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AN 
 
 ORATION 
 
 DELIVERED 
 
 AT BEDFORD, NEW-HAMPSHIR^, 
 
 February 22, 1815, 
 
 AT TEE REQ,UEST OF THE 
 
 BY HUMPHREY MOORE, 
 Minister of Milford, New-Hampshire- 
 
 K 
 
 Concorli : 
 
 PRINTED BY GEORGE HOUGH, 
 ^ar the Washington Benevolent Societi/ of BeSfoti, , • 
 
 Feb. ..7815. 
 
 \ '^ 
 
# 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 AT a meeting of the Washington Benevolent Society £» 
 Bedford^ February 22^ 1815 — 
 
 VoTED^ That Jonathan Gove, William Moore^ and John 
 
 Orrjs Esquires, be a Committee to present the thanks of this 
 
 Society to the Rev. Humphrey Moore, for his ingenious an J 
 
 patriotic Oration^ this day delivered before them ; and rff- 
 
 quest of him a copy for publication. 
 
 JOSEPH COLLET, jun, Sec'ry. 
 
 To the Committee of the Washington Benevolent Societtf* 
 
 Gentlemen, 
 
 I acknowledge , with gratitude, your indulgence and can- 
 dor expressed in your vote of thanks ; and your politeness in 
 requesting, for the press, a copy of the Oration, this day 
 delivered. With confidence in your ivell meant design^ I 
 submit it to your disposal ; regretting, that the late notice 
 of the appointment prevented a more ample discussion of 
 the subject. 
 
 HUMPHRET MOORE. 
 Feb. 22, 1815. 
 
TI' 
 
 THERE is a propenfity in human nature to 
 underrate prefent bleffings ; and to magnify thofe 
 which are irrecoverably paft. Paganifm, if un- 
 grateful to her heroes and ftatefmen wheu living, 
 was always ready to deify them after their death. 
 Revelation corrects thefe errors. It teaches us 
 to be confcious of bleffings while we enjoy them; 
 to rcfped: our benefadors while they live, and 
 to honor their names after their death, with grate- 
 ful remembrance. There is a delicacy in publicly 
 celebrating the diftinguifhed deeds of men while 
 they continue on the ftage of action ; and there 
 is danger that the inccnfe of praife will caufe 
 them to forget their condition, and, like Herod, 
 refufe to give God the glory. 
 
 It is duty to pay a tribute of refpe£t to our 
 departed benefadlors. They have a claim to our 
 remembrance, to our gratitude, to our afFedions, 
 to our homage. We are under obligation to give 
 honor to whom honor is due. It is ufeful to 
 refpeft departed merit. Were people indifferent 
 to the greateft exploits, and to the mod valuable 
 lives, a fenfe of duty would often be too feeble 
 to rouze the energies of the mind to undertake 
 and effectuate arduous and dangerous enterprizes. 
 Stimulating applications need to be made to the 
 numbering powers of man, to throw off the 
 torpors of animal nature ; to awaken ambition ; 
 to concentrate the powers of human nature, and 
 
dircd: all their force to fome great and important 
 objedt. An expedtation of the gratitude and 
 homage of fellow beings will feldom fail to e:?^- 
 citc to the greateft undertakings. 
 
 The man, whofe name we this day honor, was 
 an exception from moft of his fellow creatures. 
 Such were the powers and mechanifm of his 
 xnind, that he needed not artificial expedients to 
 impel him to the moft generous and ufeful deeds. 
 A love of his country and a fenfe of duty actuat- 
 ed his foul. If his ftable mind never became 
 giddy by the greateft applaufe ; yet he was not 
 infenfible to the love, the gratitude, and refpcdt, 
 which his fellow citizens repeatedly offered him 
 on this day of his nativity. If he was not in- 
 different to the afpcrfions of his enemies ; for 
 even Wafhington had enemies ; yet he never 
 was propelled from his courfe by their virulence. 
 The powers of his great mind were too weU 
 balanced to fludtuatc on the popular breeze ; to 
 rife by applaufe, or fink by calumny. Often has 
 this dav been diftinguilhed with joy on account 
 of the birth of fo illuftrious a character ; and 
 once, throughout this nation, has it been clouded 
 with grief and badges of mourning at the re- 
 membrance of his death. It is not neceftary to 
 dwell on his characler. It is well known. The 
 beft defcription, the higheft eulogy, cannot equal 
 the original. 
 
