LIBERTY ASJD LINCOLN. ADDRESS BEFORE THE YOUNG REPUBLICAN CLUB, OF GERMANTOWN, BY HON. CHARLES F. WARWICK, THURSDAY, FEB. 9, 1899. IN COMMEMORATION OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S BIRTHDAY. LIBERTY AND LINCOLN. HDDReSS BEFORE THE YOUNG REPUBLICAN CLUB OF GERMANTOWN, BY HON. CHARLES F. WARWICK, Thursday, Feb. 9, 1889. In Commemoration of Abraham Lincoln's Birthday. The history of the world will show that Republics are Lorii of revolution, that they result from the overthrow of absolute and arbitrary power, or from the unjust and uuwan-anted exercise, by the few against the many, of privilege and prerogative. The American Republic is no exception to the rule. The immigTants who> came to the new world had escaped from the intolerance and tyranny of the old. They left their native lands, their homes and all the associations that are so dear and precious, to find and enjoy freedom in the Avildeniess. They brought with them a spirit of independence and a love of liberty. The Puritans in New England, the Quakere in Pennsylvania, the Catholics in Maiyland, the Hugiienots in the Caro- linas, settled in America to escape the religious persecu- tions of Europe. OCT SS ^^^^ These people were lojal to goveniment, having an in- nate love of i^eace and a deep respect for law, but they were most jealous of their rights, and most impatient under any foi-m of usiu-paticn. Affected by the spirit of the age, they were, however, often intolerant of the re- ligious and political opinions of others. The Colonies were settled when the English people, themsch-es, were endeavoring to establish in their govern- ment the principles of liberty. It was the period of the long stnig-gle between the people on one side and abso- lutism on the other. In the language of Thierry, "it was neither Charles Stuart nor OYiver Cromwell' who was concerned in the revolution of England; it was the Eng- lish nation and liberty;" it was a contest between the Com- mon Right of the People and the Divine Eight of Kings. "It was," as Guizot strongly states "the collision of the two great facts, to which in the coui-se of the Sixteenth Cen- tury, all the civilization of primitive Europe tended monarchy on the one hand and free inquiiy on the: other." The influence of this stniggle left a deep impress on the mind and thought of the new world. Prior to the American revolution, there were three' forms of government in the Colonies, "Eoyal," "Charter" and "Proprietary," and the battle for liberty was early begun, against the exercise, under these forms, of arbitraiy or unreasonable power. It was in Virginia, that the first straggle was made, when the people in 1635 deposed Sir Jotn Harvey the royal Governor, ' and sent him home to England, much to the disgust of King Charles the First. Bacon's rebellion against the mercenary spirit and the cruel, selfish and despotic power of Berkeley planted again, in the same province, the seeds of revolution. Sir Edmund Andros the Governor of New York and New England and tlie royal representative of James the Second, because of his tyranny, was deposed and imprisoned. In South Carolina the people overthrew the lords proprietors and placed tbeniselve.* directly under the government of the King. Wherever tliere was an exercise of power not wan-ant«d by the clmrtei-s, which were the people's title deed? to liberty, rebellion or revolution was the result. Thus were sown the seeds, that ultimately brought forth out of oppression, "a noble and puissant nation." The immediate causes that led to the Revolution ar^ too- well known to recount. George the Tliird and his ministers little understood the spirit and temper of the Colonists; they had drawn no lessons from the history of the past and gave no heed to the waniings of (Jhatham, Burke, Fox and Barre who saw clearly with the vision of prophets what was sure to occur. Tt was in ITfiO, that Colonel Barre exchuiiicd. "1 ]n-<)pli(- sied on passing the Stamp Act what would liappen thereon; and I now fear and I can prophesy furtlicr troubles; that, if the people are made desperate, finding no remedy from Parliament, the whole Continent will be in arms, imme- diately, and perhaps those i>rovinccf lost to England for^ ever." Continued oppression only hastened the day of deliver- ance. Blindly, ignorantly, obstinately, tlir ministry and Parliament persisted in a course of injustice, and at times made matters worse, by adding insult to injury. So dull, so stupid, so blind to their own interests were they, that one is forced to believe, that Destiny had decreed the separation, and that the mini-sters were only in- struments, in the hands of Providence, to bring about the event. The eloquent and impressive words of Burke had no effect upon the minds of such men, they were lost to reason and every sentiment of justice. "My hold," he said, "of the colonies is in the close affection which grows from common names, from kindred blood, from similax privilciics, nn.l (Miual protection. These are ties whieli, thoiigli light iis air, are strong as links of iron. Let the Colonies ahvavs keep the idea of their civil rights asso siated with Your government; they will cling and gxapple to yon, and" no fotce under heaven, will he of power to tear them from their alleg-iance. But let it he once iinder- stoocl that vour government may be one thing and thei,r privileges another —that these two things may exist with- out any mutual relation,— the cement is gone, the cohe- sion is loosened, and everything hastens to decay and dis- solution." Before the oi^eulim of the TveYolntion the Colonies had considerahlv advanced in civilization, the communities were intelligent and liheity loving. The University of Pennsvlvania, Harvard, Yale and Princeton Colleges had been early established and were already seats of learning. Philadelphia, the leading city in America, had a popula- tion of about thirty thousand, while Boston and New York were not far behind. The representatives who composed the Congress that met in Philadelphia in 1776, were men of exceptional ability and in many instances of the highest order of in- tellect in fact their wisdom and bearing, under the most trvino-' circumstances, commanded the resi>ect of even then- enemies. Bartlett and Whipple, from New Hampshire; Samuel and John Adams and Hancock, from Massachu- setts; Hopkins, from Rhode Island; Roger Shei-man, from Connecticut; Li^•ingston, from New York; W itherspoon and Hopkinson, from New Jersey; Morris, Rush and Franklin, from Pennsylvania; Rodney, Read and Mc- Kean, from Delaware; Can-oil, from Maryland; Jeffei-son and Lee, from Virginia; Penn, Rutledg. and Middleton from the Carolinas; Gwynett, Hall and Walton, from Georoia, were members of this CongTess, and the • mention of their names will give an idea of the strength of that most distinguished body. If we iuhl to this list George Washington, Patrick Henry, Peyton Randolph, John Jay, Charles Thomson and John Dickinson, who were delegates to the First Continental Congress of 1774, we may then appreciate the courage, the patriotism and the wisdom of the men, who led the cause of independence. To their charge were committed the liberties of the people, these were the men who agned and sealed the title deeds of a nation's liberty. A common danger had united the Colonies in a common defense. They fully undei-stood in all its meaning the step they were about to take. "We are not to hope," said Quincy, in 1774, "that we shall end tliis controvei-sy wathont the shai-pest, sharpest conflicts. We are not to flatter ourselves that popular resolves, popular harangiies, popular acclamations and popular vapor will vanquish our foes. Let us weigh and consider before we advance to these measin'es which mnst bring on the most ti-ying and tei-rible stiiiggle this conn- try ever saw." Every eifort was made to avoid the conflict. There; is no state paper in our language, with which I am familiar, that is finncr in its terms and yet so affectionate and pathetic in its tone, as that appeal issued by the Congress of 1774 to the people of Gi-eat Britain. "Permit