551 
 5S4 
 
 1 
 
 
 ■ 
 
 
 
 
 i 
 
 1 
 
 ^^^^^^^^^^^^R' 
 
 
(iPO 
 
( 
 
 SPEECH 
 
 OP THE 
 
 Ho7i. George Sullivan^ 
 
 AT THE I,ATE 
 
 ^^i *^ V-..-* 
 
 t^^^h 
 
 Rockingham Convention, 
 
 WITH THE 
 
 MEMORIAL AND RESOLUTIONS, 
 
 AND 
 
 Report of the Committee 
 
 or 
 
 ELECTIONS, 
 
 EXETER : 
 
 PRINTED AT THE CONSTITUTIONALIST PRESS, 
 BY E. C. BEAtS. 
 
 / ' *• 
 
 .^ 
 
 n Is. 
 
 'M 
 
 f 
 
*>|;^f^^. -^ 
 
 mm 
 
 
 3' 
 
 U 
 
 V^#'l./ ^"— 
 
 
 -> 
 
 -ilrtfJid 
 
 '^ 
 

 S^ 
 
 ": Meetino' of the Friends of Peace. 
 
 V 
 
 Exeter, August Sth, 1812. 
 AGREEABLY to previous notice.^ a ven/ large and re' 
 sfiect able Meeting of the Friends of Peace, of the County of 
 Rockingham, toas holden at Brentwood, on Wednesday last. 
 it zsas truly a great and interesting event. According to the 
 most correct estimate, there xcere present two thousand legal 
 and qualified Electors. If was discovered at an early hour, 
 that there was no prospect of accommodating the Assembly in 
 the Meetiog-Honse. Arrangements were accordingly made for 
 holding the^ Meeting under the great canopy of Heaven. The 
 Honourable SAMUEL TENNEY of ExetRr, was^ chosen 
 Chairman, and the Honourable William Austin Kent of 
 Concord, Secretary. After the Meeting was organized, the 
 Rev. Mr. Holt of Epping, at the request of the Chairman, 
 made an appropriate and impressive prayer. The objects and 
 purposes of the Meeting were thefi fully stated; after which the 
 Hon. Mr. Sullivan, Member of Congress^ addressed the As- 
 sembly in the follorznng 
 
 SPEECH. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, 
 
 THE present is an important, an intercstiag period in th^ 
 affairs of our country. Involved in a war with one of the most 
 powerful nations of the earth ; threatening to invade a foreign ter- 
 Titory, when we are totally unprepared to defend our own ; and 
 under the guidance of an administration, altogether unequal to tho 
 exigency of (he times ; the heart of every reflecting man must be 
 iilled with the deepest anxiety and alarm. If we turn our eyes to^ 
 ■ward the past, and consider the situation, in which our codntry 
 has for years been placed, nothing is presented to our view, but 
 examples of national humiliation, debasement, and distress. If we 
 look forward to the future, our minds are filled with the most 
 gloomy anticipations. Tisc measures, which the present and last 
 administrations have pursued, and the pernicious influence hy 
 •which they were dictated, declare to us how little we have to hope, 
 and too certainly foretell the melancholy fate that awaits us. 
 
 It is not my wish to excite unnecessary alarm — my only wish 
 £3, that my Couutry.meu may realize the dangers, Tfhich (hreafei; 
 
 f 
 
4 
 
 their liberty and indepenelence ; and that they may, 'while it is ye& 
 in fheir power, preserve from ruin the only Republic on earth. 
 
 From what unfriendly causes has it happened, that a nation, 
 once highly respected ; a nation, which held a proud rank among the 
 powers of theearth, should in the course of a few years, be reduced to 
 a situation, the most distressed, prostrate, and deplorable ? This is 
 an enquiry, in which we are deeply interested, and we should enter 
 lapon it with all the solicitude and attention, that are due to its 
 importance, 
 
 I consider it as one of my most sacred duties to point out, as far 
 as lies in my power, the source of our distresses. I do not hesitate 
 to declare that, in my opinion, an insidious French influence has 
 produced the calamities, which have for.years afflicted us. It has 
 caused our Government to pursue a policy, adverse to the best 
 interests of the Country ; it has prevented a settlement of our 
 dififerences with Great Britain, and has plunged us into War. 
 Far be it from me to insinuate, that this influence is the effect of 
 corruption ; it may be the effect of an undue attachment ; it may 
 have been produced by other causes. But from whatever cause 
 it may have arisen, it is ruinous to our dearest interests, and 
 threatens with destruction the liberty and independence, purchased 
 ■with the blood of our fathers. 
 
 If upon enquiry it should appear that our rulers have involv- 
 ed us in a war, in which the professed objects of it can never be 
 obtained ; if it should appear that war, instead of remeving, 
 will only aggravate the evils of which we complain ; if it should ap- 
 pear that our differences with Great Britain might have been set- 
 tled in a peaceful manner; or, if it should appear that War, 
 •which is evidently promoting the ambitious designs of the Empe- 
 ror of France, was alike forbidden by our interest and our 
 Lonor, we cannot resist the conclusion that French influence has 
 produced the War. 
 
 What are the wrongs of which we complain, and which War is 
 to remedy ? We have been told that our maritime rights have been 
 •wantonly violated, and that the j)rotection of these rights is one 
 object of the War. But how do our Government propose io 
 afford this protection ? Not by a Navy, for they are determined 
 to have none ; but, strange to tell ! by Invading the Canadas, 
 Thus abandoning every principle of common sense, they have 
 resolved to protect our rights on the ocean, by a War on the land. 
 Every man, who is capable of reflecting at all, must perceive, 
 that if we should invade the Canadas and annex them to the 
 United States, our maritime rights would be as unprotected theny 
 as they are now. 
 
 It is a remarkable fact, that while the Administration have 
 plunged us into War for the professed purpose of protecting the 
 
 %l 
 
 <r 
 
i-iglits of our merchants, the whole mercantile interest from one 
 end of the country to the other is against War. 
 
 But. Sir, who are the men, who have become the defenders, 
 the chami^ions of commercial rights ? Are they the men, who 
 have been the uniform, steady, undeviating friends of commerce? 
 No, Sir, they are no(. They are the men, whose hostility to 
 commerce has never, until lately, been disguised. Mr. Jefferson, 
 their Chief, has declared, " that it was best for America to aban. 
 don the ocean altogether — to leave to others to bring to us what 
 we might want, and to carry away what we could spare — that it 
 would be time enough to seek employment for our citizens at sea^ 
 when the land no longer offered." They are the very men, who 
 have, in conformity to these professed principles, by their Em~ 
 bargoes, Non-Intercourse, and Noa-Importation laws, driven 
 commerce from the ocean. 
 
 When the Embargo pressed heavily on the merchants of our 
 Country; when poverty and distress were approaching the doors 
 of the very wealthiest of them ; when they found themselves depriv- 
 ed of their accustomed means of supporting their wives and chil- 
 dren ; they petitioned Government in respectful and affecting 
 terms for a repeal of that law, which had reduced them from a 
 state of affluence almost to beggary. But what was the ans;ver 
 of Government to their reasonable request ? Was it the answer of 
 a Government that cherished commerce ; that sympathized with 
 the merchant in his sufferings? No, Sir, it was not. The answer 
 was this, "that they could find no necessity to change the policy 
 of the Country to permit the exportation of pork and potatoes." 
 Such raillery, on such an occasion, was indecent. It was cruel 
 in the Government, that was bound to protect tbem, to insult 
 their calamity. It was barbarous, it was criminal io mock al 
 their distresses. Surely, there is a sanctity in affliction, which it is 
 sacrilege to invade. — Now, see the change, from raillery to tears 
 —from bitterest enemies to warmest friends. The air resounds 
 with their mournful complaints of the injuries inflicted by the 
 hand of Britain on their much-loved commerce. Are they sincere? 
 No, Sir, they are not. Theirs are the deceitful tears of the Croc- 
 odile — they weep over the commerce, which they have long since 
 devoted to destruction. When we consider that the Government, 
 which has plunged us into War for the protection of commercial 
 rights, has always discovered the most deadly hatred to commerce; 
 and when we consider, that commercial rie;hts, instead of being 
 protected, will inevitably be sacrificed by War, we are compelled 
 to believe that the protection of these rights, although one of 
 the professed objects of the War, is not one of its real objects. 
 
 Another subject of complaint against Great Britain is the im- 
 pressraeat of American seamen, and the redress of this grievance is 
 
 ( 
 
6 
 
 alSedgcd, asanother object of the War. This is a theme full of irrita^. 
 tioD,and leading to misrepresentations of every kind. When the ad- 
 ministration relate the distresses of this useful class of our citizens, 
 in some particulars extremely exaggerated, and in others wholly un- 
 founded, it takes so strong ahold upon the public feelings, that the 
 sorrowful tale is believed without examination. On tltis subject 
 our passions are so easily excited, that there is but little chance for 
 candor or for argument. 
 
 I deeply lament the wrongs, the injustice done to American 
 seamen. No one can sympadiize in their sufferings with more 
 sincerity than I do. But the question occurs, is War the best, 
 the wisest course, to relieve their sufferings? I am sure it is not. 
 I know that War, instead of mitigating, will only serve to aggra- 
 vate their wretchedness. 
 
