C^nQJt.f ^ / SPEECH HON. C. J. FAULKNER, OF VIRGINIA, ill THE COMPROMISE— THE PRESIDENCY— POLITICAL PARTIES. DELIYEREO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, AUGUST 2, 1852, WASHING rONj PklNTED AT THE CONGRESSIONAL GLOBE OFFICB. 1852. THE COMPROMISE, &c. The riortsc being in the Comtnittse of the Whole on the State of the Union on the Civii and DipJomalic Appropria- tion Dill — Mr. FAULKNER said: Mr. Chaiumav: I had hoped, sir. that no occa- f}^n would have occurred, during iiiy service in ^'ti^s body, rendering it necessary for me to address , P^e Flouse upon any of the current political topics *6f the day. I came here to discharge my duty as »! representative of the people — to labor in the f)lain, straightforward path of constitutional legis- ation — to limit myself to the discharge of the ap- propriate duties which belong to me as a member of this body — to dedicate my time to the investi- gation oftliose questions upon which I am required to record ray votes, and to sustain the peculiar interests of my constituents, wherever those inter- ests have been improperly neglected and disre- garded by the Government. But having taken occasion, some short time since, in company with a few others v/ho concurred in opinion with me, to indicate, in a very brief card, the course which I should feel it my duty to pursue in the approach- ing presidential election — a right, the exercise of wltich belongs to every freeman of this Republic, and my potntion having been made by partisan orators and editors, throughout the country, the subject of most acrimonious assault, I feel im- pelled to throw myself upon the indulgence of the committee to preseut more at large some of the reasons which govern me in the course which I pFv-ipuse to pursue; and if those who difler from me in opinion can perceive in my present position the slightest aberation in principle from that which I assumed in my canvass for a seat upon this floor, I shall be gratified to see the discrepancy pointed out to the censure and condemnation of those who have a right to sit in judgment upon my conduct. Mr. Chai mai, looking at the respective plat- forms annoincal by the two parties, and at the c-nirse of I atio.ial legislation, few, if indeed a si'^de one, of the questions which formerly di- videcl oarties, have for some years past cons^tituted jjoliticj' issues before the country. The Bank of Ine Unitfi States, to protract whose corporate ex- istence so much misplaced patriotism was expend- ed, has almost perished from human memory, and has been supplanted by a financial system which is everywhere acquier-'ced in without a murmur. The bankrupt law v/as a temporary measure, and rose and exploded like a bubble upon the agitated surface of the water. The Mexican war has left behind it nothing but the memory of its proud achievements and successful issue. The system of internal improvements, once so vigorously main- tained, is now universally discountenanced; and all who maintain any pov/er in t!ie Federal Gov- ernment over the subject, in any form, limit the exercise of that power within such a narrow range of commercial fecility and national defense as to avert any very marked hostility to iheir views. A tariff policy, looking to protection as its leading and primary object, is now without an advocate in the country — as completely so as the doctrine of ptjre international free trade; and so long as the principle is avowed and honestly carried out, that no more revenue should be raised than is sufficient to defray the Just and economical expenditures of the Government — that such revenue should be col- lected from imposts, and not from direct taxes, so as to give to the labor of our ov/n country the in- cidental benefit resulting tVom that system of tax- ation; and that, in raising this revenue, such equal- ity of burden should be imposed that one class or portion of the country should not be taxed for the benefit of another — principles now universally con- ceded, all else pertaining to any tariff law must be mere matter of detail, about which local interests may squabble, but in regard to which national par- ties cannot differ. The question of the public lands has long since passed from the control of party action, and been merged in the ever-circling whirl- pool of sectional cupidity and universal demao-oo-- ism; and the only divisions which it has been niy fortune to v/itne.ss upon that subject, since I have held a seat upon this floor, have'been those which spring from the celebrated Rob Roy maxim: " That good old rule— tlmt siinph; plan. That they shall taki; Vilio have the power, And they may iiolo who can." These old issues have passed away, because they sprung alone from the adtninistrative policy of the Government — a policy which, in a country of such gigantic growtti, rapid development, and intimate connection vv'iih the whole commercial world, must necessarily be modified and adapted to its changing condition and ever-onv/ai\l des- tiny. They have passed away, because time and enlightened discussion have corrected many of the errors and dissipated many of the prejudices which surrounded those subjects; and more than all, they have been lost sight of by the public mind, because, of late years, they have yielded to a class of questions of far greater magnitude, in- volving the very existence of the noblest structure of civil government which the sun has ever shone upon. Sir, since the recent alarming agitation of these sectional issues, I have had but one rule to guide and control me in my political course, and that is irrespective of all former party associations and of all effete — lifeless, galvanic political organizations, to give my humble and sincere support to those men, and to those associated bodies of men who, from their public declarations and authentic acta, give me the highest assurance of their fidelity to the obligations imposed by our great Federal compact. The South is now, for the first time since the origin of this Government, in a minority in both branches of the National Legislature. We have in this fact a source of just solicitude, which may well arouse u-s to reflection, and cause us to look more narrov.'ly into the tendencies and composi- tion of parties than we have heretofore done. We have now no longer in this nor in the other Chamber the power of numbers to repel aggres- sion and to vindicate our rights. We have great and momentous intere? ts confided to our safe cus- tody, upon the firm and intrepid maintenance of which, depend our peace and tranquillity, and which interests may be, and arc, the subjects of constant aggression and assault. A very slight examination into the tone of public sentiment, and the tendencies of this Government must be suffi- cient to satisf)^ any man that the safety of the South in this Confederacy depends upon a strict and literal interpretation of the powers of Con- gress; upon a vigilant watchfulness of abuse; and upon a faithful observance by the Government of all of those provisions in that instrument which have been so carefully designed to protect and de- fend our interests. Amongst the clauses contained in the Constitu- tion is one which has attracted an unusual share of public attention witliin the last few years. The interest which this question has awakened has re- sulted from the fact that it is a plainly written con- dition of the bond; tliat it is a provision of vital practical importance to the South; that it has been violated with impunity and under ever)^ circum- stance of atrocity and insult; that the authority of the National Legislature has been invoked to give vitality and efficacy to the compact, and that fa- naticism and resistance have reared their treason- able heads to cancel and destroy a solemn and deliberate contract made and approved by our fathers. The question presented, beiiig no less than whe'her the Constitution is an instrument in- tended foi the benefit of the whole Union, or only of a part of it; — whether the South sliall bear its burdens, without being allowed to participate in its benefits. Sir, 1 do not over estimate the import- ance of that provision of the Constitution which re- quires the delivery of our fugitives from labor, when I say, that upon its stern and inflexible ex- ecution depends our domestic tranquillity, and the peace and stability of the Union. I say here, to gentlemen of the North, deny us the honest, cheerful, and faithful observance of that guarantee of, the Constitution, and you make us aliens to you in feeling, and enemies to a system of Gov- ernment which can tolerate such injustice, it was one of the equivalents which was promised for the surrender of that unrestricted commerciaJ pov/er which it was then forseen, and which has since resulted in covering your country with cities, palaces, and all the evidences of affluence and wealth. It v/as one of the conditions of the bar- gain, and one without which v/e should have re- fused to have negotiated at all. Of this ojiinion was the Supreme Court of the United States, when it was announced to the North, through the lips of one of its most eminent northern judges, " that ' the full recogniiion of this riglit and title was ' indispensable to the security of that species of \ ' property amongst them, and was so vital lo J^.o ' preservation of their domestic interests and in- ' stitutions, that it constituted a fundamental ' ARTICLE, without the adoption of which, the ' Union could not have been formed." To se- cure this important object, the Soutli made many sacrifices in the Federal Convention; and surely, no man who looks to the welfare of the South, or to the interests of the Union, (for upo.