ns," the paper reads, "to be as free as yonrselves and we shall ever esteem a imion with you to be onr greatest glory and our greatest happiness; we shall ever be ready to contribute all in onr power to the welfare of the empire; we shall consider your enemies onr enemies, your interests as our own. But if you are detennined tliat your ministers shall sport wantonly with the rights of mankind, — if neither the voice of justice, the dictates of the law, the princi- ples of the coustitntion, nor the STiggestions of humanity can restrain vour hands from shedding blood in such an 6 iiupioiis cause, — we unist then tell vou that we will never submit to be hewers of wood or drawers of water for any ministry or nation in the world." It seems strange that any king, parliament or jjeople could have turned a deaf ear to so noble and manly an apix-al. So the struggle continued, "the Colonies," ^^Tote Horace Wal- pole, in a letter to Horace ifanu, ''will not drink tea witli our parliament." Event crowded upon the heel of event, until at length, the first blow was struck at Lex- ington, and the Colonies fi'om Massacli\isetts to South Carolina were aflame with ardor and patriotism. The lantern smnging in the steeple of the old Xorth Churcli to signal the patriots that their liberties were in danger, sent out its light into the darkness of night and its glare will go streaming down througb all the ages yet to come. Paul Revere dashiug down the Medford Road gave the alarm at every farm house on the way, and his words will ever ring through future days. The Minute Men responded to the call, and at Lexing-ton, the first shot was fired, which was heard around the world and which will reverberate unto the latest generations of time. The light in the belfry, the wild alann of Revere and the volley fired at Lexing-ton were the signals for Revolu- tion; the bloody conflict was begun, which was to end in the freedom of a people and in the establishment of a Republic dedicated unto liberty. ''Stormv the day of her birth Was she not born of the strong?" The whin-ing words of Piteaim, "Disperse ye rebels, throw down your arms and disperse," were misapplied to the sturdy yeomen who bravely stood in defense of their liberties; they rebelled not against government, but against tyranny; it Vv'as not a sedition, it was a revolution. At the time of the destruction of the Bastille, in France, "when long-buried Despair found voice," the Duke de Liancourt entering the apaitnients of the King, detailed to liim the thrilling occuiTenees of that eventful day; while describing the wild fury of the mob, the capture of the fortress, the surrender of the Swiss guard, and the murder of DeLaunay, the dull and stupid monarch in- terrupted him by exclaiming, "c'est une revoke." "Sire," replied Liancourt, "ce n'est pas une revolte — c'est une revolution," it is not a revolt it is a revolution. George the Third and Louis the Sixteenth, in their stupidity, were unable to appreciate the uieauing of events, one, in conse- quence, lost his provinces, the other, his head. The fight at Bunker Hill, the evacuation of Boston, the fall of Ticonderoga, the battle of Long Island, the defeat of the Hessiajis at Bennington, the victories at Trenton and Princeton, the sun-ender of Burgoyne at Bemis Heights, the defeat of the Americans at Brandy- M'ine, the battle of CTemiantown followed by the Winter camp at Valley Forge, marked the opening years of the war. It was a struggle long continued and valiantly waged. During the Winter of '77 and '78 the fortunes of the Americans were at a low ebb, cabal ajid intrigue raised their heads and plotted again.st the Commander-in- Chief; Congi'ess utterly inefficient liad depreciated to a par with the worthless currency, the patriots were despond- ent, despair had seized the people, the present was heavy with disaster and the future indeed looked dark, but the soldiei-s at Valley Forge kept alive the cause; it was the hour that tried men's souls and tested their faith and courage. No one can predict what the result of the Revo- lution would have been without the character of Wash- ington and the behavior and endurance roud of the heroism they displayed? It is suffering that tests the courage and the spirit of men, and prepares them for great events. It was the suffering endured at Valley Forge that proved America was invincible, that retrieved the field of Monmouth, when it was lost, that induced the sympathy and secured the coi-- dial aid of France. Wliile the British soldiers were in com- fortable quarters in Philadelphia, the officers drinking and lounging at the clubs, or flirting and dancing with the tory-belles at the assemblies, the baj^e-footed and the ragged soldiei-s at Valley Forge, shivering with cold and weak with hunger, were drilled and prepared for the coming campaign by the gallant Steuben, and sustained in hope by the constancy and courage of Washington. The icy blasts of Winter stung them to the bone, but their spirits never quailed, it was the darkest hour just before the dawn of day, it was the season of probation and they were equal to the test. When the Spring and Summer came the conditions were somewhat changed. Clinton retreated through the Jerseys and Washington followed in pursuit. If the Continental troops had not sustained the rigors of that long and bitter Winter, the cause would have been lost; they were worthy liberty, for they suffered for it. Tlie fact that they did not succumb, gave them courage to resist and persevere. It was the turning point in the struggle. It was at Valley Forge that all the hopes and fears and courage of the conflict focused. It was in that cold and desolate camp that the spirit of freedom and independence was kept alive. The holding of that small army Ix^ether mad© the revolution a success, if it had disbanded or melted away, the war would have been over; liberty was in the keeping of those men, and they wetre faithful to the trust. It is the splendid endxirance of agony that proves the faith and courage of the martyr. Twice within the bordere of Penns^dvania, the turning points have l)een scored in the Nation's struggles for free- dom. Once at Valley Forge when the endurance of the army, the fortitude and sustaining courage of Washing- ton inspired hope and confidence among the people, and proved to the world that defeat was impossible, and again at Grettysburg when the invading hosts of Lee were turned back in defeat and disaster, and when the Union Army, under the command of Meade, gave proof that it was in- vincible and that the nation could not be broken in twain. These were the vital periods in the history of the nation's liberty, creation and preservation. Take these two events out of the stoiy and who can guess what the results would have been. In the Spring of 1778 new hope dawned in every loyal heai-t, France furnished money and munitions of war, but better than all, a na^*^', for therein, from the very beginning, w© had been most deficient. The surrender of Oomwallis at Yo^kto^\^l was \artnally the final and de- cisive battle of the Revolution. Peace fallowed by the 10 sifjning of tlie Treaty of Paris, and Great Britain acknowl- edged tiie indepeudenee of the United States. " The New World's chain lies broken here." So we have traced the struggle for jxypular lights from the l)eginning of the early settlements to the close of the Revolutionary War; it was persistent, long continued and tended to l)ut one result; the ]>eople who had escajwid from persecution, to find liberty in a new land, were bound ul- timately to secure it, freed from the usurpations of pro- prietaiT govemO'i-s, the exactions of minist.ers or the tyr- anny of kings. "Give a thing time," writes Oarlyle — "if it can succeed it is a right thing. Look now at American Saxondom; and at that little fact of the sailing of the 'Mayflower,' two hundred years ago from Delft Haven in Holland! Were we of open sense as the Greeks were, we had founil a poem here; one of nature's own poems, such as she writics in broad facts over great continents." But the conflict for univei-sal freedom was not yet over, it was only half won, it was "irrepressible" imtil every man, woman and child in the Republic could go forth to labor \vithout the brand of serfdom and the shackles of bondage. The Declaration of Independence which declared all men equal, that is equal under the law, was not complete until liberty was made a fact liy the Emanci]>ation Procla- mation. After the Revolution, the Articles of Confedera- tion that held the States together, as with a rope of sand, were replaced by the Constitution, which had the features of a federative union of states rather than a nation of sov- ereign people; it was effected by compromise, the smaller states, fearing the power of the larger and more populous, held most tenaciously to the principle of sovereignty, which principle, in time, became the main support of the institution of slavery. 