to the next Presidential Election towards each other that it is impossible to appoint any prominent man or men without giving extensive dissatisfaction to others, and thus jeopar- dizing the ratification of any Treaty they might make. In this also the ■ Cabinet were agreed. I stated that I preferred that the Secretary of State should be the sole commissioner to negotiate the Treaty, & that I would have no hesitation in deputing him on that special service if the Mexican authorities had^agreed to appoint commissioners on their part, but as they had refused to do this he could not attend the head-quarters of the army for an indefinite period of time and with no assurance whether the Mex- ican authorities would agree to negotiate. Mr. Buchanan expressed his entire concurrence in this view. He said he would be willing to go in person if there was any assurance that negotiations would be speeid., 216-218. 87 /bid., 229. TREATY OF GUADALUPE HIDALGO 529 The doctrine of no territory is the doctrine of no indemnity, and if sanctioned would be a public acknowledgment that our country was wrong and that the war declared by Congress with extraordinary unaninjity was unjust and should be abandoned — an admission unfounded in fact and degrading to the national character. He recited the substance of Trist's instructions and urged the necessity of acquiring New Mexico and the Californias. The war had abrogated the treaties regarding claims, making it necessary for the United States to pay American claimants and to reim- burse itself by taking territory. California, he said, should be acquired in order to forestall the attempt by any other nation to infringe upon the Monroe Doctrine. He disagreed with those who advocated the policy of retiring to a fixed line and confining the war to defensive operations. Instead, he recommended the establishment of governments in New Mexico and California, and a vigorous prosecution of the war. Having outlined his policy, he added : "It has never been contemplated by me, as an object of the war, to make a permanent conquest of the Republic of Mexico or to annihilate her separate existence as an independent nation, ' ' but a peace ' ' must bring with it indemnity for the past and security for the future."*** 88 Eichardson Messages, IV, 533-546. Walker still favored the absorp- tion of all of Mexico. A paragraph in the first draft of his financial report to Congress practically advocated such a policy, but on the Presi- dent's advice this paragraph was omitted (Polk, Diary, III, 241-242). Among the Trist Papers is an interesting letter written by a young Mexi- can to his father. It was written in Washington and bears neither date nor signature, but an accompanying newspaper shows the writer to have been Carlos Landa, and a comparison with events mentioned in Polk's diary shows that the letter was written in December, 1847. Landa visited the Secretary of the Treasury on December 13 and reported that ' ' Walker is entirely in favour of the annexation of the whole of Mexico to the United States; he told me so frankly & also spoke of the manner of governing it during the first years by a suitable form of government which should not be in opposition to the institutions of this country." Regarding Walker as the most important member, he concluded that Polk and the rest of the cabinet likewise desired annexation. He visited Van Buren, Corcoran, Calhoun, and other prominent politicians. He says that Walker was stricken with epilepsy on December 9; Polk in his diary for that day notes that Walker "had been taken suddenly ill & had fallen down in the Treasury building." 530 JAMES K. POLK The message was vehemently assailed in both houses of Con- gress. As in the preceding session, the history of the outbreak of the war was discussed in all its details. These recitals shed no new light on the subject, for already nearly every argument liad been pressed into service to show that Polk had wantonly usurped authority so that he might rob a sister republic of her territor.y. On January 3, 1848, by a vote of eighty-five to eighty- one, the House formally declared that the war had been "unneces- sarily and unconstitutionally begun by the President of the United States." Among the new Whig members who had the pleasure of adding their votes to the denunciation of the Presi- dent was Abraham Lincoln. With that consummate skill in debate which was later to expose the sophistry of the "Little Giant," he averred that Polk had falsified the history of our difficulties with Mexico by telling a half truth. The statements in the message reminded him of instances he had known of a lawyer's "struggling for his client's neck in a desperate case, emi)loying every artifice to work round, befog, and cover up with many words some point arising in the case which he dare not admit and yet could not deny."*^ Resolutions, too, there were in plenty. Dickinson presented one on December 14 which asserted that the "true policy" of the government required the annexation of contiguous territory. In the Senate, on the following day, Calhoun offered a counter reso- lution to the effect that a conquest of Mexico would be disastrous to the United States, and that "no line of policy in further prose- cution of the war should be adopted." On the twenty-second, Lincoln made his debut as a legislator by calling upon the Presi- dent to designate the exact "spot" on which the war had begun, and for proof as to the ownership of that spot.°° 80 Cong. Globe, 30 Cong., 1 scss., 95, 155. The quotation is tcaken from Lincoln, Worls (Tandy ed.), 337, which differs slightly from that reported in the Globe. «o Cong. Globe, loc. eit., 64. TREATY OF GUADALUPE HIDALGO 531 Three days after his message had been sent to Congress the President received a letter from General Pillow which told of the attempt made by Scott and Trist to procure a treaty by the use of bribe money. At a meeting held on December 11 he told the cabinet of the news he had received, and expressed "in the strongest terms" his condemnation of their conduct. Scott's immediate recall was discussed, but it was thought prudent to seek further definite information from Generals Shields and Quit- man, who were expected to arrive in Washington within a few days.**^ Although he must have known better,"^ Shields, when consulted, asserted that bribery had not been considered, and that the discussion had related simply to paying part of the money for the territory in advance of the ratification of the treaty. Polk did not accept this version of the matter, and re- solved tliat those implicated in the scheme must be punished, even though his friend Pillow might be one of the number. For the present, however, he was obliged to await further information concerning the "infamous transaction.""^ Before news of the bribery episode had reached Washington, Polk and his cabinet had discussed the feasibility of promising protection to the peace party in Mexico, if they would form a government and agree to make a treaty. Incensed on account of the bribery scandal and because Scott had arrested Pillow and Worth, the President, against the advice of members of the cabi- net, determined to recall both Scott and Trist. The question of their successors had now to be considered. Marcy and Walker felt that Taylor should be put in command of the army, but Polk fixed upon General W. 0. Butler. His intention to invest Butler ai Polk, Dianj, III, 245-246. 92 See Hitchcock, Fifty Tears in- camp and Field, 2fi7-268. 93 Polk, Diary, III, 2.53, 262-3, 340, 383-4. In a letter to Marcy, Scott stated that he had used secret service money simply "to purchase valu- able information" {H. Ex. Doc. 60, 30 Cong., 1 sess., 1085)— a statement which Polk pronounced "evasive, and leaves the irresistible anterence that such a transaction took place and that it v^ill not bear the light {Diary, III, 346). Of course the transaction did take place. See above, pp. 510-512. 532 JAMES K. POLK with diplomatic powers was opposed by Buchanan, who insisted tliat the commissioner should be a civilian. A choice was made unnecessary by the arrival of news that Trist had already re- opened negotiations.''* The President's belief that Taylor was wholly out of sympathy with himself and his administration was by no means erroneous. On one point only did the two men agree — they both distrusted and detested General Scott. '* Be- tween ourselves," wrote Taylor to his son-in-law on hearing of the victories near Mexico City, Gen '1 Scott would stoop to anything however low & contemptable as any man in the nation, to obtain power or place, & be as arbitrary in using it when in possession; between him, Trist & the powers that be, old Harry may take the hindmost, they are all of a piece. When, about a month later, a false report of Polk's death reached camp, the hero of Buena Vista remarked: "While I regret to hear of the death of any one, I would as soon have heard of his death if true, as that of any other individual in the whole Union. '"-'^ Perhaps his own brief term in the White House caused him to realize more clearly the perplexities which con- front the chief executive of the nation. On January 4, 1848, Polk was much surprised to read in a letter sent from Vera Cruz by Colonel Wilson that Trist was negotiating with the Mexican commissioners. Mr. Trist [was his comment] has acknowledged the receipt of his letter of recal[l], and he possesses no diplomatic poAvers. He is acting, no doubt, upon Gen'l Scott's advice. He has become a perfect tool of Scott. He is, [in] this measure, defying the authority of his Government. . . . He seems to have entered into all Scott's hatred of the administration, and to be lending himself to all Scott 's evil purposes. He may, I fear, greatly embarrass the Government. Next day iVIrs. Trist showed to Buchanan the letter of December 4 in whieli licr husband announced, in cipher, that he would make a treaty in accordance with his original instructions."** a* Polk, Dion/, III, 251, 2fi6, 280-281. 05 Taylor to Wood, Sept. 27, Nov. 2, 1847, Taylor Letters, 136, 148. o« Polk, Viary, 111, 283, 286. For Trist 's cipher letter, see above, p. 524. TREATY OF GUADALUPE HIDALGO 533 Before the President had recovered from the amazement caused by Trist's open defiance of authority, his vexation was increased by a call from the House for a copy of Slidell's in- structions and for information regarding the return of Santa Anna and Paredes to Mexico. With the concurrence of the cabinet Polk decided to furnish the House with Conner's in- structions regarding Santa Anna, but Slidell's instructions and all relating to McKenzie's mission were withheld on the ground that their publication would be prejudicial to public interest.'-'' Truly the new year had brought anything but pleasure to the chief executive. One annoyance succeeded another in such rapid succession that his patience was taxed to the utmost. Three days after he had declined to give the House full information on dip- lomatic affairs, the mail brought Trist's celebrated sixty-five page letter (of December 6) in which the President was told that the commissioner had decided to save the administration and the party from a "perilous position," and the country from dis- aster, by making a treaty with Mexico. No wonder that he pro- nounced this epistle to be the "most extraordinary document" he had ever read. His despatch is arrogant, impudent, and very insulting to his Govern- ment and even personally offensive to the President. He admits he is acting without authority and in violation of the positive order recalling him. It is manifest to me that he has become the tool of Gen '1 Scott and his menial instrument, and that the paper was written at Scott 's instance and dictation. I have never in my life felt so indignant, and the wliole Cabinet expressed themselves as I felt. T told Mr. Buchanan that the paper was so insulting and contemptably base that it require [d] no lengthy answer, but that it did require a short, but stern and decided rebuke, and directed him to prepare such a reply. I directed the Secre- tary of War to write at once to Maj 'r Gen '1 Butler, directing him, if Mr. Trist was still with the Head Quarters of the army, to order him off, and to inform the authorities of Mexico that he had no authority to treat. If there was any legal provision for his punishment he ought to be severely handled. He has acted worse than any man in the public employ whom ^■^ Ibid., 287-291. Eic.hardson, Messages, IV, 565-567. For McKenzie's mission, see p. 439. 534 JAMES K. FOLK I have ever known. His despatch proves that he is destitute of honour or principle, and that he has proved himself to be a very base man. I was deceived in him. I had little personal knowledge of him, but could not have believed [it] possible that any man would have acted so basely as he w^ould have [has] done."* Preparation of letters to Trist and Butler (who had super- seded Scott) was delayed for several days while Polk and the cabinet discussed the propriety of submitting Trist 's treaty to the Senate, if it should turn out that he had already signed one. Some of the members urged that unless the President had deter- mined to reject such a treaty the suggested notice to the Mexican government might prove embarrassing. Polk was now unwilling to restrict his demands to those embodied in Trist 's instructions, and yet he declined to say that he would not accept a treaty made in accordance with those instructions. Consequently General Butler was told that if Trist had actually concluded a treaty he was to send it to Washington, where it would be disposed of as the President should deem best ; if none had been concluded, he was to inform the Mexican government that the United States would not recognize a treaty made by the former commissioner.^" Polk waited for additional information regarding his insub- ordinate diplomat. The Mexican mail arrived on February 7, but contained no dispatches from either Trist or Scott. It brought, however, a letter from the irrepressible Atocha, and as usual he was ready to engage in underground diplomacy. "Atocha is a great scoundrel," was the President's comment, and his letter contained the infamous suggestion that he should be fur- nished with money to bribe the Mexican Congress to induce them to ratify a Treaty of peace, though he does not state whether a Treaty had been signed by Mr. Trist or not. 08 Polk, Diarij, III, 300-301. 99 /bid., 313-317. Marcy to Butler, Jan. 26, 1848 {Sen. Ex. Doc. 52, 30 Cong., 1 ses3., 146). On February 2 the President, in response to a call, sent to the Senate correspondence relating to Trist 's negotiations with the Mexican commissioners at the time of Scott's armistice (Richardson, Mes- sages, IV, 569). TREATY OF GUADALUPE HIDALGO 535 He said that Trist claimed to possess a bribe fund, and Polk thought it likely that the commissioner was base enough to make such an assertion. Silence, in Polk's opinion, indicated a con- spiracy on the part of Trist and Scott, and he had little doubt that a treaty would be made : " a few days more will, I trust, develop what they have been doing. "^°° While he awaited developments, troubles nearer home fully occupied the time and taxed the patience of the overworked ex- ecutive. The hoards of office seekers multiplied. The Whigs, not satisfied with aiding the enemy by "unpatriotic sentiments" and annoying resolutions, were now, in the President's opinion, ' ' insidiously attempting to produce a panic in the money market and thereby, if possible, to break down the Treasury, and thus compel the inglorious withdrawal of our army from Mexico." There were dissensions within the Democratic party among the supporters of rival aspirants for the Presidency, and Polk sus- pected Buchanan of using his position in the cabinet as a means of injuring General Cass. Members of the party urged the Presi- dent to cease reiterating his determination not to accept another nomination, for they said that he might be nominated regardless of his own wishes. "To all of them," says the Dianj, "I have given the same answer, & repeated my sincere desire to retire & my fixed purpose to do so." At this same time he was called upon to perform a duty which was personally disagreeable, and one which would bring additional opposition to his administra- tion. He approved the conviction of Colonel Fremont for dis- obedience to the orders of General Kearny, and, although the sentence of dismissal was remitted, he fully expected to incur the powerful opposition of Senator Benton.^°i tj^^ suspense regard- ing Trist 's activities was broken on February 19 by the arrival of a messenger bearing the treaty of peace. Before discussing 100 Polk, Diary, III, 328-330. 101 Ibid., 319-322, 327. After the approval of the court's decision, Benton, as noted elsewhere, ceased speaking to the President. 536 JAMES K. POLK its reception, liowever, we may turn our attention to the negoti- ations by which it had been concluded. As noted above, negotiations did not begin as soon as Trist had announced his intention to remain in Mexico. Peiia y Peiia, the Minister of Foreign Relations, said that the appointment of commissioners must be confirmed by the senate and that the new congress would not meet until January. Both Edward Thornton and Percy W. Doyle, who had recently returned to his post as secretary of the British legation, urged the Mexican government to waive formalities, but, for a time, their arguments produced no effect. Although Trist held informal interview's with the com- missioners, not until late in December did Pena consent to take the responsibility of instructing the commissioners to treat with the American diplomat. Even then, in true Mexican fashion, he required them to ask for impossible concessions ; and before an agreement had been reached. President Anaya 's term of office had expired. As a quorum of the congress had not yet assembled, his successor could not be elected, therefore Peiia, as head of the supreme court, again assumed the office of President. Once more, also, Luis de la Rosa was made Minister of Foreign Re- lations. Negotiations were resumed, but the new government at first seemed less disposed than the old to make the necessary conces- sions. The commissioners sat in Mexico City, wdiile the seat of government was at Queretaro, consequently much time was lost in transmitting messages between the two places. Before the change of government Trist had made it clear that tlie Rio Grande boundary and the inclusion of San Diego within Upper California would be insisted upon by the United States. He said, also, that his government would not pay Mexico more than fifteen million dollars. On assuming office Rosa ob- jected to the boundary mentioned by Trist, and insisted that the sum to be paid must be at least thirty millions. Doubtless he would have interposed obstacles indefinitely had it not been for TREATY OF GUADALUPE HIDALGO 537 threatened uprisings in some of the Mexican states, and had Scott not taken steps to renew military operations. When argu- ments had failed, Trist threatened to break off negotiations unless a treaty could be signed by the first of February, while Doyle urged both Rosa and the commissioners to avert the calamity of a renewal of hostilities. Such pressure could not be withstood. On January 31 a messenger left Queretaro for Mexico City bear- ing dociunents which authorized the commissioners to sign the treaty as agreed upon with Trist. Not until the afternoon of February 2 were all details arranged and copies in both languages completed. In accordance with the wishes of the Mexican com- missioners, the treaty was not signed in the capital where the meetings had been held. For affixing the signatures they re- paired to the near-by town of Guadalupe Hidalgo, and from that place the treaty took its name.^°- In the treaty the United States procured the things which had been made ultimata in Trist 's instructions. The Rio Grande was recognized as the boundary of Texas ; Upper California and New Mexico, but not Lower California, were ceded to the United States. In return, Mexico was to be paid fifteen million dollars; and in addition, the United States agreed to pay all liquidated claims of American citizens against Mexico, and to assume un- adjusted claims to the extent of three and a quarter million dollars. Mexico was specifically relieved from the payment of claims not covered by the treaty. The privilege of transit across the Isthmus of Tehauntepec, desired by the American govern- ment, was not granted. In a word, Trist contented himself with the minimum which the administration had, in April, 1847, authorized him to accept. As soon as the signatures had been affixed the treaty was borne to Washington by James D. Freanor, a war correspondent of the New Orleans Delta, better known 102 For further details concerning the last stage of negotiations, see Eives, Un.ited States and Mexico, 11, 002-013. Some of the Mexican pro- iects in the Trist Papers were, according to a note appended by 1 nst, translated bv Thornton and the copies are in his handwriting. i-.vi he sw of every man'capable of retaining a seat in his cab.net tt.-^ r>/ Mpriro or to return to the unnea gation, either to leave the E.,uM^c ^Ifl^^'J^^^^^^ ,,,, to create States. I recognize no authority n that f^^^^ionar. P , T 4.-^,, TViP Tiretension to create it, & ine u^e uj. any such obligation. The pretension ^„.„_„:ncr it are, to mv mind, enormity. 11* The President, as we have seen, sent Trisfs treaty to the Sen! e on February 22, but on aeeount of the illness ancUleath !f j1 Quincy Adams its consideration was delayed several days. . Tvr I, o 1Q48- Trist to Butler, March 17, 114 Trist to Mrs. Trist ^arch -, 1848- in|t ^^^^^ ^^^^^^^ ^^^^ 1848, Trist Papers, In %l''*^f.l?if the order. He had, on February , would not embarrass him by ^^s sting the oi a ^^^^ ^ ^^^^,^ bitten to his wife that he would g^ to West^O ^^^^^^ ^ ^^^^^ ^^^^^^ j mg school. "For my o^" f^^*'. " Also in Trist Papers. ever again hold office of any kind. 546 JAMES K. POLK Immediately, however, unofficial reports predicted that the treaty would ])robably be rejected. Cave Johnson shared this belief, and he told the President of a rumor that both Buchanan and Walker had been exerting their influence against ratification. Polk was still more perturbed by another "astounding" rumor — also reported by Johnson — which charged Walker with giving aid to the Presidential candidacy of General Taylor. "If I ascertain this to be true, ' ' was the comment in his diary, ' ' it will be inconsistent with the success of my measures for Mr. Walker to remain in my Cabinet. I will require strong proof however before I can believe it to be true."^^^ The Whigs and a small group of Democrats who had been devising means of compelling the President to end the war, now that a treaty had been made, did their utmost to cause its re- jection. The prospect for ratification was not encouraging. On February 28 Senator Sevier, chairman of the Committee of For- eign Affairs, reported to Polk that all of the committee except himself had resolved to recommend that the treaty should be rejected and that the President be advised to send to Mexico a new commission, invested with power to make a new treaty. They did not, said Sevier, object to the treaty itself but to the fact that Trist had no authority to make it. The absurd suggestion offered by the committee did not appeal to Polk's practical mind : J told liini [Sevier] I condemned the insubordination & insolent con- duet of Mr. Trist, but that the Treaty itself was the subject for consider- ation and not his conduct, and that if the provisions of the Treaty wore such as could be accepted, it would be worse than idle ceremony to sr-nd out a grand commission to re-negotiate the same Treaty. I told him, also, that if the Senate advised me to send out such a commission, I hoped they v^'ould advise me also what they would accept. . . . Extremes sometimes meet. . . . They have done so in this instance. Mr. Webster is for no territory and Mr. Hannegan is for all Mexico, and for opposite reasons both will oppose the Treaty. It is diflficult, upon any rational principle, to assign a satisfactory reason for anything Col. Benton may do, especially in his present temper of mind, wholly engrossed as he seems to have been for some months past with the ease of his son-in-law. Col. Fremont. 115 Polk, Diary, III, 361. TREATY OF GUADALUPE EIDALGO 547 His suspicion that Walker and Buchanan would use their in- fluence against ratification seems to have been removed by their volunteering to urge Senators to vote against the plan for cre- ating a new commission.^ ^'^ While the President was conversing with Sevier, the Senate was passing resolutions which requested him to submit all corre- spondence that had passed between Trist and the State Depart- ment. Without consulting the cabinet, he decided to send it all, despite its exceptionable character. On the next day he was told that the fate of the treaty was extremely doubtful and that about a dozen Democrats would vote against it because of their desire for more territory. Not for this reason, but from personal mo- tives, Polk feared most of all the opposition of Benton: He has heretofore maintamed that the true boundary of Texas was the Nueces instead of the Eio Grande, & he is apt to think that nothing is done properly that he is not consulted about. n" If some Democrats declined to uphold the administration by supporting the treaty, so, also, were certain Whigs unwilling to put ratification on a purely party basis. Polk was especially pleased when on March 1 he was told by tlie banker, W. W. Corcoran, that Joseph Gales, of the National Intelligencer, had re- fused to prepare an article against ratification, when requested to do so by Whig Senators. For several days after this the fate of the treaty hung in the balance, its chief opponents being Webster and Benton. Polk blamed the insurgent Democrats most of all, for as he said, "if the Democratic party were united in favour of the Treaty, I doubt whether a single Whig would vote against it." Both parties, in his opinion, were interested pri- marily in the approaching Presidential election, and he did not believe that Whigs would care to incur the odium of casting a strictly party vote.^^^ After much heated discussion and many calls upon tlie Presi- dent for information (among otlier things for "information in lie Ibid., 363-367. imbid., 367. 11& Ibid., 368-371. 548 JAMES K. POLK regard to any disposition or overtures on the part of any consid- erable portion of the Mexican people to be annexed to the U. States"), the Senate, by a vote of thirty-eight to fourteen, ratified the treaty on the tenth of March. The tenth article and the secret article relating to an extension of time for ratification were elim- inated as the President had recommended. Other modifications made by the Senate, on its own account, caused Polk to fear that Mexico might decline to ratify the treaty. He greatly appreci- ated the assistance given by Senator Mangum, of the Committee of Foreign Affrirs, who "though a Whig, is a gentleman" — apparently a rare combination, in the President's opinion. "** As soon as there was any indication that the treaty would be ratified, Polk began to cast about for a suitable commissioner whom lie might send to Mexico to urge its acceptance. He fixed upon Louis McLane, of Maryland, and when he declined to serve, Senator Sevier, of Arkansas, was appointed. Scarcely, however, liad Sevier's appointment been ratified by the Senate when he was taken ill and, in order to save time, Attorney-General Clif- ford was chosen to be his associate. Clifford set out for Mexico at once, while Sevier's health was sufficiently improved within the next few days to enable him to follow his colleague. Ratification of the treaty by the Senate did not entirely relieve Polk's anxiety, for he feared that his opponents might yet defeat it by indirect methods. Evidence of a disposition to employ such methods was seen in a motion, offered in executive session on March 14, to remove the injunction of secrecy from the Senate proceedings. Its adoption would expose to the Mexicans the 110 /bid., ^69, 377, 381. When the records of the executive session were finally made public on May 31 it was discovered that several rather drastic resolutions had been offered. Webster, for example, moved that all discussion of the treaty be postponed and that the President be asked to appoint a new commission. Houston held that since Trist had no authority to negotiate, his treaty was "utterly void," and ought to be rejected. Both Houston and Jefferson Davis wanted more territory, while Baldwin, of Connecticut, tried to incorporate into the treaty a provision for excluding slavery from all territory to be acquired. The proceedings are printed in Sen. Ex. Doc. 52, 30 Cong., 1 sess., 4 ff. TREATY OF GUADALUPE HIDALGO 549 confidential instructions which had been given to Slidell and Trist and, also, the division of opinion in the Senate. They might as a result be induced to reject the modified treaty in the hope of obtaining better terms. No action was taken on this resolution until the last of May, but in the meantime the New York Herald began to publish Polk's message which had accom- panied Trist 's treaty to the Senate and, also, Slidell's instructions and parts of the diplomatic correspondence. As Nugent, the Washington correspondent for that paper, was known to be on intimate terms with Buchanan, the Secretary of State at once became the object of suspicion. Polk was loth to believe that Buchanan could be guilty of such treachery; still, he advised Senators to make a thorough investigation, and he was prepared to dismiss the Secretary if it should be found that he had in any way been connected with giving out the documents. When sum- moned before a Senate committee, Nugent refused to disclose the name of the person who had furnished him with copies of the documents, but he stated in writing that it was not Buchanan. Polk believed the Secretary of State to be both weak and self- seeking, yet he was very much gratified to have Buchanan "re- lieved from so injurious an imputation. ' '^-° Ratification of the treaty by the Senate did not terminate discussion on military affairs. It was not certain, of course, that Mexico would accept the alterations which had been made, consequently the administration forces urged that the pending ten-regiment bill should be enacted into law. Polk's whole war policy was assailed and defended, as before, Avhile opposition members kept annoying the President with requests for addi- tional information. Among other items called for by the Senate was a copy of the letter which, in 1845, Gillespie had carried to Thomas 0. Larkin, United States consul at Monterey, California. Our chief interest in this resolution is that when commenting upon it in his diary Polk distinctly implied that Fremont had 120 Polk, Diary, III, 396-409. 550 JAMES K. POLE not been aiitli(n-izc'd to foment a revolution in California. He transmitted a copy of the letter to the Senate in executive session, so that if it were made public, and trouble should result, the resjionsibility would rest upon the Senate and not upon himself. ^-^ Clifford arrived in Mexico City with the modified treaty on April 11, 1848, Sevier four days later. Under the President's supervision Buchanan had prepared instructions which were to guide them in their discussions with the Mexican officia;ls. Among other things they were to avoid diplomatic notes whenever pos- sible and to hold personal conferences, which would be more conducive to a speedy adjustment of differences of opinion. In a letter to the Minister of Foreign Relations, written at the same time, Buchanan explained in detail the changes which had been made by the Senate. While his letter was very friendly in tone, a pointed reference to the fact that "four votes, taken from the majority, and added to the minority, would have defeated the treaty" was intended to impress upon the Mexican government the futility of asking for better terms. ^-- During the period of more than two months between the signature of the treaty and the arrival of Clifford and Sevier in Mexico the several factions in that country had had time to dis- cuss the question of making peace with the United States, al- though the details of the treaty were not known to the public. The puros, or radicals, being anxious for annexation to the United States, naturally were hostile to ratification. For an entirely different reason the propertied class looked forward with dismay to the withdrawal of the American army, because they feared that ade(|uat(' i)rot('ction of their property would be gone. Ac- cording to his own account, "certain leaders" desired Scott to proclaim himself dictator for six years, with the eventual purpose of joining the United States. The general "ultimately declined" 121 Ibid., 395, 399. Eichardson, Messages, IV, 57a 122 Buchanan to Min. of For. Eel., March 18, 1848 (H. Ex. Doc. 60, 30 Cong,. 1 sess., 67). TREATY OF GUADALUPE HIDALGO 551 the invitation. One of his reasons was that he had already sug- gested annexation and "President Polk's Government carefully withheld its wishes from him thereon."'-'' The work of the American commissioners was delayed by the fact that the Mexican congress, which alone could ratify the treaty, had not convened at the time of their arrival. Although the members had been elected in March, not imtil the first week in May did a quorum assemble in Queretaro. The apparent reluctance of the Mexican government to meet the issue led Polk to believe that ratification "may be regarded as doubtful."'-* After meeting, however, the congress acted with unusual promptitude. President Peiia y Peiia in his message, although regretting that the treaty had been modified, nevertheless ad- vised its ratification. In addition, his ministers of war and finance showed by verbal reports that Mexico was too weak to continue hostilities if the treaty should be rejected. On May 19 the chamber of deputies gave its assent and the Minister of Foreign Relations invited Clifford and Sevier to visit Queretaro and present their credentials to the President. They arrived on May 25, just after the senate had ratified the treaty. Ratifica- tions were exchanged on the thirtieth and the commissioners re- turned to Mexico City and arranged for the fulfillment of the financial obligations of the treaty.'-^ "At 6 o'clock this morning," wrote Clifford on June 12, the flag of the United States was taken down from the national palace in this city and that of the Mexican republic was hoisted. The customary honors were paid to both, and the ceremony passed off in perfect quiet, although the great square was thronged.126 With this formality the two years' war with Mexico had been brought to a successful termination. President Polk had not 123 Scott, Autobiography, II, 581-582. Doyle to Palmerston, Feb. 13, 1848, quoted by Eives, II, 643-644. 124 Polk, Diary, III, 447. 125 Sevier and Clifford to Buchanan, May 25 and 30, 1848 (H. Ex. Doc. 60, 30 Cong., 1 sess., 72-73). See also Rives, II, 651-653. 126 E. Ex. Doc. 60, as cited above, 74. 552 JAMES K. POLE only "conquered a peace," but in all essential details he had effected his program of national expansion. Determined from the beginning to add California and New Mexico to our national domain, he pursued this object with a dogged persistence which neither opposition nor denunciation could weaken. Whatever may be thought of liis motives or his methods, to him is due the credit (or censure, if you please) of extending to the Pacific the boundaries of the United States. The letter in which Sevier and Clifford had announced that the treaty had been ratified by the Mexican congress reached the President on the fifteenth of June. Comment in his diary is limited to a statement that the letter had been received, for he was ill at the time and his mind was occupied with the contem- plated purchase of Cuba. His pleasure at being relieved from the burdens of war may be judged by a remark made on the second anniversary of its beginning: "It is two years ago this day since War was declared by Congress against Mexico. They have been two years of unceasing labour and anxiety with me."^-' On July 4, just as the President had returned from the cere- monies connected with laying the corner stone of the Washington monument, a messenger arrived with the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo. He at once directed Buchanan to prepare a procla- mation so that it might be signed on "the anniversary of Inde- pendence." His private secretaries were set to work at copying a message which had already been prepared, and two days later this and the treaty were submitted to both houses of Congress. Among the documents sent with the treaty was a copy of the instructions given to Slidell in 1845. When the House had asked for these instructions earlier in the session, their request had been denied, but now, as the President noted, "the reasons for withholding them at that time no longer exist." As a true expansionist the President fully appreciated the importance of his achievements. "The results of the war with i-'TPolk. Diarn. Ill, 448, 492. TREATY OF GUADALUPE HIDALGO 553 Mexico," said his message, "have given the United States a national character which our country never before enjoyed." New Mexico and California "constitute of themselves a country large enough for a great empire, and their acquisition is second only in importance to that of Louisiana in 1803. ' ' He saw, on the other hand, that evil as well as good might follow in the wake of the war, and he took advantage of the occasion to warn Con- gress against unwise legislation. In organizing governments for the new territories, he invoked a spirit of concession and concil- iation, so that sectional discords might be avoided and the Union be preserved. The army should be reduced to its ante-bellum footing, for "our standing army is to be found in the bosom of society." A true disciple of Jefferson, he urged that Upon the restoration of peace we should adopt the policy suited to a state of peace. In doing this the earliest practicable payment of the public debt should be a cardinal principle of action. Profiting by the ex- periences of the past, we should avoid the errors into which the country was betrayed shortly after the close of the war with Great Britain in 1815. In a few years after that period a broad and latitudinous con- struction of the powers of the Federal Government unfortunately received but too much countenance. Though the country was burdened with a heavy public debt, large, and in some instances unnecessary and extrava- gant, expenditures were authorized by Congress. The consequence was that the payment of the debt was postponed for more than twenty years, and even then it was only accomplished by the stern will and unbending policy of President Jackson, who made its payment a leading measure of his Administration. i2« Some of Polk's friends, including Houston and Davis, of the Senate Committee on Military Affairs, did not share his views concerning a reduction of the army. Not satisfied with his recom- mendation, the House, also, asked him for additional informa- tion. On August 1 he submitted a report from the Secretary of War, and along with it, a message saying that lie had "seen no reason to change the opinion" expressed in the preceding 128 Richardson, Messages, IV, 587-593. The original •^['•f ^\ f ^'us message contained a paragraph on the "misnamed & ^.^'Pl^/'^ , .^ dI" / system,' but by the advice of the cabinet it was omitted (Polk, Duini, III, 496). I 554 JAMES E. POLK July. He was "decidedly opposed" to an increase in the army, and he attributed the anxiety for more adequate defense to self- seeking military men and extravagant Whigs. Concerning the latter he said in his diary : Some Whig members of Congress favour the measure because it is in harmony with their general policy. They favour, as a party, large ex- penditures, high tariffs, & Banks, and in addition to this they would be pleased to have a large increase of the standing army fastened on the country, which they would for political effect charge to be a consequence of the Mexican "War.129 The forebodings of the President regarding the sectional bit- terness \vhich might result from attempts to establish govern- ments for the new territories were not without foundation. The Wilmot Proviso had not been forgotten, and already, indeed, the debate on the Oregon bill foreshadowed the breakers ahead. Renewed agitation of the slavery question resulted from the Mexican war, but was not a part of it ; its consideration as a domestic question is reserved for another chapter. 