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 •ORATION 
 
 DELIVERED BEFORE THE 
 
 BEAUFORT VOLUNTEER ARTILLERY, 
 
 ON JULY 4th, 1850. 
 
 BV 
 
 WILLIAM HENRY TRESCOT. 
 
 f LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
 0D0a24141t.]i 
 
 -ES'TON 
 
 ^F n^ALKER AND JAMES, 
 
 i!i^- -.ay. 
 
Glass. 
 Book. 
 
 j2 '^ 
 
ORATION 
 
 ELIVERED BEFORE THE 
 
 BEAUFORT VOLUNTEER ARTILLERY, 
 
 ON JULY 4th, 1850. 
 
 BY 
 
 WILLIAM HENRY TREvSCOT. 
 
 CHARLESTON: 
 
 STEAM-POWER PRESS OF WALKER AND JAMES, 
 No. lai, East-Bay. 
 
 1850. 
 
v^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 ^V,^' 
 
Beaufort, bth of July, 1850. 
 Wm, H. Trescot. ftsq. 
 
 Dear Sir . We were appointed a Committee of the Beau- 
 fort Voltinte<'i Artitieiy to request of you a copy of your Oration for publicatioc. 
 Respectfully yours, 
 
 JNO. M. BAKER, 1 
 
 T. A. BELL, [ r, ■ 
 
 E. B. MEANS, \ <^'07nnnttee. 
 
 T. O. BARNWELL. J 
 
 Beaufort S. 61, July U/t, 1860. 
 To Memru. J. M. Bakek, T. A. Bell, 
 
 E. B. Mean.s, T. O. Barnwell — Committee. 
 Gentlemen : Enclosed I send you the MS. of tJie Speech, as you desire, and 
 take the same opportunity to express my acknowledgment of the compliment 
 which tlia,t request conveys. 
 
 With respect, 
 
 WM. HENRY TRESCOT. 
 
ORATION. 
 
 Familiar, as wt; are, with the presence of nature, few 
 realize that what appears so constant is but one perpetual 
 change. Dawn and twilight brighten and fade — seasons come 
 and go — vegetation blooms and dies — the mysterious tides 
 ebb and flow — but all the while old currents are widening — 
 new soils are forming — climates are changing — old lands dis- 
 appear — new lands rise to light, and at the interval of centu- 
 ries, the scientific observer notes that a great change has been 
 effected. So it is in the political world — administrations 
 change — diplomatists plot and plan — great battles are fought; 
 but all the while opinions are altering — commerce is chang- 
 ing its course — productions are varying — old States shrink 
 away — nevv- States grow into power, and again at the inter- 
 val of centuries the student of history sees that a great revo- 
 lution has been accomplished. And although there are in 
 the political, as in the natural world, abrupt and terrible de- 
 partures from this constant and gradual progress ; yet, the 
 general order of Providence by a sure and almost impercep- 
 tible change works out its great modifications without ap- 
 prehension or disturbance. Situated thus in the midst of 
 changes to which we are, ourselves, invohmtary contributors, 
 it is impossible for any human mind to compass the scope of 
 the world's history. Indeed, to us, all history can be but a 
 half-read play, the events and characters of which are beyond 
 our criticism as they will be beyond our knowledge, until the 
 closing of life's drama — that solemn tragedy, of which the 
 theatre is earth, mankind the actors, and the audience — God. 
 And the fact that it is thus impossible to guide our conduct 
 with a view to positive results in the future, proves that we 
 have long placed an exaggerated estimate on the influence 
 of individual intellect in the history of the world. Political 
 