^-J is question, above all others, the interests oi'*^ e South and of the Union are one and the sarne,)x\ ' be indifferent to the respective views of the tv.." great political parties upon this question, nor, .n- deed, to the views of any influential portion of these parties. It cannot be an unimportant incjuiry at a time like this, to know who, during the late perilous crisis through which we have passed, have been our friends, and who have been our ene- mies; who h.ave recognized our rights, and who have denied them; who have regarded the Consti- tution as the fraternal bond of Union, and who have misapplied the powers conferred by it for the purposes of its own destruction, and from what quarter we may expect allies and friends if these rights should hereafter be assailed. So vital do I regard this subject, that I have no hesitation in declaring, that whatever might be my diversity of opinion upon questions of ordinary legislation with the two great parties of the country, I should feel it to be my imperative duty, at a period like the present, and until all serious agitation upon this subiect is finally put at rest, to contribute my aid to secure the ascendancy of that party which shall give me the most satisfactory assurances of its firmness and fidelity upon this fundamental issue. In the view which I take of this question, ar.d in the overwhelming importance which I attach to it, I am sure I do not stand alone. Certain it is, that lam sustained by the sagacity and patriotism of that eminent man, whose voice has not often been heard without a respectful response in this land, and whose death has so recently filled this Republic with grief. I take the following extract froKi some remarks delivered by Henry Clay, before the General Assembly of Kentucky, opt^he 18th of November, 1850, upon which occasAJn he was invited to address that body: " If the agitation in regard to the fugitiv «'«"« W'* should continue, and increase, and become alarmin;!, it wi.l lead to the formation of two new parlies, one lor Uie Union and the other against the Union. And the piatform ol tiiat Union party will be, the Union, the Constitution, and the ^nfoicenient of its laws. And if itshould be necessary to form such a party, and it should be accordingly formed, I announce myself, in this place, a inertiher of that Union party, whatever may be its component elements. Sir, I go further: I have had great hopes and confidence in the prin- ciples of the Whig party, as being most likely to conduce to the honor, the prosperity, and the glory of my country. But if it is to be merged intoacontempiibleaboliiion party, and if aboliti(misin is to be ingrafted on the Whig creed, from that moment I renounce the parly and cease to be a Wiiig. I go yet a step further: if I am alive,! will give my iiunible support for the Presidency to that man, to whatever party he may belong, who is uneontaniinated by fanaticism, rather than to one who, crying out all the time and aloud that he is a Whig, maintains doctrines utterly subversive ofthe Constitution and the Union." I do not wish to he understood, in makina; this quotation from Mr. Clay, to affirm that the time has arrived, in the contemplation of that di.stin- pui.shed man, when ail the extreme results which he prefigures have been fully realized. I feel, in common with the whole country, 2:rateful to the southern V/higs for the firmness and patriotism which tliey displayed in forcing upon the Balti- more Convention the adoption ofthe compromise resolution. It was an important step in t!ie right direction; and I trust in God it may be found to leaven the whole mass of heretofore hostile senti- ments in the Whig party of tite North. But 1 must be allowed to express my want of faith in its efficacy for any such result. I have too long ob.served the extent and intensity of that disease to believe that it will yield to so simple a prescrip- tion. jMeitheram I unadvised of the fact that the platform referred to was, in truth, forced upon l]iat body tinder circumstances of a most mai-lced a^d pecidiar character — that the southern Whigs were aided in their strategy upon that occasion by a triani^'ular struggle for the nomination, and by a condition of things which may never again occur; and that, after all, it was carried in opposition to a most formidable minority, who continued earn- estly opposed to it to the end. Neither am I in- seiisible to the fact that the southern Whigs con- stitute a very decided minority of their party in this Union; that its true power and acknowledged strength lies in the North; and that it is to the eentiments of the North.ern Whigs we can alone look for a true exposition of that policy which must give tone and character to the Whig part)' of the Union. Wholly unembarrassed, therefore, as 1 am in my present political position, and free to choose between the respective nominations now before the country, it becomes my duty as a Roathern man, and as a Union man, to examine the principles and past proceedings of that major- ity branch of the Whig party to whose influence the country is indebted for the nomination now before us, a nomination made in opposition to the unanimous and protracted struggles ofthe South, and in opposition to the struggles of the few na- tional Whigs ofthe North who were so fortunate as to find a sufiie.ient constituency in that section of the Union to delegate them to that body. In order to present my own position fairly and distinctly before the country, it is necessary for me to advert to some portion of my own personal history, and to look back to the incidents of the past few years. As early as the j^ear 1846, my attention was in ail especial manner drawn to that extraordinary condition of things existing in this Confederacy, exhibiting the virtual and practical nullification of one of the most imnonaiit provisions secured by the Constitution to t!ie South. The guarantee existed, it is true, (as a dead letter,) in the Federal compact; but public sentiment and State legislation combined, had rendered it as absolutely inopera- tive as if it had been expressly excluded from the terms of our National Covenant. The act of Con- gress of 1793, depending for its vitality upon State agents and State officers, its efficacy v.'as wholly destroyed by the legislation of the States forbid- ding the cooperation of State officers in its en- forcement. I cannot better illustrate the spirit of northern legislation upon this subject than to re- fer to the case of Vermont, which by an act of November, 1843, inflicted a heavy pecuniary pen- alty, and declared it to be a penitentiary offense, not only for a State officer, but even for any citizen of that State, to aid in the recapture of a fugitive slave. I found that hostility to the institutions of the South was an increasing and growing senti- ment in the North, stimulated and fomented by politicians for the worst and most netarious pur- poses. Shortly after this occurred the brutal murder of Kennedy by a mob of free negroes and abolition- ists in Pennsylvania, whilst engaged in the asser- tion of^is legal and constitutional rights; and next the prompt and di.sgraceful acquittal of the murderers, and their discharge from all punish- ment whatever. I felt persuaded that unless there was some decided action upon the part of Con- gress in giving efficacy and value to this despised provision of tlie Constitution, and some change in the public sentiment of the North, leading to a better understanding and more thorough recogni- tion of the rights of the South, that the Union must he brouglit to a speedy and violent rupture. I accordingly, in July, 1847, opened a correspond- ence with several of the most prominent and dis- tinguished men of the nation, sus'gesting such remedies as occurred to my mind for the existing evil, and soliciting their advice. From none of them did I receive the slightest encouragetTient to the idea that any amendment could be obtained to the act of 1793 by Congress. Mr. Calhoun, in emphatic terms, replied to me that " any at- tempt to procure favorable legislation from Con- gress would be idle." Not discouraged by thisai^vice, I determined, in the spring of 1848, to submit myself to the voters of Beikeley county as a candidate for a seat in the House of Delegates — intending, if elected, to endeavor to bring the whole moral power of Vir- ginia to bear upon this subject before Congress. { was elected, and, accordingly, within a few days after taking my seat in that body, I submitted a resolution for the appointment of a select commit- tee to consider the subject in all its bearings, and to report. The resolution was adopted, and a committee appointed, of which I was chairman. Early in the month of February following, I sub- mitted, witli the sanction of the committee, my report, which was unanimously adopted by both branches of the General Assembly of Virginia, in- structing our Senatois, and requesting our Repre- sentatives to urge upon the consideration of Con- gress, the amendments of the law of 1793, recom- mended in that report. These joint resolutions of Virginia were laid before the Senate and House of 6 Reoresentatives but a few days before the ad- li he done for rreodom because the public conscience is inort . ' X r^i T-.1- .• ,1 n \. r.„„ „„,(,„. i^t„ Yoji, much Clin be done, eveiytliing can be cione. Sfaver journment of the Thirtieth Congress, and too late , ^.^^^ '^^^ ,,,^,,^g,, „^ j,^ |,^,.,',.,,j ,,^„,d,f. ^ e;,^ j,e amciioraiet Sfavery prcsi'iit liouna." ; it can ne amcl/oraied. Il can he, ami it must he, abolished, and ynu and [ can and iniijl (!o it. The lask in a-i siniplc and easy ; s i;s eon- sMiiiiiiaiidU vvill be bi-Uf ticeni, and its lewatrts stori:)U^. U rrquires on y tn I'ntlnw Ih'S simple rule of action : To do everywhc'ip, and on every occasion what we can, and not to nealrct or refuse to do what we can al any lime because at tiiat precise lime, and on that pariicular occasion wi^ can- not do more. Gir: umstances determine pnssibiliiies. Whei> we have done nnr bi si to sb.ipe lliein and make lliem ipro- pitinus, wemay rest .'