129 Eichardson, Messages, IV, 603. Polk, Diary, IV, 48. CHAPTEE XXI OREGON The treaty of peace which terminated the Revolution fixed the boundary between the United States and Canada east of the Mississippi River. By the purchase of Louisiana with its indefi- nite boundaries, in 1803, the United States acquired whatever claims France might have to territory lying west of the Missis- sippi ; and by the Florida treaty of 1819 Spain ceded to the United States all her. claims to territory lying west of Louisiana and north of the forty-second parallel of north latitude. In general terms, all this was clear enough, but the difficult problem was : What, precisely, are the proper limits of these claims ? The British claim to the Pacific coast region was based mainly on the explorations made by Captain Cook in 1776 ; the interior of the Oregon region was claimed as a result of the discovery of the Frazer River valley by Alexander MacKenzie in 1793. In 1789, however, the Spaniards, who laid claim to all of this region, sent out from Mexico an exploring expedition. At Nootka Sound they seized two British ships and nearly precipitated a war between the two countries. The matter was adjusted by a con- vention signed in 1790 which admitted the right of British sub- jects to establish trading posts for the purpose of carrying on commerce with the natives. The question which came to be dis- puted later was whether, in this convention, Spain had trans- ferred to England the ownership of the land, or simply the tem- porary use of it. Russia, also, had laid claim to this region, but by treaties— one with the United States in 1824, and anotlier witli England in 1825— had relinquished everything south of 54° 40' north latitude. 556 JAMES E. POLE 111 addition to claims derived from Spain and France, the United States based her title to Oregon upon discoveries and settlements made by her own citizens. In 1792, Captain Robert Gray, of Boston, had explored the Columbia River and named it after his ship ; and in 1811, John Jacob Astor had founded the trading post of Astoria. This place had been taken by the British during the War of 1812, but under the terms of the Treaty of Ghent it was restored in 1818. After 1825, when Russia limited her claims, the Oregon ques- tion was reduced to this : Does either Great Britain or the United States have a valid title to all of the territory west of the Rocky Mountains and included between 42°, the northern boundary of California, and 54° 40', the southern boundary of Alaska ; if not, how should it be divided ? The United States claimed this region by right of discovery — both direct and acquired; on similar grounds Great Britain claimed it, at least as far south as the Columbia River. Prior to Polk's administration several attempts had been made to establish a definite boundary line between the United States and Canada. In the treaty of 1818 the forty-ninth parallel was agreed upon as the boundary from the Lake of the Woods to the Rocky ]\Iountains. The country west of the mountains was left open to what was commonly called joint occupation ; that is, each nation might make use of it without prejudice to the claims of the other. In 1827 "joint occupation" was continued indefinitely, but either nation might terminate the agreement by giving twelve months' notice to the other. At an early date members of Congress began to take an inter- est in Oregon. In December, 1820, the House appointed a com- mittee and assigned it the duty of considering the propriety of taking possession of the territory. A month later the committee 's report was submitted by Floyd, of Virginia. In substance it recommended that the government should take steps to safe- guard the interests of the United States on the Pacific coast. OEEGON 557 No action resulted from this recommendation, but two years later after England had (1821) extended her laws over the ter- ritory, another committee was appointed to consider the sub- ject. Their report was similar to that made in 1820, but again no action resulted. A bill to authorize the occupation of the Oregon River valley was introduced in tlie House in December, 1828. Its most active sponsor, Floyd, of Virginia, urged the necessity of extending over this region the laws of the United States, and of constructing military forts to insure the protection of Americans. Gurley, of Louisiana, proposed an amendment under which lands might be granted to colonists from the United States. Polk opposed both the bill and the amendment on the ground that they would violate the treaty of "joint occupation" with Great Britain. He pointed out that those who participated in the debate had "con- fined themselves to the expediency of the measure, and have had no reference to the present state of our negotiations in refer- ence to the preliminary question of title to the country." After quoting the terms of the treaty of 1818, he remarked that "The question is not now whether it was wise to make this treaty, but, having made it, what is its spirit and meaning?" Until the treaty has been abrogated, he said, it is the "supreme law of the land," and it can not be abrogated until twelve months' notice has been given. He moved that the Committee of the Whole be discharged from further consideration of the bill and tliat tlie subject be referred to the Committee on Territories. He moved further that this committee be instructed to report in favor of extending over the American citizens in that region the jurisdic- tion of the courts of Michigan Territory, and of providing for the exploration and survey of the Northwest coast. Neither tliis nor solutions offered by other members were accepted by the House. On January 9, 1829, Polk voted with the majority in rejecting the entire bill.^ 1 Reg. of Deb., 20 Cong., 2 sess., 125-153. Also, Abridg. of Deb., X, 273-315. 558 JAMES K. POLK In 1833 the Missionary Board of the Methodist church selected a number of missionaries and sent them forth to found a settle- ment in Willamette Valley.- Two years later President Jackson sent William A. Slacum to investigate conditions in that region, and in December, 1837, Slacum 's favorable report was laid before Congress."' On February 7, 1838, Linn, of Missouri, intro- duced in the Senate a bill to organize Oregon as a territory and to establish on the Columbia River both a port of entry and a custom house. ^ As early as December 29, 1829, Linn had offered a resolution which purposed to give the twelve months' notice necessary for terminating the conventions of 1818 and 1827.^ In both cases Congress declined to take any action, but interest in Oregon continued to increase. Every year added to the num- ber who exhorted Congress to do something for the protection of American citizens in that country. Great Britain, it was urged, had extended her laws throughout Oregon as early as 1821 ; why should the United States continue to disregard the rights of its citizens? The arrival in Washington of Lord Ashburton, in April, 1842, gave rise to the hope that the whole vexed question of boundary might be adjusted, for the northwest as well as the northeast boundary was included in the scope of the British diplomat's instructions." But, as Tyler informed Congress in his second annual message, "it became manifest at an early hour in the late negotiations" that any attempt to settle the Oregon ques- tion "would lead to a protracted discussion, which might em- brace in its failure other more pressing matters."' Eager to succeed where others had failed, Tyler proposed a tr-i partite treaty whereby he hoped to settle not only the Oregon question, but, also, the diplomatic difficulties with Mexico which 2 Gray, History of Oregon, 106 ff. ■* Cong. Globe, 25 Cong., 2 sess., 168. 3 Sen. Doc. S4, 25 Cong., 2 sess. s Ahridg. of Deh., XIV, 18. 6 Aberdeen to H. S. Fox, Oct. 18, 1842 {Sen. Doc. 1, 29 Cong., 1 sess., 139). ■^ Richardson, Messages, IV, 196. OREGON 559 had resulted from the revolt of Texas and the non-payment by Mexico of American damage claims. He was willing to let Eng- land have Oregon down to the Columbia River if she in turn would induce Mexico to recognize the independence of Texas and to make territorial concessions to the United States. Eng- land was to cancel certain claims against Mexico and to induce her to cede to the United States that part of California lying north of the thirty-sixth parallel, and as a compensation for this service the United States was to relinquish her claim to that part of Oregon lying north of the Columbia River. At the time that he formulated this plan, Tyler apparently had little doubt that England w^ould readily agree, or that the combination which he had suggested would reconcile opposing interests in the United States. "Texas might not stand alone," he told Webster, "nor would the line proposed for Oregon. Texas would reconcile all to the line, while California would reconcile or pacify all to Oregon."* Despite this hopeful language, however, he en- deavored, after he had retired from office, to represent this whole matter as a passing fancy to which little importance should be attached. "I never dreamed," he wrote, of ceding this country [between 49° and the Columbia] unk'ss for the srreater equivalent of California which I fancied G. Britain might be able to obtain for us through her influence in Mexico — and this was but a dream of policy which was never embodied. 9 Nothing, of course, came of Tyler's ingenious scheme for killing so many birds with one stone. Ashburton expressed, un- officially, the belief that Great Britain would not oppose a ces- sion of territory by Mexico to the United States, but that slie could take no part in the transaction. i° While there was never any prospect that T.yler's plan would succeed, had it been 8 Tyler, Letters and Times of the Tylers, II, 260-261. See also Webster to Everett, Jan. 29, 1843 (Curtis, Life of Webster, II, 17a). 9 Tyler to his son, Dec. 11, 1845, MS in Library of Congress. Also printed copy in Tyler, op. cit,. 447. loSchafer, "British Attitude toward the Oregon Question," Am. Hist. Sev., XVI, no. 2, p. 293. 560 JAMES K. POLE accepted by the other governments concerned the JMexican war might possibly have been averted. Webster soon left the cabinet and the President turned his attention to the annexation of Texas. The Oregon question remained unsettled and became one of the leading issues of the campaign of 1844. A bill introduced in the Senate on December 19, 1842, by Linn, of Missouri, gave opportunity for debate on the Oregon question and prepared the way for the approaching Presidential campaign. Among other things the bill provided for the building of forts along the route to Oregon and at the mouth of the Columbia River, and for the granting of land to American settlers. It can hardly be said that the discussion was sectional in character, although westerners were more insistent than others that the government should take some action. Webster attributed the agitation entirely to politics, ^^ but it is evident that many were sincerely interested in westward expansion. The chief opponents of Linn's bill were Senators Calhoun and McDuffie, of South Carolina. The former declared that the passage of the land-grant section would violate the treaty with Great Britain. Besides, he opposed the whole bill on the ground that precipitate action might result in the loss of the entire territory. England, he said, could transfer troops by sea in a very short time, while it would take months for our army to reach Oregon by overland routes. Consequently the sound policy for the United States to pursue was that of ''wise and masterly inactivity." McDuffie was averse to the bill, not because he feared that its passage might result in the loss of Oregon, but because he regarded the territory as an incubus which ought to be discarded. He would not give "a pinch of snufif for the whole territory," because it was totally unsuited as a home for civilized beings.^- Benton and Linn made strong arguments in favor of the bill, and refuted in detail the positions taken by the Senators from 11 Webster to Everett, Jan. 29, 1843, as cited above. i2Co/!(7. Globe, 27 Cong., 3 sess., 198-200; idem, App., 138-141. Benton, Thirty Tears' View, II, 471-472. OREGON 561 South Carolina. Sevier, of Arkansas, resisted an attempt to strike out the section for granting land to settlers, for he justly regarded this provision to be "the very life and soul of the bill."^^ After passing the Senate by a vote of twenty-four to twenty-two, the bill was sent to the House where it remained to the end of the session without being voted upon. The importance of the Linn bill can not be measured by its failure to reach a vote in the House, for it elicited a debate in Congress and an agitation in the press which focused the attention of the people on Oregon and made it an important campaign issue. Then, too, its introduction caused British statesmen to give the subject more serious attention. Palmerston went so far as to declare in the House of Commons that should the bill be passed and put in operation "it would be a declaration of war."'^ Dissatisfied because Webster had not procured, in the Ash- burton treaty, all that the United States had claimed on the Maine border, and fearful that Everett, in London, might, under Tyler's directions, compromise the Oregon question, opposition members took steps to prevent such action on the part of the executive. On December 28, 1843, Senator Allen, of Ohio, moved a call upon the President for the instructions given to our minister in London as well as the correspondence that had passed between the two governments. On January 8, 18i4, Semple, of Illinois, moved that the President be requested to give the notice neces- sary for terminating the convention of 1827.^'' It was soon ascer- tained that no negotiations were in progress in London and con- sequently Semple 's resolution was defeated, but the debate helped to agitate public opinion. Extremists objected to any negotiation whatever on the ground that it would be an admission that Great Britain might have some claim to the territory. Negotiations were soon renewed, however, but in "Washing- ton instead of at the court of Saint James. The man selected 13 Cong. Globe, 27 Cong., 3 sess., 153. 14 Hansard, Parliamentary Debates, LXVII, 1217. 15 Cong. Globe, 28 Cong., 1 sess., 77, 116. 562 JAMES K. POLK by Lord Aberdeen for the American mission was Richard Pakonham (later Sir Richard), and early in 1844 he arrived in Washington. If his official instructions were to be followed there was small prospect of an adjustment, for they required him to insist upon the Columbia River as the southern boundary of Oregon. It is evident, however, that Aberdeen himself did not expect the United States to accept this proposal, and that he was prepared to concede better terms if he could obtain the sanction of Parliament and of public sentiment in England. In a private letter dated March 4, 1844, Pakenham was in- structed to endeavor, without committing yourself or your gov't, to draw from the American negotiator a proposal to make the -AQth degiee of latitude the boundary, vnih. the proviso that the ports to the south of that parallel to the Columbia inclusive, shall be free ports to G. Britain. is The tone of this letter augured well for the future. Upshur's tragic death interrupted negotiations before they had fairly begun, and the task of discussing the Oregon boundary witli Pakenham devolved upon John C. Calhoun to whom Tyler now intrusted the State Department. According to statements made later, Tyler and Calhoun were reluctant to resume nego- tiations, consequently the Secretary of State decided that the ''true policy" was "to do nothing to excite attention, and leave time to operate."^' Nevertheless both Calhoun and Pakenham presented and advocated the claims of their respective govern- ments — including an offer from Great Britain to submit the whole subject to arbitration — but as neither side would yield the essen- tial points, the Oregon question remained unsettled at the close of Tyler's administration. " Reannexation of Texas" and " reoccupation of Oregon" were twin planks in the platform adopted by the Democratic i« Quoted by Schafer, "The British Attitude toward the Oregon Ques- tion. 1815-1846," Am. Hist. Bev., XVI, 296 (Jan., 1911). 17 Calhoun to Mason, May 30, 1845 (Report Am. Hist. Assn., 1899, II, 660). Tyler to Calhoun, Oct.' 7, 1845 (ihid., 1059). OREGON 563 convention of 1844. Although the former was the main topic of discussion during the campaign, the party was nevertheless committed to the claim that "all of Oregon" was the property of the United States. The candidates accepted the platform without reservation, while the rank and file voiced their approval by lusty shouts of "54° 40' or fight." Did the platform and the campaign cry mean what they said, or were they intended simply to arouse enthusiasm and to win votes for the party? In either case the victorious candidate was placed in an awkward position ; to accept less than "all of Oregon" would repudiate the party pledge, while insistence upon the demand made in the platform would almost certainly result in war with Great Britain. In his inaugural address President Polk bluntly asserted that ' ' our title to the country of the Oregon is ' clear and unquestion- able!' " He did not say "all of Oregon," but left it to be in- ferred that this was what he meant. In addition, he recommended that the laws of the United States should be extended over the people who had established their homes in that distant region. If the propriety of his recommendations may be questioned,^® the fault lay with the party which had framed the platform rather than with the President who was pledged to carry it out.^° The new President's inaugural reached England late in March and his remarks on the American title to Oregon were by no means relished in London. In Parliament and in the press they elicited expressions of surprise and denunciation. Opposi- tion members were especially resentful. On the contrary, Lord Aberdeen was disposed to treat the matter lightly and to regard the address as a declamation rather than an official document.-'' 18 See Benton, Thirty Years' Fietv, II, 649, and von Hoist, Hist, of the U. S., Ill, 159. 19 It is interesting, however, to note that Polk reversed the position which he had taken in 1828. See above, p. 557. 20 "I wish to observe that this speech is not an address made to Con- gress—it is a speech made to the public, the Congress not being sitting. Undoubtedly, no speech of such a nature could be made by the President of the United States without drawing towards it the most serious atten- tion. Nevertheless, it does not possess the importance of an omcial mes- sage, forming a part of legislative proceedings." 564 JAMES K. POLK He believed that a peaceful settlement was still possible ; if not, he conkl only say that "we possess rights which, in our opinion, are clear and unquestionable ; and, by the blessing of God, and with your support, those rights we are fully prepared to main- tain." In the House of Commons, Sir Robert Peel expressed a desire for an amicable adjustment, but he severely criticized President Polk for referring to "other contingencies than a friendly termination" of pending negotiations.-^ The London Times held that the interests of both countries would be served best by a compromise adjustment like that which settled the dis- pute over the northeast boundary ; nevertheless it thought that Americans should be warned that their pretensions, if persisted in, must surely result in war. The editor was not disposed to aggravate "the very serious difficulties with which the indiscreet language of Mr. Polk has already surrounded the Oregon ques- tion," still, the extravagant claims of the President could never be admitted.-- During April and May the British newspapers discussed the diplomatic situation in all its bearings, and speculated as to what policy Polk really meant to pursue. Only one, the London Colomal Magazine, believed that a war with the United States would be ' ' productive of good ' ' ; the others cared little about Oregon itself, but they resented the "blustering attitude" of the American President and people. For example, the Times, on May 9, said : As long as we saw in these grotesque exlubitions of national vanity nothing but the expedients of presidential candidates, or the squibs of elec- tioneering rivals, the foreign policy of the United States had nothing very serious or very formidable in its vacant thunders. But the election being over, and the new president installed by the voices of the democratic party for the next four years, foreign nations acquire something more than an indirect interest in his character and position. If President Polk intends to sustain the heroic line in which he passed through his electioneering l^robation and entered upon his high office, he may rely on having before 21 Hansard, Pari Deh., LXXIX, 121, 123, 199. 22 London Timcn, April 5, 1845, quoted by Nil.s' Beg., LXVIII, 114-115. OREGON 565 him a career of no ordinaiy toil, agitation, and peril. But if he purposes to subside into a positive business-like president, more like the foreman of a thriving business in the city than the champion of an empire, the sooner he descends from the high horse the better; and he would have done well to throw aside the embroidered vestments of the candidate before he deliv- ered the inaugural address of the president. Nobody supposes that in using the very exaggerated and unbecoming language in which Mr. Polk spoke of the American claims to Oregon, he intended deliberately to breathe defiance to the Queen of Great Britain, or to threaten the rights of Her Majesty's subjects with instant violence. He intended simply to flatter a delusion common in all democratic states, but especially amongst the democratic party in the United States, which forces the statesman whom they have chosen to govern their country to gratify their own popular vanity by affecting a temerity and an overbearing recklessness towards foreign nations which, as individuals, neither the president, nor any of his vociferous sup- porters, can be supposed to feel. Rulers of democracies, said the London Standard, on May 15, are apt to be inclined to war for the purpose of increasing their power and their patronage. To this fact it attributed the claims set forth by President Polk, and therefore it did not believe that the people would support him, except verbally. Americans could not possibly gain anything by precipitating hostilities, "therefore we hold a war to be extremely improbable, if not an absolute impossibility, let Mr. Polk do all that he can." The Examiner (April 25) considered Oregon "really valueless to England and to America." It therefore congratulated Lord Aberdeen on his conciliatory attitude, and advocated arbitration or a partition of the territory.-^ The utterances of British statesmen greatly exasperated tlie "old hero" of the Hermitage who, in characteristic style, urged the President to combat British pretensions by a vigorous and uncompromising policy : Weak and debilitated as I am I could not resist endeavoring to wade through the debate in the English parliament— comments on your inaugural as it relates to oragon. This is the rattling of British drums to alarm us, and to give life to their friends in the United States, such as the Hartford convention men— the blue light federalists & abolitionists, and to prevent 23 Extracts from these papers quoted in NiUs' Reg., LXVIII, 236-239. 566 JAMES K. POLK if Britain can, the reannexation of Texas, by shadowing forth Avar & rumors of war, to alarm the timid, & give strength to the traitors in our country against our best interests & growing prosperity. This bold avowal by peel & Russell of perfect claim to oragon must be met as boldly, by our denial of their right, and confidence in our own — that we view it too plain a case, of right, on our side to hesitate one moment upon the subject of extending our laws over it & populating with our people — permit me to remind you that during the canvass, I gave a thousand pledges for your cour[a]ge k fii-mness, both in war & in peace, to cany on the administration of our government. This subject is intended to try your energy — dash from your lips the council of the times on this question, base your acts upon the firm basis, of asking nothing but what is right & permitting nothing that is wTong — war is a blessing compared Avith national degreda- tion. The bold manner of peels & Russells annunciation of the British right to oragogon, the time & manner require a firm rebuke by you in your annual message, and has opened a fair field to compare their claim to oragon w'ith their right to the Territory claimed by Britain on our north East boundary, & which we were swindled out of, there being on file in archives of England the maps on which was laid down our boundary agree- able to the treaty of 1783, which Lord Browman said in eulogy of Lord Ashburton shelved that England in her claim to that territory had not a leg of right to stand upon — Just so with oragon, & peel & Eussell both well know it — still, now, a perfect right to oragon is claimed — make a note of this, & in your annual message expose England's perfidy to the whole civilized wor[l]d. To prevent war with England a bold & undaunted front must be exposed. England with all her Boast dare not go to war. You will pardon these my friendly suggestions. The Whiggs have held you forth to England as feeble & inenergetic, & would shrink at the threat of war — I am sure you will meet this, with that energy & promptness that is due to yourself, & our national character.24 As will be seen presently, Polk did not, in the first instance at least, follow this fatherly advice. But ere the President had decided to renew the compromise offer which his predecessors had made, General Jackson had passed to a land where "peel & Russell" no longer disturbed his repose. Even if he had lived it is highly improbable that his views would have influenced the President's foreign policy. Polk was ever ready to pay homage to Jackson on matters of no vital importance. But when the occasion demanded independent action — as in the discarding of 2-» Jackson to Polk, May 2, 184.5, Polk Papers. OBEGON 507 Blair and Lewis — lie did not hesitate to follow his own judgment, even at the risk of incurring the General's displeasure. In the selection of a minister to represent the United States at London Polk was hampered by political considerations. How- ever, his embarrassment was somewhat lessened by the fact that negotiations were already pending in Washington and by the slight probability that they would be transferred to London. Since Calhoun had not been retained in the cabinet, many Demo- crats thought that he should be given the British mission ; even Jackson considered England to be the proper place for him, ''there to combat with my Lord Aberdeen the abolition ques- tion. "^^ But Calhoun made it known that he would not accept the position ; so, also, did his friends, Pickens and Elmore, de- cline the appointment.-" Having failed in his overtures to the Calhoun wing of the party, the President, through Bancroft, sounded Van Buren on the subject. In reply Van Buren stated his belief that an ex-President should not accept a foreign mis- sion unless there was a crisis to meet. He did not believe a crisis to exist, but if the President thought otherwise, he would, of course, regard it as his duty to go.-' Levi Woodbury declined the appointment for "domestic reasons,." and Louis McLane, of Baltimore, was finally chosen.-^ About the middle of May, while Bancroft was in correspond- ence with Van Buren and before any official communications had passed between Buchanan and Pakenham, the recently estab- lished Washington Unian announced what it believed to be Polk's Oregon policy: Some say we want war— some that we "cannot be kicked into war." Several predict that there will be war. Now, without undertaking to say positively that there will be war, or that there will not he war, we venture 25 Jackson to Polk, Dec. 16, 1844, ibid. 20 After declining the mission himself Calhoun spoke favorably of Elmore, but he thought General Hamilton to be best qualified for the position (A. V. Brown (undated) to Polk, ibid.). 27 Van Buren to Bancroft, May 12, 1845, /an Buren Papers. 28 Correspondence with Woodbury and McLane, Polk Papers. 568 JAMES E. POLK to predict that it is not Mr. Polk's wish to plunge his country into Avar, and still less to sacrifice her rights and her honor. He will never abandon either; and without meaning to bluster or to brave the British ministers, we undertake to say that this is the general and enthusiastic sentiment of the American nation. The President will carry out the Avishes of the people. It Avill not he his fault if our differences about Oregon should terminate in hostilities; but it will be his fault, and a fault which we are suio he would never encounter, to sacrifice our ' ' clear and unquestionable claims ' ' and our sacred honor to any visionary danger, or to any apprehensions of danger." "Young Hickory," it added, will make good his title.29 Although this article purported to give merely the views of the editor, Ritchie, no doubt it had the previous endorsement of the President. Apparently its purpose was to prepare the people for a compromise adjustment of the Oregon question, but, also, to inform the British minister that the administration would not be intimidated by the prospect of a war. When the Tyler administration declined to accept the terms offered by Great Britain, Pakenham, in a note dated September 12, 1844, asked Calhoun to specify what arrangement he was "prepared to propose for an equitable adjustment of the ques- tion." Calhoun did not see fit to comply with this request, and four months after Polk's inauguration no formal reply to Paken- ham 's note had been made. On July 12, 1845, however, in a communication to the minister, Buchanan set forth the American claims and offered to accept the forty-ninth parallel as a com- promise boundary. Whatever Polk's private reasons for thus suddenly reversing the policy announced in his inaugural may have been, his official reasons were set forth in a letter which Buchanan, on the same day, addressed to Louis McLane, the American minister in London. In it he said : The President, at a very early period of his administration, was called upon to decide Avhether he would break off or continue this negotiation. Placed in a responsible position, he first inquired whether the national lionor required that he should abruptly terminate it by demanding the AA-hole territory in dispute. War before dishonor is a maxim deeply engraven upon tlio hearts of the American People; and this maxim ever shall regulate 20 Union (semiweekly). May 12, 1845. OREGON 569 his conduct towards foreign nations. But it was impossible for him to conceive that there could be dishonor in pursuing the course which hail been adopted by Mr. Monroe, his patriot Eevolutionary predecessor, more than a quarter of a century ago, and had been cither expressly sanctioned or acquiesced in by all succeeding administrations.so In his note to Pakenham, Buchanan gave a compreliensive statement of the American claims to Oregon — both direct and indirect.^i "The title of the United States," he said, "to that portion of the Oregon territory between the valley of the Columbia and the Russian line in 54° 40' North Latitude, is ^ recorded in the Florida Treaty, ' ' which transferred to the United States all of the claims of Spain. He refuted the claims which Great Britain based on the Nootka Sound convention, for, as he said, no title to land had been acquired by this convention. The valley of the Columbia, said he, belonged to the United States by virtue of the discoveries of Captain Gray, the explorations of Lewis and Clark, and the settlements made by Astor and other American citizens. "Such being the opinion of the President in regard to the title of the United States," Buchanan told Pakenham, "he would not have consented to yield any portion of the Oregon territory, had he not found himself embarrassed, if not committed, by the acts of his predecessors." But as they had uniformly proceeded upon "the principle of compromise," Polk felt constrained to do likewise. He had therefore instructed Buchanan again to propose that the Oregon country be divided by the forty-ninth parallel from the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific Ocean, with free ports for Great Britain on the portion of Vancouver's Island lying south of that parallel. 30 Buchanan to MeLane, July 12. 1845 (Buchanan, Works, VI, 190). He emphasized the fact that even General Jackson ha that he ^'O hi not be forced even to this alternative until he had a 1 Ougon on e^ e n^ sr:r»tri?.r,:?.^:7„:;;.-s^rj:ri...,.!n'.i. " n"'M„,t of the Whi<.8 in the Senate incline to remain rather quiet aaa'to SoVthl'La) ol Mr. Caihonn^ He i^'^,-;, -;\° ,",,,S:'u il Tst-'tollav; th 11^ ^ri^Tran^^U^att-^o? he present" (Weh,ter ?o Sears' Jan. 17, 1846, in Webster, Fr.vate Cor,., 11, 21o). 598 JAMES K. POLK to compromise and settlement, others, that the sequel would be occupation of the entire territory. No agreement could be reached as to what the President would do if the resolution should pass, and nothing came from the "Executive Mansion" to aid in solv- ing the mystery. ' ' Was there ever such a case known, ' ' exclaimed ]\Iangum, of North Carolina, "as an Executive without an organ of his views and opinions in either House of Congress?" — the Union had definitely stated that no . one could speak for him ; "that no man, beyond his Cabinet, knew his views." It had not been so in Jackson's time, said Mangum, and it would not be so now if Clay, Benton, or Calhoun were at the head of the govern- ment. "The present Administration," he continued, was "re- markable chiefly for one thing in the management of this ques- tion, and that was, its secretiveness. ""^ In answer to Mangum, Cass so far lifted the veil as to disclose that both Polk and Buchanan had given their approval, in advance, to his [Cass's] resolutions which called upon the army and navy departments for information regarding the defensive strength of the country. As to Polk 's intentions for the future, however, Cass had nothing to impart. In the opinion of the President himself the debate had taken a strange direction; that instead of examining and discussing my views as communicated in these documents [message and correspondence]. Senators had been guessing and conjecturing what I might do hereafter, and were approving or condemning what they supposed I might or might not do."9 i '■s A few days before, March 30, Barrow, of Louisiana, said: "There never before had been a period when some one in the Senate was not authorized to speak for the Executive, acquainted with his views, and ready to put those right who misconstrued his language or his views." _ 79 Polk, Diary, I, 285-286. In a letter written a little later Crittenden said: "Bitter dissensions are already manifested among our opponents; they are about equally divided in the Senate. They quarrel about what the President's sentiments and purposes are in relation to Oregon, — each interprets the 'oracle' to suit himself, and each pretends to speak for him, while all are suspicious and jealous of him and of each other. They know that one side or the other is cheated and to be cheated, but they can't yet exactly tell which. In the mean time they curse Polk hypothetically. If he don 't settle and make peace at forty-nine or some other parallel of compromise, the one side curses him; and if he yields an inch or stops a OREGON 599 After the Senate had discussed its own resohition for more than two months, Allen who had originally reported it from his committee moved, on April 16, that it be sent to the table and that the Senate proceed to consider the resolution which had been passed by the House on the ninth of February. The motion was carried, and Reverdy Johnson at once offered an amendment to the House resolution. It was almost an exact replica of the Crit- tenden proposal which, along with other amendments to the Allen resolution, had just been laid on the table. After some discus- sion, and attempts to alter it, the Johnson amendment was passed by a vote of 30 to 24. The resolution as passed by the House had directed the President to notify England that the conven- tion would be abrogated; as amended by the Senate, Polk was "authorized, at his discretion" to give such notice. After the amendment had been passed, but before the whole resolution, as amended, had reached a vote, Allen bitterly assailed the modifica- tion made by the Senate and announced his intention to vote against the measure. The preamble, he said, advised negotiation, while the main clause left the question of notice to the discretion of the President: "they throw the whole subject back to tlie President, to be managed in future according to his discretion, after having condemned him for a want of discretion in his past management." The measure was passed by a vote of 40 to 14. The effect of attaching this amendment to the House resolution may not, as Allen asserted, have been to array each house against the other, and both against the President; but the affirmative vote on the preamble must have made it clear to Polk that the Senate would ratify a compromise treaty and that, in all i>rob- ability it would not cooperate with him in an aggressive Oregon policy.' Undoubtedly this action of the Senate had some influence in modifying his diplomatic program. hair's breadth short of fifty-four degrees forty niiuntes, the other side daLs him without redemption. Was ever a gentleman m s»c-h a f ^^ He might almost say like Satan, that 'hell was around ^-^ (^"Uen.len to Letcher, March 9, 1846, in Coleman, Life of John J. Cnttenden, -^o;. 600 JAMES K. POLK On April 18 the House proceeded to consider the joint resolu- tion as amended by the Senate. After adopting an amendment offered by Owen, of Indiana, by which the President was ' ' author- ized and requested" to serve notice upon Great Britain, the measure was passed by a vote of 144 to 40. Two days later the House received notice that the Senate had rejected the Owen amendment and had adhered to its own. A conference was then arranged. Slight modifications were made in the Senate pre- amble, but the main part of the resolution was left unchanged. In the final form the President was "authorized, at his discre- tion" to give the notice, and, by a vote of 142 to 46, the resolu- tion was ])assed by the House on the twenty-third of April.^" The President regretted that action had been so long delayed and that the preamble had been prefixed by the Senate; but "after all," he added philosophically, "Congress by authorizing the notice, have sustained the first great measure of my adminis- tration, though not in a form that is altogether satisfactory or one that was preferred. "^^ He decided at once to transmit the notice directly to the British government instead of giving it to Pakenham. 80 The Van Buren Democrats supported the administration bv their votes, although some of them did so reluctantly. Undoubtedly C. C. Cambrolcng voiced tho sentiments of many of them Avhen he wrote: ' ' Heaven forgive me for having had any hand in laying the foundation of this blundering administration. Tyler was bad enough but he had this advantage — there was no mock-mystery nor genuine duplicity in his con- duct — if he betrayed his friends he was an honest knave, without any hypocritical cant about the sabbath &c &c. But apart from that T am utterly astonished at the little judgment and less integrity which has dis- tinguished tho course of this administration. First as it regards England — when some three or four months ago she was making war-like prepar- ations— McLane was instructed to inquire of Aberdeen whether these preparations were intended for us — and now it appears that before that enquiry was made, Bancroft was 'confidentially' recommending ten war steamers — the Bureaus forty war steamers and'Marcy fifty thousand vol- unteers with the knowledge and approbation of the President! . . . How uncandid and dishonorable must tho conduct of the President and his prime minister appear in the eyes of all honest men" (Cambreleng to "Van Buren, May ]6, 1846, Va7i Buren Papers). 