. C<99
A(
^ tff ?lf tlf tlf rlf tlf tff ^ ^
*
4
4
4
4
^
4
4
^ THE HISTORY OF
I FORT
t SUMTER
1P BY ^
^ Gen. SAMUEL W. CRAWFORD ^
An Inside History of the Affairs of
I860 and 1 86 J, and the Events ^
which brought on the Rebellion ^
/
s/r
P5
H
O
o
O
THE HISTORY OF THE FALL
OF
Fort Sumpter
BEING AN INSIDE HISTORY OF THE AFFAIRS IN "SOUTH CAROLINA
AND WASHINGTON, 1 860-1, AND THE CONDITIONS AND
EVENTS IN THE SOUTH WHICH BROUGHT
ON THE REBELLION
THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR
^-^/^;-/j/ " — Correspondence with
Piesident sent to Governor Pickens— Reply of his Secretary of
State, Judge Magrath — Reviews and criticizes it — Insists upon
knowing the position of the Government — Demands surrender of
Fort Sumter — President's reply to be at once communicated, when
Governor would decide upon his course — Envoy to return 218-225
CHAPTER XIX.
Envoy Hayne presents his letter to the President — Subsequently
addresses President directly— Comments upon the letter of Secre-
tary of War - Receives further instructions, and communicates as
special envoy - Offers to make compensation for Fort Sumter —
Comments upon the President's letter to the Southern Senators —
Justifies the firing upon iho. Star of l/te JFt'j/— Able response of
Secretary of War for the President — Fort Sumter as "property'''' —
Answers propositions of envoy — Right of "eminent domain " can-
not be asserted — No constitutional right in President to " cede or
surrender " Fort Sumter — Right to send reinforcements "unques-
tionable " — President will send them, if necessary — Fort held as
property and for no unfriendly purpose — Envoy replies directly to
the President, and leaves Washington — His letter — The President
declines to receive it — Letter returned to Colonel Hayne by mail . 226-234
CHAPTER XX.
President embarrassed by Major Anderson's " truce "—Determines
to respect it — Considers th.it his instructions should have guided
Xviii CONTENTS.
PAGE
Major Anderson— Upon departure of the envoy, new expedition re-
solved upon — Members of the Cabinet interested in relief to Sumter
— Letter of Judge Black, Secretary of State, to Lieutenant-General
Scott — General Scott does not respond — Later, Judge Black ad-
dresses the President; reviews the situation— Urges decision of
some policy in regard to Sumter — Ex-President John Tyler, a
Commissioner from the Peace Convention of Virginia, aiTives in
Washington — President sends his Secretary of State, in anticipa-
tion of his visit, to call upon him — The interview — President
declines to become a party to proposed agreement — Transmits
message to Congress on January 28, with the resolutions of the
Virginia Convention — Congress ignores his recommendations —
Subject dropped — Commissioner to South Carolina presents Vir-
ginia resolutions to the Legislature- — Coldly received — Governor
Pickens opposed — ^General Assembly declines to enter into negoti-
ations -Commissioners continue their efforts — Ex -President Tyler
telegraphs to Governor Pickens — Explains position of the Presi-
dent — Reply of Governor — Reports of interviews to relieve Sum-
ter — Reports also of its immediate seizure by the State— Governor
telegraphs to Montgomery, asking that a commander-in-chief be
appointed— Meeting of Cabinet in Washington to determine upon
plan of relief to Sumter— Details of plan— Additional proposition
of Captain G. V. Fox — Its detail — General Scott approves prepar-
ations made — President changes his mind — He determines to
respect the appeal made by Virginia — Will not precipitate a crisis
— Astonishment and disappointment of General Scott— His subse-
quent letter to the incoming President — President Buchanan's
statement— Captain Fox again urges his plan 235-251
CHAPTER XXL
President Buchanan's views as to the coercive powers of the Govern-
ment — Congress meets— President's message of December 2 —
Review of the political situation — Recommendations — Denies any
danger to Southern rights — No right as President to decide rela-
tions between Government and State — Secession not the right of a
State— Congress no constitutional right to coerce State attempting
secession— Recommends "explanatory amendment," recognizing
property in slaves and their protection in the Territories— Mes-
sage disappoints Southern leaders— Congress neglects to act —
Piesident sends special message on January 8 — Reiterates his
position and views — Reasons for not reinforcing Major Anderson
— ^Jefferson Davis's opinion of the message — Senate refuse to con-
firm Collector for Charleston, S. C— Crittenden amendment-
Endorsed bv the President — Amended by wholly different resolu
tion — Original proposition defeated — Peace Convention of Virginia
— Efforts to effect a settlement— Series of amendments offered —
CONTENTS. xix
Propositions made — Mr. Crittenden adopts a proposition in prefer-
ence to his own — Senate rejects it — Cotton States pass ordinances
of Secession — Seize the public property — Congress relies upon
time and the incoming administration 252-258
CHAPTER XXII.
Delegates from cotton States meet at Montgomery, Ala. — Form a pro-
visional Congress — Executive, legislative and judicial departments
formed— The United States of America "a foreign country" —
The establishment and organization of the " Government " — Acts
passed — Assumes control of the " questions and difficulties "
existing with the General Government — Nature of the Govern-
ment — General Convention not competent to exigency — Declares
itself a provisional Government at first —Exercises all power —
Governor Pickens seeks counsel of Jefferson Davis — His reply —
Writes again on the 20th of January — His letter — Governor
Pickens consults the Governor of Georgia— His reply — Threat-
ened attack upon Sumter — Mr. Robert Toombs urges against the
attack, except with sanction of "our joint Government" — Reply
of Governor Pickens — Recommends the appointment of a comman-
der-in-chief— Counsels that the "Congress" should indicate
jurisdiction — His views and arguments — Thinks on 12th of Febru-
ary that he is prepared to take Fort Sumter— Ask- if he shall
await orders, or act himself— Jefferson Davis -Provisional Presi-
dent of new Government —Appoints a general officer for Charles-
ton—Governor applies for a "skilled engineer " — Captain Whit-
ing sent — His adverse report— Work at Cummings Point pushed
steadily on 250-272
CHAPTER XXIII.
Salutes upon Washington's birthday in Charleston Harbor — Scenes in
Washington —President countermands order for parade of troops
— Representative Sickles protests — Interview with the President
at the War Department —President yields — Parade takes place —
Makes explanation to Ex-President Tyler — His letter— Major G.
T. Beauregard selected as Brigadier-General of the new Confed-
eracy—His character and history— Proceeds to Charleston —
Makes thorough inspection- Unfavorable result— Absence of
systematic organization and control - Operations around Sumter
changed -Detached batteries located on shores of harbor -Fort
Sumter to be enveloped by a circle of fire —Defenses of Fort
Moultrie rebuilt— Chief Engineer's accurate observations and
reports -His letter to his chief — Major Anderson clearly reports
his condition, and the work going on around him 273-281
XX CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XXIV.
('lose of President Buchanan's administration — Condition of the
country— Anderson's letter of February 28 — Its character— Esti-
mate of himself and officers — Relieving force necessary —Letter
delivered to President on 4th of March — Transmitted to incoming
President by Secretary of War Holt on 5th ot March — Resume of
President Buchanan's course in dealing with the seceded States —
His failure to recognize the real condition of affairs — His policy
and action — Secretary Holt's letter accompanying Anderson's
communication — Misled by Anderson's statements— Believed
Anderson safe — Line of policy not to reinforce, unless called upon
by Anderson, adhered to — Anderson's previous report— Main
statements of his condition— Impossible to relieve him without
large force — Anderson's views in private correspondence — Import-
ant letter to a Rhode Island correspondent— Good condition of
the garrison — Annoyances from without— Irritation of the people
— Floating battery — Anderson asks for instructions in regard to
it — Reply of Secretary of War — Destruction of the temporary
wooden buildings on the parade — Ammunition furnished to the
batteries— Rearrangement of the guns — Gorge protected and
strengthened — Anderson mines the wharf 282-298
CHAPTER XXV.
Work at Sumter— Reports of Anderson and Captain Foster — Work at
Cummings Point — Firing for range from channel batteries— P'oster
I eports batteries around — Inaugural of President Lincoln — War-
like construction placed upon it — General Beauregard assumes
command— Urged by Montgomery Government to push the work
— Reports of evacuation of Fort Sumter- Confederate Secretary
of War informs Beauregard — Apprehension as to mines — Cor-
respondence of Beauregard and Anderson — Terms required —
Anderson "deeply hurt" at the conditions imposed— Wigfall
establishes recruiting station in Baltimore for the Confederacy —
Adjutant-General Samuel Cooper, U. S. A., resigns his commission
— Takes similar position in the Confederacy — Peace Convention in
session in Virginia — Defeats resolution of secession — President
Lincoln determines to confer with some prominent Union member
— ^J. B. Baldwin selected —Propositions said to have been made —
Denials— Controversy inconsequence — Baldwin returns — Conven-
tion passes the Ordinance of Secession — President's proclamation
— Both sides prepare for the inevitable struggle 299-313
CHAPTER XXVL
Confederate Congress authorizes appointment ot three Commissioners
to Washington— Messrs. Crawford, Roman and Forsyth selected —
Their instructions— Commissioner Crawford arrives in Washington
CONTENTS. Xxi
PAGE
— " Fully satisfied " that to approach Mr. Buchanan would he
disadvantageous — Commissioner reports to the Confederate Secre-
tary of State — Senator W. II. Seward to be the new Secretary of
State— His peaceful policy — Inauguration of Mr. Lincoln -Com-
missioner reports to his Government— Commissioner Forsyth
arrives — Report of the two Commissioners — Senator R. M. T.
Hunter — Propositions for delay made to Commissioner — Authori-
ses at Montgomery consider a delay a doubtful policy — Evacua-
tion of Sumter to be insisted upon — Secretary of State declines to
receive the Commissioners— Associate Justice Campbell ofTers to
mediate — Associate Justice Nelson also interests himself- Question
of the evacuation ot Sumter — Associate Justice Campbell's memo-
randa — Further instructions from Montgomery — Warlike arma-
ments—Volunteers called out at Charleston — Memorandum of
Secretary of State — Its effect — The Commissioners leave Washing-
ton —Judge Campbell to Secretary of State — Writes to the Presi-
dent— Sumter fired upon 314-345
CHAPTER XXVII.
Anderson's estimate of force necessary to relieve him — Referred to
General Scott — His opinion — Plan of relief of Captain Fox —
President calls for written opinions of his Cabinet in regard to
Sumter— Views of the Secretary of State — Opinions of the Secre-
tary of War, Postmaster-General, Secretary of the Treasury —
Opinion of Brigadier-General Totten, Chief Engineer— General
Scott changes his views^ Abandonment of Fort Sumter a "sure
necessity" — His Memorandum for the Secretary of War — Francis
P. Blair — His interview with the President — Letter of the Post-
master-General — Speculations upon the opinions of the Cabinet —
Secretary Chase corrects statement of his position — His letters —
Final position of the Secretary of War 346-368
CHAPTER XXVIII.
President desires further information from Major Anderson — Captain
Fox sent as messenger — Arrives at Sumter — His interview with
Anderson— Statement of provisions given to him — Visit of Ward
H. Lamon— Professed object, removal of command— Provisions
being rapidly exhausted -Anderson asks instructions — Firing of
batteries upon ice schooner attempting to enter harbor — Ander-
son sends an officer to Governor — Result -Important despatch
of Commissioner Crawford — Anderson writes to Washington —
Despondent feeling — Important communication of Secretary of
War— Powerful battery suddenly unmasked on Sullivan's Island-
Effect upon Anderson —Captain Fox accused of breach of faith —
Charleston authorities seize the mails — Important despatch of
Anderson taken —His letter 369-387
Xxii CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XXIX.
South Carolina Convention still in session — All resolutions referring to
Sumter laid on the table— Governor requested to call for volun-
teers—Military interests tiansferred to Confederate Government —
Convention adjourns April lo -Important telegram from Commis-
sioner Crawford — Anderson alarmed and impressed by it — His
earnest letter to his Government — Asks for instructions — Confed-
erate Secretary of War to Beauregard — Conflicting telegrams from
Washington to Charleston — Lieutenant Talbot arrives in Wash-
ington — President gives notice lo Governor Pickens of his inten-
tion to provision Fort Sumter, and to reinforce if resisted — Talbot,
with Mr. Chew, of State Department, goes to Charleston — The
notice — Read to Governor in presence of Beauregard — Messen-
gers' abrupt return — Their journey impeded — Volunteers called
for — Anderson reports — Feeling in Fort Sumter — Floating battery
in position— Provisions exhausted — Boat with white flag ap-
proaches the work 3SS-400
CHAPTER XXX.
Affairs at Fort Pickens — Quasi truce established — Chief Engineer
Totten — Communication to the War Department in regard to
Sumter and Pickens — The President not yet determined upon
his course — Pressure upon him — Finally determines — Orders
troops on Brooklyn to be landed at Pickens — Commanding officer
refuses, on account of "truce" — "Provisional expedition " pre-
pared — Its detail — United States steamship Powhatan — Her
arrival — Her preparation to refit for sea — Determination to send
provisional expedition — Other expeditions under authority of the
President — Its detail — Action of Secretary of State — His interview
with General Scott — Result— Lieutenant D. D. Porter selected to
command Poiu hat ati— Secret orders — Interview with the Presi-
dent — Orders to Porter — Difficulties in procuring funds — Attempt
to detain the Powhatan— Y'ln^Wy sails— Arrives at Pensacola —
Result of the Expedition— Fort Pickens supplied and reinforced —
Provisional expedition sails for Charleston Harbor — Its late arri-
val — Fort Sumter bombardment — Absence of the tugs — Expedi-
tion unsuccessful — President's letter to Captain Fox 401-420
CHAPTER XXXI.
Effect of notice of President upon authorities in Charleston — Their
action— Reply of Montgomery Government— Demand for the
immediate surrender of the fort — Anderson's reply — Verbal state-
ment to the messenger — Reported to Montgomery — Reply of
Confederate Secretary of War — Anderson declines its terms —
Bombardment opened on morning of the 12th of April — Descrip-
tion of the fire of the batteries— Maintained all day — Mortar fire
CONTENTS. XXI 11
PAGE
all night — Sumter opens fire at 7 o'clock — Service of its batteries
— Effect of the enemy's fire upon the fort — Fleet arrives — Men
withdrawn from the batteries at night 421-433
CHAPIER XXXII.
Mortar firing through the night — Anticipating the fleet — Heavy firing
opened in the morning — Fort Sumter replies " early and spite-
fully" — Scarcity of cartridges — Fire restricted in consequence —
Quarters set on fire by shells and hot shot — Increased fire of the
batteries — Fort threatened with explosion — Magazines closed —
Flames spread — Woodwork consumed — Flag-staff shot away —
Flag restored at once — Colonel Wigfall crosses in small boat
from Cummings Point — His visit unauthorized — Enters the fort —
Interview with Major Anderson — Terms of evacuation proposed
— Major Anderson consents — Wigfall departs — White flag raised
— Three aides of Confederate general come to fort under white
flag — Interview with Anderson — Aides return to Charleston —
Wigfall's visit without knowledge of Confederate general —
"Formal and final terms" presented — Anderson accepts — Con-
dition of the fort — Effect of the fire upon it — Casualties slight —
Four men wounded — Salute to the flag permitted — Serious explo-
sion, and result — State troops take possession. Captain Ferguson,
aide-de-camp to commanding general, raises Confederate flag
over the works — Garrison transferred to the steamer Baltic, which
leaves for the North 434-448
CHAPTER XXXIII.
Return of the garrison of Fort Sumter to New York — Their separation
for service — Their individual careers in the war — Present condi-
tion of the fort — Wholly changed in appearance and in its arma-
ment — Main defense of the harbor 449-458
APPENDIX I .
Sources of information 459
APPENDIX II.
General Beauregard's Order No. 9 464
APPENDIX III.
Extract from President Lincoln's Message, 1861 466
APPENDIX IV.
Official Report of killed and wounded 470
APPENDIX V.
General Anderson's Letter to Hon, E. M. Stanton . ., 471
Index 473
THE
GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR
THE STORY OF SUMTER
1860-61
CHAPTER I.
United States Property in the Harbor of Charleston— Description of the Forts
and their Armament — Their Defenseless Condition— Social Relations be-
tween the Officers and the People of Charleston.
The summer of i860 found the United States in possession
of certain public property within the territorial limits of South
Carolina. It had been acquired and the jurisdiction yielded by
the Legislature of the State in the usual way. There was no
special contract between the Federal Government and this Com-
monwealth, nor any feature which distinguished the legal relations
between them from those maintained with the other States of the
Union. She had accepted the Constitution of 1787 as her sister
States had done, and, notwithstanding the political a.o;'t:itions of
which she had been the peculiar theatre at various crises, the
Constitution of the United States and the laws passed in pursu-
ance thereof had been, up to the time when this narrative begins,
the supreme laws of the land there, as they had been elsewhere.
The military property of the United States in and about the
harbor of Charleston, the scene of the events with which we are
principally concerned, consisted of the forts in the harbor and a
large arsenal within the city limits. The latter was surrounded
by four acres of neatly kept grounds, and was in charge of a
military storekeeper of (ordnance, with fourteen enlisted men. Its
stores consisted of over 22,000 stand of arms, besides heavy
ordnance, with a variety of munitions and supplies, and were very
valuable. Had they subsequently been within reach of the
2 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
beleaguered garrison of Sumter, the story now to be written
might have assumed a different aspect.
Three forts with historic names guarded the entrance of the
harbor of Charleston from the sea. They had been designed
solely to meet invasion from abroad, and were constructed, in
every particular, in suggestive indifference to the possibility of
domestic insurrection or civil war.
Castle Pinckney, a small round structure of brick, stood at
the extremity of a sandy spit at the mouth of the Cooper River,
three-quarters of a mile from the city of Charleston. It was
occupied only by an ordnance sergeant and his family. Practi-
cally, it had long been abandoned. Grass grew on its walks, its
casemates had cracked here and there, and signs of neglect
and decay were apparent on every side; but twenty-two heavy
guns still stood upon its parapet,* and the old sergeant busied
himself in keeping bright the lacquer upon the guns and round
shot, and in trimmmg the harbor light that gleamed from its
walls by night.
Nearly four miles farther down, and ^\ghc in the jaws of the
channel, in its narrowest part, stood Fort Sumter, a large brick
pentagonal fort, fifty feet in tveight, with its faces making an
angle at the salient on the channel front, and its flanks running
perpendicularly to a gorge that formed its rear. It was unfinished,
and without armament of any kind. A few heavy guns of old
pattern lay in rows on the parade, amid dressed masonry and
large stones and material for the completion of the work. One
hundred and twenty workmen, under the charge of a lieutenant
of engineers, were busy in the completion of the fort, under an
appropriation of the Act of Congress of June, 1859.