 To do him the greateft honor, it is neccflary 
 to imbibe his principles and imitate his virtues. 
 When his pohtical fentiments have been publicly 
 vilified and denounced, it is neceifary for thofe, 
 who believe the coiredtnefs of his fyftem of na° 
 
nonal policy, not only to ftand firm in their belief, 
 but to endeavor to corredl the errors of public 
 opinion, and reftore to pradice thofe principles 
 which are the matter and fpirit of our National 
 Conftitution. When Chriftianity had become 
 corrupted by perverfion and innovation, and its 
 profeffbrs had departed, not only from its fpirit, 
 but almqft from its letter, it was not enough that 
 individuals fhould have a correct belief of Chrif* 
 tianity themfelves, and lament in private the 
 apoftacy of others. At this time of general error 
 and moral corruptnefs,a number of men of learn- 
 ing and piety rofe, like ftars of the firft magni- 
 tude ; united their powers and exertions, and 
 directed them againft the errors which had been 
 incorporated with the Chriflian religion. Under 
 the fmiles of Providence, their exertions fucceed- 
 ed. The clouds of error and moral darkncfs, 
 which had been gathering for centuries, and had 
 become exceedingly denfe by their univerfality, 
 were not impervious to the rays of truth. Thefe 
 champions of divinity exhibited the truths of the 
 Golpel in their native fimplicity ; expofed error 
 in all its deformity, and urged forward the facred 
 caufe of divine truth. Chriftian principles and 
 Chriftian charader were reftored to Chriftianity, 
 and it prevailed. 
 
 If we may compare the condition of human 
 things with divine, we (hall difcovcr a refemblance 
 between the prefent ftate of our political fyftem, 
 andtheftate cf Chriftianity juft before the Re- 
 ft^rmation. The principles of our government 
 have been mifapplied ; the fyftem of national 
 policy has been changed 3 and the Conftitution 
 
6 
 
 ii almoft deprived of its native fpirit. Good is 
 called evil, and evil is called good. It is right 
 that people, who adhere to the principles of the 
 ConlHtution, (hould unite their endeavors to cor- 
 reO. the errors of political fentiment, and defend 
 and fupport thofe principles which the deliverer 
 of our country inculcated, and by which he 
 pradifed in his official capacity. But what can 
 a minority do to check the current of error, and 
 deliver our languifliingConftitution from the rude 
 liands of vifionary theorifts ? A minority, arm- 
 ed with truth, can bear down a hoft (heltered 
 under the covert of error. A minority, fortified 
 in the recefTes of the Conftitution, will prevail, 
 and repel every aggreflion. There is a crifis in 
 public fentiment. When incorrect principles 
 have had their courfe, and for a feafon have daz- 
 zled and bewildered the human mind, reafon 
 wakes from its flumbers ; perceives the deception ; 
 throws oiFthe fhackles of infatuation; regains its 
 authority ; and repels a kgion of falfe principles. 
 It was by a combination of wifdora and energy 
 that this inf.int colony rofe in majefty againft 
 Britifli innovation, and prevailed againft a hoft of 
 invaders and of unjuft principles. By a union of 
 fimilar wifdom and energy, we may, at a favor- 
 able juadlure, check the fpirit of innovation in 
 our own government, and reftore an equilibrium 
 between the different parts of the nation. The 
 fuccefs which now attends various aftbciations of 
 the more regular part of fociety for the fuppref- 
 fion of certain prevailing vices, affords great en- 
 couragement to form aflbciations to remove ot 
 coumera6l the political evils we fuller. 
 
Our National Conftitution has within itfell 
 means of defence and fupport. Conftitutional 
 meafures only need to be ufed to prefei ve it from 
 violation or from dcftrudion. When a portion 
 ofthe community unite for this benevolent and 
 falutary purpofe, profefs their defign, ad: openly, 
 obferve thcmfelves the principles which they at- 
 tempt to defend and fupport, but few will repro- 
 bate their defign, or their meafures, excepting 
 thofewho feek their intereftin bafe principles,orin 
 the fubverfion of the Conftitution. If a union of 
 individuals, to reftore the Conftitution to its 
 original tone and fpirit, excite alarm and oppo- 
 fition, what fhall be faid of the combination of 
 thofe, whofe objed: it is to pervert the principles 
 of the Conftitution, or to deftroy the whole 
 fyftem ? 
 