 Let us examine this subject with as much candor as our high- 
 wrought, irritated feelings will permit. 
 
 Great Britain does not, nor has she ever claimed the right of 
 impressing American seamen. She claims the right of taking her 
 o:vn subjects from the private merchant vessels of other nations, 
 not from puhlic armed ships. Not only Great Britain, but every 
 nation in Europe "claims, in war, the services of its subjects. 
 They all forbid their entering info foreign emjiloymeut. They all 
 recal them by proclamation." No nation, since the world began, 
 ever had moie occasion to exercise this right, than Great Britain 
 has had for several years past. To her it has been a time of un- 
 paralleled danger and distress. She has been fighting, not for the 
 acquisition of foreign territory; not for the acquisition of military 
 fame, nor for any purpose of unlawful ambition, but for her very 
 existence as a nation. If deserters from her service can find an 
 asylum on board the private merchant ships of other nations, her 
 Navy will be destroyed ; she must fall, and the liberties of the 
 world will fall with her. 
 
 In the exercise of this right, which is common to all the nations 
 of Europe, abuses must and will take place. It is true, we have 
 had more disputes with Great Britain on this subject, than with 
 "loy other people. The reason is too plain to be misunderstood. 
 England is the land of our ancestors — it is the sepulchre of our 
 fathers. Descendants of Englishmen, we resemble them in our 
 language, our manners, our dress, onr general appearance. It 
 ought not, therefore, to be a subject of wonder, if Americans 
 should sometimes be mistaken for Englishmen. 
 
 1 will not assert that the British have not sometimes taken A- 
 mericans, knowing them to be such. I believe they have. This 
 ■tvas a wrong that required redress. But it was our duty as a wise, 
 as well as a moral and religious people, to adjust this matter by 
 n^jgoiiation, if it coi^ld be done; rather than by the sword. Ne- 
 
7 
 
 foliation should hare been exhausted, before an infant Republic 
 should have resorted to the dreadful alternative of War. 
 
 But, Sir, we have been told that negotialion had been tried, 
 until it had become hopeless. Is this true? Documents in the: 
 office of the Secretary of State prove that it is not true. 
 
 Important as the right of taking her subjects from the private 
 merchant vessels of other nations must be to Great Britain, so 
 anxious has she been to avoid a conflict with this Country, that 
 she agreed with our-minister, Mr. King, to give up by treaty the 
 right of taken her subjects from our vessels on the high seas. 
 But she insisted on the right of taking them on the narrow seas. 
 Yet even this right would, in the opiniom of our minister, have 
 been given up, if his negotiation had not been limited in point of 
 time. She has gone further, Mr. Monroe, now Secretary of State, 
 and Mr. Pinkney, Attorney General, made an arrangement, by 
 which the right of *akjng her subjects on the high seas was givea 
 up to us. This right she has never surrendered to any other 
 nation. But Mr. Jefferson sent back the treaty that had beeu 
 formed — he would not even lay it before the Senate, the constitu- 
 tional tribunal, not because impressments were not guarded a<. 
 gainst, but because the provision on the subject was informah 
 Now, Sir, observe, for it is highly important to observe it, that 
 Mr. Monroe, in a letter dated the 28th of February 1808, declares, 
 that in the instructions given to him and Mr. Pinkney, drawn up 
 in the hand writing or under the eye of Mr. Jefferson^ they were 
 authorized to make an informal arrange/jient on the subject of the 
 impressment of our seamen. Who thepi will say that negotiation 
 was hopeless? Who will say that we hare just cause of war against 
 Great Britain for not giving up this right, when she did give it 
 up, and in the very manner pointed out by our own Government ? 
 Does not this prove thai our Gove.rnment had determined not to 
 settle ? Docs it not shew, so far at least as respects this subject, 
 that, if our Government had sincerely wished for peace, peace 
 might have been preserved ? 
 
 But we h^mligp told that thousands of American seamen 2^0 
 ''on board British Ships of war, and that it was our duty to 
 Oght for their liberation. The number, stated by our Govern- 
 ment to have been impressed, is, beyond controversy, greatly ex- 
 aggerated. But what is the language, what the conduct of Great 
 Britain on this occasion? Her minister has written to our Secre- 
 tary of State and informed him, that the Prince Regent will con- 
 tinue to give the most positive orders against the detention of 
 American seamen ; and further, that all American Seamen proved 
 to be such, shall be immediately discharged. Let him, who is most 
 devoted to the administration, say, if this is not fair, and honora- 
 ble, and infinitely more advantageous to our seamen, thaa 
 
8 
 
 War. But it scema to have been of little coasequcacc to out 
 administration that the liberatioo of our seamen could have been 
 effected in a peaceful manner ; the sword is their weapon and 
 they must fight for the release of them. Will War procure their 
 release ? Who is so blind as not to see that if War should continue 
 for five, or ten, or twenty years, our unfortunate Countrymen will 
 be detained on board British Ships ; and that hundreds and 
 thouvsaads will be added to the number? By what fatality does it 
 hai)pen, that when our administration profess to have a particular 
 object in view, they adopt measures, which tend directly to de- 
 feat it? Is it, that tJheirsyrapathy for American seamen h feigned? 
 Is it, that as they have hated and destroyed American commerce, 
 they also hate and wish to keep in slavery American seamen, the 
 instruments by which alone that commerce can be carried on ? 
 
 It has been repeatedly said, that the British orders in Council 
 operated severely against the interests of this Country, and that 
 war was necessary to obtain a repeal of them. It is impossible 
 for any man, acquainted with the relative strength and resources 
 of the two Countries, to suppose, that we can compel Great 
 Britain by force to repeal her orders. Negotiation might have 
 effected what the sword never can. — France took the lead in ag. 
 gressions on American commerce. The Berlin decree was passed 
 nearly twelve months previous to the orders in Council. Britain 
 gave us notice, that if we submitted quietly to the operation of 
 this decree, she must retailiate. We submitted, and her threat was 
 executed. As France was the aggressor in this warfare on our 
 neutral commerce, neither the administration nor their warmest 
 friends have ever ventured to assert, that we ought to have fought 
 Great Britain, if the French decrees were not repealed. 
 
 Were these decrees repealed according to the proclamation of the 
 president? They were not. The world has long been convinced of 
 the absurdity of the proclamation, and the friends of the presi- 
 dent must now be satisfied of its falsity. On the second day of 
 November 1810, the president proclaimed that on the first day of 
 ^^tt^^"* ^14 1 • ^^ovember, only one day before, the Berlia^g||0^1an decrees 
 
 ceased to operate. How absurd did this appearTlf theynii^^-^^^ -» 
 been repealed, how, in the short compass of a day could he have 
 obtained the evidence ? 
 
 A decree has lately been published, repealing the decrees of Berlia 
 and Milan, and dated in April 1811. This repealing decree de- 
 monstrates that the proclamation of the President was false. He 
 proclaimed that the French decrees ceased to operate on the first 
 day of November 1810 ; this repealing decree proves that they 
 , did not cease, until nearly six months afterward. Trusting to 
 
 \ this premature, unfounded, illjudged proclamation, our unsuspect- 
 
 I log citizens sent their property to the amount of miUions of del- 
 
9 
 
 l&TS to France and to Countries under her control, which was 
 confiscated and lost to them. 
 
 Is it not greatly to he apprehended that there was a dark, 
 secret, perhaps wicked agreement between our Governineut and 
 that of France, with respect to this repeal ? The terms of this 
 agreement the people of this country may never be able, with 
 certainty, to know. It is a transaction involved in darkness and 
 in mystery. Of one thing, however, we may be perfectly certain, 
 that is, that this repealing decree did not exist in April 1811. 
 
 This repealing decree, passed according to the date of it ia 
 April 1811, was not published until May 1812— thirteen months 
 after. This has a suspicious, an alarming appearance. Every 
 man will naturally enquire, where was it during this long period ? 
 But who can answer the question ? 
 
 It will be recollected that both before and after April 1811 our 
 ministers in France were instructed, they were pressed to procure 
 evidence of the repeal of the Berlin and Milan decrees. If this 
 repealing decree existed, why, when they applied to the French 
 Court for evidence, were they not furnished with a copy of it ? 
 Who can believe that a copy would not have been obtained, if the 
 decree had been passed ? 
 
