x*^=<. ,/:. % %" t> ^ x^^.. xO^ ^' ^..0- . xV^, A-^- rC' # ,. .. n • .^vJ ^-^ %%'^ M^ .0 BY THE SAME AUTHOR A HISTORY OF MODERN EDUCATION An account of educational opinion and practice from the revival of learning to the present decade. IGino., pp. 481, $1.50. IN PEE 8 8 A HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL EDUCATION H HISTOR! OF AEIIT EDUCATIOI AN ACCOUNT OP THE COURSE OF EDUCATIONAL OPINION AND PRACTICE FROM THE EARLIEST PERIODS OF WHICH WE HAVE RELIABLE RECORDS TO THE REVIVAL OF LEARNING SAMUEL G. WILLIAMS, Ph.D. Late Professor of the Science and Art of Teaching in Cornell University 3 J J ^ 3 SYRACUSE, N. Y. C. W. BARDEEN, PUBLISHER Copyright, 1903, by Mrs. Florence W. Gushing -^ • THE LIBRARY OF CONGRESS,. Two Copies Received jUN 10 1903 T Copyright tntty ^LASS CI. XXc. No 4> / ^ X g- COPY B. .NiA PREFACE This book grew out of the lectures given by the author in Cornell University, and comprises the first half of his course on the history of education. It is believed that it will meet with the same favor so generously accorded to his History of Modern Education. CONTENTS INTRODUCTION PAGES Education the embodiment of ideals of life. — In- timate relations with civilization 17-30 CHAPTER I The ancestral ideal. — China and Japan — Lao-tse — Confucius — Educational views of Tschu-li 31-49 CHAPTER II Oaste education, India. — The monastic ideal — Buddh- ism 50-56 CHAPTER III Egypt. — Priestly education — Idea of immortality and of a righteous retribution 57-72 CHAPTER IV Persia. — Warlike education — Life a struggle of good with evil — Phoenicia — Industrial education for a rov- ing and trading career 73-85 CHAPTER V The Hebrews. — Theocratic education — God and His laws supreme — Education before and after the Baby- lonian captivity 86-94 CHAPTER Yl Greek education for citizenship. — Sparta — aristocrat- ic — Warlike education by the state and severed from the family 95-106 CHAPTER VII Athens. — Education for taste as well as citizenship — its system 107-115 (11) 12 THE HISTORY OF ANCIE:N^T EDUCATION PAGES CHAPTER VIII Athens. — Means of education, music, and gymnastics — wide comprehension of term music — use of literature — purpose of gymnastics — methods used in education . 116-129 CHAPTER IX Higher education in Athens. — Rise of the university system with the philosophers — The School of Athens — University customs, freedom of teaching and learning 130-140 CHAPTER X Pythagoras and his educational experiment at Crotona 141-152 CHAPTER XI Socrates and his method. — Its positive and negative phases — Educational views of Socrates 153-164 CHAPTER XII Plato and his educational ideas. — The Republic — Communistic education of classes selected on merit — Principles for selection of literature for youth — The Laws, compulsory education, means of elementary education 165-175 CHAPTER XIII Aristotle and his educational ideas. — Progressive education — education by the state — limitation of gym- nastics — what is illiberal — emphasis on music 176-1 8S CHAPTER XIV Roman education. — Utilitarian purpose — Static period to the time of Cato — Cato as an example of the old Roman educators 187-200' CHAPTER XV Roman education. — Dynamic period influenced by Grecian ideas and studies — Means and text-books used 201-221 COI^TENTS • 13 PAGES CHAPTER XVI Roman educational organization.— Elementary schools and studies — Schools of rhetoric and imperial encouragement of schools of philosophy — of juris- prudence — of medicine 222-233 CHAPTER XVII Educational views of eminent Romans. — Cicero — Varro — Seneca — Quintilian — Plutarch, the Greco-Ro- man 234-261 CHAPTER XVIII Pedagogic contributions from antiquity of perma- nent VALUE 262-272 ANCIENT EDUCATION THE HISTORY OF EDUCATION mTRODUCTIOX I propose to discuss the history of educational efforts and educational ideas among those peoples with which our own progress is most intimately connected, from the earliest periods of which we have any reliable records, down to the times in which we ourselves are actors. This is a most interesting and suggestive branch of historic study, since it not only reveals to us the efforts of the historic races at various epochs to fit their offspring to fill successfully the places they were destined in the course of nature to occupy in society and in the State, but also brings us into the most vital contact with the controlling ideas of these races, — with their ideals of life and conduct, with their views of human progress, human perfection, and human destiny. This discussion has then, merely to consider to what ends, by what means, through what agencies, and with material appliances and organizations, various peoples have striven to train the young for their future destina- tion, and what have been the results of these efforts, as disclosed in the character, the career, and the fate of nations; it will also demand that we analyze and weigh the opinions that have been expressed during the ages by the world's wisest and best men, as to the (17) 18 THE HISTORY OF EDUCATION ideas that should control, the aims that should be pro- posed, and the means that should be used in the edu- cation of youth, which they have all considered a supreme object of human interest. A thoughtful review of educational efforts should be replete to us with warning and with instruction; — with warning against the renewal of experiments which experience has shown to be ineffective or even hurtful, and with instruction in regard both to the aims which should always consciously inspire the efforts of the educator, and the spirit in which he should use the means, transmitted by the past or afforded by the present, in training the young for a higher destiny than their fathers have attained. So also an intelligent comparison of the views of the philosophic theorists of education may enable us to detect their fundamental points of agreement, amidst many apparent divergences in matters of detail; to discover what among their opinions were the result of peculiar views of life or of special social and political relations, and so were in their very nature temporary and transient; and what, on the other hand, have referen^je to universal man, whatever may be his cir- cumstances, and hence are likely to be as permanent as human nature itself . We may thus be enabled to approximate by a historic road to a science of educa- tion, — to what may indeed be termed a philosophy of educational ideas and processes. For the science of education is in a very real sense a historic science. It is the expression of the harmony that man has attained with his physical, social, and spiritual environment, and its history is the depiction IXTRODUCTIOK 19 of man's ever-renewed and progressive efforts after harmony with this three-fold environment. Only through a knowledge of these efforts and of their in- spiring ideas shall we be in a condition to appreciate fully our present stage of human elevation in all these respects, to understand by what means and through what vicissitudes this stand-point has been reached, and to judge more intelligently along what lines our future struggles towards the perfection of our nature should be made. It is obvious that man's earliest efforts to adjust himself to his environment must take the direction of what Herbert Spencer calls direct or indirect self- preservation. He must learn to conform his actions to the most obtrusive physical forces and laws; to avail himself of the material resources of surrounding nature; to bring some rude kind of mutuality into his relations with his fellow men. These earliest efforts, renewed through long ages, and marked by brutal struggles and rude but progressive inventions, natur- ally could leave no trace on the pages of history, for they were the efforts of unlettered barbarians. We may, however, be sure that whatever progress was slowly made, whether physical or social, was care- fully transmitted to the young of the race by word of mouth and by early training. This was the primitive form of education, and is the form which still prevails amongst savage tribes. The youth are trained to prac- tise the arts which their parents know, to continue their friendships and alliances, and to cherish their resentments. Thus when history begins to emerge from the mists of fable and tradition, a great advance 20 THE HISTORY OF EDUCATION has already been made in physical and social adjust- ments, accompanied by some dim recognition of the fact that man has himself a worth apart from his sur- roundings, — that indeed his spiritual nature itnparts a higher meaning, if not to his physical at least to his social relations. History has naturally given its chief attention to man's struggles to adapt himself to social conditions and exigencies. It is a record of wars that were waged and of alliances that were formed or dissolved, of the changes wrought in societies and races by the agency of masterful spirits, of the rise and decline of States, of dynasties, and of policies, — all facts in the social order, — through which we catch only occasional and, as it were, chance glimpses of man's slowly- increasing dominion over physical nature, and of the struggles of his spiritual being for a fuller expression and a nobler life. It is only within the latest genera- tions that science has, by its rapid development, forced history to record the brilliant story of man's swift ■conquests of physical nature by obedience to her deeper laws, and of his successful repetition of efforts, often before made, to raise himself nearer to the full perfection of his nature. In all man's earlier efforts, mostly in a blind fashion, after a completer harmony with his physical and social environment, and in his blinder gropings after some expansion of his spiritual nature, the education that has been given to the young has played a most impor- tant part, but one too often well-nigh unnoted. We shall see in the course of our inquiry that the Chinese, the Egyptians, the Hebrews, and the Greeks earliest INTRODUCTIOIir 21 exhibit some consciousness of the great truth on which the modern nations are but recently beginning to act, that whatever you desire to make greatly influential in a nation's life, you must first incorporate in the edu- cation of a nation's youth. So important is this truth, that in the words of Leibnitz, " Change the system of education and you will change the face of the world." In the progress of our discussion, we shall have occasion to see the influence of great Ideas in shaping the world's progress; that what to-day exists only in idea may to-morrow be translated into fact, though that to-morrow may be ages distant; that yiqw and fruitful ideas, originate from the world's wisest and greatest men; and heaice, that social and individual progress, with its correlative educational progress, is a progress that always receives its impulse from above, from the men of ideas, and works thence downwards until it penetrates the whole relatively unintelligent and unprogressive mass below. Man's ideas as to which the deepest essence of his nature is, and what are its most vital relations to the facts of its environment, have always profoundly modified the character of the education which at any time has been given to the young; and necessarily so, since that education has been designed to fit the young for existing — chiefly social — conditions and require- ments. Hence, in the words of Karl Schmidt, " Since what man thinks, feels, and wills he desires to realize outside of himself, being yet limited in this realization to wdiat he himself is and possesses, he can and will educate the rising generation according to no other 22 THE HISTOEY OF EDUCATION principles and to no other end than that which he considers the highest." From this difference of ideas, therefore, which have prevailed at different periods as to man's relations to what he deems highest, have arisen the several systems of education which have prevailed, with their modi- fications in form adapting them to the special genius of different societies. Thus the Oriental peoples and the nations of classi- cal antiquity, viewing man's relations to the State as the highest, have originated various forms of what Eosenkranz terms National Education, fitting the young for their relation to that special ideal of the State which each people had conceived. The Hebrew nation, more truly, conceiving man's immediate relation to his Creator as the highest, educated for a State in which the revealed will of God was the supreme law of life; but in which man's indi- vidual importance, and thus his feeling of self-judging responsibility, was apt to be dwarfed by that awful Presence. This was the type of Theocratic Education. Finally, the revelation of God in Christ Jesus, per- fect man and Divine nature incarnate, has gradually brought the nations of Christendom to a realization of the infinite worth of individual man; and of his manifold relations to nature and his fellow man, to society and the State, as a preparative to that highest relation to his Creator, in whom all these relations converge and gain their deepest significance. Thus has been developed in the progress of the Christian centuries the Humanitarian ideal of education. In this point of view, the history of education may, INTRODUCTION^ 23 I think, lead us to realize more fully the weighty re- sponsibility which this ideal of education in its latest and most complete form imposes upon the educator of the present and the future. He must, in the words of Kant, train the young for a future somewhat higher condition of humanity than any that our race has yet attained ; or in the idea of Herbart, he must represent the wants of the future man in the training of the children. He must indeed prepare them for the duty of self- preservation in the widest meaning of the term, by such understanding of the laws of the universe and of the means by which man may make them helpful, to his purposes, that in the industrial society of the future they may become efficient helpers, and not dead-weights or clogs. He must also fit them for the proper performance of their duties as parents in the limited circle of future families, and their duties as citizens in the complicated relations of social and political life; but above all, he must aid them to attain their completest stature as beings intellectual and moral, as men self-poised and self-directing, estimating all things according to the truest standards of relative worth and acting in accordance with such estimates, — men really free because the intelligent love of the true and right has made them free. As may probably have been inferred from what has already been said, the relations of education to civiliza- tion are exceedingly intimate. Indeed they so act and react upon each other that it would be difficult to decide which is effect and which cause, — whether edu- cation is parent or offspring of civilization. This much 24 THE HISTOKY OF EDUCATION seems certain, that the education of a people, at first taking form and color from its dominant ideas, deepens and perpetuates the effects of those ideas — as witness the Chinese, — and ends by controlling in large measure the development of its civilization. Likewise, the only effective means to change the current of an ancient and perverse national life, is to begin with a corre- sponding reformation of the training of the rising generation, — as witness in recent years the Japanese, who desiring to put themselves in line with the civiliza- tion of the West, have begun by reshaping their edu- cational means and methods. An even more striking example of analogous charac- ter is presented by Germany. Fichte was wise in his appeal to the German people at their lowest stage of political depression early in the j^resent century, in pointing them to "the education of the nation", to " the training to a wholly we2(;.and general national con- sciousness," as their only means of rescue from their forlorn condition, and of entering on a new and brighter national career. It is needful only to allude to the brilliant results, which, within the memory of men still living, have attended the adoption of the policy that Fichte outlined. A Germany which, from " a new and general national consciousness ", has sub- stituted union in place of provincial isolation, — a renovated Germany in which the uplifting power of education is compelled to reach the very humblest of her citizens, and all that pertains to education is the affair of her very wisest and most experienced minds, — is to-day the most powerful nation on earth; her heel has been upon the neck of her former oppressor; IIS^TKODUCTION 25 her industries and commerce are stretching forth eager hands to grasp the remote regions of the earth; and, better than all else, her schools and her system of general education have served as models to all progres- sive nations, while revealing to them the open secret of all swift advance in civilization. It seems obvious therefore that no history of civiliza- tion which fails to take due account of the educational ideas, appliances, and methods of nations at the various stages of their progress, can claim to give more than a partial and maimed account of their development; whilst a history of education will be equally incomplete which does not, at every epoch, carefully adjust its point of view to the stage of national progress in civilization as measured by the development, both of society as a whole, and of the individuals of which society is made up. For, as the etymology of the word may serve to suggest, civilization is a progress both of the civitas — the State — towards the perfection of social relations and arrangements, and of the indi- vidual civis — the citizen — towards the perfection of his nature, his faculties and sentiments, his ideas and character. We may safely adopt therefore Guizot's acute statement that the two facts that constitute civilization are social progress and the progress of humanity, that is of the great body of individual citizens. Of these two facts it seems obvious that the fact of individual progress in well-being, of individual ad- vancement towards perfection, is that which is most significant, — that indeed it is the one which conditions the other and renders it possible ; but this progress, this 26 THE HISTOEY OF EDUCATION advanceinent, is the fruit of education in the deepest and best sense of that vaguely-used term. It is equally obvious that the depth and validity of any civilization can be truly estimated only by the thoroughness with which all social ameliorations and humanitarian devel- opments reach and penetrate the masses of the com- munity. A civilization may easily be very brilliant and yet exceedingly superficial. It may exhibit a high degree of perfection of social arrangements, the benefits of which reach but a very limited class ; it may be adorned by many individual examples of refinement and eleva- tion of sentiment and of nobility of character; it may be made illustrious by a brilliant and enduring litera- ture; and yet beneath this shining exterior may seethe a vast mass of popular ignorance, superstition, and semi-barbarism. The thoughtful student of history will unhappily have but too little difficulty in finding examples to fit this picture, and he will find also doubt- less that the benefits of such a civilization are limited to the class to which are opened the advantages of the best education at that time attainable. When we consider also that great men are likely to arise, and new ideas of far-reaching consequence to originate in the bosom of a highly progressive society, one in which the young are most generally trained in the best wisdom of their times, and the germs of genius find a kindly soil, — we shall be ready to admit that education is the most influential factor in an ad- vancing civilization, that its history is in a large sense the history of human progress, and that the extension IN"TRODrCTIO:N^ 27 of its blessings is the only sure means to promote the development of society and of humanity. This important question of the close relation of edu- 7{), B. (J IOpic ;;4-j -jvo. Ji. c. Thus Plato lectured and questioned in the groves of Academe. Aristotle (see page 119) paced back and forth followed by his auditors in the walks of the Lyceum, whence his school came to be called the Peri- patetic, i. e., those, who walk about. Epicurus taught in his own garden at Athens, whither crowds flocked to hear him from idl Greece and from Asia Minor. Finally Zeno established his place for teaching in a porch or stoa, whence his disciples were called Stoics. Plato first set the example of the endowment of teaching, by the gift of his two plots of land to his DEVELOPMENT OF THE UNIVERSITY IDEA 135 favorite pupil, Spensippus, while designating him as his successor. Other great masters also named their successors, with or without endowment; and thus four systems or schools of philosophy arose, the heads of which at first named their successors, but later the head was chosen by the disciples. The practice of endowment spread in later times, and a university sys- tem gradually developed itself, in which the dominant studies were rhetoric and the four schools of philoso- phy, these studies being evidently pursued in the same spirit and for the same purpose that actuate the mass of university students of the present day. Ehetoric, which was divided into theoretic and prac- tical rhetoric, began with the study of Greek litera- ture, both poetic and prose, and passed thence to the technique of expression and to the practice of care- ful writing. The four schools of philosophy limited themselves each to teaching and expounding the doctrines of its founder, but unfortunately without imitating his originality, or attempting to modify in the least what the master had taught. . Hence the tendency of philo- sophic teaching was to promote rather the acceptance of a settled body of doctrine, than a truly philosophic freedom of thinking on great subjects. Up to the Christian era, the schools were wholly in- dependent of the state, and were supported by endow- ments or by the fees of students. Somewhat later, the Eoman emperors established chairs of rhetoric and of politics the salaries of which were paid by the state, and they not unfrequently interposed in filling such 136 ATHENS places.* According to Gibbon, the emperor Hadrian in the 2d century A. D., founded a splendid library for the university. The head of the university had the title of sophist, from which it would appear that no odium then clung to that name. Besides the professors, there came to be large numbers of tutors living by fees received from students. Among the various teachers sharp compe- titions for numerous hearers arose, in which the stu- dents riotously participated, forming societies whose chief bond of union was adhesion to some teacher, and contending with each other for new-comers, whom they "rushed" for their favorite tutor or professor. Karl Schmidt (i.86o) gives the following interesting account of these student societies, and of some stu- dent usages, derived from authors of the last cen- turies of antiquity. " They were called corps, fraternities ((pparptaL) etc., and had a senior at their head whose duty it was, at the beginning of the school year, to march to the Piraeus at the head of his corps, to take charge of the freshmen arriving from Egypt and Pontus, and to win them to his fraternity. Such fraternities were usually made up, not so much according to nationality as from adherence to certain teachers. Those students who entered any fraternity were bound to attend on a cer- tain prescribed teacher. From the nature of the case, there was not lacking rivalry among the teachers as well as among their students." After giving a curious example of two noted rival teachers who were constrained to have their private *For the mode of filling professorships see Schmidt, 4th ed., i.869, 877. THE STUDEN^TS 137 lecture rooms that they might be secure from the tur- bulence of the opposing factions, and whose adherents even came to blows in their zeal for their favorite pro- fessors, our author remarks: "This kind of life and conduct reminds us of the conditions of the middle ages and of modern times. Even many details of the present student customs have their origin in antiquity. Thus we hear of tossing freshmen in blankets, and of all sorts of singular usages at initiations, of the debts of students, of the collection of dues by scouts, of poor students who were supported by Athenian citizens," and other things of like character, showing how little youthful human nature has changed in the lapse of centuries. The students were distinguished by a college gown, the wearing of which seems to have been a privilege conferred only by the Sophist. The usual time of residence at the university was from five to eight years; but there were no prescribed courses or degrees, the system being wholly elective and voluntary. The fewness of the subjects then available for higher in- struction rendered this lack of definite system less troublesome than it would now be; but there is abund- ance of evidence that there was much idleness and dissoluteness on the part of students, doubtless due in part to the lack of any oversight or any tests of progress— though from a passage in Plutarch it would seem that examinations at the completion of studies were not wholly unknown, and that these consisted in a display on the part of students of how skilfully they could use the knowledge they had gained. Other sources of disorder arose from the fact that 138 ATHENS in the schools there were no limits of age, no rule as to numbers of studies, no enforcement of attendance on anything, and no discipline save the little that was possibl}^ exercised by archons elected for brief periods by the students themselves. In short, we have here an example of " freedom of teaching and freedom of study " in its purest form. Reliance was evidently placed on the interest of the great body of students in doing that for which they visited the university; and it is probable that this was sufficient to hold the large majority of the students to their duty. A small but disorderly minority can easily make itself strikingly prominent, whilst the great body of quietly studious men attracts but little attention. There were, besides the fraternities, students' clubs, which, from the names of two of them, the Theseids and the Heracleids, may have had some aristocratic or possibly some political significance: they probably had some analogy with the students' clubs in German uni- versities, rather than with the secret fraternities so well known in American colleges. The unpleasant attentions paid to freshmen have already been men- tioned in the quotation from Professor Schmidt: ap- parently they were not of so rough and brutal a nature as the ceremonies called "deposition", which von itaumer describes as prevailing in the German univer- sities until comparatively recent times. Besides the clubs of students in general, there were endowed philosophic clubs of the four schools of phil- osophy, which met at stated periods, usually once a month, for grave conversation over a frugal supper; but it is said that at least some of them finally degen- u:n^iversitv of Athens 139 ■erated into occasions of riotous festivity qnite anbe- ■coming* to philosophers. The university of Athens was celebrated throughout the civilized world of its time, and attracted ambitious youth from every quarter. It was long the university city of Rome, which had no institutions for the higher learning until near the close of the first Christian cen- tury; and many of the fathers of the early Christian church received their literary training there or at Alexandria. During the early centuries, other higher institutions •of less note, which deserve at least to be named here, were spread along the shores of the Mediterranean by the infiuence of the Greek spirit, — at Marseilles, at Rhodes, at Tarsus and Berytus, and, greatest of all, at Alexandria. The great university and famous library of Alexandria, founded and encouraged by the Greek successors of Alexander, had a duration of more than nine centuries, from 298 B. C. to about 650 A. D. This school " was regarded as the university of prog- ress, the laboratory of positive science, in contrast to the conservative and literary Athens."* It was espe- cially famous for its schools of medicine and mathe- matics, and for the relative freedom and freshness of its philosophic thought at a time when all originality of thinking had ceased in Athens. The university of x\tliens was finally suppressed by Justinian, 502 A. D. ; after a duration of about eight centuries, reckoning its origin, as we may from the time of the great Athenian philosophers. After this survey of Athenian education in both its *Mahaffv— Old Greek Education. 140 ATHENS elementary and its higher forms, we are entitled, I think, to say that education owes to Athens a two-fold debt: first of all, because it has presented to us an example that has never since been equalled of what can be accomplished by a consistent education in the physical and aesthetic development of an entire people; and second, because, by developing the various branches of knowledge, and by organizing a system of educa- tion suited to the higher as well as the lower wants of man, and ranging from the simplest elements to the highest subjects then within the reach of the best mi ads, it has created the principles on which later the Eoman system of schools was built up; and thus through Rome has introduced to modern nations those forms to which they must recur when they desire to effect beneficial changes, whether in the aims, the means, or the methods of education. Still other items of indebtedness may appear as we survey in succeed- ing pages the educational services of some of the great Grecian thinkers. USEFUL WORKS OF REFERENCE FOR ATHENIAN EDUCATION K. Schmidt.— Gescliichte der Pitdagogik, Vol. I, 4tli Ed. Grote. — History of Greece. Especially chapters 37, 67, and 68. Plutarch's Lives — Solon. Plato. — Republic, and Laws. Aristotle. — Politics and Ethics. Xenophon . — The Memorabil ia . Martin. — Les Idees Pedagogiques des Grecs. Davidson. — Aristotle and Ancient Educational Ideals. iMahalfv.— Old Greek Education. CHAPTER X PYTHAGORAS AND HIS SCHOOL It is the duty of the historian of education, not merely to describe the systems for training the young which have been in vogue amongst the historic peoples, and to emphasize the fundamental ideas of which such systems were the practical embodiment; but also to take careful note of whatever prominent educational experiments were made, whatever striking methods of imparting instruction were devised, and whatever well- considered views on education were expressed, — views which though their own age might not yet be ripe for their reception, may yet be of value in the history of educational thought. Greece can afford us examples of all three of these matters of pedagogic interest: of the first, in what may correctly be called the pedagogic experiment of Pythagoras in his school at Crotona; of the second, in the method which was practised by Socrates and is enduringly linked with his name, and also in the methods which were used by Aristotle in his researches and one of which he developed in scientific form; and of the third, in the educational theories enunciated by Plato and Aristotle, not to mention Plutarch, who was of a much more recent date, and who was not so ex- <3lusively Grecian in spirit. In the present chapter, we will consider the School of Pythagoras. (141) 142 PYTHAGORAS Although many things in the career of Pythagoras are not reliably known, as is natural in a matter so remote in point of time, and although not a few of the incidents that are reported of him have a mythical look from the great reverence in which he was held by his disciples, yet the matters which are essential for this brief sketch of a remarkable school have a good degree of probability. They are derived from the his- tories of Grote, Thirlwall, and ^Ym. Smith, and from the eloquent but somewhat lengthy account of Pytha- goras and his doctrines in the recent revision of Karl Schmidt's Geschichte der Padagogik. Zeller's Pre- Socratic Philosophy, Vol. I. also has has a destructive criticism of much of the Pythagorean fable. Although the precise date of the birth and death of Pythagoras is uncertain, it is probable that his career was included between the years 580 and 500 B. C. Born in Samos, educated in music and the poets by Hermodamus and in natural history bv Anaximander, Thales. 640-546 B. C. Pythagoras, 582-500 B. C. and encouraged by the aged sage Thales to study in Egypt, he stopped on his journey thither at Sidon, where he was indoctrinated by the Phoenician priests HIS LIFE 143 in the mysteries of their rejigion, and in their specu- lations about nature and its phenomena. He next resided, it is supposed, twenty-two years in Egypt, where he was received into the intimacy of the priesthood, and like Moses became learned in all the wisdom of the Egyptians. As well their religious views and speculations, as the sciences for which Egypt was then famous, were said to have been revealed to him, and the influence of these is thought to be appar- ent in some of the Pythagorean doctrines. He is thought also by some to have enlarged his views of science and religion by visiting Persia and Mesopo- tamia, and even India.