 One ofthe principles ofthe Conftitution, and 
 alfo of the man whofe name we venerate, was 
 the liberty of fubjedls to infpe£t the meafures 
 and conduct of rulers, and reprefent them in the 
 language of truth. Wafhington never feared the 
 inquifition of the public. He never feared a dK- 
 clofure of his official charader. Thofe rulers only 
 fear the public tribunal, whofe public characters 
 will not bear the teft of examination ; whofe of- 
 ficial conduct does not coincide with the fpirit of 
 the Conftitution. Thofe only are oppofed to 
 the inveftigation and difclofure of official charac- 
 ters, who are confcious, that if they be weighed 
 in an equal balance, they will be found wanting. 
 The liberty of fpeech, the liberty of declaring the 
 truthjis among the firft principles of a Republican 
 Gonftiturion. If this be denied, the whole fyf- 
 
tern is denied. If this be denied, let tyranny be 
 perfected ; incapacitate the organ of fpeech to ut- 
 ter the wrongs it fufFcrs. Freedom of inquiry 
 into official condudl, and freedom of fpeech, pro- 
 duce a mofl happy effect upon rulers. While 
 their paffions tend to propel them from the orbit 
 of official duty, the'expreffion of public fenti- 
 ment, like the gravitating principle, counteradls 
 their eccentric propenfity, and attrads them to 
 the path in which they were deftined to move. 
 
 Another principle of the Conftitution, which 
 is juft and republican in its nature, is the equal 
 rights of citizens. This principle is obferved 
 when all of certain qualifications, eafy to be ob- 
 tained, are equally eligible to offices of honor 
 and emolument ; when the laws equally protedi 
 the property, the reputation, and the lives of in- 
 dividuals ; when the bleffings and the burdens 
 of government arc diftributed according to the 
 refpedtive privileges of individuals. The time 
 has been when eledlions were managed on the 
 principle of equal rights. The grand inquiry was 
 for men of wifdom and integrity to fill import- 
 ant offices. Then there was fcope for ambition 
 to feek the neceflfary qualifications. Then local 
 prejudices fcarcely exifted, and perfonal partialities 
 were of fmall extent. At prefent we have the 
 forniy and little but the form of freedom in our 
 elections. A few, from local prejudice, or from 
 perfonal attachment, affiime the right of nom- 
 ination ; and the general mafs of citizens, without 
 knowledge of characters propofed, feel the dire 
 neceffity of feconding their motion in order to 
 fecure men in office of their own political name* 
 
In this manner a few enterprizing, ufurpirig in- 
 dividuals diftribute, as they pleafc, the higheft 
 offices in the State. 
 
 In the ele<5tion of the higheft officers of the 
 nation, local prejudice and local intereft have 
 fhorn the principle of equal rights of all its privi- 
 leges. The fouthern fedlion of our country has, 
 fince the adoption of the Conftitution, almoft 
 wholly monopolized the right of the higheft 
 national offices. That felfifhnefs and ambition 
 fliouldinftigatea part of a nation togainanafcend- 
 ency, and to poffefs the prerogatives of power, is 
 natural. But that the remaining part fhould aid 
 ihcm in climbing the lofty afcent,and obfequiouf^ 
 ly offer their fhoulders to fupport their enormous, 
 their oppreffive weight, is a violation of the firft 
 law of human nature* Can genius be born only 
 in our fouthern clime ? Can virtue and wifdom 
 fiourifli only under an almoft vertical fun ? Can 
 republican principles in their purity be found on- 
 ly in that fection of our country, whofe atmof- 
 phere is darkened by the fablehue of Africa's fons ; 
 and whofe lords learn the firft principles of gov- 
 ernment from the fcourge they wield ? Has the 
 God of nacure faid to the waters of the Potowmac, 
 wafh ye on fouthern bank the foil of rulers j but 
 on northern fide the foil of fubjedls ? Impartial 
 heaven has not made this wide diftindtion. The 
 frigid air of thefe northern States braces the frame, 
 nerves the arm, and gives at the fame time firm- 
 nefs and elafticity to the human mind. Walh- 
 ington, who had collected all the excellencies of 
 his own climate, felt new impulfe when he breath- 
 
 2 
 
li- 
 
 ed the colJ, the free air of New-England, We 
 may, if we pleafe, boaft of the liberty of elec- 
 tions ; the freedom of choofing our own rulers. 
 But there is no doubt that an heir apparent to the 
 Piefidcncy is now decreed by the dilpofcrs of the 
 higheft offices of the nation. We have liberty to 
 run over the electioneering ground ; to caft our 
 votes for whom we pleafe ; and we have alfo the 
 liberty of feeing that the decree is fulfilled, and 
 that we have run in vain. There is but little 
 difference in refpect to real freedom, whether 
 fouthern planters give this country, from their 
 own numbers, a chief magiftrate, or whether a 
 foreign nation afTumes the right of doing the same 
 friendly office. There is but little difference in 
 refpect to the principle of equal rights, whether 
 the lucceffion to the Preiidency be eftablifficd by 
 the will of a certain fection of our country, and 
 within its own limits, or whether the fucceffion 
 be made hereditary by an article of the Conftitu- 
 tion. 
 