 Look, Sir, at the proceedings in the French prize Courts, 
 Not a case can be produced, in which an American vessel has 
 been acquitted, since the date of this decree, on the ground that 
 the Berlin and Milan decrees had ceased to operate. On the con- 
 trary, several condemnations of American vessels under these de- 
 crees have taken place since April 1811. — The American Ship 
 Julian was condemned in September 1811, because she had beea 
 visited by a British ship of war; In the same month the Ameri- 
 can ship Hercules was condemned, not that there was proof that 
 she had been visited by a British ship of war, but because the 
 French Court presumed if — they said " it was impossible that 
 she was not visited by the enemy's ships of war." Here then are 
 two instances, and doubtless there are many more, of Americaa 
 vessels condemned by French Courts under the Berlin and Milan 
 decrees as late as September 1811. I challenge the most preju- 
 diced, the most credulous man on earth to believe, that French 
 Judges, sitting under the eye of the Emperor, and whose lives 
 would be the price of acting against his laws, would condemn 
 American vessels in September 1811 under decrees, which were 
 repealed five months before. Nay more, the Emperor himself 
 in the same month of September condemned five American vessels 
 and their cargoes under these very decrees. Added to all this, 
 we find the commanders of French privateers continuing to cap- 
 ture, sink, and burn all American vessels, coming within the 
 terms of these decrees, down to the very hour in which War was 
 declared. 
 
it) 
 
 Thtre is every reason oo earth to believe that this tepeaiittt 
 "decree was not passed, until May 1812, the time when it was 
 published. It was about the time, when our Government de- 
 clared War against Great Britain. Let every considerate manj 
 €very lover of his Country pause and enquire, why was this de= 
 cme then passed ? Why does it bear date thirteen mouths previ- 
 ous to the time of its actual existence ? On this subject, I will 
 Dot, dare not state my apprehensions. 
 
 But if the French decrees had ceased to operate agreeably to 
 the proclamation of the President, the interest of our Country 
 did not require us to fight Great Britain for a repeal of her Orders 
 in Council, In contending for a repeal of these orders, what 
 vras the object which the United States had in view ? Undoubt- 
 edly a profitable, an advantageous trade with France. But if our 
 trade to that Country is of little or no value, it was folly, it was 
 madness to fight for the sake of it. I will not mention, because 
 every body knows the fact, that many of our principal articles 
 of export France does not receive ; and that most of the articles, 
 ivhich she does receive, are burthened with such extravagant du» 
 ties, as amount almost to a prohibition. On this subject it will 
 be sufficient to remark, that evidence has been laid before the 
 Senate of the United Slates by a republican member of it, proving 
 incontestibly that the trade to France, on account of the exorbit. 
 aut duties and the rapacity of her Government, brings our mer- 
 vhants greatly in debt. It is confidcutly believed that if the Or, 
 ders in Council were this day repealed, no merchant would trade 
 to France. Trade to France ! Docs she not capture, and sink, 
 and burn all American vessels found on the Ocean ? No mer-. 
 chant would have the folly to send his property to certain des- 
 truction. 
 
 Our trade with France in favorable times amounted to some- 
 ting more than two miilious of dollars a year, while our trade 
 with Great Britain amounted in the same period to thirty-five 
 millions of dollars. Now, Sir, mark the wisdom of your Gov- 
 erament. By fighting, we give up a trade with Great Britain 
 ^ "worth thirty. five millions of dollars annually, and incur all the 
 expenses and suffer all the calamities of war, for a trade, which in 
 favorable times is worth something more than two millions of 
 dollars ; and which, burthened and restricted as it is at this time, 
 is worth nothing. Let any man ask himself, is this a war of inter- 
 est ? Can the Government believe that they are promoting the 
 interest of the Country ? 
 
 But we are told (hat our honor required us to fight Great 
 Britain. Scanty indeed will be the harvest of laurels that we shall 
 reap in this unfortunate conflict. Is honor usually the companior» 
 of the vanquished .' Dfjes she delight to associate with disaster aqd 
 <lefeat ? On the contrary, docs she not almost invariably foUoyr 
 
II 
 
 the standard of victory ? We have madly challenged to the com. 
 bat one of the most powerful nations of the earth, yet we have* 
 neither an army, nor a navy, nor money to carry on a War. Un- 
 der such circumstances, what but a miracle can save us from de<> 
 feat and disgrace? 
 
 We forget that the very circumstance of our going to War tindef 
 the idea of a pledge to France has blasted onr honor forever — it 
 has loaded hs with everlasting disgrace. Does honor point to a 
 War with the least offending of two nations ? With that nation, 
 which was last to invade our neutral rights ? With that nation, 
 whose language and whose conduct have been most respectful, 
 compared with those of her enemy ? We have received from France 
 every injury and every indignity that can wound the pride or rouse 
 the indignation of an independent people. — She has told us that 
 wc were as much a Colony to Great Britain as the Island of Ja- 
 maica — that the time would come when we should be compelled 
 to fight for interest, although we had refused to fight for honor. 
 She has insultingly said to us that she would have no neutrals. 
 She has had the arrogance, the unparalleled impudence to declare 
 War for us. Yet our honor sleeps undisturbed over these insults 
 and indignities offered by France. Is it, that no disgrace can 
 come from her mighty Emperor, who in the estimation of some 
 men, is the source of all earthly honors? Our administration 
 bluster, and threaten, and fight one Dation, while they shamefully 
 cringe to another. 
 
 It is not honor, it is not interest, it is not a desire to relieve 
 American seamen, it is not a regard for commercial rights, that 
 has produced this War ; it is foreign infiuence, that fatal influ- 
 ence, which has proved the destruction of all the Republics that 
 have gone before us. It is greatly to be feared, that there is a 
 secret understanding between our Government and that of France, 
 unknown to the American people and destructive of their inter, 
 csts. Does any one ask for evidence of the fact ? This is the 
 evidence. If we find that the officers of the French Government 
 have declared, that our administration were seriously disposed and 
 eager to adopt the favourite system of the Emperor of France; 
 if we find that the measures, pursued by our administration have 
 exactly coincided with that system, and have directly aided the 
 Emperor in his schemes of aggrandizement, while they have greatly 
 injured the best interests of our Country ; if, above all, we find 
 that some of our most important measures have been foretold in 
 France, when they were wholly unforeseen and unexpected by 
 our own citizens ; we may be as certain as if a voice from Heaven 
 should declare it, that there is such a secret understanding — that 
 there is a fatal foreign influence operating in our Councils ; which, 
 without the timely cflbrts of the people to counteraxit it by s 
 change of rulers, will lay our freedom in tke dust. 
 
 t 
 
♦.''i 
 
 .•^. 
 
 12 
 
 What are the schemes of the Emperor of France T what is the 
 system which he has adopted in order tojretttize them ? and how 
 have the measures of our Government contributed to their ad- 
 vancement ? 
 
 The Emperor has for years been aspiring after universal do- 
 minion. Hitherto, Great Britain has prevented the execution of 
 this gigantic scheme. If she can be subdued by his utmost efforts, 
 the Empire of the world is his. 
 
 Weno longer hear of his attempting to conquer Great Britain by 
 ZQ invasion; this idea has for years been abandoned. AUho' hi;; 
 purpose of subduing her is unaltered, his means are changed* Hi& 
 hope now is, and for a considerable time past has been, tA subdue 
 her by destroying her commerce; and in order to effect tliis he 
 has established his continental system, and has compelled every 
 nation, that he had power to control, to adopt it. Because the 
 Emperor of Russia has refused to submit to this system, Bona« 
 parte has raised an immense army, and is resolutely bent on forcing 
 him to yield to it. Our Government have been aiding in this at- 
 ieoipt to destroy the commerce of Great Britain ; an attempt as 
 unwarrantable, as it was unwise. In proof of it, let us attend to 
 the declarations of the officers of the French Government. The 
 president of the French Conservative Senate wrote a pamphlet, 
 a few years since, on political affairs, in which he observes that 
 *• America will make common cause with France and theNorthera 
 powers of Europe against Great Britain." The Senate of France, 
 in answer to the Emperor, declared, '* that a league was about to 
 be formed for the emancipation of commerce, and the indepen- 
 deuce of nations, and into which the States of both hemispheres 
 'were eager to enter.'* The Emperor himself made this declara- 
 tion, " the United States are on the worst terms with England^ 
 and appear seriously disposed to adopi our system.^* These dec- 
 larations must prove to the satisfaction of every impartial miod^ 
 that the Government of France made application to our Govern- 
 ment to adopt the continental system. They must also prove 
 that our Government gave encouragement that they would adopt 
 it. For if, when the application was made to them, they had re- 
 fused to adopt it, as every Government solicitous about the wel- 
 fare of their country should have done, the President of the 
 French Senate could never have said " that America will make 
 ^common cause with France and the Northern powers of Europe 
 against Great Britain ;" nor could the Senate have said, " that the 
 States of both hemispheres were eager to enter into the league ;'* 
 nor could the Emperor have said, *' that the United States ap- 
 peared seriously disposed to adopt his system." 
 
 Was not the first Embargo an attempt to co-operate with the 
 Empeiorin the destruction of British Commerce? Was it not 
 an adoptioa of the continentai system, as far as our GoTernnaeut 
 
 %. 
 
15 
 
 could adopt it, tad at the same time conceal the fact from the 
 people ? Is there not reasoo to believe that it was so understood 
 ami agreed upon belvreen the two Governments? It will be re- 
 collected that at the time when this Embargo was imposed upon us, 
 ourgovernmeut wereapprised of no new dangers — of none, which 
 had not existed for ytiars before. It will also be recollected that at 
 that time the Emperor compelled S;aia, and Holland, and Italy, 
 and Prussia, and all the nations of Europe, which he bad power 
 to control, to exclude British vessels from their ports. But our 
 Government did not dare to pass a law to exclude British vessels 
 from our ports ; their design would have-been too apparent ; the 
 spirit of the people would not have borne it. They co-operated 
 effectually in the plan of the Emperor by the deceptive means of 
 an Embargo. The people of this country ought to have seen, and 
 thousands of them did see, that the causes -assigned by the admin, 
 istration for laying the Embargo were not the real causes. We 
 vere then told that the object of Government was to save our 
 ships and our seamen. But, as was predicted, it was the means 
 of driving thousands of our seamen from the Country. AH trade 
 to Canada wes prohibited j yet in this trade we should have lost 
 neither ships nor seamen. It is evident, therefore, that the Gov- 
 ernment had something more in view than the saving of them. If 
 the real causes for laying the Embargo were for the interest of our 
 own Country, why were they not declared ? 
 