11 Tlie Missouri Compromise in 18:^0, lor a time, drew a line beyond wliicli no man eoiild be held in bond- age, but tbe question wmild not rest, tlie friction and agitation continued until at lengili in 1854, tlie Act of 1820 was repealed. Then benan in earnest "the in-e- pressible conflict" that raged until war with blood and desolation wiped out the stain. How could it be otherwise^ the Republic could not e.\i -t half slave and half fiiee, it had to be wholly free or wholly slave, a comjjact could not be ukkIc willi sin, the institu- tion was either right or wrong, if tlie latter, it could not be tolerated among a civilized people. The ciii-se of slavery was eating into the vitals, deacb'iiing the moral sense of the nation, it was the one abs(>rbing question for years; it enteretl jwditics, it controlled the actions of party leaders and statesmen who juggled and tenqwrized with it, and yielded to its intlncm-c and teni])tationsinre^ch- ing the objects of their aml>itions. it is most difficult U) root out a firmly imbedded institution. Slavei*y had been recognized and supported by law, it had existed from the earliest days, time out of mind, it re]>resonted the wealtli of vast regions of oiu- country, it had the active and un- (pialitied support of one of our great political parties, it sent as its repi-esentatives and advocates to the halls of Congi-ess the ablest men of the South, honest men too, who had been educated from youth to believe, that the negi'o was better bond than free, and who contended elo- quently that the Bible and the Constitution were the foun- dation stones of the edifice. But the logic of truth had to prevail and the nation, at length, was surrendered to fire and sword. The Revolution of 1776 had been supported l)y one great sjjirit whose courage and fortitude of soul had led the Continental Arm^- to \'ictory and the Republic to peace. Who would now be raised up to meet the impend- 12 ing crisis aiid lead the nation tlirough strife and sorrow and blood to emancipation and universal freedom? Washinglon and Lincoln present in many particulars a most marked contrast, one was born in the home of a planter, tbe otlier in the log cabin of a frontiersman, one was a slave-owner, the other inured to toil, one eame from aristcR-ratie conditions surrounded by refining social influ- enc-es, the other si>rang from the humblest conditions of society, l)oni and bred fai- away on the outskirts of ci\'iliza- tion. One was a true representative of the Virginian gent- leman, tall and finely formed, dignified in his beaj-ing, mast punctilious in his observance of the rules of etiquette, not ready of speech, most reser\-ed and at all times repell- ing familiarity; the other was of the common people tall, but awkward and ungainly, of free and open manner, most easily approached, warm-heai-tetl, genial, eloquent and magnetic. They were two distinct types of the social life in America. Both were men jjatient in thought, wise, consei-vative, strong, of unquestioned courage and integrity, and pos- sessed of that foi-titude of soul that enabled them to pa- tiently sustain and bear unto the end. Each discharged to the lull measure, the duties he was called upon to perform; one rescued the people from the tyranny of kings, the other led the nation out of the house of bondage. Abraham Lincoln was lx>m to a very humble station of life, but he sprang from a strong race, his ancestor were of tough fibre, of bold and courageous spirit. February 12, 1809, was the date of his birth; it is held in affectionate remembrance and observed as a national annivei-sai-y by his grateful countrymen. Fortune did not rock the cradle, and nothing seemed so remote from the child, as the success and honor that aftei-wards came to the man, but in our country everything is possible, and nothing speaks so elo- quently of our free institutions as tlie fact, that one, born 13 in so hiinililo a sphere, can, by merit and wortli, rise to the highest jTOsition of trust and power. His iiiotlier was a woman of deep reHgions eonvietions and of more than ordinary intelligence; at her knee, he learned to pray and read. Slie made a deep impression npon tlie mind of tlie l)oy from his earliest days. It was from her tliat lie inherited his love of poetrj', his deep emotional and strongly sympathetic natiire. In after years he said "all that 1 am or hope to be I owe to my angel motlu'r." His school advantages amounted comparatively t^ nothing; in eveiy sense of the word, he was self- educated, his industry, his application and his natural love of reading made iiji for liis lack of opportunity. Ho economized eveiT moment of his time, when he drove his "tt-am afield," followed the plough, planted grain, picked com, felled trees or split rails, his mind was ever at work. Even after a day of toil, he read in the loft of the log cabin, far into the night, until the "nubbin" of tallow candle burned out in its socket. This training was gradually developing his mind and preparing him, all un- conscious to himself, for the great part he was to play in the history of the Republic. No doubt as a boy full of honorable ambition he had his day dreams, but little could he foresee the honoi-s that awaited him, that the time would come, when a nation, in her hour of peril, would lean on him for support. In 1831 he left his father's house and started out in the world to seek his fortune. He had a shoi-t experience on a flat-boat, ser\-ed as a clerk in a country store, enlisted as a volunteer and was elected captain of a company in the Black Hawk War, but saw no actual service, ]>racticrd sur- veying and in 1S.S2 Itegan the study of law which he sub- sequently adopted as his profession. At this period he had the reputation in his neighborhood of knowing more than 14 aiiy man in the United States and of being able to whip, throw or outrun any man in the county. He was of her- culean strength, stood six feet four inches in height, but being of a kindly and gentle dispotsition, he would never tight unless he had to. The rough customs of the locality, howevei', compelled him at times to maintain his repu- tation. P^rom 1839 to 18()0 he was in active practii'e as a lawyer before the local and Federal Courts of Illinois and was often retained in important cases outside of his own State. As an advocate he was exceptionally strong and stood in the front rank among the nisi priiis la^vye^s of that day. Upon constitutional question.s he was considered an au- thority; in many of his arguments upon slavery he dis- played a profound knowledge of the fundamental law of our country. It is an erroneous impression, that Lincoln was an unknown man until his debates witli Douglass and his Cooper Institute sjDeech gave him a national reputation. He was looked upon and was recognized, for years, as one of the strongest men in the T^Torthwest. To a nature as ardent as Uiucolu's, politi(>s was a most attractive field, and he early turned his attention in that direction. He was always well infonned upon public questions, was a ready debater, a most effective speaker and, at times, with, the fury of his eloquence, he bore down all rv]>position before him; this ga^-e him great ]>ower upon the stump, and it