* Returning to his native island, he found the condi- tion of affairs little in harmony with his purposes, and hence he fixed his abode at Crotona, in the Greek set- tlement of southern Italy, where he founded the school which we are to describe. He is described as handsome and imposing in appearance, gifted with rare and im- pressive eloquence, and glowing with religious enthusi- asm and with the zeal of a reformer. These gifts and the fame of his travels and of his learning, drew to him crowds of admirers, whom he is represented as addressing in separate assemblages, youths, children, citizens and women, urging upon them the moral duties befitting their stations, and bringing about such a reform of manners as to introduce a kind of golden age of virtue in all southern Italy. The violent and disastrous close of his school through *Zeller, Vol. I of his " Pre-Socratic Philosophj- ", shows that no reli- ance can be placed on the accounts of the early life and travels of Pytha- goras. His visit to Sidon and Egypt is more probable than other travels ascribed to him. 144 PYTHAGORAS a popular outbreak gives strong reason to doubt the extent of the reform that is attributed to him. Prob- ably it was limited to the aristocracy, with whom his social and political ideas seem best to have harmonized. From this class probably were drawn the disciples for the school which he established, and the entire influ- ence of the school was alleged to be aristocratic. The instruction that was given was twofold in char- acter; first by public lectures given to his older adher- ents many of whom were business men or magistrates, to whom he discoursed on morals and government, on the immortality of the soul and retribution after death, and on other subjects of analogous character; and second the instruction that was given in the school proper, which was what we of to-day should call a boarding school. The students were lodged, it is said to the number of three hundred, in separate lodging houses which surrounded a hall in which the instruction was given. The expenses were paid out of a common treasury, in- to which each one put on entrance a larger or smaller sum according to his ability; and, in case he did not make good his place in the school, a just amount was returned to him when he departed. This school fund was managed and expended by the young men under the oversight of Pythagoras; and by means of the management of the school expenditures, he endeavored to inculcate economy, unselfishness, a community of interests, and a sentiment of complete equality. The government of the school, which had a like pur- pose, was the expression of his idea that " friendly companions should have all things in common "; and HIS SCHOOL 145 the organization was intended to be that of " a great family, based on moral equality and grounded on com- plete harmony of thought, feeling, and will". To make such principles of organization and such a mode of government possible, great care was needed in scrutinizing the character of those who should be admitted to the school. Pythagoras relied much on his knowledge of physiognomy; but besides this, all applicants were carefully examined as to capacity — for Pythagoras did not believe in wasting time to remedy the niggardliness of nature, — as to behavior to- wards parents and friends, whether they were given to laughing or empty chattering, how well they compre- hended what was said to them, and whether they were fond of learning and amenable to discipline. It is very evident, if all this was true, that Pythagoras did not intend to open a reformatory for corrupt boys, nor a training place for well-meaning blockheads; but a school for choice spirits, where they might be prepared for a career of high usefulness, aristocratic indeed, but in the very best sense of the word. Even when admitted to the establishment after this searching inquiry, pupils had still to undergo a kind of novitiate or probation in the outer circle of the school, which lasted to the end of the formal educa- tion, before they were admitted into the select inner circle, where they received instruction from the mas- ter face to face, no longer concealed from their sight by a curtain as before, and where they were inducted into the inner mysteries of his doctrine. For the novices, the first three years were years of silence and purification: years during which were 146 PYTHAGORAS tested their powers of memory, their zeal for learning, their apprehensiveness for what was said. During these years they listened to the words of the master who, surrounded by his tested pupils, was hidden from their sight by a curtain, silently absorbed what was said, meditated deeply upon it, and abstained from questions even on what they did not comprehend. This probation seems to have been intended to confirm habits of fixed attention and patient reflection, and to fix expectation on what should come later, that the souls of the youth might be more receptive for instruc- tion : it appears admirably adapted to accomplish these purposes. If the period of novitiate was satisfactorily passed, the young men were received into the penetralia of the school, where they received instruction from the lips of the master, and entered on an independent course of scientific training adapted to their individual difl;erences of taste and capacity; for it was a merit of Phythagoras, and evinces his knowledge of human nature, that at every step of the progress of his pupils he had regard to such differences. They were ex- pected to write what they had heard from the master; to reflect deeply on whatever they had gained; to con- sider at night what they had learned during the day, after carefully planning in the morning what they should attempt; to express their thoughts and to con- verse about their studies with their teachers and com- panions. Pythagoras believed that the essential results of in- struction should reveal themselves in memory, for one knows nothing which he does not remember; in clear- HIS DOCTKIIfE 147 ness and dexterity of understanding; and in an inquir- ing mind. His fundamental idea however was to im- press a definite, exact, and moral style of thinking, through reflection on the wise maxims of the ancient sages, a reflection which should make clear to the soul all their depths of meaning. Thus "moral education with him took precedence of scientific, and practical philosophy was valued above theoretical," with religion dominant as the basis for all. Indeed religious observances were so strongly emphasized in this school as to stamp it with a pietis- tic character analogous to that of Francke's institu- tions, twenty-two centuries later. Three times daily the pupils were to offer sacrifices to the gods, and in all things to cultivate habits of moral thoughtfulness. All things desirable, religion included, were to be made habitual, for he thought habit the weightiest factor in education. "Choose," he says, "for thy- self the best life, and habit will make it pleasing to thee." His method of teaching had the crowning merit that it demanded concentrated attention and the most com- plete self-activity on the part of his disciples. It was usually in the form of brief maxims presented to the young men, the deeper meaning of which they were to discover and to apply in the development of their character. These maxims, in accordance with the re- ligious tone of his character, were mostly moral and religious; e. g. "The strength of the soul consists in temperance;" "No one is free who does not in all things rule himself; " " It is cowardly to abandon the 148 PYTHAGORAS post assigned us by the gods before they permit us to do so; " etc. Through means such as this, he strove to initiate his pupils into the service of the god of purity and har- mony, — the perfect Harmony which was the key note of his pedagogy. His idea of the music of the spheres, inaudible to us only because our ears are dulled by the confused din of this world, has become famous. But, as for the universe, so also for man, harmony is the highest law of life: "the harmony of the spheres should find its echo also in the spirit of man." In the system of Pythagoras, the harmony of the body is health; of the soul, virtue. Hence for bodily harmony, he used gymnastics to promote health while putting all physical capabilities completely under the control of the will; sickness as a disturbance of bodily harmony was to be avoided or healed by a proper diet. Like other Greeks, Pythagoras placed music in the foremost rank amongst the means of spiritual educa- tion, from its power in training passions, softening manners otherwise rude and hard, and bringing har- mony into the feelings and character; and to him are ascribed certain discoveries in music, especially the universal relations of musical notes. For strictly scientific education, he preferred mathe- matics, which he considered the noblest of sciences, not only as fitting for the study of astronomy wnich he held in esteem, but also as being the best prepara- tion for abstract thought. Some discoveries in geom- etry are attributed to him, and, as is generally known, he ascribed to numbers many mystic meanings and properties. It is possible that the interest of Pytha- HARMONY PREDOMINANT 149 goras in the mathematics powerfully influenced the Greeks to make their remarkable progress in geometry. The great aim of the pedagogy of Pythagoras which he embodied in the word harmony, has been so well stated in the words of another, that I cannot forbear to quote the following passages: "At birth he believed that man is very imperfect and inclined by nature to insolence. Through an uninterrupted education, con- tinued during the entire life, he must be freed from his inborn faults and elevated to purity of heart and spirit. His task on earth is to gain true wisdom, wis- dom with regard to those subjects which in their nature are unchangeable and eternal. But wisdom has no other end than through her instructions to free the human spirit from the slavish yoke of passions and sensuality, to guide it to likeness with God, and to make it worthy finally to enter the assemblage of the blessed."* To this may be added that evidently his aim was, not so much to furnish his disciples with a large supply of positive knowledge, as to habituate them to deep and searching thought on the weightiest subjects. Pythagoras preceded Socrates and Plato in express- ing the idea that the work of the teacher is too noble to be paid for; since he is reported to have said: *' Those who permit themselves to be paid for this ser- vice stand lower than sculptors who work for money; for these work upon inert matter, whilst the teacher should further the efforts of the entire living human nature after virtue and wisdom." The disastrous termination of this enterprise of * Schraidt-Geschichte der Padagogik, 4th ed. p. 536. 150 PYTHAGORAS Pythagoras has already been mentioned. The institu- tion was always strongly aristocratic in its constitution and sympathies, and thus aroused resentments in a time when the current of opinion in both Greece and her colonies was setting strongly in the direction of democracy. Hence in a successful democratic out- break, the popular fury was turned against Pythagoras and his followers. Pythagoras is said to have escaped and to have died later at Metapontum, where his tomb was shown in the days of Cicero It is probable, however, that his removal to Meta- pontum and his death preceded the disaster to his school. Xo writings of either Pythagoras or his im- mediate disciples have been preserved, possibly from the disaster by which the establishment was broken up; all accounts of him and his teaching are of a consid- erably later date, and hence much of doubt must al- ways rest upon many things which concern this most interesting educational experiment. It has been treated solely in its educational aspects as a school; though I am well aware that historians like Grote and Thirl wall regard it as a religio-philosophic organization or club, having a remote analogy with the order of Jesuits. It is evident that the two points of view have no essential difference; and Grote says of Pythagoras that " he was rather a missionary and schoolmaster than politician." The predominant character of the institution in either view was educational ; and its sole interest to us in this connection arises, not from its philosophic and religious doctrines, which were influential for a long time after the death of Pythagoras, and some of which RESEMBLANCE TO SPARTAN" EDUCATION 151 have a marked Egyptian coloring, but from its origin- ality as an educational organization, and from the strik- ing character of its reputed pedagogic tenets and methods at so early a period of European history. Professor Schmidt regards the pedagogy of Pytha- goras as Spartan in spirit. Any resemblances to justify this opinion must be derived from the aristocratic tone of the institution, from the life of the members in com.mon, and from the ascetic nature of their disci- pline. With respect to the first point it needs only to be said that in that age aristocratic opinions were by no means peculiar to the Lacedemonians and Pytha- goreans. As regards the second, although the syssitia or common table of Sparta bears some remote external analogy with the life in common of the Pythagoreans, yet the differences are sufficiently striking, especially in the regard which was paid by the latter to the indi- viduality of their members. If we go beyond these superficial resemblances, and look to the essential spirit of the two, the unlikeness becomes very apparent. The purposes for which gym- nastics was used by Pythagoras and by the Spartans were entirely unlike. This is equally true in regard to music and to moral training in general; whilst the attention given by Pythagoras to mental development, and the emphasis which he laid upon studies like mathematics, physics, and metaphysics, bear no re- semblance whatever to the stolid indifference which the Spartans always displayed to all pursuits not referring to war. The Spartan education looked, not to har- mony, but to a brutal one-sidedness; whilst harmony 152 PYTHAGORAS in its fullest sense was the very key-note of the Pytha- gorean pedagogy. It is to be regretted that so much which is reported concerning Pythagoras has a mythical aspect, and that little save the fact of his existence in a certain cen- tury and that he founded a peculiar educational estab- lishment, is of unquestioned authenticity. Yet the general idea and plan of this interesting experiment, as here set forth, has about it more of intrinsic credi- bility than most of the Pythagorean narrations; and while no one is now in a position positively to affirm or deny anything that is reported with regard to it, it has still, even in its problematic form, a high degree of interest in educational history. USEFUL REFEEENCES FOR STUDENTS Grote.— History of Greece— C. XXXVII. Davidson. — "Aristotle and Ancient Educational Ideals" p. 57, — for Golden Words of Pythagoras. Smith. — History of Greece — C.XIII. CHAPTER XI SOCRATES AND HIS METHOD The life, character, and death of Socrates are too well known to need any men- tion of them here. Very few men of any age have left on history so vivid an impression of their person- ality as he; and yet he did not distinguish himself in either war or statecraft, nor did he leave behind him a single written"; line. The Socrates, 469-399, b. c. ideas which he expressed on social, political, and moral subjects, in which alone he was interested, though novel and interesting in the oth century B. C, have been mostly superseded by speculation more complete and satisfactory; but his "power of intellectually working on others", and the method by which he brought his ideas to bear upon his hearers, are of unfailing inter- est to all times, and to teachers more than to any other class of persons. Two of his devoted disciples, Plato and Xenophon, have given us examples of his method. The former, a great, original genius," doubtless presents the spirit of the method in some of his dialogues in which Socrates is introduced as one of the interlocutors, but (153) 154 SOCRATES with probably a strong coloring of his own; while Xenophon, a man of great clearness of intellect rather than of philosophic depth, professes to give in his Memorabilia the form and substance of the teachings of his master. The method is the same in the presentation of the speculative philosopher and of the man of action. Both show that the examples by which Socrates illus- trated his teachings and tested the comprehension of his hearers, were drawn from the most familiar facts of daily life in Athens, and that he skilfully " varied his topics, and queries to adapt them to the individual with whom he had to deal." Both show that it was of the essence of his methods " that mind should work on mind by short questions and answers, in order to generate new thoughts" in his interlocutors, or to bring former vague ideas into new and more exact relations. Both also show that his method had two very distinct and strongly marked phases, the one positive, and the other negative. The positive phase, which Socrates himself called the maieutic, i. e., the aiding in the birth of ideas, ap- pears in those dialogues in which he develops into distinct consciousness ideas hitherto confused or latent in the minds of his hearers; or, by putting familiar experiences into novel relations, gives a new direction to the entire current of thought. Examples of this may be found in chapters 6th and 7th, Book 2d of the Memorabilia, of which one is a charming dialogue on the choice of friends and the means by which they may be gained, while in the other, Socrates teaches a friend how to attach the members of his household THE MAIEUTIC METHOD 155 more closely to himself by employing them to relieVe his poverty. Chapter 7th, Book 3d of the same work, in which he encourages an able but timid friend to engage in public business, may also be mentioned as another example of similar character; and chapter 10th of Book 3d affords opportunity for a not too lengthy illustrative extract. " One day visiting Parrhasius, the painter, and en- tering into conversation with him, he said, ' Pray, Parrhasius, is not painting the representation of visible objects ? At least you represent substances, imitating them by means of color, whether they be concave or convex, dark or light, hard or smooth, fresh or 'old.' " P. ' \Yhat you say is true.' " S. ' And when you would represent beautiful fig- ures, do you— since it is not easy to find one person with every part perfect — select out of many the most beautiful parts of each, and thus represent figures beautiful in every part ? ' "P. 'We do so.' " S. ' And do you also imitate the disposition of the mind, as it may be most persuasive, most agreeable, most friendly, most full of regret, or most amiable? or is this inimitable ? ' " P. ' How can that be imitated, Socrates, which has neither proportion nor color, nor any of the qualities which you just now mentioned, and which is not even a visible object ? ' " S. ' Is it not often observable in a man that he regards others with a friendly or unfriendly look ? ' "P. 'I think so.' 156 SOCRATES " S. 'Is this then possible to be represented in the eyes ? ' " P. ' Certainly.' " S. ' And at the good or ill fortune of people's friends, do those who are affected thereby appear to have the same sort of look as those who are not ? ' " P. ' No, indeed; for they look cheerful at their good, and sad at their evil fortune.' " S. ' Is it then possible to imitate these looks ? ' " P. ' Unquestionably.' " S. ' Surely also nobleness and generosity of dis- position, meanness and illiberality, modesty and in- telligence, insolence and stupidity, show themselves in both the looks and gestures of men, whether they stand or move.' " P. ' What you say is just.' " S. ')Can these peculiarities be imitated ? ' *' P. ' Certainly they can.' " S. ' Do you then think that men look with more pleasure on paintings in which beautiful and good and lovely traits are exhibited, or on those in which the deformed and evil and hateful are represented ? ' "P. ' There is a very great difference indeed, Socrates.' " This dialogue has been selected for its brevity, rather than for any superiority that it possesses as a specimen of the Socratic maieutic. It has however an interest of its own; because at the time when this famous painter was thus made distinctly conscious of the principles of expression and selection that underlie his art, it is probable he was still young and compara- tively little known. What influence it may have had SOCRATIC IRONY 157 on the development of his remarkable genius, which was especially notable for its command of the visible signs of emotion, can be matter of conjecture only. The negative aspect of the method of Socrates is that which appears in the dialogues, sufficiently numer- ous in both Plato and Xenophon, in which he does battle with " the seeming and conceit of knowledge without the reality ", revealing pretentious ignorance to itself and thus endeavoring to goad it to the attain- ment of real knowledge; or analyzing by skilful ques- tions the vague notions attached to some fine-sounding but empty general term, and showing the absurd con- sequences or even contradictions to which they led, with the purpose of promoting clear and definite ideas on subjects of great social and political importance. This negative use of his method is called the Socratic irony. In reality, as it appears in many of the ironic dialogues, it is not so much irony in the moder nsense in which the word is used, as a keenly critical mode of procedure, of which there appears at that time to have been a great need in Athens, where every province of intellectual activity was infested with vague specu- lations whose sole basis was the shadowy and undefined notions attached to general terms. From such notions, and from the dangers to which they lead, no civilized age or nation is wholly free, as witness the repeated disastrous attempts to augment national prosperity by cheapening money, for a single example; but of such notions, the acutely intellectual but uncritical Atheni- ans in the time of Socrates seem to have had an un- commonly large and varied stock. There is no doubt that the death of Socrates on a criminal accusation 158 SOCRATES was the direct result of his efforts to dispel such vague ideas; since thereby he roused the enmity of many men, already prominent and powerful in the state, whom he had pitilessly cross-questioned and exposed as ignorant of what they ought to know. A good example of the negative or ironic method may be found in chapter 6th, Book 3d of the Memora- bilia, in which Socrates succeeds in convincing Glau- con, the brother of Plato, a youth ambitious of assum- ing the duties of statesmanship, that he was still ignor- ant of all the things which a statesman should know. An extract from the beginning of this dialogue will give a good illustration of this phase of the Socratic method. " Meeting Glaucon by chance, he first stopped him by addressing him as follows that he might be willing to listen to him: ' Glaucon,' said he, ' have you formed an intention to govern the state for us ? ' 'I have, Socrates,' replied Glaucon. ' By Jupiter,' rejoined Socrates, ' it is an honorable office if any among men be so: for it is certain that if you attain your object, you will be able yourself to secure w^hatever you may desire, and will be in a condition to benefit your friends; you will raise your father's house and increase the power of your country; you will be celebrated, first of all in your own city, and afterwards through- out Greece, and perhaps also, like Themistocles, among the barbarians, and wherever you may be, you will be an object of general admiration.' " Glaucon, hearing this, was highly elated and cheerfully stayed to listen. Socrates next proceeded to say: ' But it is plain, Glaucon, that if you wish to lEONIC METHOD 159 be honored you must beuefit the state.' ' Certainly,' answered Glaucon. ' Then in the name of the gods,' said Socrates, ' do not hide from us how you intend to act, but inform us with what proceeding you will be- gin to benefit the state.' " But as Glaucon was silent, as if just considering how to begin, Socrates said: ' As, for example, if you wished to aggrandize the family of a friend, you would endeavor to make it richer, tell me whether in like manner you will also endeavor to make the state richer?' 'Assuredly,' said he. 'Would it then be richer if its revenues were increased ? ' ' That is at least probable,' said Glaucon. ' Tell me then,' pro- ceeded Socrates, ' from what the revenues of the state arise and what is their amount; for you have doubtless considered, in order that if any of them fall short you may make good the deficiency, and that if any of them fail you may procure fresh supplies.' ' These matters, by Jupiter, I have not considered,' replied Glaucon. ' Well then,' said Socrates, ' if you have omitted to consider this point, tell me at least the annual expenditure of the state; for you doubtless mean to retrench whatever is superfluous in it.' ' In- deed,' replied Glaucon, ' I have not yet had time to turn my attention to that subject.' ' We will, there- fore,' said Socrates, ' put off making our state richer for the present; for how is it possible for him who is igujorant of its expenditures and its income to manage those matters ? ' " And so throughout this dialogue, proceeding from point to point, he shows the young man his ignorance of statecraft, and that "if he de- sires to gain esteem and reputation in his country, he 160 SOCRATES must first gain a knowledge of what he wishes to do."* The method of Socrates in both the forms in which he used it, presents us with what was certainly a novelty in his day, — a procedure thoroughly inductive in its character, advancing always from the particular to the general, and aiming either to insure clearness and precision of ideas, or to dispel the pleasing illusion that one has a real knowledge of wnat is embodied in general terms whose import he has never troubled himself to examine, and of which therefore he can give no account. Xenophon (Book 4th, Chap. 6th of the Memorabilia), makes this remark on his method: *' When he himself went through any subject in argu- ment, he proceeded upon propositions of which the truth was generally acknowledged, thinking that a sure foundation, was thus laid for his reasoning; and he used to say that Homer had ascribed to Ulysses the character of a sure orator, as being able to found his reasoning on points acknowledged by all mankind." Grote, in his admirable account of Socrates (His- tory of Greece, Part 2, C. 68) emphasizes an important result of the Socratic method in the definitions of general terms, of which many examples occur in the Memorabilia, and which later were " improved by Plato and embodied and enlarged by Aristotle in a comprehensive system of formal logic." Dr. Dittos concisely sums up the characteristics and the aim of Socratic method. f " He did not set out from definitions and principles and abstractions to *See Fitch's Lectures in Teaching, Syracuse edition, pp. 177-181, for questioning and another example. tSchule der Padagogik, Part 4th, § 12. EDUCATIONAL VIEWS 161 deduce from them the concrete phenomena of the world and of life; but from determinate motives and observed examples, to pass from these inductively to concepts and convictions. Hence he did not present to his auditors a ready-made system of his own; but he placed himself at their standpoint, brought them to an exact expression of their opinions, and, if these were correct, he confirmed them, and pushed them to their implications (maieutic); but if they were based on errors, he let them pass at first as true, but only to show by their consequences that they were untenable (ironic). Socrates strove with special ardor for pre- cise ideas; the aim of his teaching was the eradication of superficiality, and the generation of self-knowledge, reasonable thought, moral conviction, and force of character." Aside from his merits as the originator of his method, Socrates held some opinions with regard to education, its aim, and its means, which are worthy of remark. 1st. He deemed it an unworthy thing to accept pay- ment for his services in instructing others; and when one of the sophists derided him on this account, alleg- ing that he thus showed that he had no knowledge which in his opinion was of any value, Socrates in his reply put those who take pay forgiving instruction on a level with the most degraded of human beings, call- ing them prostitutes of wisdom; whilst he alleged that he taught useful things to those whom he thought deserving that he might attach them to him as friends, which he deemed the only proper recompense — a species of payment, however, ill adapted for the sup- port of a family. 162 SOCRATES 2d. He was a pronounced Utilitarian, valuing what was learned solely on account of its usefulness. Yet it should be observed that what he deemed useful was such in so high a sense that it differed little from what we would call a disinterested discipline. With Socrates^ the practical and useful was to gain habits of self-con- trol and virtue that one might become more a valuable citizen, and to attain clear ideas on social, moral, and political subjects that one might order his conduct aright in all the relations of life. The Socratic utilitarianism was therefore one which emphasized conduct and character, and which would reject as useless all subjects beyond the elements that did not obviously promote right living. Hence he dissuades his adherents from pursuing such branches as geometry, physics, and astronomy beyond the barest usable elements (Mem. B. 4, C. 7). Of geometry he believed that it was profitless to pursue it " to diagrams difficult to understand ", and that it >' was enough to consume a man's whole life, and hinder him from attaining many useful branches of knowledge." Obviously he did not recognize, as Plato did, the great disciplinary value of this branch. As to physics and astronomy, he went farther, believing that speculations as to their causes and modes of operation were not only profitless but wrong; " for he did not think that such matters were discov- erable by men, nor did he believe that those acted dutifully towards the gods who searched into things which they did not wish to make known." This opinion of Socrates will appear less strange to us when we consider that twenty-one centuries later a philoso- DISTRUST OF NATURAL SCIEI^CE 163 pher like Locke could say in his " Thoughts on Edu- cation " (§ 190): " Xatural philosophy as a specula- tive science, I imagine we have none, and perhaps I may think I have reason to say we never shall be able to make a science of it. The works of nature are contrived by a Wisdom and operate by ways too far surpassing our faculties to discover or capacities to conceive, for us ever to be able to reduce them to a science." The ideas of both these men, which to us, in the light of modern discoveries, seem so strange and al- most whimsical, were based on the condition of these sciences in their days, and even more, in the case of Socrates, on the merely speculative methods by which so-called researches were conducted. Yet we have no reason to suppose that, had sciences been ever so ad- vanced, Socrates would have entertained any different opinion of their value as educational means. Wholly utilitarian as were his views, regarding little if at all the disciplinary effects of studies, his ideas were limited narrowly to such positive knowledge as would make a man more efficient as a member of society and the state. His educational views seem to me therefore to be of little moment, save as they mark a stage in the progress of human thought. But the Method he devised, the modes in which he used it, the precision for which he strove in fixing the import and extent of application of those general terms which must always be man's chief means of conveying his ideas exactly to his fel- low-man; and finally the selection which he always made of materials for instruction which were easily within the comprehension of his hearers, in which last 164 SOCRATES he has never been excelled save by the Great Teacher, — are of enduring interest to all intelligent men, and to none more than to teachers of youth. USEFUL REEEREN^CE FOR STUDENTS Grote.