foresight is the vainest of human pretensions, and it may 
 safely be asserted that in the history of the world, during its 
 most active period, there is no record of a solitary permanent 
 achievement by the political intellects of the times. And it 
 may further be added that all the great political results of 
 the world's history have been developed in the past without 
 the aid of, and often in contradiction to, the cabinet wisdom 
 of the nations. Look at two of the most important of mod- 
 ern events, the growth of the English colonial system and 
 the formation of the Federal Union. Examine the former 
 particularly. To what political intellect is it due ? Who 
 conceived and executed this grand creation ' Yet, look back 
 upon the past, and you can trace the great plan there- You 
 can see the first timid ship stealing into unknown seas — the 
 first hesitating barter between the curious native and the 
 cunning white — the first factory founded — the first fort built — 
 the first war waged, and then the vessels multiply into 
 fleets — the guns of the single fort are re-echoed from fortress 
 to fortress — solitary factories have spread into gorgeous cities, 
 and England owns another empire. The same process may 
 be traced in the growth of the Union, and here are two great 
 political results which have been eflected, not by the exer- 
 cise of a few pre-eminent intellects, but b}' the steady action 
 of national instinct, not endeavoring to provide for the future, 
 but accepting and accomplishing the consequences of the 
 past. If. then, we cannot act for the future, we are yet fur- 
 nished with a test to determine the character of those politi- 
 cal changes to which we may be parties, and the past, if it 
 does not aid us to prophesy, at least enables us to interpret 
 the present. The tests by which to judge the character of 
 any great political change may be stated briefly and gene- 
 rally. 1st. That when accomplished it is seen to be the ne- 
 cessary consequence of past events, which, when interpreted 
 by it, fall into the symmetry of a well ordered plan ; and 2d. 
 That it is not the work of a few superior intellects, moulding- 
 public opinion into conformity with political theories; but 
 that it is the action of a strong national sentiment. And here 
 it may be expected that, in accordance with the established 
 usage of the day, 1 should seek to illustrate these conditions 
 
7 
 
 in the history of the American Union and infer from their 
 application, a long- and glorious future ; but, fellow-citizens 
 circumstances warn us with fearful emphasis — 
 
 Trust no future, however pleasant ; 
 Let the dead past bury its dead, 
 Act — act in the living present. 
 Heart within and God o'er liead. 
 
 And indeed the unquahfied eulogy of seventy-four years 
 cannot, to-day, be repeated with truth. Three-quarters of a 
 century have verified the fears of the founders of the Union, 
 and each year has deepened the lines of sectional division — 
 roused into fiercer anger, sectional sentiment, and forced into 
 more fatal conflict sectional issues — until now, when we see 
 the reckless strife of selfish interest — the quick jealousy — the 
 strong antipathies that divide section from section and class 
 from class ; the most hopeful believer in the stability of the 
 country must acknowledge that while our forefathers framed 
 a government they failed to create a nation. For what has 
 been the great political triumph of our domestic legislation, 
 since the adoption of the Federal Constitution ? Why the 
 passage of the Missouri compromise. It was carried after 
 a struggle of unparalleled excitement, and was accepted by a 
 grateful constituency as the joint victory of wise statesmen 
 and a conservative people. Now, what is the Missouri compro- 
 mise but a broad declaration, that in the American Union 
 there are two people, differing in institutions, feelings, and in 
 the basis of their political faith— that the government could 
 not legislate for both on the same principles and on the same 
 subject, and therefore that as to certain matters of great po- 
 litical interest, they must, by an imaginary line, be separated. 
 Since that line has been drawn, the practical separation has 
 grown wider and wider, and circumstances have again forced 
 upon us the question— shall it continue ''■ Is there a mode by 
 which it may be obliterated and the tw'o people be made one ? 
 or shall this imaginary line become a real boundary, and the 
 two people, bidding each other a friendly but firm farewell, 
 enter upon their future paths as separate and independent 
 nations ? 
 
 I propose, therefore, to apply to the present times the tests 
 
I have suggested, and to enquire whether they indicate the 
 approach of some grave political change, or simply one of 
 those ordinary party excitements, at once the result and the 
 evidence of active political life. And the first thought that 
 strikes us in our endeavour to apply these principles is this : 
 The history of the world divides itself into certain periods, 
 ea,ch embracing some one great political system — these pe- 
 riods divide again into two eras — one in which the principle 
 of the age builds up one great empire — the other in which 
 that same principle developes a double nature which dissolves 
 the unity of the empire into separate nationahties. The em- 
 pires of ancient and modern times, all repeat the same pro- 
 cess, revealing, however, another remarkable principle — that 
 all the great political revolutions have advanced westward. 
 Beginning in Asia, the history of the world developed itself 
 by these alternate aggregations and dissolutions until at the 
 fall of Rome, advancing Westward, it filled up Europe also. 
 Then came the feudal system, building up all Christendom 
 into one empire and dissolving again into separate nations, 
 but completing almost in the moment of its dissolution the 
 discovery of the Americas, and thus advancing still further 
 westward. Then rose the colonial systems of the various 
 European powers followed, finally, by the American Union, 
 which gathering up into one vast commonwealth the people 
 of a continent, and still stretching westward, has reached the 
 Pacific. Thus, although we cannot anticipate our future, we 
 can trace our progress hither ward : see nation after nation 
 rise and fall, the great waves of time rolling the wrecks nearer 
 and nearer to our own shore, until at last acting the same 
 part they have all played, by the extension of our territory 
 to the pacific, we complete a great empire and resting upon 
 the extremest western verge, thus fulfil the circle of Provi- 
 dence. If then, just at this moment, this vast empire should 
 dissolve into separate nations, it would be only the fulfilment 
 of an universal political law — a law, the scope of which we 
 cannot at present comprehend, but which, through the history 
 of the whole world, has acted with unfailing regularity — a 
 law to the action of which we owe our own national exist- 
 
ence, and by which we may, under Providence, give rise to 
 some better and higher state of political being. 
 