■ali~fied that fttpetinr wisdom has de- termined their form as they exist and will be saKied wiih us if we do all ihe wood that circumsiaiices leave in our pirwer. IJiit we must begin deeper and lower than iheciim- p i.-iliou and conihinailon of factions or parties wherein ilie .strength and si'cmily of stavery lie. You ariswer that it lies in the Consiituiion of the United States, and ;he consti- unioMS and laws of slaveholdins; Stales. Nut a' all. It is in the errnncdus sentiment of the American people. Con- stitiUions and law s can no more rise jihove Ihe viitiie uf the people, thiu the limpid stream caa climb above ils na- tive sprina. Ineiilcale ilie love; of freedom and llie eijaal rights of man uiiiler lliepatenia! loof; see to It that ihey are taught in ih" schools an- hesitation, separate myself altogether from their j ^^^ l^^')' •:-^,- rU;:^^^^ """"" ity can forbear to f;ivor slavery --(bat Conpress can i\< bate— tlial Consres.s, at lea-t, can meditate with ihe siavehohlina St„(e<— liiat, at least, future generalioiis isiif;ht be boiii^iil jnid given up lo fri.(!ilom, aiHTlhal the treasiiies vvasieri in the war willi Mexico would have been sufnelent to have redeemed millions unborn from bondaje. Do all this, anil Inciilcale all this, ii ihe spirit of nnideralioii and Ixnf vo- lence, and noi of reialiation and fanaiicism, and you will soon biiii"; the parlies o' iht; country into an ejfedire iia^res- s)on upon slavery. Whenever the public ndnd .-hail will ^ Ihe aboliihin f>f sl.ivery. the way will open for ii. i " 1 know Ihal you will lell me Ibis is all too slow. Well, then, go faster if yoa can, and I will gy ntUh -inu; bul renieui- ber the insnucuvi' lesson that wasiaughl in ihe words,' ihe.-e thinus oiii;ln ye lo liave done, and not to have lell the others undone.' " In three months after the delivery of thi.s. speech, which, by the newspapers and in pamphlet form, has acquired an exlen.sive circulation, these senti- ments were indorsed by the Whigs of New York by his elevation to a seat in the Senate of the Uni- ted States. On the fifth of March, 1849, he took his seat in that body, to advance the great mission for which he was elected, and front that day lo the , il present, has he stood forward before the country '" • • -.:.--r- „.,.; 1 hostile to the organization. Here is an extract from t!ie speech of Mr. Sew- ard, to which I allude: "There are two antagonistiad elements of society in America — freedom and .slavery. Freedom is in harmony witli our system of Government, and with the spirit of the age, and is, therefore, passive and quiescent. Slavery is in conflict with that system, with ju.Mice, and with humanity, and is therefore organized, defensive, active, and perpetu- ally aggressive." "These elements divide and classify the Aiaierican peo- ple into tu'o classes— the party of Freedoin, and the party of Slavery. scepter." Each of these parties has its court and its "The party of freedom seeks complete and vnieersal emancipation. You, W hios of the lleserve, and you espe- cially, secediii? Whij^s, none know so well as you that these two elements exist and are developed in the two great national parlies of the land, as I have described them. That existence and development constitute the onhjreason vou can assign for having been enrolled in (lie IVhig party, and mustered under its banner, so zealously and so long. And now I am not to contend lliat the evil spirit I described lias possessed the one partv v/ithout miligatitm or excop tion. and fullv directed \h<- actions of the other; but I ap pealtoyou, to vour candor and justice, if the beneficen spirit has not vvijrked chiefly in the JK/ii^ party, and its an tagonist in the adverse party.'' ****** * " Slavery is the sin of not some of the Slates only, but of them all— of not our nation only, but of all nations. It perverted and corrupted Ihc moral sense of mankind, deep- ly universally; and ibis eorriii)lioti became a universalhabit. Habits of thought became fixed principles. No American State has vet delivered itself entirely from these habits. We in New York are guilty of slavery still by withholding tberiglU of suffrage from the race we have emancipated. You, in Ohio, are guilty in the same way, by a system of black lau-s, still more aristocratic and odious. It is written in tiie Constitution of the United States, that five slaves Bhall count equal to three free men, as a basis of represent- ation ; and it is written, also, in in.jUdion of Divine law, that we shall surreiKlertlie^/itjitifc stoic who takes a refuge .„,., ..._ i i ,- at our fireside from Ills relentless pursuer. You blush not |j ijjn ;,fio,-Je(l tm oiiportumty hlgaly tavoraOie lo the impersonation of every sentmif interests and in.stitutions of the South. Early in the following session of Congress, Mr. Mason, of Virginia, in pursuance of the instruc- tions of his State, submitted to the Senate a bill to carry out the second section, fourth article of the Constitution, in relation lo fugitives from labor. Had tl-.at bill come before Congress wholly as an independent measure of policy, it is difficult to say what may have been its fate. But the momentous questions growing out of the admission of Califor- nia as a State into this Union; the establishment of territorial governments for Utah and New Mex- ico; and the settlement of the Texas boundary man freedom as the inert conscience of the American peo- ple will permit it to be ? What, then, yousay' can nothing conslilutiug that series of measures, called the at?- justment or compromise, were passed early in the month of September, 1850, and received the sig- nature of President Fiihuore. It naturally attracted my attention, after my previous acquaintance with the spirit of northern State legislation, and especially with the legisla- tion of some of the most decided Whig States of the North — and after the declarations of principle ascribed to the northern Whigs by Mr. Seward, in his speech from whicii I have before quoted, to notice the political complexion of the vote by v/hich this tardy act of justice was rendered to the South, and the Constitution at length recognized as an instrument giving protection to our rights. I found upon examination that noi one single north- ern Whig Senator voted for the passage of the law, and but three Whigs from the whole non-slavehold- ing section of the Union cast their votes for it in the House of Representatives, to wit: One from the city of Boston — one from Indiana, and one a native of Virginia, representing the Chillico the dis- trict in Ohio. Now, when we consider the plain and perspicu- ous language of the guarantee for the delivery of fugitive slaves embraced in the Constitution — the absolute nullification of the remedy prescribed by the act of 179.3, imperfect as that remedy was — the solemn declaration of the Supreme Court of the United States that we were without the benefit of a fundamental provision of the compact to which we were entitled — the urgent demand for redress from the South — the impending danger to the Union consequent upon the denial of a right so clear and indisputable, we may well estimate the extent and depth of the feeling of the constit- uent body which could thus paralyze their rep- resentatives upon the floor of Congress, and cause them in a body to withhold from us a remedy so clearly granted and so urgently required by our situation. The passage of the compromise acts by Con- gress in September, ISoO, was far from termina- ting the struggle of the friends of the Union. It is true some of those measures became by their passage final, and are in their nature irrepeal- able. But there was one — that one to which I have before more particularly referred — in which the South had a vital and peculiar interest, which was subject to repeal at any time, and which, whether repealed or not, could be of little practical value to us unless sustained by a sound public sentiment at the North, where it was to be executed. The contest, then, so far as that law was concerned, was transferred from the Halls of Congress to the direct tribunal of the people themselves. Open rebellion to the execution of the lav/ was famil- iarly proclaimed. Its constitutionality vehemently denied. The pulpit, the press, county and cor- poration meetings, and legislative assemblies thundered their denunciations against it, and proclaimed a warfare for its repeal, whilst fero- cious mobs were incited and encouraged to resist its enforcement. Some idea may be formed of the frenzy which animated the opponent.? of this measui'e by quoting the sentiments of a convention which, during that period, assembled in Pennsyl- vania. It was there declared " that George Wash- ' ington was as infamous and vile for signing the 'act of n'.)3 as iVIillard Fillmore is for signing ' the act of 1850; both v/ere infamous; both laws 'were infamous." Never was there a period which more urgently demanded the active influ- ; ence and patriotic exertions of every sound-think- I ing man who possessed influence in the North to : allay the spirit of open discontent, and to suppress : the treasonable projects of the enemies of the ! Union. Any man existing in that day, who was ! blessed with the power to give a sound direction to public sentiment, and who, from any purposes of selfish and vaulting ambition, withheld the ex- ercise of that power, was guilty of a flagrant der- eliction of duty which