may truthfully be said that there have been few, if any, {X)pular orators in the history of this countiy, that have ever surpassed him; a good stoi'y-teller, a master of pathos, full of humor, quick at repartee, with a flashing and ready wit, there were not many men who could successfully meet him, on the platform, even in the early days of his career. We have not the time to trace him step liy step tlmnigh his Legislative and Congi'essional terms but must hasten 15 on, to that period in his life, when he rose above the politi- cal horizon in simple but grand proportions. At the time of the passage of the Missouri Compromise in 1850 the advocates as well as the opponents of slavery saw and felt that the struggle was now to the death. When Missouri sought to be admitted into the Union, there was a stormy resistance to her admission as a slave State. The controversy over this question continued from 1819 to 1821 and, at length, the matter was settled by one of those compromises, that only defer the day of final judgment. Missouri was admitted, with the pro\nso, that all the west- em temtory, noi-th of the parallel of latitude 36° 30' should be forever free; it was the tii'st real conflict be- tween the free and slave States, and was a victory for the latter, but when that pro\'iso was repealed in 1854 by the passage of the Kansas and Nebraska Act, a protest went up from an indignant people, and men girded themselves for the battle. In seven years from the date of that act, the nation was in the throes of rebellion, in the horrors of a civil war, tlie worst of all conflicts, when brother meets brother in the agony of battle. Slavery was introduced into the English Colonies against the earnest protest of the settlers. The Virginia Assembly, in 1772, petitioned the British (Jovemment to stop the im- poi-tation of slaves, but the King replied that the importa- tion should in nowise be interfered with "upon pain of his highest displeasure." It was never contemplated, by the Fathers of the Kepiiblic, that slavery should be a per- manent institution. In the Congi-ess of 1771 a Bill of Rights was presented by Thomas Jefferson which declared that "the abolition of slavery is the great object of desire of these colonies." The same Congress in October of the same year declared "we will neither import nor purchase any slave imported after the first of December ne.xt, after which time we will discontinue tJie slave trade and will 16 neither he conceiTied in it ourselves, nor will we hire any vessels from nor sell our commodities or manufactures to those who are concei-netl in it." In the original draft of the Declaration of Independence Jefferson had written, refeaTing to the King, the follow- ing clause: "Determined to keep open a market where men should be bought iind sold, he has prostituted his negative for suppressing e\'ery legislative attempt, to pro- hibit or to i-estrain this execrable commerce. He is now exciting those very people to rise in arms against us and purchase that liberty of which he has deprived them by mnrdering the people on whom he has obtruded them, thus paying off fonuer ci^imes committed against the liberties of one i^eople with the crimes which he urges them to commit against the lives of another." This is vei-y significant language and shows the general sentiment that existed in this country, at that time, in relation to the institution of slavery. This clausei however was removed as Mr. Jef- ferson states, not only out of "complaisance to South Carolina and Georgia," but also as a concession to our Northern brethren "who felt a little tender under those censuree." In a letter -^vi-itten in 1773, Patrick Henry said, "I be- lieve the time will come when an opportunity will be offered to abolish this lamentable evil." General Washington, in speaking of slavery, used the following emphatic lang-uage : "There is not a man living who desires more sincerely, than I do, to see a plan adopted for the abolition of it." Franklin, John Adams, Moms and most of the sigiiei-s of the Declaration of Independence were opposed to it upon moral considerations. Anti-Slavery and Aboli- tion Societies were early fomied and the sentiment of the whole people was in direct opposition to the per- majient continuance of the system. It was in 1784 that Mr. Jefferson drafted a bill for the government of the 17 Western Territories, provicliiig for its prohibition after the year 1800. Tf tliis measnre had been adopted there might have been no extension of slavcr\' into the Terri- tories. It wonld have been confined to the original Thir- teen States and, in time, under the infliience of moral forces would gradnally have been extinguished. In 1780 Pennsylvania passed a law for gradual eman- cipation. Connecticnt and Rhode Island followed with like measures in 1784, and New York in 1799. The ordinance of 1787 which secured freedom to the North- west, to that teaTitory, out of which were subsequently erected the States of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan and "Wisconsin, was the most impoi-tant mea.sure affecting this question of slaveiy from the organization of the gov- eniment to the Emancipation Proroliiliit slavery in any of tlie territories. The more moderate wing of the Democratic party took tlie [xi- sition that the matter of the introduction of slavery into any ten-itory should be left to the settlere to decide by ballot. Steiihen A. Douglas at this time was the idol of the Young Democracy and he identified himself with and became the leader of this movement; with all his might he urged the passage of the Kansas and I^ebraska Bill. This measure at length was carried and the struggle im- mediately began between tlie slave power and the free soilers for the control of Kansas. A conflict long and bitter was waged, which was but the precursor of the civil war. The whole nation was aroused and tlie most intense bitterness prevailed. Kansas, bleeding at every pore, was torn and rent by civil strife, but in the end victory re- mained with the free soilers and the State was saved from the blight of slavery. It was at this period that Lincoln came from his retire- ment and entered the conflict with all the energy of his nature. To a nuin whose principles of justice were so finnly fixed, whose sentiments of humanity were so pro- nounced, the threatened enslavement of the great North- west appeared to be a crime without justification; lie had a convictiOTi that the safety, the peace and the p6i-]>etuity of the Republic depended uptm the absolute extinction of slavery, but at this time, he did not think more could be done than to prevent its expansion; to this task then, he surrendered himself without reservation. Lincoln, above all things, was consen^ative and practical and he appre- ciated, to the full measure of its imjxirtance, the work that 21 was before him. Without bittoriicss, from a se.iiso of duty, actuated by the highest motives, and with a patriotisin of thei broadest typ«, he entered, upon the canvass for free- dom. It vpas not long before he became the recognizee bougtt and sold and owned as a mere conniKMlity. It was decided as the law of the land that the negro had no rights under the Constitution which the white man was bound to respect. The opinion was cruel and inhuman in every line of its text; it was un- nat\n-al, barbarous and media3val in chai-acter and at vari- ance with every principal of modem civilization; it ig- nored every dictate of humanity, and set at defiance every precept of religion and Cliristianity. It was slavery run mad; it was the tocsin that rang its doom. It was the cul- mination of the long struggle and sounded tlie death knell of slaverj-. It startled the consciences and aroused the righteous indignation of an outraged i>eople. The slave power and its political allies rejoiced, and contended that the question had now been settled forever and placed be- yond further contention, just as if an opinion of a prosti- tuted bench could defy the judgment of a living God. There was now left but one court of appeal — the consci- ences of men. In 