— History of Greece, Part 2d, Chapter 68. Xenophou's Memorabilia of Socrates. Plato. — The Socratic Dialogues. Davidson. — Aristotle, etc. Chapter I on New Education. CHAPTER XII Plato, 429-347, B. C- educatio:n-al views of plato Plato, whose long life extended from 429 to 347 B. C, was never married, and hence he had not, like Aris- totle, any parental experi- ence to modify his educa- tional ideas. His views therefore are rather those of a philosopher and theoretic statesman than of a father or teacher. He considers education as the most im- , portant of the duties of the state, because he sees its great significance as part of the science and art of politics. The works in which his thoughts on education are best developed, are both political, the Republic and the Laws. The former contains a highly fanciful and impracticable scheme of class education, as an integral part of his beautiful Utopian dream of a communistic state in which philoso- phers should rule; the second and later work, in formu- lating a practical code of laws for a small common- wealth, sets forth the nature of the education which he deems essential to assure the success and perpetuity of a state. Both contain not a few thoughts which (165) 166 PLATO lire of unfailing interest to the student of educational history. With the scheme of the Republic we have to do only in so far as it concerns our present purpose. It is of an education according to classes, the membership of which should be determined not by birth but by merit. The members of the base-metal class, subdivided into husbandmen and craftsmen, are to be trained, each for the special employment for which he is best fitted. Those of the precious-metal, or ruling and warlike class, are to be educated in all that gives strength and harmony to both body and soul. As the condition of unity of purpose and action, they are to have all things in common, not only goods, but also wives and children. The most promising among them, besides the general education, are to be further trained in the abstract sciences, numbers, geometry, and astronomy, " to com- pel the soul to use pure intelligence in the search after pure health." This training, by proceeding from the visible and audible to being intellectually appre- hended, is to be the preparative for dialectics or reflec- tion, which "gradually draws and leads upwards the eye of the soul " to the attainment of the sublimest philosophic wisdom, and which Plato thus establishes *' as a bulwark of moral training, — and a complement of scientific education." The abstract branches are to be taught in their ele- ments in childhood and youth, — 'pleasantly^ " for a free- man ought to learn nothing under slavish coercion." From the age of twenty, the elite youth are to receive until thirty a deep and thoroughly systematic instruc- tion in the same studies, that they may apprehend their 167 connection with real^ i. e., abstract being, as the final test of their fitness for dialectics. At the close of this trial period, those finally chosen to be trained as phil- osophic thinkers and rulers, are to devote themselves for another five years to dialectics, i. e., to pure ab- stract reasoning on the deepest and weightiest]subjects. Then at the age of thirty-five, equipped with the results of the deepest reflection, and, — to adopt the figure of Plato, — with the eye of the soul trained to gaze unblenched on the resplendent sun of truth, they are to descend again into the dim cave of this world's affairs, to accustom their eyes again to its gloom, and to form true judgments of its shadows, since they have gazed with unveiled vision on the realities by which they are cast, whilst they perform the minor offices of the state and share the dangers of war. Fifteen years of this rectification of theory by prac- tice, brings our philosopher, at the ripe age of fifty, to fitness for his highest duties in ruling the state and preparing others to fill his place, before he departs in honor "to the islands of the blessed". The scheme of education presented in the Republic, though glaringly impossible, is at least suggestive of the care which Plato deemed needful to be exercised in the training of those who are to bear rule among men. With him, the selection and training of legis- lators and officers is by no means to be trusted to the accident of birth or to the chances of popular choice, by which hitherto the course of this world's affairs has been conducted after a tolerable fashion, and seems likely to be to the end. Amongst all the beauties with which the Republic abounds, none is more charm- 168 PLATO ing than the allegory of the cavern to which allusion has just been made, and which, opening the 7th Book of the work, permeates the entire argument like a golden thread, illustrating the dimness of vision as regards their highest interests which characterizes the race [of men, and the means whereby alone, in the opinion of Plato, the requisite certainty of apprehen- sion may be gained. Aside from beauties of illustration and theories of government, the educational doctrines of the Repub- lic and of the Laws are to a large extent similar. Both lay the same emphasis on the necessity and efficiency of education. Both designate gymnastics and music as the proper means therefor, give the same extension of meaning to music, and ascribe to it the same efficiency in shaping souls and " contributing to a pleasure of a happy sort". They insist equally on a careful selection of authors and parts of authors to be taught to youth, though with more detailed statement in the Republic; and they would both have music, when duly selected, established unalterably as the best means of assuring permanency to states. Both likewise insist that the education of women, at least those of the favored classes, shall be nearly identi- cal with that of men. In both it is assumed to be easily proven that the welfare of the individual is sufficiently cared for when all are so trained that the well-being of the state is assured: men are to be trained for an orderly and virtuous life in the state; they may perish, but the state will endure. Since however the Laws, as the work of his later years, doubtless voices the more mature views of Plato on "the laws" 169 the nature and aims of education, it merits a more detailed consideration at our hands, with such inci- dental references to the Republic as may serve to illustrate a few points more clearly. We notice in the Laws that the class scheme of the Republic, with its communism and its idea of educat- ing only the ruling military class, has been abandoned, and in its place we have the proposal for universal and compulsory education that has already been quoted (see page 114). It is obvious from these passages that Plato would go as far as the most advanced modern nations in the direction of compulsory education; and that, contrary to Athenian practice, he includes women in his scheme, for the reason, more than once urged, that they constitute one-half of every state, and that the state needs their best services as well as those of men. Also he would have those only selected as teachers of music and literature who are wholly in love with what they teach. The supervision of the education thus proposed Plato considers "far the greatest of the chief offices in the state"; and hence that it should be filled by selecting him " who is in all respects the best person in the state ". He is to be at least fifty years of age, and the father of lawful children; and he is to be chosen for a term of five years, by a secret ballot of certain of the magistrates, who vote for him whom they think to be best, in the temple of Apollo, the god of music. Plato thus defines education: "A perfectly correct nurture ought to show itself able to give to both bodies and souls all the beauty and all the perfection of 170 PLATO which they are susceptible." To secure the bodily- beauty and grace contemplated in this admirable definition, he prescribes free infantile sports, which, he says, when children come together they almost in- vent of themselves; the avoidance with the young, as well of luxury which renders them morose and irascible as of excessive and rustic servitude which makes them abject and illiberal; and finally the avoid- ance of all things which might terrify the child, and sow in it the seeds of a timid and cowardly disposition. At the age of six the regular education is to begin with gymnastics, by learning the exercises that prepare for war, in which he would have girls also practised so far as their strength will permit. Music, so far at least as that term includes intellectual culture, he would defer to the tenth year. With Plato, the purpose of gymnastics is two-fold : to gain lightness and grace of movement while *' imi- tating the diction of the muses " and preparing to join harmoniously in the worship of the gods, the means for attaining which was to be dancing; whilst for pro- moting health and acquiring strength and suppleness, he would rely chiefly on wrestling, as being most use- ful for war, to which he adds exercises in the use of all warlike weapons and in military evolutions. He evi- dently intends that up to the age of ten the school training shall be purely physical, whilst any mental and moral effects that may result from this shall be mere necessary incidents of such a training when properly conducted. He however by no means over- looks such incidental effects as harmony and reverence, temperance and fortitude, courage and self-control, as HIS CURRICULUM 171 Hikely to result from the practice of gymnastics in both the forms that he recommends. From the age of ten, literary culture under the •comprehensive name music is to be added to physical training. " For learning to read and write," he says, " three years would suffice for a boy ten years old; but to those who are thirteen, three years for mastering the lyre would be a moderate time." But hear this that the youths ought to learn and the masters to teach during this period. " They ought to labor at let- ters until they are able to write and read; but let us leave out of the account those whom nature has not fitted to become proficient in quickness and beauty within the years enjoined." He then proceeds to show what portions of litera- ture and what songs should be presented to the young, a subject which he had already treated more fully and with many examlpes in the 2d and 3d Books of the Republic. His proposal in the latter work amounts to a careful expurgation for school use of the works of Homer, Hesiod, and other esteemed poets and prose writers, in order that, "at an age when whatever opinions they receive are wont to be difficult to obliter- ate and immovable," nothing may be taught to youth through letters which might lessen their courage or relax their morals; or which, by presenting gods and heroes in any other than the best and loftiest aspects, *' might give to boys an excuse for wickedness or a war- rant for injustice." The principles for selection which he suggests are worthy of the consideration of educators in every age. With a like purpose, conceding that the comic 172 PLATO and laughable should be known by well-taught citizens that they may be able the better to avoid what is ridiculous, Plato would have comedies performed only by slaves and hirelings, that their scenes may become contemptible by low and degrading associations. In addition to the literary contents of the much- including music, he proposes the same elementary knowledge of reckoning, of geometry, and of astron- omy which Socrates had recommended to his disciples, urging that these elements ought to be taught to all " as shameful for the many not to know ". He also praises the Egyptian method of teaching numbers by an objective procedure and in play. The higher reaches of the sciences, as we have al- ready seen in the Republic, he would reserve as a pre- paration of the very best minds for the sublimest re- flections. Curiously enough, he altogether omits from both his schemes of education any mention of history, although a knowledge of this so nearly concerns what he has at heart in both treatisies, namely how to organ- ize, ennoble, and perpetuate a state. And yet Hero- dotus, the father of history, and Thucydides, the great delineator of the Peloponnesian war, had already writ- ten works which have been the delight of succeeding ages, and which should have attracted the attention of one who strove to be the philosopher of politics. The idea of the great and pervasive influence of music in the modern sense of the word, which Plato agrees with other Greeks in emphasizing, has already been mentioned. It is most clearly set forth in the Republic, from which a few sentences may here be quoted. " Music and harmony enter largely into the MUSIC 173 inmost part of the soul and powerfully affect it, at the same time introducing decorum into conduct and seemliness into the manner of all who are well trained. " Such persons " will understand the images of temper- ance, fortitude, liberality, and magnificence, and what- ever are akin to these, — and will despise them in neither great nor small instances, but conceive them to be parts of the same art and study." Such being the deep influence which this art exerts, *' we should be specially cautious about receiving a new kind of music, as endangering the whole (social fabric) ; for never are the measures of music altered without affecting the most important laws of the state; for it insensibly flows into the manners and pursuits of men; it finds its way into their contracts, — and from con- tracts it enters with much boldness into the laws and political establishments." In Book 7th of the Laws, he likewise attributes a similar importance to dances and sports. " Men do not consider," he says, " that the children who engage in new sports must necessarily become men different from those who were trained in the preceding genera- tion; and that becoming different, they will seek a different kind of life; and so seeking, will be desirous of other pursuits and laws; and no one fears lest after this, there come upon states what has just now been called the greatest evil," i. e., the craving for novel- ties. Hence, entertaining this belief, Plato suggests in the Eepublic and proposes in the Laws, that sports, dances, and music, both songs and melodies, shall be carefully selected by wise elders, and not only estab- lished by law but sanctioned by religion, that they 174 PLATO may remain long unchanged; and thus, by giving the young the idea of something unalterable, may tend to permanence of political instructions. He also, in Book 2d of the Laws, adduces Egypt as an example in point, evidently believing that the great duration of that state is due to this cause. Living as he did in the midst of political and moral fluctuation and change, he seeks anxiously for some counteraction to this in- stability, and rightly sees it in the correct and consis- tent education of the young. To the special means which he proposes, we at the present day do not attach so much importance as Plato did ; possibly music and sports affected the susceptible Greek more strongly than they do the practical Eng- lishman or American; possibly, too, caught in the rush of modern life, we underrate the permanency of the influence exerted on our youth by the songs they learn in school, and the games they practice in their leisure hours; but the principle on v/hich Plato acts, is true for all times and circumstances, and is one of which the most enlightened modern nations are becoming fully and actively conscious. The principle is this^ that none of the impressions made upon the young are trivial and unimportant; that whatever, like music, strongly moves their feelings is especially important; and that whatever is embodied in the education of a nation's youth, is sure to be ultimately greatly in- fluential in the nation's life. Such then are the chief educational ideas of Plato. They are of great interest, not more from their an- tiquity and the eminence of their sources, than from the fact that several of them, — such as the necessity EFFECT UP0:N" THE PRESENT 175 of universal and compulsory education, the need of care in selecting literature for the young, and the im- portance of beginning any reform of national manners in the schools, — which are of recent introduction into educational practice, originated with the famous Athenian philosopher, twenty-two centuries ago. USEFUL REFERENCES FOR STUDENTS Plato.— The Republic, Books 2d, 3d and 7th. Plato.— The Laws, Books 2d, 3d, 6th, and 7th. Davidson — Aristotle and the Ancient Educational Ideals. Book 2d C. 3. CHAPTER XIII EDUCATIONAL VIEWS OF ARISTOTLE ^ Aristotlk. ab4-322, 15. C. Aristotle, unlike his great master Plato, was twice married, and was the father of children for whom he cherished a tender affec- tion. A striking proof of his parental regard may be seen in the dedication of his chief ethical work to his son Nicomaeus, from whom it derives its title. He had also a valuable ped- agogic experience as tutor during several years of Alexander the Great, whose valued friend he remained during life. Thus both as parent and as teacher he had a prepar- ation for discussing educational questions which Plato lacked; and we should therefore expect to find in his pedagogical views a more practical cast than in those of Plato. In this expectation we sha,ll not be disap- pointed. Yet he was in full harmony with his age, in finding the supreme significance of man, and the chief worth of education, in fitness for the duties of intelli- gent and virtuous citizenship. Hence his theory of education forms the conclusion of his treatise on Politics. " We have already determined," he says, (176)" EDUCATION" AND THE STATE 177 " what men ought naturally to be that they may make good subjects in a community ruled by laws; the rest of this discourse therefore, shall be upon education; for men learn some things by habits, other things by hearing them." In his ethical treatise, to which he refers at the out- set of this discussion, Aristotle had assigned as the purpose of action, the greatest possible good of the actor; had said that Politics, which is its chief object, has for its end the greatest happiness of the individual man and of men united in society; and had defined happiness as consisting in a complete activity of the soul in conformity to virtue and reason. Now the tendencies of men to strive after happiness by virtu- ous action, or to reap misery by sowing viciousness, he ascribes to early habituation. Hence it is not a thing indifferent, he says, to accustom one's self from the tenderest age to act in such or such a way; on the contrary, it is a very important thing, or rather it is everything.* Here then is a firm ethical bond con- necting right education, the habituation to righteous action, with the happiness of individual man and with that of men united in a state. Contrary to Athenian custom, i^ristotle would assign the duty of caring for education to the state. "It is the business of the legislator," he says, " to consider how his citizens may be good men, what education is necessary to that purpose, and what is the ^ultimate object of the best spent life;" and again, " Xo one can doubt that the legislator ought] greatly to interest * Ethics B. 2. C. 1. 178 * ARISTOTLE himself in the care of youth; for where it is neg- lected, it is hurtful to the city." " Education should be a common care, and not that of each individual, as it now is, when every one takes care of his own chil- dren separately, and each parent in private teaches them as he pleases; but the training of what belongs to all ought to be in common. Besides, no one ought to think that any citizen belongs to him in particular, but to the state in general; for each one is a part of the state, and it is the natural duty of each part to regard the good of the whole. It is evident then that laws should be laid down concerning education, and that it should be public.^ ^^ He thus agrees substantially with Plato, though without explicitly declaring that education should be made compulsory. It is evident however from the entire tenor of the passage quoted, that Aristotle had no idea of leaving a matter which he deemed so im- portant, to the carelessness of parents or to the caprice of children. He logically implies compulsion without expressly stating it. Aristotle recognizes three factors of character in man, (1) nature, i. e., innate capability; (2) custom or habit; and (3) reason. The experienced tutor and ob- servant parent thus directs attention to the funda- mental differences in tastes and aptitudes that exist amongst men; he recommends early habituation to right things, since, "as to some dispositions, it avails not to be born with them, since custom makes great alterations, for there are some things in nature capa- * Politics B. 8. C. 1. THREE FACTORS OF CHARACTER 17^ ble of alteration either way, and which are fixed by custom either for the better or for the worse;" and he therefore demands such a training of the immature intelligence, that when the child attains to full self- consciousness, his reason and his feelings may assent to what habit has made easy. Now of these three factors, custom and reason are shaped by education; and " these ought always to conspire in the most entire harmony with each other; for it may happen that reason may miss the best end proposed, and yet be corrected by custom." Finally he recognizes an order of early development, first the body and the feelings, and next the intelli- gence ; and he declares that the body and the feelings need the earliest training and habituation, the body for the sake of the soul as a whole, and the feelings for the sake of the intelligence. - That this, which is [probably the first formal pro- posal for progressive education, was not a mere casual idea, thrown out with no distinct perception of all its consequences, Aristotle clearly shows by conforming to it the entire treatment of the subject of education, — discussing first the early care for the body and its proper training by gentle and pleasurable exercises; next laying stress on early associations, impressions, and habits, — matters which concern the due regulation of the feelings and the lower intelligence; and finally considering the means which are suitable for develop- ing reason and those parts of the emotional nature which stand in close relations with reason. Aristotle states more clearly and sharply than either Socrates or Plato an opinion which these philosophers 180 ARISTOTLE doubtless shared, as to the aim which should be had in view in the education of the young. They are in- deed, he thinks, to be inured to exertion aud trained for war, they are to be taught things necessary and useful; but labor and war, necessity and utility, are after all not the ends themselves, but only the means for the attainment of ends higher than they can be. These ultimate ends are the ability to enjoy the blessings of peace and the disposition to make a digni- fied use of leisure, and to lead a pure and noble life. And he sharply criticises the Grecian states, especially Sparta, because " in their laws and education, they have not framed their polity with a view to the best ends nor to every virtue, but have meanly cared for those which are useful and productive of gain," In another place, he thus defines what is to be esteemed mean: " Every work and every art and every discipline as well, which renders the body, the mind, or the un- derstanding of freemen unfit for the habit and prac- tice of virtue;" and in this he includes "all those employments which are exercised for gain, because they take off from the leisure of mind and render it sordid."* It is evident therefore that the Athenian philosopher goes farther than the most ardent modern contemners of "bread and butter sciences", and that he would exclude from his curriculum as mean a large portion of the studies pursued in modern universities, because they look more or less directly to success in some gain- ful employment. In this he was doubtless in accord with the prevailing seutiment of his age, to which * Politics, ,B.VLi. C.14. H.viii. C.2 THE THEORY OF UTILITY 181 seemingly the most telling accusation against the Sophists was that they prostituted their learning to the purposes of gain. Not the least interesting thing about the paragraphs from which the above extracts are taken, is the evidence which they seem to afford that at Athens educational questions were vigorously discussed, and that the theory of utility had its par- tisans, as well as that of culture. Having now observed Aristotle's views as to the general character of education, the source whence it should originate, and the end to which it should be directed, let us examine the scheme that he proposes for the attainment of his purposes, viz., a perfect body, fitted to endure all the hardships of life whilst showing itself the capable instrument of the soul for all the occasions of peace; and a soul so endowed with all virtuous and gracious habits, and so developed in all its capabilities, as to meet with equanimity all the perils of war, and to enjoy with dignity the pleasures of leisure and repose. For bodily perfection he would provide by the care- ful regulation of marriages, by the destruction through exposure of imperfect or unpromising infants, by care for diet and for cleanliness, by inuring children early to endure cold, by freedom of movement and playful activity, by avoiding any prescribed mental work till the child is seven years old, and by the less arduous gymnastic exercises. Whilst admitting the usefulness of gymnastics, he yet judiciously enters an earnest protest against too early severe training as likely to entail weakness in manhood, alleging that it is very rare that persons gain 182 ARISTOTLE victories in the Olympian games " both when boys and men, because the necessary exercises which they went through when young deprived them of their strength." He protests also against the more violent of exercises at any time, as better adapted to develop ferocity than courage; for "it is not," he says, "a wolf nor any other wild beast that will brave any noble danger, but rather a good man." Moreover he calls attention to the impossibility of combining great mental with great physical exertion, " the labor of the body prevent- ing the progress of the mind, and that of the mind, the development of the body;" and hence he proposes that the severer gymnastic training with its regular diet, be deferred till the mental training is well ad- vanced, apparently at the age of seventeen.* In early education of the soul, Aristotle, like Plato, lays much stress on caring for the associations that chil- dren form and for the impressions which, early made upon their plastic mind^s, are apt to prove indelible. Hence they are to be carefully selected; they are not to be permitted to witness comedies, nor to see or hear any vulgar or indecent thing; and besides, he goes be- yond Plato in advising that their plays should be so directed as to be mainly " imitations of what they are afterwards to do seriously", and that their small dis- putes and squabbles should be unchecked^ as " con- tributing to increase their growth " by the agitation of the spirits which they occasion. In the last recommendation, the philosopher seems to have been so intent on a possible physical benefit as to overlook the probability of a serious moral injury. * Politics. B. Vni. C. 4. THE FUJs^CTTON OF MUSIC 183 Until the child is seven years of age, he is to be kept at home, but the last two years of this time Aristotle recommends that he be permitted to be present at les- sons, to observe and catch the spirit of the instruc- tion, and to gain some possible desire of doing what he sees'- older boys do, — a recommendation which seems sagaciously based on the well-known inclination of children to aspire after what they see their elders able to do.* From the age of seven to twenty-one he proposes to divide into two periods, those of boyhood and of youth, yet without indicating any division line, nor does he designate the employments that he would con- sider suitable for each period. Aside from gymnastics, the means of education that he proposes are reading, painting or design, and mu^ic. Of reading he speaks only as a thing very useful in itself and very necessary as the means of acquiring other needful knowledge; and of painting he remarks merely its use in enabling a man to judge more accur- ately of the products of the fine arts, and of the beauties of the human form; but on music, as being noble and liberal in its influence, and as a source of elevated and rational enjoyment in hours of leisure, he bestows a large share of attention, — discussing the nature and effects of the various harmonies, and con- sidering for what reasons children should be taught to sing and play upon some instrument, and even what instrument is best. He starts the question whether as a part of educa- tion its office is " to instruct, to amuse, or to employ tlbid, B. VII. CI'; 184 ARISTOTLE leisure", and answers that it does all three. It in- structs, because, being an expression of feelings and an imitation of manners, it rouses the soul to sympa- thize with and imitate the feelings and manners that are expressed, for which cause also it is expedient that great care should be exercised in its selection. " The same," he adds, " holds true with respect to rhythms; some fix the disposition, others occasiun a change in it; some act more violently, others more liberally. From what has been said it is evident what an influ- ence music has over the dispositions of the mind, and how variously it can affect it; and if it can do this, it is most certainly that in which youth ought to be instructed." Youth also need amusement, and " music which has the power to purify the soul, affords them a harmless pleasure" whilst they learn to practise it; but always as those who would become good citizens rather than great experts, able rather to judge it correctly than to practise it in a superior manner. Finally he says it is an agreeable relaxation from labor, and "a medicine for the uneasiness that arises therefrom "; and it may hence atford an honorable employment of leisure; yet "the learning of it should never prevent the business of riper years, nor render the body ignoble and unfit for the business of war or the state." His final word is this, "These then are to be laid down, as it were, the three boundaries of education, namely Moderation, Possibility, and Decency." Such then are the views of Aristotle on education, and such his catalogue of the means fitted to promote it, a meagre one even for the time in which he wrote. HIS CURRICULUM 185 Considering education solely in its political aspect, as a means of assuring good citizenship, it possibly should cause no surprise that the father of formal logic makes no mention of dialectics, or that the greatest inductive investigator of nature previous to the time of Bacon should omit all study of nature in the training of his citizens. But it is even more curious than in the case of Plato, that he should wholly overlook history, so need- ful for the guidance of the good citizen in those politi- cal affairs in which Aristotle expects him to engage. We are told that Aristotle had himself made a large collection of the political systems of various states, none of which, according to our modern ideas, could be intelligible apart from history; yet, though we know that as a practical instructor in the Lyceum which, as a school, he founded, neither his elementary nor his higher course of instruction had any narrow limitations, still history was apparently lacking to illuminate the Politics that he taught. His teaching however included habits of observation and study of facts, a knowledge of natural objects and phenomena, criticism of poetry and oratory, politics and philosophy, and a rigid logical discipline, none of which is mentioned in his scheme of citizen studies. . The difference between his theory and his practice is not wholly accounted for by any difference in the periods of life to which they were addressed, since his scheme looks for its completion at the age of twenty- one. Possibly the discrepancy would disappear could we recover a work on education which he is said to have written. 