From its very origin Fort Sumter seemed destined to noto-
riety. As early as 1805 the State of South Carolina had formally
ceded " to the United States of America all the right, title and
claim" of the State to Castle Pinckney, Forts Moultrie and John-
son, as well as other " sites for the erection of forts " at the
exposed parts of the State. f But it was not until 1827 that,
impressed with the exposed condition of the harbor of Charles-
ton, additional defenses were determined upon. The sea had
* Four 42-pounders, fourteen 24-pounders, four 8-inch seacoast liovatzers.
Chief of Ordnance, December 21, i860.
t Statutes at Large of South Carolina, Vol. V., p. 501.
CONDTTIOM OF THE DEFENSES OF CHARLESTOX irARBOK. ^
4 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
encroached upon the site of Fort Moultrie, on Sullivan's Island,
and it became necessary to look for other positions for defen-
sive works. The shoal opposite Fort Moultrie was selected.
Without consulting the State, experimental operations were begun
upon the shoal on which the fort now stands, and a report, with a
plan for a "casemated battery" for this shoal, was submitted by a
board of United States engineers, and was approved by the Secre-
tary of War (P. B. Porter) in 1828. This action, without their ad-
vice or consent, at once aroused the Legislature of the State, and
upon the 17th of December, 1834, the committee on Federal rela-
tions of the Flouse was instructed to inquire and report as to the
work going on, and whether the navigation of the harbor, as well as
" the interests of the good people of the State, might not be affected
thereby." But the committee were " not able to ascertain by what
authority the Federal Government assumed to erect the works "
referred to, when the Legislature formally requested the Governor
" to apply to the Executive Department of the United States Gov-
ernment to ascertain by what authority such works are erected,"
and to report the correspondence to the Legislature.* Satisfactory
explanations being made, the formal cession to the United States
of all right, title and claim of South Carolina to the site of Sum-
ter and the requisite quantity of adjacent territory was made on
the 17th day of December, 1836. It was in 1829 that work was
begun upon the fort; when finished, its armament was to consist
of 146 guns of all calibres, and a war garrison of 650 men.
Directly across the channel eastward, on the sandy beach of
Sullivan's Island and near the sea, stood Fort Moultrie, a low
water battery built of brick, sixteen feet high, with one tier of
guns en barbette, some bearing directly upon the channel, that
ran within short range of its walls. It enclosed an area of one
and one-half acres. On its cramped parade were piles of balls
and shells, and an old furnace for heating shot. In its rear, or
* Reminiscences of South Carolina: Gen. W. G. De Saussure.
Note. —When it was known that the General Government was working upon
this shoal, with the prospect of occupyintj it, one William Laval, a resident of
Charleston, obtained a grant of it from the Legislature. The shoal was cov-
ered at high tide, and thus became a part of the waterway of the harbor, and
was not disposable to any one, nor could the State itself occupy it. It was
soon discovered, therefore, that the grant to Laval was an error, and pro-
ceedings had been instituted in the courts to revoke what was done, when the
tornial cession took place.
UrSTORY AND ARMAMEyT OF FORT MOULTRIE.
5
gorge, two stories high, were its sally-port, its guard-house and
its offices. On the left, of double stories, were the quarters for
officers, and opposite were the barracks for the men. Its name
and its association were dear to every Carolinian. It stood near
the site of the old palmetto fort, where the troops of the State
line repulsed the British fleet under Admiral Sir Peter Parker, on
the 28th of June, 1776. Bearing the name of one of her most
distinguished sons, every child in South Carolina had spelled the
story and had grown up in the belief that that fort and its his-
tory were peculiarly his own inheritance. Two companies of the
S.\ND-BAG PARAPET AT FORT MOULTRIE, AS COMPLETED liY TliE CuNFEUKK ATi;S
First Regiment of Artillery, under the command of the Lieuten-
ant-Colonel of the regiment, John L. Gardiner, with the regi-
mental band, garrisoned the fort, which had been continuously
occupied for many years. Its armament consisted of fifty-five
guns of all calibres, including ten 8-inch Columbiads, eleven how-
itzers, thirty 24 and 32 pound guns, with four brass field-pieces.
Its fire commanded all approaches except the rear, and a num-
ber of its guns concentrated upon a single point in the chan-
nel, by which every vessel was compelled to pass to enter the
inner harbor. Unprepared for an attack, it had, in long years of
6 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
disuse, fallen into a condition similar to Castle Pinckney. The
winds had piled up the sands on the sea front to a level with and
against the parapet, and communication was easy from all sides.
Without a ditch, without defensive arrangements of any kind, it
was an easy prey to any force that should choose to attack it.
Some of its officers and men lived habitually outside of the work,
and its hospital had long been established a short distance
beyond the walls.
The sea winds had piled up long rows and hillocks of sand
on all sides of it, and to the northward especially, and command-
ing the approach from the main part of the island. At a dis-
tance of 1 80 or 200 yards from the fort, a range of sand-hills had
been formed, covered with a sparse, stunted vegetation, which com-
pletely commanded the parapet upon that side of the work, and
which, if occupied by riflemen, would greatly embarrass, if not
effectually prevent, any service of its guns on that side. To its
defenseless condition the attention of the Government had been
earnestly called. As long before as the i8th of June, i860, the
acting Assistant Quartermaster of the post had called the atten-
tion of the general commanding the department to the condition
of the work, and had made a request that the sum of $500
might be sent to him for the purpose of removing the sand from
the walls of the fort. He urged that, if it was the intention
" that the walls should fulfill at all the conditions for which they
were built," it was necessary to remove the sand. "A child,"
said he, " ten years old can easily come into the fort over the
sand-banks, and the wall offers little or no obstacle." He de-
clares that the ease with which the walls could be gotten over,
rendered the place more of a trap in which the garrison might be
shot down from the parapet than a means of defense. " It looked
strange," said he, "not to say ridiculous, that the only garrisoned
fort in the harbor should be so much banked in with sand that
the walls were in some places not a foot above the banks." Unfit
for attack, incapable of resistance. Fort Moultrie presented an
appearance anything but formidable, in the summer of i860.
The harbor of Charleston had not been overlooked in the general
appropriation made by Congress for the national defenses ia
i860, and the sum of $8,500 had been specially designated for
the repairs of Fort Moultrie, by the act approved on the 21st of
June. Brevet-Captain J. G. Foster, of the Corps of Engineers,
SOCIAL RELATIONS.
7
had relieved Capt. G. W. Cullum, the officer in charge of the en-
gineering operations in the harbor, and to him the condition ol
Fort Moultrie, as set forth in the letter of the post quartermaster,
was referred by the War Department for a report.
A prompt and exhaustive reply was received from that officer
on July 2, when he was ordered to proceed without delay to
Charleston and commence work at once upon the fortifications in
that harbor. By the 14th of September, the work was begun at
Moultrie, and " a full force of masons " renewed the work at Fort
Sumter on the following day. It was thus, in the ordinary rou-
tine of army administration, and in pursuance of an Act of Con-
gress making appropriations for the specific purpose, that work
upon the fortifications in Charleston Harbor was begun and pros-
ecuted in the summer of i860.
But however regularly and in accordance with routine that
work might have been undertaken, it soon became manifest that
the renewed activity in regard to the forts had attracted the atten-
tion of the authorities and people of the city and of the State.
It had come to be accepted as a fact that the coming elections in
November would result in the defeat of the party in power, and
in view of this the deliberate purpose of the State had been
formed.
Between the officers of the garrison and the summer inhab-
itants of the island, as well as the people of Charleston, the rela-
tions had ever been of the most agreeable character. The mili-
tary band furnished an attractive feature, and the parapet at Fort
Moultrie was the daily promenade of the fashionable throng. To
the officers of the little garrison, upon whom the events of a few
weeks suddenly devolved, perhaps, the gravest responsibilities con-
nected with the beginning of the Civil War, the severance of
these social ties — some of them close and prized, and some of
them strengthened by birth and connection — was one of the ear-
liest as well as the saddest consequences of their peculiar posi-
tion. But it was an inevitable consequence, and they so accepted it.
The officers of the garrison were no exception to the general
rule which influenced other officers of the army. Reserving to
themselves the right to hold their individual political sentiments,
it was without reference to any part in the struggles so often re-
newed in the country; their allegiance holding to the Government,
whose servants they were, without regard to the political com-
8 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
plexion of any special administration. Embracing every shade
of politics, they were nevertheless a unit in their convictions of
duty under the peculiar circumstances that surrounded them.
Long habits of discipline and obedience, acquired in years of
service, had wrought their full effect, and kept them unwavering
in the discharge of simple duty until the last. They early appre-
ciated the earnestness of the leaders and people of South Caro-
lina, but they left the solution of the difficulties to the same
tribunal to which they were accustomed to refer their own— the
Government at Washington. But as the days went by, and the
determination of South Carolina became more manifest to them,
and they realized that they and their trust were the offending
features, they became animated by a single purpose — resistance.
CHAPTER II.
Extra session of Legislature to appoint Presidential electors — Governor Gist's
message urging action, in prospect of political change— Action of Legisla-
ture — Caucus— Feeling in the State — Action of United States Judge Ma-
grath— Resignation of District-Attorney and Collector— Provides a bill for
calling a Convention and to arm the State — Regular session of Legislature —
Governor's messages and recommendations — Feeling in the State — Wash-
ington Light Infantry offer their services.
South Carolina was at this period the only State in the Union
where the Presidential electors were appointed by the Legislature.
In accordance with an Act of Congress of 1846, the electors for
President and Vice-President of the United States were to be ap-
pointed on the Tuesday next after the first Monday of Novem-
ber, of the year in which they were to serve. The Governor of
the State availed himself of the law to call the Legislature of
i860 together in special session on the 5th of November, not
only that they might carry into effect the Act of Congress, but
that they might take action, " if deemed advisable for the safety
and protection of the State." It was the new Legislature that
was thus called upon to act. Elected in the previous month of
October, and composed of the younger men, it had been chosen
with reference to the anticipated difficulties. Promptly upon the
day specified the Legislature met in special session at Columbia,
when the presiding officer of the Senate (Porter) announced that
they were " all agreed as to their wrongs';" and he urged unanimity
of sentiment and action, " as the destiny and very existence of the
State " depended in great part upon the action they should take.
The special object of this call of the Legislature could soon have
been attained, but the Governor, in transmitting his message, em-
braced the opportunity to call their attention to the existing polit-
ical condition — that "a sectional candidate" would be elected
to the Presidency was deemed strongly probable, and that the
party electing him were committed to measures which,- if carried
out, would "reduce the Southern States to mere provinces of a
consolidated despotism,"
lO THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
He suggested, therefore, that the Legislature remain in session,
and take such action as would prepare the State for any emer-
gency that might arise, and he earnestly recommended that, in
the event of Abraham Lincoln's election to the Presidency, "a
convention of the people of this State be immediately called to
consider and determine for themselves the mode and measure of
redress." . . . "The only alternative left, in my judgment," said
he, "is the secession of South Carolina from the Union." He
thought that it would be followed by the entire South, and that
the co-operation of other States was near at hand. He recom-
mended that the militia be reorganized; the whole military force of
the State placed in a position to be used at the shortest notice ;
that every man in the State between the ages of eighteen and
forty-five should be well armed with the most efficient weapons of
modern warfare; and that the services of 10,000 volunteers should
be immediately accepted.*
In a retrospect of events after the nomination of Mr. Lincoln,
we find no act so full of meaning, so much the result of long
conceived and cherished purpose, as this. It seemed that the mo-
ment had come when the hopes of those who for so long had
influenced Southern sentiment were to be realized; and as the
Legislature gathered in extra session in Columbia on the 5th of
November, it was with a determination, long before reached, to
put into operation that machinery which should separate the State
from the federal union and render her free and independent. In
this conclusion they were largely supported by the representatives
of popular sentiment throughout the State. Prominent men, who
had long been known as the representatives of the " co-opera-
tive sentiment," had now changed their minds, and, in speeches
made to the people during the summer, were openly and boldly
for separate State action. Conspicuous among them was W.
W. Boyce, a Member of Congress from South Carolina, who
had long been a recognized advocate of co-operation. In a
speech delivered by him at Winsboro, on the 9th day of August,
i860, he said: "If Lincoln be elected, I think that the Southern
States should withdraw from the Union. All, but if not all, as
many as will, and if no other. South Carolina alone, in the
promptest manner and by the most. direct means." He consid-
* Governor's Message, Extra Session, i860.
FEELING PRODUCED BY MR. LINCOLN'S ELECTION. \ \
ered the success of the Republican party in the Presidential elec-
tion as involving the necessity of revolution. Upon the 7th
of November, ere the result of the election was definitely known,
in an address to the people of Columbia, he said: "The way to
create revolution is to start it. I think the only policy for us,
the only thing left for us to do, as soon as we receive authentic
intelligence of the election of Lincoln and Hamlin, is for South
Carolina, in the quickest manner and by the most direct means,
to withdraw from the Union. To submit to Lincoln's election
is to consent 'to death.'" Such sentiments, and from such a
source, produced an effect marked and immediate. They were
received with enthusiasm. They were the first public assertions
of a sentiment growing daily in the minds of a large portion of
the people,- and when the Legislature, and subsequently the Con-
vention, met and acted, their decision was deemed the simple
interpretation of the popular will.
A short time before this extra session of the Legislature, a
caucus had been called to meet in Columbia. At this caucus,
letters from leading public men (Pugh, Bullock, Yancey and
others) of other Southern States were read, in reply to categorical
questions put to them as to what action they desired South Caro-
lina to take. These letters unanimously counselled that, as South
Carolina was the foremost State in secession sentiment, more
unanimous in her people, and with less division than any other
State, she should take the lead, and they pledged the cotton States
in her support. These letters not only silenced the claim that the
other States were jealous of South Carolina, but at once negatived
the pretexts of the co-operationists and largely influenced the
action of the Legislature. But while the determination to call
a convention was general, if not unanimous, the time at which it
should be called was made the subject of short but earnest dis-
cussion, both within and without the Legislature. It was thought,
by some, that there should be co-operation with the other Southern
States; that it was the better and more expedient course. Others,
again, believed that the State should await the commission of some
overt act of hostility to South Carolina upon the part of the
General Government. But the counsels of those who, at this early
period, had begun to assume the control of the movement pre--
vailed. "If 'we wait for co-operation," said they, "slavery and
States rights must be abandoned and the cause of the South lost
I 2 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
forever."* It was not difificult to see that postponement or delay
would be hazardous, if not fatal, to the movement. The failure of
co-operation in 1850-51 was recalled to the minds of the prominent
men, and they instanced the action of Virginia in now declining
to join the proposed conference of the Southern States upon the
invitation of South Carolina, as discrediting the cause and repu-
diating the action of the State Openly and earnestly they
urged that the State should act alone. Public meetings were
everywhere held, and in Columbia the arguments for immediate
action were loudly applauded, and endorsed by the people. The
result of the election had now become known, and was received
with deep feeling and with a conviction that the crisis so long
anticipated, and for so long inevitable, had at last come; that it
would unite the South, and that the course to be pursued by the
State was now clear, while any apprehension of the establishment
of a free-soil party in their midst, which the success of Mr.
Douglas would have created, was now set at rest.
In Charleston the feeling had assumed a distinct and definite
shape. On the 7th of November the Grand Jury of the United
States District Court refused to perform the duties of their office.
The ordinary business had been disposed of, when, in response
to an inquiry from the presiding judge, as to whether they had
any presentments to make, the foreman, Mr. Robert N. Gourdin,
a prominent citizen of Charleston, replied:
" May it please your Honor, It is understood to be one of the
functions of the Grand Jury to make presentments of nuisances,
and to suggest to the court and to the country such reforms
in law or in its administration as may to them seem proper.
These presentments are predicated upon the stability of the
Government, and are designed to promote its gradual and steady
progress to the highest civilization.
" Hence it was the purpose of this jury to lay before the
court some matters suggested by the indictments submitted to
them, but the events of yesterday seem to render this unnecessary
now.
" The verdict of the Northern section of the Confederacy,
solemnly announced to the country through the ballot-box on
yesterday, has swept away the last hope for the permanence, for
the stability, of the Federal Government of these sovereign
States, and the public mind is constrained to lift itself above the
consideration of details in the administration of law and justice
*Mullins in reply to McGowan ; Journal of the House, i860,
RESIGNATION OF U. S. JUDGE MAG RATH. 13
up to the vast and solemn issues which have been forced upon us.
These issues involve the existence of the Government of which
this court is the organ and minister. In these extraordinary cir-
cumstances, the Grand Jury respectfully decline to proceed with
their presentments. They deem this explanation due to the
court and to themselves."
A profound silence followed this announcement, when the
Judge of the court, the Hon. A. G. Magrath, rose in his place and
formally resigned his office. He said:
" The business of the term has been disposed of, and under
ordinary circumstances it would be my duty to dismiss you to
your several avocations, with my thanks for your presence and
aid. But now I have something more to do, the omission of
which would not be consistent with propriety.
" In the political history of the United States an event has
happened of ominous import to fifteen slaveholding States. The
State of which we are citizens has been always understood to have
deliberately fixed its purpose whenever that event should happen.
" Feeling an assurance of what will be the action of the State,
I consider it my duty, without delay, to prepare to obey its
wishes. That preparation is made by the resignation of .the
office which I have held.
" For the last time I have, as a Judge of the United States,
administered the laws of the United States within the limits of
the State of South Carolina.
" While thus acting in obedience to a sense of duty, I cannot
be indifferent to the emotions it must produce. That depart-
ment of government which I believe has best maintained its
integrity and preserved its purity has been suspended.
"So far as I am concerned the Temple of Justice, raised
under the Constitution of the United States, is now closed.
" If it shall never again be opened, I thank God that its doors
have been closed before its altar has been desecrated with sacri-
fices to tyranny.
" May I not say to you that, in the future which we are about
to penetrate, next to the reliance we should place in the good-
ness of that God who will guide us in the right way, should be
our confidence in our State and our obedience to its laws ? We
are about to sever our relations with others, because they have
broken their covenant with us. Let us not break the covenant
we have made with each other. Let us not forget that what the
laws of our State require become our duties, and that he who
acts against the wish or without command of his State, usurps
that sovereign authority which we must maintain inviolate."
The address was received with profound silence, and during
its delivery many of the spectators were in tears.