 In a widely extended territory like ours, it may 
 be expected, and it will be found,that there is dif- 
 ference of views and feelings refpecting national 
 policy ; and difference and collifions of intereft. 
 The reprefentation from the different parts of 
 this country vi^as originally defigned to prevent 
 this evil, and preferve the equal rights of the dif- 
 ferent parts of the nation. The late meafures of 
 the National Government have borne with un- 
 equal preffure on the northern States. Our rep- 
 refentation in the National Government urge the 
 principles of the Conftituiion. They lift tiieir 
 voioes in behalf of their injured conftituents.. 
 
IS 
 
 "fhey fpeak the language of wifdom and of free- 
 men. But they have no weight in the councils. 
 Fov years they have had no weight. As well 
 might this part of the nation not be reprefented^ 
 as their reprefentation (hould not be heard. If 
 the New-England States are not refpedted in the 
 councils of the nation, they are highly refpcded 
 asa fource of revenue, as an objedt of taxation. 
 It affords fome fupport, fome encouragement, that 
 our fenatorial influence has not become quite 
 extinct. 
 
 It is a principle of our National Conftitution, 
 which Wafhington honored by his fignature, that 
 " the Congrefs fhall have power to provide and 
 maintain a navy." At the time of the adoption 
 of the Conftitution, and during thofe few fucceed- 
 ing years in which its principles were obferved, 
 commerce was in high repute. It was the fare- 
 well inftrudion of the American fage, that " the 
 United States fhould look to the means, and fet 
 about the gradual creation of a navy, fo that a 
 future war of Europe might not find our com- 
 merce in the fame unproteded ftate astheprefent." 
 For a fhort feafon, his advice was refpeded. An 
 infant navy was launched from its cradle. With 
 the emblem of the Conftitution, holden J3y the 
 powerful hand of Hercules, it commanded refped:. 
 it gave flattering evidence, that the time was faft 
 haftening, that America could ride v*rith fafety on 
 the broad highway of nations. At this period, 
 our commerce, not with ftanding fome lawlefs and 
 predatory aggreffions, iiourilhed beyond the mod 
 fanguine expedation. Revenue flowed into the 
 national treafury ; and our yeomanry, the m^fs 
 
12 
 
 of the nation, rapidly increafed in wealth. At 
 this golden feafon, " the prince of the power of 
 the air" glanced from the Eaftern Continent acrofs 
 the Atlantic ; thruft himfelf into this American 
 Eden ; gave our citizens foreign and forbidden 
 fruit. They fancied that their eyes were opened; 
 and they chofe difciples of a mafter, different 
 from Wafhington, to order the deftinies of this 
 nation. 
 
 The adminiftration, which fucceeded that of 
 Wafhington's principles, foon began to reduce to 
 pradice their new philofophy. They laid it 
 down as a Conftitutional principle, that they had 
 power to provide and maintain a navy. By 
 their new method of reafoning, they inferred from 
 this premife, that thty had power to destroy it* 
 No fooner was the conclufion drawn, than the 
 deftrudtive work was executed. If, after this 
 date, predatory aggreflions were multiplied upon 
 our commerce, the evil effed may be accounted 
 for without recourfe to falfe philofophy. The 
 evil efFe£t proves the error of withdrav^ing pro- 
 tedion from commerce, and the danger of offer- 
 ing temptation without referving means of efcape 
 or refi fiance. 
 
 The adminiftration, pleafed with the fucccfs 
 of their firft experiment, applied again to the fub- 
 jett their new mode of reafoning, and inferred, 
 that if they had power to destroy the navy^ they 
 had, of courfe, power to destroy commerce. Avail- 
 ing themfelves of that article of the Conftitution 
 which empowers them to *' regulate commerce 
 with foreign nations, and with the feveral States,"- 
 they remanded our vellcls into port ; prohibitecj 
 
intercGurfe with foreign nations ; and, left a fparjc 
 of commercial enterprize fhould remain, ihey 
 prohibited our velTels from traverfmg our own 
 waters ; from going from port to port, on our 
 own coaft, and carrying the ftafF of life to thofe 
 of our citizens who had not the means of fuh- 
 fiftence. Is this the regulation of commerce for 
 "which they were empowered ? If regulation fig- 
 nifies extirpation, they have fcrupuloufly obferved 
 both the letter and fpirit of the Conftitution. 
 