 But strong as this evidence is to prove a concert between the 
 tw o Governments to destroy the commerce of Great Britain j 
 and to show that they have been aiding in the ambitious projects 
 of Bonaparte ; it is not all. A member of the French Senate de- 
 clared, before the Embargo law was passed, and when the Ameri- 
 can people had no suspicion of one, that an Embargo would soon 
 be laid in our Country. Our minister at Paris, Mr. Armstrong, 
 foretold it sixty days before it was laid. How is it possible, un- 
 less there was a secret understanding between the two Govern- 
 laents, as to the course of measures to be pursued that this thing 
 could have been known in France ? 
 
 As soon as the Embargo was laid, our Government was com- 
 plimented by the Emperor. His minister Champagny told them 
 " that his majesty applauded their generous determination to re- 
 nounce all commerce." When the complaints of our suffering 
 citizens compelled the government to repeal the Embargo, the re- 
 pea! was denounced by the Emperor — he declared it to be " the 
 effect of one of the most important, and artful manceuvres ever prac- 
 tised by the British Cabinet." 
 
 Another circumstance, to prove a determination on the part of 
 our Government to aid the Emperor in destroying British com- 
 merce, and in gaining the first object of his wishes, is, their suf- 
 fering the aoQ.importatioQ act to go ioto operatioa against Great 
 
14 
 
 Britain, and assigning for it a reason that was wholly unfound^ 
 ed. — On the second of February 1811, the non-importation act 
 ■went into operation against Great Britain ; and the reason as.. 
 signed for it was, that the Berlin and Milan decrees had ceased to 
 ojierate. Yet the whole world knows, that if Bonaparte's repeal- 
 ing decree was really passed at the time of its date, they did not 
 r^ase until nearly three months after : And the very reason given 
 by the Emperor for repealing his decrees was, that the aon*im. 
 portation law had previously gone into operation. In short, the 
 whole restrictive system has been the result of the same secret con- 
 cert, the eflFect of the same unhappy influence. No one can deny 
 that the restrictive system has coincided perfectly with the system 
 of the Emperor ; no one can deny that it has directly aided him 
 in his ambitious designs. But what has it done for us ? It has 
 impoverished our citizens ; it has exhausted our treasury ; it has. 
 corrupted our morals. 
 
 There is every reason to believe that French influence and 
 French intrigues have prevented an accommodation of our dif- 
 ferences with Great Britain, and have plunged us into War. As 
 evidence of this I will mention a circumstance that must produce 
 conviction in the most prejudiced mind. In the pamphlet, wiiich 
 I have mentioned, written by the President of the French Conser. 
 ■vati ve Senate, it is declared by him, " that America will make com= 
 mon cause with France and the northern powers of Europe against 
 Great Britain" — it is then said, " They (meaning without doubt 
 the American Government) will reject the British minister, Mr. 
 Jackson." Was this prophecy fulfilled ? Everyone knows that 
 it was. Mr. Jackson was rejected, and the pretence for it we all 
 remember. I would ask how it is possible that the President of 
 the French Senate should have known that the British Minister 
 ■would be rejected, if there had not been an agreement between the 
 two Governments that he should be rejected, and that a settle- 
 ^ ment should thereby be prevented ? 
 
 The unpropitious moment, selected for declaring War, has ex» 
 cited the suspicions and alarmed the fears of considerate men. 
 When they hear their Government declare that they have certain 
 objects in view in going to War, and at the same time sec them 
 adopting such measures, as necessarily defeat the most important 
 of those objects ; they cannot persuade themselves that the real 
 causes of the War are made known to them. At the moment in 
 which War was declared, it is confidently believed, that our mer- 
 chants had a hundred millions of dollars in the hands of our ene- 
 my ; they had property to an immense amount floating on the 
 ocean, and at the mercy of that enemy ; thousands of American 
 seamen were abroad, liable to be taken, and confined on board 
 British prison ships. It was in vain that the friends of peace ex- 
 erted all their powers to have the declaration of War postpoaed. 
 
15 
 
 for a few montbs, in order that our merchants might get hocfe 
 their property, and that our seamen might return to their families 
 and friends. No delay could be obtained from that Government, 
 •which had declared, that the protection of the interest of our mer- 
 chants, and the saving of our seamen from captivity were among 
 the principal objects of the War. 
 
 Thus, Sir, I have endeavoured to shew that foreign influence is 
 the source of the calamities, which have for years afflicted our 
 country. I wish to be distinctly understood. I am far from 
 asserting that all those of our rulers, who have been the advocates 
 of War, or the friends of the restrictive system, are the enemies 
 of their country. Many of them, I have no doubt, love their 
 Country and wish her prosperity ; but, intelligent as they are, 
 they have been misguided by men, who did not merit their confi- 
 dence — by men, whose devotion to France has long been kaowa 
 and who have for years been acting under her pernicious, her 
 deadly influence. This fatal influence has involved us in a War 
 of such a kind, that even victory itself is defeat. We are this 
 moment rashly, madly attempting to humble the only power that 
 stands between our country and slavery. 
 
 Our present unfortunate, disastrous situation has long since 
 been foretold. When Mr. Jefferson was candidate for the office 
 of President of the United States, the people were warned, that 
 if he should be elected, he would disregard the political maxims, 
 and would counteract the labors of our sainted Washington. 
 They were told that uuder a democratic administration our Navy 
 would be destroyed — our Commerce ruined — 'Our Merchants des- 
 pised — our Treasury exhausted — and, finally, that we should be 
 involved in a War against Great Britain. Is not this true ? Is it 
 not all exactly and literally fulfilled ? 
 
 'The people were also told that our Government would form ara 
 alliance with France. It is greatly to be feared, that at no dis- 
 tant period, this part of the prophecy will be as exactly fulfilled 
 as the other. Let it not be said that such an alliance will never 
 be formed. We have long seen a perfect coincidence between the 
 measures of the two governments ; we have known that some of 
 our most important measures have been foretold in France, when 
 they were wholly unsuspected here, and we have witnessed the 
 fulfillment of the prophecies. We have seen that our administra- 
 tion have for years been aiding the Emperor in his ambitious 
 schemes, while they have distressed and almost ruined their coun- 
 try. Why has our Government declared War against the greatest 
 maritime power in the world, and at the same time determined to 
 have no Navy to oppose to her ? None even for defence ? Why, 
 in such a War, are our harbours, why are our cities, why is our 
 whole sea coast left undefended, unless it is to drive us into an al- 
 liance with France ? Hereafter we may be told, that our cities 
 
16 
 
 "Vfin be reduced to ashes, or their iuhabUants placed under con* 
 iribution — that our whole sea coast will be ravaged and destroyed, 
 unless we are protected by French Ships of War. We may be 
 ♦old that our safety imperiously demands an alliance with France. 
 When the War shall rage, when hundreds and thousands of our 
 citizens shall be slaughtered, and our feelings shall be raised to the 
 highest pitch of irritation, an alliance will not be unpopular — it 
 will be formed. Theo will the destruction of our Country be 
 sealed. Is there a natidb that for twenty years past has been tha 
 ally of France, that has not become her slave ? Not one, if Spaia 
 be excepted, and she is destined to wear the chains of a conqueror. 
 An alliance with France should be regarded as the greatest of all 
 possible calamities. '' It is <he wormwood, it is the gall, which 
 the wrath of Heaven has mingled for the nations, which have pol- 
 luted themselves with French abominations." Form this alliance, 
 and the time will come, when our dwellings, once the abodes of 
 industry and happiness, shall become the habitations of lawless 
 ruffians — our lands will be stained by the blood of their owners — 
 our Sons will be made to fight the battles of a foreign tyrant — 
 our "wives, our sisters, and our daughters will be defiled by brut.il 
 Tavishers. Let it not be imagined that these are the illusions^of a 
 fearful, a disordered fancy. Look, Sir, at the Countries, which 
 France has subdued, and the evils which we here anticipate, you 
 •will there find realized. — Form this alliance and the time will come 
 ■when thousands of the Inhabitants of this once happy country shall, 
 by French power, "belaid low in dust or scattered in exile." 
 And happy in my mind will be the dead, " for many deaths will the 
 survivors suffer." Without a Country, without a home, wan- 
 *^lering on the sea side in some distant region, they will turn their 
 mournful eyes toward that land which zcas their Country — the 
 'and which contains the remains of their ancestors, the sacred dust 
 of their fathers. 
 