186 ARISTOTLE The great merit of Aristotle is that he saw and clearly stated that education should aim to develop fully and in due order all the powers of the child, physical, moral, and intellectual; — the, body to be trained but not to excess; the feeling to be habituated to all virtuous dispositions and to complete self-con- trol ; and the intellect to be developed, but not for mercenary ends, — regarding, in his own apt words, *' moderation, possibility, and decency ". Dr. Dittes also calls attention^ to the importance in educational history of Aristotle's method of investiga- tion and instruction. Like that of Socrates, it was inductive, proceeding from exact examination of the subject-matter, whatever its nature, and avoiding all arbitrary hypotheses and fanciful explanations, that he might reach the realities of things. Thus he advanced the knowledge of nature, established logic on a firm basis, and did much that was of value for moral and political philosophy. USEPUL REFEREN'CE FOR STUDEXTS Aristotle. — Politics, Books 7tli and Sth. Ethics, Books 1, 2 and lO: Davidson. — Aristotle and the Ancient Educational Ideals, Book 3d. *Schule der Padagogik. P:irt 4th, p. 68. CHAPTER XIV KOMAN EDUCATION — STATIC PERIOD The history of Roman education has for us a peculiar interest, because into Rome, from its world- wide dominion, were ultimately gathered the various streams of culture flowing from Greece, from Egypt, and from the Orient; and from Rome, this intellectual treasure has descended to us marked with the special stamp of the Roman character. The Latin race differs widely in genius from those races that we have thus far considered; — not more from the unprogressive Chinese, the passive and intro- ■spective Hindoos and Buddhists, and the Egyptians with their other-worldliness, than from the roving, trading, faithless Phoenicians, and from the imagina- tive, speculative, pleasure-loving Athenians. In some •of its traits, it has analogies with the war-like Spartans, with the conquering countrymen of Cyrus and Darius, and with the constructive and administrative Egyp- tians; but these analogies are accompanied and modi- fied by differences which fitted it for a peculiar, wide- reaching, and combining infiuence on the course of history. By reason of its masterful characteristics, the effects which it wrought on the current of historic development were universal in their extent, -and to a great degree permanent in their duration; while the influence of other races has been at best local and (187) 188 ROME restricted, and has, in most cases, been perpetuated only by mingling with the powerful life-current of this imperial race. The genius of the Roman nationality was marked- ly practical rather than ideal, utilitarian rather than speculative, active and persistent rather than impres- sible. It was little accessible to aesthetic influences; too haughty for the airy and sportive, — its very amuse- ments being ponderous and serious when not merciless ; stern and somewhat hard-hearted, yet exhibiting a keen sense of justice, observant of pledges and treaties, and averse from treachery and deceit. No race was ever more tenacious of purpose. This tenacity is well exemplified by its maxim never to end a war save as victors. While lacking in taste and ability for speculation, it was preeminent in active and executive force, and was supremely egoistic in that larger sense which transforms self -valuation into valuation of the state; the proudest boast of a Roman was that he was a citi- zen of Rome. Unemotional yet deeply religious, the nation ascribed to one of its earliest kings the organiza- tion of pious observances which gave to every act of life, and to every question of the state, its divine over- seer, so that the pious Roman acted, in the words of Milton, "as ever in his great Taskmaster's eye". From the combination of such traits sprang a people who excelled in organization and administration; who built up a system of jurisprudence which has been the admiration and the model of all succeeding ages; and who, by their bravery, their steadfastness, their TBE AIM UTILITARIAN 189 patriotism, and their subordination to lawful author- ity, became conquerors of the world. The weak point in this strong character was its lack of ideality and spirituality. Hence so soon as the strain of the creation of a state and the conquest of all foes was relaxed, we see a tending to degeneration, to which no effective counteraction was offered by an education, directed always, not to ideal, but solely to utilitarian ends. For the educational aim of Kome, in all periods of her history, was wholly utilitarian, — looking not to a harmoniously developed personality but to a well- trained soldiery, and to citizens skilled in the arts needful for the state; and seeing the highest purpose of culture, not in an ideal manhood, but in citizens brave and just, law-abiding and full of active energy; and Rome never became conscious that the higher aim would not only include all those lesser objects for which she strove, but would free her from those dangers to which finally she succumbed. In Rome indeed, education for the state reached a supreme development, having its centre and its ideal in the state, and no centre in the subjective and spir- itual nature of man. Hence, when with the attain- ment of universal dominion and the influx of a Greek culture alien to all their habits, the tension of patriotic effort was relaxed, and a period suited to peaceful reflec- tion came, the results of the lack of an ideal aim in individual development for the dignity of the individ- ual life became at once apparent. The Roman, when free to reflect, had no worthy object to fill his thoughts and life. His egoism, here- 190 ROME tofore impersonal, was now turned into channels of purely private and sordid interests, and the struggle of such interests against patriotic impulses began. Eeligion, which, though an active factor in the state, had never been a vigorous sentiment, dwindled to mere empty formalities at which the better-instructed sneered ; and morality, thus bereft of its firmest sup- port, was presently overwhelmed by a tide of unblush- ing wantonness and unbridled sensuality. The vast riches that flowed from the conquered provinces into a state that had been founded on sim- plicity of life, no doubt aggravated these evils, but they did not generate them. They furnished the in- struments for greed and license, but not the disposi- tions thereto. These dispositions were latent in the inbred nature of the race, and needed only opportun- ity to burst forth into excesses which first tarnished and then effaced the ancient glories of the Eoman name. The early and the later history of Eome reveals to us the best and the worst fruits of mere utilitarian ideals of life, perpetuated by a correspondent educa- tion which was relieved by no high aims. The educational history of Home, viewed in its broadest aspects, may, I think, be separated into two periods that are sufficiently well-marked to be useful for my purpose, which is within a brief compass to gain all practicable distinctness of conception in regard to a history which extended over more than twelve hundred years, and which naturally, during that long period, exhibited striking changes and modifications. The earlier period we may consider as extending TWO PERIODS 191 approximately from the founding of the city to about 200 B. C, a duration of some five and a half cen- turies; and since, duriag this period, the means and method of education exhibited only those few and slightly-marked changes which were needed to adapt them to a state whose growth was along fixed lines, we may without impropriety term it the Static period. The later period, or that of the ^ew Education, extends from 200 B. C. to the downfall of Rome; and since, under an impulse received from Greek culture, it was marked by a great extension of subjects of study, by the introduction of different and more for- mal methods of instruction, and by a wide-reaching organization and gradation of educational establish- ments, it may properly be called the Dynamic period. As has already been said, the aim of education dur- ing both of these periods was a practical one, ruled wholly by the idea of the usable and profitable; yet during the first period, the utilitarian idea was inspired by a lofty patriotic purpose, that of the elevation and aggrandizement of the state; whilst in the second period, this ennobling modification of utilitarianism gradually died out and was replaced by an ignoble self-seeking. During the first period, to which we will first confine our attention, the training of the Romans bore some external resemblance to that of Sparta, to which it has sometimes been likened. The points of contrast were, however quiet as numerous and vital as those of re- semblance. In both, the training of boys was largely physical, looking to military efficiency; yet in Rome we have 192 ROME, STATIC PERIOD reason to believe that an intellectual element entered always much more largely into this training than in Sparta, and gradually came to play a quite obvious part. The two peoples laid a like emphasis on patriotism and on obedience to elders and superiors; but in Eome both these virtues had their deepest roots in family ties which, as we have seen, were disregarded in Sparta. Here the resemblance of the two peoples ends. In Sparta boys were isolated from the family, and were educated solely by the state for the state; whilst in "Rome, during the entire period, education had a dominantly domestic character, being conducted by the mothers as well as the fathers, within the sacred precincts of the home. Again, the Spartans despised agriculture and re- mitted its duties to dependents and slaves; on the con- trary, the taste for rural pursuits, which the earlier Romans displayed, strongly differentiated their mode of life from that of the Spartans, and introduc-ed a profound modification into the education received by the young, — for who would liken the effects on youth- ful character of the rigid restrictive Spartan syssitia to the free activity of a Roman boy in a country home ? As is well known, some of the most pleasing legends of early Rome are connected with their taste for agri- culture. It may also be noted that the class distinctions at Rome bore but the most superficial resemblance to those of Sparta. The Roman plebs were no Perioeci, tame to submit to the insults and encroachments of the patricians; and still less were they Helots, inviting COMPARED WITH SPARTA 193 by their humility the inhuman custom of the crypteia, which gave a tone of peculiar savagery to a portion of the training of Spartan youth ; to the patrician haughti- ness, they opposed a pride equally unyielding; and the struggles of the two classes, ending in the establish- ment of a modus vivendi equally advantageous to both and to the state, was wholly unlike anything that oc- curred in Sparta. Finally, the Eoman instinct for organization, for construction, and for administration, has little analogy with anything in the Spartan character; yet it is obvi- ous how profound an influence the early development of this instinct must necessarily have exerted on the education of the young, and how different a character it must have given it from that of Sparta. How early was the manifestation of this peculiar Roman capability, with its consequent effects on youth- ful education, is shown by the fact that their legends ascribe to their earliest kings all the general features of their state organization; — to Eomulus, the division into classes, order, and tribes, the institution of the senate, the adoption of the insignia of authority, in short the broader features of Roman institutions, social, political, and military; to Xuma, the organiza- tion of religious observances, with their offices, their rites, and their duties, and the divine sanction which they gave to the inviolability of property in land; to Ancus Martins the germs of what later was developed into international law; and to Servius Tullius, the division into centuries based on relative wealth, and its correlation of duties and burdens with privileges, so analogous to the timocracy which Solon, at well-nigh the same time strove to introduce at Athens. 194 KOME, STATIC PERIOD This comparison of Roman with Spartan character, circumstances, and early training, will serve to give some general notion of the nature of Roman educa- tion, during what we have termed the Static period. We may now proceed to examine a little more in detail its means and method, and any germs of organization that it may present. It is not at all probable that at the beginning of this period the education of even the most favored youth was to any considerable extent, if at all, in letters. K. Schmidt says (Gesch. i.757), on I know not what authority, that at the foundation of their common- wealth the Romans had the art of writing as an inheri- tance of an earlier Latin civilization; and that they added to this divination, surveying, and, in general the branches of knowledge which pertain to religion and agriculture. There is no doubt however that the literary element gradually attained an increasing importance. A re- mark in Xiebuhr (History of Rome, vol. 1, c. 7) would seem to make it quite as probable that the Romans acquired letters from the Etruscans, from whom their notation of numbers, and their divination seem cer- tainly to have been derived. The early legends justify the idea that the art of writing was at least early gained, and warrant us in inferring that a people who had such skill in organization and such apprehension of what characterizes civilized life as is attributed to them, could hardly have lacked the elements of writ- ten language. To be sure, we have no knowledge of any annals or literature that could have demanded any considerable CURRICULUM 195 use of writing,* save the religious songs and the lays of heroes; and these, as is well-known, are easily pre- served by memory and transmitted orally, exerting by this means a most valuable educative influence on the youth of all early peoples. Such poetic composi- tions, whether transmitted orally or by writing, we may be sure were influential in inculcating in the Roman youth those virtues which were most highly valued, such as purity, modesty, and simplicity of life, piety towards the divine powers, good faith towards enemies as well as friends, obedience to parents and superiors, and patriotic devotion to the state. There is no reason to doubt that a knowledge of the state, its institutions, and its laws, made an important part of the instruction of the boys; and from 450 B. C, we know, from Cicero as well as others, that the laws of the XII tables were committed to memory by at least all well-born boys, and that they probably formed a reading book of all who learned to read. Important knowledge of their country's history was instilled into the young by the heroic songs and by narrations of the deeds of eminent men. These were a feature of the social gatherings, in which children shared in the company of their parents, and doubtless like the children of the present day listened with eager ears to everything which took the form of a story. During this entire period, there was a careful train- ing of girls in domestic duties and economy, and of the boys in agriculture and duties of public life, in- cluding the ability to express their opinions forcibly on * The fact that our knowledge of early Roman history depends on not very trustworthy legends, shows how little use was made of writing. 196 KOME, STATIC PERIOD public occasions. This last was the fruitful germ of that forensic eloquence for which the Romans became so distinguished. When we add to all this, that in the later ages of this period, some exposition of the native poets and annalists was joined to whatever of necessary reading and writing had before been taught, and that doubtless the art of reckoning with their clumsy notation, an art so needful for a thoroughly practical people, entered into the instruction of the young, — we shall have given a fair catalogue of the subjects of study which contributed to the intellectual and moral education of Roman youth during the period that we are considering. For physical education, a gymnastic training like that of the Greeks, which aimed at bodily beauty and perfection, never found general favor at Rome in either period of its history, much less in the earlier. Thoroughly utilitarian in all their aims, their object in physical training was to confirm health and strength and to insure endurance of hardships, and capability in what concerned warlike pursuits. For anything beyond this, they had neither thought nor care. The means for this purpose, aside from the sportive exer- tions of youth, were agricultural labors, swimming, and material exercises, such as riding, hurling missile weapons, hunting, and the practice of military evolu- tions. At the close of this period, Plutarch represents Cato the Censor as himself training his son in the old Roman fashion, and according to the ancient Roman curriculum of physical education, viz., to ride, to box, to endure heat and cold, to hurl the javelin, and to fight hand to hand with the sword. So far from PAREI^TS THE TEACHERS 197 deeming it a glory to bear oif the palm in gymnastic encounters, as did the Greeks, these haughty burghers disdained to engage personally in such competitions, but sat in calm superiority as spectators of contests of strength and dexterity performed for their amusement by slaves or dependents. As has already been said, the form of education dur- ing this period was chiefly domestic. Children were taught desirable things at home, and parents, especially mothers who during all the early ages of Rome held a position of peculiar honor and influence, were their teachers. Thus Plutarch tells us that Cato took upon himself the office of schoolmaster to his son, though he had a slave who was a good grammarian and taught several other children. But he tells us " he did not choose that his son should be reprimanded by a slave, or pulled by the ears if he happened to be slow in his learning, nor that he should be indebted to so mean a person for his education. He was therefore himself his preceptor in grammar, in law, and in the necessary exercises." We may see from this passage, 1st, an exemplification of the old Roman mode of domestic education in the person of one of its last representatives; 2d, that this custom was dying out 200 B. C, and the diity of edu- cating children was passing into the hands of slave teachers, so that a man bought a schoolmaster as he might a swine-herd; and 3d, the haughty feeling that underlay the ancient custom, that they would not have their children indebted for so great a benefit as education to any one less dear than parents. By par- ents then chiefly they were trained to the learning, the 198 ROME, STATIC PERIOD virtues, and the capabilities that were deemed essen- tial to Roman citizens. The teaching was, in all probability, largely oppor- tune, observational and through experience ; — through precepts reduced as far as possible to uniform practice; through care for associates and for good practical ex- ample; through association with parents and friends on business or festive occasions, where we are assured that nothing was done or said that could mar the character which it was desirable that youth should form; by listening to the conversation of fathers and elders on public affairs, and watching their manage- ment of clients and other dependents; and finally, by experience of state and military affairs, under the guidance of the father or some eminent man. Schools probably began to exist as auxiliaries to the family in the literary part of instruction, within three centuries of the foundation of the state. Livy, in narrating the legend of Virginia, 450 B. C, says she was seized by the myrmidons of Appius Claudius while on her way to her school in the forum, attended by her nurse. Other mentions of schools in neighboring cities at nearly the same period, such as the treachery of the Falerian schoolmaster, 392 B. C, and the fact that Camillus disturbed the schools of Tusculum by his unexpected arrival with his army, leave little reason to doubt that in the opinion of Roman writers schools had become not uncommon long before the close of the static period. No works of a pedagogical character from this period have been preserved. It is said that Cato the Censor, who lived in the transition time from this to the next CATO, THE CENSOR 199 period, wrote works which are now lost, but which would be fairly considered pedagogic, such as a history of Rome for the instruction of his son and " Precepts of his son ", a work that is supposed to have contained counsels for the improvement of boys in agriculture, in legal and military matters, and in oratory. In regard to the last, he is said to have made the requisites of the orator, sound understanding and up- rightness of life, for only a noble man can, in his opinion, be a good orator. This maxim of his for the orator has been preseived, " Rem tene, verba sequen- tui\^^ that is, get a firm grip on your matter, the words will come fast enough. He wrote also a poem on morals of which fragments have been preserved in other words. The fragment here to be quoted can but cause us to regret that the entire work has not been preserved: " Human life is like iron; if it is used it is gradually rubbed away, but if neglected it is consumed by rust; just so we see that men are worn out by use; but if they employ themselves in nothing, inactivity and idleness bring them more harm than labor." A collection of Cato's sayings was long current in later Roman school litera- ture, and of these, several are preserved in Plutarch. A collection bearing his name was also used and mem- orized in the schools of the Middle Ages. The consideration of the simple and direct means and methods which the Romans made use of during this epoch to educate their young for solely utilitarian ends, has a greater interest because the best and most brilliant fruits of this kind of training were then pro- duced. The special genius of the race and the cir- 200 ROME, STATIC PERIOD cumstances of the times cooperated favorably with practical and utilitarian views to produce a people moral and religious without sentiment; reverent to parents and elders; hard and stern indeed, yet just and loyal to pledges; full of executive ability, skilful in organization and legislation; brave and tenacious in war, in peace energetic and sagacious in promoting public interests, — a people, in short, in whom a haughty egoism, softened by no ideal aims, had been by force of training turned into unselfish channels^and transfigured into patriotism. The history of Rome, during this its static period, doubtless presents us with the best results that may be looked for from a purely utilitarian education. CHAPTER XV ROMAN EDUCATIOJ^ — DYI^TAMIC PERIOD It will not be expected that the transition from the old type of education to the new should be other than gradual, and accomplished by slow and almost imper- ceptible degrees. In point of fact, no dividing line can be drawn even approximately between them. Towards the close of the 3d century B. C, we may perceive the beginning of Grecian influence upon Roman manners and education. The Greek language begins to come into use, and this use presently grows into a fashion. The Greek literature makes for itself at first a small and then a larger circle of admirers. Greek teachers and philosophers come to Rome, where they meet at first a varying reception, are greeted by the young who are fond of novelty, are looked upon with suspicion by the elders, and are more than once driven out of the country by decrees of the Senate, but finally gain a firm foothold and growing favor.* With them come Grecian subjects like rhetoric and philosophy which were unknown to the old Roman education; and these are presently recognized as a welcome enrichment of a scheme of studies hitherto very meager. And thus, under Grecian influence, the old simple form of education was gradually superseded by the New Education, — an education however which * LiddelL— History of Rome, c 44. (201) 202 EOME, DYNAMIC PERIOD was rather fashioned on Athenian models than inspired by Athenian ideas. The progress of this change receives a curious illus- tration in the person of Cato the Censor, who has been called the last of the Romans. He struggled with all the energy of his nature against these innova- tions; as we have already seen, he personally trained "up his own son in the Roman discipline ; twice by his influence the philosophers and rhetoricians were ban- ished from Rome; and yet, in his old age, he learned Greek, and " extended the love which he had always shown for Roman literature to that of Greece. The language of Homer and Demosthenes could boast no more signal triumph than that it conquered the stub- born pride of Cato."* When Cato, and Old Rome in his person, had so far yielded to the fascinations of Greece — about 160 B. C. — we may fairly think that the static period in Roman education was ended, and that the Dynamic era, the era of change was begun. In this era as in the earlier no lofty aim is to be looked for, no conception of the worth of a completely developed manhood. As the purpose of education in the beginning was practical and utilitarian, such it continued to be to the end. Education enlarged its means by importations from Greece, but it did not change the spirit in which it employed means. It changed its character, relating the work of instruction from the family, the forum, and the camp, to organized schools, but it did not change the aims for which it strove. It merely looked to another and less elevated phase of utility in the promotion of personal ends, *Lidclen.— History of Rome C.44. CHANGE OF MEANS BUT NOT OF END 203 of fame or fortune, through practical or oratorical skill; or, in the more estimable cases, it strove to check the progressive degeneration of manners and spirit, by an increase of learning, by an enlargement of the learned classes, and by substituting philosophy in the place of the dead ancient religious belief. Rome learned to her cost during this period, that in striving for mere utility, we may lose the thing which is most really useful, — the spirit to use all acquire- ments aright; and that wide learning without ideal aim may prove but a barren acquisition, void of real culture and empty of all that makes learning valuable, since "Knowledge comes, but wisdom lingers." In the old Roman scheme of education, two of the most weighty and largely used means of training the young to desirable characters and capabilities had little to do with formal studies. These were : 1st, the teach- ing by example, — the example of high-minded, ener- getic, and patriotic fathers, of frugal, chaste, and pious mothers ; the sympathetic influence of carefully chosen attendants and companions; the examples of heroic personages of earlier days presented to the young in the attractive form of narrations and heroic songs; and finally the pervasive influence of public sentiment, the example of patriotic fellow citizens intent upon the welfare and aggrandizement of their common country; and 2d, the teaching by observation and do- ing, through which both sexes learned social and relig- ious, and boys political and military duties. Through these two means, by dint of doing, the lessons of experience and example, enforced no doubt by fitting^Jprecept, were transmitted into habits, and 204 ROME, DYNAMIC PERIOD wrought into the fabric of settled character. Of these, under the new order of things, the always pow- erful influence of example gradually became an instru- ment of evil rather than of good, by reason of the growing corruption of morals which is mentioned by all historians and deplored by their own authors. Thus Quintilian says : " The unfortunate children learn vices before they know that they are vices, and hence, rendered effeminate and luxurious, they do not imbibe immorality from schools, but carry it themselves into schools." The learning by observation succeeded by practice, also gradually sunk into disuse, and was replaced by the formal study of subjects from books or dictation. These subjects, during the first century of our era, began to take the form which for fifteen centuries they retained, of the encyclopedic Trivium and Qaadrivi- um.* The former included grammar, rhetoric, and dialectics, or what might be called the cycle of formal literary studies; whilst the scientific branches, arith- metic, geometry, astronomy, and music, constituted the Quadrivium. Seneca, in the first century A. D., names all these as liberal studies save rhetoric and dialectics, which he doubtless considered as parts of grammar, in the wide comprehension which that term then had. Even earlier, Varro mentions them all as liberal, including two others which were later set aside as purely professional. All these subjects were considered and taught, not as speculative matters which might be investigated and * On the Evolution of the Trivium and Quadrivium, see a learned article in the Educational Review tor December, 1891. TRIVIUM AJ^D QUADRIVIUM 205 advanced, but as ascertained and practical bodies of facts which were to be learned and used. Most of them also included subject matters which are now assigned to departments of their own. Thus astrono- my included whatever of physics was known; geometry was not sharply separated from geography ; dialectics, which is properly the science of formal thought, com- prehended, besides logic, also ethics and metaphysics, on "which formal thought was then most employed; and rhetoric, the formal science of effective expression, had no definite dividing lines from politics and philos- ophy. Of all these sciences however, grammar was the least differentiated, or as Quintilian says of it, " It carries much more beneath the surface than it shows on its front;" for, besides the formal science of express- ing ideas correctly, whether in the vernacular Latin, or in Greek, which was then largely studied, it in- cluded the study, criticism, and expression of poetic and prose literature, whatever of history and mythol- ogy was studied, and, according to Quintilian's idea, music also, " since the grammarian has to speak of metre and rhythm." Indeed, this author seems in- clined to include within the scope of grammar sub- jects like astronomy and philosophy, since they might be needed to understand the allusions of the poets. This indefiniteness in the comprehension of terms now used with much precision needs to be carefully borne in mind in studying the educational history, as well of the Middle Ages as of Rome during this period; and nowhere is greater care needful than in regard to the wide extent of the term grammar. In breadth of 206 ROME, DYNAMIC PERIOD comprehension, indeed, it has a curious analogy with the Greek term music. It seems expedient in this place to give a brief ac- count of the subjects that during this period were un- dertaken in the schools, and of some of the better known text-books in which they were pursued. What we now know under the name grammar, as we have already seen, was unknown in the classic ages of Greece. Even Aristotle distinguished only three parts of speech, nouns, verbs, and conjunctions. Later the stoics made farther analysis of language, and the "Alexandrian scholars classified and named the phe- nomena of language as tanguage. " So far as is known, Dionysius Thrax, an Alexandrian scholar, about 90 B. C, wrote the first formal grammar, to aid his Koman pupils to learn Greek. Quintilian, in some chapters of the 1st Book of the Institutes, written near the close of the first century, A. D., shows that grammar had at that time taken nearly its present form; orthography was strongly emphasized, as was natural in a book on the training of the orator; etymology had taken complete form, with eight classes of words, inflection duly treated, and the importance of observing derivation impressed; syntax was also treated somewhat, under the title of solecism, and the authority of good speak- ers and writers in giving currency to language, was recognized; but he evidently recognizes no definite separation between syntax and what we would term rhetoric, and in this he is without justification. Elius Donatus, in the 4th century, wrote a work on the eight parts of speech and on solecisms and barbar- isms in language, which was long used in Europe, and GEAMMAR 207 forms the groundwork of the elementary treatises on Latin grammar. Later, probably about the beginning of the 6th century, Priscian wrote a treatise on gram- mar in eighteen books, illustrated by many quotations from Greek and Latin authors, some of whom are known only by his quotations; and an epitome of this work in the 9th century by Rabanus Maurus was popu- lar in the Middle Ages, insomuch that to make blunders in point of grammar was called " breaking the head of Priscian ". These two, the most famous grammarians in the Middle Ages, and still extant, were the only ones who had a connection even remote with Rome dur- ing the period we are considering. Of the branches included under the general term grammar, it may be said that during this epoch Greek was widely taught even in the higher elementary schools, chiefly by its use, and that Quintilian sug- gests that its school study should be begun a little earlier than that of the vernacular; that the chief works of Greek and Roman poets and orators received a large share of attention, an example that later ages have been slow to follow, especially as regards vernacu- lar literature; and that music, if it be included here, received little school attention, being remitted to in- dividual efforts. Of history as one of the subsidiaries of grammar it is fitting to speak less cursorily. The Romans were at all periods more interested in history than were the Greeks. Hence during this period several hand-books of history were prepared for school use, which were current for many centuries, and copies of which, as 208 ROME, DYNAMIC PERIOD well as of the grammars that have been mentioned, are still to be found in all considerable libraries. The most famous of these were those of Florus, 2d century, A. D., and of Eutropius and Aurelius Victor, 4th century, A. D. That of Florus, entitled " Epitome Rerum Romanarum''\ treats in four Books divided into 81 chapters of the period from the origin of Rome to the universal peace under Augustus. Without the notes with which commentators have overloaded it, it would fill not more than a hundred 12mo pages. The ^^ Breviarum Historia Romanae^^ of Eutropius in ten books would occupy but little more space than the preceding, and yet its survey extends from the origin of the city to the death of Jovianus, 364 A. D. These epitomes, and lives of distinguished men and of the Caesars by Aurelius Victor, satisfied the historic wants of the later imperial period and of the Middle Ages, at a very cheap rate. To make the instruction in history easier, also, the form of verse came to be much used; and it may be said that the use of verse as an aid to memory, was a common expedient in many kinds of study, not only in this period in Rome, but for many centuries after the downfall of the empire, and that relics of it may be found in some school books of quite recent times. There is some evidence of I know not how reliable character, that pictorial means were used to give liveli- ness to historical instruction. It is of interest also to know that the geographer Strabo advises that mythology, i. e., heroic narrations, should be used as an interesting introduction to his- toric study. He says: " In the instruction of boys we HISTOKY 209 should begin with myths, with the fables of the poets. The reason is this, that the myth narrates something novel, and does not depict the common-place. This is precisely that which arouses the desire of knowledge, whilst at the same time the impulse of the wonderful and incomprehensible heightens the satisfaction which constitutes another incitement to learning." Some modern teachers of History are beginning to use the principle embodied in this advice of Strabo, by commencing the instruction in history with inter- esting biographies and narations chronologically ar- ranged, a method which was recommended by Dr. Thomas Arnold more than fifty years ago; and on which two German teachers, Dr. Spiess and Prof. Verlet, have prepared a series of lessons in history in three concentric courses, made up of narrations of important historic events, of biographies of men who were centres of historic interest, and of legends 'like those of Hercules, the Trojan war, the early Eoman kings, and the J^ibelungen Lied. Those in each course are arranged in chronological order, and those in each succeeding course are intended to overlap and widen the circle of knowledge already gained in the preceding courses, while necessitating its review in its relations to the new acquisitions. If a historic school- book like this be compared with the meagre detail of facts in Eutropius and Florus, it will be seen^^both how great an advance has been made in school books of history, and that this advance is in the line of a hint given near the beginning of the century of our era by Strabo. 