 The Conftitution empowers the National Gov- 
 ernment " to provide for organizing, arming, 
 find difciplinuig the militia; and for governing 
 fuch part of them as may be employed in the fer- 
 vice of the United States ;" but it makes certain 
 refervations of power to the States refpedlively. 
 The prefent adminiftration have attempted to ex- 
 tend the operations of the militia beyond the 
 limits fpecified by the Conftitution ; and they 
 have attempted to afliime an authority over them 
 equally unconftitutional and arbitrary. Had not 
 jhis northern part of our country had a juft and 
 proportionate weight in the Senatorial branch of 
 our National Government, there is no doubt that 
 the unconftitutional and arbitrary affumptions of 
 our National reprefentation refpedting the com- 
 mand of the militia would have become a law ; 
 and deprived the States of their individual fecu- 
 rity and fovereignty. This attempt at arbitrary 
 power is the more noticeable, becaufe it was fup- 
 ported by a great portion of our Reprefentatives. 
 Attempts at innovation in our Government ought 
 to be checked in embryo, left tliey come to the 
 birth, and prove to be a monftrous production. 
 
The Conftitution requires, that '^ the Unitad 
 States Ihall guarantee to every State in the Union 
 a republican form of government ; andjhall pro- 
 ie£i each of them from invafion.^^ As the National 
 Government embraces all the States in the com- 
 pafs of its authority, it alfo embraces them in the 
 arms of its protection. If it commands their 
 aid and refources, it returns them defence and 
 fecurity. If claims and obligations were not 
 mutual, and benefits v/ere not reciprocal between 
 the individual States and the United States, no 
 advantage v.'ould arife from the bonds of con- 
 federation. In the prefent confliO: our adminif- 
 tration has not afforded the individual States, 
 efpecially the States of New-England, thofe 
 means of repelling invafion which the Conftitu- 
 tion requires. Thefe States v/ere neceffitated to 
 draw from their own refources men and money 
 for their own defence and prote6lion ; and the 
 adminiftration refufe to indemnify them for the 
 expenfe occafioned by their own delinquency. 
 Our ports might have been laid under contribu- 
 tion, or in allies ; our sea coaft might have been 
 ravaged from one extremity to the other, for 
 aught the National Government has done to 
 repel the invafion of the enemy. While they 
 were dcvfing ways and means for defence, but 
 efpecially for offence, the States adually ufed the 
 ways and means for repelling aggreffion, and for 
 their fecurity. If the adminiftration had it not 
 in their power to proted the States, it was becaufe 
 they had dried up a great proportion of the 
 refources of the nation, and had diverted the 
 remainder into a forced chmncl. If they 
 
 yhaygig 
 
riOt In their heart to protect them, perfidy and 
 treafon blacken their names. While they refufed 
 to proted commerce, and would not fufFer it to 
 protect itfelf, and left our fea ports almoft naked 
 before the enemy, their force and vigilance were 
 adlively direded to defend the fandiiy of their 
 obnoxious meafures, and proted the port of the 
 cuftom houfe officer. 
 
 If the adminiftration negleded to afford 
 neceffary means of defence to the States, it was 
 reafonably expeded that they would proted the:- 
 diftrid over which they had exclufive jurifdic- 
 tion ; the depofitory of public records and public 
 property ; the place rendered dear by the name 
 which it bore. But the fagacious enemy too 
 well knew that the weakeft part of our nation 
 was its beat^y and the moft vulnerable part of our 
 country was its heart. With a fmall force they 
 entered our capital in the third year of the war ; 
 found its protedors — not there ; and the place 
 peaceably in their own pofTeiliGn. Was not this 
 enough to gratify Britifh pride ? Was it no£ 
 enough to deftroy the munitions of war ? The 
 enemy, as if enraged by the eafe of conqueft, 
 deftroyed alike the monuments of tafle and the 
 implcGients of hoftility. As long as this Gothic 
 outrage upon civilized warfare fixes a ftigraa upon 
 Eritifli arms, it will tarnifli the glory of this 
 nation, which chofe men to proted them, who 
 invited the conflld ; provided fmall means of 
 defence ; made l^h rcfiftance ; and fled in an 
 hour of danger. O ye rulers ! ye had courage to- 
 declare hoftillties ; but your hearts failed at the 
 ight of arms 1 
 