14 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
The resignation of the United States District-Attorney followed
at once upon the same day; the judge, who had left the bench and
divested himself of his robes, resuming his seat to formally accept
it. That of the Collector of the Port followed soon after, and as
the news was received at Columbia, it produced the greatest
impression, and added strength to the arguments of those who
urged immediate action. A meeting of the prominent politicians
of South Carolina, including the whole Congressional delegation
except one, had been held at the residence of United States Senator
Hammond, near Augusta, on the 25th of October, i860. Gov-
ernor Gist, the Governor of the State, ex-Governor Adams and ex-
Speaker Orr were present, and it was unanimously resolved by
them that South Carolina should secede from the Union in the
event of Mr. Lincoln's election. But of all the circumstances
that indirectly exercised an influence on the Legislature in their
action, the proceedings in the United States Court, then sitting in
the city of Charleston, and which have just been described, were by
far the most important in their effect. The views of the presiding
judge were not known. During the fierce conflict as to the
necessity of separate State action, in 1850, when the ''denial of
equal rights in the Territories " reopened the whole controversy,
and when the demand for separate action rang through the State,
and divided its people as did the tariff question of 1829, he was
fixedly opposed to the separate action of the State, and was a
zealous advocate of the co-operation of all the Southern States in
whatever conduct should be adopted. It was not, then, the ques-
tion of the right of a State to secede from the Union', this v/as
not doubted anywhere in the State; the question was simply one
of the expediency of its exercise under the then existing circum-
stances. Invisible forces, acting upon the popular heart, had
induced a great political change during the time that had passed;
radical differences, born with the Constitution itself as to the
nature of the Federal Union and the limits of the Federal Govern-
ment, had meantime greatly developed themselves; and the people
of South Carolina, with a new generation just entering upon the
theatre of political action, found themselves year by year antici-
pating the time when they would become a party to a controversy
with the General Government. The maintenance of that theory
of government adopted by South Carolina, was deemed not only
essential to its welfare, but as the one recognized in the founda-
POLITICAL VIEWS OF SOUTH CAROLINA. I5
tion of the Union. No encroachment upon it should be over-
looked, and when a proper opportunity was presented it must be
met, and that opportunity, it was thought, was presented when it
was ascertained that the popular voice had been expressed in
favor of one for the Presidency who was believed to be in sym-
pathy with the political enemies of the slave-holding States, and
whose elevation to that high office threatened, as was supposed,
the existence of their industrial pursuits and the overthrow of
their political institutions.
Nor was this view confined to the men in prominent political
place only: it was the conviction of all. The result of the
election for President was accepted by every class as decisive of
the action of the State, and that action must be the separation
from the Federal Union. Its form of political faith had been
afifirmed and proclaimed by its Governors, its General Assem-
blies and its judges in the most positive and solemn manner, and
had been recognized and accepted by the people.
They recognized no more allegiance to the General Govern-
ment, as sovereign, than to any entirely foreign State, excepting
as determined by the conditions of the Union and the Constitu-
tion. And they held that, whenever these conditions were
violated by the Federal Government, the sovereign people and
Commonwealth of South Carolina had the right, if they deemed
it expedient, to dissolve such allegiance.
When, therefore, the election of Mr. Lincoln was announced
to them, they saw in it the sure precursor of danger and ruin.
They had no leader, they needed none, but rushed on without
further thought to the adoption of what they considered a proper
exercise of their right and their most certain protection. Like
others who had been the advocates of co-operation in 1850, the
United States Judge had accepted the conclusion that not only was
there now sufificient cause for separate State action, but that the
dissolution of its relation with the Union was necessary to the
welfare of the State.
In accordance with this conviction his sudden announcement
and action in the United States District Court at .Charleston
produced an effect so marked and immediate as to give an increased
impetus to the movement. Its result was felt not only in Charles-
ton and in the State; it reached to Washington. The President
saw the whole Federal machinery, upon which he relied in the
I 6 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
exercise of his constitutional powers to enforce the laws, swept
away at once, and himself without any power to restore it.
Meantime a large and enthusiastic meeting was held in Charles-
ton, at which a committee, consisting of the three prominent
citizens who had lately resigned from Federal office, was appointed
to go to Columbia and urge immediate action upon the Legisla-
ture. The members of the Charleston delegation had been divi-
ded in opinion as to the time at which the Convention should be
called. It was urged that more efficient action could be relied
upon if the call for a Convention was postponed until near the
close of Mr. Buchanan's administration. Upon the arrival of the
committee from Charleston, however, the delegation was called
together to confer with them, when, after the interview, they
became a unit for immediate action.
It was under such influences that the Legislature had met in
extra session, when, without discussion, without the display of
emotion or feeling inseparable from debate, without any demand
for hasty action, a resolution was offered in the Senate on the
second day of the session, making so much of the Governor's
message as refers to a call of the people of this State, the reorgan-
ization of the militia, and preparations for the defense of the State
the special order for the following day. The committee on
Federal relations was ordered to report a bill, which was done on
the 8th of November. It provided for calling a convention for
the purpose of secession. It was soon disposed of. Upon its
second reading, on the 9th, it received but one dissenting voice,
that of Mr. McAlilley, Senator from Chester, and upon its final
passage, on the loth, the vote was 42 in the affirmative, and in the
negative, none. In the House a similar course had been pursued.
The Senate Bill, with the report of the committee on Federal
relations of the House, was recommitted to the committee of the
whole House, which discussed it, and on the 12th it was passed
Note. — In a conversation with Judge Black on the loth of January, 1883,
I mentioned to him that I was about to visit Charleston, S. C. ; that some of
those who had been conspicuous in the early days of the war were still living;
and that I hoped to see them, and especially to converse at length with Judge
Magrath. " Is Judge Magrath still living ? " inquired Judge Black; " the act
of that man caused more anxiety to Mr. Buchanan than any other event that
occurred, except Anderson's movement from Moultrie to Sumter." He thought
that the only thing to be done was to refill the Federal offices thus vacated,
and that he believed to be difficult, if not impossible.— [Author.]
SOUTH CAROLINA LEGISLATURE MEETS.
17
1)y a vote of 114 in the afifirmative, and in the negative none.
'J'he election for delegates was to be held on the 6th of Decem-
ber, and the Convention to meet on the 17th. Other resolutions
were adopted, authorizing the committees on military affairs of
the Senate and House to meet during the recess, and to prepare a
plan for arming the State, to organize a permanent military
bureau, and to reorganize the militia. On the T3th the Governor
communicated to the Legislature the resignation of United States
Senator Hammond. Resolutions were at once passed in both
Houses, recognizing the act of Senator Hammond as one of loy-
alty and devotion to the sovereignty of South Carolina, " at once
worthy of his high character and filial devotion." The Legisla-
ture then adjourned, having fully accomplished the object of
their extra session.
On the 26th of November, the Legislature of the State again
met in regular session. So confidently was the secession of the
State anticipated that measures looking to its prospective political
relation were freely discussed and commented upon. The
Governor, upon the reassembling of the Legislature, transmitted
a message rehearsing the arguments for secession and counselling
prompt and independent action. " \\\ looking forward," said he, " to
the separate nationality of South Carolina, many changes will
have to be made in existing laws;" and among others he recom-
' mends that the law prohibiting masters from permitting negroes
to hire their own time and make contracts, should be so amended
as to attach a penalty of fine and imprisonment to the parties
violating it; that no slave mechanic should be permitted to hire
white men to work under his direction ; and that it must be
distinctly understood that the white is the governing" race without
an exception, and without regard to a disparity of intellect, merit
or acquiremer>ts; and he recommends the enactment of a law
" punishing summarily and severely, if not with death, any person
that circulates incendiary documents, avows himself an abolitionist,
or in any way attempts to create insubordination or insurrection
among the slaves;" that the effort to call a convention of the
Southern States had failed, and that there was but one course left
for South Carolina to pursue, and that was, "to go straight forward
to the consummation of her purpose;" that she would not stand
alone; she had the right to secede peaceably, and the Government
could not rightfully prevent a State from seceding, but that "men
1 8 THE G EXE SIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
having arms in their hands may use them;" and he earnestly-
urged upon the Legislature the necessity of arming the State at
the earliest practicable period, and thus be prepared for the worst.
"It is gratifying to know," he said, "that if we must resort to
arms in defense of our rights, and a blow should be struck at
South Carolina before the other States move up in line, we have the
tender of volunteers from all the Southern and some of the North
ern States, to repair promptly to our standard and share our
fortunes." At the close of his ofificial term, the Governor trans-
mitted a second and final message, reiterating the fact that the
State had at last determined to "part company with those that
treat her as aliens and enemies," and that, "having forever closed
the door from which we have passed out ot the Union, we may
with safety seek co-operation and unite with other States."*
The delay of the Convention for a single week to pass the
ordinance of secession would have a blighting and chilling influ-
ence upon the other Southern States, and he trusted that by the
25th of December no flag but the Palmetto would float over any part
of the State of South Carolina. At the same time he presented to
the Legislature "one of the pikes intended by John Brown to be
used by the negroes of Virginia upon the unoffending and peace-
able inhabitants of that State;" and he repeated the request of
Mr. Rufifin, of Virginia, who had brought it, that it might be
placed in some conspicuous position in the State House at
Columbia, there to remain and be preserved as an abiding and
impressive evidence of the fanatical hatred borne by the dominant
Northern party to the institutions and people of the Southern
States, and he recommended that the thanks of the State be
returned to Mr. Rufifin for this memento of Southern wrongs too
long and too patiently borne. It was thus that public sentiment
was formed and supported by personal and ofificial influences, and
with a special reference to its effect upon the Convention so soon
to assemble at Columbia.
But even at this early period the current of events was lead-
ing to the open assertion of what was considered in South Carolina
as the rights of their State; and a conviction was rapidly growing
in the minds of the people that such assertion, if maintained,
* It would appear that co-operation before individual State action was
regarded as unwise, and in the nature of a conspiracy.
MILITARY ORGANIZATIOA'S MOVINC.
19
would inevitably result in a conflict with the General Government.
Military organizations had begun to act, and as early as the 20th
of October the Washington Light Infantry, an elite corps of
Charleston, at a special meeting held by them had taken into
consideration " the threatening aspect of affairs and the necessity of
preparing to meet the emergency." Their commanding ofificer,
Captain Simonton, suggested that preparations be made "to take
the field at a moment's warning," and a resolution was offered by
one of their number, Sergeant W. A. Courtenay,* and unanimously
adopted, that the services of the organization should be offered to
the Governor as an independent Battalion of Light Troops "of not
less than two hundred men," and in case of service they should be
so recognized.
To this prompt tender of their services the Governor replied,
accepting it conditionally, and expressing an opinion that, from
the signs of the times, "South Carolina will require the support of
all her sons," when he would place the organization in "the front
rank of its country's defenders."
As soon as the result of the election was known, the Governor
called for the services of the Washington Light Infantry, and, as
will be subsequently seen, stationed them as a guard over the
United States Arsenal in the city of Charleston, on the 12th of
November.
' The present efficient mayor of Charleston, S. C.
CHAPTER III.
Political situation at Washington — The Cabinet — Their individual political
views — The Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Cobb, determines to with-
draw from public life in case of Mr. Lincoln's election — Views of General
Cass, the Secretary of State — Judge Black— Mr. Holt, the Secretary of
War — Mr. Floyd — The President determines to reinforce the Forts in
Charleston Harbor — Action of Assistant Secretary of State Trescot —
Southern Members of Cabinet consult — Assistant Secretary of State writes,
asking Governor Gist to write to the President — Reply of the Governor —
President sends a copy of his Message by the Assistant Secretary to Gov-
ernor Gist, who is uninfluenced by it — South. Carolina delegation arrive
in Washington— The arrival of the Assistant Secretary with the President's
Message, anticipated by telegram from Washington.
Meantime, the Government at Washington was not indiffer-
ent to the movements in South Carolina. The President and
Cabinet had recognized the certainty of a great political change;
and the prospect of the advent to power of a party wholly com-
mitted to a national policy diametrically opposed to their own
was fully anticipated. Men of prominence in the South had gone
northward, and had satisfied themselves of the impending change,
and, in passing through Washington on their return, had freely
expressed their convictions. In spite of the angry discussions in
and out of Congress, the full meaning of which but few realized,
the country and the Cabinet simply drifted through the long sum-
mer into a condition of things the only solution of which was
war. The great national issues which had divided the Whig and
Democratic parties had ceased to interest or control popular opin-
ion. The fierce discussions of the slavery question, which had
for some years past excited and embittered the popular temper,
had resulted in the complete extinction of the Whig party; and
in the coming contest the Democratic party found itself opposed
by a new organization, which, from the very character of its prin-
ciples and measures, made the political issue one between the
North and the South. It was obvious that if this party succeeded,
and the South, believing itself placed on the defensive, should carry
out the policy of resistance which it had declared in advance, the
MR. BUCHANAiV'S CABINET. 21
close of Mr. Buchanan's administration would be a troubled
one, and his Cabinet would be divided into hostile factions.
In the condition of things just developing, there could be no
unity of administration in a Cabinet which represented such con-
flicting interests and opinions. Mr. Buchanan's Cabinet consisted
of three Northern men, General Cass, of Michigan, Secretary of
State; Mr. Toucey, of Connecticut, Secretary of the Navy, and
Judge J. S. Black, of Pennsylvania, Attorney-General; and of
four Southern men, Mr. Howell Cobb, of Georgia, Secretary
of the Treasury; Gov. J. B. Floyd, of Virginia, Secretary of War;
Mr. Jacob Thompson, of Mississippi, Secretary of the Interior;
and Mr. J. Holt, of Kentucky, Postmaster-General.
Mr. W. H. Trescot, the Assistant Secretary of State, who had
been Acting Secretary under the President's warrant during the
absence of General Cass, from June to October, i860, was a
native of South Carolina. His relations to the Secretary of State
and the President were known to be close, while he was naturally
in friendly connection with the Southern members of the Cabinet,
and intimately so with the leaders of the movement in his own
State; and he was soon sought as the exponent and the vehicle
of their views and intentions in the antagonism that seemed to
be daily developing between the Government at Washington and
South Carolina. After severing his connection with the Cabinet,
he becr.me the agent of his State, and immediately upon his
return to South Carolina, in February, 1861, he made a record of
his impressions of the " events which have been the subject of so
much controversy, and the truth about which is of essential
importance to the future history of the country." A record
thus made may well be considered a valuable contribution to the
materials of that future history. It is from this manuscript the
writer has drawn largely; and oftentimes the clear and vigorous
narrative has been inserted in the terse and graphic words of the
author himself. He says:
" Placed thus, at the head of the State Department, my rela-
tions with the President, the Cabinet and the foreign ministers
were naturally and necessarily freer and more intimate than
they would have been under ordinary circumstances. I was thus
familiar with the hopes and fears, the opinions and expectations,
which agitated the rulers of the country during that exciting
period which preceded the secession of South Carolina, while my
22 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
correspondence from home kept me fully informed how public
opinion there was preparing for the inevitable issue. iJuring the
summer all the political signs confirmed the belief that the defeat
of the Democratic party was certain. The Southern Senators
and members who had at the close of the session gone North to
judge for themselves, all in passing through Washington bore the
same invariable testimony as to what they had seen and heard.
Evidence of all sorts flowed in upon the Executive Committee of
the party which sat at the Capitol, and to the same effect. One
sort of testimony struck me particularly. The State Department
had the selection of papers in which to publish the Laws, so
many papers for each State, and as the patronage was not very
considerable, it was distributed, of course, with a view to party
influence. The applications for these appointments brought me
in contact with political editors from all parts of the country, and,
with every disposition and every temptation to be sanguine, their
statements only confirmed the certainty of a great political defeat.
" The President and the Cabinet had full time to consider their
positions.
" The President and Governor Toucey, the Secretary of the
Navy, seemed to agree most perfectly. They thought that the
Republican victory was only illusory — that the party could not
survive success — that, after four years of power, checked and
crossed by a powerful opposition, a great and universal reaction,
already commenced, would complete its destruction and restore
the old Democracy, purified and strengthened, to its ancient rule.
They did not believe that the South was in earnest, and thought
secession only probable in the case of South Carolina, a result
which, being manageable, might after all have a very wholesome
effect.
" Mr. Cobb, the Secretary of the Treasury, held and expressed
but one opinion, that it was the duty of the South, in defense
both of honor and interest, to dissolve the Union. He thought
that every State should secede by itself, and that secession should
be practically accomplished on the 4th of March, upon the close
of Mr. Buchanan's administration. This he thought most likely
to unite the South, and only due to Mr. Buchanan's consistent
support of Southern rights. Of the earnestness of these opin-
ions he gave convincing proof by writing to his friends in Georgia
that, if upon the election of Mr. Lincoln there was a probability
OPINIONS OF THE MEMBERS OF THE CABINET
23
that the State would acquiesce, he wished his name withdrawn
as a candidate for the United States Senate, as, with his views,
he could no longer continue in public life with hope or honor.
"Governor Floyd, Secretary of War, thought secession unwise
and a dissolution of the Union unnecessary. Like Mr. Buchanan
and Mr. Toucey, he believed the Black Republican triumph only
temporary, and that its success would be its destruction. As a
matter of policy, therefore, he wished to fight in the Union, but
he recognized the right of a State to secede, fully sympathizing
with the South in the opinion that, as far as the North was con-
cerned, enough had been done to justify any action the South
might take, and was resolute that no force should be employed
by the Government to restrain the action of an independent State.
" Mr. Thompson, Secretary of the Interior, seemed to me, while
holding the general opinions entertained by Southern men, to be
governed in his personal conduct by a strong attachment to Mr.
Buchanan, an unwillingness to believe in the necessity of the
extreme measure of secession, and a readiness to acquiesce in
any course which his State — Mississippi— should adopt.
" General Cass, Secretary of State, like Mr. Cobb, held clear
and well-defined opinions. From the beginning he believed Lin-
coln's election certain, and the dissolution of the Union, or at
least the secession of the South, inevitable. Not recognizmg any
right in a State to secede except as a revolutionary measure, he
would have resisted the attempt at the commencement, and, as
the sworn officer of the United States, he would have done his
utmost to preserve its integrity. 'I speak to Cobb,' he would
say, ' and he tells me he is a Georgian; to Floyd, and he tells me
he is a Virginian; to you, and you tell me you are a Carolinian. I
am not a Michigander; I am a citizen of the United States. The
laws of the United States bind you, as they bind me, individually;
if you, the citizens of Georgia or Virginia or Carolina, refuse
obedience to them, it is my sworn duty to enfore them.' That
he believed to be his duty, and he would have done it, although
he believed he would not succeed in the attempt, for he also
beheved that great wrong and injustice had been done the South;
that the Black Republican party was organized for its destruction;
and, as he always predicted, that a long and bloody civil war was
the sure and necessary result of the existing condition of things.
Judge Black, the Attorney-General, to a great extent agr^^ed with
24
THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
General Cass, but he treated the question exclusively as one of
constitutional law. At least, it always seemed to me that he was
unwilling to look at the political consequences of secession, and
the question which he proposed to himself for solution was.
What is the legal wrong involved in secession, and what is the
legal remedy ? a question to be solved judicially, not politically.
His views were always supposed to be specially enforced in the
full and forcible argument afterwards embodied in the President's
message.