210 ROME, DYKAMIC PERIOD Of rhetoric and dialecties it is sufficient here to say, that as formal rhetoric and logic they did not differ very materially from the form in which they are now taught, constituting with geometry some of the most perfect products of the ancient scientific intellect; that in the Roman empire they constituted depart- ments of higher learning in special schools, which we shall presently consider; and that, during the Middle Ages, by their degeneration and perversion, they pro- duced that bastard offspring of the speculative intel- lect, the barren subtleties of Scholasticism. When we come to notice two of the remaining branches of the quadrivium, arithmetic and geometry, our attention is attracted to the slight taste which tne Romans displayed for mathematics. Their means of numerical notation were exceedingly clumsy, and ad- mitted of but a very limited development of arithme- tic. Hence in Rome during the period in question, and in all Europe during the Middle Ages, the use of arithmetic was of the most elementary character, for keeping the calendar and for very simple numerical calculations in business. The simple and convenient Arabic notation was little known in Europe prior to 100 A. D. ; and even since that time, the simplifica- tion of arithmetical operations which makes this sci- ence at present so easy and convenient an instrument, has been the work of comparatively recent years. As for geometry, which the Greeks, startiug with suggestions derived from Egypt, had carried to so high a degree of perfection, culminating in the com- pilation, arrangement, and extension made by Euclid HISTORY 211 Euclid, 300/—? B. C. Archimedes, 287-211, B. C. in Alexandria, and by Archimedes in Syracuse, the Eomans and their successors for many ages contented themselves with the more obviously important defini- tions and theorems of Euclid, which they applied solely to practical uses, in war and the measurement of land. Quintilian indeed (Institutes B. I. c. x.) shows a clear apprehension of the value of geometrical demon- stration as a discipline for the orator, — in sharpening the intellect and in training to close thinking; in pro- moting habits of orderly arrangement and logical de- duction; in enabling the detection of fallacies; and in so demonstrating the system of the celestial bodies as to prove that in their movements there is " nothing unordained or fortuitous "; yet his recommendation of geometry evidently wrought no change in Eoman practice, which was to use truths that others had proven, without troubling themselves to verify the validity of the proof, or to extend its application by investigation. As has before been remarked, geography was includ- 212 ROME, DYNAMIC PERIOD ed by the "Romans under geometry as one of its phases, possibly from their use of the latter in land measure- ment. While considerably cultivated during this period, geography owes its advancement mainly to for- eign aid: 1st, in the map constructed by Egyptians under the patronage of Agrippa, the friend and chan- cellor of Augustus; 2d, in the great work of the Greek JStrabo, who added the results of his own CKten- sive travels to the observations of his predecessors in preparing the seventeen Books of his geography, a work which is still preserved; and 3d in the treatise of the celebrated Ptolemy on topographical and math- ematical geography. The best known work on this subject from a Roman source is the sketch by Pliny in his Natural History, to which may be added a work said to be of some merit, written about 45 A. D. by Pomponius Mela, and a few other brief treatises, some of which were composed in verse, while all seem to be based on the map of Agrippa. In the 3d century A. D., a Gallic orator of Autun, in a speech favoring the revival of schools in his native city, says that the youth are daily practised in going over all land and seas on maps which present to their eyes the position, size, and distance of places. This notice is interesting as indicating the nature of geographic instruction, as also that it had extended from Rome to the provinces. We should naturally expect attention to geography on the part of a world- conquering people. Their attainments certainly con- stitute the high- water mark of geographic knowedge geography; astronomy 213 up to near the close of the 15th century. During this long period, the work of Ptolemy was the unques- tioned authority for whatever knowledge of geography was gained. " Astronomy received greater attention than geome- try in the schools during the imperial rule, — partly because it was indispensable for the fixing of the calen- dar and for chronology, and partly because during this period it was coming into increasing connection with astrology*." This, the most ancient of the sciences, since it had attracted the early observations of the Oriental peoples and the Egyptians, and had been in- dustriously cultivated by the Greeks from the days of Thales and Pythagoras, about 110 A. D., reached the form which it retained for nearly fourteen centuries in the famous work of Ptolemy. This work, known by its Arabian name as the Almagest, added the dis- coveries of Ptolemy to those of his predecessors and especially of Hipparchus; and, as is well-known, re- jecting the sagacious hypothesis of Pythagoras that the sun is the centre of our system, based its explana- tion of celestial movements on the idea that the earth is the fixed centre of the universe. This theory of Ptolemy gave the law to astronomical and astrological ideas, and to no small extent to religious ideas also, until the time of Copernicus. Aside from this great work, we know that the study of astronomy was popularized at Rome during the reign of Augustus by two versified treatises, one long known as the " Poetic Astronomy " by C. Julius *Schmidt-Geschichte, etc., I. p. 852. 214 HOME, DYNAMIC PERIOD Hyginus, a friend of Ovid, and the other, a still exist- ing versification by Manilius. This brief survey of the studies and chief text- books used, during this period, in the schools for gen- eral education, as well throughout much of the Roman empire as in Rome itself, has seemed expedient here to be made, because it not only shows the condition of the sciences at the time, but also indicates all and more than all that was attempted in any of them in whatever of instruction was undertaken, during the confusion of the Middle Ages, and up to the time of the great revival of learning. These branches constitute the celebrated Trivium and Quadrivium, which— too often in a very maimed and distorted form — were the literary means of culture for many centuries. It would not be proper however to close this survey of educational means without at least glancing at the arrangements for physical training. The old salutary physical training given in the family to fit boys for the duties of political and miWtary life, gradually disap- peared during this period. What provisions were made or proposed to take its place ? To this question a brief answer may be given; — publicly none. As a matter of private care and choice, athletic exercises such as running, riding, swimming, and ball-playing were practised by many of the youth on the Campus Martins and elsewhere. Attempts were also made and with some success to revive the old Greek gymnastics for the sake of health and strength, and these attempts were favored in the 2d century, A. D., by the cele- brated satirist Lucian and the still more famous Galen. Athletic associations were formed, ani flourishei for a PHYSICAL culture; libearies 215 time, but they probably disappeared before the down- fall of the Roman Empire. As concerns the accessibility of literary works, it is interesting to note that from the reign of Aiigusrus booksellers had their shops in the most frequented parts of Rome, and that the transcribing of books was practised with such skill and diligence that copies of many books could be purchased at reasonable prices. Also from the beginning of the empire, public libraries were cared for both in Rome and in some of the chief provincial cities. It is reported that in Rome during the 4th century, as many as twenty-eight public libra- ries existed, and that men of culture made these libra- ries places of meeting for study and conversation. Thus it may be seen that in Rome during this period abundant means of culture were presented and also made very accessible. It remains to be considered in what way these means were used, i. e., what were the methods of instruc- tion, and what the organization and functions of the various kinds of schools, elementary, higher, and special, which gradually grew up, and some of which in later times were encouraged by the state. The first of these points, with some subsidiary matters which naturally belong with it, we will examine here, leaving the larger question of organization to the succeeding chapter. For the methods of instruction which were employed during the dynamic period of Roman education, we have satisfactory sources of information in contempo- rary authors. Chief of these is Quintilian in the 1st Book of his Institutes, a work of the 1st century, A. 216 KOME, DYNAMIC PERIOD D., to which'may be added interesting hints by Lucian in the^2d century, and in the 3d by Dositheos, a Greek teacher in Rome. These methods, though of great interest because some of them have been perpetuated nearly to our own time, and because others might reasonably be'] used even now, may yet be briefly despatched. Reading was taught in the elementary schools by the alphabetic and syllabic method, which has not yet entirely disappeared from some of our more backward schools, though our language is not so well adapted to its use as were the Latin and Greek. Qnintilian recommends that objective aids be used in this instruction in the form of letters cut in ivory which children may handle and observe. It is possi- ble that his advice indicates a somewhat general use of such means by the better teachers. He also ad- vises that the more difficult words and combinations of sounds be diligently practised until they can be ut- tered with certainty and ease. Thus care was to be exercised from the outset to insure clear and accurate pronunciation. When the elements of reading were thus mastered, the pupils read portions of the native poets, analyzed them as to form and meaning, gave the proper inflec- tions to the metre, and then committed them to mem- ory. Dositheos thus describes his own boyish work : '* I read my lesson, which the teacher carefully ex- plained to me, until I understood the persons and the import of the words of the author. When bid by the teacher, I stopped and gave place to another pupil. I retained the explanations in memory, and when we METHODS OF TEACHING: READING 217 had taken our seats I went over by myself the instruc- tion as to facts, language, and metre. Returning to my place, when I was called upon I drew forth my right hand, pressed my left against my dress, and began to recite. I repeated the verses according to their measure, distinctly and with correct emphasis, and then I gave the paraphrase." This account is so artless, and yet vivid, that we seem to be assisting at a class exercise in reading in the 3d century. The teachers also read with their classes and ex- plained the ethical poets, doubtless as a means of moral instruction; and either dictated considerable passages from poets like Terence and Horace, or used instead school manuals of such extracts, analogous to modern reading books. We thus see the teaching was largely oral, and this too, not merely from the paucity of books, but, as may readily be gathered from Quintilian — from a con- viction that the living voice accompanied with looks, attitude, and gesture is needed to make a deep impres- sion on the minds and memories of the young. In the more advanced classes, prose works like those of Cicero, and the tragic, comic, and lyric poets were in like man- ner explained, with lessons on style and elementary grammar, and with illustrations from history and geog- raphy, the latter being aided by maps. Greek seems to have been widely taught, even in the better class of elementary schools. Quintilian even suggests that the school instruction in Greek should be a little earlier than that in the vernacular, a strange suggestion, and even more strange since the alphabets are unlike; later he thinks the instruction in Greek 218 ROME, DYNAMIC PERIOD should go hand in hand with the vernacular, and that it should be taught in the grammatical way. We gather however from Dositheos that Greek was most largely acquired by use and reading. The art of penmanship, which was especially essential in an age when books could be multiplied only by its use, was evidently taught at the same time with the elements of reading, and was pursued with great care for legibility and rapidity of execution, that pupils might be prepared for the necessary copying from dic- tation and for taking notes from oral teaching. Re- wards were offered to encourage skill in penmanship, and a species of short-hand was taught by special teachers. The practice work of pupils was executed on waxed tablets, with an iron stylus of which one end was pointed for writing, and the other flattened for eras- ures. The pupils imitated copies set by the teacher, at first apparently words that should introduce all the letters, and afterwards useful maxims. Quintilian sug- gests that to facilitate the acquisition of the move- ments, copies should be incised in a hard surface which the pupils might trace with the stylus, a device some- what akin to one that is now souietimes used, in copies faintly traced, over which pupils write following the tracing. The instruction in arithmetic, as has already been remarked, was confined to imparting a sufficient degree of expertness for practical purposes in the four simple rules. It was given by the elementary teachers, and was objectively aided by the use of the reckoning METHODS: PEN^MANSHIP; REETORIC 219 board provided with pebbles, as among the Egyptians and Greeks. The method of instruction in the written use of the vernacular, passing into rhetoric, as it is described at large by Quintilian, was admirable and effective. It was made up of a theoretical and a practical part. The theoretic study consisted in a careful analysis and memorizing of models of poetic and prose expression and of the modes of conveying, illustrating, and en- forcing ideas, passing thus into the study of formal rhetoric. The practical side of the study, which was vigorously pushed, consisted in declamations, in an admirably graduated series of exercises in composi- tion, and in a course of lessons in extemporaneous speech judiciously graded to growing powers. The English-speaking peoples have not yet approximated to the excellence of the instruction given at this time by Eomans like Quintilian in the art of composition and oratory. The methods of instruction in law and medicine will be best considered when we come to treat of the organ- ization of these with other schools. A few other mat- ters of interest may however be treated in this con- nection. We should for example here recall what has before been mentioned about the use of versified text- books. These became common in a number of studies, even arithmetic being set to numbers more or less har- monious; and their long-continued use proves that they must have been a great aid to the memory in ages when memory was perforce more burdened than now. The discipline in the elementary schools was severe, and was enforced by the rod and other corporal inflic- 220 ROME, DYNAMIC PERIOD tions. Quintilian however utters a vigorous protest against flogging as being slavish in character, as tend- ing to harden rather than reform, and as liable to be abused by injudicious teachers. Thus we have the same coarse modes of enforcing obedience, as in mod- ern times, resorted to by harrassed practical school- masters, and the same protests from the more enlight- ened spirits against rude physical punishments, sus- tained by much the same arguments. In the schools of rhetoric in Rome and its immedi- ate provinces, as well as at Athens, the discipline was exceedingly lax, and scandalous disorders were not un- frequent. This laxity and tendency to disorder not only sprang from the idleness and unruly disposition of many of the students, but too frequently was pro- voked by the affectations and peculiarities of teachers, their toadying to the rich, their canvassing for pupils, their lack of any originality in matter, and their obvi- ous catering for the applause rather than for the im- provement of their students. To check the lawlessness and disorders in the schools, laws were promulgated by some of the emperors regu- lating the registration of students, providing for testi- monials to character, forbidding student societies and too frequent attendance at theatres and places of con- vivial meeting, and punishing infractions of rules by public flogging and expulsion. Fines also appear some- times to have been imposed by these schools for dis- orderly conduct. Diligent students were allowed to remain at Rome until the age of twenty, when if they belonged in the provinces, they were required to return. discipline; teachers 221 to their homes. Guizot^ cites an edict of Justinian as an example of such restrictions. The social estimate of the elementary teachers and of many of the private tutors was low, their condition far from enviable, and their fitness for their position too usually small. AVorn-out soldiers, and even worth- less slaves often engaged in teaching as a last means of gaining a precarious livelihood. Their pay was very small, about four dollars a year per pupil with occa- sional presents, for the eight months during which the schools were open. The higher teachers of grammar, rhetoric, philoso- phy, and law were, on the whole, held in much higher respect, and enjoyed some special privileges. The sala- ries of some of the more eminent were considerable, and in later days were paid by the state, which also exercised the prerogative of appointment and remoyal. By decrees of many of the emperors, beginning about 150 A. D. with Antoninus Pius, a limited number of such teachers were exempted from all such burdens of the state as were inconsistent with their vosation, like military service and having soldiers quartered on them. Guizot, in the lecture above referred to, cites three edicts to this effect. As we shall see hereafter, in the later years of the empire the decay in other respects was attended by decay in education. Schools dwindled; attempts were made to sustain them by cheapening learning through the baldest epitomes; these attempts were of no avail' and Roman learning shared the fate of the empire, aud was buried beneath its ruins, — buried but not wholly lost. ♦History' of Civilization in France, Lecture TV. CHAPTER XVI ORGANIZATION" OF SCHOOLS AND HIGHEE EDUCATION During what I have called the dynamic period of Eoman education, the old simple frugal virtuous domestic life of the wealthier classes gradually disap- peared; and with this change, as has already been said, domestic education given by parents was replaced by instruction given by private tutors and by schools. Tutorships more or less restricted gradually gave way to the tendency to a more public education in schools, and schools finally assumed a more settled and differ- entiated character, under the Roman instinct of or- ganization, so that by the close of the 1st century, A. D., we may discern tne outlines of a regular and consistent system of schools, and a division of duties in the work of youthful training. This system may be graphically illustrated by the following diagram: School of literator Elementary School of gramma ticiis Secondary School of rhetoric Special School of jurisprudence, School of philosophy, School of medicine. Before proceeding to describe the somewhat distinct functions of each of these grades of schools, it will be weil to notice the relation in which they stood to the state. Elementary education was never made a matter of governmental care and oversight. The (222) ^0 PUBLIC ELEMEKTAKY EDUCATIOIn^ 223 emperor Xerva, indeed, near the end of the 1st cen- tury, decreed that destitute and neglected children should receive the elements of education at the public expense, but his well-judged effort proved futile. Sev- eral of his successors, as likewise some benevolent pri- vate persons, gave considerable sums to lessen the evils of ignorance among the poor, some of which gifts were evidently intended for the relief of children of the better class whose parents had become impover- ished, — with the results that usually follow gifts for education the recipients of which must openly ac- knowledge their poverty; but no effectual public pro- vision was even made to promote general elementary education, nor was any encouragement offered to edu- cation by the state, as among the Chinese and Egyp- tians. It always remained a matter of private con- cern*. On the other hand, state encouragement of schools for higher education began with the earliest emperors, and, with some interruptions during the reign of bad rulers, it remained as a settled policy throughout the centuries of imperial rule. This encouragement took several forms, ^-now, of the erection of buildings for lectures, of which the Athenaeum founded by Had- rian " for instruction in the liberal arts " is an exam- ple; now of the founding of public libraries of which mention has already been made as an educational means; again, of the payment of public salaries ac- companied often by senatorial rank to eminent profes- sors of the liberal and professional branches, the cele- brated Quintilian being the first professor who received * Schmidt-Gesch. der Pad. i.846. 224 ROME: SCHOOL ORGANIZATION^ a public salary in rhetoric; and finally, of exemptions granted to the higher teachers from many of the most onerous burdens of the state*. Hence " under favor of the emperors, there arose in all parts of the empire a highly developed high school organization " to which young men flocked from the less favored cities and provinces. All classes of schools had their vacations at the same time. Chief of these was a vacation of four months from June to October, rendered necessary by the climate of Italy and of the neighboring regions. Besides this there were many festival occasions which were holidays for the schools. Such, for example were the Saturnalia in December, lasting from three to seven days, and the five days of the festival in honor of Minerva which occurred in the middle of March. The organization and work of the several classes of schools indicated in the diagram given above may now receive our attention. The lower or strictly elemen- tary schools which received boys between the ages of about seven and twelve years, were taught by a class of teachers called literators. In these schools were taught the elements of reading, writing, and reckon- ing. When the number of pupils was large, the mas- ter had an assistant to aid him in his duties; besides which he called in the aid of the more advanced pupils for dictations and repetitions. The pupils were probably separated into divisions or grades according to their age and advancement. The schoolrooms had usually an ante-room where the pu- pils laid aside their over-garments; and they were pro- *Giiizot. His. of Civ. in Fraiuv. LciMiii-r 1\'. ELEMEN^TARY SCHOOLS 225 vided with an elevated seat for the teacher, movable stools for the pupils, and the appurtenances needed for the work of instruction, — such as book-rolls, reckon- ing boards, and geometrical figures. A prominent object was the rules of the school written in large characters, and hung upon the wall; doubtless also the rod to enforce the rules was rarely wanting. Both Dositheos and Lucian give us lively pictures of the school-boy, crawling out of bed at sunrise, washing the sleepiness out of his eyes, and setting out for school followed by an attendant to carry the articles that he might need. He mounts the stairs with quiet tread, lays off his upper garment in the ante-room, smooths his hair, not without a furtive peep into a small hand mirror, greets his teacher and schoolmates, and then, boy-like, begins a scramble for the convenient stool. Some of these schools, especially in large cities, advanced their pupils farther than others, and thus approximated their work to that of the grade above them. The masters of the schools next higher in rank were called grammaticus, i. e., grammarian. These, which may be called higher elementary schools, ad- vanced the boy much farther in the studies which were begun by the literator, including usually Greek, im- parting the elements of grammar in the modern sense of the word, reading and expounding the Jworks of the poets and prose authors, and giving 'an elementary introduction to the cycle of studies embraced in the trivium and quadrivium. Attendance in these schools ended at the age of six- teen, when the boy assumed the manly toga, and en- 226 kome: school okganization tered on the pursuit chosen by himself or by his parents. If this were of a forensic or other professional char- acter, his higher education began in the schools of rhetoric, which evidently bore much the same relation to the schools below and the specialized branches above as is borne by the higher classes of the German gymnasium and the French lycee, and possibly by the American college, to the grades below, and to the specialized work of the university or the professional schools above. Tliey were high schools which were encouraged by the state, and were gradually multiplied, to teach rhetoric with all which that name implied to a Koman, as a branch of polite learning adapted to fit a young man for a life of useful activity in the state ; schools of general culture, but not of disinterested culture, since they aimed to impart that which would be useful in the general course of life which educated but non-professional Eomans were likely to lead. It is evident from Quintilian and others that in addition to rhetoric, they presented so much of history, dialectics, philosophy, and jurisprudence, as was con- ceived to be needful for the orator, the statesman, and the man of affairs. Besides this, they evidently formed the stepping-stone to the study of law, to the pursuit of philosophy in the highest sense the word then had, and to whatever of study was then devoted to medicine. I am however inclined to think that the line of demarcation between the school of rhetoric and those of law and philosophy, was by no means sharply drawn. Such schools for the higher education looking to ora- SECONDAEY AND SPECIAL SCHOOLS 227 tory and statesmanship, according to Karl Schmidt*, certainly began to exist in Eome as early as 100 B. C. ; but they evidently were not common until the time of the emperors; for in Cicero's youth, boys aspiring to law, oratory, and statesmanship, still attached them- selves, according to the old Koman custom, to some distinguised advocate, whom they attended, and learned by observing his practice how they might hope to succeed. Under the encouragement of successive emperors, schools of both rhetoric and philosophy were multi- plied at Rome and in the provinces of the empire, and Schmidt gives a considerable list of those that are known to have become famousf. There is also evi- dence that in Rome during this period there were fre- quent literary competitions set for the ambitious youth in these schools, which served as well for tests of their progress in their studies, as for an incitement to efforts for distinction. The schools of philosophy received grown youths and mature men, and were a direct continuation of the schools of rhetoric. In them were taught, not only the doctrines of the several schools of philosophic thought, of which those of the stoics were most largely influential at Rome, but likewise dialectics, and, in those of the Platonists, mathematics. Their chief aim however was to promote the moral development of young men. In the language of Seneca, " Philosophy gives health to the soul, and is not merely the best but the * Gesch. der Pad. Vol. 1, p. 78.5. + lb. p. 870, See also Gibbon C.XX V, p. 542 of six volume edition. 228 ROME: SCHOOL ORGANIZATION only guide to morality, the sole teacher of the highest art, the art of living." Indeed, the best and purest spirits in Rome were conscious of the fatal void which the dying belief in the old religion was leaving in the soul of men, and they strove to fill this void with the tenets and maxims of philosophy. Since religion was no longer influential in furnishing the needful basis for morality, they took refuge in philosophy, as we see was true of Seneca, and vainly hoped to find in its precepts the support which their souls needed.' Some of the more zealous professors even displayed a mis- sionary spirit, striving, apart from their public teach- ings, to exert a direct personal influence on the dress, the manners, and the modes of living of their disciples. To this end, they invited favorite adherents to their houses, set before them frugal repasts, such as were becoming to philosophers, and entertained them with conversation in which the grave questions of philoso- phy were mingled with sportive sallies, and with topics of the hour treated in a lighter vein. The example of such symposia proved contagious, and spread among the students, who established their own philosophic clubs, in which each member in turn furnished the materials for the feast, and questions were set with a prize for him who should answer them best. *' These questions referred to the explanation of dark passages in an author, or to the investigation of an incident in history, or to the proof of a philoso- phic proposition, or to the refutation of some fallacy, etc." It is obvious how useful in an educational sense such student associations are capable of being SCHOOLS OF PHILOSOPHY 229 made if conducted in the right spirit, which unfortu- nately they are too likely not to be. If, as we have seen was true in Athens, the specu- lative spirit, which is the soul of philosophy, did not long survive the founders of the various schools of thought, much less was it to be expected that it would exhibit any vigorous life among the Romans, whose strongly practical spirit was always averse to speculation. The best efforts of the schools of philo- sophy seem therefore never to have exhibited any strik- ing originality of thought or in its application; their attempts to educe from the doctrines of the ancient sages principles for the better guidance of life were powerless to check the progressive decline of manners; and they themselves shared the tendencies of a people, who, from lack of any high ideal aims, were gliding surely to decay. The schools of philosophy were the nearest approach that was ever made at Rome to a disinterested culture, a culture whose chief aim was the elevation of the human personality; but they began it at too advanced an age of their disciples, when early habits are little likely to be overcome; amongst a people whose heredi- tary tendencies had become utilitarian by uniform transmission through many generations; and finally, with too narrow a basis of studies, addressed to but a fraction of the spiritual nature. Of the instruction in medicine given in Rome, very little is known with any certainty. The names of most of those who became famous as physicians are those of Greeks or Orientals, some of whom received enormous fees. The schools of medicine of Alexan- 230 ROME: SCHOOL ORGAN^IZATIOI^- dria enjoyed a high reputation for centuries, and to come from there was a great advantage to a young physician; yet the large gains of celebrated physicians certainly offered strong inducements to enter the med- ical profession; and there is a great probability that a number of medical schools existed in Rome and its vicinity; that they were started by the gathering of young men to noted physicians; that the young man desiring to become a physician went to. his medical study after completing his course in rhetoric ; and that, besides the study of medical works, of which those of Galen, the supreme authority in medicine during the Middle Ages, were the chief, during the last centuries of the empire there was also a kind of clinical practice, since the poet Martial com- plians that physicians go to the bedside of their patients attended by a throng of stu- dents, and that a hundred icy hands explore the body of the sick person and cause him torment. It is not surprising that so little should be known of the training for a profession whose most useful services are performed in privacy by the bedsides of the sick. We know however that quackery was not wanting at Rome, and that works analogous to our modern " Household Practice of Medicine " were current, evidently intended for family use, and that injsome of Cladius Galen, 130-200? A. D. medicin^e; law 231 them the usage was followed of popularizing knowl- edge by presenting it in verse. In the case of a people so celebrated as the Romans for their legal skill and the excellence of their system of jurisprudence, we should naturally expect more definite information about their mode of training for law, than has reached us in respect to medicine. In this expectation we are not disappointed, for the sources of information are abundant. In earlier times, as we have seen, the instruction in law was gained with that in oratory, by young men attaching themselves to some eminent advocate and learning their profession from his counsels and from observing his practice. From this primitive custom sprang the first schools of law, and these beyond a doubt originated in Rome. Groups of young men who had finished their course in the schools of rhetoric col- lected about some famous jurisconsult, who instructed them in the laws and the modes of