i6 
 
 Our Conflitution gives power to Congrefs '^ t5 
 declare war ; to raife and fupport armies." But 
 it did not contemplate that they would declare 
 war without the moft preffing caufe. The 
 genius of a Republican Gorernmenr, and of a 
 republican people, is that of peace and defence. 
 It is difficult for a Republican Government fo to 
 mould the public fentiment as to produce a gen* 
 eral intereft and cngagednefs in an invafive war. 
 If the adminiftration feel a peculiar partiality fot* 
 a neighboring territory of a foreign nation, the 
 people in general, not being interefted in their 
 views, are flow to catch their feelings, and back- 
 ward to expofe their lives to gratify the ambition, 
 or to fulfil the dreams, of their rulers. It is diffi- 
 cult for a Republican Government to concentrate 
 the energies of a free people fo as to profecute a 
 foreign war, in which they do not feel intsrefted; 
 it is difficult to make thofe quick and rapid oper-^ 
 ations, which are neceflary to infure conqueft. 
 When the genius of the adminiftration is differ- 
 ent from the genius of the people, they will evade 
 their meafurcs ; they will withhold their refources; 
 the fpirit of warfare, if it have any exiftencc 
 in the people, will languifli for want of fupport. 
 While adminiftration contends with its fubjedts 
 for want of co-operation, oft'enfive war drags 
 heavily on. 
 
 When the people feel unwilling to enter the 
 lifts of warfare which has been declared, their 
 Government feci a neceffity of ufing more ener- 
 getic meafures than thofe which are confiftent 
 with republican principles ; and aflurne an au- 
 thority for profecuting their objed, which the 
 
2 7 
 
 Conftitution had not delegated to them. Th® 
 people feel the infringement upon their rights 5 
 and they will not fecond the operations of theic 
 rulers. The latter evade the principles of the 
 Couftitution ; the former evade the laws of theic 
 Government. When adminiftration becomes ar- 
 bitrary, and fubjeds become difobedient, the fa- 
 bric of Republican Government trembles on its 
 bafe. 
 
 Thefe obferv^ations characSterize the war which 
 our National Government declared againft Great- 
 Britain. It is not neceflary at this time to exam- 
 ine the weight of the caufes of the war. It is 
 fufficient to {zlj^ that no new kind of aggreflioa 
 had been made againfi: us ; that we had fufFcred 
 the like infringement upon our rights under every 
 adminiftration of aur Government. But not- 
 withftanding the infringements on our maritime 
 rights which we fuffered, we reapt a rich harveft 
 on the field of naval enterprize. If, during a few 
 of the laft years, inftances of aggreffion increafed, 
 it was in eonfequence of an increafed colliiion of 
 nations, and the deftrudion of our own navy. 
 Whether the depredations on our commerce were 
 an adequate caufe of war, or not, the firft, fecondj, 
 and third adminiftration of our Government: 
 thought it not lefs for our borwr, and more foe 
 our interest i to obtain what redrefs for our griev- 
 ances we could by amicable negociation, and pais 
 over the reft without recourfe to retaliation. It 
 was referved to the foperior genius of the prefenc 
 adminiftration to difeover that we could not fuficr 
 thefe aggrellions, and preferve our independence, 
 . 5 
 
i8 
 
 It was refervcd for the prefent adminiftrat'ion to 
 take by conqueft vaft trads of Britifli territory on 
 the north, and humble the pride of England on 
 the ocean. 
 
 At the time of the declaration of war, it is pre- 
 fumable there was a majority of the free popula- 
 tion of this country decidedly againft the meafure. 
 To give an account of the unprepared ftate of the 
 nation to commence hoflilitles ; the difficulty of 
 raifmg troops ; the backwardnefs of the people to 
 co-operate with Government ; a feries of difafters; 
 and in the third year of the war, not one impor- 
 tant ftation occupied on Britifli ground ; would 
 be fome outlines of the prefent war. But to do 
 juftice to the American name, we cheerfully ob- 
 ferve, that battles have been fought on land and 
 water, which have plucked the laurel from Britifh 
 valor, and planted it on the American brow. Thefe 
 deeds of bravery give evidence of the fuperior 
 quality of republican blood ; and prove what this 
 nation might do in an expedient caufe with a con- 
 centration of all its phyfical force. 
 