 *' Oh ! for that warnjog voice that cried in Heaven, Woe to 
 the inhabitants of the earth." I would roase my Countrymen 
 from their deathlike slumber. I would cry io them without 
 ceasing, woe to that wretched people that becomes allied io 
 France. — We have been hurried to the brink of a fatal precipice- 
 One step more, and our Country must fall — " she'll fall, 
 yAKT. Lucifer, never to hope again." 
 
 After Mr. Sullivan concluded his Speech, a Committee was 
 appointed to prepare a Memorial to the President of the United 
 States, deprecating the present war -, another to prepare Resolu- 
 Hif^ns, proper to be adopted by the Convention ; and another to 
 take into consideration the subject of the approaching Electionsv 
 
17 
 
 The convcDtion then adjourned to give time for the scTeral 
 committees to attend to their respective duties. In the afternoon 
 the memorial and resolutions were introduced ; and after being 
 ¥ery ably and eloquently discussed, were unanimously adopted. 
 
 MEMORIAL. 
 
 BANIFX WEBSTER, Esq. > Portsmouth 
 MATTHEW S. MARSH, Esq. $ ^J ^ orismou.n, 
 
 Hon. NATH'L GILMAN, > „ 
 
 Hon. GEORGE SULLIVAN, ^ ''J Exeter. 
 
 AMOS KENT, Esq. of Chester. 
 
 CLEMENT MARCH, Esq. of Greenland. 
 
 Col. THOMAS LEAVITT, of Northampton. 
 
 Col. BRADBURY CILLEY, of Nottingham. 
 
 Doctor ABEL BLANCHARD, of Pembroke. 
 
 Hon. EZEKIEL GODFREY, of Poplin. 
 
 Capt. JOSEPH BROWN, of Kensington. 
 
 Hon. THOMAS W. THOMPSON, of Concord. 
 
 THOMAS JENNESS, Esq. of Deerfield. 
 
 JONATHAN CLARK, Esq. of Northwood. 
 
 JOHN PORTER, Esq. 0/i.onrfonrferr?/. 
 tiaving been appointed a Committee io prepare a Memorial to the 
 President of the United States, reported the following, which was 
 unanimously accepted. 
 
 To James Madison, Esq. 
 President of the United States. 
 
 MORE than Fifteen Hundred of the Inhabitants and 
 Free Electors of the County of Rockingham in the State of 
 New-Hampshire, being assembled, in an orderly and peaceable 
 manner, according to our undoubted Constitutional Rights, at 
 Brentwood, in said County, on the fifth day of August 1812, 
 to consult on the common Good and Public Welfare, do now 
 address you, with the respect due to the Chief Magistrate of the 
 Nation. 
 
 In assembling to express our opinions on the present State of 
 
 our National Affairs, we are influenced, not only by a wish to 
 
 contribute as far as in us lies, towards remoTing the evils which 
 
 we feel, and aferting the greater evils which we fear, but also 
 
 3 
 
18 
 
 pry a sense of the duly we owe to the Supreme Executive of ihe 
 natiiJiK 
 
 The Chief Magistrate of a GoverDuicnt, which rests on pub- 
 lie opinion, and which can only look for the support of its mcas« 
 ures to the approbation of the People, has a right to be inform- 
 ed, distinctly and unequivocally, of the sentiments entertained 
 by the Community, concerning measures of great national im- 
 portance. As one portion of the community, deeply interested 
 in the present state of things, and solicitously cancerned about 
 their future progress, we beg leave to present to you a brief view 
 of our sentiments and opinions. 
 
 We have witnessed, with sincere and deep regret, a system of pol^ 
 icy pursued by the General Government, from the Embargo of 
 1807, to the present time, tending most obviously, in our view, to 
 the destruction of the Commerce of these States. We have 
 not been indifferent spectators of this course of measures. Be- 
 ing inhabitants of the Atlantic Coast, we regard Commerce, as a 
 great and essential Interest. It is, not only, in itself, a lead- 
 ing pursuit, but it is most intimately blended with all our other 
 interests and occupations* Habits^ arising naturally from our 
 local situation, and the nature of our soil and products, and now- 
 confirmed by the usage of tu;o centuries, are not to be changed. 
 We hold the right of judging for ourselves, and have never yet 
 delegated to any Government the power of deciding for us, zi'hat 
 pursuits and occupations best comport with our interests, and our 
 situation. When we assented to the National Constitution, it was 
 arnong other, (but none more important) reasons, to the end that 
 our Commerce might be the better protected, and the farther 
 extended. Taught to regard our riijht of traversing the Seas, ass 
 sacred, (and it is to us as important) as our right of tilling the 
 ground, we have supposed that we should never be deprived of 
 the former, but for reasons, so weighty and important, as would 
 oqii ally justify the prohit)ition of the latter. We originally saw- 
 nothing, and can now see nothing^ either in the ielterj or the spirit, 
 of Uie National Compact, which makes it our dufy^ to acquiesce 
 in a system, tending io compel us to abandon our natural antj 
 accustomed pursuits. We regard the Constiturioo as "an Instru- 
 ment of Preservation, not of Changed We «ake its intention to 
 have been, to protect, by the strong arm of the whole nation the 
 interests of each particular Section. It could not therefore be 
 without alarm and apprehension, that we perceived in the General 
 Government a disposition to embarrass and enthral Commerce by 
 rejieated Restrictions, and to make War. by shutting up oitr oxzn 
 ports. Still creatcr was our concern, when we heard ourselves, 
 admonished, ^^/?fl^/j/ to retire from the Seas, and " to provide for 
 ourselves^ those comforts and conveniences of life^ for zehich 
 
19 
 
 & would be untcise EVER MORE to recur to distant Coun-^ 
 tries.'"* We do not hesitate to say, that we deem this language 
 •equally unconstitutional atid arrogant ; and it would be with 
 iafinite regret, raiagled with other strong emotions, that we should 
 perceive a fixed and settled resalution in the General Government, 
 to enforce this exhortation by the authority of Law, and *» 
 mulate upon us, in the intervals of War, a ponderous^ 
 ing system of Restriction, Non-Importation, Non-' course, 
 and Embargo. 
 
 The alarm excited in our poinds by the favorite and long con- 
 tinued " Restrictive Syste-a," is raised still higher, by the late 
 <leclaratioH of War against Great Britain, an event which we 
 believe, iu the present defencf '.ess circumstances of the Country, 
 •will be productive of evHs of incalculable magnitude. 
 
 \V« df^ not. Sir, among those, who feel an unmanly reluctance 
 4(> the priva' ons, or a nervous sensibility to the dangers of 
 "War. Many of us had the honor of aiding, by our humble ef- 
 forts in the establishment of our iDdependonce, and of exposing 
 our lives, in more than one field of danger and blood, in our 
 Country's servScu. — V/c are ready to meet those scenes again^ 
 ■whenever it can be shewn that the vindication of our National 
 honor, or the preservation of our essential rights, demands it. 
 Weshall not be moreslow than others, to aspire after distincxiox, 
 in any cause in which distinction would be honorable. 
 
 If we could perceive that the present War was just ; if we 
 could perceive that our rights and liberties required it ; if 
 we could perceive that no Administration, however wise, honest, 
 or impartial, could have carried us clear of it ; if we could per- 
 ceive its expediency, and a reasonable hope of obtaining its pro- 
 fessed objects ; if we could perceive these things, the VVar would, 
 in some measure, cease to be horrible. It would grow tolerable^ 
 in idea, as its expediency should be made manifest. Its iron and 
 bloody features would soften, as its justice grew apparent. — 
 Give us but to see, that this War hath clear justice, neces- 
 sity, and EXPEDIENCY on its side, and we are ready to pour 
 out our Treasure, and our Blood in its prosecution. 
 
 But we are constrained to say, that we cannot, in conscience, 
 ascribe the foregoing characteristics to the present VVar. We 
 are not, Sir, the apologists of other Nations, nor will our voice 
 ever be heard, to varnish wrongs inflicted either on the interest 
 or honor of our Native Land. But we deem it necessary, to 
 every justi/iable War, not only that its justice be as |)lain and 
 visible as the light of Heaven, but that its objects be distinct and 
 
 * Mr. Jefferson's letter to ihs Legislature of New-II-drip" 
 ■shire, August, ISQB. 
 
20 
 
 dear, in order that erery man may see them ; that they be areff/, 
 ia order that every man raay perceive their importaace ; that they 
 be probably attainable^ in order that every Citizen may be en- 
 couraged to contend for them. We are wholly mistaken, if the 
 causes assigned for the present War against England will bear 
 the test of these principles. 
 
 The Impressment of our Seamen^ which forms the most 
 plausible and popular of thealledged causes of War, we believe to 
 have been the subject of great misrepresentation. We have as 
 much sympathy, as others, for those who suffer under this abuse 
 of power. We know there are instances of this abuse. We 
 know that Native American Citizens have been, in some cases, 
 in too many cases, impressed from American Merchant Ships, and 
 compelled to serve on board British Ships of War. But the num- 
 ber of these cases has been extravagantly exaggerated. Every 
 inquiry on the subject strengthens our conviction, that the re- 
 puted number bears little relation to the true number. We are 
 among those, to whom instances of impressment, if they did ac- 
 tually exist to any considerable extent, must be known. Yet 
 ■we cannot find them out. Some of the members of this Meeting 
 have been constantly employed in Commercial pursuits, and 
 have had Ships on the Ocean from the Peace of 1783, until the 
 Ocean became unnavigable, as to us, by the Embargo of 1807, 
 and yet during all that time have never suffered the loss of one 
 Native American Seaman^ by impressment. Other Members of 
 this Meeting have, as Masters of Vessels, long inhabited, as it were, 
 on the Seas, and have been visited hundreds of times by British 
 Ships of War and never had an American Seamen taken from 
 them by Impressment. 
 