practice, and who, finding the employment agreeable, received successive classes of young aspirants for forensic honors. In this same way, about the beginning of the 12th cen- tury, the university of Bologna originated through the assembling of young men about the celebrated jurist Irnerius. The instruction in law at Rome was therefore a mat- ter of purely private concern, the students choosing their preceptor and paying the fees that he demanded for his services. From these voluntary assemblages of students arose the schools of law; and so rapid was their growth, that in the reign of Tiberius, early in the 1st century, A. D., there already existed in Rome 232 ROME: SCHOOL ORGAKIZATIOK two great rival ^schools. One of these, called the Cassian, was conservative in character, held to a strict interpretation of the edicts and judicial decisions, and was favorable to the imperial rule; the other, called the Proculian, was rationalistic in its teachings, desired to base law on the universal conception of justice, and advocated the republic. In this manner during the dynamic period there arose^in the Roman empire three great centres of legal instruction, viz., in Rome, as early as the 1st century; during the 3d century in Berytus, where Ulpian and Papinian taught, and in the 5th century in Constanti- nople. We have no reason to suppose that these were the only schools of law in so vast an empire, but merely that they are the best known to us from the celebrity of their teachers. Indeed there are indica- tions that the instruction in law never wholly ceased in some favored spots, even during the confusion of the darkest periods that succeeded the downfall of the Roman empire. The teaching consisted in part of a series of public lectures to which all had access, and in which inter- esting legal principles and questions were discussed. Of these lectures which were an introduction to the science of law, it is supposed that we have examples in the Institutes of Gaius, a celebrated jurisconsult who probably lived in the 2d century. Another part of the teaching which succeeded the public lectures was wholly private, and consisted of systematic in- struction in the laws, given to a small group of stu- dents, followed by an introduction to practice through disputations [on important legal questions. The lee- LAW 233 tures were probably given extemporaneously but from carefully prepared notes, as Plutarch tells us was the practice with professors of rhetoric and philosophy. From the instruction given in these schools sprang many legal text-books, such as the Institutes, which were treatises introductory to the science of law, the Eesponses or opinions of the author on legal questions, and the Digests, which were a systematic arrangement of the legal principles and decisions of a law professor or group of professors. The Institutes and the Digest or Pandects compiled under Justinian continue names earlier given to legal text-books. Such is a brief account of the series of schools which grew up in Eome during what I have called the dynamic period, the period of definite organization and differentiation of duties, as contradistinguished from the static period in which there was very little trace of organization. This system, as may be seen, was singularly complete, when we consider the times during it grew up and the means of culture then avail- able, and consider also that it was entirely a growth out of voluntary efforts to meet the needs of the times. Its fullest expression as a system coincides with the centuries of the imperial regime ; but its origin is to be found in influences springing from Greece, and act- ing during the two preceding centuries on a people fond of organization. CHAPTER XVII EDUCATIONAL OPINIONS OF EMINENT ROMANS As is true in all other history, the history of educa- tion naturally lifts into prominence the names of men who distinguished themselves in its annals, whether as the authors of works long influential on the course of instruction, or as teachers whose methods and example were of enduring influence, or as writers whose thoughts on education are either valuable in them- selves, or are important for purposes of comparison to exhibit the development of educational theories. Of those whose works were long familiar from their use in schools, several have already been mentioned, like Donatus in grammar, Florus and Eutropius in His- tory, Strabo in geography, Ptolemy in geography and astronomy, Galen in medicine, and Julius Hyginus, the versifier of astronomy. Besides these, it will be profitable to examine some- what more fully the pedagogical ideas of a few men who were of special eminence during the dynamic period of Roman education. These men were M. Terentius Varro*, reputed the most learned man of his time, Cicero the renowned orator, the philosopher Seneca, Quintilian the famous teacher of rhetoric, and Plutarch, who, though by birth a Greek, taught long at Rome, and has exerted an enduring influence on * M. rereutius N'arro, 116 to 27 1>. (.". (284) VARRO , 235 many generations by his biographies of great men. The educational opinions of such men are of unfail- ing interest, as well from the eminence of their source as from their own intrinsic worth. Tarro This manwas born of an old senatorial family, and was educated with the ancient Roman strictness at a time when Grecian fashions were becoming every day more prevalent in Rome. He was a participant in the fierce party struggles of his day, in which he served with distinction, and through which he gained the danger- ous honor of being proscribed by the opposing faction. On account of his vast learning, he was appointed by Caesar, whom as a partisan of Pompey he had opposed, to organize the library " through which he strove to lay the foundation of a universal literature for his universal empire." After the death of C^sar and a period of exile under the triumvirate, he made his peace with Augustus, and passed the remainder of his life in retirement and study, dying finally at the great age of eighty-nine. Though he was evidently a person of great social and political importance in his day, he was chiefly distin- guished among his contemporaries for the great extent and variety of his learning, and for his unwearied literary activity. He says himself that he was the author of 490 books, though others declare that his works included 020 books under 74 separate titles. Most of these are now lost or exist only in fragments. A treatise on " The Education of Children" which he wrote is known only from a few fragments; but from these it is apparent that he approves and recom- 236 ROMAN^ EDUCATORS: VARRO mends for children the strict care that was taken with his own early diet, dress, and sleep; that in early training, he lays great stress on fit companionship, on singing, and on sports, from which he would exclude all such as exert an unfavorable influence on the dis- position; and, most remarkable of all, that he insists that fear and all undue excitement of feeling are un- favorable to learning, whilst pleasure is an et'ective spur to it, — a principle that, emphasized by Locke and now generally admitted, is not fully acted upon by educators, even at the present day. It is also apparent that he gives some attention to the education of girls; since a fragment exists in which he recommends that girls should learn embroidery, that they may be the better judges of it and of all textile fabrics; and that they should not too early be allowed to discard the dress of the girl to assume that of the mature woman. The works which he wrote on school subjects are, however, of greater importance in the history of peda- gogy than his educational ideas, so far at least as we have any knowledge of the latter. Thus he wrote treatises on grammar in the wide sense of the word, one of which is a treatise on the Latin tongue, six of whose twenty-four books* have come down to us in a somewhat mutilated condition, yet conveying items of information not elsewhere preserved. He wrote also works on antiquities, on rhetoric and philosophy, on geometry and its application to land measurement, and on agriculture, the last of which has been preserved •Hook V to X. » CICERO 237 and is valuable as a source of information on ancient husbandry. Most interesting of all, is his statement of what he considered school subjects or liberal arts. In this he includes nine, being the entire Trivium and Quadrivi- um, and also medicine and architecture. He thus omits from Cato's list war, agriculture, and law, probably on account of their technical character; but includes two subjects which later were omitted as purely professional. This list of Varro was probably the forerunner of the seven liberal arts of the Middle Ages. Cicero Cicero, renowned for nineteen centuries, not only as Demosthenes, 384-322, B, C. Marcus Tullius Cicero, 107-43, B. C. an orator with no peer save Demosthenes, but also as the consummate master of the resources of his native tongue, is a good representative of the dynamic period and of its ideas at a time when old Eoman habitudes had largely yielded to Grecian influences. Born of a good rural family, his extraordinary youthful promise caused him to be educated in the city by the best 238 ROMAN EDUCATORS: CICERO teachers of the time, one of whom was the poet Archias, whom in after years he defended in one of his best known orations. To great talent, he joined an equal industry in mas- tering all that related to eloquence, philosophy, and law, the first two from Greek masters, the last from Q. Mucius Scaevola, the greatest lawyer of that period, to whom he attached himself after the ancient Roman custom. Thus his training combined in itself both the old and the new, with the Greek mode prepon- derating. This predominance was increased when, after winning his first oratorical laurels at home, at the age of twenty-seven he repaired to Greece, and spent two years at Athens and Rhodes in the farther pursuit of the Greek rhetoric and philosophy, and in correcting some defects of voice and delivery.* From this time his history is generally known. His rapid rise through all the grades of office until he reached the consulship, his suppression of the con- spiracy of Catiline, and his prominent part in the events of the troubled period during which he lived, are recorded for us in orations of his, which, from their frank egotism have an autobiographic interest. At the age of sixty-four he fell a victim to the revenge of Antony, whom he had bitterly denounced in his philippics. His views on education, which entitle him to notice in this connection, are to be gathered from incidental remarks, occurring in his philosophic and rhetorical works, and having reference chiefiy to the training of the orator; and very much of their importance is due to the well-earned celebrity of their author. * Schmidt, Gesch. der Padagogik. Vol. I. p. 813, 4th enlarged edition. HIS EDUCATIONAL PRINCIPLES 239 They may be thus concisely stated : (1) Education begins in early childhood with impres- sions made upon the senses, especially in boyish sports, and hence, during this impressible period, great care should be exercised with regard to surroundings, com- panions, and example of parents and friends. (2) Boys should be accustomed to hardships and practised in patience, and should be aided and en- couraged to choose the best men to whom to attach themselves as disciples. (3) The feelings of youth should receive careful direction, that they may avoid excesses and sensual indulgence, may be regardful of the old, and mindful of the claims of morality, and especially may have a keen sense of honor, coupled with a desire for distinc- tion. (4) Much care should be given to the cultivation of memory and to storing it with choice passages from the best authors; and, to aid memory, he strongly recommends a mnemonic system ascribed to Simonides, in which things to be remembered are associated in an orderly manner with the parts of some familiar place.* (5) The young man should choose his vocation, pro- vided that it be respectable, with sole reference to his tastes and capabilities. (6) For the orator, in addition to native talent and predilection, there is needed a thorough training, which, besides a noble and free early education, should include industrious practice in both oral and written expression of thought, and an exact knowledge of law and justice, of history, especially that of one's native * De Oratore, Book II, C. 86-88. 240 ROMAN" EDUCATORS: SE^^ECA country, and of philosophy, which is a school of virtue. (7) The study of Greek, i. e., of some foreign lan- guage, is of great importance to the orator. (8) The results of a study of nature and of man, and thus of education in general, are of little worth unless they tend to right action: i. e., the trend of education should be dominantly moral. From these opinions, it may readily be seen that in Cicero the current of Greek ideas is still mingled with not a little love for the old ways, that he has no regard for disinterested knowledge, and that indeed all is Roman and utilitarian. As regards the value of thor- ough preparation for one's life work, the example of Cicero is of greater pedagogical interest than any edu- cational views that he incidentally expressed; for it shows us to what mastery of all needful subjects mat- ter, to what pains-taking preparation, and to what minute study of the niceties of his native language, both in use of words, and in choice of modes of ex- pression, much of his unequalled excellence was due. Seneca Seneca, famous as the greatest Roman writer* on philosophy, was born at Cor- dova in Spain. From his great youthful promise, his father, Seneca the Rhetori- cian, noted for his remark- able memory, destined him to the career of an orator, and educated him at Rome. Here he followed the lec- tures of the philosophers j^ucius ANNrKTTThNKCA 3 h. c more zealously than those of 95 a. d. CHIEF END OF EDUCATION" 241 the rhetoricians; and though possessing considerable powers of eloquence, he cared little to use them in for- ensic contests. He was early made senator, and filled some honor- able offices, but from certain suspicions of unworthy conduct, he was banished to Corsica, where he re- mained several years, studying philosophy, writing philosophic treaties, and indulging in most unphilo- sophic repinings and entreaties. Recalled to Rome, he was made tutor to the youthful Nero, whose depraved nature afforded little encouragement to the lessons of the philosopher; and finally, at the age of sixty-nine, he became one of the many victims of his former pupil. His educational opinions are incidentally expressed in his philosophical essays, and some of them, from their felicity of expression, have passed into pedagogic maxims." His idea of the chief end of education is that it should guard against effeminacy, the passions, and vain fancies; should promote self-rule, truthfulness, and a reasonable self-confidence; and should insure purity of morals and serenity of soul. Character therefore is his aim. To obey the Divine Power is freedom, in his opinion. But man is destined to act as well as to reflect, and readiness to do both should be developed in him. Virtue must express its growth in deeds, and permit the gains of study and of thought to show themselves in actions. Seneca clearly recognizes the innate differences in individual abilities and proclivities, and the consequent 242 EOMAN EDUCATORS: SENECA need that educators should shape their requirements and modes of procedure in view of these differences. He believes, not as some more recent theorists seem to have believed, that the native dispositions can be wholly changed by education, but that they may be profoundly modified thereby, — that " by wise laws, and above all by a prudent training which joins strict- ness with mildness, the tendencies to evil may be cor- rected, whilst the desirable dispositions may be brought the sooner to their highest possible perfection." Discipline he would have as mild as is consistent with the attainment of its object in the moral advance- ment of the young. Like the Grecian philosophers, he thinks that the spirit is weakened and made servile by slavish treatment, but that it uplifts itself and learns self-confidence by judicious praise. Punish- ment should be resorted to only as a final necessity. "He who punishes much punishes unjustly;" hence in its infliction there should be no haste nor anger, for " punishment tends so much more to reformation as it is determined on with deliberation." He would never permit a child to gain anything by begging humbly for it, nor to overcome by obstinate per- sistence; but on the other hand, he would freely grant to him when quiet and self-respecting, fitting things which would have been refused to his humility or his cries. N"or likewise does he think it well that youth should be frequently overcome in equal competitions, lest they should become timid and wanting in a proper confidence in their own ability. These ideas on the management of the young are obviously in harmony with the best modern thought on this subject. RELATION?" OF TEACHER AND PUPIL 24:3 The relation which Seneca would have established between teacher and pupil would be marked on the one side by kindly and conscientious care, inciting on the other to noble endeavor and to efforts for spiritual elevation, the teacher distinguishing himself not so much by what he imparts as by the spirit in which he imparts it, and winning for himself a permanent hold on the pupil's gratitude, rather by his benevolent and friendly disposition, than by any skill he may display. " Such an one," he says, " who shares his all with us and awakes our slumbering powers, we must hold in as high esteem as a kindly physician, or as our nearest and dearest relatives." He clearly recognizes the truth that in education example is more effective than precept, and that pre- cept to be effective must be illustrated and enforced by the lives of teachers and parents. His pointed state- ment of this truth has become the familiar pedagogic maxim ' ' Longum iter est per praecepta, breve et efficax per exempla,^^ — long the route by precept, short and effect- ive by example. He sighed for the good old times and the vanished virtues of Rome, and wished that education might, as in ancient days, be limited to what is applicable and useful in life From a change in the form but not in the idea of his complaint in this respect, has arisen the maxim so often quoted by utilitarians, '' Non scholae sed vitx est docendum,^^ learning should be not for school but for life. Seneca's idea of the useful, however, differed from that of the present day; for, while he would eliminate from education all useless things, he believed that philosophy as the doctrine of virtue is 244 ROMAN EDUCATORS: QUINTILIAN" the study most truly useful for life, and that the "liberal arts" of his day should be pursued as pre- paratives to philosophy and virtue. In education as in all other things, due moderation should, he thinks, be observed. The burdens imposed on youths should be fitted to their powers, and especially a confusing multitude of things should never be allowed to distract their attention. Far better that they should devote themselves to a few good authors than that they should, skim over many. '"' Nonmulta sed multum.^^^ not many things but much. Likewise he discourages much cur- sory reading, as merely distracting attention and nourishing superficiality, his oft-repeated maxim " Timeo hominem unius libri,''^ I fear a man of a single book, concisely expressing his sense of the benefits of intellectual concentration. In conclusion we may say, not only that many of his philosophic teachings are of pedagogic import, direct or remote, but also that some of them have so strong a flavor of Christian truth that there have not been lacking suspicions that he was at heart favorable to Christianity ; and there have even been made efforts to connect him with another illustrious victim of Nero, the apostle Paul. M. FaMus Quintilianus, 40 to 118 ? A. D. This celebrated rhetorician and teacher, who has be- queathed to succeeding ages a treatise on oratory of rare excellence, and has embodied in it an account of the means and methods of instruction in Kome at this period, more complete and satisfactory than any other that antiquity has transmitted to us, was born in a PERSOIs^AL HISTORY 245 small city in Northern Spain, near the borders of what is now the province of \avarre. The exact year of his birth is not known, but from circumstances in his early education, it is thought to have been about 40 A. D. Early in life he went to Rome for his education, and there the residue of his life was spent, with the excep- tion of a brief sojourn in his native country during his early manhood. He adopted the profession of an advocate, in which he gained distinction; but later he became a public teacher of rhetoric, and his success in this vocation was so great that he had the honor of being the first professor who received a salary from the imperial government. iVfter twenty years of service as teacher, as he tells us, he abandoned a public career, measurably at least, and, at the instance of his friends, he entered on the preparation of his still widely-known Institutes of Oratory. From the introduction to the 4th Book of the Institutes, we learn that while engaged in this work, the emperor Domitian appointed him tutor to his grand-nephews; and this same emperor of evil repute also bestowed on him the title and insignia of the consulship. Somewhat late in life, he married a young girl who died at the age of nineteen, leaving him two sons, the younger of whom died not many years after the mother, followed a few years later by his elder brother, a prom- ising child on whom his father had centered great hopes. These domestic incidents we learn from the introduction to the 6th Book of the Institutes, in which Quintilian has left an affecting eulogy of these 246 ROMAN EDUCATORS: QUINTILIAN members of his family, the last of whom had recently died. He is supposed to have died about 118 A. D. Such are the few facts that are known, about the life of Quintilian, nearly all of A^hich are gathered from the Introductions to the 1st, 4th, and 6th Books of the Institutes, and from occasional allusions to his career in the body of the work. His accounts of Roman elementary education, with his own ideas on some important questions in regard to it, will be found in the 1st Book of the Institutes and the first few chapters of the 2d Book. Of the remainder of the work, which is devoted to the train- ing of the orator, the first chapter of Book 10th is im- portant as a suggestion of a course of reading, and of the manner in which authors should be read; the sec- ond chapter of Book 11th, for its discussion of memory and of the means by which it may best be improved; and the first two chapters of Book 12th, for the depic- tion of the character of the ideal orator, which is in most respects equally good as what would doubtless have been his characterization of a good and well- instructed man. Since what has already been said of methods of instruction, of subjects of elementary study, and of the comprehension of studies, has been derived largely from the Institutes, we may here limit ourselves to a survey of Quintilian's opinions on several important educational topics. He has a high opinion of the average capacity of boys. "You will find." he says, "the greater num- ber of persons both ready in apprehending and quick in learning, since such quickness is natural to man. — Dull and unteachable persons are no more produced in the usual course of nature than are those marked HIGH OPIKION^ OF boys' CAPACITY 247 by monstrosity. Among boys, good promise is shown in the far greater number; and if this promise disap- pears in the progress of time, it is manifest that not native ability but care was wanting." This high opinion of average human nature is doubt- less far more just than many educators are willing to grant, who are ready to attribute to the parsimony of nature meagre results which are largely due to their own lack of skill and intelligent care. A natural correlative to this opinion is a high estimate of the efficacy of early education and early impressions. Like other ancient writers, Quintilian strongly emphasizes the abiding effects of early influ- ences, and the strength of early habits, especially those of an objectionable character, which, like the flavors given to new vessels and the colors with which white wool is dyed, adhere, he says, with singular tenacity. Hence all the child's associations need to be guarded with especial care. He recommends also that in early years boys should learn many useful things by way of play, that maturer years may be spared for more serious tasks. This fruitful suggestion of Quintilian waited long before being embodied by Froebel in the kindergarten. Though, like Froebel, he would include the elements of reading in this early in- struction, he would have it retain carefully the charac- ter of an amusement, that the child may conceive no distaste for learning, and he Frederick froebel, 1782-1825 248 KOMAK EDUCATOES: QUINTILIAN would have it attended with praises for small success and the delights of small victories. Like Locke, he lays great basis on the choice of a teacher, on his character, and on the importance of his work. In Book 2d of the Institutes, he sketches his ideal of a teacher, — a man pure and elevated in morals, endowed with perfect self-control, attracting the affection of his pupils by his benevolence of char- acter, tempering authority with mildness and courtesy, dignified yet easily accessible, judicious in bestowing praise and in the criticism of efforts, an ardent ad- mirer of all that is good and noble, fond of the work of instruction, and able and eminent in his calling. "For my part," he says, " I do not consider him who is unwilling to teach little things in the number of preceptors; but I argue that the ablest teachers can teach little things best if they will;" and in an- other place, he says, " AVould Philip king of Macedon have wished the first principles of learning to be com- municated to his son Alexander by Aristotle, the greatest philosopher of that age, and would Aristotle have undertaken that office, if they had not both thought that the first rudiments of instruction are best treated by the most accomplished teacher, and have an influence on the whole course?" Furthermore he impresses on teachers thus fitted for their vocation the necessity of studying the special tastes, abilities, and dispositions of their pupils, that they may guide themselves by such knowledge, and never " overburden their weakness ". He would also have them observe due alternations of vigorous appli- cation and refreshing play; and make use of such PREFERS PUBLIC TO PRIVATE SCHOOLS 249 incentives as praise and the desire of honor and dis- tinction, rather than blows, which he considers a pun- ishment fit only for slaves, tending to harden boys or to make them abject, and wholly needless if their tasks, adapted to their abilities, be regularly exacted. With regard to the importance of developing a high type of moral character, Quintilian is no whit inferior in emphasis to Seneca; and, since he is intent on the proper education of the orator, in the 12th Book of the Institutes he makes it the foremost requisite that he should be a good man, morally upright and just; and he adopts Cato's definition of the orator as "a good man skilled in speaking". Such a character, he insists, "though it receives certain impulses from nature, requires nevertheless to be brought to matur- ity by instruction," since it is needful that youth should learn what virtues are and be early habituated to practise them. So far as I know, Quintilian is the first among the ancients who has left recorded a definite defence of public education against private tutorship. He answers at the outset the objections to schools, on the score of danger to morals, and of the supposed greater effective- ness of instruction given exclusively to one or a very few pupils. As to the first, he thinks the danger of corruption in his time was greater at home than at school, and that the gravest risks to which boys were exposed were from the tendencies early imbibed from the vile example of parents. To the second objec- tion, he answers that the entire attention of a teacher cannot profitably be given one pupil, since the boy's 250 ROMAN educators: QUINTILIAN^ work in memorizing, meditating, and writing is hin- dered by any interference ; and that much of the work of instruction is such that " whatever be the number of the audience, each will still carry away the whole." In favor of public education he urges that boys should early be accustomed to publicity: (1) that they may not be abashed at the presence of numbers, since their duties as men will require them to be brought into frequent contact with their fellow men; (2) that they may acquire common sense, which can be gained only from society ; (3) that by measuring their powers against those of their companions, they may, on the one hand escape ennui, and on the other avoid " becoming swollen with empty conceit"; (4) because of the enduring "friendships which, formed at school, remain in full force even to old age, as if cemented with a certain religious obligation "; (5) because boys at school learn much by imitation of their schoolmates, and are spurred to exert them- selves by emulation, whilst receiving valuable lessons, not merely from what is taught to others, but by what is commended or corrected or reproved in them ; and (6) because of the economy of time of an accom- plished teacher, who can reach many by the same effort that he would use for one, and even more effectually, from the inspiration of numbers to the teacher, and the contagion of sympathy among the pupils. It is doubtful whether the argument for public edu- cation has been stated more completely and conscisely since the days of Quintilian. LOWER AND HIGHER EDUCATION 251 It is interesting also to observe that Quintilian felt himself moved to discuss with some warmth a question which is of present importance in our own country, — the question of the proper division of duties between schools of a lower and a higher grade, and the fixing of the stage of advancement at which youth should pass from the one to the other. In his day, the con- tention was between the schools of the grammarians and those of the rhetoricians; and in the first chapter of Book 2d of the Institutes, he takes part in this on behalf of the teachers of rhetoric with much clearness and cogency, proposing a suitable dividing line in a series of school work in which boundaries are more difiicult to fix than between the duties of high-school and college. His suggestions for the first steps in composition are so judicious that the teacher of to-day would find it profitable to study the 9th chapter of Book 1st and the 4th of Book 2d of the Institutes. In these first exercises, which pass from relation of fables to para- phrases of poets, thence to anecdotes and character sketches, and so to historic narrations, the matter is given and attention is fixed on varied and effective forms of expression. In all this he says: "Let that age he daring, invent much, and delight in what it invents, though it be not often sufficiently severe and correct. The remedy for exuberance is easy ; barren- ness is incurable by any labor." His suggestions also as to the teacher's treatment of such themes, tolerat- ing much, altering some things with clear reasons for the alterations, and praising others, but with the statement that there is something better to which the 252 KOMAN EDUCATORS: QUINTILIAN boy should hope in future to attain, are highly judi- cious and instructive. Since in the time of Quintilian memory was more carefully trained than is usual in these days of many books, his suggestions as to how it may be improved, though they contain nothing especially novel, will not be without interest, coming as they do from one who, according to his own account, usually wrote out and then memorized his speeches verbatim. At that time as now, certain mnemonic arts, or quasi mechanical contrivances for aiding memory, were warmly recommended. Quintilian gives a clear ac- count of some of these; but, while conceding that they may have some efficacy, since they are approved even by Cicero, he does not recommend them, because they burden memory with another thing to retain. The great art of memory, in his opinion, consists in frequent repetition, and meditation with fixed atten- tion. Second only to this is analysis, and arrangement in the order of thought. To these may be added as convenient helps vocal associations by repeating aloud;, local associations, as with the place on the written page; and some minor similarities and ideas of origin. To those of weak verbal memory he recommends to- memorize only their subject-matter and its order of arrangement, trusting to these to suggest fit expres- sion. This last recommendation accords with Cato's maxim already quoted (page 199) — " Get a firm hold of your matter and words will come fast enough." Finally the remarks of Quintilian on the choice of reading matter, on the manner of reading, and on the respective merits of various kinds of reading, accom- BOOKS AND READTN'Ct 253 panied by judicious criticisms and characterizations of the great authors of Greece and Kome, are of great pedagogic interest. This is the chapter* which the historian Gibbon says he had often perused with pleas- ure; and a portion of it is not without resemblance to attempts made recently to select the best hundred words in the English language, though the list of Quintilian bears more the character of a catalogue raisonn6. It is a pity that a chapter, otherwise so ex- cellent, should