1854, when Stephen A. Douglas returned to Illinois, after his Advocacy of the Kansas and Nebra.ska bill, he was received with a storm of indignation: but confident of his powei- and with that courage amd energy that always characterized him, he sti-ipped for the fray, but there was a foeman, wort,hy of his steel and armed with the strength 22 of a just cause, ready and eager to meet hiui. It was to be a battle of the giants. About this time, Lincoln deliverey side. The issue was now narrowed down to the proposition tliat the nation could not exist both slave and free. The same thought was expressed shortly afterwards by AVm. H. Seward, when he said "it is an irrepressible conflict between oppos- ing and enduring forces, and it means that the United States will sooner or later l^ecome a slave-holding nation, or become an entirely free labor nation.'" Shortly after the Spring-field Convention, arrangements were made for a joint discussion of the pending issiJes, between Lincoln and Douglas. Both men at tliat time were in the full maturity of their powei-s. Douglas was forty-five years of age and Lincoln forty-nine, and each was by his respective followers considered redoubtal)le antl invincible in debate. The wdiole nation followed the discussion with the gi-eatest interest, for it was a period of intense excitement, and the contest between the opposing forces was increas- ing hourly in bitterness. During all this period of excitement, Lincoln conducted himself with dignity and moderation. His speeches were 24 elevated in tone, eloquent in expression, strong in logic and intense in feeling. Althongli wann in his sympa- thies, and at times righteously indignant at the injustice of the slave power, he never lowered himself by indulging in personal slander or abuse; though often carried away by the eloquence of his theme, he never lost his head nor his temper, and therein he had a great advantage over his opponent, who, when hard pressed, was apt to liecome irritable and impatient. It is stated that, upon one occa- sion, while Douglas was writhing under the tremendous force of Lincoln's argiunent, he rose from his chair and paced impatiently up and down the platform, "his long grizzled hair," as described by a spectator, ''waving in the wind like the shaggy locks of an enraged lion," with watch in hand he stood ready to inteiTupt Lincoln upon the second of the expiration of his time. The debates between Lincoln and Douglas were un- questionably, when we consider the issues at stake, among the most important that had ever taken place in the history of the Republic. Lincoln had the advantage of advocating the right side of the question. Slavery was wrong /)rr -sr, it was liased on no moral principle, it had in time to give way to the logic of truth, humanity and civilization, but in those days the system was woven into the very fabric, imbedded into the very foundation of our goveniment. The ablest advocates, in the piilpit, in tlic forum, in Congress and on the stump defended it: even going so far as to claim it was of divine sanction. Alexander H. Stephens said: "It is indeed in conformity with the Creator. It is not for us to inquire into the wisdom of His ordinances or to question them." A very easy way to satisfy one's con- science — to beg the question, or rather to adopt a false premise, and then to endoi-se your conclusion with the ap- proval of the Almighty, to hold Him rcsponsilde for an 25 f.xisting conilitioii, which, org-inally, was founded in, and aftenvards maintained hy man's selfishness and inhu- manity. Slavery was an old quevStion, for it had vexed the Re- public from the very beginning, but the trutli was to re- ceive new force from the reason and logic of Lincoln. His speeches did more than those of any other man, at that period to open the way for its overthrow and destruc- tion. As I have already said, Lincoln had tlie right of the question, but it must be liorne in mind that, at that time, it was the unpopular side; the dominant political pai-ty was controlled by the slave power, and party fealty is lianl to be broken and often tends to blind men to the truth. Lincoln had to break down prejudice and long-settled opin- ions and con%actions; as a rule, men accept existing con- eriod extending from July to late in October. At first, they did not speak upon tJie same platfonn, but afterwards an an-angement was made, at the request of Mr. Lincoln, for a series of joint discussions. The firet speech in the campaign was made by Mr. Douglas on the evening of July 9, 1858, from the balcony of the old Tremont House, m C?hicago; on the follo\\ang evening Lincoln replied from the same place. The crowds that came to hear were vast on both occasions. In eveiT way, mentally and physically, the debaters were totally dissimilar. Douglas was one of the most popular, fascinating and magnetic speakers of his time; lie had •26 been ti'ained on the stiimjj, in Congress and in tlie Senate, and had met in debate the strongest men in the i;ation. He was self-confident, resolnte, aggi-essive and defiant, and he possessed to a remarkable degTee those qualities that specially attract the people, he was dramatic in manner, fluent in speecli, tactfnl and full of resources, keen, quick, sarcastic and incisive, brilliant, persuasive and logical. He was called affectionately by his followers "the little giant," and they considered him invincible. He was sliort in stature, not more than five feet, he had a strong, if not handsome face, and tlie play of his features while nuder the influence of his own eloquence expressed the control- ling thought or mood of his mind; long hair floating over his slioulders gave him a leonine appearance, and added to the attractiveness of his iiei"sona]ity. On the other hand, Lincoln was tall, gaunt and rather awkward in appearance, homely in feature until his face was lighted by the fires that bumed in his very soul; he was in no wise theatrical, bnt was plain, simple, and most convincing, his power of illustration was inimitable, his fund of anecdotes seemed almost inexhaustible, be was witty, hnmorous and pathetic but above all sincere and just. At times, his voice vibrated with the deep emotions of his soul and expressed in tender tones the sympathy of his heart. Though gentle and kindly by nature he was absolutely without fear. He had a commanding knowl- edge of the political histoi-y of this country. Douglas was calculated to win applause; Lincoln to win conviction. These were the men who were to discuss this question, so vital to the life of the nation. Lincoln never ro«e to greater heights than during these debates; his arguments were unanswerable; his words bumed into the veiy con- science of the nation and made a deeper impression upon the popular mind than those of any orator of that period, and there were giants in those days. 27 His speeclie? gave courage and inspiration to tlie lovers of freedom, and brought liope and comfort to the poor slaves in the rice and cotton fields of the far South. His audience was an aroused and a listening nation; his words were winged messengers that carried the truth throughout the land; like a prophet of old he spoke with the fire of inspiration that cajno from the justice of his cause. He failed in his contest for the Senate but the battle he made opened the way for greater honors and a higher post. Douglas was defeated by tlie popular vote but was returned to the Senate by a small majority in the Legislature. When it became known that Douglas was successful, he received a perfect ovation, and in liis tour throtigh the country was everywhere met with most enthu- siastic acclaim. Lincoln took his disappointment with philosophic composure, ajid with his characteristic equan- imity; his fame, however, had gone abroad and tlic East was anxious to meet him face to face. In answer to an invitation he came to New York and on the 27th of February, ISfiO, he delivered in that city his memorable speech at Cooper Institute, which added greatly to his reputation as an orator and a statesman. It was scholarly, logical and