the people of this country will never cease to remember to his injury. In casting our eyes back to the fall of 1850 and the year 1851 , we find the highest intellect and the noblest patriotism of the North everywhere in motion, and earnest and unceasing in its appeals to resist the tide of fanatical resistance of that law, then sweeping over the free States. President Fillmore, accompanied by a portion of his Cabi- net, visited the States of Massachusetts and New York, and sought, by the weight of his high char- acter, and by the exercise of all of the legitimate influence at his command, to soften the excited prejudices of the people, and to turn their reflec- tions into the current of public duty. Henry Clay, from the capital of Kentucky, sent forth a warning voice to his friends in the North. Web- ster, roused by the magnitude of the danger, trav- eled from point to point, and brought the massive powers of his mighty intellect to maintain, up- hold, and support the supremacy of the Constitu- tion and laws. Pierce, Choate, Dallas, Dickin- son, Douglas, O'Connor, and a host of others, brought all the influence of their abilities and well- earned popularity to aid the triumph of the cause of constitutional Union. As the course of Franklin Pierce is not so gen- erally known at this period as that of his three more illustrious compeers, and as it is fit and proper that it should be better known, I will pre- sent from the columns of the National Intelligen- cer, of the 28th of November, 1850, a sketch of tlie sound and patriotic remarks made by him on the 20ih of that month, at a Union meeting held at Manchester, in New Hampshire. The whole proceedings of the meeting cover near four col- umns of that paper: "General Pitrce's Speech. — The President then in- troduced Geiieriii Franklin Pifirce, and that gallant gentle- imn vva? received with enlhnsiasiic cheers. Disclaiming any putpose of nialdiig anything like a regular address, he said he never before was so much under the influence of cnnflictina emotions. There was much in the appearance of the assembly that filled his heart with joy; and yet a feelins; of sadness oppressed him when he cast fiis eyes over that vast, calm, resnlved multitude, and remembered that they had gathered there to consider a question, which for twenty years, had never been raised in any public body in our country. That question was, not whether the Union should be perpetual, but whetlier there should be disunion. " He was in ihx United Slates Senate when that word was heard for Hie first tiuie on that floor, and never shall he for- iret the thrill of horror it sent throui;!! that body. A deep and solemn pause su 'ceeded, and Senators shuddered as they slowly turned their eyes upon ihe bold author of ihe ap- palling su^Ltesijoii. But ho had now lived to hear hisses while one of the secretaries was reading a resolution in favor of (Tnion. [This remark drew hisses, and General Pierce proeeede t :] They hiss again. Let the men who do it, show tiieinselves. [Up ro-e twoeleraynien, the rev- erend Mr. Foss, and the rtvererid Mr. D:ivis.] Here, then, said G?neral Pierce, we have two men who seek to destroy the Union. [One of them replied : ' No. If you will let~ us expliin, we will show you that we do not intend that. VVe are willing to meet the question, however, any way.'j General Pierce continued. You shall have your opportu- nity all in yood time. Lei the discussion coaie, and he that 8 Is dereaced, must go to the wall, and yield the question. That is the way to manRge such mailers in a fiee country. There mu.st be no breakinsr up of the country in case of de- feat. If we are precipitated into a war by lanaticisin, we cannot conquer. Both secions of the country maybe im- molated. Neither could coitie out of the contest short of ruin. It was said tluu we of the North could bring two men in the field for every one that the South could muster; but it would be found, when the trial should come, that the man who now makes that boast would not be one of the two men who was to go forth to meet even the one man from the South. [Gieat cheering.] General Pierce said the men, then in ihe hall, who hnd abandoned themselves to the infatuation of disunion sentiments, would probably live to regret and repent of their present course. In the coming days of decrepitude, when the infirmities of age shall have crept upon them, they would gather their chil- dren around them, and confess how they were once betrayed into moral treason, and, as a legacy, say to ihem: ' Stand BV YODR Union — and st-^nd by your country!' He eaid he deemed it unnecessary to go into a formal argument In support of the Uni.iu. The rrsolution embraced all thai could be said on tlial subject. When the. cmnproiiiise was first propoMed in Congres.^, he had no doubt that the Union would go down, unle-s tlie measures recommended were caTried. The defeat of the first attempt overwhelmed him with apprehension, understanding that the compromise was intended lo gioe to the South a sense of greater security, for one of their righ'.s than they felt Ihey had for some time past possessed. Who did not deplore slavery .' But whatsound- ihinking mind regarded that as the only evil that could rest upon the land ? The men that would dissolve the Union, did not hate or deplore slavery more than he did ; but even with it we had lived in peace, prosperity, and security from the foundation of our institutions to the present time. If Vie Constitution protijiedfor the return of fugiUve stares, it SHOULD B!; DONE. Tiiat was what he wanted to do ; that was what our fathers agreed i«e slioulddo; and that was what the FRIENDS of the Union est.ilili^hed by thtni wanted to do. [Hisses.] There, said General P., are the arguments of the ' higher law,' I suppose. "These provokers of disuuion claimed to be men of hu- manity. They were the men who were always preaching Rgainst war. Yet how was a peaceable dissoiution of the Union to be accomplished? jfone portion of the States could secede without violence, how long would peace con- tinue .' The slaves would escape ; their ovvners would pur- sue them. If the slaves were protected in the free States, the owners would pursue with armed forces. Troops would be raised to resist ihem ; battalions would be added to bat- talions on each side, and l!ie free States would be the battle ground where such armies would be found engaged beyond what Napoleon ever saw on the most terrific of his bloody lattle-fields. It was the fear of such dreadful consequences that caused such a universal revolution of feeling through- out the Union when the original compromise project failed. The eyes of the nation were opened to the niagnitude of the danger. Even those who opposed it in Congress felt they were standing on the brink of a precipice. There eeemed to be no step between disunion and a faithful ad- herence to the compact of ihe Union. He knew that was the feelinj. Members of Congiess had confessed it. The resort to disunion as an experiment to get rid of a political evil would be about as wise as if a man were to think of remedying abroken arm by cutting his head off. Tile danger which would have existed if the compromises hail not been passed, would now exist if they were d.^fealed by the action of tile opponents of those measures. They were fairly within the scope of tiie Constitution, and were to be obeyed with the same fidelity as that sacred instrument itself, which a 1 good citizens must and would stand by while a plank re- mained. Happily, ihrouali the lowering clouds of the ipassing storm the while clift's of concession were in siaht, and the joyful cry was the Union— eternal Union ! [Gen- eral Pierce spoke with a free and fiery energy, which cre- ated and maintained a lively sen.-alion duiing the whole of bis elociuent anil uncompromising speech] Who, upon a perusal of this speech — the gen- eral accuracy and truthfulness of which cannot be questioned — delivered on the 20lh of November, 1850, and reported in the National Intelligencer on the 28th, can fail to see in it the tnost conclusive refutation of the misrepresentation recently prop- agated of his opinions by a few abolition journals of the North.' This .speech alone, covering, as it does, all the ground embraced in that fabricated report, is sufficient, apart from the mass of over- v,7helming testimony bearing upon that point, to consign the infamou.s slander- to the contempt of every fair and honorable mind. If I were a bitter opponent of Franklin Pierce, I would feel it due to the truth of history — due to his consistent rec- ord in support of southern institutions — demanded of me, as a southern man, to trample under foot the vile and infamous falsehood ! Sir, the men of the North, who were engaged in this patriotic struggle to save the Union, werft well aware that they were opposing themselves to a torrent that might, at least ten^porarily, over- whelm them. But they freely elected, for the sake of their country, to make, if necessary, a sacrifice of themselves. Webster, the most pow- erful rnan which the walls of Boston ever encom- passed, was, for his course upon this question, excluded with ignominy and insult from Faneuil Hall, a place which he had so often illustrated and adorned by his eloquence. President Fillmore, in a speech which he made at Fredericl^burg, Vir- ginia, in June, 1851, and to which I had the pleas- ure of listening, truly said: " When I look back to the crisis thropgh which we have passed, I feel that there i.