 Another general principle in the revolutions of history is 
 this : that spring from whatever source, embrace interests 
 however complicated, they have always, in their final settle- 
 ment, obeyed the geographical requirements of the country 
 in which they have been accomplished. Rivers, and moun- 
 tains, and climates are more irresistible agents in the world's 
 history than we are willing to admit, and a great geographi- 
 cal division always developes a separate and individual na- 
 tionality. There is no exception, and the territorial wars 
 which have distracted Europe are, when properly undet stood, 
 the expression of a much higher and nobler principle than 
 mere dynastic ambition. Now assuming what the late speech 
 of the British Premier, on the colonial system, justifies us in 
 assuming, that the independence of Canada depends upon 
 Canada herself, we may look upon the continent as a collec- 
 tion of independent nations, free to make their own combi- 
 nations. Let us then unroll the map and examine its great 
 geographical features ; what are they ( 1. The almost per- 
 fect separation of the Pacific from the Atlantic shore- 2. 
 The existence of two great navigable outlets, the Mississippi 
 and the St. Lawrence, but little separated at their points of 
 furthest interior communication, and yet debouching at the 
 extreme ends of the continent, thus furnishing to each great 
 section its independent highway to the ocean. If we exam- 
 ine the maps more in detail we will find, and it is a curious 
 acknowledgment of the lines nature has drawn, that taking 
 some point about the junction of the Ohio, with the Missis- 
 sippi as centre, two systems of internal improvement and 
 communication have, in the few last years, developed them- 
 selves without any preconcerted plan, but in obedience to the 
 national instinct ; the one striking from Nashville and its 
 neighbourhood, southwards, towards the Atlantic at Charles- 
 ton, the gulf at New Orleans, and further on, through Tex- 
 as. The other tending northwards towards the Lakes and 
 through the neighbourhood of Wheeling and the old Cumber' 
 land Road, to Philadelphia, New-York and Boston.* 
 
 * Since writing tlie above I have met with the following passage, in some mea- 
 sure illustrating the same idea, although from another point of view. 
 
Add to this, the variety of production and the difference 
 of habits consequent upon that variety, and the conclusions 
 of the past press irresistibly upon the present. Applying, 
 then, the first test we suggested, if the present political 
 changes result in the disruption of this continental Common- 
 wealth into separate nations, we can accept this revolution 
 as the necessary consequence of what has gone before, as 
 the work of a great law — illustrated in th'^ fortunes of an- 
 cient empires — as the execution of a decree, written by 
 God on the mountains and rivers and plains of the new 
 world, in language unchanged from the time when the At- 
 zec first looked down from the Cordilleras on the table lands 
 of Mexico, and uninterpreted until the tide of Saxon inva- 
 sion breasted the surf of the Pacific, and the shout of tri- 
 umph proclaimed that the American Union had fulfilled its 
 destiny. 
 
 Let us then apply the other test. It is admitted by all 
 that the public mind is disturbed : that the gentle bond of 
 old associations is broken ; that old words of traditionary 
 enthusiasm fall cold on the ear ; that everywhere there is a 
 feverish anticipation of a great change; — whence is all this? 
 is it the skili'ul but mischievous work of party leaders, or is it 
 
 " It is true that Federal legislation has made a roundabout voyage, by New. 
 York, shorter for the Southern trade than the straight course to Europe, but there 
 is no part of the slave States whose natural port is not at home. Two great 
 lines of rail road will soon connect the Chesapeake Bay with the valley of the 
 Ohio and the Lakes. A third line wUl stretch through the Southwest to Mempliia 
 on the Mississippi, wliile a fourth will form a continuous luie parallel to the coast, 
 from Baltimore and Richmond through Columbia, to Katchez, with numerous 
 lateral feeders from the Piedmont vallies. Western commeixe can reach the At- 
 lantic by these Southern lines more quickly than by the Northern, and without 
 any interruption from ice and snow, in winter. They will concentrate a vast trade 
 at Norfolk, Charleston and Savannah.'' — The Union, Past and Ftdure, p. 34. 
 