81 Polk, Diary, I, 348. OREGON 601 While the resolution for giving notice to England was under discussion attempts were made by both friends and opponents of the measure to induce the President to alter or to supplement the views expressed in his annual message. Opponents of the resolution wished him to commit himself to compromise ; its friends, on the contrary, desired additional pledges that he would insist upon the whole of Oregon. The first to approach him was James A. Black, a South Caro- lina member of the House and a personal friend of Calhoun. Calhoun was much opposed to the resolution, and his friends had endeavored to effect a compromise with certain western Senators who were its chief advocates. Black visited Polk on January 4, 1846, and told him that he had just held a conversation with Senators Semple, of Illinois, and Atchison, of Missouri. He thought they would agree not to press the notice resolution if the South would unite with the West in supporting the other meas- ures recommended in Polk's message, including that for granting lands to Oregon settlers. He therefore asked the President to induce his western friends to postpone action on the resolution. Polk declined to follow Black's suggestion, for, as he said, his mind had not changed since he had recommended that notice should be given. ' ' I remarked to him, ' ' he noted in his diary, that the only way to treat John Bull was to look him straight in the eye; that I considered a bold & firm course on our part the pacific one; that if Congress faultered or hesitated in their course, John Bull would imme- diately become arrogant and more grasping in his demands.82 The advocates of notice and 54° 40' were quite as unsuccessful in their efforts to commit the President to a definite future policy. As representatives of a caucus of Senate Democrats, Hannegan and Atchison interviewed Polk on the seventh of March and put the direct question whether he would insist upon 54° 40', or, if necessary, compromise on 49°. "I answered him [Hannegan]," Polk recorded, 82 Ibid., 154-155. 602 JAMES K. POLK that I would answer no man what I would do in the future; that for what I might do I would be responsible to God and my country and if I should hereafter do anything whii-h should be disapproved by himself or others, it would be time enough to condemn me I said, I am charged with the Foreign relations of the country, and it was unheard of that the President should declare in advance to any one out of his Cabinet his intentions in reference to them. 83 Although the President declined, at all times, to commit him- self as to his future course, he was careful, on the other hand, to leave the way open for possible concessions. On .several occasions he informed both extremists and compromisers that if England should offer the forty-ninth parallel as a boundary he might, before acting, submit the question to the Senate. He was careful, also, to let both factions know that no member of Congress had been authorized to speak for him, and that the policy outlined in his annual message would remain unchanged unless modified by a future official communication.^* The want of harmony among Democrats in the Senate w^as higldy displeasing to the President, and the more so because he attributed it to personal ambition rather than to honest difference of opinion. "The truth is," he wrote, on April 22, 1846, that in all this Oregon discussion in the Senate, too many Democratic Senators have been more concerned about the Presidential election in '48 than they have been about settling Oregon either at 49° or 54° 40'. "Forty-eight" has been with them the Great question, and hence the division in the Democratic party. I cannot but observe the fact, and for the sake of the country I deplore it. I will however do my duty what- ever may happen. I will rise above the interested factions in Congress, and appeal confidently to the people for support.s^ »* Ibid., 262-263 and pa.^sim. 83 Ibid., 273. 85 Polk, Diary, I, 345. On March 9 he had observed: "This whole excitement in the Senate has grown out of the aspirations of Senators and their friends for the Presidency. Mr. Allen has such aspirations himself. Mr. Haywood probably prefers Gov. Wright of N. York. Gen '1 Cass has aspirations but is more i)rudent than some others. Mr. Calhoun has aspi- rations. My fear is that these factions looking to the election of my successor in 1848, will so divide and weaken the Democratic party by their feuds as to defeat my measures and render my administration unsuccessful and useless. Each one of the factions doubtless desire [s] to use the OREGON 603 Although the joint resolution in its final form was not, as we have seen, entirely satisfactory to the President, he accepted it as preferable to no action at all.*" He had two reasons for desir- ing some action on the part of Congress, even though details might he unsatisfactory. He suspected that a majority in the Senate would gladly see notice in any form defeated and would therefore effect their purpose if the House would decline to yield. He believed, also, that Great Britain would not make anotlier offer until Congress had taken final action, and evidently he Avas confident that the serving of notice would induce such an offer. Consequently when the fate of the joint resolution was hanging in the balance, he and members of the cabinet sought interviews with their friends in the House, and apparently it was due to their influence that that body consented to accept the Senate amendment.^' While the question was still undecided, no one perused the published correspondence with more care nor followed the debates with more interest than the veteran diplomat, Albert GalhUin. Having negotiated the conventions of "joint occupation," he naturally took an interest in their abrogation, and he now pre- pared a series of articles in which he considered both the validity of the respective titles and the expediency of abrogating the con- ventions. He was not in favor of giving immediate notice to Great Britain, for, ' ' in the present state of excitement, an imme- diate amicable arrangement is almost hopeless." In his opinion, adiniuistration for their own advaneeinent, and out of this cireum^ance has grown the excitement & unfortunate collision in the Senate. They wi all be disappointed. I am not a candidate for re-election myselt and will lend myself to none of them. I wiU not be identified with any ot then.. I will do my duty to the country & if my measures fail the responsibility shall rest where it belongs." He also attribute.1 Buchanan 's recent war- like attitude to a desire to supplant Cass in the goo.l graces of the ex- tremists {ibid., 280, 297). by repeated votes in the Senate that neither coma oe m.. . -..-^ y preferred the Senate form of notice to no notice at all (Dtary, 1, Ml). 87 Polk, Diary, I, 334-337. 604 JAMES K. POLK the fust and indispensable step towards an amicable arrangement consists in the investigation, not so much of the superiority of one claim over the other, as of the question whether there be sufficient grounds to sustain the exclusive pretensions of either Governmiiet. This was substantially the policy advocated by Lord Aberdeen. Unlike J. Q. Adams, Gallatin did not believe that either nation possessed an exclusive title to the Oregon territory; therefore, both might recede from their extreme pretensions ''without im- pairing national honor and dignity. ' ' Clear title for the United States must, in his opinion, be based on the claims derived from Spain, and he did not regard the Spanish title as unquestionably complete. He did not, however, accept Pakenham's contention that the claim which the United States based on the Spanish title and that based on settlements made by American citizens were mutually exclusive. Believing that the President, in view of the policy outlined in his message, would be bound to assert title to the whole of Oregon, should the convention be abrogated, he was in favor of withholding the notice and of dividing the territory by negotiation.*® On April 13, when it seemed probable that the resolution for giving notice to England would pass, the House, in Committee of the Whole, gave its attention to the bill, which Douglas had reported in December, for extending judicial and military pro- tection to American citizens in Oregon. Among other things this measure proposed to extend to Oregon the jurisdiction of the Iowa supreme court, to build forts, to make grants of land to settlers, and to establish a mail route between Saint Joseph, Missouri, and the mouth of the Columbia River. The debate was not prolonged, and the alignment of advocates and opponents was much the same as it had been when the resolution concerning notice was under discussion. There was difference of opinion among those who favored the bill as to whether jurisdiction should be extended to the whole territory or to the southern 88 Gallatin, The Oregon Question, 1-33, passim. OREGON 605 part only. Adams once more championed the American title to the whole of Oregon and, in defense of his consistency, called attention to the fact that he, in the Florida treaty, had procured the Spanish claims to that region. When asked if the relinquish- ment of Texas by the United States had not been "a considera- tion" in procuring these Spanish claims, he replied emphatically that "it was no consideration at all" — that the two territories had in no way been associated in the Florida negotiations. Douglas, the chief spokesman for the bill, advocated extending jurisdiction without designating boundary limits as the better way of procuring the desired effect with the least annoyance to Great Britain. He desired to have it understood, however, that he was not in favor of yielding an inch of territory south of 54° 40', for any administration, present or future, which would consent to relinquish any portion of Oregon would be guilty of "perfidy." As already noted, such comments from Douglas and other ardent supporters of the administration seem to indi- cate that Polk's most intimate friends did not believe that he would consent to a compromise. Surely they could not have intended to brand him in advance as a man about to commit an act of "perfidy" and "treachery." After certain amendments had been added, one of which ex- tended the jurisdiction of the Iowa courts to "all that portion of the territory of the United States which lies west of the Rocky Mountains," without defining limits, the House, on April 18, passed the bill and sent it to the Senate for its concurrence. The Senate Committee on Territories disapproved the House bill. On May 21 its chairman reported that, since a majority deemed immediate legislation on the subject to be inexpedient the committee desired to be discharged from further consideration of the bill. During the debate which followed the presentation of this report Benton expressed his real views on the American title to Oregon, a subject which he had avoided when discussing the 606 JAMES K. POLK resolution for giving" notice to Great Britain. Oregon, he said, included three main divisions: the islands, Frazer's River valley, and the Cohiiubia River valley. To the last only did the United States possess a clear title. He therefore moved to recommit the House bill to the committee and that it should be instructed to offer the following amendments : ( 1 ) to extend the laws of the United States over the territory to the same extent that England had extended hers; (2) the bill to become effective at the termina- tion of the convention; (3) certain provisions for the administra- tion of justice and for fortifications; (4) the boundaries to be settled by treaty, but until this had been done the line of 49° should be regarded as the northern limit of American territory. Cass assailed Benton's arguments and his proposed instructions, and, on Crittenden's suggestion, the latter were withdrawn. Within two weeks further action by Congress was made unneces- sary by the conclusion of the Oregon treaty which divided the territory between the two nations. As the President had anticipated, the passage of the joint resolution for abrogating the convention of 1827 was soon fol- lowed by a new overture from the British government. A dis- l)ateh from McLane arrived on June 3, 1846, and gave the sub- stance of a proposition which Lord Aberdeen had said would soon be made to the United States by Pakenham. The proposi- tion, as outlined by McLane, was so unsatisfactory that Polk was "certain" that it must be rejected.*^ However, when the subject was brought before the cabinet on the following day, all members present were inclined to think that the project ought to be submitted to the Senate for advice. The most objectionable feature of the British proposal was a stipulation which guar- anteed free navigation of the Columbia River to the Hudson's Bay Company. Buchanan suggested that this privilege might 80 "If I reject it absolutely and make no other proposition the probable result will be war. If I submit it to the Senate and they should advise its acceptance I should be bound by their advice yet I should do so re- luctantly" (Diary, I, 444-44.5). OREGON 607 be limited to the duration of the company's existing charter, which would expire in 1859.^" When the cabinet met again, on June 6, Buchanan laid before it the formal proposition of the British government, wliieli had arrived in the meantime and been delivered to him by Pakenham. It proposed to divide Oregon by the forty-ninth parallel from the Rocky Mountains to the Straits of Fuca, thence through tlie main channel to the sea. • Two reservations were stipulated : first, the Hudson's Bay Company and actual British occupants were to retain title to their lands lying south of 49°, but subject to the jurisdiction of the United States ; second, free use of the Columbia was retained for the Hudson's Bay Company and for British subjects when trading with that company. The question was raised as to whether, according to the proposal submitted, the privilege of navigation to be accorded to the Hudson's Bay Company would cease at the expiration of its existing charter in 1859. Without waiting to decide this question, the President asked the cabinet whether he should submit the offer, as received, to the Senate with a request for its advice. Walker, Marcy, Ban- croft, and Johnson advised him to submit the offer to the Senate. Buchanan, who had recently assumed a belligerent attitude, said that his opinion would depend upon the character of the message which would accompany the document. ' ' He said the 54° 40' men were the true friends of the administration and he wished no backing out on the subject." Although nettled by this poniard-thrust about "backing out" the President suppressed his feelings and even prevented Walker from openly resenting the insinuation. He told the cabinet that in case he should decide to submit the British offer to the Senate, he would reiterate the views already expressed in his annual message. Should the Senate advise its acceptance, with or without modifications, he would follow the advice; "but if they declined to express an opinion, or by the constitutional majority to give their advice, I 90 Polk, Diary, I, 447-448. 608 JAMES E. FOLK should reject the proposition." After hearing this, Buchanan advised that the proposal be submitted to the Senate, but he declined to prepare a message embodying the President 's views.^^ The ill feeling caused by Buchanan's attitude continued for several days. Other members of the cabinet freely criticized his conduct and recalled that he had repeatedly advocated the renewal of the compromise offer. After a conversation on the subject with Marcy and Bancroft, the President wrote : My impression is that Mr. Buchanan intends now to shun all responsi- bility for the submission of the Brittish proposition to the Senate, but still he may wish it to be done without his agency, so that if the 54° 40' men complain, he may be able to say that my message submitting it did not receive his sanction. I shall be disappointed if any message which can be drawn will receive his assent. He will choose to dissent and if it is condemned he will escape all responsibility. In his despatches to Mr. McLane I have more than once, & in the presence of the Cabinet, caused paragraphs to be struck out yielding as I thought too much to Great Brittain, and now it is most strange that he should take suddenly, and without the assignment of any reason, the opposite extreme, and talk as he did yesterday of "backing out from 54° 40'." His course is one which I cannot approve. Mr. Marcy and Mr. Bancroft both condemned it in decided terms.«2 Buchanan called on the following day and expressed doubts concerning the wisdom of submitting to the Senate the correspond- ence which passed between McLane and himself on the Oregon question. Although he surmised that these doubts had been prompted by the Secretary's fear that his inconsistency might be exposed, Polk permitted him "to select what portions of the correspondence, if any, should be sent." His indulgence was rewarded by renewed insolence, for Buchanan not only refused once more to draft a message for the President, but he had the o-i^ Ibid., 451-454. Polk attributed Buchanan's change of front to a desire to curry favor with tlie extremists. "It was not until within a short time since that he gave indications of a change of position. The first indication I had of it was a remark which fell from him incidentally when speaking of the subject, fo the purport that Gen '1 Cass had made character by his course in the Senate on the subject. Gen '1 C. was a 54° 40' man." 02 Ibid., 456. OBEGON 609 audacity to remark that "when you have done your message I will then prepare such a one as I think ought to be sent in." At last thoroughly aroused by the insolence of his Secretary, the President indignantly asked : For what purpose will you prepare a message? You have twice refused, though it is a subject relating to your Department, to give me any aid in preparing my message; do you wish, after I have done, to draw up a paper of your own in order to make an issue with me? Buchanan at once resumed his normal state of timidity and explained that his remark had been entirely misunderstood. Nevertheless, when Polk submitted his message to the cabinet for discussion, the Secretary of State raised so many objections that some of the passages were eliminated.^^ On June 10 the President transmitted the British proposal to the Senate and, in an accompanying message, requested advice as to whether it should be accepted. He made it clear that his own opinions, as expressed in his annual message, remained un- changed, and that he would reject the offer unless the Senate by a "constitutional majority" should recommend its acceptance. After two days of deliberation the Senate, by a vote of 38 to 12, advised him to accept the proposal, and on the fifteenth Buchanan and Pakenham signed the treaty which terminated the long- debated Oregon question.^* As shown by the vote, not many of the extremists were ready to risk a war by rejecting the British overture. Most uncompromising of all was Allen, chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs. On the day that the treaty was signed, after a free expression of his feelings, he resigned from the committee. oalbid., 459-462. 04 Kichardson, Messages, IV, 449-450. Polk, Diary, I. 467 ^70 The treaty may be found in Malloy, Treaties and Conventions, I 656. Jt fixed the boundary at 49°, from the Eocky Mountains to the Straits of Fuca, eaving all o? Vancouver's Island to England; the Hudson's Bay Company letl ned the use of the Columbia River on the same footing as citizens of IheUnltecl States; that company and British occui-ants retained title to land already possessed south of 49°. 610 JAMES K. POLK The adjustiUL'iit of the Oregon question by an extension of the existing boundary between the United States and Canada was eminently fair to both nations. Indeed it was the only sensible solution of the long-standing dispute. The more one examines the respective claims the more apparent it becomes that neither party possessed a "clear and unquestionable" title to the entire terri- tory. Was, therefore, President Polk justified in asserting claim to ' ' all of Oregon, ' ' and if so, must be he condemned for accept- ing less? Neither query can be answered by an unqualified yes or no. Whether wise or unwise, whether designed or controlled by circumstances, Polk's Oregon policy was not so inconsistent as his opponents represented it to be. He offered to divide the territory, and when this offer was declined he steadfastly refused to make another offer of any kind. While he continued to assert that the American title to the whole territory was "clear and unquestionable," at no time did he say that he would decline a compromise, if offered by England. On the contrary, he told both supporters and opponents in Congress that if England should offer 49°, or anything approaching it, he would seek the advice of the Senate before rejecting the proposal. As Webster said in the Senate, Polk did not at any time act like a man who expected war, and the President told Black that he "considered a bold & firm course on our part the pacific one." He stated repeatedly that he did not look for an offer from England until Congress had passed the resolution terminating joint occupation, and, although he did not specifically say so, he inferred that its passage would undoubtedly be followed by an overture from that government. This opinion was well founded — the "bold and firm course" of abrogating the convention proved, indeed, to be the pacific one, for Great Britain very soon afterward made the offer to compromised^ Without loss of time, Polk did what he 95 Commenting on the success of Polk's policy, Eichard Eush wrote: "For one, I am unshaken in the belief, that it was the President's open- ing message to tlie first congress he met on the second of December last, that produced the settlement of the Oregon difficulty. It was like a great OREGON 611 had long promised to do ; he submitted the proposal to the Senate, but with a warning that unless that body should advise its accept- ance he would reject the offer and adhere to the party platform. It would have been unfair to expect the President to stand alone in demanding the full measure asked by that platform after the debates in Congress and the press had made it plain that neither Congress nor the people would approve his rejection of a reason- able offer. It was not cowardly to ascertain the wishes of the Senate on so important a question, and it would have been crim- inal to provoke a war for the sake of maintaining a campaign cry, when it was evident that neither Congress nor the people desired it to be maintained. bomb-shell thrown into the British cabinet. It took them by surprise, and first roused them to the unavoidable necessity of a settlement. _ I thought when it appeared, that it would lead to war— so bold was it, though every word was just; whereas it led to peace" (Rush to Trist, Sept. 21, 1846, Trist Papers). CHAPTER XXII SLAVERY AND TERRITORIAL GOVERNMENTS Although a lawyer by profession, Polk owned slaves and employed them in cultivating his plantation in Mississippi. As a southern man he despised abolitionists, yet at no time during his career does he seem to have taken a deep interest in the slavery question — especially in the extension of the slaveholding area. Like Jackson, he desired to extend the boundaries of the United States and to increase its power and prestige, but neither man was interested in promoting the spread of slavery. In support- ing the annexation of Texas and in planning the acquisition of other Mexican territory Polk acted as an expansionist, and not as a slaveholder. As early as 1826, while a proposed amendment to the Consti- tution was being debated, remarks made in the House by mem- bers from New England led Polk to express his views on the slavery question : 1 have regretted exceedingly, sir, that scarcely any subject of general concern can be agitated here, without having this unfortunate subject of slavery, either collaterally, or incidentally, brought into view, and made to mingle in our deliberations When this country became free and independent, this species of population was found amongst us. It had been entailed upon us by our ancestors, and was vieweil as a com- mon evil; not confined to the locality where it was, but affecting the whole nation. Some of the States which then possessed it have since gotten clear of it: they were a species of property that differed from all other: they were rational; they were human beings.i Fully admitting that the institution was an evil, he did not believe that this fact should affect the solution of great national questions. 1 Abridg. of Deb., IX, 16-17. SLAVEBY AND TEBBITOBIAL GOVEBNMENTS 613 As Speaker of the House, Polk was called upon to decide many points in which the slavery question was involved. His task was simplified by the operation of the so-called gag rule under which nearly all petitions and memorials relating to the subject were referred automatically to the "committee of oblivion." As a party man, he rigorously enforced this rule, but in eases which did not clearly fall within its scope he did not seem disposed to support the extreme southern view. For example, when an attempt was made, on February 6, 1837, to prevent John Quincy Adams from presenting abolition petitions submitted by other states than Massachusetts, Speaker Polk decided that "every member had a right to present a petition, come from what quarter it might. ' " This decision ran counter to the well-known southern claim that w^hile, under the Constitution, all citizens possessed the right to petition for a redress of their own grievances, they had no right to concern themselves about the grievances of others. The Speaker's decision in favor of Adams was not induced by admiratiqo for the ex-President or by approval of his conduct. In a manuscript to be found among his papers-^ Polk complained that Adams, by his petitions, "has consumed so much of the present session of Congress, to the delay of the public business, to the annoyance of the whole House, and the degredation of his own character." After asserting that it was necessary to have a general rule, since the House could not take time to consider each petition, he continued: Mr. Adams was unwilling to submit to the decision of the majority. On every petition day, he made constant attempts to wreck that decision, to violate the rules, and defy the authority of the House. Upon the plainest propositions he would take appeals from the Speaker s .lecisions, %,nd consume time in debating the appeal „ , • . , Mr. Adams knew .... that it was the duty of the Speaker o obser^e and execute the ndes and order, adopted by the House for its govern- ment. .... 2 Cong. Globe, 24 Cong., 2 sess., 164. 3 -Notes on Mr. Adams' letter to the Quincy Patriot," undated, i o/^ Papers. 614 JAMES K. POLK The Speaker carries out and enforces the decisions of tlie majority & therefore he represents in his letter that the "Speaker and the majority of the House" have undertaken to exercise "arbitrary authority." If Mr. Adams is unwilling to submit to the decisions of the majority of the House, he is unfit to be a member of that body. He seems to have an utter aversion to decisions made by majorities. This principle lies at the foundation of all our institutions. Majorities must govern, and it cannot be helped if a few such refractory spirits as Mr. Adams are unwilling to submit to that Government. The manuscript is of considerable value, for, as Polk was the presiding officer, his opinions on this important subject cannot be found in official records. On one occasion during his term as governor of Tennessee, Polk was called upon to repel outside interference with the "peculiar institution." In the summer of 1840 a "World's Con- vention" met in London to consider ways and means of abolishing slavery and the slave trade. Letters were addressed to officials in the United States, and, among others, to Governor Polk. In his last message to the legislature, October 7, 1841, the governor stated that he had received two such letters. Viewing these communications [said he], as an impertinent and mis- chievous attempt on the part of foreigners to interfere with one of the domestic institutions of this State, and having received the countenance of a member of the Congress of the United States, under whose official frank one of the packages containing them came to me, I declined enter- ing into a correspondence with a foreign convention, but addressed to the niember of Congress alluded to the letter, a copy of which is herewith transmitted to you, accompanied by the communication.-' His answer asserted the right of a state to control its own affairs, but it was a vindication of state rights rather than a defense of slavery. In the words of a local editor, he came boldly and manfully out before the country with a letter containing the sound doctrine of the Constitution of our Union, and rebuked the foreign interference with our State affairs in a spirit as becoming to the l)atriot and the man as it was honorable to the State over which he presided as Chief Magistrate^ 4 Tenn. Sen. Jour., 1841-^42, 22-42. 5 Nashville Union, April 15, 1841. SLAVEEY AND TEREITOEIAL GOFERNMENTS 615 Agitation in favor of annexing Texas to tlie United States began as soon as that province had declared its independence in 1836. Although its principal supporters were southern men there is little evidence that they were moved by a desire to extend the institution of slavery.'' When, however, Tyler turned his atten- tion to the annexation of Texas, the question took on a more dis- tinctly southern aspect ; and Calhoun, in his correspondence as Secretary of State, brought slavery into prominence by distinctly asserting that the United States desired to annex Texas in order to protect that institution. When commenting on this correspond- ence, early in 1845, the Democratic Revietv declared that Calhoun, the apostle of state rights, had, in fact, nationalized the slavery question : What has become of this position [that the national government can not interfere with slavery in the District of Columbia] after a Southern Presi- dent and a Southern Secretary of State— and that Secretary, John C. Cal- houn, of all men living!— have so nationalized, so federalized, the question, as we have lately seen done? Wlien that has been not only acted upon, but avowed, argued, vehemently urged— that, and that almost exclusivlcy— as the ground for a large and momentous measure of national policy l^ In general, Calhoun's intimate friends were interested in Texas because they were interested in slavery. For example, Dixon H. Lewis deemed annexation to be "the greatest question of the Age ' ' on account of the political power which it would bring to the South. "It will," he wrote, ''unite the hitherto divided South, while it will make Abolition & Treason synonymous & thus destroy it in the North. "^ This feeling, however, was not shared by the Jackson Democrats. When his views as a candidate for the Vice-Presidency were solicited, Polk declared himself to be unequivocally in favor of annexing Texas.'' Neither his public utterances nor his private 6 For a discussion of this whole subject, see Justin H. Smith, Annex- "''%tJlS; January, 1845, article on Abolitionists. The whole article is worth reading. ,,, „ s Lewis to Cralle, March 19, 1844, Cralle Papers. „ • f«i Answer to S. P. Chase et al, April 23, 1844, Polk Papers. Pnnted, also, in various newspapers. 616 JAMES K. FOLK letters indicate any interest in extending slavery ; on the contrary, the correspondence with his most intimate friends shows a desire to avoid an affiliation with the southern wing of the party. It has been noted elsewhere that Polk's bosom friend, Cave Johnson, tried to induce Van Buren to declare himself in favor of annex- ation, and tliat Polk was anxious to cooperate with that wing of the party which was indifferent or hostile to slavery. After Polk's nomination, Johnson warned him repeatedly that the southern faction would try to claim and to control him. When issuing invitations to the Nashville ratification meeting, great care was taken to preclude any attempt to identify the candidate with the South Carolina radicals.^" Throughout the campaign of 1844 neither Polk nor his asso- ciates urged additional protection for the South, much less for slavery ; nevertheless, both of these subjects, to a certain degree, became party issues. Some excitement was created by the ap- pearance of a pamphlet entitled "The South in Danger." It was prepared by Robert J. Walker, chairman of the Democratic na- tional committee, and its object was to show that Whigs and Abolitionists had united in the North and that all in the South should join in defeating them. It was published without Polk's knowledge and was deplored by his intimate friends. ^^ Despite the fact that the candidate and his chief supporters were inter- ested in territorial expansion rather than in slavery, his opponents undoubtedly believed with John Quincy Adams who, on hearing the result of the election, wrote : " It is the victory of the slavery element in the constitution of the United States. "^'- Having received notice that the Mexican government had agreed to renew diplomatic relations, President Polk, in August, 1846, asked Congress for an appropriation of two million dollars 10 Johnson to Polk, June 21 and June 28, 1844, Folk Fctpers. 11 W. E. Cramer to Polk, Oct. 4, 1844; Armstrong to Polk, Nov. 5, 1844, ibid. The Walker pamphlet was published by the "Democratic Associ- ation of Washington, D. C. " and bore the date Sept. 25, 1844. 12 Adams, Memoirs, XII, 103. SLAVERY AND TEEEITOEIAL GOVERNMENTS 617 to be used in conducting negotiations. In making this request the President unwittingly precipitated an "irrepressible conflict" which ceased only with the end of the Civil War. When he asked for this appropriation Polk had no thought of slavery. He desired to buy Mexican territory and he wished to be able to assure the Mexican government that he could pay an installment of the purchase price as soon as a treaty had been concluded. But when the subject came before the House the slavery question emerged, for Wilmot introduced his well-known "proviso" by which slavery would be excluded from all territory to be acquired by the use of the appropriation. After adopting what the President called Wilmot 's "mischievous & foolish amendment," the House passed the bill by a vote of 87 to 64. The amended bill came before the Senate on the last day of the session, and, as Davis, of Massachusetts, obtained the floor and refused to yield it, no vote could be taken. Polk was astonished and chagrined by the unexpected turn of events. He blamed Wilmot for having introduced an irrelevant topic, but he blamed Davis still more for preventing the Senate from acting on the measure. "What connection slavery had with making peace with Mexico," is the remark in his diary, "it is difficult to conceive. "'" While this comment undoubtedly expressed the real attitude of the President, it has nevertheless been charged that his request for the money was "caused by the burning desire to acquire additional slave territory. ' "-* On August 5, 1846, the day after the request for the two millions had been sent to the Senate, General Armstrong arrived from London bearing the ratified Oregon treaty. On the same day the President asked Congress to frame a territorial govern- ment and to adopt regulations for making land grants to settlers in that region. But the session was nearing its close, and Congress adjourned without having taken action on the subject. ^'Polk Diarv n 75. He believed that, if pennitte.l, the Senate^ wouM have e'ihL^nSed'the proviso and that the House would have acqu.esced. 14 Jay, Eeview of the Mexican War, 184. 618 JAMES K. POLK When Congress reassembled in December, Polk renewed his request for a two million dollar appropriation. He renewed, also, his recommendation that Oregon should be provided with a territorial government. ^^ On December 23, in response to the latter recommendation, Douglas reported from the Committee on Territories a bill to establish a government in Oregon ; it was read twice and referred to the Committee of the Whole. The twelfth section of this bill extended to Oregon both the privileges and the restrictions of the Ordinance of 1787, the most important restriction, of course, being the prohibition of slavery. On the evening of the same day Wilmot called by appointment on the President, and the proviso wdiich he had attached to the appropriation bill at the last session was the topic of conversation. Wilmot told the President that he would not again offer his pro- viso, but that he would have to vote for slavery restriction if it should be proposed by another member. In his record of this interview Polk thus stated his opinions on the slavery question : I told him I did not desire to extend slavery, that I would be satisfied to acquire by treaty from Mexico the Provinces of New Mexico & the Cali- fornias, and that in these Provinces slavery could probably never exist, and the great probability was that the question would never arise in the future organization of territorial or State Governments in these territories. I told him that slavery Avas purely a domestic question, and to restrict the appropriation which had been asked for, so as to require the President to insert it in a Treaty with a Foreign Power, was not only inappropriate and out of place, but if such a Treaty were made it must be opposed by every Senator from a slave-holding State, and as one third of the Senators could reject a Treaty, it could not be ratified, though it might be satisfactory in all other respects. This argument, of course, overstated the effect of the Wilmot proviso, for no one had asked that it should be incorporated into the treaty. Wilmot answered that in any case he w^ould be satis- fied with a simple legislative declaration, and that he would not again take the initiative in asking for this.^" !=■' Richardson, Messages, IV, 495, 504. 10 Polk, Diary, II, 288-290. SLAVEBT AND TEERITOBIAL GOVERNMENTS 619 In spite of Polk's effort to bury the slavery discussion by an agreement with Wilmot, the question of excluding the institution from territories was soon brought before the House. On January 4, 1847, Preston King, of New York, offered a bill to appropriate two million dollars for diplomatic purposes the second section of which was virtually a restatement of the Wilmot proviso. King was not permitted to introduce this bill, and on February 1, when another bill for granting the President three million dollars came up for discussion in the House Wilmot, in spite of the promise made to Polk, moved to amend the bill by adding his anti-slavery proviso.^' When informed of King's bill Polk noted in his diary : The slav\'ery question is assuming a fearful & most important aspect. The movement of Mr. King to-day, if persevered in, Avill be attended with terrible consequences to the country, and cannot fail to destroy the Demo- cratic party, if it does not ultimately threaten the Union itself. [At the close of a cabinet meeting held on the following day, he again reverted to the subject.] Slavery has no possible connection Avith the Mexican War, and with making peace with that country. Should any territory be acquired by a Treaty with Mexico, Congress will have the full power to raise the question of slavery in it upon the organization of a territorial Government in it, or upon its admission as a state of the Union. Its introduction in con- nection with the Mexican War is not only mischievous but wicked. It is, moreover, practically an abstract question. There is no probability that any territoiy will ever be acquired from Mexico in which slavery could ever exist. Buchanan expressed himself as willing to extend the Missouri Compromise line to the Pacific, and in this view all other mem- bers of the cabinet agreed. Polk declined to commit himself on this method of dealing with the subject, although urged to do so by both Buchanan and Walker. "Though willing myself," said he, "to assent to the proposition, I was not ready, until I saw further developments, to recommend it to Congress as the policy of the administration." On the same evening he presented the 17 Cong. Globe, 29 Cong., 2 sess., 105, 303. 