be marred by a fulsome eulogy of the tyrant Domitian. In the choice of books to be read, his suggestion that those only should be considered that have stood the test of time, would be thoroughly timely in this age of the multiplying of books, too many of which are worthless and hence are soon eliminated by the searching ordeal of the sound average sense of man- kind. The rule which he gives for selection is stated in concrete terms adopted from Livy, that the orator should first read Demosthenes and Cicero, and then those authors which most resemble these. This rule, reduced to a more general expression, would be to read first what is generally allowed to be very best in any department of literature, with full assurances that afterwards what falls far short of this high standard will meet with little toleration, — a severe but doubt- less wholesome rule. His advice as to the manner of reading is in all re- spects excellent. Thus he advises that we should read much rather than many books; that all reading should * Institutes, Book X. C. I. 254 EOMAN educators: quintiliai^^ be accompanied with intellectual digestion, '* that what we read may be committed to memory and reserved for imitation, not when it is in a crude state, but after being softened and as it were triturated by frequent repetition; " that we should read always with care and attentive consideration and not finally leave the thing read until we have gone over it afresh to assure the proper relation of the parts to each other; and lastly that our reading should be attended with judgment and critical discernment, since great authors "some- times make a false step, or sink under their burdens, or do not always equally apply their minds." His remarks on authors are always apt and pointed, and abound in animated and felicitous expressions; as, for example, when in speaking of Aeschines in contrast with Demosthenes, he says of him, " as being less confined in scope, he has more appearance of mag- nitude, yet he has only more flesh but less muscle; " but these critical estimates are too remotely related to pedagogy to need any special attention here. It is not too much to say that Quintilian treated with greater fulness and insight a greater variety of important pedagogic topics than any other ancient author. His work was of persistent influence on the pedagogy of succeeding ages; for it is said that the instruction in the monasteries used many of its sug- gestions until the 11th century. It was then lost from view for three centuries; and its rediscovery in the 14th century was a subject of rejoicing among the Humanists, whose theories were long influenced by its teaching. PLUTAECH 255 Plutarch — 1st and 2d Centuries, A. D. We come now finally to consider the services and the educational views of a man, who, tliough born in Greece, where he also closed his honorable career, yet spent a considerable portion of his active life in Eome; and who as a citizen and probably as an official of the empire, belongs equally to Greece and Rome. Plu- tarch, always most widely known as the author of the parallel lives of illustrious men, was a philosopher as well as a biographer. Just as in the " Lives " he brings together on equal terms the heroes of Greece and Rome, so in the edu- cational ideas which are ascribed to him, we find opinions derived from the Greeks and especially from Aristotle, modified and colored by the better kind of Roman utilitarianism. Hence he may without vio- lence be considered as a representative of the union of Greek and Roman pedagogy in the closing ages of antiquity. Although the "Lives" can hardly be called a pedagogic work, yet they are not without peda- gogic interest, both because of the wide educational influence that they have exerted during many centuries on the characters of men who rose to distinction, and because this effect of theirs was wholly in consonance with the method by which the ancient classic nations strove to train their youth to desirable types of char- acter, by familiarizing them through songs and narra- tions with the deeds and characters of heroic men. The pedagogical opinions of Plutarch are to be gathered frooi his essays, which are entitled " Morals ", especially from those on the Art and manner of hearing, on Marriage, and on the Means of knowing 256 ROMAN EDUCATORS: PLUTARCH our progress in virtue ; but chiefly from the essay- on the Training of children. The authenticity of the last-named essay indeed is doubted by some critics; yet it is generally included in his works, and in any case is of great value in the history of education as being what is probably the latest connected treatise on education that has come down to us from ancient days. The views of Plutarch on the early care and training of children, on the choice of a teacher, and on the nature of early discipline, coincide so closely with those of Quintilian, not to mention other ancient authors, that they need not be stated here. Some of his felicities of expression and illustration, in regard to these topics, have been used by such later writers as Erasmus and Montaigne, to adorn their thoughts, and will be met with in the dis- cussion of those authors. Plutarch makes the aim of education to be, so to habituate children to right and desirable things by a careful training, that when mature they shall be pleased ^ . Michael Eyquem de Montaigne only with the beautiful and 1533-1593 good, and shocked by the ugly and the evil. The character of man, he believes, is and remains a result of long continued habituation. Those only are to be considered complete men in whom are combined philosophy and public efficiency, or in other words, high spiritual culture and practical activity. This characterization of the complete man would NATURE, REASON, EXERCISE 257 aptly describe Plutarch himself; for besides being a philosopher and man of wide erudition, who for many years lectured on philosophy in Rome, he is believed by some to have been honored with the consulship in Rome, and is known to have held important offices in his native country. In education, he says, three things must conspire, — nature; reason, in which he includes instruction; — and use or exercise; and just "as in husbandry there is needed the concurrence of good soil, a good hus- bandman, and good seed, so in education, good natural talents need a good teacher and good doctrines and admonitions." Moreover, as in husbandry an unkindly soil may be greatly improved by thorough tillage, so he believes that a niggardly nature may be measurably atoned for by good instruction and diligent industry. Believing thus in the effectiveness of good training, he encourages teachers to much perseverance in their efforts, even in the case of youth who are apparently of little promise. As regards the subject-matter of education, since Plutarch recognizes speech and reason as the two chief indications of man's distinctively endowed nature, he urges that the greatest attenticn should be given to their due development. Hence the youth should be carefully trained to avoid all unconsidered speech, all loose and trifling conversation, and all mere extemporaneous declamation, and to aim at an elevated but not inflated style of speaking. To cultivate and inform the reason, all merely popu- lar trifles should be avoided, that the youth may de- vote himself to sound and wholesome learning, in 258 ROMAN EDUCATORS : PLUTARCH which the commoner sorts should, as it were, be merely tasted in passing, and philosophy be made the absorbing study: For, " as it is well to travel and visit many cities, but to dwell in the best, so youth, vvliile studying many useful things, should lay chiefest stress on philosophy." Philosophy, with Plutarch, means the science of our relations to our fellow beings, to the state, to our own inner and belter selves, and to the Supreme God, and thus comprehends a wide course of elevating study. It is interesting to observe how analogous the philosophic ideas of this enlightened heathen, like those of his immediate predecessor Seneca, are to the teachings of Christ, which were then obscurely per- meating all parts of the Roman empire. Aside from the study of philosophy, and as a prepa- ration for that public activity which he considers an essential part of the complete man, Piutarch would have youth receive sufificient gymnastic exercise to assure health and beauty, and a proper training for war by martial exercises and by hunting; would have the writings of the best authors furnished to them " as needful tools" which they are to be taught to use aright; in the essay on Music, he expresses the familiar Greek idea of the great and pervasive importance of music in education. Like Quintilian he gives young men wise advice on their manner of hearing and reading. In both they should be sober and circumspect, heedful as well to reject any evil suggestions that may occur in what they hear and read, as to let slip nothing good and useful. They should remember, he says, in reading PHILOSOPHY, GYMNASTICS, KEADIKG 259 some things, " that poetry like painting is an imitative art, a vocal painting as the other is a voiceless poem ; and hence, while they may admire the artistic pre- sentation of vile characters, they should by no means take them as models, carefully separating their admira- tion of the art of the poet or narrator from their moral estimate of the character presented." Plato, more judiciously, would have such things eliminated from what is presented to impressible youth; Plutarch, however, probably had in mind youth of more mature years, whom he would teach how to hear and read all things without harm. In the treatment of boys who are approaching maturity, lest the heat of passions should lead them into vices and excesses, Plutarch advises that they should be carefully managed rather than rigidly re- strained; that they should be quietly guarded from corrupting companions, and especially from toadies; that they should be familiarized with the career of great and self-controlled men; and, most of all, that their parents should be to them patterns of what they would wish their children to become. Finally, fathers are exhorted to let the remembrance of their own youth temper their management of their children, that it may make them a little blind to many things of minor consequences, and may guard them from hold- ing too close a rein on their well-grown sons. This is a pedagogic idea both wise and weighty; and, if it was much observed in ancient times in the man- agement of youth, I have never chanced to find it ex- pressed in any ancient author save Plutarch. Indeed, not a few well-meaning parents and teachers in our 260 ROMAN" educators: PLUTARCH enlightened age find it difficult gradually to substitute the kindly influence of experienced equals in place of the rigid discipline of early years, and thus to make easier to youth approaching maturity the transition to that career of independent self-direction to which they must soon be remitted. With Plutarch, ends the list of authors in the Roman empire who expressed any noteworthy views upon edu- cation. In the centuries which succeeded his death, that progressive decline in morals and manners to which all contemporary authors bear witness could not fail to affect the attention paid to the education of youth. Not only did men cease to treat educa- tional questions or even to think of them ; but the en- couragements to the pursuit of a learned career grad- ually ceased to be sufficient to overcome the natural heedlessness of youth. Their attendance at the civil higher schools, so splendidly encouraged by many of the emperors, gradually declined; and this decline was doubtless hastened by the unwillingness of the rapidly multiplying Christians to send their children to pagan schools. The teachers vainly strove to attract students by the desperate expedient of making knowledge superficial by epitomes and abbreviated treatises. The decay of the schools became markedly apparent during the 4th and 5th centuries, and in the 6th they ceased to exist, having long before ceased to have any elevation of aim or freedom of thought. Their disappearance marks the close of the ancient order of things, and of the education inspired by its ideas. A new type of DECAY OF THE SCHOOLS 261 education, based on an idea hitherto unconceived, was having its small and unnoticed beginnings, and was destined after ages of darkness and confusion, to open a new and brighter chapter in the history of both edu- cation and civilization. CHAPTER XVIII VALUABLE CONTRIBUTION'S OF ANTIQUITY TO PEDAGOGY Having now completed our survey of the educational history of those ancient nations which, whether from their prominence in the general history of the world, or from the importance of their services to learning, or from their present relations to mankind, seemed needful to our purpose to be known; and omitting any mention of some whose history, while interesting, seemed in no wise indispensable to our view, let us, in accordance with what was said in the introductory chapter, briefly survey the entire course of ancient times, and see what contributions of permanent value it has made to pedagogy. I. First of all, antiquity has exhibited to us the workings and results of all save one of the conceivable forms and types of ideal aims that nations can strive to attain by the education of their young. t In China, we have seen the passive family type of national education, inspired by the idea of worship of ancestors and reverence for antiquity, by which, like flies in amber, the nation has been preserved unchanged and unprogressive for untold centuries, owing its preservation as much to its unwavering adherence to one fixed idea, as to its isolation, and to the great re- wards which a paternal government holds out to high attainments in the kind of learning which its ideal (262) VARIETY OF AIMS 263 dictates; whilst the example of China may possibly suggest to nations in the future a mode of promoting learning as effectually as by schools supported by the state. The caste system of India with its underlying pan- theistic idea, and the monastic tendency of unalloyed Buddhism, both leading to quietism and to the extinc- tion of all manly endeavor, are of interest because of the unnumbered millions influenced by them. Of all the types of active national education, looking to some form of what Rosenkranz has called conquest^ the lowest doubtless was the Phoenician endeavor to conquer space in the restless enterprises of a tricky and conscienceless commerce; whilst the most respect- able by far was the Egyptian effort, inspired by the belief in immortality and in a righteous retribution after death, to pass as victors the limits of this mortal life by an upright career leading to embalment after death. The former, by the vices which it generated, led to the total destruction of the race, whose memory has been preserved chiefly by the great yet unintended services that it rendered in the diffusion of useful knowl- edge which it had anywhere gathered, or mayhap en- larged; the latter, though disfigured in the popular apprehension by many gross superstitions, raised a great nation, though a career of more than thirty cen- turies, to a high state of civilization, and left it finally to slow decay only when it had ceased to be a vital influence in the national life. The national education which looked only to exter- nal conquest, like that of Persia and Sparta, though in- spired in the former by an elevated religious idea, long 264 CONTRIBUTION'S OF Ai'TIQUITY ago taught Aristotle the lesson which is valid for all ages, of the folly of those nations which, in training for war, lose sight of the ability to enjoy peace and leisure with dignity The Athenian ideal of the office of education, tO' form a perfect body tenanted by a soul completly developed for the duties of citizenship, was a noble one, and produced fruits which, though evanescent for national independence, were brilliant and endur- ing in literature and art. It needed for its perfection something which could be supplied only by the Chris- tian and modern conception of the independent worth and immortal destiny of the human personality. The Roman materialistic conception of education in its merely utilitarian aspects has left us in its re- sults a lesson of which every age experiences the need, of the greatest heights to which such an education can hope to attain, and of the base depth to which it is likely ultimately to tend. The Hebrew theocratic ideal of God as the supreme ruler of men, and of men as all equals in His sight, long perpetuated in that tenacious race by a corres- ponding education which was reinforced by striking symbols and recurring national festivals, has been largely merged in the more complete Humanitarian idea of Christianity, for which it was a preparative. The experimental test which the ancient world has furnished us of the various possible conceptions that can prompt and direct education, is of peculiar value to modern times. It should stimulate us to strive more intelligently for the realization of our higher ideal of the worth and perfectibility of a humanity CURKICULUM AXD METHODS 265 which must make a complete and righteous use of this present life that it may thereby be fitted better for citizenship in the unseen world. II. The ancient world has bequeathed to modern pedagogy, in a more or less complete form, many of the branches of learning which it uses as means of education. Kot to speak of the important device of a phonic alphabet with all that it implies, it has demon- strated in Athens the efficacy in education of familiar- ity with a vernacular literature, a lesson that modern people have been slow to learn; has developed a sci- ence of grammar; has pushed to a good degree of completeness rhetoric, formal logic, and geometry; has developed the elementary operations with numbers, but save in the case of the Hindoos without devising any convenient system of notation; has emphasized the importance of music, and done something for its theory; has given us the beginning of geography and astronomy; and has left works of acknowledged value in medicine and jurisprudence. Besides this, two of its peoples have left to us a very rich and valuable lit- erature, which, during a large part of the last five centuries has been well-nigh the sole means for train- ing the young, which is still very widely used for tnis purpose, and which seems destined long to be so used by enlightened nations, though possibly in somewhat smaller measure. III. Furthermore, several ancient nations have trans- mitted to us valuable suggestions and exemplifications of methods of presenting subjects to immature minds. Both China and Egypt early invented the abacus to facilitate operations in numbers. Plato commends the ^66 CONTRIBUTIONS OF ANTIQUITY Egyptian use of objective methods in certain subjects, and Quintilian strongly favors and illustrates the use of such methods in teaching reading and writing. The name and fame of Socrates are associated with an inductive and developing method of singular excel- lence. Aristotle's method of observing and interpret- ing nature preceded by many centuries Bacon's exposi- tion and enforcement of the inductive process. Quin- tilian's mode of presenting rhetoric in its practical aspects has never been excelled. And the teachings of Jesus, though linked with our deepest and most sacred associations, as those of the Savior of the world, might profitably be made a pedagogic study, as unequalled models for the illustration of the most pro- found truths by the most familiar facts. IV. Though Greece, beginning with the sophists and the philosophers, may claim to have given to the world the germinal idea of high training, and to have wrought it out in a university of long-continued cele- brity, yet we owe to Home, as one might expect, the only good ancient example of a consistent school sys- tem, advancing by successive stages from the elements to specialties. We have seen that this system was an outgrowth of popular needs rather than an organiza- tion devised of set purpose by the ruling powers ; and that it received its first governmental notice only when it had already taken somewhat definite form as a series of schools consisting of lower and higher elementary schools, schools of rhetoric, and schools of philosophy, of law, and possibly also of medicine. Hence its re- semblance to good modern systems is sufficiently inter- esting. We shall have occasion to see in our future system; physical a^-d esthetic culture 267 studies that this resemblance is not a result of later imitation, since the modern evolution of school-sys- tems has been a growth from above downward. Hence we have here an example of the same universal needs of civilized societies, expressing themselves eventually in like modes of school organization, even in ages widely separated from each other. V. In this connection must be emphasized a remark that has before been made, that Athens has left us an example hitherto unequalled of what may be accom- plished in the physical and aesthetic training of an entire nation. One modern nation has already accom- plished much in general systematic physical culture, while others, whether wisely or not, have generally remitted it to the voluntary efforts of youth; but of the success of general aesthetic culture little can be said. Of the Athenian superiority in aesthetic culture, some portion was undoubtedly due to the special en- dowment of the people, but much more to the possi- bility of a far more exclusive preoccupation with mat- ters of taste than is permitted by the exigencies of our more complicated modern forms of life. Yet in any case, the value of the Athenian example is great, as showing what may be attained in aesthetic culture un- der favorable circumstances and by the use of proper ■appliances ; and the influence of this example is likely to increase rather than to grow less, as advancing civil- ization brings with it the opportunity and the need of widening the circle of refinement. VI. Finally, let us take stock of the educational ideas expressed by the ancient world which, whether from their intrinsic worth though only individually 268 CONTKIBUTIONS OE ANTIQUITY emphasized, or from a general consensus amongst theo- rists, are important to be elevated here into distinct view as valuable ancient contributions to pedagogic theory. 1. Plato and Aristotle, probably influenced by Spar- tan example, agree that, contrary to Athenian practice^ education should be made an affair of the state, estab- lished and encouraged by the State, as essential to the well-being and perpetuity of the State; and Plato alsO' proposed that it should be made compulsory between the ages of ten and sixteen. In our days, when nations are but recently assuming these duties, it is well to re- member that these ancient philosophers distinctly affirmed the right and duty of the State to educate, and that one of them was the first to affirm distinctly that the education of the young should not be left dependent on the ignorance or neglect of parents, nor on the unreasoning caprice of youth. 2. The idea that there is a progressive order of de- velopment to which all human beings conform in their advance from infancy to maturity, is distinctly affirmed by Aristotle, the order that he gives being first the body and the feeling, and next the intelligence; and he declares that the body and the feelings need the earliest training and habituation, the body for the sake of the soul as a whole, and the feelings for the sake of the intelligence. How important this study of the order of development of capabilities is becom- ing in the modern science of education, how ingenious are the attempts that are made to correlate it with the order of race development, and with what admirable- minuteness of research it is coming to be prosecuted ANCIENT EDUCATIONAL IDEAS 269 in the study of the early years of childhood, every well-instructed educator knows. 3. The ancient authors generally concur in empha- sizing the importance in early training of songs and narrations of heroic actions, and of familiarizing youth with the best stores of their country's litera- ture. This idea not merely was wise for ancient times, when the subjects for study were few, but is coming to be recognized as equally wise to-day when many sub- jects are clamoring for recognition in our schools; and in the most influential quarters, yre hear it de- clared that our vernacular literatures should be the last thing to be neglected in the education of the young, even if a diminished share of attention to ancient literature be thereby made imperative. 4. There is a consensus Qrf.opini<=tfi : among the an- cients as regards the permanency of the impressions early made upon the minds of children, and the con- sequent importance of controlling such impressions. Hence they concur in urging extreme care in the choice of nurses, attendants, and companions, that the language as well as the morals of the young may grow into right forms, that no evil suggestions may contaminate their souls, and no evil actions become familiar to their experience. Hence also the emphasis that is laid, especially by Plato, on careful selection of the examples with which the charms of poetry enchant the young in heroic songs and poetic narrations. The vital importance of the impressions made on the plastic minds of the young has long sirjce become an educational common- place; but are we sure that greater care is exercised 270 CONTEIBUTIONS OF ANTIQUITY to-day in controlling such impressions than in the- times of Plato and Quintilian ? If not, one of the- most valuable lessons that antiquity has emphasized has not yet been sufficiently heeded. 5. The dignity and importance of the teacher's office was pretty 'generally conceded among the ancient nations. The Chinese and the Jews emphatically affirmed it. The Hindoos and the Egyptians tacitly assumed it by committing its duties the one to their highest caste, the other to the sacred order of the priesthood. Amongst the Greeks, though the lower teachers were lightly esteemed, the higher and more learned were held in honor; Plato deemed the direction of education the highest of the chief offices of the state, and thought with Socrates that its services were toa precious to be repaid by money; and the wisest philoso- phers undertook the instruction of young men. In Rome, not less than in Greece, many of the in- ferior teachers were held in a contempt, which they seem'to have deserved by their character and the mean- ness of their learning, as we may judge by the account, that Plutarch gives of them; but the really able and worthy teachers were respected, were often richly paid, and received special honors and privileges from the state. No one has surpassed Quintilian in his high estimate of the qualifications of the teacher and of the nobility of his work, while Seneca draws an at- tractive picture of the relations that should exist be- tween teachers and taught. It appears therefore that among the ancient culture peoples a just estimate of teachers and teaching prevailed, and that where seem- ing exceptions occur, the reason for them may be found. ANCIENT EDUCATIONAL IDEAS 271 in the character and attainments of teachers them- selves. 6. It is interesting to observe that in China and Egypt, as well as in Athens and Eome, it was tacitly and perhaps unconsciously assumed that the higher education needed chief encouragement, and deserved to be fostered even where general education had no direct recognition. Thus in China and Egypt the high places in the state were open only to the learned; in Greece, the greatest philosophers devoted their talents and their fortunes to founding and perpetuating the higher learning; and in Rome, the most enlightened emperors erected buildings, granted salaries, and con- ferred special privileges, to encourage liberal culture. Nor does it seem that through this exclusive encour- agement to higher learning, elementary instruction de- teriorated, but rather that it was improved. Thus by the example of the ancient world, the assumption seems to be warranted that higher education deserves more fostering care from public sources than is usually accordei to it, and that elementary education must look for its improvement to an impulse proceeding from higher seats of learning. 7. The unanimity of opinion among the ancient theorists on the subject of school discipline, is some- thing remarkable. In ages during which the rudest punishments were prevalent in the schools as well as in the state, theorists concur in denounciijg corporal in- flictions as slavish in character, debasing in tendency, and usually futile for purposes of reformation. In- deed, an English writer aptly says that the unanimity of writers in condemning flogging has been parallelled 272 CON^TRIBUTIONS OF ANTIQUITY only by the persistency of the schoolmasters in con- tinuing to use it. The practice of teachers, however, in this respect is undergoing a slow amelioration, and the signs are not few that the milder discipline which the early theorists so generally advocated will ulti- mately prevail in schools. Let us also recall the judi- cious suggestion which Plutarch makes, that parents and teachers should gradually relax the discipline exer- cised over well-grown jouth, that they may be pre- pared for the self-direction of maturity. 8. Finally, the idea which in our days is more com- monly urged as a theory than generally observed in the practice of the schools, that all tasks set for the young should be carefully adapted to their powers of apprehension at the stage of advancement which they have reached, was not unknown in ancient times. Thus Seneca advises that the burdens laid on youths should be fitted to their powers, and that no greater ones should ever be imposed than they can easily bear; Quintilian says that skilful teachers will not overtask the weakness of their pupils, but will adapt their tasks to their abilities; and Plutarch, in order that youth may taste the pleasures of success, recommends that their powers be not put to too severe tests. These then are what seem to me the most signifi- cant contributions made by the ancient world to the theory and practice of education. They are obviously neither few nor of inferior worth. INDEX A star shows that portrait is given; q. indicates quotation. abacus 38, 219, 265 academy 133 active national culture 57 system 73 adaptation to capacity 272 administration 188,193 advantages of public education 250 ^schines 113, 254 oration of 110 aesthetics 68, 108, 109, 140, 267 age for education 39 honored 103 of pupils 115 agriculture 192, 236, 237 Agrippa 212 Ahriman 74, 75 aim of education 31, 256 of Chinese education 40 aims and spirit 18 Alexander 60, 69, 79, 176, 248 Alexandria 28, 70, 139, 229 scholars of 206 Almagest 213 alphabet 38, 265 (273) 274 HISTORY OF ANCIENT EDUCATION alphabetical method 123, 21 (> all-around training 68 Ammon Ka 59 Anabasis 75 Anaximander 142 ancesters 34, 36, 262 ancient customs 44 Ancus Martins 193^ Antoninus Pius 221 Antony 238 Appi us Claudi us , 198 apprehensi on 14(> Arabians 36, 51 Arabic notation 38, 125, 210, 265 Aramaic 92 Archias 238 Archimedes 211*^ architecture G6, 111 argumentation 132 aristocracy 98, 111, 138, 144, 150' Ari stophanes 113 Aristotle... 115, 119*, 120, 132, 133, Id-^^, 141, 160, 165, 176*-186, 206, 248, 255, 264, 266, 268 q 106, 107, 122 arithmetic. 37, 51, 113, 125, 126, 172, 204, 210, 218, 224, 265 arithmetical notation 125 Arnold, Thomas 209 art education 166 association 198 Assyrians 60 astrology 67 INDEX 275 astronomy 51, 67, 70, 78, 82, 90, 92, 109, 125, 126, 148, 162, 166, 172, 204, 205, 213, 265 Athenaeum 223 Athenian education..96, 97, 120, 129, 264, 265, 267, 268 philosophers 28,37 Athens 104, 107-186, 193, 202, 229 and Sparta compared 95-98, 128, 268 athletics 214 Attica 96 Augustus 208, 213, 215, 235 Aurelius Victor 208 authors 254 Babylon 91, 92 Bacon, Francis 185, 266 ball playing 102, 214 l)arbari sms 206 Bell, Andrew 52* Berytus 139, 232 blind obedience 128 boarding school 144 bodily cleanliness 76, 101 grace 117 perfection • 181 body, feelings, intelligence 268 Book of the Dead 58, 61 books 215 boys, capacity of 246 education of 74 boxing 118 Brahmins 51 Breviarum Historiae Eomanae 208 brevity 105 276 HISTOKY OF ANCIENT EDUCATION Buddhism 36, 46, 54, 65 Buddhists 187 Ceesar 235 Cambyses 60 Camillus ' 198 Carnac 59 Cassian schools 232 caste education 50 system , ...63- Catiline 23& Catothe Censor 196, 198, 202, 237 q 199, 24^ character, factors of 178 of man 256- study 248 China 24, 31-45, 47, 57, 65, 187, 223, 262, 265, 270, 271 Chinese pedagogy 42 Christ 129 as a teacher 94, 129, 258, 266 Christian education 22, 29, 87 Christianity 63, 264 Cicero 150, 217, 227, 234, 237*-240, 252, 25a q 195 citizenship 97 civil ization 23, 25 class distinctions 193 cleanliness 76, 101 clubs 138, 228 college 226^ colors 67 comedies 182 ii^DEX 277 Comenius 45 comic 171 companionship 236 competition 227, 242 completely developed manhood 202 composition 219, 251 compulsory education 92, 103, 109, 114, 169, 268 conduct taught 39 conformity to customs fundamental 44 Confucian classics 46 Confucius 34, 37, 38, 41, 42*, 47, 48 conquest 263 Constantinople 232 Copernicus 213 corporal punishment 219, 271 corps 136 correlation 268 courage 100, 102 courses 137 Court of the Dead 61 crime and pauperism 27 criticism 185 Crotona 143 crypteia 105 culture 82, 108, 189, 229 curriculum 128, 137, 265 cyclic poets Ill, 123 Cyropoedia 75 Cyrus 75, 77, 79, 187 dancing 37, 103, 118, 126, 173 Daniel 75, 91 Darius 79, 187 278 HISTORY OF AIs"CIEiq^T EDUCATION decimal notation 51,54 degrees 137 democracy 109 Demosthenes 237*, 253, 254 demotic writing 64 deportment 78 deposition 138 Dentsch, Emanuel 88 q 91, 93 devel oping thought 128 development, order of 268 dexterity 100 dialectics... 