 Wafliington, in his farewell advice to his coun- 
 trymen, cautions them againft foreign partialities 
 and antipathies; againft foreign influence, and 
 againft an illiberal and unequal commercial inter- 
 courfc with different nations. His fentiments 
 were the fentiments of the Conftitution. But it 
 does appear that his advice on thefe points has 
 been difregarded ; and that the fpirit of the Con- 
 ftitution has not been obferved. Why did not 
 our Government, to preferve national indepen- 
 dence, declare war againft France ? She too had 
 made depredations on our commerce. Why did 
 
19 
 
 our Government, while ail Europe was convulfed 
 by war, adopt commercial meafures which had 
 an unequal bearing on conflidting nations ? To 
 what caufe can we attribute this illiberal policy, 
 but to foreign partiality and foreign influence ? 
 The hiftory of the proceedings of our National 
 Government affords abundant evidence, that from 
 its commencement foreign partiality and foreign 
 influence have had place in the councils of our 
 nation. Foreign principles have been imported 
 into this country, and they have found a foil too 
 congenial. The political evils we fufFer may be 
 traced to this corrupt fource. 
 
 The father of our country cautioned us not to 
 "interweave our defliny with that of any part of 
 Europe, nor entangle our peace and profperity in 
 her toils." Let the late proceedings of the ad- 
 minifl:ration decide whether they have been adtu" 
 ated by this principle on this fubjedt. In the ne- 
 gociation between our plenipotentiaries and the 
 minifl:ers of the Britifli Government before the 
 late fubverfion of the French empire, our envoys 
 were infl:ruded to infifl: unon this principle, thai 
 our flag should protect our crew ; and that the Brit- 
 ish nation should not^ by their long accustomed 
 claim of search J violate this principle. This prin- 
 ciple they reprcfented to be infeparably connected 
 with our national independence ; and they laid 
 it down (^as a sine qua non) as an indifpenfable 
 preliminary conccffion, before they would treat 
 for peace. This had long been a favorite point, 
 a deep rooted principle in our adminifl:ration; and 
 the time had now arrived, when Europe was in 
 commotion, for carrying it into complete €ffe<n:^ 
 
2© 
 
 Their tone of fentiment, and their language, were 
 decifive. But one day, Napoleon, the emperor 
 of France, the fcourge of Europe, the fatal rc- 
 fervoir of republics, was caft from his throne 5 
 was fhorn of his locks of power, and he became 
 like another man. What then ? What if 
 MENE, MENE, was written on the palace 
 walls of a Corfican ufurper ? What if a foreign 
 defpotifm was levelled with the duft ? What ef- 
 fect could this event produce upon an independent 
 r^ation on this fide of the Atlantic ? How could 
 this event affedt independent, indifpenfable prin- 
 ciples, in a negociation between two independent 
 nations \ The fadl will anfwer thefe queries. 
 Soon after the deftrudion of the French defpot- 
 ifm, and the general pacification in Europe, in- 
 ftrudlion was given to our negociators, that they 
 Tnight wave the principle ofimpressinent^ if it was 
 vecesmry to the ratification of peace, Circum- 
 llances had not only altered cases^ but they had 
 altered principles. Does not this prove, that our 
 deftinies were interwoven with thofe of theFrcnch 
 empire ? that the Prefidential chair was chained 
 to the foot of Napoleon's throne ? 
 
 "Shall we fuffer wrongs, and make no refift- 
 ance ? Shall we boafl: of independence and repub- 
 lican principles, and crouch to the impofitions of 
 foreign powers ?" We afli in our turn, fliall we 
 pufh our forces into the heart of Canada, to find 
 and reftore failors' rights and free trade ? Shall 
 we feek the tomahawk and the fcalping-knife,that 
 we may avenge Britifli wrongs ? Shall we plant 
 navies in the depths of the northern forcft, that 
 pur vefleis may ride fecure upon the high feas I 
 
Shall we move bur foldiery from our own terri« 
 tory, and leave open every bofom of our country 
 to the foe ? Reafon and juftice teach us to go 
 to the field where we have fuffered infult and 
 injury ; to feek redrefs where we have fuffered 
 grievance ; to meet the enemy on his own ele- 
 ment ; to ufe with him his own arguments ; and 
 negociate with him in his own way, and in his 
 own language. Then the pulfe of defenfive war 
 will beat in every arm. The refources of the na- 
 tion will be opened. But, held ! why do we fpeak 
 of war, and the preparations of vv?ar ? The 
 found of Peace has reached our ears. "It is glorious 
 news. Our country has loft nothing by the war. 
 We have made England feel our refcntment. We 
 have humbled her pride. We have taught her 
 that we do not fear to take up arms to defend 
 our rights. We have taught her to dread to lift 
 her hand againft our liberties." O delufion ! thou 
 haft plunged us into war, and thou hast pulhed 
 us back again. Thou contradideft every fenfe. 
 Thou fayeft,*' there is peace ; it is glorious news." 
 But the conditions of peace are not known. Thou 
 fayeft, " we have made England feel our refcnt- 
 ment." We have ; and fhe is able to feel it again. 
 Thou fayeft, " we have humbled her pride." 
 Britifti pride languifhed when our forces penetra- 
 ted her territory, and were fortunate enough to 
 return. Britiih pride languifhed, when the 
 Engliih foldiery ravaged our capitol,and held qui- 
 •et poflelTiOn of a part of our territory. It is pre- 
 fumed our courage, and owx pr'^ sumption^ will 
 never be disputed. Thou fayeft, " wc have loft 
 pothing by the war." Say rather, we have gain- 
 