620 JAMES K. POLE proposition to Benton in order to see if it would meet with his approval, but the Senator declined to give an immediate answer.^^ Wliile the President was not interested in the extension of slavery, he was, on the other hand, unable to appreciate the fact that there might be such a thing as honest opposition to the spread of that institution. Except as it affected party interests he seemed quite as indifferent toward the subject as Douglas was at a later date when he declared that he did not care whether slavery was "voted down or voted up." Polk attributed all agitation of the subject to the same cause that he attributed everything which thwarted his plans — a desire to promote the interests of candi- dates for the Presidency. Politicians of both parties and both sections were criticized for their unpatriotic conduct. Comment- ing on the delay in enacting war measures, he wrote in his diary : Even the question of slavery is thrown into Congress and agitated in the midst of a Foreign War for political purposes. It is brought forward at tlie North by a few ultra Northern members to advance the prospects of their favourite. No sooner is it introduced than a few ultra Southern members are manifestly well satisfied that it has been brought forward, because by seizing upon it they hope to array a Southern party in favour of their favourite candidate for the Presidency. There is no patriotism on either side, it is a most wicked agitation that can end in no good and must produce infinite mischief. i^ On the day after this was written he told Crittenden that I deprecated the agitation of the slavery question in Congress, and thougli a South- Western man & from a slave-holding State as Avell as him- self, 1 (lid not desire to acquire more Southern Territory than that which I had indicated [California and New Mexico], because I did not desire by doing so to give occasion for the agitation of a question which might sever and endanger the Union. 20 King's appro])riation bill, with the section prohibiting slavery in all territory to be acquired, not only raised the issue with i-espect to anticipated cessions from Mexico, but it affected also 18 Polk, Diary, IT, 304-309. At a meeting held on January 16 the cabinet again unanimously advised the extension of the 36° 30' line to the Pacific. TJ Polk, Diary, II, 348. 20 i^d., 350. SLAVERY AND TEBBITOBIAL GOVERNMENTS 621 the Oregon bill. It will be remembered that the twelfth section of the measure proposed by Douglas extended to Oregon the Ordinance of 1787. When the bill came up for discussion on January 14, 1847, Burt, of South Carolina, moved to amend this section by adding an explanatory statement to the effect that the restrictions of the Ordinance were extended to Oregon "inas- much as the whole of the said territory lies north of 36° 30' north latitude. ' '-^ While willing, apparently, to let slavery be excluded from Oregon, Burt nevertheless denied categorically the power of Congress to prohibit slavery in any state or territory. He argued at some length to prove that neither the Ordinance of 1787 nor the Missouri Compromise was a constitutional law. This denial of the federal government's power to exclude slavery from any territory was soon echoed by other southern members; consequently, an attempt was made to eliminate the prohibition from the Douglas bill or else to defeat it altogether. The President was embarrassed, and his opponents assisted, by the hearty support given to his policy of territorial acqui- sition by southern enthusiasts, both in Congress and in the press. For example, the Charleston Patriot trusted "that our southern Representatives will remember that this is a southern war," and the Charleston Courier asserted that the war would widen the field of southern enterprise and power." In the House, Seddon, of Virginia, declared King's bill to be grossly unconstitutional. "It more than violates a single specific clause of that instrument. It outrages its whole scope and spirit, and subverts the very basis of its being." Bedinger, of the same 21 Cong. Globe, 29 Cong., 2 sess., 178. tt . 189 9pp also 2. The f onner is quoted in Jay, Eevie^c ^J^^^^^;-;; J.^ i thus c u^ed other excerpts from southern papers t'^^^. .f^^^.";, j;^'i,^Me,i -o and every by Rathbun of New York: "Every battle fought "^ -W^^^;. , .^^^^^ dollar spent there, but insures the ^3^^*'°^"„''f„\'^^;t.U.re. An.l the widen the field of southern ^^t^P^f"'! P^^^J i? 'o^e in the Confed- first result will be to readjust the ^^^le balance ot g^^,^.^,„„,„, ,„ all eracy so as to give ns control «f^^' J/''^ f P/^'^"^^ the day of our de- timeto come. If the South be but true to them^eh e^ ^^ ^.^^^^ pression and suffering is gone, and gone forever (^ y above, 364). 622 JAMES K. POLK state, still loved the Union ; but he would cease to love his wife (if he had one), "if, like the farfamed Mrs. Caudle, she were forever taunting me with what she chose to regard as a great deformity and annoyance."-^ Should the North persist in its purpose to restrict slavery, he saw no remedy short of a disso- lution of the Union. During the debate on the Oregon bill Rhett, also, denied absolutely the power of Congress to exclude slavery from territories, for they belonged to the states and not to the United States. For that [Oregon] territory [said he], we care but little, since it is not probable that a single planter would ever desire to set his foot within its limits. But the right is important, because it applies to future acqui- sitions of territory; and by refusing to acknowledge the obligations of the Missouri compromise, you force open the whole question of power.21 The question of the control of Congress over slavery in ter- ritories came before the Senate by a more indirect route. On January 19, 1847, Sevier reported, from the Committee on For- eign Relations, a bill for granting the President three million dollars with which to conduct negotiations with Mexico. When it came up for discussion on February 1, Berrien, of Georgia, a southern Whig, gave notice of his intention to offer an amend- ment. His amendment, among other things, declared that "the war with Mexico ought not to be prosecuted by this Government with any view to the dismemberment of that republic, or the acquisition by conquest of any portion of her territory. ' ' A few days later Cass offered a substitute which authorized the Presi- dent to demand indemnity from Mexico. To those who desired an extension of slavery Berrien's amendment was quite as of- fensive, except in principle, as the Wilmot proviso itself ; for no acquisition of territory meant no extension of political power. During the debate, Berrien warned southerners that slavery 23 "These northern Mrs. Caudles," he continued, "will not let us rest by night or by day. We get no sleep for them! Their eternal din will drive us to distraction. They interfere with our domestic matters; they enter our very kitchens, and intrude upon our most sacred household affairs! " (Cong. Globe, 29 Cong., 2 sess., App., 86). For Seddon's remarks, see ibid:, 7(i. 2ilbid., 346. SLAVEBY AND TEBEITOBIAL GOVEENMENTS G23 would surely be excluded from all land acquired ; therefore botli the interest and the safety of the South "demands that we should oppose ourselves to any and every acquisition of territory." Berrien was not the only southern man who was averse to territorial acquisition. Whigs would naturally oppose any policy advocated by the administration, but there was a still more potent reason why certain Democrats, as well as Whigs, did not favor expansion. This reason was a conviction that slavery would be excluded ; and that while their section could not hope to gain any advantage, further agitation of the subject might result in a dissolution of the Union. Why, asked Morehead, of Kentucky, should a policy (of expansion) be followed which would pre- cipitate discord over slavery and probably destroy the institu- tion? In the House, Alexander H. Stephens vigorously opposed the acquisition of territory and gave as one of his reasons his fear of the results of slavery agitation. He had faith in the strength of the Union, but he had "no disposition to test its strengh by running against that rock upon which Mr. Jefferson predicted we should be finally wrecked." Calhoun joined the Whigs just mentioned in combating the President's expansion policy. He saw even more clearly tlian they did the approaching "irrepressible conflict." In a lugu- brious speech made in the Senate on February 24 he declared that Every Senator knows that I was opposed to the war; but none knows but myself the depth of that opposition. With my conception of its character and consequences, it was impossible for me to vote for it. . . . On the passage of the act recognizing the war, I said to many of my friends that a deed had been done from which the country would not be able to recover for a long time, if ever; and added, it has dropped a ^ curtain between the present and the future, which to me is impenetrable; and for the first time since P have been in public life, I am unable to see the future. I also added, that it has closed the first volume of our political ,i history under the Constitution, and opened the second, and that no mortal could tell what would be written in it. . . . Since then less than a year has elapsed; but in that short period enough has already been devolopod to make what was then said look like prophecy.^'- 25 Cong. Glohe, 29 Cong., 2 sess., 500. Also, Calhoun, irorls, IV, 371. 624 JAMES E. POLK The thing which had developed, of course, was the inclination of tlie North to resist tlie spread of slavery, and Calhoun fully realized that that section possessed the power if the people should decide to make use of it. His first remedy for the impending disaster was to prevent, if possible, the acquisition of more ter- ritory. Later, when he became convinced that this could not be done, he felt constrained to deny that Congress possessed the power to restrict the institution. Already, indeed, Calhoun had been offered an opportunity for asserting the latter doctrine. On February 15 Douglas had attempted in the House to extend the Missouri Compromise line through the territory to be acquired, as an alternative to ex- cluding slavery from all of it. His amendment for this purpose was rejected by a considerable majority. Four days after this action had been taken, Calhoun announced in the Senate that he was "against any compromise line." He had always, he said, considered the Missouri Compromise to have been a great error, although he had acquiesced in respecting it in order to preserve peace. But since its rejection as a solution of the new territorial question, he was now ready to insist upon the full rights of the South in all territories. An enumeration of these rights he em- bodied in a series of resolutions which Benton was unkind enough to call a "string of abstractions." In substance the resolutions declared territories to be the property of the several states, con- sequently Congress did not possess the constitutional power to prevent a citizen of a state from migrating with his slaves to any of the territories.^*' The real reason why Calhoun and his supporters felt obliged to abandon the historic method of compromise and to deny the power of Congress over slavery in territories is obvious ; they were confronted by a condition of affairs which had never before existed. In all land previously acquired slavery was already established, therefore the institution might continue unless 20 Cong. Globe, loc. cit., 453-455. Calhoun, Worls, IV, 339-349. SLAVE BY AND TEEBITOEIAL GOVERNMENTS 625 specifically prohibited by Congress. In the proposed acquisition slavery had been abolished by Mexican law, and, according to international custom, this law would continue in force until sup- planted by positive legislation on the subject by the United States. Now Congress had never specifically authorized slavery anywhere, and there could be no hope that it would do so in the present instance. Consequently a new doctrine must be promulgated; it must deny the power of Congress to exclude slave property from land which belonged to the several states. For the sake of consistency the doctrine must apply to Oregon as well as to the proposed Mexican cession.-" The issue was now squarely joined. The advocates of the Wilmot proviso claimed full i)ower to ex- clude slavery from all territories, while Calhoun and his ad- herents denied in toto the existence of such a power. After Congress had adjourned, Benton told his constituents that at last extremes had met — Calhoun and the abolitionists had joined hands in subverting the Union.^* Congress adjourned on March 3, 1847, without having pro- vided a government for Oregon. A bill for this purpose had passed the House on January 16, but on the last day of the session it was laid on the table by the Senate. Under Polk's direction, 27 The Baltimore American, Feb. 17, 1847, pointed out very clearly why southern members, after applauding the plan suggested by Cass, Buchanan, and Dickinson for letting the people of the territories decide the question, turned suddenly to oppose it. "To leave to the territories themselves the absolute decision of the existence of slavery upon their soil, might do very well if slavery had been previously established there, as was the case when Louisiana was purchased, when Florida was acquired, and when Texas was annexed. But in the present case it would not do. The old formula must be changed. The long and fondly cherished doctrine of state sovereignty, so conveniently inchoate in a territory as the germ of a state— even this must be abandoned." Quoted in Niles' Beg., Feb. 19, 1848, LXXIII, 392. 28 The Calhoun resolutions, said he, "go the precise length of the northern abolitionists, and with the same practical consequence, only in a reversed form. The abolition creed is, that the admission of slavery in any part of the Union is a violation of the constitution, and a dissolution of the Union; the new resolutions declare that the prohibition of slavery in any territory of the Union is a violation of the constitution and the rights of the states, and a subversion of the I^nion! So true it is. that extremes meet, and that all fanaticism, for or against any ilonma, termi- nates at the same point of intolerance and defiance" (speech at St. Louis (no date given), quoted in NUes' Reg., June 5, 1847, 223). 626 JAMES E. POLK Buchanan expressed to the people of Oregon the President's re- gret because they had been left by Congress without a govern- ment. Ignoring tlie real difificulty, Buchanan stated that the failure of Congress to act had not resulted from indifference to the interests of the territory, but to a pressure of business Avhich did not allow time to perfect the details of the bill!-** Just be- fore adjourning, however, Congress passed the "three million bill" which enabled the President to use this sum in conducting negotiations with Mexico. As we have seen, efforts were made to attach to this bill either the Wilmot proviso or an extension of the Missouri compromise line, but all such restrictions were rejected. During the session which had just closed Calhoun felt that he had attained a commanding position. ' ' My friends, ' ' he wrote, "think I never stood higher, or stronger than I now do"; and he was ' ' now certain that there will be no more Baltimore nomi- nations, or if there should be, the nominee will be assuredly de- feated. ' ' Through Benton, he said, the administration was trying to build up the old Van Buren party, but their efforts would end in failure.^° After Congress had adjourned, he went home to begin an active compaign for uniting the South in defense of slavery. He desired, first of all, to prevent the reelection of Polk, or the election of any of his adherents ; if Calhoun himself could not be elected, he was ready to support General Taylor.^^ It is interesting to note that while northern Whigs and "proviso" Democrats were denouncing the President as a slavery extension- ist, Calhoun and his supporters were identifying him with Van Buren and other enemies of ' ' southern institutions. ' ' 20 Buchanan, Works, VII, 258. 30 Calhoun to Thos. G. Clemson, Jan. ?,0, 1847, in Eep. Am. Hist. Ass7i., 1899,11,717. 31 "The days of hunkerism is numbered. Mr. Polk is the last of the dynasty. It never can rise ajiain to power. ... As niueh as I am op- posed to military chieftains for presidents, I shall, thus thinking, be content to see him [Taylor] elected against Mr. Polk, or anv one, who contributed to make the war; and, let me add, against the nominee of a convention, cither democrat, or Whig" (Calhoun to Clemson, May 6, 1847, ibid., 728). > J , - , SLAVERY AND TEBRITOEIAL GOVERNMENTS 627 Early iu April the President was informed by his Secretary of the Navy that Calhoun was soliciting signatures for an address to the people on the subject of slavery. "I remarked to Mr. Mason, ' ' says the Diary, that Mr. Calhoun had become perfectly desperate in his aspirations to the Presidency, and had seized upon this sectional question as the only means of sustaining himself in his present fallen condition, and that such an agitation of the slavery question was not only unpatriotic and mis- chievous, but wicked. He was as little pleased with a story told by Benton to the effect that the supporters of Silas Wright "would be rejoiced at the opportunity to take issue with Mr. Calhoun on such a question." The truth is, [he continued], there is no patriotism in eitlier faction of the party. Both desire to mount slavery as a hobby, and hope to secure the election of their favourite upon it. They will both fail and ought to. The people of the U. States, I hope, will east off all such intrigues, and make their own selection for the Presidency, and this if they are wise they will do. I now entertain a worse opinion of Mr. Calhoun than I have ever done before. He is wholly selfish, I am satisfied has no patriot- ism. A few years ago he was the author of Nullification & threatened to dissolve the Union on account of the tariff. During my administration the reduction of duties which he desired has been obtained, and he can no longer complain. No sooner is this done than he selects slavery upon which to agitate the country, and blindly mounts that topic as a hobby. Gov. Wright 's friends in Congress as unpatriotieally have shown by their course that they desire to mount the same hobby in the North and hope to be successful by their opposition to slavery. They both forget that the Constitution settles [those] questions which were the subjects of mutual concession between the North and South. I am utterly disgusted at such intriguing men in high place, & hope they will be rebuked by the people.32 32 Polk, Diani, II, 457-459. Although Polk was wrong in attributing the sectional discord wholly to President-making, it was true that the slavery question was being used on both sides of Mason and D'xon s line to break down party lines and to solidify public o].inion either for or against the "peculiar institution." A few months later Holmes of S. C, wrote- "I wish the Southern Eepresentatives would consent to act to- gethe; without regard to Whig or Democrat. The Wilmot .T-roj'so'^ paramount to all Party. We are in great danger. The North ^^^^^oU'f to crush Slavery-are we equally in the South resolved at f )ff''^^ defend it?" (Holmes to Cobb, Aug. 21, 1847, in Rep. of Am. Hist. Assn. 1911, II, 88). c 628 JAMES K. POLK What the President desired most of all was to eliminate the slavery question entirely and to have Congress confine its atten- tion to the policies of his administration. However, since the slavery question had emerged, he could not maintain simply a negative attitude with respect to it. He was compelled, against his will, to adopt some positive program for dealing with slavery in the territories. As early as January 5, 1847, the cabinet sug- gested an extension of the Missouri Compromise line, but at that time Polk declined to commit himself."^ About a week after the cabinet had made this suggestion Atocha appeared in "Washington and the prospect of an early acquisition of Mexican territory seemed brighter. Since Congress I)ersisted in discussing slavery, some positive plan on the part of the administration seemed desirable. In his diary for January 16 Polk lamented that the session was nearly half over and that Congress, instead of enacting necessary military measures, was engaged in " a worse than useless discussion about slavery. ' ' He and the cabinet deprecated this discussion, but "all feared it would be impossible now to arrest it." Although every member of the cabinet advised an extension of the 36° 30' line through the territory to be acquired, Polk was not ready to commit him- self to this solution."* In fact, the President does not seem to have decided upon any definite policy during the session, although he intimated to Crittenden that the Missouri Compromise line would be extended ;^^ and as Congress voted the three million dollars without attaching the Wilmot restriction, slavery for the time being ceased to be a vital question. In June, the President decided to made a tour of the north- eastern states. Although we have no direct evidence that polit- ical considerations induced him to make this decision, it is quite 33 See above, p. 619. 34 Polk, Diary, II, 335. s-"' He told Crittenden that the slavery question in California and New Mexico would not be a practical one '"because there would be but a narrow ribbon of territory South of the Missouri compromise line" (Diary, Jan. 23, II, 350). SLAVEBT AND TEREITOEIAL GOVERNMENTS 629 probable that he hoped, by making the journey, to retain tlie support of northern Democrats and to prevent further defections on account of slavery agitation. Among those who accompanied him was Edmund Burke, commissioner of patents and liis close personal friend. No doubt Burke voiced the President's views when, on the eve of the journey, he told Franklin Pierce that the signs of the times portended a coalition of the South and West against the North. He attributed this state of affairs to the "foolish course" pursued by the "proviso" Democrats; "it is clear that the Northern and Southern Democracy are now divided, a consummation which the federalists of the North have sought for fifty years to accomplish."^*' Polk did not, during the sum- mer, decide upon any definite policy with respect to slavery in the territories, though his approval (somewhat reluctant, to be sure) of Buchanan's open espousal of an extension of the 36° 30' line indicated that he would not oppose this plan as a solution of the question.^'^ When Congress convened in December, 1847, the President, in his third annual message, informed that body of the failure of Trist's mission. He recommended that California and New Mexico should be retained permanently by the United States and that Congress should at once provide each of these territories with a civil government. In this connection he made no allusion to slavery, but he concluded his message by quoting Washington's admonition regarding the value of union and the calamity of sectional controversies. How unimportant [said Polk] are all our differences of opinion upon minor questions of public policy compared with its preservation, and how scrupulously should we avoid all agitating topics which may tend to dis- tract and divide us into contending parties, separated by geographical lines, whereby it may be weakened or endangered. On December 8, two days after Congress had convened, the Vice-President laid before the Senate a memorial from the Oregon 36 Burke to Pierce, June 21, 1847, Pierce Papers. 37 Polk, Diary, III, 142. Buchanan to Berks County Democrats (Bu- chanan, TVorl-s, VII, 385). 630 JAMES K. POLK "Legislative Assembly" praying for the confirmation of their land titles and for the adoption of measures to promote education. Til is assembly had been created by the people of Oregon, without autliority from the United States government. The movement to establish a temporary government began as early as 1843, and one section of the ' ' Organic Laws ' ' prohibited slavery.^^ On December 14, before any consideration had been given to this memorial, Dickinson, of New York, submitted resolutions which attempted to define the policy of the government for both acquiring and governing territories. They asserted that "true policy" required the United States to strengthen its political and commercial relations on the continent by the acquisition of con- tiguous territory, and that in all such territories the people should be left free to settle ' ' all questions concerning the domestic policy therein, ' ' without any restrictions imposed by the federal govern- ment. In other words, Dickinson advocated the ' ' popular sover- eignty" program which Douglas later mounted as a hobby in 1854. In his well-known "Nicholson letter" Cass made a bid for the Presidential nomination by casting doubt on the power of Congress over slavery in territories and by espousing the doc- trine of "popular sovereignty."^^ The Dickinson resolutions were followed by others in which individual Senators endeavored to commit the government to what each deemed to be the "true policy" respecting territories. One offered by Calhoun opposed holding Mexico as a province, or incorporating it into the Union. As a substitute for the Dickin- son plan, Yulee, of Florida, offered a resolution which declared that territory owned or to be acquired by the United States ' ' is the conniion pi-operty of the Union," and that neither the federal nor the territorial government can prevent any citizen from enjoy- ing full rights therein. Hale, of New Hampshire, offered another substitute which purposed to exclude slavery entirely from lands 38 Gray, Eistori/ of Oregon, chaps, xiii-xiv. 30 Cass to A. O. P. Nicholson, Dec. 24, 1847. Printed in Niles' Beg., Jan. 8, 1848, LXXIII, 293. SLAVEBY AND TEEBITOBIAL GOFEENMENTS 631 that might be acquired. All of these proposals were defeated, yet they afforded an opportunity for airing divergent views and for illustrating the impossibility of arriving at any practical settlement of the slavery question. On January 10, 1848, Senator Douglas presented a bill for establishing a territorial government in Oregon, and on February 9 Caleb Smith, of Indiana, reported from the House Committee on Territories a bill for the same purpose. Both measures were referred to committees, and for some time war legislation pre- cluded their consideration. The Douglas bill did not come before the Senate until May 31, and then Hale moved to amend by adding section twelve of the Senate bill of the last session — the section which extended to Oregon the Ordinance of 1787. Calhoun opposed the inclusion of a slavery restriction, while others like Hannegan and Benton thought such restriction to be unnecessary, since slaves would never be taken to Oregon. Benton was unwilling to have neces- sary legislation delayed by the introduction of this "pestiferous question." He was especially anxious that military protection should be extended immediately to the people of Oregon. But Hale was obdurate, and insisted upon a positive prohibition of slavery. "If this Union," said he, "with all its advantages, has no other cement than the blood of human slavery, let it perisli ! ' ' When the discussion was resumed on June 5, Foote moved to amend by inserting in section twelve the words: "provided the same [the slavery restriction] be compatible with the laws and Constitution of the United States." In this way he undoubtedly hoped to obtain a "Dred Scott decision" at that early date. After Underwood, of Kentucky, had denied the authority of Congress to interfere with local institutions and Baldwin, of Connecticut, had declared that slaves were held solely by state laws and lliat when a slave left the confines of a slave state— even if accompa- nied by his master on a temporary sojourn— "his shackles fell off," Badger, of North Carolina, offered, as a substitute for 632 JAMES E. POLK Foote's proposal, a proviso which would exempt the people of Oregon from the operation of the sixth article (the one prohibit- ing slavery) of the Ordinance of 1787. Foote accepted the modi- fication. After considerable discussion this amendment was with- drawn by the mover on June 23, and Davis, of Mississippi, pre- sented another w^hich asserted that nothing in the bill should be so construed as to prohibit slavery in Oregon while it remained a territory. After a long delay the House, on March 28, proceeded to consider Caleb Smith's Oregon bill. In a most ingenious speech Gayle, of Alabama, asserted that all laws by which Congress had excluded slavery from territories had been based on precedent merely and had not been authorized by the Constitution. He held that territories were legally states before entering the Union ;**' on the other hand, he denied that their government thereby possessed the power to exclude slavery. In reply. Smart, of Maine, declared that Congress not only had the power but was bound by the will of the majority to prevent slavery from entering all territories. The President, as we have seen, was reluctant to announce a definite policy regarding slavery in territories, even though the Van Burenites believed this to be the issue nearest liis heart. *^ Both he and his cabinet opposed the Wilmot proviso,^- and, since a negative policy could not be pursued indefinitely, Polk at last decided to advocate an extension of the Missouri Compromise line. 40< terminate without passing the appropriation bill. The joint rule wTsuspended and both bills presented for his approval. A "s about to affix his signature, Calhoun askc.l him iio to ::.ignhisreasonsinamessage^butther^^^^^^ ::" wirprtld for time that it adjourned in confusion without having reacUh. ^^^^Z he had signed the Trpo^Dmry, IV, 70-74. 58 Ihid., 74-77. 642 JAMES K. POLK left without governments, because Oregon urgently needed legal organization and protection. Turning to the cause of sectional discord, lie thus stated the position of the slaveholder : In the progress of all governments (juestions of such transcendent importance occasionally arise as to east in the shade those of a mere party character. But one such question can now be agitated in this country, and this may endanger our glorious Union, the source of our greatness and all our political blessings. This question is slavery. With the slave- holding States this does not embrace merely the rights of property, how- ever valuable, but it ascends far higher, and involves the domestic peace and security of every family. After commending the "mutual concession" shown by the fram- ers of the Constitution in dealing with the subject of slavery, as well as the compromise adjustments of the Missouri and Texas questions, he stated that he had not felt at liberty to withhold his approval of the Oregon bill, because all of the territory lay north of 36° 30'. "Had it embraced territories south of that compromise," he continued, "the question presented for my con- sideration would have been of a far different character, and my action upon it must have corresponded with my convictions. ' ' Since the extension of the Missouri Compromise line would leave but a small area in which the people might hold slaves, if they saw fit, "is this a question to be pushed to such extremities by excited partisans on the one side or the other, in regard to our newly acquired distant possessions on the Pacific, as to endanger the Union of thirty glorious States, which constitute our Con- federacy r'=^« Nowhere in his political career did Polk speak so emphati- cally as a southern man as he did in this message, and yet, as we have just noted, Calhoun tried to dissuade him from sending it to the House. It is unlikely, even at this time, that Polk was desirous of spreading slavery, but he feared that unless some con- cession were made to the South a dissolution of the Union w'ould 50 Richardson, Messages, IV, 606-609. SLAVERY AND TEBEITOEIAL GOVEENMENTS 643 result. His desire for some immediate and permanent settlement of the slavery controversy was intensified by the defection of the Barnburners and the consequent weakening of the Democratic party. If the vexed question could not be settled during his administration there was, in his opinion, grave danger that no adjustment could be made which the South would accept. Chagrined because the Van Buren Democrats had cooperated with the Whigs in defeating the California and New Mexico ter- ritorial bills, he resolved, as soon as Congress had adjourned, to punish leading Barnburners for inciting insurrection in Demo- cratic ranks. His punitive measures must of necessity be con- fined to persons actually holding offices, and of these the most objectionable was Benjamin F. Butler, whom he had made United States Attorney for the southern district of New York. At the Barnburner convention, which had recently met at Buffalo to nominate Van Buren, Butler had made a speech in which he had denounced the administration and had practically defied the President to remove him. Polk accepted the challenge and sum- marily removed Butler from office. He would not have removed the attorney ' ' for his mere opinions upon abstract questions, nor for his free expression of them," but Butler's action in throwing obstacles in the way of successful administration of the govern- ment had forfeited his right to an office of honor and profit. In Polk 's opinion, Butler was now ' ' one of the worst enemies of the Democratic party and its principles in the Union, ' ' and his news- paper organs in New York were more hostile to the administration than any of the Whig papers r Indeed the whole party of Barn-burners in New York, of whi.-h Mr. Butler is a leading & controlling member, are not only abusive of me & my administration, but they seem to challenge and defy me to remove Mr. Butler, in the hope, no doubt, that they may enlist the public sym- pathy over him as a martyr for opinion's sake. By his removal to-day I have gratified [them], & they may make the most of it.oo 60 Polk, Diary, Sept. 1, 1848, IV, 114-115. 644 JAMES K. POLE The harrowing question of slavery in the territories could not be disposed of so easily as could obnoxious office holders. As soon as Congress had adjourned, the redoubtable Missouri Sen- ator gave the President new cause of annoyance by writing an officious letter to the people of California. Benton informed the Californians that since Congress had failed to legislate for them they were without a lawful government.'^^ Therefore he exhorted them to meet in convention and frame a government under which they could take care of themselves until Congress should act. He sketched the type of government which would suit their pur- poses and suggested that a governor would be necessary to ad- minister it. The Senate, he said, had voted seven million dollars to pay the people of California for miltiary services, but the bill for this purpose had been killed in the House committee by lies against Colonel Fremont. Polk was much perturbed by this letter and sought advice from his cabinet as to the best means of counteracting its influ- ence. Without admitting that the governments established in the new territories had "been void from the beginning" he was aware that the military governments had "ceased to exist" and that "the Executive had no authority to organize a civil Govern- ment over them." Benton's "extraordinary letter," he told the cabinet, had been sent to California by Col. Fremont, the son-in-law of the writer, and the inference is ]tlain enough that he means they shall make Col. Fremont the Governor of the Independent Government they shall form. Indeed I think it pretty clear that this was the main object. He believed that the Secretary of State should inform the Cali- fornians, by letter, that the President w-ould urge Congress to «i"The edicts promulgated by your temporary Governors (Kearny and Mason, each an ignoramous) so far as these edicts went to change the laws of the land, are null and void, and were so from the beginning. . . . "Having no lawful government, nor lawful officers, you can have none that can have authority over you except by your own consent. Its sanc- tion must be in the will of the majority" (Benton to the People of Cali- fornia, Aug. 27, 1848. Printed in Niles' Beg., LXXIV, 244. Also in Alia California, Jan. 11, 1849). SLAVEET AND TEBBITOEIAL GOFEBNMENTS 645 frame a government for them, and that they "need not be de- ceived by the semi-official and officious proclamation of Senator Benton. ' '"- A few days later the matter was again brought before the cabinet, and the more the subject was discussed the greater number of legal difficulties did it present. Polk thought it probable that the military government in California was still "a Government de facto," yet he was not certain that the Presi- dent could enforce obedience to it. Toucy, the Attorney General, thought that "the sovereignty of the territory rested in the people, and that they could, in the absence of the action of Congress, govern themselves as they chose. ' ' Mason and Walker believed that the sovereignty rested with the people of the United States and that Toucy 's view would permit even the establish- ment of a monarchy. "I stated," wrote Polk, that it was a subject which from its novelty was surrounded with many diifieulties, but I thought instructions could be prepared which would avoid the decision of any abstract, doubtful question. He instructed Buchanan to tell the people that they had no right, under the Constitution, to abrogate their de facto govern- ment and form one of their own. These views were embodied in a letter written by the Secretary of State and intrusted to William V. Voorhies, who was about to set out for California in the capacity of postal agent for that territory."^ The election of a Whig President made Polk more anxious than ever for an adjustment of the territorial question during his own term of office. His fourth annual message contained an urgent plea for the immediate establishment of civil govern- ments in New Mexico and California. The reasons for the failure to do this at the last session, he said, "are well known and deeply to be regretted, ' ' and it would be irrational further to agitate a domestic question whicli is coeval with the existence of the government itself. 62 Polk, Diary, IV, 135-138. ,0 Cong., 2 sess., 561. SLAFEET AND TEBEITOEIAL GOVERNMENTS 653 thereby to force the President either to accept the proviso or to veto the entire appropriation bill. When informed of this rumor by Venable, of North Carolina, Polk announced that he Avould veto an application of the proviso to territory south of 36° 80', no matter in what form it might be presented to him. In a slightly altered form, the Walker amendment was passed by a bare majority of the Senate on February 26; on the following day, by a vote of 126 to 87, the House passed its own bill by which slavery was excluded from the territories. Only a few more days of the session remained and nothing short of a miracle seemed likely to break the deadlock of the two houses ; and unless some adjustment could be made the gov- ernment would be left without funds. On March 2 the House rejected the Walker amendment, and on the next day — the last of the session — a conference committee of the two houses reported its inability to agree upon any plan of settlement. The appro- priation bill would now be lost unless the Senate should consent to eliminate the Walker amendment. Officially, the session ex- pired at twelve o'clock on March 3, but the Senate indulged in a heated debate — even fist-fights" — until daybreak on March 4 without coming to an agreement. Hunter, of Virginia, was ready to let the government go without funds rather than sacrifice southern rights, while Douglas believed a government for Cali- fornia to be more important than either. Polk had come to the capitol armed with a message with which he intended to veto the Wilmot proviso if it should be attached to the Walker amendment. Late at night be was told that the House had voted to amend the Walker amendment by a provision which declared the laws of Mexico to be in force until altered by Congress. The effect of this provision, as Polk at once saw, would be to sanction the law by which Mexico had abolished slavery. Buchanan, Walker, Marcy, and Toucy advised him to sign the bill if it should be presented in this 7 7 Mann, Life of Horace Mann, 277. 