con^ancing ; it showed a thorough familiarity with the subject at issue, and made a profound impression upon a most critical audience. The speech should be carefiilly read by evei-y student of American history, for it is an exhaustive dissertation upon the right of Congress, based upon the views of the fathei-s of the Republic, to prohibit slavery in the terri- tories; it was an effort in every way Avorthy the orator, the theme and the occasion. The Republican Convention met in Chicago in May, and Mr. Lincoln was nominated for President. The campaign that followed was most active and exciting aad 28 resulted in liis election. Secession now threatened the destruction of the Union. The nation b;id reached the crisis in its history; reason was lost in the bitterness of the hour. The day of inaugniration was aproaching- and Mr. Lin- coln left his home in Sjiringfiekl to go to Washington to enter upon the duties of his office. May I digress for a moment in giving a little personal reminiscence? I was but a boy when Mr. Lincoln passed through this city on his way to the capital. I stood in the crowd at the comer of Twelfth and Chestnut street.s, and waited for the procession. I had never seen a Presi- dent, and in anticipation I was A\TOught up to a state of anxious curiosity. I had formed in my youthful mind an idea of his appearance, of course it was indistinct, but I expected to see a man of magnificent presence, 'Svith an eye like Mai-s to threaten and command." At length the ]>rocession reached o\ir conier, and in a barouche stood a tall blaek-haired, black-whiskered man, awkwardly bow- ing to the applauding and cheering croAvds that lined both sides of the street; he was so different in appearance from what I expected to see that I stood bewildered and as- tonished in my disappointment, but, at length, in answer to the cheers in my immediate vicinity, he turned in our direction, and instantly I was impressed by the gentle, kindly face, that seemed so fatherly and aifection- ate; thank God my little cap was in the air, and my voice helped, in its childish strength, to swell the (diorus of his welcome. He stole into the Capital by night, was inaugurated under military protection and then faced a crisis of mo mentous importance. Men's hearts quailed before the coming storm. Calm, considerate and moderate, Lincoln urged, in language pathetic and conciliatory, the Soutli to return to its allegiance. What can be more eloquent than 29 liis first inaugiiral address, when he pleaded for the Union: "My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this whole subject. Nothing valuable can be lost by tak- ing time. If there b© an object to h^irry any of you in hot haste to a step which you would never take deliber- ately, that object will bo finistrated by taking time, but no good object can be fnistrated by it. ***** In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, is the momentoiis issue of civil war. The gov- ernment will not assail yon. You can have no coiillict with- out being', yourselves, the aggressors. You have no oatli registered in heaven to destroy the government; while I shall have the most solemn one to 'preser\'e, protect and defend it.' "I am loath to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break our bonds of affection. The mystic choixls of memoi-y, stretching from every battle- field and patriot grave, to evei-y living heart and hearth- stone, all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature." But this earnest appeal found no response but jeers and derision; passion and bitterness controlled the minds of men, and across the waters of Charleston harbor shrieked the shells on their way to Simiter; the flag was lowered, war with all its terrors was upon the nation and the ominous tramp of anned men was heard throughout the land, while the heavens were reddened witii the glare from " The watch fires of a hundred circling caiiipe." When Mr. Lincoln took the oath of ofilce, he found the treasury empty, the national credit ruined, the army and navy scattered and disarmed, but nothing daunted, he reso- lutely faced the crisis. In those dreary years of civil war 30 when the fair fiekls of the South \ny bare, when her rivers ran blocd and the Republic was shaken as by an earthquake, under the cdash of anned hosts in battle, Lin- coln stood bravely at his post. With no bitterness in his heart, "with malice toward none, with charity for all, with finnness in the right," he bravely and heroically guided the nation through the storm into the light of better days. In the hour of his success, after the turmoil of war had ceased and peace had dawned, he was stricken down by the hand of an assassin, a sacrifice to liberty. It was not for him to descend into the plain, but like the leader of old, having brought his people tlu'ough tiibulation and out of the house of bondage, he stood upon the mountain top and saw the promised land only from afar. When he passed away, they laid him with his fathei-s, and a nation wept. Many of the actors and most of the leaders of that period are at rest; the excitement and the bitterness have subsided; passions born of the conflict have given way to reason, to ])atriotism and to the influence and blessings of peace, and to-night we will not turn the pages of that book every line of which is wiitten in blood and tears. Both sides fought with the heroism characteristic of their race, with the same courage that they since have shown, when united and under one flag they went forth in the cause of humanity to smite the cruel power of Spain. We will not revive the anger and antagonisms of the past by fighting those "battles o'er," but with reverent hearts pray God, Who brought us safely through tlie hor- rors of civil strife, to ease all sorrow, dispel all bitteniess, bind up all wounds and ever keep the nation in His care and watchfulness. Vireinia had suffered the most, she had been the battle- held where the mighty hosts had encamped and fought; her soil had been drenched ^vith blood and swept by tire. 31 Witliin her borders all the horrors of war had centei-ed, and it was there that the last stand and surrender were made. Appomattox was not a field of conquest; its glory was not that we triumphed over our brothei-s, but that we saved their and our nation, wdiic-li, in their misguided judg- ment, they would have broken in twain. The war did not result in the acquisition of on© inch of territory, the South had never left the Union, the effort to take it out had failed, and the soldiere of the Confederate army returned to the pui-suits of industry, to build up the waste places and to cultivate the land, that too long had been lying in fallow. Once more they became loyal citizens of the RepTiblic, and to-day rejoice vcith us in our sucees-s. Prejudice and bitterness lingered for a long while, but as the years rolled on the nation became more united in .sentiment and purpose. Since the close of the war we have made wonderful pro- gress; we have set the pace for the world's advance. The liberation of the serfs in Russia, in time, followed the Emancipation Proclamation, and both were mighty strides in the direction of universal liberty. Would it not bave been a reflection upon our boasted free institutions if Russia's emancipation had preceded ours? Tlae world is growing better; men are becoming more tolerant; education is removing prejiidice and bigotry; charity is more generous and sympathetic, and no appeal is made for aid, but that some heart, is ready to respond; the rights of man are lietter understood and secured, even in France the truth -svill yet prevail, and the lone prisoner on "Devil's Island" will yet be heard in defence or the nation may be torn and riven by revolution. The Czar's suggestion for disarmament will not be alto- gether ignored; it will have its influence upon the future and is a step forward in the world's regeneration, towards 32 the dawii of that day, when nations \vill rest from battle, when the sword will be beaten into the ploughshare and the spear into the pruning hook. This is a remarkable