 The People of the neighboring Commonwealth, as we under- 
 stand, have been as unable as ourselves, to discover instances of 
 impressment, in any degree equal to the alledged numbers. It 
 js impossible, under these circumstances, for us to believe, that 
 the evil of impressment does exists in the degree of enormity, pre- 
 tended. If so many of our seafaring fellow-citizens were actually 
 in bondage, they must have been taken from among the inhabit- 
 ants of the Atlantic coast. They would be from among our 
 brethren, sons, relations and friends. We should be acquainteil 
 with them, and their misfortunes. We should hear the cries of 
 their wives and children, their parents and relatives, quite as 
 soon as our fellow-citizens of the South and the West, 
 
 It is well worthy of notice, that the greatest apparent feeling 
 on this subject of Impressments, and the greatest disposition to 
 zcage War on that account, are entertained by the Representa- 
 tives of those States, which have no Seainen at all of their own; 
 "while those sections of the communityj in which more than three' 
 
21 ■ 
 
 fourths of the mariners of the United States have their homes^ 
 are, by great majorities, against that war, among the professed 
 objects of which, the release of impressed Seamea forms so prin- 
 cipal a figure. 
 
 It is well koowD that England pretends to no right of impress- 
 ing our Seamen. She insists, only, that she has a right to the 
 service of her own subjects^ in time of war, even though found 
 serving on board the merchant ships of other nations. This claim 
 we suppose to be neither unfounded, nor novel. It is recognized 
 by the public law of Europe, and of the civilized world. Writers 
 of the highest authority maintain, that the right belongs to all 
 nations. For the same reason, say they, that the father of a 
 family may demand the aid of his children to defend himself and 
 his house, a nation may call home her subjects to her defence and 
 protection, in time of war. 
 
 But if this were not so, is owr nation to plunge into a ruinouat 
 waT, in order to settle a question of relative right, between the 
 government of a foreign nation and the subjects of that govern^ 
 ment ? Are zee to fight the battles of British seamen ? Nay 
 more — are we to espouse their cause, in opposition to the cause 
 of our ozsn Native Mariners ? Shall we contend for the free and 
 privileged admission of foreigners into our Merchant service, 
 and thereby exclude the Seamen of Nezs-England from that ser. 
 vice ? Do we profess to be at war, for the support of our sea-^ 
 men's rights, when we contend for a point, which, if gained, will 
 shut them out from the most lucrative part of their employment, 
 and " sacrifice their interest, that British and other foreign sea- 
 men may have equal privileges witii themselves .2" 
 
 Fatal indeed, would it be to important interests of the Navigat- 
 ing States, if the consequence of this War should be that the A- 
 merican flag shall give the American character to all who sail un- 
 der it, and thus invite thousands of/ore/^n seamen to enter into our 
 service, and thrust aside our own native citizens. 
 
 But this evil of impressment, however great it may be, is at least 
 no greater now, than it was in the time of Washington. That 
 Great Man did not, however, deem it an evil to be remedied by 
 War. Neither did it occur to President Adams, nor even to Pres- 
 ident Jefferson, that it would be wise or politic, for the purpose 
 of attempting to rescue a very small portion of our Seamen from 
 captivity, to commence a war, which must inevitably, as this war 
 will, consign ten times as many to a captivity as bad. 
 
 England has always professed a wilingness to adjust this subject 
 by amicable arrangement. She has repeatedly called on us to dg 
 our parti) iovnTAs effecting such adjustment. She has reminded 
 us of thj facility- — we may say the falsity^ with which Ameri- 
 can Protections are obtaioed j of the frequent instaaccs, in whic.'i 
 
22 
 
 irishmen and others, that cannot speak a Vjord oj our language., 
 are found with American Protections ia their pockets. She has, 
 -expressly aud officially, offered to prohibit, by severe laws, 
 ^U impressments from , American vessels, if the American 
 ■Govcrament would enact laws prohibiting American officers 
 from granting Protections, or Certificates of Citizenship to 
 British subjects. She has also, through her Ministers, offered 
 to restore every native Seaman, that our Government. could name, 
 as being under imjiressment. For years preceding the Declara- 
 'Sion of War, our Government has been, in a manner, silent on 
 this subject. Under an expectation (which had never been broken 
 ofi) of an amicable arrangement. Government seems to have ceas- 
 ed to make it a topic of complaint. When the arrangement was 
 Toade with Mr. Erskine, the present Administration themselves 
 did not consider any existing difficulties on the subject of Impress- 
 -snent as insuperable obstacles to peace. 
 
 What is it, then, that hath since given to this subject a sudden 
 and unusual importance ? What is it, that hath so com[)leteIy 
 stifled the voice of the friends of the Seamen, and at the same time 
 (Called into action such powerful sympathies in the bosom of Strang 
 •^ers? What is it, that hath raist'd a voice, beyond the Wt-sft-ra 
 JVlountains, so loudand clamorous for their protection b?/ War, 
 XV bile the fathers and brethren, the friends and relatives, the wives 
 and children of these very seamen — nay even the seamen them- 
 selves^ deprecate this war, as the greatest calamity that qould fall 
 Bipou them ? 
 
 The Blockade, and Orders in Council, the other causes of War, 
 bear no better examination than the subject of impressment. The 
 Blookade, now so grievous to be endured, we know was regarded 
 at the time it was laid, as a measure favorable to our interests. 
 Weknow this, upon the express de*;laratioo of Mr. Monroe^ then 
 our Minister in England. We have his own words, that it should 
 fee regarded "zn a favorable light,^' and that it ^^ promised to be 
 ?ifg^h(t/ satisfactory/ to our Commercial Interests." 
 
 By what train of reasoning this favor is now turned into an 
 injury., and aa injury of such magnitude as to justify War, we 
 are utterly at a loss to com[)rehend. 
 
 We are equally unsatisfied with the arguments nsed, to prove 
 that the Decrees of France ys fire repealed in November 1810, and 
 that therefore, without departing from Impartial |)olicy, we are 
 justified in uridertaking to compel England, by War, to abandon 
 her Orders in Council. Against such supposed repeal of the 
 French Decrees we have the express declaration of the French 
 Government itself, as late as March 1812, alledging th2itthose De- 
 ■crees did then exist. We have also had daily evidence of their 
 op^ratioDj in the destruction of our property, and some Members 
 
25 
 
 of thrs Meeting have conTictions of the existence and operBtion of 
 those Decrees, down to the very moment of our Declaration of 
 War; which convictions, being produced by great and repeated 
 personal losses, in the seizures., detentions, confiscations, and 
 BURNINGS, under those very Decree?, are not likely to be remo7» 
 e<l by any ingpuious comments on the terms of an ambiguous, de- 
 ceptive, and fallacious instrument, like the Duke of Cadore's 
 letter. 
 
 But the question is now at rest. The recent appearance of the 
 French Decree, purporting to be dated Jpril2S, 1811, leaves no 
 foothold for persistance and partiality longer to stand on. That 
 Decree declares, that m consequence of measures adopted by oar 
 Government against England in March 1811, the Decrees oi Berlin 
 and Milan shall now be considered as having ceased io operate, as 
 against us, in November 1810. — This proves beyond contradic- 
 tion, that those Decrees were not repealed, at the time when our 
 Governm«nt adopted measures against England, /o«nc?gc^ on their 
 supposed repeal. 
 
 A more singular incongruity, than is here manifest, never cAor- 
 acterized the intercourse of Nations. In March 181 1, this Gov- 
 ernment took measures against England, because France had ac- 
 tually repealed hcT Decrees, j^fterzcards, in May 1811, France 
 repealed her Decrees, because our government had actually takea 
 measures against England. 
 
 The couduct of France, in relation to the repeal of her Edicts^ 
 exhibits to our view, a scene of the most contemptible fraud 
 and juggling, that ever disgraced the Court of any Nation. 
 
 The British Orders in Council, we are informed, are now re- 
 voked. We cannot but lament, that the declaration of War was 
 forced and hurried, as if to put us beyond the benefit of favor- 
 able events. Every attempt at postponement was inefiectua', 
 and the question was taken, at a moment, when, perhaps, a month's 
 delay would have removed the principal ground of complaint, and 
 averted the awful calamity. 
 
 As none of the Complaints against England arc of recent origin ; 
 as they must all have been long in the contem))lafion of Govern- 
 ment, it was reasonably expected, that if Government intended 
 fVar, it would have made adequate provision and preparation for 
 that event. In this expectation we have been disappointed. The 
 Nation is totally unprepared for War. We say totally unpre- 
 pared ; because the degree of preparation bt-ars no definable re- 
 lation to the magnitude of the occasion, or to the greatness of the 
 interests which are at stake. 
 