654 JAMES K. POLK form. "They drew a distinction, which I did not perceive," wrote the President, "between the amendment in this form and the Wilmot Proviso." Mason, on the contrary, advised him to veto the bill, while Johnson thought that he had no right to take any action, since his term of office had expired. Members of Congress came to the President in excitement and asked him to veto any bill containing the House provision. After telling them that he had already decided to do so he began to alter his veto message so as to meet the new situation. ' ' It was a moment of high responsibility," says the Diary, "perhaps the highest of my official term. I felt the weight most sensibly, but resolved to pursue the dictates of my own best judgement and to do my duty." About four o'clock in the morning he retired to his hotel, and two hours later he was aroused by a committee from the two houses of Congress. Having reported that both the Walker amendment and the House provision had been eliminated, the committee presented for his signature a simple appropriation bill and another for extending federal revenue laws over Cali- fornia. He signed these, although he had some doubt that he was still President of the United States; the appropriations were saved, but California and New Mexico were still without governments.'^* As a believer in territorial expansion, if for no other reason, Polk was sorely disappointed because Congress had not given governments to these territories, for apparently he fully believed that the Whigs would acquiesce in their separation from the United States. He had some reason for this belief, although it is evident that he attached too much importance to statements made by certain members of this party. For example, when he asked Senator Clarke, of Rhode Island, to save California to the Union by supporting the bill for admitting her as a state, the Senator replied with indifference : "Let her go." In the House, Alexander H. Stephens tried to block the payments to Mexico for ■s Polk, Diary, IV, 362-369. Cong. Globe, 30 Cong., 2 sess., 682-698. SLAVEBY AND TERBITOEIAL GOVEENMENTS G55 the territories, and when Buchanan remonstrated with him he answered that he was opposed to retaining those lands."" Polk was disposed to accept these utterances as indicative of the Whig policy because, as he said, the "Federalists" had always been averse to expansion. As if to cap the climax, Taylor, as the two men rode together in the inaugural procession, stated his belief that Oregon and Califonia were too far distant to become members of the Union and that it would be better for them to form an independent government of their own. Doubtless Polk was not surprised to hear these remarks from the Whig leader, nevertheless he thought that they were "alarming opinions to be entertained by the President of the U. S." and he hoped that they had not been well considered. Gen '1 Taylor is, I have no doubt, a well meaning old man. He is, however, exceedingly ignorant of public affairs, and, I should judge, of very ordinary capacity. He will be in the hands of others, and must rely -wholly upon his Cabinet to administer the Government.*" Such was his opinion of a successor whom he had never met until a few days before this. He did not foresee that Taylor would develop very decided views on the territorial question and that he would, in effect, adopt Polk's own latest policy of having both California and New Mexico admitted as states. 79 Polk, Diary, IV, 294, 300. ^(^ Ibid., 375-376. Taylor's attitude toward California was not new. He had opposed the acquisition of this country while he was fighting in Mexico (Taylor to Wood, Aug. 23, 1846, Taylor Letters, 49). CHAPTER XXIII TARIFF, INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS, AND THE INDEPENDENT TREASURY Throughout his political career Polk had been a consistent opponent of, protective tariff, and of internal improvements undertaken by the federal government. He believed the so-called "American System" to be decidedly un-American — a breeder of extravagance and a menace to the constitutional rights of the states. Entering Congress at the same time that John Quincy Adams became President, he took a vigorous stand against that administration, particularly against its advocacy of internal im- provements. His views on this subject, as well as on others, accorded with those of General Jackson with whom he main- tained an intimate correspondence.^ In his first annual message, Jackson stated his opinions con- cerning both tariff and internal improvements. He regretted that nations did not, by common consent, see fit to abolish all trade restrictions ; as they did not, he was in favor of adjusting the tariff in a "manner best calculated to avoid serious injury and to harmonize the conflicting interests of our agriculture, our commerce, and our manufactures." He urged that the public debt be extinguished at the earliest possible date and that all revenue not otherwise needed be applied to this purpose. As there seemed likely to be a permanent surplus revenue after the national debt had been paid he was in favor of distributing this among the states, since internal improvements undertaken by 1 In a letter to Polk, Jackson, after expressing friendship for and approval of Polk, stated that "I am sure the general government has no right to make internal improvements within a state, without its consent first had & obtained" (Jackson to Polk, Dec. 4, 1826, Poll- Papers). TARIFF AND INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS 657 the federal government were considered to be both inexpedient and unconstitutional. All loyal adherents of the President ac- cepted this announcement as the party program. Polk 's utterances in Congress at this time were in full accord with Jackson's message. On December 30, when the House was discussing the expediency of distributing among the states the proceeds from the sale of public lands, he opposed such a dis- tribution as premature, since the public debt had not yet been paid. After it had been paid, he favored distributing the sur- plus among the states rather than have Congress spend it on public improvements.- When discussing the Maysville road bill, which Jackson vetoed later, Polk expressed himself as "opposed altogether to this system of appropriations for sectional pur- poses." He "conceived these applications to be most pernicious in their tendencies, and unconstitutional in principle." The country, he said, "looked to the present Executive for tlie adoption of a system of economy and retrenchment," a system entirely out of harmony with the purposes of this bill. During the same session a proposal to allow a drawback on rum made from imported molasses gave him a chance to assert that he was "upon principle opposed to the whole system of the protecting policy called tariff. ' '^ Always an advocate of strict economy, Polk, while a member of congress, did not hesitate to apply this rule to small as well as to large expenditures. At the risk of being considered "un- gracious" he opposed, in 1831, a resolution for giving thirty cords of wood to the suffering poor of Georgetown. The fact that Congress was the legislature of the District of Columbia did not, in his opinion, entitle it to give the national revenue to the inhabitants. Should it adopt such a practice "the poor of the other sections of the country had nothing to do but to come and sit down here, in this District, and apply to Congress for relief." The resolution was passed, but a year later he succeeded in 2Abriclg. of Deb., X, 594. ^ Ibid., 677-678, XI, 67. 658 JAMES K. FOLK defeating a semi-philanthropic project to pay forty thousand dollars to certain persons for giving instruction in silk culture. It was absurd, said he, to appropriate public money for such purposes.* In 1832 Polk was made chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means. In this position his most difficult task was the man- agement of Jackson 's war on the bank, but he had also to super- vise all questions of finance. His attempts to enforce economy very naturally led his opponents to charge him with arbitrary conduct. In 1834 Adams accused him of attempting to force the general appropriation bill through without adequate discus- sion, while Lincoln, of Massachusetts, charged him with trying to starve the opposition into submission.^ Criticism did not deter him; he persisted in his opposition to unnecessary appro- priations and in many cases was able to carry his point. For example, he advocated, and successfully carried, a reduction in the appropriation for the Cumberland road from $652,00 to $300,000.** This was a triumph for economy, and a damper on internal improvements as well. As early as 1832 Clay became interested in a scheme to dis- tribute among the states the proceeds from the sale of public lands. Successive bills to effect his purpose met with disaster — one by the President's veto — and during the session of 1835- 1836 another distribution bill was "introduced. It passed the Senate and was brought up in the House on June 7, 1836. A motion made to refer it to the Committee of the Whole for dis- cussion r-eceived a vote of 97 to 96. Polk, who was then Speaker of the House, added his vote to the minority and prevented a * Ibid., XI, 306-307, 691-693. 5 "The chairman of the Coinniittee of Ways and Means," said Lincoln on April 2.5, 1834, "came into this House when we had got only to. the 4.5th line of this bill, with the declaration that he was determined'to press this bill through before the House adjourned. We were in consequence kept here eight or nine hours without refreshment, and exhausted by the fruitless efforts of the honorable chairman to accomplish his purpose! ' ' Cong. Globe, 23 Cong., 1 sess., 340, 347, 461. TARIFF AND INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS 659 reference to the committee." This particular measure was laid on the table. Another bill was introduced in the House which, instead of giving the surplus to the states, proposed to ' ' deposit ' ' it with them subject to recall. It passed both houses in this form, and while everybody knew that in all probability the money wovild never be recalled, the modification satisfied Jackson's scruples sufficiently to enable him to affix his signature. The money was to be deposited in four installments, beginning on January 1, 1837. The panic of 1837 which paralyzed all business activities soon after Van Buren's inauguration transformed the surplus into a deficit and created a demand for legislation to replenish and to safeguard the national treasury. The Whigs very natu- rally advocated a restoration of the Bank of the United States, but the Democrats, quite as naturally, could not think of re- habilitating the "monster" which they had so recently and so thoroughly crushed. Neither could the latter party rely any longer on "pet banks," for these too had gone down in the general crash. On May 15 Van Buren issued his proclamation, sunnnoning Congress to meet in extra session on the first Monday in Septem- ber. It convened on the appointed day and, on the first ballot, Polk was reelected Speaker over his Whig rival, John Bell. In the message which was submitted on September 5 the President, after calling attention to the financial distress of the nation, recommended legislation designed to separate government finances from all banks and to make the government the custodian of its own funds. The plan which he proposed was known officially as the "independent treasury," but it was more frequently called the "sub-treasury." Despite the vociferation against the continuance of the policy inaugurated by Jackson's "specie cir- cular," the President boldly insisted that government finances 7 This was a power of which a Speaker "rarely, if ever, avails him- self , "saicme National Intelligencer, June 9, 1836, in criticizing his act. 6(>0 JAMES E. POLK should be conducted on a hard money basis. Nearly a month before this message was submitted to Congress, General Jackson learned of the recommendations which Van Buren intended to make, and his approval is thus expresesd in a letter written to Polk: I have ree M lately some very pleasant information from the city — all is harmony and the object of the Executive is, or will be, to separate the Government from all Banks — collect & disburse the revenues by its own agents, — receipts of all public dues in gold & silver coin, leaving the Banks & the commercial community to manage their transactions in their own way.'' Polk, like Jackson, approved the sub-treasury plan ; on the other hand, it met with opposition even among Democrats in Tennesse(^'' Judge Catron believed that the government should be the custodian of its own money, for, ' ' I care not what private Banks you put it into, it will convert the keepers into Federalists in principle & practice in a few years" ;^° but his solution of the financial depression was a large emission of paper money. In the letter just quoted, he stated that a "Treasury circulation must be adopted," and, after reading Van Buren 's message, he pronounced the President's recommendations "sound in prin- ciple, but hardly possible in practice." The people, said he, are governed by habit and want paper money. They would not be able to understand Van Buren 's plan, and the "party will go down with it." A few weeks later he urged Polk to 8 Jackson to Polk, Aug. 6, 1837, Polk Papers. » In a letter, August 7, informing Polk of his overwhelming defeat in his race for Congress, W. C. Dunlap stated that every candidate for the state legislature favored some kind of a federal bank. James Walker in a letter to I'olk, August 27, stated that should the administration adopt the sub-treasury plan it would find itself in a minority in Tennessee (both letters in Polk Papers). io<'The treasury," he continued, "dare not pass from the majority, without power passing with it — the Treasury is the arm of power, as much in this Gov't as in any on Earth; the placing it in private hands, is to raise up a rival power in the place of the popular will — of numbers, which will govern in fact, in Congress, & out of it, by sops." TARIFF AND INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS 661 Strike boldly — it is your habit, & the means of your elevation; it is expected of you. Go for 30 or 40 millions, to be circulated fast as may be by the Govt — go for 20ties & over in gradations of tens. Strike out the interest feature — boldly declare that the farmers will hoard the notes bearing 5 per cent.n Polk did not adopt Catron's advice to strike out boldly for paper money. He agreed with Jackson and Van Buren in supporting a hard money policy, although his position as Speaker prevented him from taking an active part in the House debates. At its session of 1837-38 the Tennessee legislature instructed her United States Senators to vote against the sub-treasury bill ; and Cave Johnson reported that although he was heartily in favor of the measure, the people did not understand the new financial plan and consequently were opposed to it.^^ At the extra session of Congress a bill to create an inde- pendent treasury was introduced by Silas Wright, a close friend of the President ; it passed that body by a small majority, despite the vigorous opposition of both Webster and Clay. In the House it was laid on the table by the combined votes of Whigs and con- servatives. Nothing was done to relieve the financial situation except to postpone payment of the fourth installment under the distribution act and to authorize the emission of $10,000,000 in treasury notes to meet the present emergency. Van Buren renewed his recommendation, and at both regular sessions of the twenty-fifth Congress an independent treasury bill was intro- duced, but each time the plan was rejected. Not even a letter from "Old Hickory" in which he admitted the iniquity of the "pet banks" that he had selected as repositories and commended Van Buren 's plan, had weight enough to influence the vote.'^' With this Congress Polk closed his career as a legislator. He was fully in sympathy with the financial policy of the adminis- tration although, as he said in his farewell address, "a sense of 11 Catron to Polk, Sept. 2, Sept. 10, Sept. 27, 1837 Polk Papers^ 12 James Walker to Polk, Jan. 25, 1838; Cave Johnson to I oik. Mauh ''' ^JaclT ^^s Dawson, Dec. 17, 1837 iNUes' R,,, LIII, 314-3,.). 662 JAMES K. POLK propriety" had precluded him from taking part in the debates. The fact that he had once supported Jackson's state bank policy and now favored a divorce from all banks subjected him to severe criticism from opposition members of the House. Williams, of Tennessee, quoted a speech made by Polk during the session of 1834-35 as the best argument that could be made in favor of employing state banks and against such a fiscal agent as the independent treasury." After Polk had left Congress to become governor of Tennessee the independent treasury bill (but not under that name) passed both houses of the twenty-sixth Con- gress, only to be repealed by the victorious Whigs at the first session of the Harrison-Tyler administration. We have noted elsewhere that Polk's "Address to the People" by which he opened his canvass for the governorship of Tennessee dealt principally with national issues. It was an able state paper^-^ and, among other things, expressed his views on the "American System" and the independent treasury. One result of protective tariff, he said, ■was to take the property of one man and give it to another, Avithout right or consideration. It was to depreciate the value of the productive industry of one section of the Union and transfer it to another — it was to make the rich richer and the poor poorer. Another result of protection was the accumulation of unneces- sary funds in the national treasury, and means had to be devised to get rid of the money without lowering the tariff. ' ' This plan was soon found in an unconstitutional and gigantic system of internal improvements," and these were parceled out among communities where the tariff politicians hoped to get votes. 14" But all must now be abandoned," said Williams, "for the sub- Treasury scheme, even at the expense of a political somerset. What, Mr. Chairman, is this much-talked-of Sub-Treasury bill? It is simply to sub- stitute individuals in the place of banks as the fiscal agents of the Gov- ernment. I propose to adopt as my own Mr. Polk's speech, delivered at the session of 1834-5, against this change. It is an excellent argument; I cannot better it; let it speak for itself" (Cong. Globe (Feb. 22, 1839), 25 Cong., 3 sess., App., 372). !■'• See page 143 and note. TARIFF AND INTEENAL IMPEOVEMENTS 663 The assumptiou and. exercise of the power, by Federal authority, to construct works of internal improvement within the States, constituted an essential branch of the system of which Mr. Clay was the reputed father and head, and to which the popular but false name of the "Amer- ican System ' ' was given. It was an essential branch of the falsely called ' ' American System, ' ' because it was the great absorbent, the sponge which was to suck in and consume the excessive, unequal, unjust and oppressive exactions upon the people, and especially upon the people of the planting States, levied by a high protective tariff. High, unnecessary and oppressive taxes, levied by a high protective tariff — lavish and wasteful expenditures of the surplus money, by a gigantic system of internal improvement, and high prices of public lands, that emigration to the west might be checked — the laboring poor retained in the manu- facturing districts, in a state of dependence on their richer neighbors in whose employment they were, constituted Mr. Clay's far famed and miscalled ' * American System. ' ' The United States Bank, said he, was closely allied to the American System. By use of it "Federalism" saw the means, under another party name, to accomplish the "dangerous pur- poses" of Alexander Hamilton — "extending the power and patronage of the General Government, [and] corrupting the sources of Legislation." Banks, both federal and state, had "proved to be faithless fiscal agents," and therefore he now advocated the adoption by law of the independent treasury plan.^^ With the bank controversy of the Tyler administration which followed the repeal of the independent treasury act, Polk had nothing to do. His friend Catron still retained his belief in the virtue of paper money and thought that the Democratic party could regain control if it would take a stand in favor of some sort of a bank— something like the one proposed by Tyler, which would issue paper currency. The party, said he, could not hope to win by simply "offering nothing," and the sub-treasury had always been "an absurd shadow"; in addition, "the liard money plan is a theory-& deemed a feeble & exploded tlieory, by tlie people. "^^ Uninfluenced by Catron's arguments, Polk h.'ld 16 Copy in pamphlet form in Polk Papers. IT Catron to Polk, Jan. 2, 1842, Polk Papers. 664 JAMES K. POLK fast to his orthodox opinions. This fact is evidenced by his reply to a series of questions propounded by a group of persons in Memphis during his campaign for governor in 1843. He was in favor, he told them, of a sub-treasury and of metal money, although he did not object to a limited amount of paper cur- rency if issued by state banks. He was in favor, also, of a "moderate tariff," but for revenue purposes only.^* The Democratic platform of 1844 said nothing about tariff, except to reaffirm the very general plank in the platform of 1840; nevertheless this subject formed one of the issues of the campaign. The compromise tariff arranged by Clay and Cal- houn in 1833 as a settlement of the nullification trouble pro- vided for biennial reductions until 1842, after which it was to remain at a uniform rate of 20 per cent. In 1842, however, just as this rate was about to go into operation, a new act was passed which abandoned the Democratic revenue basis and fixed the rates in accordance with the Whig policy of protection. In addi- tion to protective tariff, the Whigs desired to enact Clay's pet measure of distributing among the states the money derived from the sale of public lands, but Tyler blocked this by insisting upon retaining the so-called safety-valve proviso which had been incorporated into the distribution law passed during the extra session of 1841.^^ It was well known that a revival of the policy of distribution and internal improvements would follow Whig success in 1844, consequently the Democrats, in the Baltimore platform, declared distribution to be both inexpedient and uncon- stitutional and reaffirmed the declaration of 1840 against internal improvements. Absence of any new tariff plank in the Democratic platform made it desirable for the candidate, Polk, to declare his views on the subject, and such a declaration was made in the "Kane letter" of June 19, 1844. As noted elsewhere, he expressed his IS Reply dated May 15, 1843. Printed in Nashville Union, June 2, 1843. li'This safety-valve provided that distribution should cease whenever the late should be raised above 20 per cent. TARIFF AND INTERNAL IMPEOVEMENTS 665 belief in revenue tariff, sufficient "to defray the expenses of the Government economically administered." In adjusting it, he believed in shaping the revenue laws so as to afford just pro- tection to the interests of the whole Union, "embracing agri- culture, manufactures, the mechanic arts, commerce and navi- gation." In other words, he adhered to the historic doctrines of his partj^ — tariff for revenue, M'ith incidental protection. To be sure, Cameron and others may have tortured this letter into a promise of protective tariff in order to delude Pennsylvanians and other tariff Democrats, but nothing in the Kane letter itself warranted such a construction. In his inaugural address President Polk reiterated his well- known views on the tariff. After quoting from his "Kane letter" he stated that, when levying duties, revenue should be the object and protection the incident : To reverse this principle and make protection the object and revenue the incident would be to inflict manifest injustice upon all other than protected interests. In levying duties for revenue it is doubtless i)roper to make such discriminations within the revenue principle as will afford incidental protection to our home interests. Within the revenue limit there is a discretion to discriminate; beyond that limit the rightful exercise of the power is not conceded. Soon after he had taken the oath of office, he announced to George Bancroft "the four great measures" of his administra- tion: first on the list came the reduction of the tariff; and second, the reestablishment of the independent treasury.^" Since Congress does not convene until December, his attention was first of all directed to foreign affairs; he did not, however, lose interest in these party measures, even in the midst of foreign complications. As early as October the President began to draft the part of his annual message relating to the tariff and the "Constitu- tional Treasury" as he preferred to designate what others called the independent or sub-treasury. His draft when submitte.l to 20 See Schouler, History of the United States, IV, 498. 66G JAMES K. POLK the cabinet Avas approved by all except Buchanan. The Secre- tary of State approved the recommendation to abolish the "minimum principle" and, in general, that of substituting ad valorem for specific duties, but thought that specific duties should be retained on certain articles such as iron, coal, and sugar.-^ Polk agi-eed to consider Buchanan's suggestions, but eventually he decided not to follow them. As submitted to Congress on December 2, 1845, the message invited the attention of that body to "the importance of making suitable modifications and reductions" in the existing tariff rates. All duties, he said, should be kept within a "revenue standard," consequently it was necessary to understand dis- tinctly what was meant by that terra. By specific illustrations he showed that revenue diminished or ceased after a certain rate had been reached, and the point at which it began to diminish was the maximum limit of the revenue standard. No rate should go beyond this point, and all duties within the revenue standard should be no higher than the expenses of the government should make necessary. Rates need not be uniform, for discrimination wdthin the revenue standard was permissible, but such discrimin- ation must be for the general welfare and not in favor of a particular industry or section. The tariff of 1842, he told Congress, violated the cardinal principles which he had laid down, because its object had been "protection merely" and not revenue. Its use of "minimums, or assumed and false values" and the imposition of specific duties had benefitted the rich and worked injustice to the poor. Such abuses should be remedied, and I recommend to Congress the abolition of the minimum principle, or assumed, arbitrary, and false values, and of specific duties, and the substitution in their place of ad valorem duties as the fairest and most equitable indirect tax which can be imposed. By the ad valorem principle all articles are taxed according to their cost or value, and those which are of inferior quality or of small cost bear only the just proportion of the 21 Polk, Diary, I, 85. TARIFF AND INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS 667 tax with those which are of superior quality or greater cost. The articles consumed by all are taxed at the same rate. A system of ad valorem revenue duties, with proper discriminations and proper guards against frauds in collecting them, it is not doubted will afford ample incidental advantages to the manufacturers and enable them to derive as great profits as can be derived from any other regular business. It is believed that such a system strictly within the revenue standard will place the manufacturing interests on a stable footing and inure to their permanent advantage, while it will as neaxly as may be practicable extend to all the great interests of the country the incidental protection which can be afforded by our revenue laws. Such a system, when once firmly established, would be permanent, and not be subject to the constant com- plaints, agitations, and changes which must ever occur when duties are not laid for revenue, but for the "protection merely" of a favored interest. Attention was next directed to safe-guarding the government funds after they had been collected. Banks, both national and state, had, in his opinion, proved to be unworthy custodians; besides the framers of the Constitution never intended that the funds of the nation should be turned over to private corporations to be used by them for profit and speculation. Believing that government moneys should be completely separated from bank- ing institutions, he recommended that "provision be made by law for such separation, and that a constitutional treasury be created for the safe-keeping of the public money." The money of the people should be kept in the treasury of the people in the custody of agents directly responsible to the government : To say that the people or their Government are incompetent or not to be trusted with the custody of their own money in their own Treasury provided by themselves, but must rely on the presidents, cashiers, and stockholders of banking corporations, not appointed by them nor responsi- ble to them, would be to concede that they are incapable of solf-government.- These two recommendations— for a revenue tariff and for a constitutional treasury-formed the keynote of Polk's domestic policy. He may have been less brilliant than his illustrious opponent, but few will now deny that he held sounder views on 22 Richardson, Messages, IV, 40G-408. 668 JAMES K. POLE the industrial and the financial needs of the country. His policy was simple and economically sound; and because, under it, the business of the country was, so far as possible, to be left free to seek its natural channels, little positive legislation Avas required. Clay, on the other hand, like Hamilton, reveled in thaumaturgy and legerdemain. His system of a government bank, protective duties, and the collection of revenue to be distributed among the states, was highly artificial ; and even if they were not uncon- stitutional, surely Polk was right in saying that they had never been contemplated by the framers of that document. So far as his own party was concerned the message was well received. Cass told the President that in the part relating to tariff "You have struck out the true doctrine, you have cut the Gordian Knot." His tariff policy was, of course, highly, ac- ceptable to southern Democrats, and many of them called to express their approbation. ''We Pennsylvanians, " Cameron told him, ''may scratch a little about the tariff but we will not quarrel about it"; Wilmot, on the other hand, remarked that "the doctrines on the tariff were the true doctrines & he would support them. "23 It was rumored that Secretary Walker had written the paragraphs relating to the tariff, but Polk asserted indignantly that "the tariff part of the message and every other part of it is my own."-* Without waiting to see whether the Van Buren independent treasury would prove to be a success or a failure the triumphant Whigs abolished it in 1841, but, much to their discomfiture, Tyler blocked the reestablishment of the United States bank. After the election of 1844 the Democrats carried through the House a bill to revive the independent treasury, but as it failed in the Senate the whole financial question went over to the Polk administi-ation. The new President, as we have seen, made it ojie of his leading measures and recommended the establishment 23 Polk, niary, T, 109-110. Cameron, despite his remark, opposed the tariff bill when it came before the Senate. 2* Ibid., 124. TARIFF AND INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS 669 of a "constitutional treasury" which was simply another name for the independent treasury. In following his advice it can not be said that Congress actually created anything ; all that was asked and all that was done was to authorize the executive to collect the government revenues in gold and silver, and to deposit them in the treasury vaults until disbursed in the course of ordi- nary business transactions. Congress simply made the govern- ment the custodian of its own funds instead of having them deposited in banks.-^ When, therefore, on March 30, 1846, Dromgoole, of Virginia, presented the bill which had been pre- pared by the Committee of Ways and Means, the title merely authorized the building of fireproof vaults for the safekeeping of public money, which vaults were formally declared to be the "Treasury of the United States."-" The requirement that metal money alone should be received by the government was added later in the form of an amendment. Caleb Smith, of Indiana, at once opened the attack upon the bill and offered an amendment, the gist of which was to author- ize the Secretary of the Treasury to deposit government funds in "any bank or banks which he may deem expedient, and also to receive the Government dues in the paper of specie-paying banks. ' ' As this amendment would nullify the main purpose of the proposed law there was, of course, no prospect that it would be adopted. It served, however, to make the issue definite, to align on the one side those who believed in a government treasury and hard money, and on the other, the friends of banks and bank currency. 25 The same may be said of the Van Buren indepemleiit treasury. 26 "Be it enacted #r., That the rooms prepared and provided in the new treasury building at the seat of Government for the use of the Treasurer of the United States . . . and also the fireproof vaults and safes erected in said rooms for the keeping of the public moneys in the possession, and under the immediate control of said Treasurer of the United States; and the said Treasurer of the United States shall keep the public, moneys winch shall come into his hands in the Treasury of the United Sta es as hereby constituted, until the same shall be drawn therefrom according to la« (Cong. Globe, 29 Cong., 1 sess., 574). 670 JAMES K. POLK Smith 's arguments in opposition to the independent treasury were not very convincing. He stated, erroneously, that the Demo- crats had not made the subject an issue in the recent election; that Polk and other Democrats had once favored state banks; and that the Van Buren measure was a "miserable humbug" wliieh had never really been carried into effect. On the other hand, Grider, of Kentucky, asserted that the sole purpose of introducing the bill was to redeem party pledges, for he was certain that many Democrats did not approve of ''reckless financial experiments." J. R. Ingersoll, of Pennsylvania, saw nothing in the measure "to commend it to respect"; besides, everything contained in the bill w^as already covered by the law of 1789 which had created the Treasury Department. In gen- eral the arguments against the bill were so lacking in force — and frequently in pertinence — that Daniel, of North Carolina, had good reason for concluding that the Whigs themselves had "the internal conviction" that much good would result from its passage. The Democrats had small need for arguments, as they were certain that they could command the requisite number of votes. They maintained with justice that a fiscal agent was superfluous, and that the government was most competent to protect and dis- burse its own funds. They ridiculed the assertion that the meas- ure was a device to draw all metal money into the coffers of the government, leaving the people with nothing but ' ' rag money. ' ' Dromgoole, wlio made the principal argument for the bill, denied the charge of discriminating against banks, for, as he said, they had no legitimate claim to the use of public money. On April 2, after Dromgoole had added an amendment which required pay- ments to the government to be made in gold and silver, the bill passed the House by an overwhelming majority.-^ On the following day the bill was received by the Senate and referred to the Connnittee on Finance. Nothing more M-as 27 122 to 66 (Cong. Globe, 29 Cong., 1 sess., 595). > TARIFF AND INTEENAL IMPEOVEMENTS 671 heard of it until the twenty-second of April. On that date Web- ster asked the chairman, Dixon H. Lewis, when it was likely to be reported to the Senate and whether the committee had settled upon any amendments. In response to this inquiry Lewis stated that it was the intention of the committee to give precedence to bills relating to warehousing and mints. This apparent indilTer- ence to immediate action on one of the "leading" administra- tion measures did not escape the watchful eye of the President. He sent for Lewis and urged him to give precedence to this and the tariff bill, as postponement might endanger their passage. I then told him [said he] that I had great anxiety for the passage of the Constitntional Treasury Bill and the reduction of the Tariff, which I had recommended in my annual message. I told him that I considered them as administration measures and that I intended to urge them upon Congress as such, and that I considered the public good, as well as my own power and the gloiy of my administration, depended in a great degree upon my success in carrying them through Congress. Lewis was an ardent supporter of Calhoun, and the President embraced the opportunity to read him a lecture on the way southern men were jeopardizing important measures by petty opposition to the confirmation of northern appointments. North- ern Senators, he said, had ratified appointments of southern men, and there was no good reason why southern Senators should not reciprocate. To Lewis's complaint that Colhoun and his friends had been turned out of office, Polk replied that he had made his appointments without reference to any aspirant for the Presidency. Being "the first President who had taken ])ol(l ground and fully satisfied the South on the tariff," he thouglit men from that section ought "to cease their opposition upon these small matters in which no principle was involved, for the sake of enabling me to carry out the great measure which involved principle."-^ 28 Polk Diary, I, 367-371. Polk believed that northern men attached more importance to appointments than ^""^'^"^/'''m ''V^ i !' J'lr,! >n him that Mr. Jefferson's plan was to con.-iliate the North by the d.spen^ Son of his patronage, and to rely on the South to support h.s princples for the sake of these principles. ' ' 672 JAMES E. POLK Despite the President's anxiety the bill was held by the com- mittee until the eighth of June. Lewis then reported it to the Senate with sundry amendments, the most important of which postponed for six months the operation of the specie clause. After another period of slumber the measure was brought up for consideration, and, after three days of debate, it was passed by a small majority on August 1, the day after the President had signed the tariff bill. The House concurred in the Senate amend- ments, and the constitutional treasury bill became the law of the land. As early as January 9, 1846, the erratic McConnell, of Ala- bama, asked leave to introduce a "bill to repeal the tariff of 1842, with all its iniquities," but not until April 14 did McKay, of North Carolina, chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means, report a revenue bill based on recommendations made by the President and the Secretary of the Treasury. Under it, all duties were to be ad valorem. Commodities were grouped in schedules; those in the first group were to pay 100 per cent, others 75, 30, 25, etc., until the free list was reached. It was by no means a free-trade measure, yet it was attacked as such by the advocates of protection. They seemed to regard the tariff of 1842 as something sacred, something which could not be altered without prostrating industry and ruining the country. "We are in one breath told," exclaimed Biggs, of North Carolina, "that if you do not protect the manufacturers they must be prostrated ; and in the next you are informed that by your protection you diminish their profits.