period through which we are pass- ing. The material progTSss of the Nineteenth centui-y under the impulse of discoveries and inventions makes this age in many respects the most interesting and remarkalile the world has ever seen. '\\nien it is remembered, that in so far as the methods of communication, conveyance and locomotion were con- cerned, the age of Washing-ton was not one degree in ad- vance of that of .lulius Caesar, one may luive some appre- ciation of the progi-ess and improvements that have been made in the past hundred years. The stage or mail-coach called the "Flying Machine," with many relays of horses, made the journey, in 1774, from Philadelphia to New York, in the hitherto unequalled time of two days. Au express train, to-day, equipj>ed Avith every convenience, heated by steam, lighted by electricity, furnished as lux- uriously as a parlor, and with a dining room attached, covers the same distance in two hours. Lord Bacon says: "The introduction of noble inven- tions seems to hold by far the most excellent place among all human actions. And this was the judgment of anti- quity, which attributed divine honors to inventors, but conferred only heroical honors upon those who deserved well in civil affairs — such as the founders of empires, legislatoi-s and deliverers of their country. And whoever rightly considers it will tind this a judicious custom in former ages, since the benefits of inventors may extend to all mankind, but civil benefits only to particular countries or seats of men; and these civil benefits seldom descend to more than a few ages, whereas inventions are perpetu- ated through the course of time. Besides a state is seldom amended in its civil affairs without force and perturbatioi:,- 33 whilst inventions spread their advantage without doing in- jury or causing disturbanee." TN^ien the histoiy of the last half century is written, it wil stand out, up to this time, at least, as tlie most in- ventive age in the histoiy of mankind. During this period the steamship, tlie locomotive, the telegraph have been brought to perfection; the telephone, the phonograpli, the kinetosco})e are comparatively recent inventions, while photog^i'ajjhy pictures to us the heavens and reveals the wonders of the deep. One to have predicted these im- provements and discoveries fifty years ago would have been looked upon as wandering in his mind or iinbalanced in his intellect. Time and distance are no longer in the calculations of man, he has annihilated them in his com- mand and control of the forces of nature. He has made the elements obedient to his will. He leaps over the mountains and with the speed of light dashes across the plains, he tunnels the earth and rides upon the air, he walks vipon the bottom of the sea and mounts to the stars, he harnesses the tides, snatches the lightning from the clouds, bridles and directs it, sends his speech in an instant around the world, peers into the body of man and watches the beating or counts the pulsations of his heart. He ac- curately weighs and measures the stars and with the far- seeing telescope becomes familiar with the topogi'aphy of the sun and moon, in fact brings the latter, by means of his lenses, \vithin a few miles of the earth, and in time may signal, or with his messenger may reach, the inhabi- tants of far distant planets. Doubtless Shakespeare, himself, little appreciated the force of the words of Puck " I'll put a girdle round about the earth In forty minutes." The fairy's boast has been outdone. The spirit of elec- 34 tricity has outstripped the frolicsome spirit of tliat "Mid- summer Night's Di-eani." Carlyle, in rcfen-iiig to this man-elous period, says: "Were we required to characterize this age of ours by any single epithet, we should be temptetl to call it, not an Heroical, Devotional, Philosophical, or iloral Age, but above all othei-s, the Mechanical Age. It is the Age of Machinery in every outward and inward sense of that word; the age which, with its whole undivided might, for- wards, teaches and practices the gi-eat art of adapting means to ends." The portals of the Twentieth Century are opening and the world stands upon the threshold of a new era; it is always sad to say farewell to each passing year, liut a century, with all its memories and associations, is fast draw- ing to a close, and as we look into the future, we are apt, at times, to have anxious forebodings, and yet the new century that is dawniing may be greater in material pros- perity than any preceding age. ilay the Republic grow in honor and in strength and advance the cause of general enlightenment and civilization. May her rulers ever keep before them the examples of the great men of the past and endeavor to emulate their loyalty, their integrity and their wisdom. Goldwin Smith, in his History of the United States, says: "Abraham Lincoln is assuredly one of the marvels of history. No land but America has produced his like." The world delights to draw comparisons between its great men, as to their traits, their characteristics, and those qual- ities of mind and heart which enable them to succeed. For instance, we have frequently seen comparisons dravm between Caesar and Napoleon, Richelieu and AVolsey, Cromwell and Washington, Mirabeau and Gambetta, Clay and Blaine, and so on without number. "Plutarch's Lives" has been a source of delight in every age since it was written 35 and ill speaking of Aristides and Cato, he says: "Haviug thus given a detail of the most memorable actions of these great men, if we compare the whole life of the one witli that of the other, it will not \re. easy to discern the differ- ence between them, the eye being attracted lay so many striking resemblances." The American Plutarch has not yet appeared, but when he does he will not l>e able to use this language in com- paring Lincoln with any man in our political history. Lincoln stands alone. Washington, Franklin, Jefferson, Hamilton, Jackson, Callioun, Webster, and Clay differ from him at almost every point. We have already drawn a contrast between Washington and Lincoln and if we take up the others named above we will find but little if any similarity between him and any one of them. Franklin was more scientitii' and metaphysical. Jefferson shrewder and more intriguing, ■with greater organizing power. Hamilton more intellectual and with a greater creative genius. Cal- houn had a more analytical mind. Jackson was more im- pulsive, more imperious and coarser in his fibre. Webster was more learned and profound, but none of them re- sembles Lincoln in those qualities that make him in his own way truly great. Clay, "The Mill Boy ofthe Slashes," like Lincoln, came from a lowly origin; like him was self made; like him was magnetic and eloquent, but differed in every other particular. Among his contemporai-ies, Sew- ard, Douglas, Stanton, Sumner, Chase, Greeley, we can find no likeness. In fact, if we search through the whole his- tory of our country we do not find a man that suggests a resemblance. Emerson, in his essay on "Greatness," says: "AVhilst degrees of intellect interest only classes of men who pur- sue the same studies, as chemists or astronomers, mathe- maticians or linginsts, and have no attraction for the crowd, there are always men who have a more catholic genius, 36 are really great as men and inspire nniversal enthnsiasni. A great style of hero draws equally all classes, all the extremes of society, till we say the very dogs believe in him. We have had such examples in this coimtry in Daniel Webster, Henry Clay and the seamen's teacher, Father Taylor; in England, Charles James Fox; in Scot- land, Robert Burns; and in France, though it is less in- telligible to lis, Voltaire. Abraham Lincoln is i>erhaps the most remarkable example of this class that we have seen — a man who was at home and welcome witli tlie humblest and with a spirit and a practical vein in the times of teiTor, that commanded the admiration of the wisest. His heart was as great as the world, l)ut there wa.s no room in it t<> hold the memory of a wrong." Such was