 Without mentioning the situation of our Inland Frontier, it is 
 sufficient to advert to the exposed state of our St a Coast, and our 
 Commerce^ It is unheard of, and beyond imagination strange, !q 
 
24 
 
 our opinion, that such great and important interests as the Navi» 
 GATJON and Commerce of a whole Country, should be put to 
 hazard, --nay to certain loss — for want of that protection, which 
 it was in the power, — 'and which we presume to say it was 
 the DUTYj of Government, to have afforded. 
 
 On the subject of Naval Defence, we do not feel ourselves 
 confined to the mere language of Supplication. On that topic 
 we do not address ourselves to the favor and clemency only, of 
 any Administration. We hold it to be our right, to demand, 
 at the hand of the General Government, adequate protection to 
 our lawful Commerce. When the Constitution empowered the 
 Government to build and maintain a Navy, it was not sup- 
 posed, that that provision would remain inoperative parchment, 
 and a dead letter. On the contrary, it was confidently expected 
 that that Power would be exercised, as cheerfully as the power to 
 iQ'iy and collect taxes. We consider protection on the Sea to be 
 as solemnly guaranteed to us by the Constitution^ as protection 
 on the land; and we shall as readily assent, to a practical con- 
 struction of that Instrument, which deprives us of the one, as to 
 that which deprives us of the other. 
 
 W^hen the Commercial and Navigating States surrendered to the 
 General G overnment the riches of their Custom-Houses, and there- 
 by parted with the fairest portion of their Revenue, leaving to 
 themselves nothing to defray the expenses of their own establish- 
 ments, but an unpleasant resort to Direct Taxation, they had 
 a right to expect, and they did expect, from the wisdom and jus^ 
 tice of that Government, adequate and ample means of Protectioa 
 antl Defence. They entered into the Union under this full ex- 
 pectation. It was an expectation, raised and excited, not only by 
 the express words of the Constitution itself, but by the declara- 
 tions and assurances of those, who recommended its adoption. 
 
 It is not disreepectful to remind YOU, Sir, that a distinguish- 
 ed advocate* for the Union of these States, urged the adoption 
 of the Federal Constitution upon the Inhabitants of the Atlantic 
 Frontier in the following manner : — 
 
 " The palpable necessity of the power to provide and main- 
 " tain a navy, has protected that part of the Constitution, 
 " against a spirit of censure which has spared iay^ other parts. 
 *' It must be numbered among the greatest blessings of America, 
 " that as her Union will be the only source of her Maritime 
 
 Strength, so this will be the principal source of her security 
 
 against danger from abroad." 
 
 *' The Inhabitants of the Atlantic Frontier a^e all of them deep= 
 " /?/ interested, in this provision for Naval Protection, and if 
 
 * Mr. Madison himself. 
 
 
1f> 
 
 25 
 
 ^^ fsiey have hitherto been suflFered to sleep quietly In their beds ; 
 *^ ii their property has remained safe against the predatory spirit 
 ^* of licentious Adventurers ; if theij Maritime Towns have not 
 *' yet been compelled to ransom themselves from the terrors of 
 ** Conflagration, by yielding to the exactions of daring and 
 *' sudden Invaders, these instances of good fortune are not 
 *^' to be ascribed to the capacities of the esisting Government 
 f« (in 1788)." 
 
 The same distinguished Gentleman, at a later period, gave 
 to the People of this Nation a solemn and official Pledge of his 
 sentiments on this important subject, in his Station as a leading 
 Member of Congress, in the following emphatic manner. 
 
 *' I consider an acquisition of Maritime Strength essen- 
 *^ TiAL, to this Country ; should we ever be so unfortunate as 
 *' to be engaged in War, what but this can defend our Towns 
 ** and cities upon the Sea Coast ? or what but this can enable us 
 ** to repel an invading enemy ;*" 
 
 May we now. Sir, be permitted to ask, whether these hopes 
 have been realized, and these assurances performed ? Has this 
 solemn Pledge been redeemed ? Does the present actual Admin- 
 istration of the Constitution comport with these principles ? Is a 
 sufficient NAVY provided and maintained ? /^ this Naval 
 protection in which the Inhabitants of the Atlantic Fron- 
 tier are so deeply interested, afforded to them ? Can they, nowy 
 sleep quietly in their beds ? is their property nozo safe against the 
 licentious spirit of predatory Adventurers ? Are their Maritime 
 TbwNs secure from the terrors of CoNFLAeRATioN, or the exac- 
 tions of daring and sudden Invaders ? We put these questions, 
 not merely to the wisdom and policy, but to the duty and the 
 CONSCIENCE of our Government. Alas ! it is notorious that 
 we have not this Navy ; we are not protected ; we cannot be 
 quiet, or secure ; our Maritime Towns are not safe against invU" 
 sion and burning ; Our best interests are at the mercy of our 
 enemies, and we can do nothing^ but sit still, and seethe fruits of 
 thirty years of laborious industry swept away with the besom of 
 destruction ! 
 
 We are. Sir, from pripciple and habit attached to the Union 
 of the States. But our attachment is to the substance, and not 
 to the form. It is to the good which this Union is capable of 
 producing, and not to the evil, which is suffered unnaturally to 
 grow out of it. If the time should ever arrive, when this Union 
 shall be holden together by ncrthing but the authority of Law ; 
 when its incorporating, vital principle shall become extinct j 
 whea its principal exercises shall consist in acts of power and au- 
 
 * Mr. Madison's Speech in Congress, 1789* 
 4 
 
v. 
 
 26 
 
 «•. ". r.r.inf f^rotedion and beneficence; when it shall loSfc 
 ^hority, «<>* f /Xt U hath hitherto had iD the public affec 
 
 ^"we'shnnkfron,theseparatioaoftbeStat^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ 
 
 ^ith .ocalcuiable evils, and it .s ^'^"f.^^^f^/ffour opinion, a 
 ^he present course of n^^asures, that ^^'^ ^^'^^'^ ^^^J^^ I'f » 
 ..ry dangerous and alannins ^^--f^^^^ Tee it -11 be, oa 
 separation of the States ^"^^^/^'"'"/.'^ /^'^^Country undertakes to 
 son.e occasion, .hen «-/^f;;j'' he "n tersest of another ; 
 controui, to regulate, and to *°^^.>'^^^" Government, taking 
 ^^hen a small and heated Mq;on^^m the (,oer^,^^ 
 
 most important interests. „,„^i:„,tioQ to Heaven to avert. 
 
 It shall be our most fervent suPPj'^^t'^^ Government may be 
 both the event and the occasion ; ^^^'^'^^'^l ^iu never be 
 assured, that the tie that bmds us to the Union, w 
 
 broken by us. ^y all accounts, yet 
 
 But although we '^"^^^^^^ P'^^^J, ,iew in it, as z.c fear, the 
 
 do we deprecate '*. /»- «{ f ' ^^rapprehensio'ns, on this head, 
 
 harbmger <>f f ^'^^^^^f ^^^^^.^ Stati^^"^ Napoleon Emperor 
 are not unnatural, ihe Unueu ot , . „^„^ cart, a corn- 
 
 are not unnatural. Itie uniiKu o , J sort, acorn- 
 
 -'^^^l'^ZrJ:'::'^^r'^^:^'^^^^o. objects, ia 
 
 romer^Te-e, tS^^here h^ «>-j -tcv:r:;x'r. 
 
 series of remarkable -f-^^f";^^^„;;fehaTacte" of the French 
 Governments. Add to this ^he known cna ^^^^^ ^.^^ 
 
 Court for intrigue, circumvention, and perftdy, . ^^^^^^^^^ 
 
 judge, ^vhether our vears are either groundless, 
 
 ^'^ the subject, of any FrencH c—^^^.^^^^^^ 
 remote, we have made up our ™»»^s ^.^.^^ ^^^^ 
 
 «ist in uniting ihe i^X^''''Mlt no connexion with her princi- 
 ,otism of France We - ^^fj.^Vo;, ,lder whatever name 
 pics, or her power. If her armtu t' ' ^ ^^ ^^ enemies. 
 
 :,r character, should come here, we ^^^^ ^^f^J'^^^^ i „« to con- 
 No pressure, donicstzc or ^<^'^^,'f°' '^„,*.Xcors^^ 
 ..ect'ouK interests with those of t ^ House of C . u:^ ,^^^ ^J^^^^ 
 
 ouKSB.VES, to the lru.rapha Car of^^^j^^ q lUsoIution. we 
 lant of Continental Europe. in '^"^"^"^^^^..^.-ces We have 
 Uvc uot yeea thoughtless of possible coase^ueaces, 
 
27 
 
 weighed them. We have reflected on the measures, "which an ad"* 
 herence to this Resolution might hereafter occasion. We have 
 coasidered the events which may grow out of it. In the full aniV 
 undisguised view of these consequences, we have formed this Ouk 
 Resolutiov, and we affirm to you, Sir, and to the World, that ii 
 is deep, fixed, and uncbao^eable.. 
 
 It only remains for us, to express our conscientious convictions^ 
 that the present course of measures will prove most prejudicial 
 and ruinous to the Country, and our just expectation that the 
 Government will adopt such a system as shall restore to us tha 
 blessings of Peace and of Commeuce. 
 