" Of the opinions and feelings of Mr. Holt, the Postmaster-
General, I never knew more than was to be inferred from his
position in the Cabinet and his action when appointed Secretary
of War."
Of the members of the Cabinet thus enumerated, those who,
in view of the threatening aspect of affairs, occupied the most
prominent positions, were the Attorney-General, Judge Black, and
the Secretary of War, Mr. Floyd. The trained and vigorous
mind of Judge Black did not long hold him to any technical
solution of the difficulties, and, as the time passed, and brought
with every day events and momentous issues that pressed upon
the country, the views of Judge Black expanded, and he grew
daily in appreciation and harmonious sympathy with the demands
of the situation. Stern partisan as he was, he yielded to the
demands of the country, until the same brain that created and the
same hand that penned the Attorney-General's opinion of Novem-
ber, i860, came equally to trace the able comments of the states-
man upon the President's letter to the South Carolina Com-
missioners, as well as the utterances of the patriot in the letter of
January 17, 1861, to Lieutenant-General Scott.
His prejudices were as deep-seated as his convictions were
strong, and when he took occasion to express his opinions, it was
often done with little reference to their harmony or discord with
those of other men. Wholly in accord with his party, " he found
himself at all times opposed to the same enemy," and his opinions
were often formed amid the " stress and passion of action." His
relations to the President had ever been close through a long
career. He was his counsellor, and, as will be seen, his influence
was potential. His personal attachment was deep and real, and
although the public acts of the President were often the subject
of close, logical criticism, the utterance of any conclusion of con-
SKETCH OF MR. HOLT. 25
demnation was ever avoided, while his respect for his good quali-
ties never failed to find in him a vigorous expression while he
lived.*
Mr. Holt, the Postmaster-General, was a native of Kentucky.
His State was divided probably more than any other upon the
questions of public policy now agitating the country, but his
own views were well known, and afterward found assertion in his
able speeches to his people, denouncing the proposed neutrality
of the State.
A distinguished lawyer, he had been called by Mr. Buchanan
in 1857 to his first public ofifice, that of Commissioner of Patents.
Subsequently, upon the death of Aaron V. Brown, the position of
Postmaster-General was tendered to him by the President, which
he accepted. Upon the retirement of Governor Floyd from the
Cabinet he became the Secretary of War, and through the trying
scenes at the close of Mr. Buchanan's administration, to the
inauguration of Mr. Lincoln and beyond it, he guided the affairs
of the War Department with patriotic firmness and ability. What
in the exercise of his office he was called upon to do will be seen
as this narrative progresses ; but it may not now be amiss if the
writer recalls with gratitude his defense of Anderson and his
command, in their position in Charleston harbor, his able argu-
ment in defining the position of the Government in its course as to
Sumter, and his support of the little garrison, as his words came
to them encouraging them in their duty.
The question which from first to last agitated all minds, which,
both before and after the secession of the State loomed up as
almost the only subject of immediate danger to the success of the
movements, and which at once engaged the attention of the Gov-
ernment at Washington, of the authorities of the State, and the
Convention, was the status of the public property in the city and
*On the 22d of March, 1882, I had a long and earnest conversation with
Judge Black upon the subject of the interview between the President and the
Congressional delegation of South Carolina, as to the understanding or arrange-
ment agreed upon at that interview. The details of his interview with the Presi-
dent, when the commissioners of South Carolina were in Washington, were stated,
wlicn at the end I said, '* Well, then, Judge Black, there appears to be but one
inference to be drawn, but one conclusion to be reached; the President did
mn.ke that agreement." The Judge rose, and, looking steadily at me for a
moment, said, "Remember, that is /^^Mr conclusion." — [Author.]
26 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
harbor of Charleston. The necessity and the policy of reinfor-
cing the forts in Charleston harbor in advance of the anticipated
secession of the State were subjects of constant discussion in the
Cabinet. General Cass, the Secretary of State, and Judge Black,
the Attorney-General, were urgent that the forts in the South,
and especially those in Charleston harbor, should be reinforced
at once.
The Secretary of War, Mr. Floyd, remained firm in his deter-
mination that no reinforcement should be sent. " He said," says
the Assistant Secretary of State in his narrative, " that with his
opinions he never could and never would consent to the coercion
of a sovereign State ; that while he did not think the anticipated
action of South Carolina wise, he sympathized deeply with her
spirit ; that, considering the reinforcement of the garrisons in
Charleston harbor as looking very like coercion, and at any rate
only calculated to excite and irritate the popular feehng, he would
not consent to it. But that, on the other hand, he would not sub-
mit to any attempt on the part of the people to take the forts;
that he was bound to resist, and would resist. What would be
the consequence of the secession of the State was a grave question,
but one which had not yet arisen. That at present he was only
resolved upon two things: not to reinforce the forts, and not to
allow them to be taken by an unlawful force. In these positions
I agreed with him ; and we agreed further in believing that there
was no danger of an attack on the forts by an unlawful mob, and
that the State would take the action she might deem necessary,
regularly, and with due notice to the Government at Washington.
The position of Governor Floyd I explained fully, and at his own
request, by letters to those at home who could, in my opinion,
best use the knowledge for the purpose of quieting the alarm and
apprehensions of the citizens of Charleston. The apprehensions
of the people of Charleston, however, were not easily quieted, and
General Cass and Judge Black were urgent that the forts should
be reinforced. The subject was one of constant discussion.
Governor Floyd was earnest in his determination and resolved
not to reinforce, but he thought that if such were his opinions,
he ought to be trusted by the State; that if in the ordinary routine
of the business of the War Department he sent a few men to
Fort Sumter, or a few boxes of ammunition to Fort Moultrie, to
supply the vacancies caused by death or desertion and to furnish
POSITION OF THE SECRETARY OF WAR. 27
the usual amount of powder kept in the garrison, these acts
ought not to be objects of suspicion; that in fact this jealousy and
clamor against his ordinary action was weakening his power to
act when an extraordinary emergency did arise. Besides, as he
argued on one occasion with great force, 'You tell me that if
any attempt is made to do what under ordinary circumstances is
done every day, you will be unable to restrain your people.
Suppose you are not able to restrain them noiv, am / bound to
leave these garrisons unprotected, to the mercy of a mob ; am I
not bound to enable them to resist an unlawful violation which
_jW(! cannot control ? ' While I felt the strength of this reasoning,
I knew also that in the then condition of feeling in Charleston
anything that could be even misunderstood or misrepresented as
reinforcement would lead to an explosion that would injure the
whole Southern cause. I therefore saw Mr. Cobb and explained
to him what I understood to be Governor Floyd's position. I told
him that vvhile I admitted its strength, things were in that condi-
tion that he could not act from it; that I had the most perfect
confidence in him, and had pledged myself at home that our
people could trust him implicitly, but that any nice difference
between what was reinforcement for the purpose of reinforcement,
and what was ordinary routine business, would not be understood
at such a time ; and that unless the Secretary of War could
make up his mind to allow no change in the forts, important or
not, I could not answer for the consequences, and, after what I
had written home, would feel bound to resign and tell the author-
ities there to judge for themselves. I believed that such a step
would lead to the occupation of Fort Sumter in forty-eight hours,
and I told him that I was on my way to Governor Floyd to an-
nounce to him my conclusion. He proposed that I should post-
pone my visit until after a conference that he was to have that
morning with the Governor and Mr. Thompson. I did so. That
night Governor Floyd called at my house, and in a long and very
free conversation expressed his former convictions, his feeling
that the State ought to accept his action without suspicion, as his
opinions were well known, fixed, and had been acted on constantly
long before this crisis had come. But that if I thought col-
lision between the people of the State and the Government forces
would be precipitated, he would not consent that a man or a gun
should be sent to any of the forts in the harbor of Charleston; and
28 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
if his sense of duty induced any change in his determination, I
should be informed by him in advance of any action and in ample
time to pursue such a course as I deemed proper. Things con-
tinued upon this footing during the preparation of the President's
annual message, the contemplation of which it seemed certain
must produce a dissolution of the Cabinet, for the nearei the
time came for opinion to take the form of action, the more utterly
impossible was it to reconcile the differences. Those members
of the Cabinet who desired that remforcements should be sent to
Charleston pressed their policy, and a few evenings after the
conversation with Governor Floyd, just related, he called upon me
evidently much excited. He said that just after dinner the
President had sent for him (at the room in the State Department,
which he occupied while preparing his message); that when he
reached him he found General Cass and Judge Black, who retired
immediately upon his entrance. The President then informed
him that he had determined to reinforce the garrisons in Charles-
ton harbor, upon which a very animated discussion arose. The
President finally consented to suspend his decision until General
Scott could reach Washington, and he had been telegraphed to
come on immediately. Governor Floyd felt confident that he
could satisfy General Scott of the impolicy of such a step, that it
could not be supported, and that the distribution of United States
troops was such as to render anything looking like the use of force
not only idle but disastrous, as it must provoke attack, which the
Government was in no condition to resist successfully." When,
therefore the pressure of General Cass and Judge Black upon the
President for the immediate reinforcement of the forts became
urgent, it seemed to the Southern members of the Cabinet to be
important to devise some means by which such a necessity should be
obviated. The practical question that presented itself was, by what
means the President could be induced to change his purpose; they
were anxious both that any action taken by the Southern States
be regularly made — in their opinion, constitutionally made — and
that Mr. Buchanan should be spared the embarrassment and
difficulty which would result from any premature and violent
demonstration in them. They desired that time should be
allowed for the development of a complete unity of purpose in all
the Southern States, and that the issue which now seemed inevi-
table should be met by the new Administration, whose advent to
power wa§ considered by them the provocation,
PROPOSITION OF THE ASS'T SEC. OF STATE. 29
" Governor Floyd declared," says the Assistant Secretary in
his narrative, " that his mind was made up, that he would cut off
his right hand before he would sign an order to send reinforce-
ments to the Carolina forts, and that if the President insisted, he
would resign. Mr. Thompson, Secretary of the Interior, agreed
with him perfectly, and said he would sustain his course and fol-
low him."
After considerable discussion, various propositions were sug-
gested, among them one from the Assistant Secretary of State,
who proposed that he should go to the President, " state to him
that the Secretary of War had communicated to me his intention,
and then endeavor to disabuse his mind of any unfounded appre-
hensions as to the action of the State, and submit to him the rea-
sons, based upon information in my possession, against such a
policy as he thought of adopting, should I make no impression.
I would then say that under the circumstances it was my duty,
however painful, to submit my resignation then and there, and
leave for Columbia the next morning, to lay the facts before the
executive of South Carolina. I would be in Columbia in thirty-six
hours, and upon such information there could be no earthly doubt
that the forts would be occupied in the following twenty-four.
Such a resolution, respectfully but firmly stated, would I thought
make the President hesitate. Indeed, he could not have acted,
for he would have been forced to remove Governor Floyd, and
the time occupied in the changes and the execution of the orders
would have been more than enough to give the State the necessary
opportunity. Such a proceeding was of course only to be adopted
as a last resort, because it involved necessarily such a breach be-
tween the President and Governor Floyd as would compel his resig-
nation, if not anticipated by his dismissal, and because while it
gave the State warning it only precipitated the issue. For, once
taken, the die was cast, the forts would be seized, and the Gov-
ernment could not have submitted either to its defeat or to the
manner in which it was effected."
Another proposition was one to the effect that the Member of
Congress fron Charleston should be at once summoned to Wash-
ington, in the hope that his representation of the public feeling,
which had been possibly exaggerated, would relieve the Presi-
dent's mind of any fear of an outbreak. The proposition which
was finally adopted, says the Assistant Secretary of State, was that
30 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
" I should write to the Governor of the State — Governor Gist — tell
him that the President was under very strong apprehensions that
the people of Charleston would seize the forts; that in conse-
quence he felt bound to send reinforcements. That the South-
ern members of the Cabinet would resist this policy, to resig-
nation, but that they thought that if he felt authorized to .write
a letter assuring the President that if no reinforcements were
sent, there would be no attempt upon the forts before the meet-
ing of the Convention, and that then commissioners would be sent
to negotiate all the points of difference ; that their hands would
be strengthened, the responsibility of provoking collision would
be taken from the State, and the President would probably be
relieved from the necessity of pursuing this policy." They added:
" If such a letter was written, and failed, he should have infor-
mation in ample time to take such steps as the interest of the
State required."
" I therefore addressed Governor Gist the following letter:
" [Strictly Confidential.]
''Washington, November 26, i860.
" Dea7- Sir: I am aware (and I do not deem it necessary to
specify my source of information) that apprehensions exist in
the mind of the President that before the State acts in conven-
tion some attempt will be made to take the forts in Charleston
harbor. Feeling that his personal honor would be involved in
such an attempt, he may make his apprehensions the pretext or
ground on which to order an increased force to those posts. This
order will be resisted to the very last, and at any cost, by the
Southern members of the Cabinet, but they would be incalculably
strengthened in their position if you were at liberty to say directly
to the President that you could answer, on your responsibility,
that so long as no change was made in these garrisons, so long
as no additional force was sent there and the State remained in
the Union, no such attempt would be made, and that any in-
crease of force made in the face of this notice would lead to
instant collision, and that for every drop of blood shed under
such circumstances he, and he alone, would be responsible.
" I wish you distinctly to understand that there is no possi-
bility of such an order being issued without the dissolution of
the Cabinet and your receiving ample notice. While I answer for
this, I write with the confidence that such an assu.-ance will pre-
vent any hasty and indiscreet movement on the part of the State.
Believing that you agree fully with me that, for the sake of the
State and of the South, our move toward secession ought to be
regular and orderly, and that all collision should be avoided,
LETTER FROM GOVERNOR GIST. 3I
and feeling that the Southern members of the Cabinet are entitled
to the support of the State, I write to you to indicate how you
can support them. To that point alone, this letter is addressed.
If it becomes necessary for the State to look to itself, you shall
know promptly and certainly.
" If, therefore, you can write such a letter as I indicate, the
Southern members of the Cabinet can rest upon it triumphantly
no such order will be issued in the face of it, and if it is, you
will be free to act, will have ample information as to the neces-
sity of action, and the whole responsibility of what comes will
be, not on the head of South Carolina, but of the President of the
United States,
" If so, your letter must be here by return mail, directed under
cover to me. Telegraph me also when this is received, and if
you intend to answer yes or no to my proposition. Details I
cannot give you, but trust that my signature will command your
confidence. I am, yours respectfully,
"Wm. Henry Trescot."
"To Governor Gist."
To this letter I received the following answer:
" Executive Office,
"Columbia, S. C, November 29, i860.
" Mr. Wm. Henry Trescot.
'■'■Dear Sir: Although South Carolina is determined to secede
from the Federal Union very soon after her Convention meets,
yet the desire of her constituted authorities is, not to do anythmg
that v/ill bring on a collision before the ordinance of secession
has been passed and notice has been given to the President of
the fact; and not then, unless compelled to do so by the refusal
of the President to recognize our right to secede, by attempting
to interfere with our exports or imports, or by refusal to surren-
der the forts "and arsenals in our limits. I have found great dif-
ficulty in restraining the people of Charleston from seizing the
forts, and have only been able to restrain them by the assurance
that no additional troops would be sent to the forts, or any muni-
tions of war. Everything is now quiet, and will remain so until
the ordinance is passed, if no more soldiers or munitions of war
are sent on. That is to say, I will use my utmost efforts to effect
that object, and believe I will succeed; but the Legislature and
myself would be powerless to prevent a collision if a single soldier
or another gun or ammunition is sent on to be placed in the forts.
If President Buchanan takes a course different from the one indi-
cated and sends on a reinforcement, the responsibility will rest
on him of lighting the torch of discord, which will only be
quenched in blood. I am under a pledge to sanction resistance,
and to use all the military power of the State to prevent any
increase of troops in these garrisons, and had to make the pledge
32
THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
to restrain the people, who are restive, and hope no necessity will
arise to compel me to redeem the pledge. I write to you know-
ing that, while you will be faithful to the Government of the
United States as long as you hold office under it, yet you are
also a South Carolinian, and would desire, by all means, to avoid
the needless shedding of blood. If you think there is no impro-
priety in showing this letter to the President you are at liberty
to do so, for I do not wish him to be mistaken and act in such a
way as to bring upon the country a bloody war, without the most
imperious necessity. Very truly yours, /
"Wm. H. Gist."
At the same time I received the following letter from Gov-
ernor Gist, which had crossed mine to him on the road:
" [Confidential.]
" Executive Department,
"Columbia, S. C, November 29, i860.
" Mr. W. H. Trescot.
" Dear Sir: I take the liberty, from your general character
and without the pleasure of a personal acquaintance, to ask if you
have any objections, in the event of your connection with the
Federal Government ceasing, to remain in Washington and act as
confidential agent for this Department. It is important to have
some one at Washington to give me the earliest information of
what transpires affecting the interest of this State, and I know no
one so acceptable as yourself. It is probable that the Convention
will want some one on the spot through whom the information of
its final action can be authoritatively communicated to the Presi-
dent at the earliest moment and an answer received. If you
remain I will inform the Convention that you are in Washington,
and suggest that you be selected to perform this delicate and
important duty. If there is any inquiry as to the course South
Carolina will pursue, you may safely say that she will not permit
any increase of troops or munitions of war in the forts or arsenal,
and, considering it an evidence of intention to coerce and an act
of war, she will use force to prevent it, and a collision must
inevitably ensue. I have had great trouble, as it is, to prevent an
attack upon the forts, and will not be able (if willing) to prevent
an attack upon them if another soldier is sent there. Of course,
I do not expect you to act in the premises until your duty to the
Federal Government ceases, but I cannot but anticipate such a
result soon. An early answer is requested.
" Very respectfully and truly yours,
"Wm. H. Gist."
In view of this letter, and from the fact that the action of the
State was now considered certain, the Assistant Secretary deter-
mined to offer his resignation to the President, remaining, how-
RESIGNA TION OFASSISi AXT SECRETAR y OR STA TE. 33
ever, for a few days in office, in order that the President might
have an opportunity to select his successor. The President
replied to him that " however much he regretted the necessity, he
had anticipated it for some time," and then, in language which it
is unnecessary to repeat, expressed his pleasure at the relations
which had always existed between them. He said that it was due
to him to make his appointment of a successor as soon as possible,
and that it certainly should be done before the Convention of
South Carolina had taken any action:* "I cannot but express
my grateful recollection of Mr. Buchanan's uniform kindness and
confidence in his conduct to me. The absence of General Cass
for the summer, and his health when in Washington, brought me
into very constant personal association with the President. Having
been Minister both to Russia and England, and also Secretary of
State, he took special interest in that department, and watched
its proceedings with minute and well-informed interest. His
diplomatic experience was large, and his general views very
cautious and very clear, and his knowledge always accurate. My
official intercourse with him was invariably pleasant. With the
ordinary mass of the business of the Department he never inter-
fered, and, on all matters large and important enough for his
decision, gave careful and most considerate attention to views
and opinions with which he did not agree; while he never failed to
manifest, when he felt it, his cordial approval of the manner in
which his own instructions were carried out."