Lincoln, magiianimous, forgiving, not in any way vindictive; never treasuring a resentment, open, free, generous, sympathetic, wise and with an inflexible deci- sion when the occasion or the hour demanded firmness. Rising from the humblest suiTOundings he forced him- self into the foremost place in our history. He was in every sense of the word "self made;" he possessed that force of character which enabled him, though unattended by fortune and surrounded liy the most unfavorable cir- cumstances, to suniiount every obstacle and • at length reach the grandest heights. He was no prodigy that, like a meteor, flashes and then disappears, but attained his success by constant and untiring effort. The- simplicity of his character was his most marked trait; he was genuinely candid and honest; he was human in all his sympathies; we may truthfully apply to him the quotation: " Homo sum ; humani nihil a me alienum piito." He seems to have had no little or mean qualities such as envy or jealousy nor was he plagued by an inordinate 37 liiabition. He was a man of dec}) convictions, of intense feeling; poetic in temperament and emotional in nature, he was religioiis, though not orthodox, and firmly Indieved in an over-ruling Providence who guided the destinies of men and nations. He was liberal, tolerant and just, there was nothing of the bigot about him; he believed that two men could differ and yet both be honest. He was conservative, but of decision and courage; it has been said of him that "he had the firmness and deter- mination of Jackson without his temper." In the darkest hour his courage was the sti'ongest; when brave men faltered he took new strength; when they despaired he inspired fresh hope. He was in no sense a demagogue, although he must have had a just p-ide in reaching his success by his own efforts, he had too much self-respect to l)e ashamed of his humble birth and his early struggli-s, but he never flaunted the fact in the face of the multitutle to win applause or to secure sympathy and popular support; he knew that ho held a title to the true nobility of American manhood. He would have been a great man even though the cause he led had not succeeded ; such a character is not measured alone by its degree of success. He was a gentleman in the broadest and deepest sense of the term; in one of his replies to Douglas lie said: ''I set out in this campaign with the intention of conducting it strictly as a gentleman in substance, at least, if not in outside polish. The latter I shall never be, but that which constitutes the inside of a gentleman I ho])e I understand, and I am not less inclined to practice than another." What candor, what honesty, what simplicity. He knew that he was awkward and homely and diflident; that he did not possess the graces of the accomplished courtier or man of the world; that he was not familiar vdth the arti- 38 ficial luaiuiers and the empty ceremonijs of the dramng rooms of fashioiiahle or polite society. He did not possess that "outside jwlish" which so often, like a mere veneer, c'ovei-s the roughest, the meanest and the coldest souls. This polish and these forms are but the "trappings;" he liad "that within which passeth show." He was one of nature's gentlemen; kindly, generous, unselfish, sincere, considerate of othere; with a heart which was ever ready to respond to the call of distress and which sympathized with the lowly, with the do\vn-trodden and oppressed; his early trials and struggles had not soured his dis]iosition but only tended to bi-ing him in closer sympathy with the sufferings of mankind. As a statesman he was moilerate, patient and •wise; he reached his conclusions slowly but his judgment was sound. As an orator h© was strong and convincing; he labored for ultimate success rather than for any temporary serve," says Emerson, "that all poetiy is wi-itten in the oldest and simplest English woi-ds." The love of reading was with him a passion, the pursuit of knowledge an infatuation. His memory was good, his mind impressionable and he retained the greater pai-t of what he read. His education was obtained by constant, by ceaseless application. Although his early yeai-s, as we have seen, were suiTounded by the greatest disadvantages, he seized 40 every opportunity that offered and treasured every moment that oonld be devoted to the acquisition of knowledge and the development of his mind; it is said that he read every book that conld be borrowed within a cirenit of fifty miles. What a precions boon it is to love books, it was Edward Gibbon who said that he wonld "not part with his love of reading for all tlic wealtli of the Indies." A good book is a treasure in itself; it contains the best thou"-hts of a master mind; it is the result of a life time of study, of observation, of contemplation. To one who is fond of reading there sho\ild never come a heavy or a tedious hour, through life he communes with the poets, the philosophers, the seers, the sages and the mighty men of every age, they reveal to him the sentiments, the hopes and the aspirations of their souls. That host of writers who have illumined the pages of English letters are his friends and daily companions. What a choice circle in wliich to move. Books are a great solace in hours of sorrow and dis- appointment, and so they were to Lincoln; when trials beset him, when disaster threatened, when enemies were relentless, when the world, seemed cold and cmel, and when even friends abandoned him, he found comfort and encouragement in the pages of his favorite authors. Lincoln was at all times most patient under the attacks made upon him by his political opponents. In speech and press they were often most scurrilous, but he bore no resentment. His enemies were bitter, vindictive and re- morseless; there is hardly a vile epithet in the vocabulary of spite and hate that was not applied to him, but bravely and patiently he bore the burd«n through the tempest and fury of the night, until at length his eyes beheld the breaking of the storm and the glory of the coming day. Tlis patriotism was of the purest type, he had an abiding faith in the i>eople, and his example will always inspire the 41 future with zeal, wtli courage and with liopc. The in- fluence of his life, heroic in its efforts for the uplifting of the human race, will he felt throughout all time, animating and ever encouraging those who hattle for freedom against tATanny and oppression. He is closer to the hearts, deeper in the affections of the people, than any niaai in the history of our public life; the more we study his chai-acter the more we are impressed with his real greatness and convinced that he is tlie most typical man and one of the strongest chai'acters produced bv our conditions. He was truly one of the great men of the world, whose fame will grow brighter as the years increase. We have traced the struggle for liberty from the early days of the Colonies to the signing of the Declaration of Independence, and from that event, through the histoiy of the Republic, until the Emancipation Proclamation freefl the land from the blight and curse of slavery; it is a long- story that tells of suft'ering, of heroic sacrifice and of the loss of precious life and treasure. The birth of the Republic was, in course of time, in- evitable, it was destined to be brought forth out of oppres- sion, but the subsequent battle for its integrity and con- tinuance was long and bitter; its preservation was moi-e difficult to accomplish than even its creation, and to no one man do we owe so much as to him whom we honor to-night; his was the heart that never despaired, the soul that ever sustained. Under his guidance the nation was saved and her liberty secured. " Amerioa to-dSy Binds in her hair The olive and the undecaying bay ; An adult nation, gloriously fair." "The mystic chords of memorv'" have been "touched by the better angels of our nature," and harmoniously "swell 42 the ckorus of the Union." The Xorth and South, forgetting tlie past, liave in sympathy and in senti- ment, blended into one nation, they are Imt parts of one gTeat whole, th