 SAMUEL TENNEY, Per order, 
 
 William A. Kent, Secretary, 
 
 RESOLUTIONS. 
 
 Hon. NATH'L A. HAVE?^, ? ^ d / si. 
 
 STVlU'-ATtTS /-^TT'rT'C • TT" ^ Of fOrtSmOUtn, 
 
 JiiDWARD CUiTn, jr. Esq. ^ -' 
 
 Hon. OLIVER PEABODY, of Exeter. 
 
 Hon. WILLIAM A. KENT, of Concord. 
 
 Hon. JOSEPH BLANCHARD, of Chester: 
 
 Capt. JOHN ADAMS, of Stratham. 
 
 EDMUND TOPPAN, Esq. of Hampton. 
 
 Rev. ELIAS HULL, of Seabrook. 
 
 JOSEPH PERKINS, Esq. of Hamptojjfalls. 
 
 JOSEPH SHKPHERD, P:sq. of Epping. 
 
 Capt. BRADBURY BaRTLETT, of Nottingham^ 
 
 lA. PETER SANBORN, jr. of Deer field. 
 
 JACOB WEBSTER, Esq. of Kingston. 
 
 STEPHEN CHASE, Esq. of Northjield. 
 
 WILLIAM MORRILL, Esq. ofBrentn-ood. 
 Jiavin!^ been appointed to prepare Resolutions, reported the fol- 
 lowing, which were unanimously adopted^ 
 
 WHEREAS, it is the undoubted Constitutional Right of 
 the People to assemble in a peaceable and orderly manner ; to 
 consult on the common good and public welfare ; to express 
 their opinions on the means proper to be adopted for the promot- 
 ing of these objects; and to signify their approbation or disappro=. 
 hation of the measures of Government ; and whereas, the mera« 
 bers of this Meeting deem the present to be a critical and momen- 
 tous period in. onr public affairSj being itiTohed in a '^ar, whica» 
 
o 
 
 ihey teliere to te premature and inexpedient t commenced at a 
 period when the Country, in a great degree, is unprepared either 
 for attack or resistance, whether on the Land or on the Sea, they 
 do now adopt the following resolutions, as expressive of their sen= 
 timcnts and opinions, on the recent measures of our Government* 
 
 1a/. Resolved, That we are firmly attached to the Constitu- 
 tion of the United States : and believe, that the administration of 
 it by the illustrious George Washington, was according to its true 
 spirit and original intention ; and productive in the highest de- 
 gree of the prosperity and happiness of the people. 
 
 ^d. Resolved, That we consider it to have been a principal, 
 object in adopting the Constitution, to foster, extend and protect 
 the Commerce of the States, and the great and essential inter- 
 •ssts connected with that Commerce ; and that we have seen with 
 great regret, a system pursued by the government, tending direct- 
 ly to destroy Commerce, to discourage agriculture, and the 
 mechanic arts ; a system, which has proved totally inadequate to 
 the production of any good, inasmuch, as it has not procured us 
 honorable peace, nor saved us from calamitous war. 
 
 3d. Resolved, That the present War was undertaken in direct 
 opposKion to the wishes, and will prove extremely injurious to 
 the Interests of the people of this State ; and that none of the 
 causes alledged in the President's Manifesto, and the Report of 
 the Committee of Foreign Relations, recommending War with 
 Grcat-Britain, are in our opinion sufficient to justify Congress in 
 declaring War, especially in the present exposed and defenceless 
 state of tht Country. 
 
 4th. Resolved, That we are wholly unable to comprehend or 
 even conjecture any reasons, why the Interests of this Country 
 would not have permitted our Citizens, who have property to a 
 great amount abroad, to have brought it home, previous to the 
 declaration of War with Great- Britain, 
 
 5ih. Resolved, That in our opinion, the Inhabitants of the 
 Commercial and Maritime States, have a Constitutional Right to 
 he protected by an adequate Naval Force ; they pay a full conv 
 sideration to Government in the proceeds of their Custom-House 
 duties ; — and that in totally neglecting the means of this protec- 
 tion ; in suiiering one portion of our small Navy to be sold, and 
 another part to go to entire decay ; so that instead of having a 
 force naturally increasing with the increase of our revenues ; that 
 force has for ten years been continually dwindling, and is now 
 totally incompetent to protect our Ports and Harbours ; we 
 think the administration has manifested a spirit hostile to our 
 ♦iearest rights and best interests ; and an alarming indicatioa 
 of a settled purpose vFholly to abandon the Commerce of thwo 
 Slates* 
 
29 
 
 5th. Resolvedj That we hold the Liberty of free enquiry aritl 
 ^ree discussion as well in as out of Congress to be essential to the 
 maintenance of free Governments ; that the frequent prevcntioa 
 of discussion by arbitrary mandates and Resolutions, falsely call- 
 ed Rules of order, and the shutting up of the Representatives of 
 the People in secret conclave, in numerous repeated instances, is 
 inconsistent with Liberty, and merit and receive our marked dis- 
 approbation. 
 
 7th. Resolved, That we do detest and abhor, that open, un- 
 blushing, avowed approbation, given in more than one vehicle of 
 administration, to those illegal, riotous and savage proceedings^ 
 which are now desolating a great City in the Union. 
 
 8M. Resolved, That the power of the President to call out the 
 Militia of the States, is a power strictly guarded and limited by 
 the Constitution ; that it is confined to cases of Invasion, Insur- 
 rection, or resistance of the Laws, neither of which to our knowU 
 edge exists at present ; that this power is subject to an express 
 reservation of the appointment of all officers to command the militia 
 to the State authority; likewise we deem the sending a portion of 
 «*ie militia out of this State, to serve under officers of the Standing 
 Army of the United States, to be an infringement of their CoDStt- 
 tutional privileges. 
 
 9th. Resolved, That we deprecate any connexion with the 
 French Government as the deepest calamity that can befal this 
 country. 
 
 iO^A. Resolvedj That the great increase of duties, on imported 
 articles, while no taxes are laid which would bear on those 
 parts of the Union, which do not consume such articles, is in our 
 opinion, an unjust and unequal measure of taxation ; as it is cal- 
 culated to raise the whole extraordinary war revenue, on the com- 
 mercial and importing States, when their Commerce is nearly de- 
 stroyed, and their industry no longer productive. 
 
 Wth. Resolved, That we will make every fair and honorable 
 exertion in our power, to promote the Election of such men for 
 members of Congress, and Electors of President and Vice-Presi- 
 dent, to be chosen in the month of November next : whose at- 
 tachment to the Commerce of the country will lead them to seek 
 its release from its present restrictions, and whose love of Peac^ 
 dispose them to bring the War in which we are now engaged, to a 
 speedy and honorable termination. 
 
#■■ 
 
 so 
 
 ELECTIONS. 
 
 Hon. PAINE WINGATE, of Sfrafhcm. 
 Hon. SAMUEL TENNEY, of Exeter, 
 I^JATHANIEL ADAMS. ) 
 
 THOMAS SHEAFE, > of Portsmouth. 
 
 SAMUEL HAM, Esq'rs. > 
 
 Hon. WILLIAM ADAMS, of Londonderry:: 
 
 Col. JON A. GARLAND, of Hampton. 
 
 Capt. ENOCH WORTHEN, of Kensington. 
 
 JOHN FOLSOM, Esq. of Chester, 
 
 Col. DAVID McCRILLIS, of Canterbury. 
 
 Maj. WILLIAM NORRIS, of Nottingham, 
 
 GEORGE HOUGH, Esq. of Concord. 
 
 Capt. EBENEZER CRAM, Jr. of Raymond: 
 
 JOHN CAMPBELL, Esq. of Windham. 
 
 JOHN VOSE, Esq, of Atkinson. 
 naming been appointed a Committee to nominate Candidates for 
 Electors of President and Vice-President, and Representatives to 
 Congress at the ensuing Election, reported, that from information 
 seceived from the several Counties of the State, they recommended" 
 the following Tickets, to be supported by the Friends of Peace 
 ©n the first Monday of November next« 
 
 For electors. 
 
 Hon. OLIVER PEABODY, ? t? , - , 
 
 NATH'i. A. HAVEN, 5 ^ocfrt«-/m?n. 
 
 SAMUEL HALE, ^ c./ yr 7 
 NATHAN TAYLOR, S ^'^"^°^^' 
 TIMOTHY FARRAR, Hillsborough. 
 BENJAMIN WEST, } ri 1 ■ 
 CALEB ELLIS, ^ Uieshire. 
 
 JONA. FRANKLIN, Grafton and Coos: 
 
 For representatives. 
 
 DANIEL WEBSTER. Esq. of Portsmouth. 
 
 Col. BRADBURY CILLEY, of Nottingham. 
 
 Hon. WILLIAM HALE, of Dover. 
 
 SAMUEL SMITH, Esq. of Peterborough. 
 
 Hon. ROGER VOSE, of fValpole. 
 
 JEDUTHAN WILCOX, Esq. of Orfard. 
 >vhicTi Report of the Committee was unanimously accepted b}' 
 the Meeting. 
 
LBJl'26