 This passage is in much fuller detail than I felt at liberty to employ. The sub- 
 ject of the political geography of this continent is one of such vast fertility and 
 such aboundmg interest, that within the decorous limits of an oration, I could only 
 refer to it. Indeed, I must ask any chance reader whom these pages may be for- 
 tunate enough to find, to remember that my limits compel me to be very general 
 and very brief In making the above extract, I may be permitted to express my 
 unqualified admiration of the pamphlet from whicli it is taken. If Virginia has 
 many such sons, the " ti^otlier of States and statesmen" is still n nursinij mother. 
 
!1 
 
 the truthful instinct of national sentiment? To answer this 
 question, I must indicate briefly the outline of our political 
 history. When the Federal Constitution was adopted, it 
 was a compromise between two people, havino; some com- 
 mon sympathies and very many adverse interests, and who 
 were compelled into the presence of each other by want of 
 that great necessary of political life — a Governnjent. Now, 
 a government which should be only the expression of the 
 national intellect upon the national interests, cannot, in the 
 very nature of things, be created in advance. Every con- 
 stitution that history records, has been the result of tlie na- 
 tional powers called into exercise by the exigences of na- 
 tional history. Standing, then, upon the threshold of the 
 future, with all its magnitude and its mystery, how could 
 our forefathers pretend to define its course or prescribe its 
 channel. For just as surely as the germ of the plant con- 
 tains and compels the character of its growth and the na- 
 ture of its fruit, which no cultivation can change, so every 
 nation carries in itself the principles of its coming constitu- 
 tion, and no political contrivance can prevent its natural and 
 inevitable development. The constitutional legislation of 
 our revolutionary leaders must then be regarded simply as 
 efforts to aid the nation's progress towards its true and natu- 
 ral condition. To attach a higher consequence to their la- 
 bours, would be to elevate them above humanity. For it is 
 the privilege of God only to legislate for eternity, and that 
 privilege he has shared with no Statesman whom the world 
 has yet seen. This truth the founders of the Union did not 
 recognise. They deemed it possible to ocesife a Nation, and 
 posterity has pronounced the enactment obsolete. And it is 
 a most striking evidence of their wisdom as legislators, and 
 their necessary iu)perfection, as statesmen, that the consti- 
 tution which they formed, while it cannot govern us as one 
 people, should tlie two sections become separate nations, 
 would be the mosl admirably adapted form of government 
 for either. And this fact is in itself a demonstration, that 
 through the varied fortunes of the Federal Union, we have 
 been what we were at its organization, Iwo People. The 
 effort to reconcile these two people, and to sientify the Na- 
 
12 
 
 tion with the Government, is the key to our pohtical history. 
 Both parties strove to attain this end ; the Federahsts by 
 raising" the country up to the constitution, which, in point of 
 pohtical maturity was in advance of the popular sentiment. 
 And had it been possible they would have succeeded, for their 
 policy was unselfish, consistent, and firm; but they failed; 
 the country's future lay in a different direction. They would 
 have created a Nation one and indivisible. Providence in- 
 tended one that in its very extension should draw the lines 
 of its future dissolution. They having failed, the Republi- 
 can party reversed the experiment, and sought the same end 
 by striving to identify the constitution with the popular will, 
 and we are in the midst of that disastrous experilrient. It 
 has resulted in the developing of two popular wills — a North- 
 ern and a Southern — and in spite of the selfislTlwaution of 
 party zeal, against the vehement protests, and still stronger 
 example of party leaders, these two wills have concentrated 
 upon their fundamental principle, and stand opposed in un- 
 disguised and inextinguishable hostility. Fellow-citizens, 
 national sentiment is never slightly stirred. The same Prov- 
 idence who piled up the mountains and poured out the rivers, 
 in order to divide men into separate nations, has given to each 
 nation its peculiar institutions, its special character. He 
 knows when and how to harmonize them for his wise pur- 
 poses ; it is our duty to preserve those national distinctions 
 in their vigour and purity. When, then, in any country you 
 find two [populations characterized by different institutions, 
 preserving their nebirai characteristics, and yet so resolutely 
 opposed that a.-.surrender of the one to the other is necessa- 
 ry to national unanimity, the time for the departure of those 
 two people is at hand : the language of wisdom will be the 
 language of experience, " Let there bo no strife, 1 pray thee, 
 between thee and me, and between thy herdsmen and my 
 herdsmen ; for we be brethren. Is not the whole land before 
 thee ? separate thyself, I pray thee, from me ; if thou wilt 
 take the left hand, then I will go to the right, or if thou de- 
 part to the right hand, then I will go to the left;" and well 
 for them, if history adds : " and they separated themselves, 
 the one from the other." 
 