The President had now concluded his annual message, and, in
view of the sentiments expressed by the Governor of South Caro-
lina, he determined to send to him a copy, in advance of its
publication, by the hands of the Assistant Secretary of State, who,
in view of the confidential relations he had held with the Presi-
dent, was thoroughly informed upon the subject of the President's
views. He could explain in Columbia what might be misunder-
stood there, and, from the relations he held with the authorities
in South Carolina, could bring back to the President a clear and
reliable account of the state of feeling and opinions in the State,
and thus prepare the way, if possible, to a peaceful solution of
the difficulties.
That the State would pass the ordinance of secession he was
now convinced, and, in the uncertainty of the result of any issue
made yvith the General Government, his chief anxiety was in ref-
erence to the collection of the revenue and the safety of the forts.
* Trescot's Narrative.
34 Tim GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
He was assured " that the people of South Carohna not only
held the right of secession, but that they would take special pride
in carrying out that right, regularly, peaceably, as a rights not as
a revolutionary measure ; that I really believed it would mortify
them to be compelled to resort to force ; that they would pass the
ordinance of secession, and then send regularly accredited agents
to negotiate with the Government." * But,' said he, 'you know I
cannot recognize them. All I can do is to refer them to Con-
gress.' I told him that I believed such a reference, courte-
ously made and in good faith, would be accepted, and that the
State would wait a reasonable time for the decision of Congress.
This he seemed to think would be sufficient, if the secession was
inevitable; but still he was very cautious, and his great hope
seemed to be, by temporizing, to avoid an issue before the 4th
of March.
"On Sunday night, when I saw him, he went over the old
ground; said that he thought his message ought to be acceptable
to the South; that he had spoken the truth, boldly and clearly;
and that all he had declared was that, with regard to the laws and
property of the United States, he would discharge the obligations
of his official oath, as far as his constitutional powers enabled him.
"I told him that I would take the messasj:e with pleasure,
because it was a courtesy to the Executive of the State, and
because I thought that, waiving the opinions expressed as to the
right of secession, it was as conciliatory as it was possible for him
to make it from his position; and, indeed, more so than I had
expected. But that I must say, in candor, that it would have no
effect upon the action of the Convention; that my recent letters sat-
isfied me that the State would not only secede, but that it would
secede immediately; that delay until the 4th of March was impos-
sible; but that, having said that much, I was perfectly willing to
take the message as he desired, and I felt confident that he might
rely upon my assurances that there would be no violence used
towards the forts by any unlawful assemblage or mob; that I had
with me a letter from the Governor of the State, which I would
read to him if he desired, and the tenor of which I then commu-
nicated to him. He then asked me if I had seen General Cass.
I said not that day; but that I had talked over the whole subject
with him again and again, and we always ended where we began.
He said, however, that I must see him when I left the White
TRESCOT TAKES MESSAGE TO GOVERNOR GIST. 35
House — he wished it, particularly — and repeat our conversation.
I saw the General, of course, but our conversation was very brief.
He said he was very sorry; he saw what was coming, but that
nothing could prevent it. I left for Columbia on Monday morn-
ing, where I arrived early on Wednesday."
Governor Gist received the message of the President kindly,
recognizing the courtesy of the communication, but at once
declared that "the State was determined upon immediate seces-
sion; that no scheme of policy, however plausible, could induce
delay until the 4th of March, either in deference to Mr. Buchanan's
position or with a view to the cooperation of other States," and
the opinion of the South Carolina Legislature, then in session, was
strong in support of this declaration. It was at the same time
evident that an issue of force was not desired by the leaders in
South Carolina, that the State would go on resolutely to the attain-
ment of its end, and that, to avoid such an issue of force, it was
believed in South Carolina that the Federal Government, how-
ever it temporized, would have to concede the principle upon
which the State stood. Satisfying himself that there was a strong
feeling against any popular demonstration of force, either in vio-
lation of the law or in the seizure of the public property, the
Assistant Secretary returned to Washington and communicated at
once to the President, in person, the result of his mission. During
his absence the representatives of South Carolina had reached
Washington, to take their seats in Congress.
They were apprised of the precise condition of things, and of
the views of the President, and upon the day after the return of
the Assistant Secretary from South Carolina, he found them in
the act of having their important interview. The Assistant Sec-
retary had no authority to make any proposition or suggestion on
behalf of the President to the Governor of the State. He was
simply to deliver a copy of the message. He found, upon his
arrival in Charleston, that he had been anticipated. He had hardly
left Washington before M. L. Bonham, then a Member of Congress
from South Carolina, and afterwards its Governor, telegraphed
from Washington to Columbia of the mission of the Assistant
Secretary. At the same time a letter from the same source was
sent to the Governor of South Carolina, announcmg the purpose
and object of the visit of Mr. Trescot, who, upon his arrival, was
at once made aware that no postponement of the call for a Con-
vention to the 4th of March was now possible.
CHAPTER IV.
President recognizes condition of things — His message of 3d December, i860 —
Its reception by his Cabinet — Resignation of Secretary of the Treasury,
Mr. Cobb, who is succeeded by Mr. Thomas, of Maryland — Effort to pre-
serve the military status in Charleston Harbor — South Carolina delegation
wait upon the President — Their interview— Written statement left with the
President — Understanding of the delegation, of what was accomplished —
Their impression — Explanation of Messrs. Miles and Keitt to the South
Carolina Convention, of the understanding after Anderson's movement to
Fort Sumter — Governor of South Carolina claims that the Government at
Washington was pledged — Major Anderson not informed of it — Re-
turn of Assistant Secretary of State from Charleston — His interview with
the President — General Cass, Secretary of State, urges reinforcement of
the forts —President declines — Resignation of the Secretary, who seeks to
withdraw it— Declined by the President, who tenders to Judge Black, the
Attorney-General, the position of Secretary of State.
The President had now definitely determined upon a policy,
which he maintained until the last. He knew that the country
was waiting anxiously upon the words of his coming message.
He had finally recognized the actual condition of things around
him, but he equally felt that whatever view he might take, or
whatever measure he might recommend to Congress, the State of
South Carolina would in a few days, by a convention of her people,
pass an ordinance of secession from the Federal Union. It was
the last opportunity he could hope for, as the President, to use
the power and prestige of his high ofifice, and to exert any influence
of a personal character that might remain to reconcile interests
daily becoming more and more threatening to the existence of
the Union. But while he believed that the cotton States would
probably sever their connection with the Union, he thought that
the border States might be secured.
It was thus, alter much " serious reflection," that he arrived
at his conclusions, which he announced in his message to Con-
gress of the 3d of December, i860.
In submitting this message to his Cabinet, it had met the
warm approval of every member, except that part of it that denied
36
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY RESIGNS, 37
the right of secession and claimed it to be a national duty to
defend the public property and to collect the revenue.
It was this announcement that hastened the resignation of the
Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Cobb, who had, however, pre-
viously intimated his intention. He stated that, with his well-
known views, the message of the President gave the opportunity
for his resignation without harshness, and that he could be more
useful at home, notwithstanding that he owed his position in Mr.
Buchanan's Cabinet to the fact that during his canvass for the
Governorship of Georgia he had made a powerful argument
against the right and doctrine of secession.
In his letter to the President resigning his position, he said,
" A sense of duty to the State of Georgia requires me to take a
step which makes it proper that I should no longer continue to
be a member of your Cabinet." His remaining in the Cabinet
would expose him to unjust suspicions and put Mr. Buchanan in
a false position. His association with the President had been
pleasant. "The evil has now passed," he said, "beyond control,
and must be met by each and all of us, under our responsibility
to God and our country;" and he believed that history would have
to record the administration of Mr. Buchanan as the last one of
our present Union, and would place it " side by side with the
purest and ablest of those that preceded it."
The place of Mr. Cobb was filled by Mr. Philip F. Thomas,
of Maryland, who had formerly been its Governor. He differed,
however, so widely from the President upon the questions imme-
diately involved, that he remained in office but one month, giving
way to the appointment to the Treasury Department of General
John A. Dix, of New York.
While positive action seemed to be suspended, both upon the
part of the General Government and that of the State, a convic-
tion had grown up in the minds of the people of South Carolina
that the public property in their midst would certainly be theirs,
either by negotiation or force, when the State should have formally
passed the ordinance of secession from the Federal Union. That
the State would pass such an ordinance, was generally believed,
and, in the uncertainty of the result of any issue made with the
General Government, it was deemed wise, if not essential, that
until the Convention should meet and act, the " military status "
that then existed in the harbor of Charleston should remain
38 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
unchanged, and that some positive understanding or agreement
should be had with the General Government, that would maintain
the relative condition of things precisely as they were. To this
end, on the 8th of December, the majority of the South Carolina
delegation in Washington, with the exception of Mr. Ashmore,
waited upon the President, who left a Cabinet meeting to confer
with them. Rumors were rife that the forts in the harbor of
Charleston were to be supplied and garrisoned, and it was known
that the subject had engaged the attention of the Cabinet, and that
some of the members were urgent that action should be taken.
It was believed, too, by many, that the garrison of Fort Moultrie,
on Sullivan's Island, was threatened by a mob and its safety
imperilled, and the President" himself was not without anxiety in
regard to that command, as he stated to the delegation. He
seemed much disturbed, and expressed a sense of the deep respon-
sibility resting upon him to protect the lives of Major Anderson
and his command. The delegation replied to him that the
news that reinforcements were on their way to Charleston would
be the surest way to provoke what he seemed so anxious to
avoid; that the general sentiment of the State was against
any such proceeding, and that they felt satisfied that there would
be no attempt to molest the forts in any way prior to the action
of the Convention, then shortly to meet; that while they could not
undertake to say what that body would see fit to do, they " hoped
and believed " that nothing would be done until Commissioners
should negotiate for the delivery to the State of the public property;
and they stated that it was their " solemn belief " that any change
in the existing status would in the excited state of feeling precipi-
tate a collision. The President asked that a written memorandum
of what was said should be given to him, and the following paper
was handed to him on the loth of December:*
*' To His Excellency James Buchanan,
'■'■President of the United States:
" In compliance with our statement to you yesterday, we now
express to you our strong convictions that neither the constituted
authority nor any body of the people of the State of South Caro-
lina will either attack or molest the United States forts in the
harbor of Charleston previous to the act of the Convention, and.
*Appendix to Journal of the Convention, 1860-61. Charleston^ 1S61.
Statement of Messrs. Miles and Kcitt
INTERVIEW WITH THE PRESIDENT. 39
we hope and believe, not until an offer has been made through
an accredited representative to negotiate for an amicalile arrange-
ment of all matters between the State and the Federal Govern-
ment; provided that no reinforcement shall be sent into those
forts, and their relative military status shall remain as at present.
" (Signed.)
" John McQueen.
" William Porcher Miles.
" m. l. bonham.
" W. W. BOYCE.
" Lawrence M. Keitt.
"Washington, 9th December, i860."
The President objected to the word " provided," because it
looked as if he was to be bound, while there was no authority to
bind or pledge the Convention. The delegation did not so under-
stand it, and they endeavored to convince the President that the
maintenance of the condition of things was wholly and absolutely
in his power ; that if he maintained the existing condition of
things, they believed that any collision would be avoided until an
attempt at peaceable negotiation had failed. If he did not main-
tain such condition, then a collision would inevitably, and at
once, be precipitated. The whole effort of the delegates was
directed to the avoidance of a collision until peaceable negotia-
tion had failed. The words " military status " were commented
upon, and the delegation expressly stated that the transfer of the
garrison of Fort Moultrie to Fort Sumter would be equivalent to
a reinforcement, and would as certainly lead to a collision as the
sending of fresh troops. As the delegates rose to go, the Presi-
dent said, substantially, " After all, this is a matter of honor
among gentlemen; I do not know that any paper or writing is
necessary; we understand each other." But not yet satisfied that
they were thoroughly understood, one of the delegation observed:
" Mr. President, you have determined to let things remain as they
are, and not to send reinforcements; but suppose you should here-
after change your policy for any reason, what then ? That would
put us, who are willing to use our personal influence to prevent
any attack upon the forts before commissioners are sent on to
Washington, in rather an embarrassing position." The President at
onc2 remarked, "Then I would first return you this paper." The
impression made upon the delegation, as the result of this inter-
view, was that the President was wavering, and had not wholly
40 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
decided as to what course he would pursue. The importance of
this interview cannot be over-estimated. By it a conviction was
established in the minds of the people, not only of South Caro-
lina, but of the entire South, that the status then existing would
be maintained under the most solemn assurances. When, there-
fore, his officer in Charleston Harbor made his sudden movement to
Fort Sumter, and the President failed to restore the status, it gave
rise to serious acciisations of breach of faith, and of his failure to
keep his pledged word. It is fortunate that the views held by
either party to the interview, and of its obligation, are matters of
record. On the 4th of January, 1861, in the secret session of the
Convention of South Carolina, a resolution was passed, calling
upon Messrs. Miles and Keitt, two of the late Representatives in
Congress, for a statement *< setting forth exactly the understand-
ing which existed between them and the President of the United
States, and the circumstances which attended that understand-
ing." The statement was duly furnished to the Convention,* in
which " a full and exact account of what passed between the Pres-
ident and the delegation " was recited, as well as their conception
of what they believed had been secured at that interview. They
held that the understanding, or " agreement," was a "pledge;" that
the President, in putting the matter upon the high footing " as a
matter of honor among gentlemen, in which no paper or writing
is necessary," was acting in a double capacity, " not only as a gen-
tleman whose share in carrying out the agreement was potential,
but as the head of the army, and therefore having the absolute
control of the whole matter of reinforcing or transferring the gar-
rison at Charleston." The delegation left the President, consid-
ering him after their interview as bound in honor, if not by treaty
stipulation, not to make any change in the status then existing in
Charleston Harbor, while all of the delegation, and especially
those who had been elected to the Convention, felt equally bound
to do everything on their part to prevent any premature collision.
The authorities of the State of South Carolina had taken a similar
view. On the 2d of January, in a communication to Brigadier-
General Simons, commanding the Fourth Brigade of the South
Carolina Militia, the Governor stated that there was, when he
came to the city, a " distmct pledge of faith between the Gov-
Statement of Messrs. Miles and Keitt to South Carolina Convention.
GOVERNOR PICfCENS CLAIMS A ''PLEDGED 4 I
ernment at Washington and those who had a right to speak for
South Carolina, that everything in the harbor and all the forts
should remain precisely as they then were, and that there should
be no increase of force or any reinforcements sent from abroad
until our Commissioners presented themselves at Washington and
made regular negotiations for the forts. I acted with confidence
upon this pledge.* Suddenly we were surprised at the step
taken by Major Anderson, now acknowledged and proclaimed by
the late Secretary of War to be in open violation of the faith of
the Government.!" On the 3d of January, in his message to the
Legislature, the Governor formally stated that " it was distinctly
understood" that those who had a right to pledge the parties on
both sides had agreed that the status in the harbor should in no
way be disturbed until the Commissioners to be sent by the State
should present themselves at Washington. There was no positive
stipulation entered into. The delegation was not empowered to
bind the Convention or the State in any way, and were in no way
accredited for any like purpose. They assumed, "as gentlemen"
and in view of their prominent position, to indicate the course and
policy of the State, and they claimed that this "very fact" should
have made the President more ready to strengthen their hands to
bring about and carry out that course and policy which he pro-
fessed to have as much at heart as they had. J How the Presi-
dent himself came to look upon this " understanding, " or " agree-
ment," when late in December the secession ordinance had been
passed by the Convention of South Carolina and Major Ander-
son had transferred his command from Fort Moultrie to Fort
Sumter, will be seen in his answer to the South Carolina Commis-
sioners in a subsequent part of this narrative. But, however the
President or his advisers may have regarded it, it was not deemed
essential that Major Anderson should be informed of it. It was
not anticipated that he or his command would change the existing
status, but that anything requiring such action would be referred
to Washington. Hardly had the interview between the President
and the South Carolina delegation terminated, when the Assistant
* Journals of both Houses, p. 148. Journal of the Senate, January 4,
1861. Governor's Message.
t Pickens in reply to General Simons's report, Record of Sumter, 1862,
p. 17.
X Statement of Messrs. Miles and Keitt to the South Carolina Convention.
42
THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
Secretary of State was announced, and a long conference with the
President took place. The President referred to his interview
with the delegation, and expressed his great satisfaction at the
character of the paper presented to him by them.
" He then showed me a paper," says the Assistant Secretary,
" signed by all of them but Colonel Ashmore, the paper which he
afterwards quoted in his letter to the Commissioners. He ap-
peared to be much gratified and relieved by it, and said that he
had asked them to see me and he would then have a talk with me.
I told him I had not seen them, but that the paper did not
go any further, if as far, as the Governor's letter which I had
communicated to him.
"What letter ?" said he. " I do not recollect it; and when did
you show it to me ?"
" The evening," I replied, " on which you gave me your mes-
sage to carry to Columbia." He said he did not remember it.
" Have you got it ?"
I said It was at my house, and I could get it in a few minutes;
and that, as the Secretary of the Interior had just come in, I would
leave them to their business while I went for it. I brought it back
with me, and read it to the President in Mr. Thompson's presence.
We then discussed it and the whole subject, and I told the Presi-
dent that my visit confirmed exactly what I had said to him before
I went.
"Well," said he, "that is all very well up to the point where
the negotiation stops, for Congress may refuse to entertain it."
" Then, sir," said I, " I will speak with the most perfect can-
dor: the State will take the forts. What else can she do, if she
is in earnest ? But I hope the negotiation will not fail." And I
added :
" Mr. President, why keep troops in the forts at all ? If I under-
stand your message rightly, you consider them simply as prop-
erty, just as you do the Post Office, the Custom House and the
Sub-Treasury buildings. You don't propose to guard tlicm., do
you ?"
He said " No."
" Then," said I, " why not treat the forts precisely in the same
manner? — keep an orderly-sergeant and one or two men there
only."
He said he had great faith in the honor of the State; and that
CHANGES IN THE CABINET.