^^ Opponents of the measure denounced the ad valorem prin- ciple and charged that it was an invitation to commit fraud in valuation. They ridiculed the claim of the administration that a lower tariff would produce more revenue. "We are called on now," said Senator Evans, of Maine, 29Co;i.9. Globe, 29 Cong., 1 sess., 1022. He quoted from Clay (1833) to the eflfcct that "in general it may be taken as a rule, that the duty upon an article forms a portion of its price. ' ' TAEIFF AND INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS 673 to reduce the rates of duty, not because too much revenue is raised, but because there is too little, and because more can be obtained by a reduction of the rates. Well, sir, I commend the prudence of those who take this view of the subject. Whether they may be able to demonstrate it iu a satisfactory manner, is another matter.30 Personal abuse of the President was not wanting. Gentry, from his own state, denounced, in the House, what he termed "the great, damnable, and infamous conspiracy" (Kane letter) by which the people of Pennsylvania had been defrauded out of their votes, and by which the men who had perpetrated it had reached the positions they now occupy : these men were ' ' James K. Polk and James Buchanan. "^^ Seaborn Jones, of Georgia, was selected as chief spokesman for the House Committee of Ways and Means, and indirectly, for the administration. All sections of the Union, he contended, would be benefited by a revenue tariff; for it was based on justice and would insure stability for all lines of industry. ' ' Pro- tection," on the other hand, "operates as a hotbed in bringing forth exotics which the soil and climate would not naturally produce"; and the fostering of special industries Avas not a legitimate function of government.^- Of northern Democrats, Wilmot, of Pennsylvania, was one of the most enthusiastic sup- porters of Polk's tariff policy. He branded the tariff of 1842 as the " 'bill of abominations,' in violation of the genius of our institutions, of the provisions of our Constitution, and fatally subversive of the rights and liberties of the people." He favored a "constitutional tariff" such as the one under consideration, one "which would grant equal protection to all, exclusive privileges to none."^^ On July 3, after divers amendments had been rejected^' and an attempt to lay the whole question on the table had been zoIUd., 1090. 31 Ibid., 1047. 32 ma., 990-991. 33 im., 1045. 34 While nearly all of the amendments related to adjustments in rates a few were grote^sque. For example, Schenck, of Ohio, wished to insert ?olk^s Kane letter in the bill, and Stewart, of Pennsylvania, "'oved to make the Utle read: "A bill to reduce the duties on the luxuncs of the 674 JAMES K. POLK defeated, the House passed the tariff bill and submitted it to the Senate for approval. On learning the good news, Polk recorded in his diary : I was mueli gratified to hear the result, as this was one of tlie leading and vital measures of my administration. It Avas in truth vastly the most important domestic measure of my administration, and the vote of the popular branch of Congress, which had fully endorsed my opinions and recommendations on the subject of the tariff, could not be otherwise than highly gratifying.35 The House bill was taken up by the Senate on July 6, and after two readings by title, Sevier, of Arkansas, moved that it be made a special order. Evans, of Maine, endeavored to have it referred for consideration to the Committee on Finance, but many Democrats contended that such reference w^ould cause unnecessary delay. During the debate Clayton, of Delaware, in an attempt to outmanoeuver the administration forces, moved certain amendments and instructions which would, if followed, compel the committee to consider the whole bill. He was not successful, however, for Dixon H. Lewis, of Alabama, whose "twenty score of flesh "^^ was a host in itself, promptly re])orted the measure back from the committee with a request to be excused from its consideration. As chairman of the Committee on Finance, it devolved upon Lewis to lead the debate in favor of the bill. The belief so widely held, said he, that ad valorem duties would fail to. produce suffi- cient revenue was "one of those axiomatic errors which, upon examination, will be found to be wholly fallacious"; even under the tariff' of 1842 such duties had produced more than half of the revenue. Hannegan, Bagby, and many other Senators sup- ported the measure ; the main arguments urged in its favor were the abolition of the minimum and specific duties, and the read- justment of rates upon a revenue basis. rich, and increase them on the necessaries of the poor; to bankrupt the treasury; strike down American farmers, mechanics, and workingmen; to make way for the products of foreign agriculture and foreign labor . . . etc. ' ' 35 Polk, Diary, II, 11. 30 Adams, Memoirs, XII, 25. Lewis weighed 430 pounds. TARIFF AND INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS 675 Opponents of the tariff bill consumed more time than did its friends. In replying to Lewis, Webster attacked the policy of relying upon ad valorem duties, and he hoped to show to the Senate and to the country that this bill, so novel, so danger- ous, so vicious in its general principles; so ill considered, so rash, and I must say so intemperate in many of its provisions, cannot but produce in the country the most serious and permanent mischief if it should become a law.37 "As a friend of the Administration," Niles, of Connecticut, pro- foundly regretted the introduction of the bill, and "as a friend of the Administration he would vote against it.""' Of the Demo- crats, Cameron, of Pennsylvania, was the most aggressive in com- bating the measure; but his charge that Pennsylvanians had been deceived by the Kane letter came with bad grace from his lips, for if deception had been employed, Cameron himself had been the chief offender. Benton did not approve all features of the bill, yet he declared himself ready to vote for any measure which would rid the country of the tariff of 1842. The attitude of two members merits special notice, for the Senate was so evenly divided that the fate of the tariff bill rested in their hands. Like other Democrats, Haywood, of North Carolina, wished the tariff to be reduced, but he maintained that the House bill would effect too radical a change. After several attempts to amend the bill had failed, he broke with his party and resigned his seat in the Senate.- Although his act was severely condemned by the party press, the President believed him to be sincere and conscientious."*' -Address to the People of North Carolina {Co„n. l.ioo sess., App., 1178 ff.). Senator might be piqued 40 Polk, Diary, II 48. .He thought that he Sena^ ff^ ..j ^^^.,i,,, because he had not been g^^'^^ ^VTu\ a man of groat vanity and possesa- him to be an honest and pure man, bu a man o ^ ^^^^ ,,^^,, the ing a good deal of --'^^^f^'"^^;-, his evening are n.ade by ilhberal ^^ :^St:Zt^i cUr which have induced his course. 676 JAMES K. POLK After Haywood's resignation attention centered on Senator Jarnagin, of Tennessee, for with iiini rested the power to pass or to defeat the ''great domestic measure." Jarnagin was not only a Whig and a believer in protective tariff, but in his home state he had been a bitter personal and political opponent of the President. On the other hand, the legislature of Tennessee had instructed him to vote for the administration tariff bill, and it remained to be seen whether he Avould follow his instructions. On July 25 the President was much perturbed by a report that Jarnagin had threatened to resign ; for ' ' should he do so, and Mr. Haywood's successor reach here in time, the tariff bill will be lost by one vote." Polk sent for Senator Turney, who prom- ised to ascertain the intentions of his colleague. Jarnagin agreed to remain in the Senate and to obey his instructions ; but Polk was not wholly relieved from anxiety, for Turney informed him that manufacturing interests were attempting to win votes by the use of bribe money and that even he (Turney) had been offered a bribe. *^ Jarnagin 's position was a most unenviable one. Although he thoroughly disapproved the administration bill, his instruc- tions required him to support it. On July 27 he denounced the measure but declared his intention to vote for it ; he did not, however, believe that his instructions precluded him from voting for amendments which did not affect its main purpose — the abol- ishment of the minimum and specific duties. When, therefore, Clayton moved a reference to the Committee on Finance, with instructions to amend, Jarnagin voted with his party. Polk took this to mean that he would break both his pledges and his in- structions. "Jarnegan," he observed in his diary, "holds the fate of the Bill in his hands and there [is] no reliance to be placed upon him," and he regretted the folly of Haywood in resigning at such a critical moment.*- But the President was mistaken, for Jarnagin yielded the "pound of flesh" even though 41 Ihid., 49-50. 42 lUd., 51. TAEIFF AND INTERNAL IMPEOrEMENTS 677 he succeeded in making the operation annoying to his opponents. On July 28 he again announced his intention to vote for the administration tariff, but I shall, when the question conies on the engrossment of the bill, transfer the whole responsibility, as far as I am concerned, to the keeping of the representative of the whole people, and then we will know whether it bo a Democratic measure or not. He meant of course that on incidental questions he would refrain from voting and compel the Vice-President to save the measure by his casting vote ; this done, he would obey his instructions and help to pass the bill. He kept his promise,*'' and the bill was passed by a vote of twenty-eight to twenty-seven after an amend- ment proposed by Webster for guarding against under-valuation had been adopted. Before the final vote was taken "Webster pre- dicted that the measure would be repealed at the next session, for "it is as impossible that the sun should go backward and set in the east, as that the people should suffer the principle con- tained in this bill to prevail. ' ' Even after the Senate had passed the tariff bill the President was pessimistic. He doubted that the House would concur in the Senate amendment. A report that certain Democrats from New York and Pennsylvania would join the Whigs in opi)osing the amendment gave him "great uneasiness." They did vote with the Whigs on incidental questions, but, due to fear so tlie President thought, they joined with their own party on the final vote. Polk's gratification found expression in his diary: This great measure of reform has been thus successful. It has given rise to an immense struggle between the two great political parties of the country. The capitalists & monopolists have not surrendered the immense advantages which they possessed, and the enormous profits which they derived under the tariff of 1842, until after a fierce and mighty struggle. 43 Writing from his post at Naples to his brother, W H. Polk said that he had trembled when he read that the fate of the tariff bill •l^P;"'''';! «" -the doublfnl honesty of Spencer Jarnagin. ' He had "P /« ^ ^^ '"^ believed that Jarnagin would sell out even if the price ^f"' l^/^^'^'^ V! plain sight; "his rare honesty in this case, is to me wholly ine.xphcable. (W H Polk to J. K. Polk, Nov. 6, 1846, Folic Pavers). 678 JAMES K. POLE This City has swarmed with them for weeks. They have spared no effort within their power to sway and control Congress, but all has proved to be unavailing and they have been at length vanquished. Their effort will probably now be to raise a panic (such as they have already attempted) by means of their combined wealth, so as to induce a repeal of the aet.*^ The President had reason to be gratified with the passage of this important party measure. It not only dealt a severe blow to Clay's "American System," but it put in operation a tariff policy which Polk had advocated ever since he had been in public life. Much to the disappointment of his critics no industrial calamities resulted from it, and the act was not repealed as Webster had so confidently predicted. Despite the scoffing of Evans, reduction of the tariff rates was followed by an increase in the amount of revenue ; it became redundant in 1857 and was still further reduced. While it would be absurd to attribute the prosperity of this decade to the operation of the "tariff of '46," no longer could it be said that an ad valorem revenue tariff would block the wheels of industry. The reestablishment of the independent treasury gave addi- tional reason for gratification, and, like the tariff bill, it caused none of the disasters which its opponents had prophesied. With few modifications, the ' ' constitutional treasury ' ' has continued to the present day, and it has done much to extricate national reve- nue from the field of party politics. With the enactment of these two measures and the settlement of the Oregon question Polk had effected three of the four items of his administrative program. There was no longer need of anxiety for the "glory" of his administration, even though Davis had talked the diplo- matic appropriation bill to death. Having faithfully complied with the recommendations con- tained in the President's message, Congress believed, apparently, that the law of compensation entitled it to a free hand in "pork barrel" legislation. Despite the heavy drain on the treasury for military purposes, items were recklessly added to the river and 4* Polk, Diary, IT, 54-55. TARIFF AND INTEBNAL IMPliOVEMENTS 679 harbor bill until it called for appropriations amounting to nearly a million and a half dollars. Clay himself could scarcely have asked for a more cordial endorsement of his internal improvement policy, and especially from a Congress controlled by Democrats. Polk promptly vetoed this bill, and his message to the House is an able statement of the Jeffersonian doctrine of strict con- struction. In his opinion, the measure under consideration was both unconstitutional and inexpedient, and parts of it "a disrep- utable scramble for the public money." "It is not questioned," said he, that the Federal Government is one of limited powers. Its powers are such, and such only, as are expressly granted in the Constitution or are properly incidental to the expressly granted powers and necessary to their execution. After quoting Madison's rule for determining the scope of im- plied power, Polk maintained that : It is not enough that it may be regarded by Congress as convenient or that its exercise would advance the public weal. It must be iiecessary and proper to the execution of the principal expressed power to which it is an incident, and without which such principal power can not be carried into effect. The whole frame of the Federal Constitution proves that the Government which it creates was intended to be one of limited and speci- fied powers. A construction of the Constitution so broad as that by which the power in question is defended tends imperceptibly to a consolidation of power in a Government intended by the framers to be thus limited in its authority. National appropriations, in his opinion, should be confined to national purposes, and Congress ought to refrain from exercising doubtful powers. He censured in particular the present attempt to include purely local items by a jugglery of words. "To call the mouth of a creek or a shallow inlet on our coast a harbor can not confer the authority to expend the public money in its im- provement. "'' Although he did not consult the cabinet on the advisability of vetoing this bill, he believed that Buchanan, Marcy, Bancroft, and perhaps Walker, would, if consulted, have 45 Richardson, Messages, IV, 460 ff. 680 JAMES K. POLK advised him to sign it.^" He declined, also, to sign a bill for making improvements in the territory of Wisconsin, but his veto message was not submitted until the following December.*^ In the interest of economy and as a check upon political job- bery the President put his veto on a bill to grant five million dollars in land scrip to persons who claimed damages for French spoliations prior to 1800. In his message he pointed out that this question had often been discussed, yet no former Congress had seen fit to pay these claims, even when there had been a surplus in the treasury. Since the United States had never re- ceived anything from France for the injuries done he saw no reason for the assumption that our government had become re- sponsible to the claimants for aggressions committed by a foreign power.*^ As frequently happens at the halfway point of an adminis- tration, the autumn elections showed a decrease in Democratic strength. Doubtless the main cause of defection was the unpop- ularity of the Mexican War ; but the Whigs attributed much of it to abhorrence of the "free trade" tariff, although that law had not yet become operative. Among others, Governor Wright, of New York, failed in his canvass for reelection, and adminis- tration candidates were defeated in Pennsylvania. With his usual delight in causing the President discomfort, Buchanan at- tributed these defeats to the reduction of the tariff. Probably he hoped to get some concessions for his friends in Pennsylvania, but instead, Polk told him that he would, in his next message, recommend that no change whatever be made in the law until it had been given a fair trial. Wright's defeat had, in Polk's oi)iiiion, been caused by the treachery of the "Old Hunkers" who no longer deserved to be called Democrats; "this faction shall hereafter receive no favours at my hands if I know it. ' '^^ 46 Polk, Diary, II, 58. 4- Eichardson, Messages, IV, 610 ff. 48 Ihid., 466 ff. •«» Polk, Diary, II, 217-218. In a letter to Henry D. Foster, of Penn- sylvania, Nov. 19, 1846, Buchanan said that he had always disapproved TAEIFF AND INTEBNAL IMPEOVEMEXTS fiSl When, early in November, the President began the prepar- ation of his second annual message, the war estimates of Marcy were so large that doubts were expressed in the cabinet as to the ability of the government to meet its financial obligations. In accordance with Democratic tradition, financial ills were readily traced to "the money power," and the difficulty in floating a loan was attributed to the machinations of bankers in Boston and New York who were endeavoring to force a repeal of the inde- pendent treasury law. The gloomy Secretary of State doubted that the war could be conducted on a hard money basis; and although he had advocated the independent treasury, he was now satisfied that the government could not finance the war under its operation.^'' In his message the President dealt with financial questions in very general terms. It was too early, he said, to estimate the revenue to be derived from the new tariif law ; but by the simul- taneous abandonment of the protective policy by England and the United States, commerce had received a "new impulse," while labor and trade "have been released from the artificial trammels which have so long fettered them." The present tariff law had been framed in accordance with sound principles and' conse- quently ought not to be disturbed. In order to meet the extraor- dinary expenses of the war a revenue duty might well be placed on certain articles now on the free list, but it should be repealed as soon as the needs of the treasury would permit. Walker, in his report, recommended, for the war period, a special duty of twenty-five per cent on tea and coffee, but like the President, he was averse to making changes in the existing tariff law.'^ the tariff of 1846, and he hoped that a modification " will I'fffj,*,^'! be- fore the Manufacturers & Coal Dealers can be seriously ">jured (Bu chanan, Works, VII, 117). 50 Polk, I^iar^/, II, 221. ,„ x. n -y 51 Eichardson, Messages, IV, 498-502. Walker 's «? p.^'* ([{^f,^-^^/ .V^! 2Q Conp- 2 sess) "All experience," said Walker, is against the pro tective^policy ■. It is as inwise and unjust as it s '•^P"^'"-" ^^ ^X' rights ana republican principles, to force, by legislation, any class of the community to buy from or sell to another. 682 JAMES K. POLK The tariff of 1846 remained the source of revenue for the remainder of the administration, for this Congress and its suc- cessor steadfastly refused to vote additional war duties. Never- theless, Walker was able to say in his annual report of December, 1847, even while renewing his request for duties on tea and coffee, that It is now pl•o^■e(l that a tariff for revenue not only yields a larger income than the protective system, but also advances more rapidly, in a serica of years, the prosperity of the manufacturers, by the augmentation of their foreign and domestic market. In like manner he could truthfully assert that, instead of paralyzing industry as had been predicted, the independent treas- ury and hard money had benefited those who had so vigorously opposed them : Domestic manufactures require for their permanent and successful oper- ation the basis of specie, checking vibrations and inflations of the paper system. ... If our manufacturers desire great advantages from the home market, it must be abundantly and permanently supplied with a large specie circulation, which alone can sustain that market for a number of years, and prevent those calamities which follow an inflated paper cur- rency. A home market for our manufacturers, w-hen based, upon specie and low duties, is solid, permanent, and augmenting; but when founded upon paper credits, it is inflated one year, only to be depressed the next, or some succeeding year — thus depriving the manufacturer of any well- assured and permanent domestic market. 52 Tlie Whig Congress was not disposed to aid the administration by voting additional war revenue. On the contrary, the Presi- dent was certain that attempts were being made to create a panic and paralyze public credit. The truth is [he observed] that the Whig party and leading presses, having failed to defeat the Government in the prosecution of the war by the "aid & comfort," they have given to Mexico by their unpatriotic sentiments, are now insidiously attempting to produce a panic in the money market and thereTay, if possible, to break down the Treasury, and thus compel the inglorious withdrawal of our army from Mexico.53 •'•2 H. Ex. Doc. 6, 'M) Cong., 1 sess. When he saw the original draft of this report Polk wrote that "though in the main sound in its doctrines, I thought some parts of it speculative, and perhaps too highly wrought" {Dianj, III, 229). s J g S3 Polk, Diary, III, ,322. TABIFF AND INTEBXAL IMPEOVEMENTS 683 While this may have been an exaggerated portrayal of Whig machinations, the intemperate abuse of the President for having "deliberately plotted the war" naturally led him to believe that his opponents would resort to any means of crippling his aihnin- istration. If Congress could embarrass the President by declining to follow his recommendations, he was equally determined to thwart its attempt to force his hand on the question of internal improve- ments. Late in July, 1848, the House passed a civil and diplo- matic bill which contained, in the form of a rider, an item for money to improve the Savannah River. Polk well knew that the object was to compel him to abandon the principles of his last veto message, or to incur the odium of defeating the entire appropriation. The Senate later eliminated the obnoxious item, but before this had been done Polk outlined in his diary the course which he intended to pursue : My mind is made up. I will veto the Bill, if it comes to me with this item in it, whatever may be the consequences. I will do so, if it comes on the last night of the session, and if I am over-ruled by two thirds, & Congress should adjourn without passing the Civil Diplomatic [Bill], I will issue my Proclamation c.onv[en]ing an extra session of Congress for the next day. He was much depressed by the "want of patriotism" displayed by Whigs and bolting Democrats, botli in the matter of appro- priations and in their refusal to create governments for the ter- ritories. "Whilst I deplore this state of tilings, all I can do during the remainder of my term is to adhere undeviatingly to my principles & to perform my whole duty. This I will do at any hazard." The present Congress, in his opinion, was as reckless and extravagant as any he had ever known; the success of its improvement schemes would bankrupt the treasury.''-* The adjournment of Congress did not relieve the President from the schemes of improvement promoters, for the Secretary of State now presented a project for exterual improvem.-nt. He 54 Polk, Diary, IV, 35-36, 66. 684 JAMES K. POLE called Polk's attention to the provision in the treaty recently negotiated with New Granada whereby American citizens had been given the right of passage across the Isthmus of Panama. It was of great importance, he said, that a railroad or canal should be constructed there, and he recommended that engineers should be ordered to make a survey. Without consulting other members of the cabinet the President promptly put a quietus on Buchanan's project. If the government could make the sur- vey, said he, it could also construct the works, and he believed that it did not have the constitutional authority to do either.^' Polk's aversion to internal improvements had become almost an obsession, and during the month of October he spent his spare moments in formulating a more thorough expose of the whole ''American System." Originally it was his intention to incor- porate his expose in a veto message, for he fully expected that Congress would pass another internal improvement bill. Should another veto become necessary I desire to make it a strong paper, so that if I should be over-ruled, as I may be, by a united Whig vote and a part of the Democratic members, making a vote of two thirds, I may leave my full views on record to be judged of by my countrymen & by posterity. I can add to the strength of my veto message on the same subject of the 15th of December last. If I should not have occasion to use it, it will be left among my papers at my death. I am thoroughly convinced that I am right upon this subject, and therefore I have de- stowed much labour in preparing a paper which may contribute to con- vince others that I am so. His purpose, as he recorded in another place, was to show that the "American System" consisted of several closely allied branches: a federal bank, protective tariff, distribution of the land fund, and internal improvements ; that the system had been overthrown in all branches except the last ; and if this should be 55 "I told him furthermore that if any improvement Bill should during my time be presented to me, I should certainly veto it, and that if I were to yield my sanction to his proposition it would be argued by my op- ponents in Congress that v/hile I denied the power to make internal im- provements, I was exercising the power, and that too without an act of Congress, to make foreign surveys with a view to make foreign improve- ments" (ibid., 139-140). How different from the attitude of a later President, who could boast that "I took the canal! " TAEIFF AND INTERNAL IMPBOVEMENTS 685 permitted to survive, all the others would soon be revived.'" One may, or may not, agree with his views, yet there can be no doubt of the President's own belief that, in demolishing tliis network of special privilege which had been woven by Hamilton and Clay, he was performing a most patriotic service. Those who have charged him — and justly charged him — with being a strong party man have failed to appreciate his conscientious belief in the principles of his party. No former President — not even Jeffer- son himself — had succeeded so well in putting Jeffersonian the- ories into actual operation. He was grieved by the thouglit of retiring without having crushed the last remnant of the system so elaborately constructed by Hamilton and Clay. He could no longer hope for reward or distinction from his party, yet he was quite as willing as he had been in 1834 to ply the oar of the "galley-slave"^^ in promoting the principles of his party, because he regarded them as most beneficial to his country. Even if laborious effort to indite a document so convincing that posterity must heed it is but an exhibition of personal conceit, still there can be no doubt that he was impelled by patriotic motives and by a desire to save his country from what he considered to be a real and serious menace. On the advice of his cabinet, Polk decided not to leave the promulgation of so important a document to the chance passage of an internal revenue bill. Yielding to their judgment, he made it a part of his last annual message. The message is well written and shows a tirm grasp of the entire subject. It deserves careful reading, for it is distinctly the most able indictment of the "American System" to be found among our public documents. Although the historical, and perhaps the best, part of the mes- sage relating to this subject is too long to be quoted, a few paragraphs will serve to indicate the conclusions which he had reached : ••6 Polk, Diary, IV, 144, 157-158, 167-168. 57 ''Polk worked like a galley-slave to cram down his report" (A.lams, Memoirs, IX, 83). 686 JAMES K. POLK The several branches of this system were so intimately blended to- gether that in their operation each sustained and strengthened the others. Their joint operation was to add new burthens of taxation and to encour- age a largely increased and wasteful expenditure of public money. It was the interest of the bank that the revenue collected and the disburse- ments made by the Government should be large, because, being the de- pository of the public money, the larger the amount the greater would be the bank profits by its use. It was the interest of the favored classes, who were enriched by the protective tariff, to have the rates of that pro- tection as high as possible, for the higher those rates the greater would be their advantage. It was the interest of the people of aU those sections and localities who expected to be benefited by expenditures for internal im- provements that the amount collected sh6uld be as large as possible, to the end that the sum disbursed might also be the larger. The States, being the beneficiaries in the distribution of the land money, had an interest in having the rates of tax imposed by the protective tariff large enough to yield a suflficient revenue from that source to meet the wants of the Gov- ernment without disturbing or taking from them the land fund; so that each of the branches constituting the system had a common interest in maintaining the public debt unpaid and increasing its amount, because this would produce an annual increased drain upon the Treasury to the amount of the interest and render augmented taxes necessary. The oper- ation and necessary effect of the whole system were to encourage large and extravagant expenditures, and thereby to increase the public patron- age, and maintain a rich and splendid government at the expense of a taxed and impoverished people. ************* Under the pernicious workings of this combined system of measures the country witnessed alternate seasons of temporary apparent prosperity, of sudden and disastrous commercial revulsions, of unprecendented fluc- tuations of prices and depression of the great interests of agriculture, navigation, and commerce, of general pecuniary suffering, and of final bankruptcy of thousands. After a severe struggle of more than a quarter of a century, the system was overthrown. The bank has been succeeded by a practical system of finance, con- ducted and controlled by the Government. The constitutional currency has been restored, the public credit maintained unimpaired even in a period of a foreign war, and the whole country has become satisfied that banks, national or State, are not necessary as fiscal agents of the Govern- ment. Revenue duties have taken the place of the protective tariff. The distribution of the money derived from the sale of the public lands has been abandoned and the corrupting system of internal improvements, it is hoped, has been eft'ectively checked. TARIFF AND INTEENAL IMPEOFEMENTS 687 It is not doubted that if this whole train of measures, designed to take wealth from the many and bestow it upon the few, were to prevail the effect would be to change the entire character of the Government. One only danger remains. It is the seductions of that branch of tlie system which consists in internal improvements, holding out, as it does, induce- ments to the people of particular sections and localities to embark the Government in them without stopping to calculate the inevitable conse- quences. This branch of the system is so intimately combined and linked with the others that as surely as an effect is produced by an adequate cause, if it be resuscitated and revived and firmly established it requires no sagacity to foresee that it will necessarily and speedily draw after it the reestablishment of a national bank, the revival of a protective tariff, the distribution of the land money, and not only the postponement to the distant future of the payment of the present national debt, but its annual increase. I entertain the solemn conviction that if tlie internal-improvement branch of the "American System" be not firmly resisted at this time the whole series of measures composing it will be speedily reestablished and the country be thrown back from its present high state of prosperity, which the existing policy has produced, and be destined to witness all the evils, commercial revulsions, depression of prices, and pecuniary embar- rassments through which we have passed during the last twenty-five years.""-'' An early payment of the national debt was regarded by Polk to be of such transcending importance that he was loth to relinquish the helm without having made a beginning. With a view to in- fluencing his successor, he told his Secretary of the Treasury that he desired, if possible, to purchase government stock, "however small the sum might be"; and as soon as the department esti- mates had been submitted, he directed Walker to purchase half a million dollars' worth. ^'^ Like the President's message. Walker's report was an a1)ly written document and a strong vindication of the financial policy of the Polk administration. The predicted disasters had not followed in the wake of the tariff of 1846 ; instead. Walker had 58 Richardson, Messages, IV, 657, 661. 59 "I informed him [Walker] that I desired to do this supposing it might exert some influence over the policy of my successor. I n^ upon this principle we should be con.pelled to resist the -qu.sjt.on f Cuba ^y any n.rritime State with all the means which Provulenco has placed at our command. 27 Ibid; 487. 704 JAMES K. POLK Having tlius definitely stated the policy of his government and the determination to enforce it, the Secretary of State pro- ceeded to show the necessity for such a policy and to give reasons for believing that American interests were already menaced by the designs of Great Britain. Incidentally, these reasons had an important bearing on the President's recent message relating to Yucatan. Cuba, said Buchanan, is situated between Florida and Yucatan, and its possession would give England command of both inlets to the Gulf. In time of war she could effectively blockade the mouth of the Mississippi and sever the connection between the Gulf states and those on the Atlantic. As reasons for believing that England had ambitious designs, Buchanan cited first her uniform policy throughout her past history to seize upon every valu- able commercial point throughout the world whenever circumstances have placed this in her power. Under the mask of protector of the Mosquito Indians, "she is endeavoring to acquire permanent possession of the entire coast of the Carribean Sea from Cape Honduras to Escuda de Ver- agua" — and this, too, in violation of her treaty of 1786 with Spain. By a similar violation, a simple permission to cut log- wood and mahogany had led to the establishment of the British colony at Belise. She had taken forcible possession of the har- bor of San Juan de Nicaragua with the evident purpose of obtain- ing control over all communication between the Atlantic and Pacific oceans. Inability of Spain to pay the interest on securi- ties held in England had given her a much more plausible pre- text for seizing Cuba than she had for assuming the protectorate of the Mosquito Indians, and the threatening utterances of Lords Bentinck and Palmerston indicated a disposition to make use of this pretext. Indeed, the recent dismissal of the British minister at Madrid had made a- rupture between the two nations almost inevitable; should it come, "no doubt can be entertained that Great Britain would immediately seize Cuba." TKE "POLK DOCTBINE" AND MINOR QUESTIONS 70.-> Saunders was then told that, in the opinion of tlie President, a crisis had arrived which made it desirable for the United States to purchase the island. He was, therefore, to conclude a treaty, if possible, paying as a maximum the sum of $100,000,000. He was instructed to make the offer orally, and not until he had made it plain to the Spanish government that the United States had been moved wholly by a desire to prevent Cuba from passing to another power.'-** The hope-'' of the President to crown his work of expansion by annexing Cuba to the United States w^as doomed to disap- pointment, for the traditional reluctance of Spain to part with her West Indian possessions could not be overcome. After an exasperating delay the Spanish foreign minister replied that it was more than any minister dare to entertain any such proposition; that he believed such to be the feeling of the country, that sooner than see the island transferred to any power, they would prefer seeing it sunk in the ocean. After all, this statement amounted to a pledge that Spain wonld retain Cuba ; and so long as the pledge could be maintained, it effected the main purpose which Polk had in view. Fear of British control of the Gulf had prompted his offer, and such control could not be obtained so long as Spain retained possession of the island. A letter dealing with Central American affairs, similar to the one sent to Saunders, had already been transmitted to Elijali Hise, who had recently been made charge d' affaires at Gnate- mala. The dissolution of the Central American confederacy, said Buchanan, had encouraged British encroachments on th.' Mosquito coast, therefore Hise was to promote a revival of the 28 Buchanan to Saunders, June 17, 1848 (Buchanan, irorks, VITI, 90- 102). Polk, Diar?/, Ill, 493. x * .u„ 29 A T^erson who represented himself to be a financial agent of the Spanish Sueen toTd Dallas that he had been instructed to "--[t-J'j; 'J^ - the Unit'ed States would be willing to buy the M Apparu.tl^ h.s story was pure fabrication. See Polk, D,ary, IV, 4-.3. 706 JAMES E. POLK confederacy. The Secretaiy was not yet prepared to say what course the United States would pursue with respect to the British protectorate over the Mosquito Indians, but To suffer any interference on the part of the European Governments with the domestic concerns of the American Eepublics and to permit them to establish new colonies upon this continent, would be to jeopard their independence and to ruin their interests. These truths ought everywhere throughout this continent to be impressed on the public mind.so Hise concluded a general commercial treaty on the last day of Polk's term of office, but nothing was accomplished in the way of reuniting the Central American states. The Taylor adminis- tration adopted a more conciliatory attitude toward England the result of which was the conclusion of the well-known Clayton- Bulwer treaty of 1850. Early in the Polk administration an event, unimportant in itself, very nearly caused a break in our diplomatic relations with Brazil. On October 31, 1846, Lieutenant Alonzo B. Davis, of the United States ship Saratoga, went on shore at Rio Janeiro to apprehend deserters from his vessel. As Davis was about to take them to liis ship, the Brazilian police interfered and im- prisoned both Davis and the sailors. Henry A. Wise was then minister to Brazil, and, to use his own expression, he played "old Hickory on them" by demanding the immediate release of the prisoners. He wanted, he said, "to make these Spanish & Portugese Mongrells in S. America understand that the U. States MUST he respected. "^^ All except one of the prisoners were set free, and the affair might have been dropped had not Wise and Commodore Rousseau of the American squadron not wounded the pride of the Brazilian court by further Jacksonian contempt for diplomatic punctilio. A fortnight after the prisoners had been released. Wise ignored an invitation to the baptismal ceremonies of the Imperial Infanta, and Commodore Rousseau neglected to fire the customary 30 Buchanan to Hise, June 3, 1848 (Buchanan, Works, VIII, 78-84). 