-os danger that the days of the Union were numbered. I determined then, if necessary, to sacrifice every political prospect I had in the woild, and life itself to save the country!" And nov/ it may not be uninteresting to inqitire how Mr. Sev/ard was emplo5"cd during this pe- riod.' We have many facts before us resting upon mere newspaper rumors, to which I will not ad- vert. But here are a few extracts from a letter addressed by him in reply to a convention in Boston, called for the purpose of protesting againss the fugitive slave law: "Auburn, ^pril 5, 1851. " Dear Sir : Your Inttrr inviting me to alend a coiiveti- tion of (he people of Massachusetts o[iposed to the fugitive slave lav/, and lo communicate in writing my opinion flu that statute, if I should bs unable lo attend the convention, has been received." ******* " It would he an honor to be invited to address the propte of Massachusetts on any subject, but it might well satisfy a generous ambition to be called upon to speak to that great and enlightened cnmniouwealth on a question of human rights and civil liberty. " F confess, sir, that I have earnestly desired not to min- gle in the popular discussions of the measures of the test Congress." ******* " r am unwilling even to seem to imply by reiterating af- giiments already before the public, eiiher any dislnist of the position of those with whom I stood in Coigress, ot impa- licnre for that favorable popular nerdiit which 1 believe l<> be near, and hriow to be ultiinatehj certain. " Nevertheless there can be no impr.'^priety in my declar- inu, when !hns questioned, the opinions which will govern my vote upon any occasion when the fugitive slave law shall come up for review in the Natiinal Legislature. I think the act si^rnally unwise, because it is an attempt by a purely federative Government to extend the economy of slave Slates throughout Stales which repudiate slavery as a moral, social, and political evil. Any despotic GoverninelrtJ would awiiken sedition from its profoundest slumbers by such an alti'm|)l. "Th(i attempt by the Gnvernment h.is amused constihi- tional resistance which will not cease until Ihe eflbrt shall he relirniuislied. He who teaches another faith than llii*, whether self-deceived or not, misleads." Whilst Seward and his Abolition allies v.-ere thus employed in fomenting resistance to the execution of this law, the Democracy of Boston were not idle; but from the walls of old Faneuil Hall'they issued a declaration of their constitutioii- al principles in the following terms: "Resohed, That Ihe legislative enroreenient of the se«- ond section of the fourth article of the United States Con- 9 stjtution, which expressly requires that fuzitives from labor shall be delivered up to the party to whom such labor shall bf due, is one of the vital conrlitions of llie conipiomise, Slid was iiitroducpil, carried, and will be suslalned by the DcjiiOLracy of Ihe United States." Asain, sir, tiuring all this period, from the pas- sage of the compromise acts in the imoiith of Sep- teiriber, 1850, where was^ Win'field Scott? It is well known that he has for many years pos- sessed many friends, and exercised considerable influence in the North. The exclusive northern and sectional vote which he received in the several Whig Conventions' of 1840,-'44, and '48, mani- fested very distinctly that there was a large class of persons in that section, upon whose conduct his opinions would have fallen with influence and power. Where do we find his voice in all this tumult, to still the agitated waves, and to proclaim peace to a distracted country ? Amidst all the let- ters which were written to the numerous Union meetings of the North — by public men who were unable personally to attend, we look in vain for one single line from that distinguished source. Was no' letter of invitation sent to him from the great Castle Crarden meeting, of November, 1850, none from Boston, New York, Philadelphia, Con- cord or Manchester.' Mr. SCHOONMAKER. Surely the gentle- man from Virginia must be aware that General Scott made a speech at the Castle Garden meeting in New York. Mr. FAULKNER. The occa.sion to which the gentleman from New York refers was in Feb- ruary, 1850, several months before the passage of the comproitiise acts. I am examining the course of General Scott since the passage of those meas- ures. Mr. SCHOONMAKER. I think his speech was since the compromise acts were passed. Mr. FAULKNER. Certainly not. Mr. STEPHENS, of Georgia. The gentle- man from Virginia is correct in his facts. The Castle Garden" meeting, at v/hich General Scott made some remarks, occurred on the 25th of Feb- ruary, 1850. Mr. FAULKNER. Sir, was General Scott favored with no opportunity ofdeciaring his senti- ments, and of throwing the vv-eight of his illustri- ous name in behalf of the Union, at this most cntical and perilous crisis in its destiny .' It seems to me that he ought to have sought the opportu- nity, if one did not present itself. Looking to a ?reat and imperishable fame, such as Fillmore and tVebster, by their eff'orts upon that occasion, have acquired, and elevating himself far above every selfish object of human ambition, he should have volunteered a rebuke to that wild and mischievous spirit of anarchy which bid fair to shake to its foundations the very pillars of our Constitution. It was the remark of the celebrated Fox, that ignorance in a statesman is crime; and there are occasions in public affairs v/hen silence inastates- Hian is crime. The period succeeding the passage of the compromise acts was one of these occasions. During all this period, the only letter that eman- ated from the pen of Winfield Scott, so far as I am advised, on public affairs, was the following: VVashinx-ton, Starch 93, 185!. Sir: I have received your lett.r, (marked "confiden- tial,") in which, ader committing the error of supposiii!» ine to be "fully before the country as the Whii; candidate for the Presidency," you procied to interrogate nie on many points of i;rave public interest. Permit me to sav, that Considering we shall probably only have a Whig c.mdidate for tlie Presidency tlirouah a Nation- al Convention, and that I cannot be its nominee except by the tbrce of the unsolicited partiality of large masses of my countrvmen ; — Coiisideriig, also, that if my character or principles be not alrc-adv known,il would now be idle to attempt to sup- ply the deficient information by mere paper professions of wUdom anil vrtue made for the occasi:)n ; — And, considerlnsr, that if I answer your (queries, I must go on and answer others already before me, as well as the long series that would inevitably follow, to the disgust of th« public ; — I will be2 permission to close this acknowledgment or your letter by subscribing myse f, With artat respect, your obedient servant, " WINFIELD SCOTT. , Esq., Harrisburs, Pennsijlvania. But General Scott did not merely sin by his re- fusal to answer — he sinned to a much deeper ex- tent by the direct countenance which his silence and acquie-scence gave to those who arrayed them- selves in hostility to the compromise policy. And this leads me to advert to some incidents in the proceedings of the two great parties of the country in the States of New York, Pennsylvania, and Ohio, subsequent to the passage" of the com- promise acts. I select those three States because i it would consume too much tiiTie to review the action of all of the northern States; second, be- ' cause these three constitute the leading and con- i trolling States of the North, and by their power \ and influence give a tone and direction to public sentiiTient in that section; and lastly, because of their especial connection in bringing before the ! nation the name of Winfield Scott for the Presi- I dency. On the 10th day of September, 1850, immedi- ately subsequent to the passage of the compromise measures, and whilst the comprontiise Congres.s was still in session, the Democratic State Conven- tion of New York assembled at Syracuse. Fronn that convention a cheering voice issued, " congrat- ' dating the country upon the recent settlement ' by Congress of the questions which had unhap- 'pily divided the people of these States;" and " deprecating all sectional agitation at the North ' or South, calculated to iin-pair its sacred obligaliona, ' or to threaten its perpetuity." On the 26th September, 1850, (Congress still in session,) the f-r/n^ State Convention of Nev7 York, assembled likewise at Syracuse. From this Con- vention no voice issued approving the compro- mise — none deprecating further agitation of sec- tional issues — l)ut, on the contrary, resolutions were adopted virtually repudiating the compro- mise, and' declaring it to be the solemn duty of Congress, notwithstanding the perilous crisis through which we had just passed, " to extend ' the anti-slavery ordinance over Utah and New 'Mexico, on the first indication that slavery was 'likely to be introduced into those Territories." Thus opening afresh the bleeding wounds of the country, and "kindling with renev.^ed frenzy the fir« of sectional agitation and strife. The Whigs'of New York did not stop here, but they passed the most marked resolution, tendering the warmest thanks of tlie convention to Wil- I LiAM H. Seward, distinguished as the course of 1 that gentleman eminently wa.