43
the Governor's letter and the memorandum of the Carolina dele-
gation were a guarantee, he believed, that nothing violent would
be done; that he would receive the Commissioners kindly and
refer the whole matter to Congress, and so on, traveling round in
the same circle; and I took my leave. Soon after my return T
placed my resignation, dated the loth of December, in the hands
of General Cass. When I went into his room to give it to him,
he begged me to keep it for a day or two, for events might render
it unnecessary — at least he perhaps could not act on it. He said
he could not speak more plainly, but the next day he would explain
all, although I probably understood him. This, of course, I knew
meant only one thing. From the beginning of the controversy he
had held but one opinion and one language, and he had now sub-
mitted to the President the alternative of reinforcing the forts or
accepting his resignation; and the next day, the President having
refused to consent to this course, he resigned. Under the circum-
stances, I felt bound to say to the President that I would continue
in ofifice until he had appointed a new Secretary, provided the ap-
pointment was made before the ordinance of secession was parsed
by the Convention. For the refusal to adopt the advice of General
Cass was in the interest of the State, and it would have embarrassed
the President very much to have had the Department without
either a Secretary or Assistant Secretary. Judge Black the Attor-
ney-General, who was appointed General Cass's successor, was
very busy in the Supreme Court, and it was not, I think, before
the 17th that I fairly ceased ofificial action at the Department,
and the 20th before Judge Black acknowledged the resignation
left with General Cass."
Meantime, a despatch had arrived from Major Anderson stating
that he felt secure in his position, and this, in connection with the
influence exercised by the Southern members of the Cabinet, in-
duced the President to change his purpose, and reinforcements
were not sent to the forts in Charleston Harbor. In consequence,
the Secretary of State now submitted to the President, in the
presence of the Cabinet, a paper recommending the immediate
reinforcement of the forts in the harbor of Charleston. The
President received it without comment, and a few days later Gen-
eral Cass tendered his resignation.
In a previous interview with the Attorney-General, General
Cass had intimated to him his intention to resign his office, He
44 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
was asked by Judge Black if he had communicated his intention to
the President, when he replied that he had not yet. Subsequently,
the resignation of General Cass was carried by Judge Black to
the President. Two days afterward, the Secretary called upon
Judge Black, and said to him that he had been hasty in tendering
his resignation; that he had yielded to a pressure brought upon
him by those about him, who had, in a measure, compelled him
to it; that, upon reflection, he thought that the matter involved
was a question that belonged to the War Department rather than
to his own, and that he desired to withdraw his resignation, and
requested Judge Black to mention his wish to the President. In
an interview which took place soon after, the wish of General Cass
was mentioned by Judge Black to the President, who declined to
return his resignation to General Cass, and who at once tendered
to Judge Black the position of Secretary of State, which was
accepted, with the understanding that Edwin M. Stanton should
receive the appointment of Attorney-General. The resignation
of General Cass took effect on the 14th of December, when he
left the Cabinet.
CHAPTER V.
South Carolina Convention meets at Columbia— Organizes— Speech of President
Jamison— Character of the Convention — Its composition— Relations to
previous conventions— Committee to draft an ordinance of Secession ap-
pointed—Adjournment to Charleston— Impatience of the people— Assembles
at Institute Hall— Enthusiasm— Session of the Convention— Its proceedings
bearing upon the public property in the harbor— Various resolutions adopt-
ed with reference to the Government at Washington— Committees ap-
pointed to report ordinance for Convention to form a Southern Confed-
eracy—Chancellor Inglis, of Chesterfield, reports ordinance of Secession —
Passed unanimously — Governor and Legislature invited to be present at
Institute Hall to witness the signing of ordinance— Great enthusiasm as
procession passed— Hall crowded— Ordinance signed by every member —
President announces the State of South Carolina an independent common-
wealth—Quiet adjournment— Excitement of the people.
Promptly on the morning of the 17th of December, the Con-
vention met at Columbia, without a single absentee, and proceeded
to organize by calling to the chair Mr. D. F. Jamison, of Barnwell.
Upon taking his place Mr. Jamison announced that it was their
fixed determination to throw off a Government to which they had
been accustomed, and to provide for their future safety; that if
anything had been decided by the elections for a Convention, it
was that South Carolina must dissolve her connection with the
Confederacy as speedily as possible. Overtures from without were
to be feared, and he trusted "that the door is forever closed to all
further connection with our Northern confederates;" and he
closed his speech by advising the South, as did Danton at the
commencement of the French Revolution, " To dare ! and again
to dare ! and without end to dare."
Having been elected as permanent President of the Conven-
tion, Mr. Jamison said, in a short speech, that there was no honor
he should esteem more highly than to sign the ordinance of seces-
sion as a member of the Convention, but to sign it as its President
would be the greatest honor of his life.
In view of the subsequent action of this body, and that by it
secession was inaugurated in the South, it is instructive as well as
45
46
THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
interesting to glance at its composition, its character and capacity,
and to follow in part its career.
When the call for a Convention was presented to the people
of South Carolina it found them not unprepared. They well knew
the object of its creation. Twice before, in her history, South
Carolina had called conventions of her people to consider what
steps should be taken to resist what she considered the infringe-
ment of her sovereignty by the General Government. It is true
that her Nullification Ordinance and her legislative acts dependent
upon it in 1832, were rendered nugatory by the passage of Mr.
Clay's Compromise Tariff of the 12th of February, 1833; it is true
that the general acquiescence of the Southern States in the
compromise measures of the same great statesman in 1850 (but
which she regarded as a surrender of the whole matter at issue)
had induced her to forego secession; still, the spirit that had
animated these conventions survived.
Men that had sat in them, as well as those who by pamphlet
or speech had been conspicuous in their advocacy of the right of
secession, were taken up by the people and returned by large
majorities. For a whole generation the people of South Carolina
had discussed the question of separation from the Federal Union,
and when asked again to vote for a Convention for the purpose of
taking into consideration the dangers incident to the position of
the State in the Federal Union, to take measures for providing
against the same, and to take care that the Commonwealth suffered
no detriment, they knew well what was expected of them, and they
cordially and eagerly responded to the summons, by the election
of a body of men as unanimous in sentiment, as calm and deliber-
ate in feeling, but as earnest and able, as ever assembled in any
State of the Union. This Convention of i860, unlike the Legis-
lature that called it into being, was a body of elderly men. Half
of its members were upwards of fifty years old; three-fourths
were over thirty-five. A large proportion had occupied prominent
public positions; four — R. Barnwell Rhett, Robert W. Barnwell,
William F. De Saussure and James Chesnut, Jr. — had represented
South Carolina in the Senate of the United States; two of these,
Messrs. Barnwell and Rhett, had previously served in the lower
House; and one, James L. Orr, had also once been Speaker of
the House of Representatives. Five — J. P. Richardson, J. H.
Means, John L. Manning, J. H. Adams, and W. H. Gist — had
COMPOSITION OF CONVENTIO^^. 47
been Governors of the State. The Honorable I. W. Hayne had
been for ten years Attorney-General.
The Judiciary was largely represented. Elected by the
Legislature, and for life, with ample support to maintain the
dignity of the position, their office was scarcely deemed second,
in point of honorable distinction, to the United States senatorship
itself. In this Convention were ex-United States Judge A. G.
Magrath; Chancellor Benjamin Dunkin, afterwards the Chief
Justice, a native of Massachusetts; Chancellors Wardlaw, Carroll,
and Inglis, a native of Maryland; Judges Withers, Glover, Whit-
ner, and D. L. Wardlaw. There were leading lawyers from dif-
ferent portions of the State. Eminent clergymen of the Baptist
and Methodist churches, railroad presidents, large manufacturers
and influential planters and merchants. Eight of the delegates
had been members of the State Convention of 1833, which nulli-
fied the Protective Tariff Acts of 1828 and 1832. Twenty-eight
had been members of the State Convention of 1852, when the
question of the status of the territory acquired by the Mexican
war was under discussion; a Convention that affirmed the right of
the State to secede from the Federal Union, and that declared
that " the frequent violations of the Constitution of the United
States by the General Government and its encroachments upon
the reserved rights of the sovereign States of the Union, especially
in relation to slavery, amply justify this State, so far as any duty
or obligation to her confederates was involved, in dissolving at
once all political connection with her co-States, and that she for-
bears the exercise of this manifest right of self-government, from
considerations of expediency only," viz., the want of co-opera-
tion.
Original and thorough-going secessionists were in a minority
in the Convention. Those who were formerly of the co-operation
party largely predominated. There was an element of over-cau-
tion in the Convention, that showed itself abundantly in the
shrinking, temporizing policy in regard to Fort Sumter, and in the
elaborate and repeated efforts at peaceful diplomacy, which
drifted the State with the issue unsettled to the time when the
incoming administration, seated firmly in power, were ready to use
the whole power of the Government upon the first hostile move-
ment made upon the public property or upon the flag.
Hardly had the Convention assembled at Columbia when a
48 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
resolution was introduced by Chancellor J. A. Inglis to the ef-
fect that " it is the opinion of the Convention that the State
should forthwith secede from the Federal Union known as
the United States of America, and that a committee be appoint-
ed to draft an ordinance to be adopted by the Convention in
order to accomplish this purpose of secession." ( FzVi? Journal
of Convention, i860, p. 13.) It passed without a dissenting
voice.
Meantime, a contagious disease having broken out in the city,
the Convention resolved to change its session to Charleston, and
it reassembled in that city on the i8th. Already the impatience
of the people began to be manifested, and open dissatisfaction was
expressed that the Secession Ordinance had not been passed before
adjournment to Charleston; and Mr. W. P. Miles, a delegate from
Charleston, earnestly opposed the resolution to adjourn to that
city, " or anywhere else," until the Secession Ordinance should be
passed. There appeared to be but one unanimous sentiment, and
that was for immediate separation from the Union. If any attach-
ment remained for the old Union, it was not manifested. Argu-
ment had exhausted itself after a discussion of thirty years, and
the sole question now was as to the manner of accomplishing the
object in view. There was no place for mild counsels, and as one
by one the links that connected them with the Government were
broken the enthusiasm of the people grew more and more intense,
until, firm as one mind in w"hat they believed to be the right, and
sustained by the confident hope of a united South, the people of
South Carolina did not hesitate to go steadily on in the course
marked out for them, until it brought them face to face with the
General Government, and at a point from which neither felt that
they could retire.
No concession, no compromise, no constitutional guarantee
was now possible to an amicable arrangement that had not for its
basis the separation and independence of the State; the people
scorned the idea of compromise, and it was under these auspices
and in view of a future clearly determined upon, that the Conven-
tion of South Carolina reassembled in Charleston on the iSth of
December.
In the large room of Institute Hall, the Convention reassem-
bled at 4 o'clock on the afternoon of the i8th of December.
Crowds of excited people thronged the streets and open squares
SECESSION HALL.
49
INSTITUTE OR SECESSION HALL.
50
THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
of the city, and filled the passage and stairways of the hall. Con-
gratulations were exchanged on every side, while earnest dissatis-
faction was freely expressed that the passage of the Secession
Ordinance had been delayed.
Blue cockades* and cockades of palmetto appeared in almost
every hat; flags of all descriptions, except the National colors,
were everywhere displayed. Upon the gavel that lay upon the
Speaker's table, the word "Secession" had been cut in deep
black characters.! The enthusiasm spread to the more practical
walks of trade, and the business streets were gay with bunting and
flags, as the tradespeople, many of whom were Northern men,
commended themselves to the popular clamor by a display of
coarse representations on canvasij; of the public men, and of the
incidents daily presenting themselves, and of the brilliant future
in store for them.
The session of the Convention lasted but one hour; there was
great unanimity. After a resolution for a committee to prepare
an address to the people of the Southern States, at the head of
which was Mr. R. B. Rhett, Judge Magrath moved, " That so much
of the message of the President of the United States as relates
to what he designates ' the property of the United States in
South Carolina,' be referred to a committee of thirteen to report
of what such property consists, how acquired, and whether the
purpose for which it was so acquired can be enjoyed by the United
States, after the State of South Carolina shall have seceded, con-
sistently with the dignity and safety of the State; and that the
said committee further report the value of the property of the
United States not in South Carolina, and the value of the share
thereof to which South Carolina would be entitled upon an equi-
table division thereof among the United States." And it was made
the order of the day for one o'clock the next day, when it was
unanimously adopted.
To enable the speakers to be better heard, the Convention
* Cockades had been worn during the Nullification excitement.
t Personal observation.
J One canvas represented Judge Magrath in the act of firing a piece of
artillery in his library; another represented Mr. Lincoln endeavoring to split a
palmetto log; while a third showed the anticipated prosperity of Charleston,
the wharves crowded with cotton bales and negroes, and the harbor filled with
shipping.
ACTION OF THE CONVENTION. 5!
adjourned their session to a building known as St. Andrews Hall,
and here the question of the Government property in the harbor
was first discussed.
From the very initiation of the movement the State, however
unwillingly, found herself involved with the General Government.
At this period peaceable separation was the undoubted wish of
all. Those who desired a conflict with the Government were few
indeed; and while the most sagacious of the leaders knew that to
preserve the Union there would be war, it was essential that this
should not appear. It was vital, at least in the initiation of the
movement, that there should be no conflict until a united South
could speak and act ; and the whole course of those who now led
the movement was undoubtedly in favor of a peaceful solution of
the difficulties daily presenting themselves. Not that either the
people or the leaders shrank from any issue necessary to success-
ful separation, but, in order to induce and to secure the hearty
co-operation of the people, and thus involve them in a common
risk and a common cause, it was necessary to induce the belief
that the separation of the State would be peaceful.
On the 19th the Convention reassembled at St. Andrews Hall,
when the President of the Convention submitted a communica-
tion from J. A. Elmore, the Commissioner from Alabama, enclos-
ing a telegram received on the night of the 17th from Governor
A. B. Moore, of Alabama.
"Tell the Convention," said he, "to listen to no propositions
of compromise or delay;" and Mr. Elmore assures the President
of the Convention that the Governor "offers it" in no spirit of
dictation, but as the friendly counsel and united voice of the true
men of Alabama.
After some discussion, it was determined that no reports of
the speeches should be made or permitted. Propositions were
made to sit with closed doors, in order that the Convention might
keep in their own hands all reports of their proceedings. Doors
were closed to all but the members. Several of the delegates
who were absent when the vote was taken upon the resolution,
that it was the sense of the Convention that the State should
forthwith withdraw from the Union, now appeared and asked to
have their votes recorded in the affirmative.
The special order of the day being the resolution in reference
to that part of the message of the President of the United States
52
TH& GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAk.
which refers to the property of the United States in South Caro-
lina, it was considered, and a committee of thirteen was appointed,
at the head of which was A. G. Magrath, to report to the Conven-
tion upon the resolution.*
It was resolved, also, to send three commissioners, bearing an
authenticated copy of the Secession Ordinance to Washington to
be laid before the President and Congress. And, also, that these
commissioners should be empowered to treat for the delivery of
the forts, magazines, and other "real estate;" and they were au*-
thorized to treat of the public debt, and for a division of all the
property held by the United States as the agents of the States,
and until a new Confederacy should be formed. This latter reso-
lution was referred to the "Committee on Foreign Relations."!
As on the previous day, the feeling exhibited was intense;
each man, through the day, as he met his neighbor, anxiously
asked if the Ordinance had yet passed. The public offices were
all thronged by earnest men awaiting the •final action of their
State. Deep-settled purpose was apparent upon the countenances
of all, and a determination everywhere manifested to stand by the
State in her action to the last. The Convention was composed
of men in whom the people had the utmost confidence, and with
anxious hearts they awaited the result of their deliberations. Not
to be behind in any effort to advance the movement, and at the
same time to afford security to the State, the Board of Pilot Com-
missioners compelled the pilots to promise that they would not
bring any United States vessels into the harbor.
Early on the morning of the 20th knots of men were seen
gathered here and there through the main streets and squares of
Charleston. The Convention was not to meet until 12 o'clock,
but it was understood that the Committee were ready to report
the Ordinance of Secession, and that it would certainly pass the
Convention that day. The report soon spread. Although this
action had been fully anticipated, there was a feverish anxiety to
* As the proceedings of the Convention have been published, reference is
here made only to those resolutions referring to the public property and to
Fort bumter.
t Other resolutions were introduced to define the status of the Slate, in
view of her new relations to the General Government, and among them one to
determine the amount of legislation of Congress that had been abrogated by
secession, and how much remained in force, notwithstanding that act.
THE FEELING IN CHARLESTON. 53
know that the secession of the State was really accomplished, and
as the hour of noon approached, crowds of people streamed along
the avenues towards St. Andrew's Hall and filled the approaches. A
stranger passing from the excited throng outside into the hall of
the Convention would be struck with the contrast. Ordinary busi-
ness was quietly disposed of; the Mayor and Governor and the
officials of the Legislature were invited to seats upon the floor;
committees authorized by previous resolutions were announced
by the President, the more noticeable being that of the late United
States Judge Magrath, to head the Committee on so much of
the President's message as related to the property in the harbor,
and W. P. Miles on Foreign Relations looking to the ordeal in
Washington. Quietly the Convention had met, and had been
opened with prayer to God. There was no excitement. There
was no visible sign that the Commonwealth of South Carolina was
about to take a step more momentous for weal or woe than had
yet been known in her history.
Then followed the introduction of a resolution by Mr. R. B.
Rhett, that a committee of thirteen be appointed to report an
ordinance providing for a convention to form a Southern Con-
federacy, as important a step as the secession of the State itself.
It was referred to the appropriate committee, when Chancellor
Inglis of Chesterfield, the Chairman of the Committee to report
an ordinance proper of secession, arose and called the attention
of the President.
An immediate silence pervaded the whole assemblage as every
eye turned upon the speaker. Addressing the chair, he said that
the Committee appointed to prepare a draft of an ordinance proper,
to be adopted by the Convention in order to effect the secession
of South Carolina from the Federal Union, respectfully report
that they have had the matter under consideration, and believe
that they would best meet the exigencies of the occasion by
expressing in the fewest and simplest words all that was necessary
to effect the end proposed, and so to exclude everything which
was not a necessary part of the " solemn act of secession." They
therefore submitted the following:
Ordinance
to dissolve the Union from the State of South Carolina and other
States united with her under the compact entitled " The Consti-
tution of the United States of America."
We, the people of the State of South Carolina, in convention
54
THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
assembled, do declare and ordain, and it is hereby declared and
ordained, that the Ordinance adopted by us in convention, on the
23d day of May, in the year of our Lord, seventeen hundred and
eighty-eight, whereby the Constitution of the United States was
ratified, and also all the acts and part of acts of the General
Assembly of this State ratifying amendments of the said Consti-
tution, are hereby repealed, and that the union now subsisting
between South Carolina and other States under the name of
"United States of America" is hereby dissolved.
A proposition that business be suspended for fifteen minutes
was not agreed to, and the question was at once put, with the
result of a unanimous vote, at i: 30 p. m., of 169 yeas, nays none.
An immediate struggle for the floor ensued. Mr. W. Porcher
Miles moved that an immediate telegram be sent to the Members
of Congress, at Washington, announcing the result of the vote
and the Ordinance of Secession. It was then resolved to invite
the Governor and both branches of the Legislature to Institute
Hall, at seven o'clock in the evening, and that the Convention
should move in procession to that hall, and there, in the presence
of the constituted authorities of the State and the people, sign the
Ordinance of Secession. That a clergyman* of the city should be
invited to attend, and upon the completion of the signing of the
Ordinance, he should "return thanks to Almighty God in behalf
of the people of this State and to invoke His blessings upon our
proceedings." The Ordinance was then turned over to the Attor-
ney-General and solicitors to be engrossed.