130, 132, 166, 167, 204, 205, 210, 226, 227 dialogues, see Socrates diet of children 64, 101, 236 Digests 233 Dionysius Thrax 206 discipline 68, 69, 103, 113, 138, 144, 219, 242, 271 Dittes, q 53, 160 dogmatics 52 domestic education 197 Domitian 253 Donatus 234 Dositheos 216, 218, 225 drawing 68 drunkenness 99 dynamic period 191, 201-215, 237 early impressions 269 East Indians 36 Ebers, Georg 79* education and labor 27 defined 169 IKDEX 279 education effects of 40, 257 embodiment of ideals 17-30 end of 241 educational periods 190 effeminacy 241 egoism 188, 189 Egypt 52, 57-72, 82, 97, 125, 136, 142, 143, 151, 174, 187, 263, 265, 266, 271 Egyptian method 172 Egyptians 65, 212, 213, 223, 270 elementary education 222 Elijah 93 Elisha 93 Elius Donatus 206 eloquence 196 eminent Eomans 234-261 endowment 134 endurance 100 engineering 66 Ephebi 115 Epicurus 133, 134* Epitome Eerum Romanarum 208 epitomes 260 Erasmus ; 256 ethics 92, 130, 132, 205 Ethi opians 60 etiquette 37, 39 Etruscans 194 etymology 206 Euclid 211* Eutropius 208, 209, 234 Evans, Arthur J., q 82 280 HISTORY OF Aiq-CIENT EDUCATION" examinations 47 example 198, 203, 243 expression 135 Ezekiel 81 factors of character 178 Falerian schoolmaster 198 family education 88 ties 106, 192 fees 149 festivals 89 Pichte 24 filial duty 128 love 34 reverence 40 finance 78 fines 220 Florus 208, 209, 234 food for boys 76 of children 64, 101, 236 foreign languages 122 formal examinations 127 fortitude 100 Francke 147 fraternities 136, 138 freedom of study 138 teaching. . 138 Froebel 247* Gaius^ Institutes of 232 vralen 214, 230* 234 games 95 geography 68, 70, 109, 211, 265 IN'DEX 281 geometry 37, 67, 113, 125, 126, 148, 162, 166, 172, 214, 205, 210, 211, 236, 265 Germans 24 Gibbon, q 136, 253 girls, education of 100, 102, 114, 170, 236 learn Greek 93 training of 39 glass-making 82 Glaucon 158 God, idea of 86 Golden Age of Egypt 59 Gorgias 133 government 144 gown 137 grades 224, 251 grammar 51, 92, 124, 204, 205, 206, 236, 265 grammarians 112, 251 grammaticus 222, 225 grammatists 112 great men 26 Greece... 28, 70, 180, 187, 206, 207, 233, 255, 270, 271 and Rome 266 Greek 84, 93, 207, 240 culture 191, 201, 202, 238 ' education 95-186 Griffis, q 46 Grote 133 q 75, 80, 108, 131, 142, 150, 160 gymnastic art 119 Guizot, q 221, 224 gymnasia 117, 133, 226 282 HISTOEY OF ANCIENT EDUCATION gymnastics 37, 68, 95, 102, 108, 110, 112, 117, 120, 126, 148, 170, 181, 183, 196, 25B gymnasts 117 guarding children 181 habits 147, 203: Hadrian 136, 223 hardening boys 239 harmony 148 of the spheres 148- hazing 137 health 148 Hebrews 28, 70, 86-94, 97, 270 education 22, 86-94, 264 law of 62 tenacity of 92 Helots 98, 99, 106, 192 Heracleids 138 Herbart 45 q 23 Hercules 209 Hermodamus 142 Herodotus 60, 73, 172 q 75 Hesiod 123, 171 poems of Ill hierogy phic forms 65^ higher education 271 at Athens 130-140 Hindoos 50, 187, 265, 270 Hipparchus 213 Hi ram 84 histories 127 INDEX 283 history 51, 92, 172, 207, 208, 226, 239 home education 116 Homer 103, 104, 111, 113, 123, 124, 171 q 160 Homeric poems 121 Horace 217 human personality 264 humanists 254 humanitarian 33, 96, 264 ideal 22, 129 hunting 102 Hyginus, 0. Julius 213, 234 ideality 189 ideas, force of 21 imitation 183, 239 immortality of the soul 61, 144 impressions upon the young 174 incentives to education , 65 India 50-56, 143, 263 individual judgment developed 128 responsibility 50 individuality 96, 106, 264 inductive process 266 industrial education 65, 81, 115 inflection 206 ingratitude 76 initiations 137 institutes , 233 of oratory 245 Instruction of Ptah-hotep 58, 66 intellec t 186 intellectual education 120, 122 284 HISTORY OF AN^CIENT EDUCATIOIS" i nternational law 193 introduetion 17 Ionic music 1 28> ironic 161 Isocrates 13o Israelites 58,64 ivory letters 216 Japan 44, 46-49 Japanese 24 Jerusalem 92 Jesuits 150 Jesus as a teacher 94, 129, 258, 266 Jovianus 208 judgment 128- jumping 102 jurisprudence 92, 188, 222, 226, 231, 265 justice 78, 188, 239 sen se of 77 Justinian 139, 221, 233 Kant, q ..23 labor and education 27 honored 110 Labyrinth 58 Lacedemonians 105, 151 Lancaster, Joseph 52^ land measurements 236 languages 1 27 Lao-tse 4 1 , 45 Latin race 187 laughable 172 law 51, 68, 78, 92, 219, 226, 231, 237, 239 laws of Plato .. 165 IKDEX 285 lax .discipline 220 learners 91 learning by doing 203 lectures 144 Leibnitz, q 21 liberal arts 237 liberator 224 libraries 69, 136, 215, 223, 235 library of Alexandria 139 Liddell, q 201 li terary culture 1 04, 1 7 1 instruction 103 literator 222 literature 112, 123, 126, 135, 265, 269 Livy 253 q :.198 Locke 120, 236, 248 q 163 logic, 132, 205, 210, 265 Lucian 214, 216, 225 q 120 lycee 226 lyceum 133, 134, 185 Lycurgus 99, 100, 103 lyre 171 Luxor 59 magi 78 Mahaffy, q 115, 139 maieutic 154, 161 man of affairs 226 Manilius 214 manners 104, 145 286 HISTORY OF ANCIENT EDUCATION manners, decline of 229 marriages regulated 181 Marseilles 1 39 master-builders 91 mathematics 51, 92, 127, 139, 148, 151, 210, 227 maxims 147 medicine 51, 67, 70, 78, 92, Vo . 219, 222, 226, 229, 237, 265 Memorabilia 154, 158 memorizing 123, 216, 219 memory 146, 239 training of 252 Mencius 44 Meneplitha 59 mental development 151 Mesopotamia 82, 143 metallurgy 82 metaphysics .151, 205 Metapontum 150 methods 40 of instruction 215, 265 Hebrew 93 military 189, 191, 196, 203 character 98 education 102, 103, 106, 115, 118 Milton, q 56, 188 mining 82 mnemonics 239, 252 moderation, possibility, and decency 185 modern languages 92 modesty .^ 76, 78 monasticism 56 IN^DEX 287 Mongolian race 44 monitorial system 52, 54 monotheism 86 monks 55, 70 monogamy 64 Montaigne 256* monuments Ill moral character 249 developm.ent 227 education 68, 76, 101, 104, 119, 121, 129, 147, 171, 239, 240, 259, 269 morality 228 morals 39, 144 code of 62 Mosaic code 86 Moses 57, 59, 68, 70, 88, 143 mothers 197 multiplicity of subjects 126 Murray, David 48* music...37, 68, 69, 102, 110, 112, 113, 114, 117, 121, 126, 128, 148, 168, 169, 170 171, 172, 174 , 183, 204, 265 scope of 108, 258 musical training 169 m.ythology 208 myths ..., 209 national education 49, 98 idea 34 natural history 92 nature, custom, reason 178 reason, use 257 Nero 241 Nerva 223 288 HISTORY OF ANCIEJS^T EDUCATION new education 201 Nicomaeus 176 Niebuhr, q 194 Nile 67 nirvana 55 notation 210 novices 145 novitiate 145 Numa 193 numbers 166 numeral systems 38, 125, 210 obedience 100, 192 observation 185, 203, 204 oldest book in the world 66 open-air teaching 52,113 Ophir 81 oratory 160, 219, 226, 239 order of development 186 organization 188, 193, 222-233 of education 140, 266 schools 202 orient 187 oriental ed ucation 3 1-50 peoples 22, 213 Ormuzd 74 Osiris , 61 orthography 206 outdoor instruction 77 overcrowding 127 Ovid 214 paedotribus 112, 117 pain, endurance of 104 IN^DEX 289 painting 68, 183, 259 Palaestra 117 pantheism 50, 53 papyrus 65, 67, 69, 125 paradise of children 49 parental honor 90 parents, duties of 23, 92, 259 reverence for 34 Parrhasius 155 passive education 55 Passover 89 Patinian 232 patrici ans 192 patriotism 192, 269 pauperism and crime ^ 27 pedagogic contributions from antiquity 262-272 pedagogue 112 Peloponnesus 98 penmanship 125, 218 pentathlon 118 penetralia 146 Pericles 96, 111, 126 Perioeci 98, 192 Peri patetics 134 Persia 73-80, 143,263 Persian education 97 Pharaoh 59 Philip 249 philosophic clubs 138 freedom ^ 135 philosophy 51, 130, 132, 135, 139, 185, 201, 203, 222, 226, 227, 228, 229, 236, 240 290 HISTORY OF ANCIENT EDUCATION philosophy the absorbing study 258 Phoenicia 80-85, 263 physical capability 1 00 culture 78 feebleness 32 training 75, 116, 118, 140, 170, 191, 196, 214 vigor 100, 106 physics 109, 151, 157, 162, 205 phy siogonomy 145 physiology 67 pictorial study 208 pictures 124 Pisistratus Ill Piraeus 136 Plato 60, 64, 65, 70, 115, 118, 121, 132, 133, 134*, 141, 149, 153, 157, 158, 160, 165*- 175, 176, 178, 179, 182, 185, 197, 268, 269, 270 q 79, 107, 114, 116, 117, 118, 122, 124, 125, 169, 265, 268 Platonists 227 plays 116 pi ay thi ngs 64 plebs 192 PI ei stonax, q 1 05 Pliny 212 Plutarch Ill, 141, 199, 234, 255-260, 272 and Plato 259 and Quintilian 258 and Seneca 258 q 9D, 101, 105, 137, 196, 197, 233, 272 poetry 51, 68, 259, 269 poli tical duties 203 IN^DEX 291 politics 130, 132, 135, 176, 185, 205 Pompey 235 Pomponius Mela : 212 Pontns 136 practical education 180,188 ethics 61 Praise of Learning 66 priestly education 57-72 priests as teachers 65 primitive education 19 printing, art of 36, 69 Priscian 207 private education 110, 112, 128, 135, 249 schools 39 probation . .V. 145 Proculian schools 232 progressive education 179 Proverbs of Solomon 90 Ptah-hotep, Instruction of 58, 66 Ptolemies 63, 69 Ptolemy 212, 213, 234 public education 128, 249 public professorships. 135 publicity 109 Punic faith 81 purity 148 pyramids 61 Pyrrhic dances 103 Pythagoras 70, 141-152, 142* 213 Pythagoreans 151 quadrivium 204, 214, 225, 237 Quintilian 217, 223, 226, 234, 244-254, 256, 270 292 HISTORY OF AN^CIEN-T EDUCATIOI^^ Quintilian, q 124, ...204, 205, 206, 207, 211, 215, 218, 220, 266, 272 Rabanus Maurus 207 Rameses 59 reading 37, 38, 51, ....88, 103, 114, 120, 123, 126, 171, 183, 216, 224 book 113 how taught 38 manner of 253 records of the past 66, 71 reformatory education 145 religion 143, 190, 203, 228 reh'gious ceremonies 109 ' el ement 97 festivals 69 instruction 102, 121, 124, 129, 147 sentiment 68 worship 118 Renouf, q 62, 70 Republic of Plato 165, 166 resignation 53 responses 233 retribution 68 after death 61, 144 rhetoric 130, 132, 135, 201, ...204, 206, 210, 219, 222, 226, 227, 236, 251, 265 rhetoricians 251 Rodes 139 rhythm 184, 205 riding 214 R Oman education 187-261 Rome 28, 29, 139, 140, 264, 270, 271 IKDEX 293 Rome and Greece 266 and Sparta 191-194 Romulus 193 Rosenkranz 22 q 55, 263 rules 225 running 102, 214 Samuel 93 Saturnalia 224 Scaevola, Q. Mucius 238 Schmidt, Karl, q 23, 36, 45, 47, 66, ...106, 110, 127, 138, 142, 149, 151, 194, 223, 227 scholasticism 29, 96, 210 school among the Hebrews 88 and family 64 code 110 of Pythagoras 141 schoolmaster, see teacher. school -room 113 schools of philosophy 135, 229 of the prophets 94 science 132, 143, 163 of education 18 sciences 70, 127, 166, 172 scientific education 148 scribes 91 sculpture 66,68 self abnegation 50 activity 147 assertion 50 control 76,162 denial , 54 294 HISTORY OF AN"CIEN"T EDUCATION self poise 104 preservation 23 rule 241 Semitic races 58 Seneca 228, 234, 240*-244, 249, 270, 272 q 204, 227 sense impressions 239 serenity 241 serfs 99 Servius Tullius 193 Shuking 36 Sidon 81, 142 Simonides 239 simpl icity 76 slave teachers 197 slaves 96, 110, 112, 125 smattering of subjects 131 Smith, William 117 q 142 Socrates. 115, 132, 141, 149, 153*-164, 172, 179, 186, 270 method of 155, 160, 266 Socratic institutions 130 solecism 206 Solomon 34, 80,;84 Solon 109, 111, 114, 123, 192 laws of 110 q 113 songs 95, 102, 121, 126, 171, 173, 195, 269 sophists 115, 131, 132, 136, 161, 181 teaching of 132 sound judgment 100 IKDEX 295 Sparta 95-106, 107, 109, 112, 127, 151, 180, 191, 192, 193 and Athens 95-98, 128, 268 and Persia 263 and Pythagoras 151 and Kome 191-194 Spartans 118, 187 speech and reason 257 Spencer, Herbert, q 19 Spensippus 134 Spiess 209 spirituality 189 sports 170, 173, 236 state education 73, 189, 222, 263, 268 statesman 226 Stoics 134 Strabo 208, 209, 212, 234 students societies 136 subject of education 40 swimming 102, 118, 214 stylus 218 syllabic method 216 syntax 206 sy ssitia 151 system of schools 222, 266 tablets 124 Talmud 87 q 93 Tao 41 Tarshish 81 Tarsus 139 taste 97, 103 296 HISTOEY OF ANCIENT EDUCATION teacher and pupil 243 estimation of 40, 53, 86, 221, 270 teachers 112 as slaves 197, 221 pay of 51, 161, 221 social position 221, 270 teaching, importance of 248 technical education 127 temperance ." 76, 100 Terence 217 Thales 70, 142*, 213 theatres 109 Thebes 59 theft 101 Themistocles 158 theocratic education 22, 86, 264 th eol ogy 68 Thibet 55, 56 thinking 147 Thotmes 59 Thucydides 172 q Ill Thirlwall, q 142, 150 Thrax, Dionysius 124 Tiberius 231 ti mocracy 193 tools 127 tranquil soul 181 trigonometry 67 trivium 204, 214, 225 truth 78 truthfulness 104 297 INDEX '^^^ Tschu-li -^^ Tusculnm ]ll . , 136 tutors Tyre ^^ TTi • 23•^ ^^P^^^ 114 United States ^^* universal education 1^^» ^"^^ ... 29 universities university of Athens 149,266 education ^^^ system ^^^ teaching -'""' utilitarian 162, 188, 189, 190, 202, 203, 229, 240 Varro 234-236,237 204 ^ 217 vernacular literature "^65, 269 Verlet ''^^ 208, 219 !5."^.-: ..198 Virsrinia virtue ^*^'^'^''f. von Raumer, q waxed tablets weakening ' whipping "• Williams, Dr., q ^^' ^^ Wisdom of Jesus, Son of Sirach 90 women, education of 48, 96, 118, 128, 168, 169 ■ position of writing.. .37, 38,51, 88, 103, 114, 120, 126, 171, 195, 224 in the sand ^ 298 HISTORY OF ANCIENT EDUCATION Xeonophon 73, 75, 153, 157 q 76, 77, 156, 160, 162 Xerxes 79 Zeller, q 142, 143 Zeno 133, 134* Zoroaster 74* THE SCHO OL 5 ULLETIK PUBLIC A TIONH.- History of Modem Education. The History of Modern Education. An account of Educational Opinion and Practice from tlie Revival of Learn^ ins to the Present Decade. By Samuel G. Williams, Ph.D., Professor of the Science and Art of Teaching in Cornell University. Cloth, 16mo, pp. 499. With 3T Portraits. $1.50. This is a revised and enlarged edition of what was upon its first appearance altogether the fullest and most com- plete history of modern education now available. It is the only adequate prep- aration for examinations, and a neces- sary part of every teacher's working library. The titles of the chapters will give some idea of its comprehensiveness. Those in italics appear for the first time in this revised edition. Introductory. Valuable contributions to i)edagogy from ancient days. I. Preliminaries of modern education. II. The Renaissance, and some inter- esting phases of education in the 16th century. III. Educational opinions •of the 16th century. IV. Distinguished teachers of the 16th century, JMelanchthon, Sturm, Trotzendorf, Neander, Ascham, Mulcasier, the Jesu- its. V. Some characteristics of education in the 17th century. VI. Princi- ples of the educational reformers. VII. The ITth century reformers. VIII. Temale education and Fenelon. IX. The Oratory of Jesus. Beginnings of American education. X. Characteristics of education in the 18th century. m. Important educational treatises of the 18th century: Rollin, Rousseau, Xant. XII. Basedow and the Philanthropinic experiment. XIII. Pesta- lozzi and his work. XIV. General review of education in the 18th century, "XV. Educational characteristics of the 19th century. XVI. Extension of -.•popular education. ILYYl. Froebel and the kindergarten. XVIII. Professional ■training of teachers, and school supervision. XIX. Manual and industrial training. XX. Improvements in methods of instruction. XXI. Discussion of relative value of studies. There are also added an Analytic Appendix, for review ; the Syllabus on the History of Education prepared by the Department of Public Instruc- tion for the training classes of the State of New York, with references by page to this volume ; and an Index of 13 double column pages, much fuller than in the first edition, )The Critic calls it, " sensible in its views, and correct and clear in style." The American Journal of Education says: "It is not too much to say that for all ordinary purposes Prof. Williams's book is in itself a much more val- oable pedagogical library than could be formed with it omitted." C. W. BARDEEX, Publisher, Syracuse, N. Y. OPINIONS OF Williams's history It is the fullest, most complete, and most satisfactory work we have on the »VLbject.—Uducational Courant, Sept., 1892, It presents the salient features, is interesting and yalnskhle. —Sunday School Journal, March, 1893. Believing it to he the best book of its kind, I shall use it in my classes.— Prof. W. M. 5to^r,Normal Department, Salem College, W. Va., Nov. 21,1892. This book is better adapted to our use than any other we have found.— Principal C. C. Bounds, New Hampshire State Normal School, Oct. 12, 1892. The volume is one of decided value, and is a miniature cyclopaedia of historical facts dating from the Eenaissance. — New York World, Aug. 21, 1892, Sensible in its views, and correct and clear in style, Prof. Williams's book Is well worthy of a place in educational literature.— The Critic, Sept. 10, 1892« A book worthy to take its place in the teacher's library alongside of Quick, Compayre, and Gill. — Western School Jmirnal, Feb., 1893. It is not too much to say that for all ordinary purposes Prof. Williams's book is in itself a much more valuable pedagogical library than could be formed with it ovaWX^^.— American Journal of Education, Sept., 1892. Throughout the book the author shows good sense in his judgment of men and methods; and, what is no small merit in the present age, he is- entirely free from hobbies. — Science, Aug. 26, 1892. The title of this book can scarcely suggest the rich and varied interest of the materials which it includes. It sums up for us the story of educa- tional methods and systems in all countries, from the middle ages down ta the present VAii.—Bevie^o of Reviews, Oct., 1892. I have received a copy of Williams's History of Modern Education, and having read three chapters I see it must be added to our library. Please send us two copies more .—Principal W. E. Wilson, R. I. State Normal School, Nov. 15, 1892. The author's style is clear and readable, his criticisms without color,. • * and the impression in our mind after perusal is that the author is not only one who ^Tjows, but one whose thoughts and conclusions are worthy of respect.— Popular Educator, Nov., 1892. It is a wonderful book for conciseness — a veritable multum in parvo, and still the narrative style is so constantly maintained that it reads more like a story than an encyclopaedia. It is both in one.— Principal 0. D. Eobinson, Albany High School, March 15, 1893. The outlook over the subject is broad, the views in many instances fresh, and the interpretation penetrating. The work is especially valuable as being at once comprehensive and compact, covering the whole ground, with each movement or phase of progress given in its due proportion.— Evangelist, Oct. 20, 1892. His method of treating the subject is eminently happy. The salient points of the history of education in that period are clearly indicated, and the as- cending curve of progress is sketched through them. Dr. WJlliame's style is delightful. Every teacher will be at onf *» T)leaged and instructed by a perusal of the \yo6)s..— Public Opinion. OPINIONS OF WILLIAMS'S HISTORY He has shown that he is a natural historian, for his omissions are those speculations and discussions which are too often found in other histories of education, which add nothing to the value of the history, and only serve topuff out the matter. * * * With such histories as Quick's and Com- payre's, Williams's will have an equal rajik,— Education, Oct., 1892. No teacher should long remain in ignorance of the growth of education and of the names and efforts of those who have through the years been shaping our system of schools. The author has been successful, we think, in selecting from the mass of matter that which is truly representative. The book is interesting in its substance and attractive in its makeup. We quote from it in another portion of the Moderator that our readers may form some idea of the style.— J/ijcA. Moderator, Sept. 22, 1892. The author has attempted to construct a clear, truthful, interesting narrative, within moderate compass. To make a wise selection from the vast amount of materials at his disposal, and to arrange it in the best form, was no easy matter. It required a broad knowledge and comprehensive grasp of the whole subject, together with sound judgment and good taste in selecting and arranging his materials. In our judgment the author has succeeded admirably in his undertaking. We commend the book most heartily.— Prof. S. J. Kirkivood, in The Post Graduate, Jan., 1893. Dr. Williams has chosen to write the history of education in a style inter- esting alike to the general reader and to the teacher. Hastily running through the story of the early attempts in educational affairs he gives the greater part of his work to recounting what has taken place within this century. The author takes full cognizance of all the influences which have been exerted through the ages upon the systems of education, and with a clear comprehension of the present status of education demonstrates the results which have come from the focussing of different streams of light.— Teachers' World, Feb., 1893. Dr. Williams has been throughout a close, discriminating student of edu- cational systems, both in their present form, and in their vicissitudes dur- ing the past few centuries. As a result of these two forces, he now presents the students of education with an exceedingly valuable contribution towards the history of teaching and teachers. Dr. Williams has been very success- ful in securing a proper balance between the different men and movements Few subjects give a better opportunity for the believers in this prophet or that to extol him as the one great leader. Just now it has been Comenius, while Pestalozzi, Frcebel, and Rousseau have never lacked over-ardent friends. All of these receive fair treatment in these lectures : treatment which may not entirely meet the ideas of this student or that, yet which always ensures a clear understanding of the man and his work, and the opportunity for honest, well-founded personal opinions. It is a book which must be on the shelxies of every student of education.— New England Journal of Ed'n. Oct. 20. 1892. THE SCHOOL BULLETIN PUBLICATTOXS Helps in the History of Education 1. An Outline of the History of Educational Theories in England. By H. T. Mark. Cloth, 12mo, pp. 139. $1.25. This work, published in 1899, gives the latest views, with advantage of the most recent investigations. Besides treating of Erasmus, Ascham, Mul- caster, Comenius, Locke, Milton, Bacon, Stow, Lancaster, Herbert Spencer, and Sir Joshua Fitch, it points out the influence of men less widely known, like Barclay, Sir Thomas Elyot, Colet, Wotton, Hoole, William Webster^ Lily, Wolsey, Cooke, Petty, and others. There are special chapters on physical, intellectual, technical, and moral education, with appendices on teaching of manners, on Sturm, and on Locke. 2. Lectures on the History of Education in Prussia and England. By James Donaldson. Cloth, 12mo, pp. 18.5. $1.00. 3. A Short History of Education. By Oscar Browning, edited by Chancellor W. H. Payne. Cloth, 16mo, pp. 93, with 39 portraits and 9 other illustrations. 50 cts. This is a reprint of the article on education in the Encyclopa?dia Bri- tannica, with notes on Comenius and Bibliography. 4. Sketches from the History of Education. By W. N. Hailmann. Paper, 8vo, pp. 39. 20 cts. This treats particularly of Luther, Bacon, Pestalozzi, Girard, Diester- weg, and Froebel. 5. History of the Philosophy of Pedagogics. By Prof. C. W. Ben- nett. Leatherette, 16mo, pp. 43. 50 cts. 6. Elementary Greek Educatioii. By Fred H. Lane. Leatherette, 16mo, pp. 85. 50 cts. 7. Port-Royal Education. Extracts from its leading authors, edited. With historical introduction, by Felix Cadet, French Inspector General of Public Instruction. Cloth, 16mo, pp. 400, with many portraits. $1.50. This volume makes available to the English reader the principal peda- gogical writings of Saint-Cyran, Arnauld, Lancelot, Nicole, De Saci, and other well-known authors of this famous institution, more influential in the history of education than any other single organization. 8. History of the Burgh Schools of Scotland. By James Grant. Cloth, 8vo, pp. 571. ,$3.00. These were the original free schools of the world. 9. The History of the High School at Edinburgh. By William Ste- ven. Cloth, 12mo, pp. 610. $2.00. 10. History of the Schools of Syracuse, N. Y. By Edward Smith. Cloth, 8vo, gilt top, pp. 347. With 85 portraits and 30 pictures of buildings. $3.00. 11. Teachers' Institutes, Past and Present. By James M. Milne. Paper, 8vo, pp. 22. 25 cts. 12. History of Educational Journalism in the State of Neiv York. By C. W. Bardeen. Paper, 8vo, pp. 45. 40 cts. 13. Educational Publications in Italy. By Piero Barbera. Paper,. 8vo, pp. 14. 15 cts. Written for the Columbian Exposition. ■THE SCHOOL BULLETIN PUBLICATIONS- Mark's History of Educational Tlieories " After an introductory view of the middle ages and the renaissance in England, the chapters treat of the theories of physical, intellectual, practi- cal, technical, and moral education. This leads under intellectual edu- cation to treating the growth of the application of psychology, the theory of interest, the theory of language teaching, and the theorj' of education orient himself in the field and guide himself to more extensive readings."— values. It is an outline treatment which is attempted, by which one may Wis. Journal of Ed'n. " An appendix contains some interesting and valuable collateral matters. The author's object, as he announces at the opening of his introductory chapter, is ' to restate the English educational ideals which were for the first time distinctly announced in the seventeenth century, and to trace them to their historical origin in the pre-Eenaissance era, the twelfth, thirteenth and fourteenth centuries.' The book appears to be an able and scholarly production."— SeraZcZ, Syracuse, N. Y. "A very interesting book for students of education is found in a volume of 140 pages, entitled An Outline of the History of Educational Theories in England, by Mr. H. T. Mark of Owens College, Manchester. The book con- tains so much condensed information of a very attractive and valuable sort that we hope to make it the subject of a fuller notice before long."— J'Ae Commercial Advertiser, New York. "Very instructive, very entertaining and very suggestive is the little work of Kev. W. T. Mark under the above title— a story of the theories of education in a country wbere such a thing as a system of education is still unknown. It is instructive to us, who are mostly English in our methods as in our language, to know that from the days of Alfred to the days of board schools education in England has been merely chaos, the dense Eng- lish intellect stumbling and blundering on from one mistake to another without definite plan or object or course and getting along somehow. It is really astonishing to have such a conviction forced on us, but there is no escaping it. On only one point has England had a thorough and consistent principle, and that is that if the master will only beat a pupil hard enough and often enough, and begin soon enough, he has done his full duty; and if the result is unsatisfactory the blame must fall on Providence. For the rest, those who were fond of learning would study anyhow; the others could go to Oxford or Cambridge and qualify themselves to misgovern the country. Now with county government granted to the cities, the board schools have come, and England must try what we call public educa- tion. With the example of our experience to guide her, it is to be hoped that she will avoid some of our difficulties and not accept the theory that the public-school system was intended to provide salaries for the female relatives of politicians and profits for text-book publishers and centractors,'* —New York World. Cloth. 16m.o, pp. 151. ^l.S5 ■THE SCHOOL BULLETIN PUBLICATIONS- Cadet's Port-Eoyal Education " Port-Royal Education, a sketch of its history, with extracts from its leading authors, edited by Felix Cadet, gives a little over a quarter of its pages to the history of the movement and sketches of the leading men con- nected with it ; the rest of the volume is devoted to translations from their works. The history is discriminating, critical, and valuable, and is illus- trated and further developed by the translations. In fact, one is brought by this book into the life and society of the Port-Royalists, enters into their aims and plans, and catches the spirit which animated them. This makes It a valuable book for the student of education who cares for more than the mere theories, for the human life and hopes which gave rise to them. There is no movement in the history of education which more de- mands this sort of study than that of the Port-Royalists, none more pa- thetic, and none offering so many brilliant as well as devoted meu and women whom it is a delight to know intimately. We commend this volume to the attention of our readers."— TFis. Journal of Education. " For those who are interested In the history of educational move- ments, as well as in the personal biographies of men who have played a conspicuous part in the religious discussions of France and the Nether- lands, the book is well worth reading and ownx^ig.''^— Sunday School Times. " The book gives a full and interesting account of the men and women who founded and conducted the Port-Royal schools and of their educa- tional ideas and methods. These include Saint-Cyran, Lancelot, Pascal, Nicole, Guyot, Arnauld, Coustel and others. About two-thirds of the book is filled with extracts from the writings of these authors on educational matters. It is a work that all engaged in the teaching of youth can read with interest and profit."— >S'yracMSg Evening Herald. " They taught children to write little stories and letters and even bits of poems in French. This was done by the class instead of requiring each member to work alone. An epithet was suggested by one, criticised by an- other, improved upon by a third. In each case a reason was required. The girls did not share these blessings. They were taught by nuns in the older way. They learned sewing, housekeeping, and singing. They learned to ' preserve rigid silence ' and, apparently, to pray without ceasing. When they were very good they were allowed to copy something. One hour a week was devotod to arithmetic. The school boasts that most of their play time was devoted to work. The older girls were allowed the favor of tell- ing one of their faults aloud, once a day. Perhaps these fragments give an unfair view of the book as a whole. It deserves a place in the library of pedagogy, both for the historical view it presents and for the suggestions, not yet out of date, which may be added to our methods." — The School Weekly, Chicago. Clotli, pp. 406, illustrated, $1.50. School Bulletin Publications NOTE.— Binding is indicated as follows : B hoards^ C doth, L leatherette M manilla^ 'P paper. Size as follows: 8:416 iwdiioditQS, 8vo, jjp. 1*16 ; 12:393 in- dicates 12mo, pp. 393 ; 16:389 indicates IGmo, 2}p. 389. Numbers preceding the binding and size give the pages in the Trade Sale catalogue of 1900 on which the books are described, the fullest description being placed first. Books preceded by a dagger (t) are selected by the State Superintendent of Public Instruction for the New York Teachers' Library. Books preceded by (T) are specified for instruction in New York training classes. Books starred may be had also in the Standard Teachers' Library, manilla binding, at 50 cts. each. 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C 16:276 1 00 t Geography of the Empire State. 101 , 79, 96 C 8:120 75 Outlines of Sentence- Making. 70 C 12:187 60 t Verbal Pitfalls. A manual of 1500 misused words. 45, 20, 68, C 16:223. 75 — * Authors Birthdays, Three Series. See above. * t Roderick Hume. The Story of a New York Teacher, 30, 21, C 16:295 1 25 * t Commissioner Hume, A Story of New York Schools. 81 C 16:210. - 1 25 Tlie Little Old Man, or the School for Illiberal Mothers. 65, 21 C 16:31 50 Teaching as a Business for Men. 43, 53, 54 P 8:20, 25 The Teacher's Commercial Value. 42, 53, 54 P 8:20 25 The Teacher as He Should Be. 42, 53, 54 P 8:24 25 Fitting Teachers to Places. (Only in volume b, Idw.) 42, 53 . . * t Teaching as a Business. The above four addresses in one vol- ume. 42, 53 C 16:154 ,. 1 00 Continuous Contracts for Teachers. C 16:48 50 Organization and System vs. Originality. 53, 54 P 8:9 15 The Tax-Payer and the Township System. 53, 54 P 8:20 25 So?ne Problems of City School Management. 53 P 8:16 25 Effect of the College-Preparatory High School. 52, 53, 54 P 8:5 15 History of Educational Journalism in Neiv York. 26, 53, 54, 96 P 8:45. 40 Educational Journalism— an Inventory. 53 P. 8:20 25 The Song Budget. 90Psmall4:76 15 The Song Century. 90, 91 P small 4:87 15 The Song Patriot. 90, 91 P small 4:80 15 The Song Budget Series Combined. 90 C small 4:250 50 Dime Question Books of Temperance Physiology, Book-Keeping, Let- ter-Writing. 69,100. Each 10 Barnard (Henry). American Journal of Education. Vols. I-XIII, XVI, XVII, XXIII, XXIX. Each, Half -turkey, 8: about 800 5 50 Letters, Essays, Thoughts on Studies and Conduct. C 8:552 3 50 ^Kindergarten and Child Culture Papers, etc. C 8:784 3 50 American Pedagogy. C 8:510 3 50 Military Systems of Education. C 8:960 5 50 The EdH Labors of, by Will S. Monroe. 36 L 16:35 50 (H.) Oral Training Lessons. 92,49012:136 75 Basedow (J. E.) .SfeteA o/, by R. H. Quick. P 16:18 15 Bassett (J. A.) Latitude, Longitude, and Time. 64, 60, 74, 96 M 16:42. . 25 (2) Bates (S. p.) Methods of Teachers Institutes. 59 12:76 $ 60 Batsdorf (J. B.) The Management of Country Schools. 54, 55 P 8:33 20 Beebe (Levi N.) First Steps among Figures. 61, 60 C 16:326 1 00 Pirpirs Edition. 61, 60 C 16:140 45 Beesau (Amable). The Spirit of Education. C 16:325, and Portrait 1 25 Bell (Andrew). An Old Educational Reformer. 39, 36 C 16:182 1 00 Bennett (C. W.) National Education in Europe. 54 P 8:28 15 History of the Philosophy of Pedagogics. 26 L 16:43 50 Benton (Emily E.) The Happy Method in Ntimher. 60 C 8:96 75 Bible in the Public Schools, Cincinnati case, 24:214,233. PSOcts. ; C 1 00 Binner (Paul). Old Stories Retold. 65, 21 B 10:64 25 * Birkbeck (George). The Pioneer of Popular Education. Memoir of, by J. G. Godard. 36 16:258 150 Blaokman (O.) 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