=:, by hostility to the ! comproiTiise, and more especially to the fugitive slave law. It is true, some thirty meinbers of the convention seceded from this body, upon the ! ground, as they declared in their address, " that 10 ' the design of the convention was to convert the ' Whig party of iliis State into an Abolition party, ' or rather to destroy the Whig party, and to build ' up an Abolition party upon its ruins;" and yet, even tiiese seceders, at a subsequent convention held at Utica, ratified all the nominations made by the Syracuse Convention, and amongst others, the nomination of Washington Hunt as the candidate for the office of Governor, who had previously publicly declared, in a letter addressed by him to the president of the seceding convention, that he deplored the passage of the fugitive slave law in its present form, and expressed himself in favor of such modifications of it as must have deprived it of all value to the South. In this Syracuse Convention no recommenda- tion was made for a candidate for tlip Presidency. It occurred too shortly after the approval by Mr. Fillmore of the fugitive slave law to justify any such formal action. But it is a fact, asserted upon this floor, and not denied, that immediately after the approval by Mr. Fillmore of the fugitive slave law, the name of General Scott as a candidate for the Presidency was placed at the head of every paper in New York under the influence of Mr. Seward. Time had not yet been given to put that machinery in motion which was destined to im- pair the confidence of the people of New York in one, a native and resident of the State, whose elevated and patriotic character was known to them, and upon whom they had so recently cast their votes for the second office in the gift of the people, and who, by the death of General Taylor, had now succeeded to the first. The most decis- ive blow that these political managers could at that early period venture upon, was to express their distinguished confidence in William H. Seward — t)ie man who stood before the State the avowed antagonist of Mr. Fillmore — who condemned with- out reserve his whole policy, and who was then preparing to marshal his well-drilled forces to over- whelm and crush him in the North. At a somewhat later period — ni the summer of 1851 — the Pennsylvania Whig Convention a-^sem- bled. The avowed purpose of calling this meeting was the nomination of State officers; but it was | deemed a very fit and appropriate occasion to usher the name of Winfield Scott before the country as a candidate for tlie Presidency. Accordingly, William F. Johnson, whose free-soil opinions and hostility to the fugitive slavelaw were well known, and who then held in his pocket, and who refused feis executive sanction to the bill repealing tlie un- justand detestable "oljstruction law," was renomi- nated for the office of Governor. In this same convention a resolution was submitted to this effect: " Resolued, That the provisions of the Constitution in reference to the rendition of fugitives iield to service or labor, demand, and shall receicc from our jinrly, a. faithful, inauly, and unequivocal .support." Which was promptly voted down by an overwhelm- ing majority. And Winfield Scott, who, it will be recollected, had, on the 26th of March preced- ing, refused to give his opinions upon any of the public questions upon which he was interrogited, was formally recommended for the Presidency. Thus do we find the name of General Scott for the first time during the present canvass, brought to the notice of the American people by an organ- ized convention. That name associated with Free- Soilers and enemies of the compromise, and brought before the country by a convention which in express terms rejects the maintenance of the fugitive slave law as a principle of its party associ- ation. Governor Johnson, in his act of accepting the nomination thus tendered to him, declares, "The fugitive slave law is as open to modification and repeal as the tariff' of 1846." And thus was the Whig canvass opened in 1851, under the broad banner of Scotland Johnson, by an open and avowed warfare upon the finality of the compromise acts. Now, let us turn for a moment to the action of the Democratic State Convention of Pennsylvania, held at Reading, about the same period, in 1851: '• Resolved, Tliat the sixth section of the art of the Le- Cislalure of Pennsylvania, passed on the 3d of March, 1847, denying, under severe penalty, the use of our State jails for the detention of fugitive slaves while awaiting their trial, ought to be expunged from our statute-book, both because it interposes obstacles, by means of Slate legislation, to the execution of the provisions of the Constitution of the United States, and because it is a virtual disregard of the principles of the compromise, and is calculated seriously to endanger the existence of the Union. " Rcsoheil, That the Democratic party of Pennsylvania are true to the Union, the Constitution, and the laws, and will faithfully observe and execute, so far as in them lies, all the measures of compromise adopted by the late Con- gress for the purpose of settling the questions arising out of domestic slavery ; and this, not only from a sense of duty as good citizens of the Republic, but also from the kind anil fraternal feelings which they cherish towards their brethren ofthe slaveholding States." Again: at a subsequent convention the follow- ing resolution was adopted: " Resolved, That the Democracy of Pennsylvania win maintain with fidelity and energy the faithful execution of the fugitive slave law; and that we pledge ourselves to exert our best efforts to secure the speedy repeal of such portions ofthe ' State obstruction law' as deny the use of our jails for the detention of tiigiti ves fro.n labor while awaiting their trial, or in any other maimer interfere with the constitit- tional rights of citizens of our sister States in reclaiming their property." Here, then, was an issue fully, fairly, and dis- tinctly joined in Pennsylvania, and to which the whole country looked with the deepest and most anxious interest. About the same period a Whig State Conven- tion was held in Ohio. Resolutions weVe adopted repudiating the comproinise as a measure of Whig policy — refusing to recognize its validity as an ad- justment — nominating for the office of Governor, Samuel F. Vinton — a gentleman who had the pre- vious session voted against the fugitive slave law, and who was one of lis most prominent and d«- termiiied opponents — atid recommending Winfield Scott for the Presidency. A Democratic State Convention assembled in Ohio. 1 find no resolution adojited by this corv vention approving or disapproving of the com- promise acts. Reuben Wood v/as nominated as their candidate for Governor. What his opinions were prior to his nomination I do not know. I liave heard it charged that they were unsound on this question. It may be so. But the National Intelligencer of the 2L)th January last, transfers to its columns liis inanguial address, and accompa- nies the publication of it with the expression of its gratification "at its sound conservative sentiments in reference to the compromise." Referring to the compromise, he says: " Under all the circumstances v.hich surround us, w SHOULD HEMAi.s UNDISTURBED, and tliis fruitful soarca of agitation aud escitement be FoaavEE closed." 11 Now, sir, who can fixil to perceive in the move- ij ments of these three powerful States — led on by \] Seward, Johnson, anrl Vinton— a fixed and settled j purpose to arrange the campaign for the pending j; presidential election; to array the Whigs of these I States, and of the North, against the finality ofj; the compromise; to rekindle the fires of sectional : discord; to make the fugitive slave law the basis :•, of political agitation; and to rally the whole anti- [| slavery feeling of the North, with a view to the j organization of a great and triumphant sectional [ parly? Hostility to the compromise as a final pacification of the distracting questions involved, . was openly and pui)licly proclaimed by all con- : cerned in these political movements. And Win- |l field Scott, whether with or without his consent, \\ was selected by them as the favorite and chosen [ instrument to accomiilish their purposes. \\ Mr. STANTON, of Ohio. Is the £:entleman i from Virginia aware that Mr. Vinton did not re- ! ceive the aliolilion vote.' but that there was at the [ same election a Free-Soil candidate for Governor, ], who received upv,'nrds of si.xteen thousand votes.' i Mr. FAULKNER. This may be, and doubt- \' less is, a.s slated by the gentiemin from Ohio. But I do not perceive how the fact affects my ar- gument. It only shows that there were si.xteen thousand voters who carried their hostility to I slavery even beyond the point taken by Mr. Vin- i ton. Now, sir, is it siifTicient for gentlemen to say to me that General Scott was personally and individually, during this ]ieriod, favorai)!e to the compromise.' That, in his private .talk with his: friends, lie so expressed himself? Will this lessen the grave objection to his course? In the estima- | tionof many will it not aggravate it? Can it be possible that he was ignorant of the oliject and purpose for which his name was invoked by this Free-Soil triumvirate? Could he be unconscious that he was lending his great name to give to them '. influence and power — to enable ihem to crush ail the true friends of the compromise throughout the North — and to build ujj a great sectional party upon principles hostile to the peace and tranquillity of I tlie [Jnioii? Can any rational mind account for the determined silence of General Scott on these questinns, after the date of their passage, in defi- ance of all the appeals made to him, except upon the idea that it v/as one of the conditions of their i support, and the presumed condition of his sue- > cess? It is manifest that a renev/al of sectional i agitation was at this time the preordained policy | of the northern Whigs — a fact to be inferred not j only from their almost unanimous refusal to vote for the fugitive slave law, but from the subsequent ! declarations of their party conventions, declining ' to acquiesce in it. And to enable them to carry , on that agitation successfully under the banner of i ■ Winfield Scnti, all that they required of