The invitations to the Senate and House of Representatives
having been accepted, the Convention moved in procession at the
hour indicated to Institute Hall, amid the crowds of citizens that
thronged the streets, cheermg loudly as it passed. The galleries
of the hall were crowded with ladies, who waved their handker-
chiefs to the Convention as it entered, with marked demon-
stration. On either side of the President's chair were two large
palmetto trees. The Hall was densely crowded. The Ordinance,
having been returned engrossed and with the great seal of the
State, attached by the Attorney-General, was presented and was
signed by every member of the Convention, special favorites
being received with loud applause.f Two hours were thus occupied.
* Dr. Bachman was the one invited.
t Delegates from St. Pauls and St Michaels; also Mr. Rhett, Governor
Gist and others.
PASSAGE OF SECESSION ORDINANCE. 55
The President then announced that *' the Ordinance of Secession
has been signed and ratified, and I proclaim the State of South
Carolina," said he, "an independent Commonwealth."
At once the whole audience broke out into a storm of cheers;
the ladies again joined in the demonstration; a rush was made for
the palmetto trees, which were torn to pieces in the effort to
secure mementos of the occasion. As soon as the passage of the ,
Secession Ordinance at St. Andrews Hall was accomplished, a
messenger left the house and rode with the greatest speed to the
camp of the First Regiment of Rifles, South Carolina Militia,
Colonel Pettigrew, one mile distant, where in front of the paraded
regiment the Ordinance was read amid the loud acclamations of
the men.
The adjournment of the Convention was characterized by the
same dignity that had marked its sessions. Outside, the whole
city was wild with excitement as the news spread like wild-fire
through its streets. Business was suspended everywhere; the
peals of the church bells mingling with salvos of artillery from the
citadel. Old ' men ran shouting down the street. Every one
entitled to it, appeared at once in uniform. In less then fifteen
minutes after its passage, the principal newspaper of Charleston
had placed in the hands of the eager multitude a copy of the
Ordinance of Secession. Private residences were illuminated,
while military organizations marched in every direction, the music
of their bands lost amid the shouts of the people. The whole
heart of the people had spoken. Men in elegant life, who had
never known labor for a day, stood side by side with the " poor
white" from the towns and the country. From the quiet planta-
tion, from the factory and the workshop, from the sand-hills in the
interior and the cities on her coast, the manhood of South Carolina
hastened without condition to offer themselves and their services
to their State.
CHAPTER VI
Colonel Gardiner at Moultrie— Makes requisition for Ordnance Stores— Issue
made— Excitement in consequence — Telegrams to Washington — Relieved
by Major Anderson— Sketch of a letter of Anderson to War Department,
24th of November— Importance of this letter— Force under Anderson-
Work going on— Attempt to enroll workmen — Correspondence with War
Department on the subject.
The old and worthy soldier who commanded the post of Fort
Moultrie was slow to awaken to the reality of his position. As
early as the month of October the engineer officer had suggested
to his chief in Washington that a few small-arms should be
placed in the hands of his workmen at Fort Sumter for the pro-
tection of the Government property in that work. The Chief
of Ordnance* approved of the suggestion, and recommended to
the Secretary of War that, with the concurrence of the command-
ing officer of the troops in the harbor, he might be authorized to
issue forty muskets to the engineer officer. This proposition was
approved by the Secretary and submitted to the commanding
officer at Fort Moultrie for his approval and action, who replied
that he saw no objection to the " propriety " of the issue. The
workmen were bound by the principles of common law, as well
as by the articles of war, to defend the public property in their
charge. As to the "expediency," it was another question; that
most of the 109 laborers in Fort Sumter were of foreign nation-
ality, of whom it is prudent to be somewhat suspicious, were
indifferent as to which side they took, and could at any moment
discharge themselves of their obligations, and take any side they
saw fit. That while some might be safely trusted with arms,
others might not be, and unless some precaution was taken to
keep the arms from the latter class, they might deliver up the
post " on a bribe or demand." He thought that the only proper
precaution was to fill up his companies with drilled recruits,
fifty men, and to occupy Fort Sumter and Castle Pinckney.f
* Colonel Craig, Chief of Ordnance, to Secretary of War. W. of R., I
scr., I vol., p. 60.
t Colonel Gardiner to Chief of Ordnance, November 5, i860,
ATTEMPT TO SUPPLY MOULTRIE.
57
The issue being contingent upon the approval of Colonel
Gardiner, was, in view of his communication, not made, and the
requisition remained unacted upon in the hands of the military
storekeeper of the arsenal. But the military stores at Fort Moul-
trie were diminishing daily, and no effort was made to replace
them until, urged by the repeated solicitation of his officers, the
commanding officer finally made an attempt to replenish them
from the arsenal at Charleston, and that effort cost him his posi-
tion. On the 7th of November he directed that a list of what
was immediately necessary should be made out and sent to the
military storekeeper at the arsenal.* The list was confined to
fixed ammunition for small-arms, consisting principally of mus-
ket cartridges, percussion caps, primers, etc , and also of hand-
grenades, and paint and lacquer and priming-tubes. There was
a deficiency in the first, and there were none of the last on hand
that were serviceable. The military storekeeper had informed
the proper officer that he had these stores on hand for issue, and
this was the usual and official mode of obtaining supplies — a mat-
ter of ordnance routine. But the existence of a hostile and
excited feeling in Charleston in regard to the forts was well known
to the commandant of Fort Moultrie. The arsenal was already
watched by the troops of the State by night; and in view of this,
and in order to avoid observation, it was thought advisable to put
the soldiers detailed for the duty in citizens' dress and send them
in a schooner to a private wharf near the arsenal. The object of
the disguise was to avoid drawing attention to the men employed,
and from the apprehension of a collision. Before the schooner
started, the appearance of the men in citizens' dress attracted the
attention of the people on the island, and developed the fact that
the movements of the men were watched. Information was sent
at once to Charleston. The men embarked upon the schooner
and proceeded to the arsenal wharf, which ran some distance
back into the town. Proceeding to the arsenal under Brevet-
Captain Seymour, who had accompanied them, arrangements were
made with the military storekeeper to transfer the required ammu-
nition on board the schooner. Some carts had been sent for to
the city, but failing from some reason to arrive, the single cart
at the arsenal was employed to transport the boxes. While this
* Porter's Report, November 1 1, i860.
58 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
was in progress (some of the boxes having been already put on
board) a citizen made his appearance and informed the corporal
in charge of the men that the proceeding must stop, and that no
more ammunition must be transferred. The corporal went at
once to the arsenal and informed the officer m charge, who pro-
ceeded to the wharf to inquire the cause of the interference. He
was mformed by a citizen that the wharf was a private one, that
it was his property, and that he would not permit anything of that
character to leave it, unless by permission of the authorities;
that he had sent word to them, and that they would soon be down.
Captain Seymour expostulated, but the citizen was firm, and said
that he could and would prevent it; that he only needed to raise
his hand, and he could get one hundred men from a factory near
by. It was thought better to avoid a collision, as a crowd had
collected; and the boxes were removed from the vessel, which had
grounded in the stream, where she was soon after visited by the
authorities. On the next morning Captain Seymour was sent to
the Mayor, who gave the requisite permission, which Colonel
Gardiner, the commanding officer of Fort Moultrie, then declined
to avail himself of, as the city authorities had no right in any way
to control his supplies. Meantime, and without delay, a tele-
gram had been sent to the Assistant Secretary of State at Wash-
ington, reciting the facts, and saying that if the removal of the
ammunition was by order of the War Department it ought to be
revoked, otherwise collision was inevitable.
What took place in Washington is thus described in the words
of the Assistant Secretary of State himself:
" After the call of the Convention, but before the election of
members of that body, just as I was sitting down to dinner one
day, I received a telegram from Charleston, saying that intense
excitement prevailed in the city, on account of the removal by
Colonel Gardiner, then in command at Fort Moultrie, of some
arms and ammunition from the United States arsenal in the city
to the fort, and that if the removal was by orders from the Depart-
ment of War it ought to be revoked, otherwise collision was
inevitable. Knowing that the Cabinet were then in session, I
went over immediately to the White House, and met the members
coming from the President's room. I took Governor Floyd aside,
and he was joined, I think, by Messrs. Cobb and Toucey, and
chowed them the telegram.
EFFECT IN WASHINGTON.
59
Governor Floyd replied, ' Telegraph back at once; say you
have seen me, that no such orders have been issued, and none
such will be issued under any circumstances.'
"This I did immediately. When, a day or two after, I received
letters giving me a more detailed account of the whole transac-
tion, I again saw Governor Floyd, who communicated to me in a
very full conversation, the official information he had received,
his impressions of the folly of Colonel Gardiner's conduct, and
his final determination to remove him and supply his place with
Major Robert Anderson, in whose discretion, coolness and judg-
ment he put great confidence. He also determined to send Col-
onel Ben. Huger to take charge of the arsenal, believing that his
high reputation, his close association with many of the most influ-
ential people in Charleston, and the fact of his being a Carolinian,
would satisfy the State of the intentions of the Government."
The action of Colonel Gardiner in his legitimate attempt to
replenish his stores from the arsenal at Charleston, brought the
whole subject at issue so plainly before the Cabinet at Washington
as to define with great precision the position of some of the
members. It was upon this occasion that the Secretary of War
announced without hesitancy the position he held. He main-
tained "that with his opinions he never could and never would
consent to the coercion of a sovereign State." His entire view of
the question and his conclusions were in advance of the secession
of a State. The consequence of such a condition " was a grave
question, and had not yet arisen; that at present he was only
resolved upon two things: not to reinforce the forts, and not to
allow them to be taken by an unlawful force." This position
of the Secretary of War was fully explained at his own request
by letters from the Assistant Secretary of State to prominent and
influential men in South Carolina, for the purpose of quieting the
alarm and apprehensions of the people of Charleston. Meantime,
in order to acquaint himself more thoroughly with the actual
condition of things in Charleston Harbor, he had despatched
Major Fitz John Porter,* an able officer of the Adjutant-General's
Department, on the 7th of November, to inspect the fortifications
and troops in Charleston Harbor. Major Porter proceeded to
♦ Official Report of Major F. J. Porter, W. D. November 11, i860.
W. of R. Vol. I. p. 70.
6o THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
Charleston on the 7th of November, and after a thorough inspec-
tion submitted his report to the Secretary of War. He reported
that there was an absence of strict discipline in the command; that
no sentinel was posted over the buildings and storehouses out-
side the fort; and that an incendiary could in a few moments
destroy all the supplies and workshops; that sufficient personal
attention was not given to the Quartermaster and Subsistence
departments; that the troops were grossly ignorant of their drill
as infantry; and that their commanding officers manifested a want
of familiarity with the tactics; and that all military exercises had
been suspended for a long time; that the commanding officer
neglected to appear at inspection or drill, and that " such neglect
was due to indifference to the performance of military duty;"
that no precautions had been taken to guard against an attempt
at surprise or the destruction of the buildings, which, in the
highly inflamed condition of the mass of the community, was not
improbable. " The unguarded state of the fort invites attack, if
such design exists, and much discretion and prudence are required
on the part of the commander to restore the proper security with-
out exciting a community prompt to misconstrue actions of
authority. I think this can be effected by a proper commander,
without checking in the slightest the progress of the engineer in
completing the works of defense. All could have been easily
arranged several weeks since, when the danger was foreseen by
the present commander." In concluding his report Major Porter,
contrary to the opinion and recommendation of Major Anderson,
thought it unadvisable to occupy Fort Sumter, " so long as the
mass of engineer workmen" were engaged in it, but that the "com-
pletion of those parts essential for the accommodation of a com-
pany might be hastened." In regard to Castle Pinckney, he
thought that "under present circumstances" he would not recom-
mend its occupation. In view of this report, and of the action of
Colonel Gardiner in attempting to replenish his stores from the
arsenal at Charleston, it was determined to relieve him from his
command. Accordingly, on the 15th of November, a special
order was issued by command of Lieutenant-General Scott,
directing Major Robert Anderson, First Artillery, to "proceed
to Fort Moultrie, and immediately relieve Brevet-Colonel John L.
Gardiner, Lieutenant-Colonel First Artillery, in command thereof."
Major Anderson had been promoted to his present grade in 1 85 7.
SKETCH OF MAJOR ANDERSON. 6 I
He was the senior major of the regiment, two companies of which
with the headquarters constituted the garrison of Fort Moultrie.
A graduate of the Military Academy of the class of 1825, he
had been in continuous service and in various capacities, both
civil and military. He had been instructor of Artillery at
West Point, and had largely cultivated the literature of his pro-
fession. During the war with Mexico he had served upon the
staff of General Scott, who had maintained a high opinion of his
character and abilities, which opinion was shared by the Secretary
of War. He had been brevetted captain " for gallantry and suc-
cessful conduct" in the Florida war, and major for gallant and
meritorious conduct in the battle of Molino del Rey in Mexico,
where he was severely wounded. While Southern by birth and
connection, as well as in his sympathies, he was yet controlled
by a high sense of honor, which influenced him in his duty to
his Government to the last. Independently of his regimental
position, he appeared to be especially fitted for the command in
Charleston Harbor, in view of the complicated and threatening
relations almost daily presenting themselves; and in sending him
to Fort Moultrie the authorities in Washington believed that
while he was likely to be acceptable to the authorities and people
of South Carolina, they could wholly rely upon him to protect
and defend the interests of this Government.
He was at this time wholly in accord with the views of Lieu-
tenant-General Scott, and he clearly saw and announced the result
of any other policy. Later, as the responsibility pressed upon
him, and his position in Fort Sumter seemed to give him control,
he became largely impressed and influenced by the political com-
plication; and as State after State severed its connection with the
Union, he became more and more despairing of any good result.
Of pure morals and of strong religious nature, he sought Divine
guidance to sustain him in all his acts. He never at any time
believed that the coercion of the South was possible. He became
devoted to a peaceful solution of the troubles, and in his effort to
attain it he at times wellnigh compromised his position as a
soldier. His true views, as well as the convictions which influenced
him, appear more clearly in his private correspondence, as will be
seen subsequently.
Major Anderson proceeded at once to his post, and, without
delay, in company with the engineer officer in charge, instituted
6 2 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
a close inspection of the forts in the harbor. On the 23d of Nov-
ember he reported to the Government that the outer defenses of
Fort Moultrie would be finished and the guns mounted in two
weeks, should nothing unforeseen occur to prevent; that his
position was rendered insecure by the existence of several sand
hillocks within a few hundred yards of the eastern wall, which
offered admirable cover for sharpshooters, and that two of these hill-
ocks commanded the work ; these he should feel compelled to level ;
that his garrison was so weak as to invite attack, and that " this
was openly and publicly threatened;" that the guns in the lower
tier of casemates of Fort Sumter would be mounted in seventeen
days, and that the fort itself was then ready " for the temporary
reception of its proper garrison;" that the magazines contained
40,000 pounds of powder and a full supply of ammunition for one
tier of guns.
"This work, Sumter," said he, "is the key of the entrance to
the harbor; its guns command this work, Moultrie, and could soon
drive out its occupants. It should be garrisoned at once."
He recommended the immediate occupancy of Castle Pinck-
ney by a garrison of two officers and thirty men, as by such
occupancy he thought his own garrison would be safer and more
secure from attack. He thought it was " essentially import-
ant" that it should be immediately occupied. "The Charleston-
ians," he says, " would not venture to attack this place, when
they knew that their city was at the mercy of the commander of
Castle Pinckney;" and so important did he regard this, that he
asks for authority to occupy it by an officer and twenty-six
laborers to make repairs, and that they might be instructed in the
use of the guns to defend it. This request was refused by the
Secretary of War.* He earnestly asked that reinforcements might
be sent to him, and that Fort Sumter and Castle Pinckney should
be garrisoned; and he assumed the responsibility of making the
above suggestion because he firmly believed that as soon as the
people of South Carolina learned that he had demanded reinforce-
ments, they would occupy Castle Pinckney and attack him at Fort
Moultrie. The importance of this communication of Major
Anderson to his Government cannot be over-estimated. It was
the result of his earliest impressions. He had just taken com-
* Adjutant-General's office, December i, i860. S. Cooper, Adjutant-
General.
WORKMEN SENT TO CASTLE PIXCKNEY.
63
mand, and after an inspection of his position and surroundings
his military instincts at once suggested the only proper course to
be pursued ; and he did not cease to urge upon the Government
the necessity for immediate reinforcement until he came to feel
how powerless he was. This communication was submitted to
Jca shtr*.
^ieacun-hfAt.
□
Ci'tixens '
D
hous ej .
D
O
^ Brick chajoe/
^Za U sturc-hiiiise ,
n
D
D
D
n D
D
D
I I
C i- 1 i ze ns
D
'h02ises.
n n
i beacon hght .
SECTIONAL VIEW OF FORT MOULTRIE.
the Secretary of War, and on the 28th of November Major Ander-
son was informed by the Adjutant-General that authority had
been given by the Engineer Bureau to Captain Foster to send to
Castle Pinckney the engineer workmen, as he had suggested, and
he was directed to forward any information he might have directly
64 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
to the Department or to the Secretary himself, thus avoiding
General Scott.
But while opposed to the sending of any enlisted men to Fort
Moultrie, the Secretary of War was willing to employ civilians,
and upon the 24th of November, through the Adjutant-General of
the Army, he had asked for information upon the present state of
the command and the condition and " capabilities of defense,"
and, " whether in view of maintaining the troops ready for effi-
cient action and defense, it might not be advisable to employ re-
liable persons not connected with the military service for purposes
of fatigue and police." Part of this letter had been anticipated.
In reply. Major Anderson stated that the excitement was too
great, and he doubted whether such persons could be obtained
there. Again, on November 28, he repeats his recommendation
that Castle Pinckney should be garrisoned, as more could be done
for his security by that means than by anything that could be
done by strengthening the defenses of Fort Moultrie. And he
reports that, had he been in command at an earlier period and
before the worlc was begun, he would have advised the removal of
the garrison to Fort Sumter, '' which so perfectly commands the
harbor and this fort." *
The whole force under the command of Major Anderson con-
sisted of seven officers, two non-commissioned staff, seventeen
non-commissioned officers and seventy-five enlisted men, of whom
eight were musicians. There was no restriction at this period
upon any intercourse with Charleston, many of whose citizens
were temporary residents of Sullivan's Island. The activity about
the fort drew to it a large number of visitors daily, and the posi-
tion of the garrison and the probable action of the State in regard
to the forts were constant subjects of discussion. There was as
yet no unfriendly feeling manifested, and the social intercourse
between the garrison and their friends in Charleston was uninter-
rupted. But as the days went on the feeling assumed a more
definite shape, and found expression in many ways. The officers
of the garrison were informed by prominent citizens of Charleston
that the people were greatly excited, that not another man or any
kind of stores would be allowed to land at or for these forts, and
that the action of the General Government in putting the forts in
♦Anderson, November 28, i86o, to Adjutant-General.