22 
 
 ed ; gained a debt of a hundred or nearly a hun- 
 dred millions; gained lofles of incalculable amount; 
 gained the lofs of a full treafury, of public credit, 
 of refpedabillty abroad, and (lability at home. 
 Where is that overflowing treafury, that furplus 
 of revenue, v^rhich puzzled a former adminiftra- 
 tion to appropriate ? Where is that public credit, 
 which was eftablifhed on a rich treafury, and on 
 prompt and punctual difburfements ? Where is 
 that confidence in government, which once di- 
 reded all eyes to them as their protestors ? De- 
 lufion and war have deftroyed them all ! 
 
 If the conditions of peace are paramount to 
 thofe which were offered by treaty before the 
 commencement of hoflilities, (and we cannot ex- 
 pedl better terms, when it is confidered that thofe 
 points which were the caufe of the war were 
 relinquifhed by our government) we can cftimate 
 wilh fomc degree of accuracy the gain we have 
 received, or the lofs we have fuftained. To the 
 expenditures of the war, add the lofles fuftained 
 by the depredations of the enemy ; from this 
 fubtrad the fum of the captures of the enemy; 
 to the remainder addthe revenue and the net profits 
 which would have arifen from commerce during 
 the period of the war ; and the fum is the differ- 
 ence between our prefent condition, and that in 
 which we Ihould have been if the war had not 
 been declared. If human blood and correct mor- 
 als are confidered to be of real value, the deteri- 
 oration of the one, and the lofs of the other, may 
 be brought into the eftimate. It is unpleafant 
 to apply the rules of arithmetic to the prefent 
 condition of our nation. To public debt has been 
 
-3 
 
 added public difgrace. From our paft character 
 has been subtradled public credit, and public con- 
 fidence. Private and public lofles have been 
 mtdt'ipUedhj impolitic meafures. A fpirit of par- 
 ty has divided the alTedlons and the energy of the 
 cation. The application of the foregoing rules has 
 reduced our country. Fellcwfiip'^ixh. foreign influ- 
 ence,as ithasbeen/r^i??/V^^by the national council, 
 has refulted to our lofs. The root of corred: prin- 
 ciples has been extraded from the heart of this 
 people. The general procefs of the present ad- 
 miniftration has not proved to square with the 
 principles of Wafhington. 
 
 Every pulfe beats high, every heart pants for 
 a ftate of pacification. But when the angel of 
 peace (hall hover over this fcourged land, his 
 wings, like the bow which was arched in the 
 heavens after the deluge, will encompafs only a 
 desolated country. 
 
 '* Wasbingion Benevolent Society /** 
 
 The day is joyful ; the day is gloomy. "Re- 
 joice with trembling." The man, whofc name 
 it is your pride to bear, forefaw the evils which 
 brooded over his country. His eagle eye glanced 
 from one end of the nation to the other. He 
 faw the fecret fprings of the heart. He faw the 
 feeds of local jealoufy and difunion. He faw 
 the noxious, the exotic plants of falfe philofophy, 
 foreign partiality, and foreign influence, tranf- 
 planted into the American garden. As his fteady 
 eye moved forward on the extended field of futu- 
 rity, he defcried, as by a fpirit of prophecy, the 
 evils v;hich have fallen on our country. He gave 
 
*4^ 
 
 the waining. Like a dying man to his family, 
 he dcfcribed the danger, and recommended the 
 remedy. Like Noah, he warned hiwS generation, 
 and his country. He direded them to embofom 
 themfelves in the ark of the Conftitutlon, that 
 they might be fecure from the flood of approach- 
 ing evils. 
 
 It is your duty, your profefTion, your pradicc, 
 to reftore, by Conftitutional means, the original 
 tone and fpirit to the Conftitutioii. Let your 
 zeal be guided by wifdom and moderation : and 
 may the Spirit v^hich guided the framers of our 
 republican fyftem of Government, guide you in 
 fupporting and defending that inheritance whick 
 they left to their fucceffors. . 
 
 W 73 
 
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