him was, that he should abstain from writing or publishing any opinion in conflict with their purposes and policy. Sir, when I see to what extent they have already succeeded in the North in crushing such men as Millard Fillmore and Daniel Webster — true and tried friends of the Constitution and of the Union — when I see in such undisguised characters every- where throiigii tliat section of the Union, the man- ifestations of iheir influence and power, I tremble to think what might now have been the condition of thia country if the firmness and patriotism of the Democratic party, aided by a noble band of national Whigs, had not, by the results of the elections of 1851, thwarted their incipient move- ments of agitation. Had Johnston, upon the issues involved in his election, triumphed in Pennsylva- nia — had Vinton triumphed in Ohio, with Ilunt, the previous fall, successful in New York, I sol- emnly believe that a concerted and powerful move- ment would have been commenced fnv the repeal of that law, which must liave led to the most fatal consequences to our political system. From this catastrofihe we were saved — saved by the firmness and loyalty of the Democratic party, aided by Union Whigs; and the opponents of the compro- mise policy were thus taught a lesson of prudence and discretion, which has suspended, for a time, at least, their warfare against our institutions. To General Scott we certainly are not indebted for our es-ape from this impending danger; for it was against the combined names of Scott and Johnston in Pennsylvania, and Scott and Vinton in Ohio, that the battle was fought, and the cause of the compromise and of the Union triumphed in that struggle, in defiance of the name of Winfield Scott arrayed against it. In the month of August, 1851, I became a can- didate for a seat in the House of Piepresentatives of the United States. The position which I occu- pied in my canvass, will appear from a letter pub- lished by me in March, 1852. It was circulated by the newspapers, and in pamphlet form, in every portion of my district; and I am yet to learn that any man in the district has questioned the correct- ness of a single statement contained in it. 1 will make the following extracts from it: "In announcin? myself as a caniiiflalo for ConjfPss, I dirt so upon thi: plalf'irin of the Union coNsTrruTioNAU PARTY OK THE SouTH. Tlirit platlbiiii pr«.seiile(t a tew (iistinet and rt( finite issues for tejnriginiMit r)f tlii! people. As such it was adopted and inrxie llie basis of political oisanization in Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, and e%ery oMier portion of tlie soutiiern couiitry where the diversity of opinion and the agitation of the public mind rendered such a contest necessary or proper, Tliai plalforni pre- sented, as controlling and ab>fjrbin2 issues, the ti.'iality of the compromise measures of 18.30, the faithful execulion of the fusilive slave law wilhin the limits of the Union by all the power of the Government, whether resisted by States, ciiles, mobs, or individuals, and a denial of the riyht of a State to resume at its pleasure the poweis which it has conferred upon the G"neral Government, anil tiiereby to destroy Ihe force of Federal legislation within its limils, and to place herself beyond the pale of her respoiisiliilities as a member of the Union. I expressly declar d lliat I did not present myself b'-fore the district as a Whij! ; that I neither expr-cted nor desired any man to regard or support me as .sneh ; that so far as my senlimenls upon the issues above set forth v.'ere acceptable to the people, whether VVhigs or Democrats, [ claimed their suffrages — so far as they dissented from on those questions, I did nnt expect iheii support. I expressly (ejected from my public discus- sion all of the old party issues as obj-rilete or immaterial, and slaked my eleciinn wholly upon those liiuher and greater questions upon which I believed the peace and integrity of the Union depended. I thereby became identified in posi- tion and principle with that inlre|iid and patriotic orcaniza- lion which in Georgia. Alabama, and Mississippi cast aside all former bonds and li^'aments of party, and entered into new combinations to maintain the peace and tranquillity of the conniiy. The tenth Congressional district of Virginia exhibited, upon a small scale, the precise contest ihat was at the same time so fiercely and furinusly waging in the more southern States. The same argiimen!, the same principles, the same objects, the same disregard of former parly associations, maifced iheir strngjles and ours; and not a man that gave me his support but loolns- *This resolution received the votes of bu^ twelve north- ern Whigd. tain the laws necessary to carry them out — tlie provisions fbr the ilciivery of fugitive slaves, and the act of the last Con^rcst for thnt purpose, included ; and that we deprecate all further agitaiioi of questions growing out of thai provision of the questions embraced in the acts of the last (Congress knov»rn as the compromise, and of questions generally connected with Ihe institution of slavery, as unnecessary, useless, ami dangerous." This resolution, in which, for the first time, ref- erence is made to the fugitive slave law, received but seven northern Whigvotes in the House of Rep- resentatives, and amongst those seven not a single friend to the nomination of Winfield Scott for the Presidency. It will thus be perceived, by reference to the record, that if the fate of Jackson's resolution had depended upon the vote of the northern Deirio- crats, it would have been sustained by the tri- umphant majority of 35 to 22 — that i.*, a majority of nearly two to ove. Had the fate of the same resolution depended upon the vo^e of the north- ern Whigs only, it would have been voted down by a majority of 30 to 7, — more than four to one. If it had depended for its support upon the northern Scott party, it would not have received a single vote. On the 20th of April last, a Whig Congres- sional caucus assembled in the Senate Chamber, in pursuance of a call " to consider matters of im- portance to the Whig party. " Mr. Marshall, of Kentucky, submitted to that meeting a resolution j " that they regard the series of acts known as the I 'compromise measures, as forming, in their inu- I ' tual dependeiice and connection, a systern of [ ' compromise the most conciliatory and the best 1 ' for the entire country that could be obtained from j ' conflicting sectional interests and oiiinions; and, i ' therefore, they ought to be adiiered to, and car- I ' ried into faitliful execution as a final settlement, ' in principle and in substance, of the dangerous ; ' and exciting subjects which they emijrace." ; This resolution was ruled to be out of order, and i the opinion of the Chair sustained by a vote of 46 i to 21. Eleven southern Whigs thereupon seceded I froin the caucus, to wit: Humphrey Marshall, of I Kentucky; Meredith P. Gentry and Christopher I H. Vv^illiams, of Tennessee; David Outlaw and Thomas L. Clingman, of North Carolina; Jack- son Morton and E. Carrington Cabell, of Florida; John Moore and J. Arlstide Landry, of Louisiana; James F. Strother, of Virginia; and W. Brooke, I Senator from Mississippi. I take the following extract from their address to the Whigs of the Uiuted States, published in th« National Intelligencer of the 29tli of April, 1853: " By a reference to the list of pt^rsons who participated in these proceedings, it will be peiceived there was a great dispatity in the representation from the free Stites and th« siavehoiding States. We are authorized to state that sev- eral gentlemen from the siavehoiding s5iates, belonging to the Whig party, declined to participate at all in a mens:i::ge,or have relnscd to fxpri'ss an inlKn- i tjon to maintain and exHcnte ttiein finre their passage. I Anioi." ihot^o wiiotiiok part in these procpidii.g^iwere soini' | of lhe''nii)st conspicuous oppoiuiits of the arijusUnent and i most active agitators of the Ni>rtn. Of tiie thirty-one Rep- .j resentalives ("loin tlie free States \vho vntod affirniaiivcly on ■■ the proposition that the appeal do lie on the table, only i; Uiree lia.1 recorded their votes In favor of the paasaie of] lllLi-YER's resoliiiion at this session, expressing as the | •ense of the country that the compromise measures should || be maintained as a fiisal oettlenieiil of the questions they ;| mibracert, nod should be fairly and , honestly executed, i Nineli-en had voted .igainst tlvat resolution. Nine were absent. These, united to the vole of the Senators, would 1 have been sufficient to overpower the whole repiesentation | present ironi the slaveholditig States, hail that representa- 1| lion been united. VVc will not dsvell upon the consider- }: wions these facts smi^cst, or express the ri-fleetions which , they naturally awaken. It is apparent, however, that the | lime and placn have been determined, not only by a mi- ; nority of the Whin representation, but by a preponderance j c»f that element of the representation which eitlier opposed Uie adjusttDcnl or disavows the Miiiahty ' of the settle- ment." I have tlius shown conclusively from the record, that the northern Whig.s arrayed themselves in a ; body aj^ainstthe passage of the fugitive slave law ; — a mea.sureof vital and indispensable importance ; to our interests — essential to give validity to a ; fundamental guarantee of (he Constitution, and | imimately connected with the preservation of the 1 l>€ace and integrity of the Union. I have shown ; that .shortl/ subsequent to its pas.