The tendency and scope ot what 1 have now briefly and 
 imperfectly said, may be summed up thus : while it is im- 
 possible for us to foresee the future of our national history, 
 we can yet see enough to warrant us in believing that if the 
 alternative placed before us be the abandonment of the insti- 
 tution of slavery or the dissolution of the Union, that then 
 the past history of the whole world — the great natural di- 
 visions of the continent, and the consenting testimony of the 
 national sentiment, all indicate that the dissolution of the 
 Union is the next step in the path of our history. And when 
 1 say the abandonment of the institution, I do not mean the 
 extreme necessity of emancipating our slaves, deserting our 
 fields, and diverting our decimated capital into strange and 
 unnatural channels, but I mean the necessity of exist. ng b\^ 
 toleration in the commonwealth, of yielding one hairbreadth 
 of our full political equality , as necessary, efficient, honoura- 
 ble constituents of the great American Empire. We know 
 our value. The history of past civilization is open for our 
 study, and we see that every nation that has impressed its 
 spirit and its institutions in beneficial influence upon the 
 times — the Arab, the Roman, the Norman — have all been 
 slaveholders. We see that all the great achievements of 
 the world's art — the Greek Drama, the Roman Law, the un- 
 told wealth of modern manufactures — have sprung from, and 
 been sustained by slaveholding people. We know our value. 
 The history of our own country is before us ; we know from 
 which section sprang the great minds of the revolution ; we 
 know whose blood has illustrated the history of three great 
 national wars ; we know what great staple feeds the world's 
 traffic, and we know that without slavery the pride of North- 
 ern prosperity would be broken, the power of British com- 
 merce sapped, and millions of so-called freemen would per- 
 ish in their destitution. We know our value. We know 
 that we are the great conservative element of this colossal 
 commonwealth. For all that we are, and all that our North- 
 ern brethren are, through us, we believe ourselves, under 
 God, indebted to the institution of slavery ; for a national 
 existence, a well ordered liberty, a prosperous agriculture, 
 an exulting commerce, a free people and a firm government ; 
 and we believe that without slavery, the Union could guaran- 
 
 -tT^ i^ y^uy-'i^^^ c^itZUjU ttUA^. 
 
/ 
 
 / 14 
 
 tee us none of these thinj^s. Thai the resuli of this struggle 
 will be its dissoluion, no man ventures to prophesy — no man 
 dares to hope. 
 
 " Tlie vast, tiie unbounded future lies before us, 
 But shadows, clouds, and darkness rest upon it." 
 
 The consequences of such a consummation no one can fore- 
 tell, and in the discharge of a paramount duty, no one ought 
 to regard. We know that Providence has placed us in the 
 midst of an institution which we cannot, as we value na- 
 tional existence, destroy. It h;is solved for us in the wisest 
 manner, that most dangerous of social questions, the relation 
 of labour to capital, by making that relation a moral one. 
 It has developed the physical wealth of the country in its 
 highest — that is, its agricultural branch — in unprecedented 
 proportion. It has created a civilization combining in admi- 
 rable measure, energy and refinement. It informs all our 
 modes of life ; all our habits of thought lies at the basis of 
 our social existence, and of our political faith. Our first 
 great national duty is to protect it, at any and every hazard. 
 If it can be protected and the Union preserved, there will be 
 nowhere in the land an honester joy than in our borders, for 
 our memory of the past is proud and our faith in the future 
 is strong. But if it cannot, if we must surrender the idea 
 of one great commonwealth, circling the continent with the 
 protection of its constitution, blending in harmonious energ)^ 
 the varied activity of a thousand interests, moulding into 
 one majestic nationality the tempered sovereignties of inde- 
 pendent States, if from this dream we must wake to the 
 stern reality of conflicting interests and dissevered States — 
 we, at least, have no responsibility to shun ; we shall enter 
 upon the untried path confident in the Providence which so 
 wondrously watched our youth and guided our manhood, 
 sure that whatever form our national existence may assume, 
 so long as we are true to the institutions which have made 
 us what we are, we will proceed in strength to the fulfilment 
 of our fortunes, to the discharge of that duty which, from 
 the beginning, has been assigned us among the nations, and 
 to the vindication of the great truth of all history, that 
 
 " In the unreasoning progress of this world, 
 
 A wiser spirit is at work, a better eye than ours." 
 
4 
 
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