31 Wise to J. Y. Mason, Nov. 6, 1846, Folic Papers. THE "POLK DOCTBINE" AND MINOR QUESTIONS 707 salute. A little later, when the Emperor's hirthday was being celebrated, Rousseau neither fired a salute nor hoisted the flag on his ship, while Wise (not invited this time) made a speech on shipboard which was anything but complimentary to the Brazilians. Brazil now requested the recall of both men and asked for an apology from the United States. The apology was claimed on the ground of discourtesy to the Emperor and the more serious charge that Davis had denied the sovereignty of the empire by resisting the police — conduct which had been approved and supported by Wise. When the complaints were presented in Washington by Lisboa, the Brazilian minister, Polk instructed Buchanan to say that he would neither apologize nor recall Wise and Rousseau ; recall of the minister would imply dissatisfaction with his con- duct, whereas it was highly approved by the President. Buchanan added, however, that since Wise had, before the trouble had arisen, asked to be relieved, the President would grant his re- quest ; Rousseau, also, would soon be sent to another port. With this understanding, Buchanan and Lisboa agreed to let the matter drop ; but the Brazilian government recalled Lisboa, demanded an apology, and declared that a successor to Wise would not be received until this had been made. The new demand for an apology was presented by the charge de affaires, Leal, in the summer of 1847. The only question of importance was Lieutenant Davis's alleged resistance of the au- thority of the police in Rio Janeiro, and everything hinged on whether Davis or the police first had the sailors in custody. The evidence seemed to show that Davis had apprehended them before the police arrived on the scene. While it was admitted that the jurisdiction of any nation is absolute within its own borders, cus- tom permitted naval officers to go on shore to arrest their own sailors. As this was all that Davis had done, he had, ni Polk s opinion, committed no -infractions of police regulations," conse- quently Wise was justified in demanding his release from prison. 708 JAMES K. POLK The threat to reject a new minister was resented as "dictating terms" to w^hich Brazil "could not have expected submission"; but, said Buchanan, "the President will take no decisive steps" until he shall have learned that Brazil has actually refused to receive him.^- This firm but reasonable declaration had the desired effect, and the new minister, David Tod, was received courteously by the Emperor. Wise returned to the United States filled with gratitude for the man whom he had once called a "petty tyrant" and whom he had tried to goad into fighting a duel. "I learn," wrote the President, after Wise had called to pay his respects, that he returns to the U. S. my friend, & his expressions of gratitude to me to-day were as strong & decided as human language could make them, so that I have lived to conquer the hostility of at least one of my political opponents & persecutors. This I have done by performing my duty in a magnanimous and liberal manner. 33 Zeal of naval officers to protect American rights nearly involved the government in difficulties with another South American state. In January, 1845, Buenos Ayres attempted to invest Montevideo with an absolute blockade ; and because this was forcibly violated by French vessels, a United States naval officer, G. J. Pendergrast, demanded exemption for his own ves- sels. The authorities at Washington, however, held that an offense committed by one nation did not entitle another to dis- regard belligerent rights, and the officers were instructed to respect the blockade. Before this question had been adjusted, British and French naval officers announced a blaekade of the whole coast of Buenos Ayres and allowed other neutrals only forty-eight hours to with- draw their vessels from the harbors. Pendergrast entered a vigorous protest on the ground that neutrals^* have no right to 3-' The most important letter (written to Leal on Aug. 30, 1847) is printed in Buchanan, Works, VII, 388-404. Nearly all of the correspond- ence relating to this affair may be found in Sen. Ex. Docs. S9, 35, 30 Cong., 1 sess. 3;j Polk, Diary, III, 192. 3-1 England and France had not declared war on Buenos Ayres. THE "POLK DOCTEINE" AND MINOH QUESTIONS 709 establish a blockade, and that even a belligerent has no right to declare an entire coast- to be blockaded. United States vessels were given time to discharge their cargoes and withdraw from the ports, and, since no seizures were made, nothing more serious resulted than caloric speeches in Congress.'^ On December 12, 1846, Benjamin A. Bidlaek, acting witliout instructions,^*^ concluded a commercial treaty with New Granada, one article of which provided for transit across and guaranteed the neutrality of the Isthmus of Panama. Doubtless Bidlaek was moved to take this unauthorized step by Buchanan's letter of June 23, 1845, which instructed liim to use his influence to prevent New Granada from granting transit concessions to European powers, and which stated that "the United States have strong motives for viewing with interest any project which may be designed to facilitate the intercourse between the Atlantic and the Pacific oceans. ' '" Nevertheless, the arrival of the treaty in Washington took the President completely by surprise. At first, Polk doubted that he could approve this "entangling alliance. "^^ In general this document followed the usual form of com- mercial treaties, and only the thirty-fifth article merits special comment. Among other things, it stipulated that The Government of New Granada guarantees to the Government of the United States that the right of way or transit across the Isthmus of Panama upon any modes of communication tliat now exist, or may be here- after constructed, shall be open and free to the Government and citizens 35 See correspondence, H. Ex. Doc. 212, 29 Cong., 1 sess. 36 While this treaty was on its way to Washington, Buchanan, on January 2, 1847, authorize.l Bidlaek to negotiate a commercial treaty. See Buchanan, Worlcs, VII, 183-186. 37 Buchanan, JYorlcs, VI, 180-181. 38 -As a commercial Treaty it was liberal & in all respects satisfactory, but in addition to its commercial provisions it contained an ^rtyde gmng the guaranty of the U. S. for the neutrality of the Isthnu.s of i ana a. and the sovereignty of New Granada over the territory J^<^7"« ^«^ ^« were entertained whether this stipulation was ^'^"^'^t*'"* „^'\*^„ ""[,.^,°"J_ settled policy to 'cultivate friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with none' " (Polk, Diary, II, 303). 710 JAMES K. POLK of the United States, [and that] .... the United States guarantee, posi- tively and efficaciously to New Granada, by the present stipulation the neutrality of the before-mentioned isthmus, with the view that the free transit from the one to the other sea may not be interrupted or embarrassed in any future time while this treaty exists; and, in consequence, the United States also guarantee, in the same manner, the rights of sovereignty and property wliieh New Granada has and possesses over the territory. The treaty was to remain in force for twenty years, and then indefinitely, unless terminated by twelve months' notice from either party. ^^ A few days of deliberation overcame Polk's scruples regard- ing the entangling alliance and convinced him that the transit agreement was too important to be rejected. On February 10 he submitted the treaty to the Senate with a message which stated that "the importance of this concession to the commercial and political interests of the United States can not easily be over- rated." He advised ratification because The treaty does not propose to guarantee a territory to a foreign nation in which the United States will have no common interest with that nation. On the contrary, we are more deeply and directly interested in the subject of this guaranty that New Granada herself or any other country. Besides, the purpose was commercial, not political, and it was expected that England and France would join in the guaranty. The guaranty of sovereignty was, in his opinoin, indispensable to neutrality and to the protection of property rights; and as- surance of New Granada's permanent sovereignty would remove cause for jealousy on the part of maritime powers.*" Misgivings respecting the thirty-fifth article and pressure of other business caused a postponement of action until the next session of Con- gress, but in June, 1848, the Senate finally gave its approval. Although the extent of our obligation to insure the "neutrality" and the "sovereignty" of New Granada has been subject to dif- ferent interpretations, the subsequent history of this treaty is 1 30 Malloy, Treaties and Conventions, I, 302 ff. •to Richardson, Messages, Jv, 511-513. THE "POLK DOCTEINE" AND MINOR QUESTIONS 711 not within the purview of the present vohnue." However, it may be said in passing that a forced construction of the tliirty-fifth article was utilized by President Roosevelt to prevent Colombia from suppressing the Panaman insurrection and to facilitate the process of "taking" the canal zone. In the last year of his administration President Polk ap- pointed the first diplomatic agent ever sent from tlie United States to reside at the capital of Ecuador and diplomatic rela- tions were opened wtih the republic of Bolivia." In both cases assurences were given that foreign interference would be re- sisted, and emphasis was laid on the identity of interests of the American republics. One of the last diplomatic events of Polk's official term was the ratification of a postal convention with Great Britain. Suc- cess in its negotiation was due to the untiring efforts of George Bancroft, and its importance consisted in removing vexatious discriminations against United States mails. Of it the President said in his diary : It places our own steamers anit packets upon an equal footing with the Brittish and relieves our merchants, naturalized citizens, and others from a heavy discriminating charge of postage on letters and other mailable matter conveyed in American vessels. This change has been effected by the policy of the administration. Had it occurred under other circum- stances & when so many other great events had not been crowded into a single Presidential term, it would have attracted more public attention and been regarded as an important achievement.^3 It was, in deed, an important achievement, for it established reciprocal privileges and deprived the Cunard steamers of a virtual monopoly in carrying the mails.** 41 See Latane, Diplomatic Relations of the United States and Spanish America, 182-188. *2 Buchanan to Livingston, May 13, 1848; same to Api)lcton, June 1, 1848 (Buchanan, Works, VIII, 64, 74). 43 Polk, Diary, TV, 271-272. 44 See Buchanan to Bancroft, July 27, 1847, in which he speaks of the "conduct of the British Post Office, in charging the same postage on letters carried on our steamer, the Washington, to Southampton, at the 712 JAMES K. POLK Polk's remark concerning the postal convention applies equally well to a number of minor diplomatic achievements which were overshadowed by the Mexican and Oregon questions ; in a peaceful period they would 'have attracted more attention and redounded more to the credit of the man who directed our foreign policy. His vigilance in safeguarding American inter- ests prevented foreign nations from gaining additonal influence on this continent. While the original Monroe Doctrine has long ceased to have any practical application, the "Polk Doctrine" has been an active force in our history down to the present day. It has not, indeed, been an unmixed blessing, for it has brought us burdens as well as prestige. But whether we approve or con- demn the doctrine, it was Polk who first declared that the United States would not permit any interference, solicited or otherwise, in American affairs, by European monarchies. In general, his doctrine has been indorsed by the people of the United States. expense of the United States, as though they had been carried there by a British steamer, at the expense of the British Government" (Buchanan, Works, VII, 375). CHAPTER XXV CLOSE OF CAREER Despite the one-term pledge included in his letter accepting the Presidential nomination, there were many who believed that Polk would stand for a second term. Some of the Democratic leaders feared that he might do so, while certain of his friends hoped that he might be induced to accept another nomination. Both fears and hopes were wholly unwarranted, for the Presi- dent never swerved from his determination to retire at the end of four years. Notwithstanding Claiborne 's disparaging remark that ''no one but himself dreamed of his re-election,"^ nothing in contemporary documents indicates that Polk indulged in such dreams ; on the contrary, there is abundant evidence to show that he longed to retire from public life. As early as December, 19,45, Senator Benton expressed the belief that certain Tennessee politicians were planning to run Polk for another term. When told of this the President noted in his diary that there was not the slightest foundation for such a belief: "My mind has been made up from the time I accepted the Baltimore nomination, and is still so, to serve but one term and not be a candidate for re-election." In January, 1847, he re- joiced "that with my own voluntary free will & consent I am not to be again a candidate. This determination is irrevocable "- During the course of his administration political leaders fre- quently suggested to the President that he ought to (sometimes must) run again. On all occasions his answer was the same— that under no circumstances would he again be a can.lidate. 1 Claiborne, Life and Correspondence of John A. Quit num. I, 2;:r.. 2 Polk, Diary, I, 142, II, 328. 714 JAMES K. POLK In 1848, when commenting on Buchanan 's scheming for the nomi- nation, the President wrote in his diary : The truth is, I have no doubt, though I caunot prove it, that Mr. Buchanan has become apprehensive that in the contest for the nomination between Gen'l Cass, Mr. Woodbury, and himself the Democratic party may ultimately be forced to look to me for re-election. He knows that I have no such views & that I have constantly declared to all who have introduced the subject to me that I would retire at the end of a single term, but notwithstanding this he fears that a state of things might arise in which the party might require me against my will to be placed before the country for re-election. 3 On ]\Iay 13, 1848, the second anniversary of the declaration of war against Mexico, the President read to Cave Johnson a letter in which he formally declared that he would not stand for reelection. It was addressed to Dr. J. M. G. Ramsey, a Tennessee delegate to the Democratic national convention, and was "to be by him presented to the convention if, as has been often sug- gested to me it might be, my name should be brought before the convention for nomination." Inasmuch as he was determined to retire, he deemed it "proper to relieve the Convention of any embarrassment which the presentation of his [my] name might produce." Subsequently the letter was shown to several of the delegates who had stopped in Washington on their way to Balti- more, and to personal friends. All regretted his determination to retire. Rhett, of South Carolina, and Venable, of North Caro- lina, Avent so far as to say that Polk could carry their respective states, but that Cass w^ould be unable to do so. "While he could not fail to be gratified with such expressions of approval, the President adhered to his original purpose, and his letter to Ramsey was read to the convention before the balloting had begun.* Not only did the President decline another nomination, but from first to last he had refused to lend his influence to any 3 Ibid., Ill, 354-355. ■i Polk, Diary, IV, 448-463, passim. The letter itself is printed in Jen- kins, Life of James Knox Polk, 307. CLOSE OF C A BEER 715 aspirant of his party. Not even in his diary does he express a distinct preference, although there are indications that lie prob- ably preferred Cass. He made his appointments and shaped his policies with a view to the success of his own administration. To aspirants and to the public he made it clear that he would affiliate with no faction of the party ; he would support the can- didate chosen by the representatives of the people, whoever that candidate might be. He even tolerated the Barnburners until they had openly seceded from the party. The Democratic national convention assembled at Baltimore on May 22, 1848, and its greatest difficulty proved to be the solution of a knotty problem presented by the delegates from New York. Two sets of delegates from this state appeared, and each claimed the right to seats in the convention. On the first day the credentials committee decided tentatively to admit neither faction unless it would agree to abide by the nomination. This decision was regarded as a victory for the Hunkers and as advan- tageous to Cass, and the Barnburners refused to submit to inter- rogations. When reporting this to Polk, J. Knox Walker wi-ote that "Your true position before the Convention will be presented immediately before any balloting." Two days later he reported much bitterness and confusion, and that the convention probably would admit both delegations.^ This course was adopted event- ually, as the convention did not care to assume the responsibility of deciding between the two factions. The Barnburners, who favx)red the Wilmot proviso, were dis- satisfied and retired from the convention. They met at Utica in June and nominated Van Buren for President. In August, at a convention held in Buffalo, they joined with Whigs and Aboli- tionists in nominating Van Buren and Charles Francis Adams on a ''Free-soil" ticket. The secession of the New York delegation from the Baltnnorc convention and their subsequent affiliation witli ohl-tnne enenues 5 Walker to Polk, May 22, 24, 1848, Polk Papers. 716 JAMES K. POLK were regarded by the President as little short of party treason. He lost no time in removing from office B. F. Butler and other active Barnburners. When news of the nominations made at Buffalo reached Washington, he remarked that ' ' Mr. Van Buren is the most fallen man I have ever known. ' '" Party schism and ill health overcame temporarily the iron will of the President, and he yielded to despondency — almost to despair. Schism mean the probable success of the Whigs and the reversal of his cherished policies. Ill health portended an early termination of his earthly career. On November 2, his fifty-third birthday, he confided to his diary : It will be 21 years on to-morrow since my father died. My mother is still living. Upon each recurrence of my birthday I am solemnly im- pressed with the vanity & emptiness of worldly honors and worldly enjoy- ments and of [the wisdom of] preparing for a future estate. In four months I shall retire from public life forever. I have lived three fourths of the period ordinarily allotted to man on earth. I have been highly honoured by my fellow-men and have filled the highest station on earth, but I will soon go the way of all the earth. I pray God to prepare me to meet the great event. The news, a week later, that Taylor had probably been elected President called forth another melancholy comment : Should this be so, it is deeply to be regretted. Without experience in civil life, he is wholly unqualified for the station, and being elected by the Federal party and the various factions of dissatisfied persons who have from time to time broken off from the Democratic party, he must be in their hands and under their absolute control. Having no opinions or judgment of his own upon any one public subject, foreign or domestic, he will be compelled to rely upon the designing men of the Federal party who will cluster around him, and will be made to reverse, so far as the Execu- tive can reverse, the whole policy of my administration, and substitute the Federal policy in its stead. The country will be the loose [loser] by his election, and on this account it is an event which I should deeply regret." The defection of the Barnburners, which augured Democratic defeat in November, made the President all the more determined c Polk, Diary, IV, 36-37, 67. 7 iMd., 177, 184-185. CLOSE OF CABEEB 717 to achieve new victories while his own party remained in j)o\ver. During the summer of 1848 he busied himself witli wliat proved to be a hopeless attempt to acquire Cuba, and with extending the influence of the United States in South and Central America. When Congress convened in December, Taylor had been elected and there remained but one short session of Democratic rule. Polk's four great policies'* had been carried through suc- cessfully, but the problem of slavery in the Mexican cession still remained to be solved. Defeat of his party at the polls did not deter the President from urging once more his own solution — the extension of the Missouri Compromise line. His persistency led Collamer, of Vermont, to compare him with the lawyer who, being reprimanded for contending against the opinion of the judge, replied that he "was not rearguing the case, hut damning the decision."^ Judged by standards of the period which was just closing, the solution offered by the President's message seemed both nat- ural and reasonable. Even so shrewd a politician as Polk did not seem to realize that the days of King Compromise were numbered and that conscience and abstract principles had be- come the dominating factors in the slavery question. Influential leaders of both North and South were now more interested in constitutional rights than in rquare miles of territory, and the rank and file were rapidly falling into line. To be sure another compromise law was recorded in the statute books in 1850, but Clay's famous omnibus turned out to be Pandora's box in dis- guise During the debate on this bill, Calhoun gave warning that disunion would surely result from further agitation against slavery on the part of the North. In reply, Seward announced lus "higher law" doctrine which served as a battle-cry m renewed onslaughts upon the "peculiar institution." 8 Calif^uia, Oregon, Tariff, and the Independent Treasury. Coleman, Life of John J. Crittenden, 328. 718 JAMES K. FOLK Naturally, Polk was chagrined because the slavery question remained unsolved at the close of his administration, and, as we have seen in a preceding chapter, he left Washington harboring the fear that California would become an independent state.^° Still, he had little cause for discouragement on account of failure in this particular. The most ambitious executive might well be satisfied with the achievements of his administration. During the course of his official term Polk renewed amicable relations with nearly all of his political antagonists. Bailie Pey- ton was the first to seek a reconciliation, and in September, 1845, in response to an inquiry, the President said that he "would receive him courteously & respectfully."^^ Peyton was subse- quently given a miltiary appointment during the war with Mex- ico. Wise, as we have seen, was completly won over by the loyal support which the President gave him while he was minister to Brazil. John Bell was the last to seek a renewal of friendly relations, but in January', 1848, he, too, oifered the pipe of peace. As the two men had not spoken since the Speakership contest in 1835, the first interview was somewhat embarrassing, especi- ally so on the part of Bell. The President's "manner and con- versation," however, "soon put him at his ease. "^- With Clay, the President always maintained cordial personal relations. Clay was a dinner guest at the executive mansion on several occasions, and, according to Foote, he tendered his services to the Presi- dent in overcoming Whig opposition to the treaty with Mexico.^^ Polk left office harboring greater resentment for individual Democrats than for members of the opposition party. Blair and Benton had proved themselves to be "unprincipled," and the 10 See above, page 655. n Polk, Diary, I, 32. 12 "I said to him that I was glad to see him, and that so far as I was concerned I was willing to let bye-gones be bye-gones, to let the past be forgotten, and to renew with him our personal intercourse. He said that was his desire, that we were to live neighbors when we retired from public life, and that he desired to be on terms of friendship. I expressed similar desires on my part" (Polk, Diary, III, 284-285). 13 Polk, Diary, passim. H. S. Foote, Casket of Reminiscences, 22. CLOSE OF CAEEEE 719 "baseness" of Wilmot could not "be adequately described.'" For the opposition party as a whole, his feelings had undergone no change. As late as February 20, 1849, he recorded that The Whigs & abolitionists in Congress pursue me with a malignity and a bitterness which can only be accounted for because of their chagrin at the success of Democratic measures during my administration. i-* Determined to uphold Democratic principles so long as the power rested in his hands, he went to the capitol on the last evening of his official term prepared to veto the Wilmot proviso and any internal improvement bill that might be presented. As we have seen in the preceding pages, he was not called upon to use the veto power, although Congress would in all probability have passed the obnoxious bills if the President's determination to veto them had not become known. The delight caused by the thought of retirement is recorded by the President on February 13, 1849, the fourth anniv.Tsary of his arrival in Washington : I am heartily rejoiced that my term is so near its close. I will soon cease to be a servant and become a sovereign. As a private citizen I will have no one but myself to serve, and will exercise a part of the sovereign power of the country. I am sui-e I Avill be happier in this condition than in the exalted station I now hold.is General Taylor arrived in Washington on February 23, and immediately an annoying question of etiquette presented itself. Buchanan and other members of the cabinet were planning to call upon the President-elect, and one of them consulted Polk concerning the propriety of their doing so. Polk and Taylor had never met ; but since their relations during the Mexican war had been mutually distrustful, the President was not at all certain that Taylor would call upon him to pay his respects. He tohl the members, therefore, that "if my Cabinet calle.l on (irn'l Taylor before he called on me, I should feel that I had b.rn 14 Polk, Diary, IV, 227, 343-344. 15 Ibid., 331-332. 720 JAMES K. POLE deserted by my own political family. ' ' All except the Secretary of State agreed with the President ; Buchanan threatened to dis- regard Polk's wishes, but did not carry out his threat. Taylor removed the cause for embarrassment by calling at the "White House on February 26, after which Polk gave a dinner in his honor and treated him with the utmost cordiality.^" As they rode to the capitol on inauguration day, Polk found his successor to be well meaning, but ' ' exceedinglly ignorant of public affairs ' ' ; he added to the general's difficulties by ahsconding with the Ex- ecutive Journal so that poor Taylor did not know what officers he was expected to appoint !" When reporting to Polk this joke of the season, Cave Johnson said that the new President knew less about public affairs than even his opponents had believed. On the evening of March 5^^ Polk boarded the steamboat and began his journey homeward. In response to invitations from southern cities, he traveled via Richmond, Charleston, and New Orleans, thence up the Mississippi river. During his whole Presi- dential term he had suffered much from chronic diarrhoea, and the fatigue of the journey caused its recurrence in an acute form. Medical attention gave temporary relief, and the ex-President reached Nashville much weakened yet apparently on the road to recovery. After a brief rest he w^as able to visit his mother at Columbia and Mrs. Polk's mother at Murfreesborough. About a year before he left Washington he disposed of his home in Columbia and purchased the Nashville residence of the late Senator Grundy. It was renamed Polk Place, and under the personal supervision of Mrs. Polk the house was enlarged and refurnished, and the grounds beautified. The President i6 7&icJ., 349-359. 17 "The old Genl himself says that by some accident or mistake you had taken off the Executive Journal & therefore he had been dilitory in presenting his nominations — he could not know what offices he had to fill on that acct!" (Johnson to Polk, Washington, March 17, 1849, Polk Papers). Johnson remained in the Post Office Department for a few days after Taylor's inauguration. 18 As the 4th fell on Sunday, Taylor was not inaugurated until the 5th. CLOSE OF CAEEEE 721 longed for the day to arrive when he might put aside the cares of state and enjoy the quiet of a private citizen, although many of his utterances indicate that he believed the end to he near. For a time, after his arrival in Nashville, he was more clieor- ful. The enthusiastic welcome accorded by his neighbors and the interest w^hich he took in supervising the improvements being made at Polk Place restored temporarily his old-time vigor. Whenever he undertook the performance of a task it was his habit to expend his energies freely ; and in his present state of health, his storehouse of energy was rapidly exhausted. The labor of arranging the books in his library caused a recurrence of the malady from which he had suffered on his liomeward journey, and it was soon apparent that he could not recover. The Polk family as well as Mrs. Polk were Presbyterians, but the ex-President was not a member of any church. He wept regularly with his wife to the church of her choice, although his preference was for the Methodist denomination. ^^^ A few days before his death his aged mother came from Columbia bringing her own pastor in the hope that her son might accept baptism and unite with the Presbyterian church. But the son recalled a promise once given to Reverend McFerren, of the ]\Iethodist church, that, when he was ready to join the church, McFerren should baptize him.-« Having thus formally embraced Chris- tianity, he felt prepared "to meet the great event. "-^ He died on June 15, 1849, in the fifty-fourth year of his age. He was buried in the garden at Polk Place. In 1893 his body, with that of Mrs. Polk, was removed to the grounds of the state capitol. On his tomb is the following epitaph, prepared by A. 0. P. Nicholson : 19 "Mrs Polk being a member of the Presbyterian Church I generally attend th^t Church wifh her, though -7 opinions an 1 pre.hlect.ons are .n favor of the Methodist Church" (Polk, Diary, I, 86). 20 Chase, History of the Polk Administration, 474-475. 21 See above, page 716. 722 JAMES K. POLK By his public policy he defined, established, and extended the boun- daries of his country. He planted the laws of the American union on the shores of the Pacific. His influence and his counsels tended to organize the national treasury on the principles of the Constitution, and to apply the rule of freedom to navigation, trade, and industry. This eulogium by no means exaggerates the national service rendered by President Polk. Indeed, Nicholson might have added that he had made the American continents "safe for democracy" by repelling with vigor all interference by European powers. Seldom in our history has such an ambitious and so varied a program been carried into effect in the brief space of four years. It was a program conceived, for the most part, by the President himself, and his dogged persistence was an important factor in procuring the legislation necessary for putting it in operation. And yet, as Schouler has truthfully said, when commenting on the ex-President's death: After this brief -spaced decent tribute Polk's name was seldom pub- licly mentioned. Over the fruits, sweet and bitter, which his adminis- tration had cast so abundantly into the lap of the people, there sprang up very soon sectional quarrel and contention, but the gatherer of those fruits was very soon forgotten. 22 And, in a great measure, he remained "forgotten" notwith- standing the fact that his tariff policy led to prosperity; that his "constitutional treasury" proved to be successful; that his "Polk Doctrine" has been approved and extended; and that his expansion policy added over five hundred thousand square miles of territory and gave the United States free access to the Pacific. The acquisition of Louisiana, with its abundant resources and its value as a home for America's surplus population, has com- monly been accredited to the statesmanship and farsightedness of Thomas Jefferson. When the centennial of this event was celebrated at St. Louis in 1904, Jefferson's part in the trans- action was commemorated by medals struck in his honor. At a 22 Schouler, History of the United States, V, 127. CLOSE OF CAEEEE 723 similar exposition held iu San Francisco in 1915 to celebrate the opening of the Panama canal, one listened in vain for any men- tion of the name of the man who had acquired the ground on which the exposition was being held, although days were dedi- cated officially to many individuals who had contributed little or nothing to the acquisition of the canal or to the prosperity of the Pacific coast. Possibly, many who attended the exposition could not have answered the campaign cry of 1844, "Wlio is James K. Polk ? ' ' And yet, every one who is f amilair with our history knows that Louisiana was purchased witliout Jefferson's knowledge or consent, and that a vast empire (including Cali- fornia) on the Pacific coast came into the possession of the United States as the result of a policy conceived by President Polk and consummated despite vigorous opposition, both at home and abroad. Why, then, has this man's name been enveloped in compar- ative obscurity? Why has he not received full credit for his achievements ? Undoubtedly one reason is that he possessed little personal magnetism, while his uncompromising independence dis- satisfied all factions ; and, consequently, he had no personal fol- lowing to sound his praises and perpetuate liis memory. Tlie excerpt from Schouler, above quoted, suggests incidentally a more potent reason, although Schouler lays the chief emphasis on the fact that Polk was ' ' soon forgotten. " As he says, ' ' there si)rang up very soon sectional quarrel and contention," and unquestion- ably this sectional discord had much to do with attaching odium to the Polk administration and with consigning the President's memory to oblivion. The introduction of the Wilmot proviso precipitated a n-al crisis in our history. The debate which it elicited presented new phases of the slavery question and rendered the sectional .-onflict truly -irrepressible." The determination of the anti-slavery forces to exclude the institution from all territories called forth a counter-determination on the part of the South that the 724 JAMES E. POLK "rights" of the slaveholding states must be guaranteed and pro- tected. Henceforth the slavery question overshadowed all others. Little thought was given to the "sweet fruits" which Polk had gathered. Debates on topics wholly unrelated to slavery inevit- ably drifted into a discussion of this fatal subject, and all at- tempts made to solve the problem increased rather than dimin- ished sectional bitterness. Since the conflict at tirst-^ concerned the territories acquired from Mexico, Polk's expansion policy was represented to be a conspiracy to extend slavery. But the President was not even given the credit usually accorded to a successful conspirator, for he was alleged to be the mer^^oolof^ more capable intriguers. On the other hand, the protagonists of slavery had no gratitude for the man who was charged with being their agent in the plot to extend slavery. His unswerving independence, his refusal to approve the extreme southern program, and his advocacy of an extension of the Missouri Compromise line, made him, in their eyes, a traitor to southern interests. As we have noted elsewhere, Polk's policy of compromise was the policy of a period which had just closed. Total exclusion of slavery from the territories had become the watchword of one of the parties to the all-ab- sorbing contest ; unrestricted admission of ' ' slave-property ' ' was demanded by the other. As the advocate of the traditional method of adjusting the slavery question Polk satislSed neither side, and he was charged by each with being weak and tempor- izing. The achievements of his administration and his valuable services as chief executive were obscured by the focusing of public attention on the slavery question in its new and more acute form. Leaders of more extreme views won the approval of their respec- tive sections. Conservatives like Polk were remembered only to be condemned. In the earlier histories of the Mexican War the writers have derived their information mainly from Whig sources 23 It was not until the introduction of the Nebraska bill in 1854 that territories in the Louisiana Purchase were included in the discussion. CLOSE OF C A SEES 725 and from distorted accounts written by dissatisfied Democrats like Senator Benton.-* Very naturally, therefore, Polk has been cari- catured as the pliable instrument of the slave power, and little attention has been given to the constructive policies of his admin- istration. More recently, however, much valuable material has been made' available, and investigators have approached the sub- ject with minds unprejudiced by the obsolete sectional contro- versy. They have found — and it is believed that the preceding pages have shown — that Polk was neither a conspirator nor a weakling, but that he was a constructive statesman, an unsually able executive, and a sound patriot. No other President took his task more seriously nor spent his energies more freely for his country ; and few, indeed, have done more to increase the power and prestige of the nation. 24 Especially his Thirty Years ' View. I BIBLIOGRAPHY (Emory, Notes of a Military Beconnois- PUBLIC DOCUMENTS Abridgment of the Debates of Congress from 1789 to 1856, edited by Thomas H. Benton. New York, 1857. American State Papers, Foreign Eelations, Vol. V. Washington, 1858. Congressional Globe. Washington, 1834-1873. Executive Begister of the United States, 1789-1902, compiled by Robert Brent Mosher. Baltimore, 1903. Hansard's Parliamentary Debates, LXVII, LXXIX. London, 18-13, 1845. House Executive Documents 212, 29 Congress, 1 sess. 4, 29 Congress, 2 sess. 6, 30 Congress, 1 sess. 41, 30 Congress, 1 sess. sance.) 60, 30 Congress, 1 sess. 7, 30 Congress, 2 sess. House Beports 312, 23 Congi-ess, 1 sess. Begister of Debates in Congress. Seriate Executive Documents 1, 29 Congress, 1 sess. 107, 29 Congress, 2 sess. 1, 30 Congi-ess, 1 sess. 29, 30 Congress, 1 sess. 35, 30 Congress, 1 sess. 52, 30 Congress, 1 sess. 65, 30 Congress, 1 sess. Tennessee House Journal, 1839-40. House Journal, 1841-42. Senate Journal, 1839-40. Senate Journal, 1841-42. Washington, 1834-1856. BIBLIOGHAPHY 727 Texas . Diplomatic Correspondence of the Republic of Texas, editotl by Goorfje P. Garrison. 3 vols. In American Historical Association, Annual Report, 1907-1908. Washington, 1908-1911. Treaties, Convention's, International Acts, Protocols and Agreenwnts, be- tween the United States of America and Other Powers, 1776-1909, compiled by William M. Malloy. 