=inge, in three of | the most powerful States of the .Union, they ar- ranged their organization so as to accoinplish its niodificalion or repeal — a result which could not have been attained without a sectional struggle of | n most perilous character — and that from the pas- sage of the law down to the tneeting of the Balti- | more Whig Convention, not one word approving I or acquiescing in its enactment, so far as I am ad- vised, is to be found issuing from any of the recog- i nized Whig political organizations of the North. ' I might cite many facts and details illustrating this | same Sjurit and policy, but I have preferred to ; rely upon the authentic, recognized, unquestion- able expositions of party action, exhibited under its most solemn and impressive forms. The National Whig Convention assembled in Ditltimore on the IGili of .Tune, exhibiting before the country a sectional division in i's ranks upon a great, momentous, and practical question wilh- otU precedent in party annals. The northern Whigs, who had never, upon any previous occa- sion, recognizetf the justice and obligatory force j of the fugitive slave law, presenting the name of Winfield Scott for the Presidency; and the south- ern Whigs, v/ho had determined that this occasion should not pass by without a distinct recognition of it, presenting the name of Millard Fillmore — the individual who had signed and approved the bill. The recent secession of the southern Whigs from the Congressional caucus — the fullness of the representation from that section of the Union, cmbraciiia^ a delegation from States where there are scarcely the semblance of any Whig organi- zation — all portended that a struggle was at hand, pregnant vith the fate of the present and future destines of t\\e party. The northern and south- ern wings held their respective conclaves in the spirit of beligerent factions. The southern mem- bers adopted a platform of principle, which they «iused to be communicated to their northern allies, with the distinct declaration that unleaa adopted they would take no part in the proceed- ings of that Convention. It was soon ascertained that the full representation from the southern States, combined with the few Fillmore and Web- ster delegates from the North, would be sufficient, by a mere majority vote, to carry the resolution before the Convention. A portion of the friends of General Scott, per- ceivin? that the resolutions must pass, and satisfied that all opposition to t'lem was vain, made a vir- tue of necessity, and concurred in their adoption. They were determined to carry their favorite can- didate, and if an acquiescence in a resolution pro- pounded against th.eir known and uniform party sentiments, could accomplish that result, and which had no legal, and could have hut little moral influence upon their constituents, they considered it purchased at a cheap sacrifice. It was obvious to any indifferent spectator of the scene that tli* Convention could have but one of two results — that the South must carry its compromise resolu- tion, or tiie Convention would breakup in a row; and that the North must have its candidate, or the same result would follow; and concessions were made only so far as it was necessary to harmonize in these results. How far the high eontractin^g parties in this political arrangement were satisfied with their work, it is not for me to say, but that the original, inherent vice in the constitution of \ this discordant and ill-assorted body, will continue to develop itself until the close of the election, I have no manner of doubt; and we shall see every day the increasing evidences of a repudiation of the platform by the northern Whigs, and of a re- pudiation of the nominee by the southern Whigs. What assurance can I derive from a calm sur- vey of all the circumstances attending that Con- vention, that the fixed, well-settled Whig senti- ment of the North, such as I have shown it in my remarks, has undergoneany material change since the adoption of that resolution? What evidenc* have I, in the past, that the northern Whigs will, in the practical affairs of legislation, treat that policy with respect or deference.' What, that the principle there announced, has been adopted with a sincere purpose to stand by and abide it? Do I not see prominent and distinguished northern Whigs around and about me, in this Hall, who Kay, that whilst they accept the nominee, they re- ject the platform ? And what do we learn from the columns of one of the ablest, most influential, and widely-circulated organs of the Scott party in New York — I mean the Tribune. In speaking of the principles of the platform, he says: "They were i^ever intended to be a statement of the grounds whereon the Whi? party is united and tiie ends which it unanimously meditates. On the contrary, they were forced upon a portion of the delegates in full view of the fad that they did not express their convictions — were driven through by the argument of menace and terror — were rammed down by the potent intimations, ' Swallow in silence or we bolt !' Yet, in the face of every entreaty and threat, sixty-six of the delegates, {seventy as we count.) voted No, when the yeas and nays vi'ere called on their pas- sage. Here was one fourth of the Conveiition whom not even the imperiling, of the non.ination of their beloved cnn- duhJe, and the prospect of breaking up the party, couid de- ter from protesting against the gross wrong." The three great States of New York, Pennsyl- vania, and Ohio alone, under all the circumstances here described, casts forty-three votes against the platform. 14 The platform adopted may be used as a pretext to satisfy some, but in my judgment the case pre- sented is not m.ilerially variant from the failure to adopt any pleafbrm at all. The southern Whigs ■were already known to be perfectly sound upon the question involved, and the case is notclianged as to them; and the northern Whigs were equally as well known to be unsound upon this subject, and I cannot perceive that any modification or revolution in their opinions has occurred since. Neither do I perceive anything in tiie terms in which General Scott has accepted the nomination of that Convention, which places him in a more satisfactory re'ation to the comprject, that we cannot and will not support General Scott for the Presidency, as he now stands before the American people, for the following, amongst other reasons: He obstinately refused, up to the time of his nomination, to give any public opinion in favor of that series of measures of the last Congress known as the compromise; the permanent maintenance of which, with us, is a question of paramount importance. Nor has he since his nomination made any declaration of his approval of those meas- ures as a final adjustment of the issues in contro- versy. It is true the resolutions of the convention that nominated him are as clear and as explicit upon this question as need be; but Genera! Scott, in his letter of acceptance, which contains all that we have from him on that matter, does not give them the approval of his judgment. This lie seerna studiously to have avoided. He accepts the nom- ination, " with the resolutions annexed." That is, he takes the nomination cum onere, as an irdi- vidual takes an estate, with whatever inaimhrances it may be loaded with. And the only pledge and guarantee he oflers for his " adherence to the principles of the resolutions," are " the known incidents of a long public life," &c. Amongst these " knoicn incidents" of his life there is not one, so far as we are aware of, in favor of the principles of the compromise. In one, at least, of his public letters, he has expressed senti- ments inimical to the institutions of fifteen States of the Union. Since the passage of the com- promise he has suffered his name to be held up be- fore the people of several of the States as a can- didate for the Presidency by the open and avowed enemies of those measures. And in the conven- tion that conferred this nomination upon him he permitted himself to be used by the Free-Soilersin that body to defeat Mr. Fillmore and Mr. Web- ster, because of their advocacy of these measures and their firm adherence to the policy that sus- tained them. To join such men, and aid them in completing ^ 16 their triumph over and sccr^fwe of the true and tried friends of the Constitution, and the faithful dis- charge of ail its obligations, is what v/e can never do. The dictates of duty and patriotism sternly forl.id it. We consider General Scott as the favorite can- didate of the Free-Soil wing of the Whig party. That his policy, if he should be elected, would be warped and shaped to conform to their views, and to elevate them to power in the adm.ini.'^tration of the Government, can but be con.sidered as a legitimate and probable result. And believing, as we do, that the viev/s of that faction of mischievous men are dangerous not only to the just and con- stitutional rights of the southern States, (which we represent in part,) but to the peace and quiet of the whole country, and to the permanent union of the States, we regard it as the highest duty of the well-vWshers of the country everywhere, v/hat- ever else they may do, to at least withhold fVom him their support. This v/e intend to.do^ Alexander H. bTF.pi£tiN**a|7's?:',- Charles Jas. FAULKj^fiaV of ' W. Brooke, of Miss., Alex. White, of Ala., •:. James Abercrombie, of Ala., R. Toombs, of Ga., James Johnson, of Ga. For reasons to some eitent indicated in speeches and addresses heretofore made by the undersigned, they deem it to be their duty to v/ithhold their sup- port from General Scott as a candidate for the Presidency. If it should seem to be necessary, we will hereafter, in some form, exhibit more fully to our constituents the facts and reasons which have brought us to this determination. M. P. Gentry, Tenn. C. H. Williams, Tenn. GLOg