3 vols. Washington, 1910. MANUSCRIPTS Buchanan, James. Papers: Libraiy of Historical Society of Pennsylvania. Cralle, Eichard K. Papers: Library of Congress. Crittenden, John J. Papers: Library of Congi-ess. Green, Duff. Letters: Library of Congress. Jackson, Andrew. Papers: Library of Congress. Johnson, Andrew. Papers: Library of Congi-ess. Larkin, Thomas O. Papers: Bancroft Library, University of California. McLean, John. Papers: Libraiy of Congress. PiEECE, Franklin. Pajjcrs:, Library of Congress. Polk, James K. Papers: Library of Congi-ess. Polk, Col. William. Papers: Library of Congress. Trist, Nicholas P. Papers: Library of Congress. Van Buren, Martin. Papers: Library of Congress. Welles, Gideon. Papers: Library of Congress. \t PUBLISHED DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE Ad\ms John Quincy. Memairs of John Quinoy Adams, comprising por- tions of his diar}) from 1795 to 1848, edited by Cniarles Francis Adams. 12 vols. Philadelphia, 1874-1877. Brown, Aaron V. Speeches, Congressional and PoUiiral. and Other Writ- ings. Nashville, 1854. Buchanan, James. The Works of James BucMnun, comprising his speeches, state papers, and private correspondence; collect*..! an.l edited by John Bassett Moore. 12 vols. Philadelphia and London, 1908-1911. Calhoun, John C. Correspondence, edited by J. Franklin -I^'"'--"- ^" American Historical Association, Annual Report, 189!K N\ash.ngt.m. 1900. Calhoun, John C. The Worlcs of John C. CaJhonn, e.lited by Richard K. Cralle. 6 vols. New York, 18.-)1-1870. 728 JAMES E. POLE Heiss, John P. "Papers," Tennessee Historical Magazine, II, No. ,2. yT Laughlin, Samuel H. "Diary," Tennessee Historical Magazine, II, No. 1. Lincoln, Abr^miam. Complete Works, compiled by John G. Nicolay and John Hay, edited by Francis D. Tandy. 12 vols. New York, 1905. Polk, James K. The Diary of James E. Folic, edited by Milo Milton Quaife. 4 vols. Cliicago, 1910. ' ' Polk-Douelsou Letters, ' ' Tennessee Historical Magazine, III, No. 4. Let- ters of James K. Polk and A. J. Donelson, edited by St. George L. Sioussat. ./ " Polk- Johnson Letters," Tennessee Historical Magazine, I, No. 3. Letters of James K. Polk and Cave Johnson, edited by St. George L. Sioussat. " Polk-Pillow Letters," American Historical Review, XI, No. 4. Edited by Jesse SiddaU Eeeves. Taylor, Zachary. Letters of Zachary Taylor from the Battle-Ficlds of the Mexican War, edited by William K. Bixby. Rochester, N. Y., 1908. NEWSPAPERS Baltimore Niles' WeeMy Register. Sun. Nashville Democratic Statesman. Daily Republican, Banner. Daily and triweekly. Union. Semiweekly and triweekly. Whig. San Francisco Alta California Washington Gazette. Globe. Madisonian. National Intelligencer. Spectator. BIBLIOGUAPRY 729 PERIODICALS American Historical Magazine. 9 vols. Nashville, 189C-1904. Contains Mary Winder Garrett's "Pedigree of the Polk Family," also letters of Jackson and other statesmen. Democratic Eeview. New York, 1838-1859. ARTICLES IN PERIODICALS Bourne, Edward G. "The United States and Mexico, 1847-1848," Amer- ican Historical Eevierv, V, No. 3. SCHAFER, Joseph. "British Attitude toward the Oregon Question, 1815- 1846," American Historical Beview, XVI, No. 2. SiousSAT, St. George L. "Some Phases of Tennessee Politics in the Jack- son Period," American Historical Beview, XIV, No. 1. BOOKS AND PAMPHLETS Adams, Ephraim Douglas. British Interests and Activities in Texas, 1838- 1846. Baltimore, 1910. Adams, Henry. History of the United States. New York, 1891-1898. Ambler, Charles Henry. Thomas Bitchie. Riclmiond, 1913. Bancroft, Hubert Howe. History of California, Vol. 5. San Francisco, 1886. Benton, Thomas H. Thirty Years' View. New York, 1862. Birney, William. James G. Birney and His Times. New York, 1890. Chase, Lucien B. History of the Folk Administration. New York, 1850. Claiborne, J. P. H. Life and Correspondence of John A. Quitman. 2 vols. New I'ork, 1860. Coleman, Ann Mary Butler. The Life of John J. Crittenden, with selec- tions from his correspondence and speeches. 2 vols. Philadelpliia, 1873. Curtis, George Ticknor. Life of Daniel Webster. 2 vols. New York, 1870. Curtis, George Ticknor. Life of James BucMnan. 2 vols. New York, 1883. FooTE, Henry S. Casket of Beminiscences. Washington, 1874. Fremont, John Charles. Memoirs of My Life. Chicago and New York, 1887. 730 JAMES K. POLK Gallatin, Albert. Tlie Oregon Question. New York, 1846. Garrisox, George Pierce. Westward Extension. New York, 1906. Grant, U. S. Personal Memoirs. 2 vols. NeAV York, 1885-1886. Gray, W. H. A History of Oregon, 1792-1849. Portland, 1870. Hitchcock, Ethan Allen. Fifty Years in Camp and Field, edited by W. A. Oroffut. New York and London, 1909. Holst, Dr. H. VON. Tlie Constitutional and Political History of the United States, translated by Alfred B. Mason and Paul Shorey. 8 vols. Chicago, 1881-1892. Holst, Dr. H. vox. Verfassungsgescliichte der Vereinigien Staaten von Amerila. 4 vols. Berlin, 1878-1884. Howe, M. A. De Wolfe. The Life and Letters of George Bancroft. 2 vols. New York, 1908. Jay, William. A Eeview of the Causes and Consequences of the Mexican War. Philadelphia., 1849. Jenkins, John S. The Life of James Knox Poll: Auburn, 1850. Jones, Anson. Memoranda and official correspondence relating to the Bepuhlic of Texas, its history and annexation. Including a brief autobiography of the author. New York, 1859. Latane, John H. Hiplomatie Bvlations of the United States and Spanish America. Baltimore, 1900. Learned, Henry Barrett. Some Aspects of the Cabinet Meeting. Wash- ington, 1915. Mann, Mary Tyler. Life of Horace Mann. Boston, 1865. Me^vde, George Gordon. The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade. 2 vols. New York, 1913. Meigs, William Montgomery. The Life of Thomas Han Benton. Phila- delphia and London, 1904. Nelson, Anson and Fanny. Memorials of Sarah Childress Polk. New York, 1892. Parton, James. Life of Andrew Jackson. 3 vols. Boston, 1876. Phelan, James. History of Tennessee. Boston, 1889. Porter, Valentine Mott. General Stephen W. Kearny and the Conquest of California. Los Angeles, 1911. Prentiss, George Lewis. Memoir of S. S. Prentiss. New York, 1855. Eeeves, Jesse Siddai.l. American Diplomacy under Tyler and Polk. Balti- more, 1907. BlBLIOGliAPHY 731 Reid, Whitelaw. The Monroe Doctrine, the Polk Doctrine and the Doc- trine of Anarchis7n. New York, 1903. Ripley, R. S. The War tvith Mexico. 2 vols. New York, 1849. Rives, George Lockhart. The United States and Mexico, 18X1-1848. 2 vols. New Yoi-k, 1913. SCHOULER, James. Historii of the United States. 6 vols. New York, 1880- 1899. SCHURZ, Carl. Life of Henri/ Clay. 2 vols. Boston ami New York, 1887. Scott, Nancy N. A Memoir of Hugh Latvson White. Philadelphia, 1856. Scott, Winpield. Memoirs of Lieut.-General Scott, LL.D. Written by him- self. Usually cited as Autohixygraphy. 2 vols. NeAV York, 1864. Shepard, Edward M. Martin Van- Buren. Boston and New York, 1889. Smith, Ashbel. Beminisccnces of the Texas Bepublic. Galveston, 1876. Smith, Justin H. The Annexation of Texas. New York, 1911. Sumner, William Graham. Andrew Jaclson. Boston, 1888. Temple, Oliver P. Notable Men of Tennessee, from 1833 to 1875. Their Times and Contemporaries. New York, 1912. Thompson, Waddy. Becollections of Mexico. New York and London, 1846. Tyler, Lyon G. Letters and Times of the Tylers. 3 vols. Richmond, 1884-1896. Wharton, Francis. A Digest of the International Law of the United States. 3 vols. Washing:ton, 1887. Wilson, J. G. The Presidents of the United States. Yoakum, H. History of Texas, 1685-1846. 2 vols. New York, 1856. INDEX Aberdeen, Lord, 417; and Oregon, 563, 574, 584. Abolition vote, 279-280. Adams, C. F., "Free-soil" nom- inee (1848), 715. Adams, J. Q., 46, 304; opposes Polk, 44, 97, 122; slavery peti- tions, 109, 126; opposes annex- ation of Texas, 117, 126; de- clines to attend Polk 's inaugura- tion, 319; supports Polk's diplo- matic appropriation, 443 ; agi'ees with Polk on ' ' all Oregon, ' ' 443, 590 ; death, 545 ; and Cuba, 699. ' ' Alabama letters, " 271. Alexander, A. E., 208. Allen, E., 357, 371. Allen, William, 403, 561, 585; on Oregon, 599; resigns, 609; de- sires congressional ' ' Polk Doc- trine," 694. Almonte, J. N., 354, 445, 465. "American System," Polk's opin- ion of, 656 ff.; defeated, 678; Polk's able message on, 686; ob- solete, 689. Ampudia, Pedro de, 411. Anaya, P. M., President ad interim, 521; appoints peace commission- ers, 522. Anderson, Alex., Senator, 169, 271. Archer, W. S., 313, 441, 581. Arista, Mariano, 412. Armstrong, Eobert, 152, 273, 286, 574; informs Polk of election, 283. Ashbui-ton, Lord, boundary mis- sion, 558. Ashinun, George, 467. Astor, John J., 556. Atchison, David R., 346, 586, 596. Atherton, C. G., 126. Atocha, A. J., advises Polk on Mexican policy, 39(^-399, 465; 472, 487; suggests bribery, 534. Aristain, Miguel, peace commis- sioner, 522. Badger, G. E., 631. Bagby, A. P., 674. "Balance of power," opposed by Polk, 693. Bald^vin, E. S., 631. Bancroft, George, -works for Polk 's nomiDation, 237 ff.. 272; Secre- tary of Xavy, 298; instructions to Taylor, 375; order relating to Santa Anna, 439; his postal treaty with Great Britain, 711. Bank of the United States, asks for recharter, 28; sale of stocks, 30. "Bank war," importance of, 26; Polk's part in, 26-46. Bankhead, Gliarlcs, British minister in Mexico, 506, 514. Baranda, Manuel, desires peace with United States, 506. Barnburners, convention (1848), 633; removed by Polk, 643. Bayly, T. H., 305. Beach, Moses Y., wouM make treaty without authority, 538. "Bear flag" episode, 426. [733] INDEX "Bedford letter," 84. Bedinger, Henry, 621. Bell, John, 57, 174; chosen speaker, 50 ; Murfreesborough speech, 53 ; his "Cassedy letter," 58, 68, 84, 105; favors U. S. bank, 84- 85; clLarges Polk with partisan bias, 98; denounces Jacksonism, 99, 130; northern tour, 123; never a real Jackson man, 130 ff . ; renews friendship with Polk, 718; supporter of White, 63, 68. Benton, Thomas H., 28, 33, 164, 230, 236, 255, 262; "insane," 257, 264-265; anti-Texas, 266; opposes Tylerites, 288 ; on Texas bill, 314; 'advises Polk, 403, 436, 441, 466; urges expedition to Mexico City, 453 ; declines mili- tary appointment, 471; breaks with Polk, 476; thirteen day de- nunciation of Kearny, 477; sug- gests ambulatory commissioner, 486; on Oregon question, 560, 576, 581, 594, 606, 631; Califor- nia letter, 644; on tariff, 675; "unprincipled," 718. Berrien, John M., on slavery, 622. Biddle, Nicholas, 29, 32. Bidlack, Benj. A., his treaty with New Granada, 709-711. Biggs, Asa, 672. Birney, James G., nomination for President, 263; prefers Polk to Clay, 263; and free trade, 281. Black, James A., 584, 601. Black, John, 384. Blackwell, J. W., 138. Blair, F. P., hostile to Polk, 57, 164; instructed by Jackson, 265, 268, 315; sells Globe, 333; "un- principled," 718. Blair, John, 286. Bouck, W. C, 279. Bowlin, J. B., 275. Bradford, J. O., 114. Brady, William, 56, 76. Briggs, G. N., 95. Bright, J. D., 634. Brinkerhoff, Jacob, 587, 588. BroAVTi, Aaron V., 6, 64, 77, 174, 209, 259, 320 ; part in Texas pro- gram, 220, 257; instructs Polk, 253. Brown, Jacob, killed, 429. Brown, Milton, 205; Texas resolu- tion, 311, 314. Brown, Thomas, 195. Brownlow, "Parson" (W. G.), 124. Buchanan, James, 164, 284; Secre- tary of State, 294, 400 ; on acqui- sition of territory, 416, 423, 437, 527 ; drafts project of treaty with Mexico, 491; i-ejects Mexi- can peace tenns, 518; would re- ject Trist's treaty, 539; sus- pected of treachery, 549 ; fears Avar over Oregon, 572, 578, 581;- no ' ' backing out, ' ' 607 ; on Ore- gon bill, 640; on tariff, 666; fears war over Cuba, 702; presi- dential aspirations, 714. Buena Vista, battle of, 480. Burges, Tristam, 83. Burke, Edmund, 629. Burt, A., 621, 640. Butler, A. P., 469, 648. Butler, B. F., 234, 239; declines war portfolio, 295 ; removed by Polk, 643. Butler, W. 0., 471, 703; succeeds Scott, 531. Bynum, J. A., 129. Cadwalader, George, 511. [734] INDEX Calhoun, John C, 7, 203, 231, 262, 270, 308; on Jackson's part in abolition, 108; Secretary of State, 218, 562; Texas "con- spiracy," 220, 241; suggested for Polk's cabinet, 289; "na- tionalizes ' ' slavery and aboli- tion, 311, 615; desires Califor- nia, 403 ; declines to vote on declaration of war, 415 ; opposes lieutenant-general, 463 ; ' ' most mischievous man in the Senate, ' ' 468; opposes war, 530, 623; ui'ges ' ' masterly inactivity, ' ' 560 ; declines British mission, 567 ; ' ' against any compromise line," 624; presidential hopes, 626; seeks pledge from Polk on southern governors for terri- tories, 636; urges veto of Oregon bill, 640 ; address on slavery, 649 ; opposes congressional ' ' Polk Doctrine, ' ' 694 ; interpretation of Monroe Doctrine, 700; dis- union warning, 717. California, one of Polk's "great measures," 351; supposed de- signs upon, 386; Mexican war "waged for," 391; Kearny sent to, 422; conquest of, 426; gov- ernment, 644 ff., 651, 654; inde- pendence of, 655. Cambreleng, C. C, 292; Polk "worse than Tyler," 416. Cameron, Simon, on tariff, 278, 668, 675. Campbell, E. B., 439. Campbell, W. W., 591. Cannon, Newton, assails Jackson and Van Buren, 118; meets Polk in debate, 145 ff . ; charges against Jackson, 146; last message, 155. Carroll, William, 42, 87, 122. Carson, "Kit," 473. Cass, Lems, 209, 216, 441, 585, 598; Texas letter, 229; cam- paigns for Polk, 258, 275; his "Nicholson letter," 630; on tariff, 668; desii-es congressional "Polk Doctrine," 695. "Cassedy letter," 58, 68, 105; copy of, 84. Castro, Jos6, 424, 427. Catholics, 279; as chaplains, 421. Catron, John, 61, 252, 286, 302; favors paper money, 115, 660; on constitutionality of Texas resolution, 314; asserts power of Congress over slavery, 634. Cerro Gordo, battle of, 481. Chapultepec, battle of, 485. Childress, John W., 53, 77. Chilton, Thomas, 38. Churubusco, battle of, 483. Oilley, Jonathan, 121, 128. Claiborne, J. F. H., 119, 326. Clarke, John H., "Let her [Cali- fornia] go," 654. Clay, C. C, 47, 68, 275. Clay, C. M., 277, 280. Clay, Henry, 78, 144, 151. 169. 189, 205 ; and U. S. Bank, 29 ; distri- bution bill, 102; certain of nom- ination (1844), 212; hopes to avert Texas issue, 223; anti- Texas letter, 226, 262 ; defamed, 228, 273; nominated for Presi- dent, 229; claim to greatness, 249; embodiment of party. 251; vacillation. 263, 272, 277; not defeated by Texas issue. 281; God thanked for his defeat, 283 ; like Hamilton, 6()8; and Cuba, 699. Clayton, A. S., 28. Clayton. John M., 67, 592; Clayton committee, 635; Clayton bill, 637; and tariff, 674. Clifford, Nathan, 539; Mexican mission, 548, 550. Cobb, Howell, on Oregon, 588. Coe, Levin H., 166. Collamer, Jacob, on Polk's persis- tencv, 717. [735] INDEX Colquitt, W. T., and Oregon, 593, 596. Contreras, battle of, 482. Cook, D. P., 13. Conner, David, 375; bombards Vera Cruz, 481. Corcoran, W. W., 547. Couto, Bernardo, peace commis- sionerj 522. Cramer, W. E., 280. Crary, I. E., opposes supreme court, 135. Crittenden, John J., 223, 488, 585; Oregon resolution, 592. Crockett, David, 24, 62, 81 ; opposes Tennessee land bill, 21 ff., 23; splits Jackson party, 22; and Polk, 22, 76. Cuba, and "Polk Doctrine," 691, 700; key to Gulf, 700; proposed purchase of, 701-705. Cuevas, Gonzago, peace commis- sioner, 522. Cullom, A., 403. Gushing, Caleb, 127. Dallas,' G. M., nominated for Vice- President, 239. Daniel, J. E. J., 670. Davis, Alonzo B., imprisoned in Brazil, 706. Davis, Garrett, on "President's war," 415; Polk a usurper, 459; on Oi-egon, 587. Davis, Jefferson, opposes army re- duction, 553; and Oregon, 592, 632; on slavery, 635. Davis, John, talks Polk's appro- priation bill to deatli, 443. Democratic convention (1844), con- venes, 236; attitude toward Van Buren, 236; two-thirds rule, 237; platform, 239, 562. Democratic convention (1848), 715. Democratic groups, 259, 337. Derrick, Wm. S., 493.^ Dickinson, D. S., 470, 530; for "popular sovereignty," 630. Dimond, F. M., 384, 435. "Disputed territory," 377, 381, 408-413, 415, 458, 517. Dix, John A., 470; on Polk's Ore- gon policy, 593. i Donelson, A. J., 35, 59, 88, 298, 355, 360; exposes Bell, 122; favors Polk for Vice-President, 161; on Texas issue, 231; works for Polk's nomination, 240; charge in Texas, 308, 354; de- sired as party editor, 332 ; views on expansion, 465. Douglas, Stephen A., 275 ; moves to admit Texas as state, 371 ; de- fends Polk, 460; and Oregon, 586, 589, 631; and California, 648, 651, 653; and Cuba, 701. Doyle, Percy W., urges Mexico to make treaty, 536. Dromgoole, G. C, 669-670. Duane, Wm. J., 36. Eaton, John H., 67. Eaton, Mrs. John H., 25. Election frauds "(1844), 281. Elliot, Capt. Charles, 359, 361. Elmore, F. H., 239, 567. Evans, George, on tariff, 672, 674. Everett, Edward, unconstitutional to amend Constitution, 16; on military chieftain, 17; in Lon- don, 561. Ewing, E. H., 591. Fairfield, John, 290. Fisk, Theophilus, 218, 229. Flagg, A. C, 291. [736] INDEX Flores, J. M., 428; leads insurrec- tion in California, 473-474. Florida Purchase, 390, 402, 555, 570. Floyd, John, report on Oregon, 556. Foote, Henry S., and slavery, 631, 652. Foster, E. H., 58, 153, 194, 199; re- signs from Senate, 168; elected Senator, 208. Foster, E. C, 176. "Frankland," state" of, 197. Freanor, James D., bearer of treaty, 537. Frelinghuysen, Theodore, Whig candidate, 229. Fremont, John C, 423-426; acts without authority, 425, 549; his court-martial, 476. "Gag rule," 95, 107, 121. Gaines, E. P., 430. Gales, Joseph, refuses to oppose peace treaty, 547. Gallatin, Albert, on Oregon title, 603. "Garland forgery," 278. Gayle, John, on slavery, 632. Gentry, M. P., calls Polk "petty usurper," 462; denounces Polk and Buchanan, 673. Gerolt, Baron, 379. Giddings, J. E., on expansion, 587. Gillespie, A. H., 388, 424, 473. Gillet, E. H., 101. Gilmer, T. W., 217. Glohe (Washington), unfavorable to Polk, 57, 6.5. Gholson, S. J., 119. Graham, Daniel, 77. Granger, F., 182. Grant, U. S., 429. Graves, W. S., 121. Gray, Robert, explores Columbia River, 556. Greeley, Horace, 245. Green, B. E., 392. Green, Duff, 75, 222, 289. Greene, C. G., 123-124. Grier^ Robert C, 339. Grider, Henry, 670. Grundy, Felix, Polk's preceptor, 4; 48, 59, 67, 75, 85, 113, 118, 166- 169. Guadalupe Hidalgo, treaty of, first project, 491; negotiation of, 536; signed, 537; ratification, 538 ff., 551 ; cabinet divided on, 539; proclaimed, 552. Guild, Major, 87. Gurley, H. H., 557. "Gwin letter," 86. Hale, John P., prefers disunion to slavery, 631. Hall, A. A., 55, 68, 124, 129, 141 ; charges Harris >vith abolition- ism, 149. Hamilton, Alexander, 130. Hamilton, Jamos, 288. Hammet, W. H., seeks Van Burcn 's views on Texas, 224. Hammond, J. H., 94. Hanncgan, E. A., 229, 438, 601, 633, 640, 674, 700; Oregon reso- lution, 586; on "Punic faith," 593. Hardin, John J., 260. Hargous, Louis, 508. [737] INDEX Harris, J. George, editor of Nash- ville Union, 124, 274; his "buz- zard, ' ' 141, 150 ; " abolitionist, ' ' 149; shot by Foster, 176; de- nounces Harrison, 179; retires from Vnimi, 201; 267, 302, 339. Harrison, W. H., nominated, 173; "Federalist" and "abolition- ist," 174; carries Tennessee, 174; his "hospitality," 178; "autocrat," 179. Hawaii, and "Polk Doctrine," 690. Hayes, A. C, 49, 56. . Haywood, W. H., 313, 596; re- signs from Senate, 675. Heart, John, 247. Hciss, John P., pre-nomination "guesses" (1844), 234-235; manager of "Polk organ," 333; excluded from Senate, 469. Herrera, J. J. de, overthrown, 395. Hickman, John, 237. Hilliard, H. W., 590. Hisc, Elijah, in Guatemala, 705. Hitchcock, E. A., 510. Hoist, H. von, on Texas boundary, 364-366. Hopping, E. D., 470. Horn, Henry, 261. Houston, Samuel, 271, 309, 355, 404, 437, 553 ; opposes annexa- tion, 356. Howard, T. A., 308. Hubbard, Henry, 76, 161, 238. Hunt, Memucan, 355. Hunter, E. M. T., 138, 653. Ibarra, D., 506. "Immortal thirteen," 194, 200- 201, 204, 207. Independent treasury, 659 ff., 668. Ingersoll, C. J., 402, 587. Ingersoll, J. E., 670. Interior, Department of the, cre- ated, 689. Irvin, James, 260. Irving, Washington, 308. Jackson, Andrew, born leader, 7-8; vetoes bank bill, 29; 59, 74; opposes White, 65, 67, 79, 81, 88, 106; breaks with Boll, 81; faith in Tennessee, 83, 88, 104, 119; ' ' Gwin letter, " 86 ; dictates Ten- nessee politics, 86-87; mortified by loss of Tennessee, 106; per- sonal triumph, 111; specie cir- cular, 112; slandered, 113; re- joices because Polk has redeemed Tennessee, 152; at Polk's in- auguration as governor, 156; on Oregon question, 565 ; urges in- structions for Senators, 177; praises Governor Polk, 188; favors Polk for Vice-President, 207; Texas letter, 220; discon- certed by Van Buren 's letter, 229, 232; suggests Polk for President, 232, 243; drops Van Buren, 233, 244; on Polk's abil- ity, 246; on Benton's "in- sanity," 257, 264; aids Polk in campaign, 264-265; "let Tiler alone," 268; induces Tyler to withdraw, 270; instructs Hous- ton, 271; tries to save Blair, 303; prayers for Polk, 321; last letter, 334 ff.; on tariff, 656; on internal improvements, 656; favors independent treasury, 660. " Jacksoniana, " state of, 198. Jacksonism, denounced, 130-134 ; criticism of, becomes popular, 135; Polk's part in, 135. Jackson, Daniel, 129. Jackson, Wm., 94. Jarnagin, Spencer, 194, 208; his vote decides tariff of 1846, 676- 677. Jefferson, Thomas, 7, 350, 402, 441, 490, 553, 692. [738] INDEX Jesup, T. S., 434. Johnson, Andrew, 177, 186, 192, 194, 236, 342; moves to create ' ' state of Frankland, ' ' 197. Johnson, Cave, 36, 47, 51, 59, 76, 114, 138, 174, 216, 230, 235, 259; opposes political persecution, 153 ; warns Van Buren on Texas issue, 225; distrusts Globe, 254; fears disunion, 266, 275 ; in Polk's campaign, 274, 276; Post- master General, 298. Johnson Henry, 314. Johnson, Eeverdy, 437, 596, 599. Johnson, R. M., 85, 159, 213, 238. Jones, Anson, 355, 368. Jones, James C, selected to defeat Polk, 180; ridicules Polk, 182, 184, 185; defeats Polk, 187; governor of Tennessee, 192. Jones, J. B., 267, 302. Jones, Seaborn, on tariff, 673. Jones, Wm. Carey, 336, 475. Kane, J. K., "Kane letter," 261, 664, 673. Kearny, S. W., sent to California, 422; conquest of New Mexico, 4P0; California expedition, 473- 475. Kendall, Amos, "lying machine," 127 note 33; 164, 230. Kendall, George W., 454. Kennedy, Andrew, on "American multiplication table," 588. Kennedy, John P., denounces Jack- sonism, 132-133. King, Preston, three million bill, 619. King, T. B., 592. King, Wm. R., 214, 301. Lane, Joseph, 485. Larkin, Thomas O., 386, 424, 549, 692. Laughlin, S. H., 56, 58, 81, 91, 104, 155, 162, 170, 192, 200, 208, 228, 274, 339 ; works for Polk 'a nom- ination, 235 ff., 240. Lea, Luke, 75. Leal, F. J. P., Brazilian chorfje, 707. Legare, H. S., 219. Letcher, R. P., criticizes Polk, 24(), 278 note 90, 286. Levin, L. C, 588. Lewis, Dixon H., 212, 222, 615, 671 ; and tariff, 674. Lewis, W. B., 48, 52, 129, 268; dis- missed, ,333. Liberty Party, nominates Birney, 263. Lincoln, Abraham, 381 ; criticizes Polk, 530. . Lincoln, Levi, 658. Linn, Lewis F., Oregon resolu- tion, 558; Oregon vbill, 560. Lisboa, Caspar J., complains of Wise and Rousseau, 707. • Lloyd, Thomas, 331. Louisiana Purchase, 403, 441, 555. McConnell, F. G., 672. McDuffie, George E., amendment to Constitution, 13; bank bill, 27 ; 37, 39, 45, 441 ; Texas reso- lution, 262, 311; Oregon worth- less, 560. McKay, J. J-, appropriation bill, 442; tariff bill, 672. Mackenzie, Alex. S., mission to Cuba, 439-440. McKintry, John, 51. McLane, Louis, 28, 36, 405, 548; British mission, 567, Ml, o»4. McLane, Robert M., 451. McLean, John, 63. Maclin, Sacldicld. 151. [739] INDEX Maiigiuii, W. P., "Whig but a gentleman," 336, 548; on "ex- ecutive organ, ' ' 598. Manning, R. I., 95-96. Marcy, W. L., 296; Secretary of War, 298; instructions to Tay- lor, 379-380; disciplines Scott, 420, 449, 470, 494, 518. Marshall, John, 112, 130. Marshall, Thomas F., 275. Mason, John Y., 218, 285; Attor- ney General, 298; and Cuba, 702. Mason, R. B., sent to command troops in California, 453; gov- ernor of California, 475. May, W. L., 76. Meade, George G., difficulties of warfare, 447. Medary, Samuel, 238. Mejia, F., 410. Melville, G., 275, 281. Mercer, C. F., 116. Merritt, Ezekiel, 426. Methodists, settle Willamette Val- ley, 558. Miller, J. L., 237. Miller, S. F., 271. Mississippi, contested election, 119 S. Missouri Compromise, on extend- ing, 619; "unconstitutional," 621. Molino del Rey, battle of, 485. Monroe Doctrine, 394, 575, 580, 691, 693, 699; as interpreted by Calhoun, 700. Monterey, battle of, 448. Montgomery, John B., 426. Morehead, J. T., 623. Mormons, as soldiers, 422. Moseley, W. A., 591. "Mustang," see Freanor. "Native Americans," 279-281. New Granada, treaty with, 709- 711. Nicholson, A. O. P., 113, 122, 174, 272, 283; appointed Senator by Polk, 176; loyalty doubted, 199, 204. "Nicholson letter," 630. Niles, John M., 585, 675. O'Conucll, Daniel, 126. Oregon, American title to, 555-556, 568, 579; British title to, 555; joint occupation of, 556, ended, 600; "54° 40' or fight," 568; England cares little for, 583; Douglas bill, 604; British offer, 606; treaty signed, 609; and slavei-y, 625; government bills, 625, 632, 641. O 'Sullivan, John L., suggests pm-- chase of Cuba, 701-702. Owen, Robert D., 600. Pacheco, J. R., peace negotiations, 514, 516. Pakenham, Richard, Oregon mis- sion, 562, 568, 570, 577, 581; signs Oregon treaty, 609. Palo Alto, battle of, 429. Paredes, Mariano, President of Mexico, 395 ; proclaims ' ' defen- sive war," 412. Parrott, W. S., 383, 389. Patterson, Robert, Tampico expe- dition, 446; 449. Patton, J. M., 93, 116, 121. Peel, Sir Robert, on Oregon ques- tion, 564. Pena y Peiia, 395; President of Mexico, 486, 521, 536; advises ratification of treaty, 551. [740] INDEX Peudergrast, G. J., trouble in Buenos Ayres, 708. PeAV, T. J., 85. Peyton, Bailie, 72-73, 97, 111, 113, 454, 718. Pickens, F. W., 239, 567. Pico, Andres, 473. Pico, Pio, 427. Pillow, Gideon, 233; works for Polk's nomination, 235 ff., 240; intrigue, 243, 289; 340, 446, 511; criticizes Taylor, 455; at Cha- pultepec, 485; denounced by Trist, 526; arrested by Scott, 531; denounced by Stephens, 635. Pinekney, H. L., 95. Polk, Ezekiel, his "Toryism," 2, 273. Polk, Jane Knox, 1, 721. Polk, James K., ancesti-y and edu- cation, 1-4; lawyer, 5; mar- riage, 6; personal traits, 4, 7-9, 25, 69, 139, 283; republicanism, 10, 18; in state legislature, 5; enters Congress, 6, 10, 12; and majority nile, 14, 17; on state rights, 18; and Jackson, 19, 21, 30, 39, 65, 81-82, 86-88, 91, 104, 134; opponent of Adams, 19, 20; party man, 20; on Committee on Foreign Affairs, 20; and six militia men, 21; minority re- port on U. S. Bank, 31 ff. ; chair- man of Committee on Ways and Means, 37, 38, 41-42; elected Speaker, 90, 93; "unscrupulous partisan," 91; selected to re deem Tennessee, 123-125, 140 and party press, 123, 274 phrenological chart, 139; rictm of discord as Speaker, 92 ff. "Jackson's creature," 92, 102 committee appointments, 93, 101 116, 127, 136; and slavery pcti tions, 94, 107, 109, 121; de cisious attacked, 96 ff., 110, 122 decisions praised, 103; 102, 115, 118; decides Mississippi election, 119 ff. ; " glorious infamy, " 120 ; last term as Speaker, 125 ff.; scorns "affairs of honor," 129; vote of thanks opposed, 136; farewell to House, 137; "best Speaker," 138; and WliiU', 68 ff., 73, 76, 79, 88, 90; attitude toward Van Burcn, 164,210,213, 217, 221, 232, 241, 292, 297, 338, 633; and Bell, 50, 63 ff., 68, 70, 75, 85, 91, 96, 123, 659; attitude toward slavery, 191, 464, 612, 614, 618-620, 627 ff., 633, 640, 646; begins gubernatorial cam- paign, 140 ; denounced by press, 141 ff., 148; "address to the people" (1839), 142; denounces Hamiltonism and defends Jeffcr- sonism, 143 ff. ; political consis- tency, 145 ; elected governor, 150; inaugural address as gov- ernor, 156 ; first message as gov- ernor, 157; and banks of Ten- nessee, 169; remeilial legislation, 171; denounces Harrison, 183; defeated by Jones, 187; doubts Nicholson's loj'alty, 199; no compromise with Bell, 199; runs for governor (1843), 204; favors pledging candidates, 20f); de- feated, 207 ; and Vice-Presidency, 161-164, 201, 207, 209, 213 ff., 218, 233; opposed by old line Democrats, 214; nominated for Vice-President by Tennessee, 159, by Mississippi, 315; dis- trusts Blair, 214, 266, 300; de- clines place in Tyler's cabinet, 217; Texas letter, 227; avail- ability as candidate, 231 ; sug- gested for President by Jackson, 232; nominated at Baltimore, 238-239; reasons for nomina- tion, 240, 245 ff., 251; comments on ability by Jackscm. 246; " Wlio is James K. I'olk?," 248; claim to greatness, 249-251 ; rep- resents younger Democrats, 252, 257 ; party organ, 252, 266, 299, 331; letter of acceptance, 258; [741] INDEX views oil tariff, 260, 278, 662, 665 ff., 677; ' ' Kane letter, "261, 664, 673; "no pledges," 268, 284, 287, 300, 305; slandered, 237; electoral vote, 282; loses Tennessee, 282; informed of election, 283; detcrniination to be President in fact, 287, 321; harmony difficult, 288 ff., 311; declines to retain Calhoun in cabinet, 290; frugality, 293; cabinet appointments, 298, 322; "deception" on Texas resolu- tion, 315 ff.; inauguration, 319 ff. ; letter to cabinet appointees, 325; "political martinet," 326; executive ability, 323 ff. ; devo- tion to duty, 327 ff.; declines presents, 331; dismisses Major Lewis, 333; bench breeds Fed- eralists, 336; on patronage, 18, 341-349; accepts House resolu- tion, 353; announces annexation of Texas, 371; does not antici- pate war, 376; object of Slidell's mission, 385; renews friendship with Benton, 385, 576; desires California, 351, 386, 390, 402, 418, 421, 427, 441, 552; first an- nual message, 393; cites Monroe Doctrine, 394, 575, 580; appro- priation for Mexican territory, 402; seeks Benton's advice, 403, 404, 422, 441, 453, 466, 471; aggressive policy, 405; war mes- sage, 407, 414; on acquisition of territory, 417, 423, 437, 439, 517, 528, 541, 552; opinion of Taylor, 430, 435, 448, 454, 463, 467; plans discord in Mexico, 436; permits Santa Anna to return to Mexico, 439; on Mackenzie mis- sion, 440 ; views on Wilmot Pro- viso, 443 ; aversion for Scott, 455, 467, 471, 532; charges Whigs with treason, 457; ample grounds for war, 458 ; asks Con- gress for lieutenant-general, 464; deserted by Democrats, 464; peace offer to Mexico, 466 ; de- nounces generals and politicians, 468; criticizes Calhoun, 468, 627 ; worst day of liis life, 469 ; on hook warfare, 472; breaks with Benton, 475-476, 535; orders Scott to continue war, 484; decides to send commis- sioner to Mexico, 486 ff. ; sends Trist to Mexico, 488 ff.; views on Scott and Trist, 501, 504, 527, 532 ff. ; army to live on country, 519; officially condemned by House, 530; recalls Scott and Trist, 531 ; urged to run again, 535; on unauthorized diplomats, 538; on submitting Trist 's treaty to Senate, 538 ff . ; views on Buchanan, 541-542; Trist a ' ' scoundrel, ' ' 543 ; fears Ben- ton, 547; on army reduction, 553; on Oregon question, 557, 563, 567, 571 ff., 600, 602; mes- sage on Oregon, 579; refuses to arbitrate Oregon question, 583; to "look John Bull in the eye," 584, 601; "hell all around him," 598 note 79; distrusts Buchanan, 608; reason for Ore- gon policy, 610; on extension of Missouri ComiDromise line, 628, 632, 634, 636, 639, 642 ; on Union, 629, 640, 642, 646, 651; and "Barnburners," 633, 643; ' ' Polk the mendacious, ' ' 635 ; no pledge on territorial gover- nors, 636; signs Oregon bill, 641; on California government, 645 ; Calhoun a disunionist, 650; fears independence of California, 655 ; on ' ' American System, ' ' 656, 663, 678, 684, 686; and inde- pendent treasury, 660, 671; vetoes "pork barrel" laws, 679; party ' ' galley-slave, ' ' 685 ; fears Interior Department, 689; de- clines to buy Saint BartholomcAV, 692 ; not an imperialist, 692 ; would purchase Cuba, 701-705; no apology to Brazil, 707 ; on treaty with New Granada, 710 ; on postal treaty with Great Britain, 711; on reelection, 712 ff., 719; on vanity of life, 716; renewed friendships, 718; death, 721 ; achievements unappreci- ated, 722-725. [742] INDEX ' ' Polk Doctrine, ' ' named by Eeid, i 690 ; applied to Hawaii, 690 ; ap- plied to Oregon, 691 ; applied to Cuba, 691, 703; applied^to Cali- fornia, 692 ; differs from Monroe Doctrine, 693 ; denied congres- ; sional sanction, 695; and Mex- ico, 695-698; and Central Amer- ica, 706. Polk, Samuel, 2. Polk, Sarah Childress, personality, 6; Presfjyterian, 721. Polk, Col. William, 3. Polk, W. H., 195, 215, 340. Prentiss, S. S., defeated by Polk's casting vote, 119 ff. ; calls Polk tool of party, 136; Nashville speech, 276; denounces Polk. 277. Preston, W. C, 169. Princeton disaster, 217, 357. Quitman, John A., 511, 531. Eamsey, J. M. C, Polk's letter to, 7U. Eandolph, T. J., opinion of Trist, . 490. Bead, John M., 336. Eeid, Whitelaw, on "Polk Doc- trine," 690. Eejon, M. C, 445, 465. Eesaca de la Pakna, battle of, 429. Ehett, E. B., 121; favors weak government, 135; on Oregon, 588, 622; on Polk's reelection, 714. Eineon, Manuel, peace commis- sioner, 522. Eitchie, Thomas, 269, 302; edits Polk "organ," 333; excluded from Senate, 469. Eitchie, W. F., 237. Eives, W. C, 213, 597. Eoane, W. H., 239. Eobertson, John, 101. "Eoorback" canard, 273. Roosevelt, Theodore, "takes" canal zone, 711. Rosa, Luis de la, 521, 536. Rousseau, Commodore, trouble with Brazil, 706. Rucker, W. R., 54, 77. Rush, Richard, 290. Saint Bartholomew, I'olk declines to purchase, 692. Salas, J. M., 445. San Juan de Uliia castlo, caii- tured by Scott, 481. San Pascual, battle of, 473. Santa Anna, Antonio Lopez de, 397, 439; says Nueces boundary of Texas, 440; dupes Polk, 444 ff.; indirect offer of peace, 465; declines to make peace, 472; assumes presidency, 481; re- signs presidency, 485; deprived of command, 486; proposes armistice, 515. Saunders, R. M., instructed to buy Cuba, 703-705. Sawtelle, Cullen, 589. Sawyer, L., 122. Schenck, R. C, 460. Scott, Winfield, given command of army, 416; indiscretion, 419- 420; sent to Mexico, 455; gives military plans to ne\vsi)!ij)ers, 467; captures Vera Cruz, 481; defeats Santa Anna at CVrro Gordo, 481; armistice, 483; inso- lence to Polk and Marcy, 495, 513; quarrel with Trist, 495- 500, 513; peace with Trist, 507 ff.; bribery, 510 ff.; wishes Trint to make treaty, 523; arrest-s Pil- low and Worth, 531 ; declines dictatorship, 550. Seddon, James A., (121. [743] INDEX Semple, James, 561, GOl. Sevier, A. H., 163, 546; Mexican mission, 548, 550; on Oregon question, 561, 586; and tariff, 67-4. Seward, W. H., "higher law" doc- trine, 717. Shields, James, 446, 511, 531. Shubrick, W. B., 475. Sierra, Justo, seeks aid for Yuca- tan, 697. Slacum, Wm. A., report on Ore- gon, 558. Slade, W., 120; power of patron- age, 133. Slavery, Polk's attitude toward, 612-614, 618-620, 627, 633, 642; new southern doctrine, 625, 630, 635. Slidell, John, Mexican mission, 385; instructions, 390, 401; re- jected by Mexico, 404; opposed by Benton, 488. Sloat, John D., 388, 426. Smart, E. K., 632. Smith, Ashbel, 370. Smith, Caleb, 631, 669. Smith, Justin H., 282. Smith, J. M., 124. Smith, Persifer F., 506. Soule, Pierre, 504. Standifer, James, 52. Stanton, F. P., 649. Stephens, Alex. H., opposes ex- pansion, 623; calls Polk "men- dacious," 635; on payments to Mexico, 654. Stevenson, Andrew, 47, 126. Stevenson, J. D., 446.' Stockton, E. F., 389, 473; usurps command in California, 474. Story, Joseph, 6, 246. Storrs, H. E., 14. Supreme Court, "British," 135. Swartwout, Samuel, 125, 127, 129. Taney, E. B., 37, 111. Tappan, Arthur, 174. Tappan, B., 315. Tariff, Polk's views on, 260, 278, 662, 665 ff.; "Kane letter," 261; E. J. Walker on, 260, 688; Polk's message on, 666; of 1846, 672-677, 682. Taylor, Zachary, at Fort Jesup, 364; march to Eio Grande, 408 ff . ; defeats Mexicans, 429 ; pro- moted, 430; distrusts Polk, 430, 450, 455; truce at Monterey, 448; letter to Gaines, 467; de- cides to accept nomination, 479 ; quarrel with Scott, 479; wins at Buena Vista, 480; reprimanded, 480 ; views on Scott and Trist, 532; would not mourn Polk's death, 532 ; indifferent to inde- pendence of California, 655. Ten Eyck, Antliony, in Haw'aii, 690. Tennessee, land question, 11-12, 21; election of Senators, 193 ff. Texas, independence recognized, 112; annexed, 314; admitted as state, 372 ; boundary, 373 ff. Texas Question, origin of, 219 ; Jackson's letter on (1843), 220; Calhoun's "conspiracy," 220; Van Bur en and Clay oppose an- nexation of, 224^226; Polk urges * ' immediate re-annexation ' ' of, 227 ; Cass favors annexation of, 229 ; ' ' enigma, ' ' 263 ; issue in 1844, 281. Thompson, Jacob, 467. Thompson, Waddy, claims credit for treaties with Mexico, 457 note 9. [744] INDEX Thornton, Edward, 506, 512; and peace negotiations, 522, 536. Thornton, Capt. S. B., 413. ' ' Three million ' ' bill, 469. Tibbatts, J. W., 238. Tod, David, in Brazil, 708. Tod, John G., 369. Tooms, Robert, 591, 397, 651. Torrejon, A., attacks Thornton, 413. Toueey, Isaac, 645. Trist, Nicholas P., peace commis- sioner, 488; at Vera Cruz, 493 quarrel with Scott, 495-500 peace with Scott, 507 ff., 513 guava marmalade, 509 ; bribery, 510 ff.; peace negotiations, 515- 517, 522 ff.; on Nueces bound- ary, 517; decides to ignore in- structions, 524; sLxty-five page letter, 525, 533; recalled, 518, 520, 527 ; ' ' impudent scoundrel, ' ' 543; enfant terrible, 544. Trist, Mrs. N. P., and peace nego- tiations, 523-^524. Tumey, H. L., 174, 189, 195; criti- cizes Calhoun, 468; urges veto of Oregon bill, 640. Turney, Samuel, 188, 196. Twiggs, D. E., 511. Tyler, John, 217, 228; Texas treaty, 262, 308 ; withdraws from campaign, 270 ; last message, 309; selects House resolution, 317; tripartite treaty, 558. UnderAvood, J. R, 129, 631. Upshur, A. P., 217, 562. Van Buren, Martin, versus White, 60; unpopular, 66, 78, 203, 208, 215, 241; nominated for Presi- dent, 85; calls extra session, 116, 659; message (Dec, 1838), 125; close of administration, 178; visits Hermitage (1842), 202; hostile to Polk, 209, 240, 24.j', 252, 262 ; nomination exjjootod (1844), 212; auti-Toxas letter, 224-225, 338; effect of his let- ter, 229 ff.; nomination with- drawn by Butler, 239; "be- trayed," 243; offered British mission, 567; nominated (1848), 633, 715; "fallen man," 716. Van Buren, Smith, 295-296. Van Ness, C. P., 398. Venable, A. W., 653, 714. Vera Cruz, captured by Scott, 481. Verplanck, G. C, report on U. S. Bank, 31. Voorhies, Wm. V., 645. Walker, I. P., amendment, 652. Walker, James, 48, 52, 70, 74, 77. Walker, J. Knox, 539. Walker, Robert J., 163, 216, 242, 259, 285, 290; opposes Van Buren, 226, 240; on tariff, 260, 688; on aid from Tvler, 267; "South in Danger," 277, 616; Secretary of Treasury, 298; amendment, 313; on Texas boundary, 378; on acquisition of territory, 423, 437, 465; de- sires isthmus transit, 491 ; wants all Mexico, 528; would reject Trist 's treaty, 539; on Oregon, 572; "father" of Department of the Interior, 689; and Cuba, 702. Ward, T. J., 120. Ward, T. W., and Oregon ques- tion, 577. Watkins, Tobias, 92. Watmough, J. G., 42. Watterson, H. M., 209. Webster, Daniel, 130, 212. 585; Oregon policy a riddle, 594; on tariff of 1816, 675; on Cuba, 701. [745] INDEX Welles, Gideon, 236; charges in- trigue, 241; on Polk's cabinet, 324. Westcott, James D., 459, 469, 635. Weston, Nathan, 290. Wliig party, origin of, 84 ; cam- paign in Tennessee (1840), 172 ff. ; nominees and platform (1844), 229; confidence in 1844, 248, 262; difficulties, 263; con- vention at Nashville, 276 ; tries to "produce panic," 535; op- poses peace treaty, 546; on Ore- gon, 590. Wliite, Hugh, provokes Wilmot Proviso, 442. White, Hugh L., 7, 21, 22, 60, 62 ff., 113, 150; nominated for President, 89; "bank man," 105; "carries" Tennessee, 106; plans to remove him from Sen- ate, 166; resigns, 168. "White Whigs," 84, 86. Whitney, Eeubeu M., and U. S. Bank, 31, 100, 110. WicklifPe, C. A., 25, 361. Wilde, E. H., 44. Williams, C. H., quotes Polk in favor of state banks, 662. Williams, H. C, 168, 285. Williams, J. L., 208. Williams, Sherrod, 257. Wilmot, David, "proviso," 442, 618; on tariff, 673; "baseness," 719. ' ' Wilmot Proviso, ' ' 442, 469, 625 ; approved by House, 648. Winthrop, E. C, 587. Wise, H. A., 94, 121, 126; opposes Polk, 97, 117, 128; denounces Kendall, 127; plays "Old Hick- ory" in Brazil, 706 ff.; grati- tude to Polk, 708, 718. Woodbury, Levi, on importance of Polk's election as governor, 156; declines British mission, 567. Wool, J. E., 451. Worth, W. J., 411, 507; takes Puebla, 482 ; arrested by Scott, 531. Wright, H. B., 237. Wi-ight, Joseph A., 295. Wright, Silas, 209, 224, 233 ; forces White to resign, 168 ; declines nomination, 239, 243; 279, 280; offered cabinet position, 291 ; 488, 627; independent treasury bill, 661. Yell, Archibald, 55, 354, 357. Yucatan, and "Polk Doctrine," 697-698. Yulee, D. L., 469, 630. Zollieoffer, F. K., 80. [746] ^^. ..^ ^'^Q^'. 'r^^ A'' /^X^^A^ ^^ ..^ .0- 0* ^^•n^, V 'i^- ^V .^'\ > / .mrdP.