WORK' PUSHED ON THE FOKTS. 65
a more defensive state would be regarded as an act of " aggres-
sion," which would cause an attack to be made upon them. It
was openly announced, both to the commanding officer and to his
ofificers, that as soon as the State seceded a demand for the
delivery of the forts would be made, and if resisted, they would
be taken. Major Anderson was greatly impressed by these state-
ments, and on December i again renewed his request for troops
or " vessels of war," and he informed the Government that the
question to be decided — and the sooner it was done the better —
was, whether, when South Carolina secedes, these forts are to be
surrendered or not. Meantime, all of the able-bodied men in
Charleston were enrolled, military companies were formed every-
where, and drilling went on by night and day, and with the im-
pression among them that they were to attack Fort Moultrie.
Speeches of the most inflammatory character were made, in view
of the assembling of the Convention to meet on the 17th of
December, and the determination to take possession of the fort, at
all hazards, increased in strength from day to day.
Meantime, the work on the forts went on steadily under the
engineer officers in charge. On the 12th of September, the same
day that the work upon Fort Moultrie was begun, the engineer
officer in charge reported to his chief that " a full force of masons
will commence work on two casemate arches of Fort Sumter
to-morrow morning," and on the 14th of September he requested
that the several appropriations made by Congress for the repairs
and construction of Forts Sumter and Moultrie be placed to his
credit. This was at once done, and on the 1 8th of September he was
informed by the acting chief engineer that the remittances had
been applied for, and that he would be charged as follows:
For Fort Sumter $20,000
For Fort Moultrie 8,500
For Preservation of the site of Fort Moultrie. .. 5,000
It was under these specific appropriations of Congress, in the
ordinary routine of departmental business, and directed by the
proper officials, that work upon the forts in the harbor of Charles-
ton was begun and continued in the summer and fall of i860. It
soon became manifest that assistance to the engineer in charge of
the works was necessary, and accordingly, on the 21st of Septem-
der. First Lieutenant G. W. Snyder, corps of engineers, reported
for duty under special orders of the War Department, as an assist-
S6 THE GEiVESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
ant to the engineer in charge of the works, and was shortly after-
wards assigned especially to the work on Fort Sumter. An able,
active and sagacious officer, much of the valuable work done was
the result of his personal suggestion and superintendence. Owing
to the difficulty of obtaining efficient white labor in Charleston,
fifty laborers were brought from Baltimore by the engineer in
charge of the works. During September, October and November
the work on the forts progressed steadily and rapidly. The large
mass of sand in front of the scarp wall of Fort Moultrie was
removed, and a permanent glacis formed, flanking arrangements
built, the guard-house pierced with loop-holes for musketry and
made defensible, the construction of temporary platforms and the
placing of four field-pieces in position for flank defense, as well
as the digging of a wet ditch around part of the work. One hun-
dred and twenty men were employed, and the work had so far and
so satisfactorily progressed that on the 2d of December Major
Anderson reported to his Government that the work on Fort
Moultrie would soon be finished, and that even his small com-
mand would be enabled to make such a resistance that the South
Carolina authorities would hardly venture to attack him.* On the
13th of December the engineer in charge reported to his chief
that, "with a sufficient war garrison, he would consider Fort
Moultrie as secure against any attack of the State."!
Meantime, the work upon Fort Sumter was steadily progress-
ing. The casemate arches of the second tier were constructed
and the flagging laid, the officers' quarters completed, and the
whole of the upper tier made ready for the armament, and on
the 24th of November Fort Sumter, in the opinion of Major An-
derson, was ready for and ought to receive one company.
The activity at the forts had not failed to draw the attention
of the authorities of the State and people of Charleston to them,
and it was the conviction of every officer that an attack was
imminent. The greatest irritation existed that the Government
was engaged in strengthening them. It was claimed that their
guns were trained upon the city, and in speeches made to the
crowds that assembled in different sections, the people were called
upon to go and "turn those guns backward." Effective use was
made of this in the pressure brought to bear upon the Conven-
* Anderson, December 2, i860, to Adjutant-General,
t Anderson, page 26. Engineer Officer.
DEMAXD ON CAPTAIN FOSTER. 6/
tion, but wiser counsels prevailed, and it was finally determined,
by those controlling the movement, to refrain from any immedi-
ate hostile demonstration against the forts, provided that the Gov-
ernment at Washington would agree that no change in the military
status should be made until at least the Convention should meet
and act, and entrust the subject to commissioners for its final
adjustment at Washington. It was at this time that an applica-
tion was made by an adjutant of a South Carolina regiment to the
engineer officer at Moultrie for his rolls, as it was desired to enroll
the men upon them for military duty. The engineer officer
refused, as the men were in the employment and pay of the
United States. Major Anderson, to whom the subject had been
referred, without delay asked the special instructions of his
Government. " What shall I do," said he, " if the State authori-
ties demand from Captain Foster men whom they may have
enrolled into the State's service ?" Upon the 14th of December
the War Department replied to him, that if the State authori-
ties demand any of Captain Foster's workmen, on the ground of
their being enrolled into the service of the State, and the subject
is referred to you, you will, after fully satisfying yourself that the
men are subject to enrollment, and have been properly enrolled,
cause them to be delivered up or suffer them to depart." This
reply was not satisfactory to Major Anderson, who, upon the
1 8th of December, informed the Department that, as he " under-
stood it, the South Carolina authorities sought to enroll as a part
of their army intended to work against the forces of the United
States men who are employed by and in the pay of that Govern-
ment, and could not, as I (he) conceived, be enrolled by South
Carolina under the laws of the United States and of the State of
South Carolina."* To this no answer was returned, and the rolls
were not furnished.
Anderson to Adjutant-General, November 28, i860.
CHAPTER VII.
Letter of War Department declining to reinforce — Feeling in Charleston that
forts would be taken— Anderson's views — Letter to R. N. Gourdin and
to his rector at Trenton, N. J. — Sand-hills around the Fort — Refusal of the
Government to allow him to reduce them — Importanceof Sumter— Instruc-
tions of War Department to Anderson by Major Buell — Substance of his
interview with Anderson — Buell' s order given to Anderson — Criticism on
it from Buell himself — Further instructions from President not to make a
desperate defense— Force of engineer workmen sent to Pinckney— Muskets
sent to Pinckney and Sumter on Foster's requisition — Excitemenl in con-
sequence — Action in Charleston and Washington — Muskets returned.
As the time passed, Major Anderson found his position at
Fort Moultrie growing more and more irksome. The threatening
attitude of the State added to his embarrassment, and he reported
to his Government that there were " intelligent and efficient men
in this community who, by intimate intercourse with our army
affau's, had become perfectly acquainted with this fort, its weak
points, and the best means of attack."* There was no conceal-
ment of the purposes of the State, as in private conversation and
in public speeches their determination to take the forts was openly
asserted, and the officers of the garrison were frankly and repeat-
edly told of the feeling of the people in opposition, as already
stated, to any supplies to the forts, or any effort to place them in
a special state of defense. Drilling went on nightly, and the
streets were daily enlivened by the march of armed bodies of
men, whose purpose of attack upon Fort Moultrie was at times
loudly proclaimed.!
The Government had declined to reinforce the forts, and, in
response to the urgent applications made by Major Anderson,
had definitely informed him of its purpose. " It is believed,"
said the Adjutant-General upon December i, " from information
thought to be reliable, that an attack will not be made on your
command, and the Secretary has only to refer to his conversation
* Anderson, December 28, i860.
+ Personal observation.
68
ANDERSON ' S RE FOR T.
69
with you, and to caution you that, should his convictions unhappily
prove untrue, your actions must be such as to be free from the
charge of initiating a collision. If attacked, you are of course
expected to defend the trust committed to you to the best of your
ability.
"The increase of the force under your command, however
much to be desired, would, the Secretary thinks, judging trom
the recent excitement produced on account of an anticipated
increase, as mentioned in your letter, but add to that excitement
and might lead to serious results."*
On the Tst of December, Major Anderson reported to his
Government that the people were " making ready for the fight
which they say must take place, and insist upon our not doing
anything." And he recommended, on the 6th of December, that
in view of the approaching action of the State, it would be well to
discontinue all engineering work on Fort Moultrie, except what
was necessary to increase its strength, and "apply our science "
to making every means available to resist an assault ; and added
that if Fort Sumter was not to be garrisoned, " the guns certainly
ought not to be mounted, as they might be turned upon him in
Moultrie." "Our time is short enough for what we have to do,"
said he, and should the stores or reinforcements not arrive, he
feared that we should not "distinguish ourselves by holding out
many days." But little hope was entertained by him that any
settlement of the difficulties could be had without bloodshed,
and he so reported to his Government. His sentiments found
expression in his private letters. On the nth of December, he
wrote to a friend in Charleston:!
" You need no assurance from me that, although I am exerting
myself to make this little work as strong as possible and to put my
handful of men in the highest state of discipline, no one will do
more than I am willing to do to keep the South in the right and to
avoid the shedding of blood. You may be somewhat surprised at
the sentiment I express, being a soldier, that I think an appeal to
arms and to brute force is unbecoming the age in which we live.
Would to God that the time had come when there should be no
war, and that religion and peace should reign throughout the world.
" I am, dear Sir,
" Yours very respectfully,
" Robert Anderson."
* Adjutant-General's office, December i, i860,
f Mr. Robert N. Gourdin,
70 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
To the rector of the church he attended in Trenton, N. J., he
writes more fully of his position, and of the difficulties that sur-
rounded him ; and in view of his subsequent action, his statements
become important. His letter was as follows :
" Fort Moultrie, S. C,
"December 19, i860.
My dear Friend,
******
" A word or two about my position, and so on. As soon as I
had time to inspect my position and ascertain the feeling and tem-
per of the people here, I found that to enable me to comply with
my orders to defend this fort, it was absolutely necessary that
more troops and ordnance stores must be sent. And I recom-
mended that they should be sent at once. The Government has,
as you see it stated, declined for prudential reasons to send them,
and I must now do the best I can. This fort is a very weak one
in its capacity of being defended ; it is surrounded by houses that
I cannot burn or destroy until I am certain that I am to be
attacked, and I shall not be certain of it until the South Carolinians
are in possession ; but I have so little ammunition that I can-
not waste it in destro3nng houses. And again, within 160 yards
from the walls are piles of sand-hills, some of them higher than
our fort, which will give the best and safest shelter for sharp-
shooters, who may pick off in a short time our band of sixty men
— all we have."
Meantime, his position at Fort Moultrie became more and
more critical. He had applied to the War Department for authority
to remove the low range of sand-hills so near to and which com-
manded his work on the north side — the approach from the land.
These hills, if occupied by sharpshooters, would have rendered
the service of the guns on that side impossible. His application
was denied. " If deemed essential," said the Secretary of War,
through the Adjutant-General, on the 14th of December, " to the
more perfect defense of the work, the levelling of the sand-hills,
which command the fort, could not under ordinary circumstances
be considered as initiating a collision." But the delicate question
of its bearing on the popular mind in its present excited state
demands the coolest and wisest judgment. The fact of the
sand-hills being private property and having houses upon them,
decided the question in the negative; the houses could be destroyed
MAJOR ANDERSON'S IMPRESSION OF SUMTER. 71
at any moment, but, being levelled in anticipation of an attack,
"might betray distrust and prematurely bring on a collision."
Major Anderson at once replied — on the i8th of December — that
there were no houses built upon the sand-hills, they were between
him and them, but that he would not remove them until conviiK:ed
that an attack would be made upon him; and he at the same
time informed the Department that these sand-hills and the
houses surrounding the fort would afford safe shelter for sharp-
shooters, who might pick off the greater part of his command, if
they stood to their guns, in a few hours. His conference with
Colonel Huger and with the mayor of the city and promi-
nent citizens, convinced him that, so far as their influence or
power extended, no unauthorized attack would be made upon
him, but all were equally decided that the forts must be theirs
after the State had passed the Ordinance of Secession and its
Commissioners had gone to Washington.
Meantime, the attention of the State authorities and the
people had been turned more especially to Fort Sumter. They
were not slow to realize that, well provisioned and manned, its
possession would give the control of the harbor to the force
occupying it. So much was Major Anderson impressed with this
belief that he communicated the fact to his Government, and
recommended that it might be advisable and prudent to cause
all of the ammunition, except what was needed for the immediate
defense of the forts, to be destroyed or rendered unserviceable.
" Fort Sumter," said he, " is a tempting prize, the value of which
is well known to the Charlestonians, and once in their possession,
with its ammunition and armament and walls uninjured, and gar-
risoned properly, it would set our navy at defiance, compel me to
abandon this work, and give them perfect command of this harbor."
And thus, in almost daily communication. Major Anderson
reported to the Government not only the details of his position in
their military relations, but his anxieties and well-founded appre-
hensions, and he was persistent in his applications for instructions
that should fully guide him in the extraordinary circumstances
in which he was placed.
It was impossible to leave him longer without such instruc-
tions, and accordingly Major Don Carlos Buell, a discreet and able
officer of the Adjutant-General's Department, was selected by
the War Department to proceed to Charleston Harbor and convey
-2 inn. GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
to Major Anderson instructions, which were given to Major Buell
verbally by the Secretary of War at his residence in Washington.
The subject had been discussed in the Cabinet, but without
deciding upon the character of the instructions, it was left to the
Secretary of War to transmit such as he deemed necessary.
Sending for Major Buell on the 7th of December, the Secretary
informed him that he desired him to go to Charleston to inspect
Major Anderson's situation and communicate instructions to him.
These instructions were " explanatory of the policy to be obser-
ved, rather than absolute or explicit with reference to the things
to be done."* Nor did they assume the form of orders. " The
duty of maintaining defensively the authority of the Government
was distinctly affirmed." The critical condition of affairs at
Charleston, the question of reinforcing Major Anderson, and the
importance of allaying the public excitement and avoiding a col-
lision," were alluded to in the conversation, and the impression
produced upon the mind of Major Buell was that, whether from
prudential reasons or because of the difficulty of providing for
every contingency in the defensive attitude required of Major
Anderson, any committal to writing " was purposely avoided by
the Secretary." The Secretary spoke of his own authority only,
and made no allusions to the President, and no memorandum was
made by Major Buell of the conversation until the morning of
the nth of December, at Major Anderson's headquarters at Fort
Moultrie, when he had completed the object of his visit, including
an inspection of Fort Sumter, and was about to start upon his return.
Major Buell had passed the night not only in the same quarters
with Major Anderson, bui in the same room with him. In the
morning the verbal instructions he had given, were reduced to
writing at the voluntary offer of Major Buell himself. That
memorandum was entirely in his own language. It was not, nor
did it profess to be, a literal record of the Secretary's communica-
tion to him, but was his interpretation of the Secretary's inten-
tions, adapted to the condition of things as the messenger found
them, and of v/hich the Secretary himself could have had no
exact knowledge. P'rom the manner in which the instructions
had been communicated to Major Buell, it might have been
inferred that they were not to be conveyed by him in any other
* Major Buell's letter to author,
LVSTRUCTIOA'S TO MAJOR AXDERSON. 73
way; but, impressed with the importance of the occasion, he said
to Major Anderson, after discussing with him suggestively the
application of them to particular questions, " You ought to have
written evidence of these instructions;" and without waiting for
any reply he immediately " committed them for the first time to
paper." They were as follows:
" Memorandum of verbal instructions to Major Anderson,
First Artillery, commanding Fort Moultrie, South Carolina.
" You are aware of the great anxiety of the Secretary of War,
that a collision of the troops with the people of this State shall
be avoided, and of his studied determination to pursue a course
with reference to the military force and forts in this harbor which
shall guard against such collision. He has, therefore, carefully
abstained from increasing the force at this point, or taking any
measures which might add to the present excited state of the
public mind, or which would throw any doubt on the confidence
he feels that South Carolina will not attempt by violence to obtain
possession of the public works or interfere with their occupancy.
But as the counsel and acts of rash and impulsive persons may
possibly disappoint these expectations of the Government, he
deems it proper that you should be prepared with instructions to
meet so unhappy a contingency. He has, therefore, directed me
verbally to give you such instructions.
" You are carefully to avoid every act which would needlessly
tend to provoke aggression; and for that reason you are not,
without evident and imminent necessity, to take up any position
which could be construed into the assumption of a hostile attitude.
But you are to hold possession of the forts in this harbor, and if
attacked you are to defend yourself to the last extremity. The
smallness of your force will not permit you, perhaps, to occupy
more than one of the three forts, but an attack on or an attempt
to take possession of any one of them will be regarded as an act
of hostility, and you may then put your command into either of
them which you may deem most proper, to increase its power of
resistance. You are also authorized to take similar steps when-
ever you have tangible evidence of a design to proceed to a
hostile act.
(Signed.) " D. C. Buell,
"Assistant Adjutant-General.
"Fort Moultrie, South Carolina, December 11, i860."
This is an exact copy of the original instructions now on file
in the War Department, in the handwriting of Major Buell, and
there is no other record of the instructions in the archives of
the Government. In furnishing a copy of them to the President
74
THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
on the 2ist of December, the Secretary of War appended the
following:
' "This is in conformity to my instructions to Major Buell."
(Signed.) "John B. Floyd,
" Secretary of War."
It could not have been important, and may have been entirely
accidental, but it is nevertheless to be observed that the word
defensive, not in the original, appears in the last sentence of the
copy furnished to the President.
In handing the paper to Major Anderson, Major Buell said,
" This is all I am authorized to say to you, but my personal
advice is, that you do not allow the opportunity to escape you."
Anderson understood his remark only as " a friendly encour-
agement," while there was still much in the nature of his orders
and the attitude of the Government to embarrass him.
Major Buell had remained over Sunday in Charleston, and
became impressed with the feeling manifested. There was no
noisy demonstration, but " there was everywhere evidence," he
thought, " of a settled purpose." The determination to obtain
possession of the forts was with them as fixed as the act of seces-
sion itself.
All the indications and all the information he could obtain
convinced him " that Fort Sumter would be seized, with or with-
out the State authorities, unless the Government should occupy
it," and these considerations largely influenced him in his inter-
pretation of the instructions of the Secretary of War, and which
were expressed in the memorandum order.
He thought, too, that "it was evident Fort Moultrie would any
day be liable to assault and reduction unless Sumter was occupied
by a Government garrison," and he thought that Anderson " fully
realized the fact."
After some suggestions to Anderson, "all locking to the con-
templated transfer of his command," Major Buell returned at
once to Washington with a copy of the memorandum he had
given to him. His report to the Secretary was verbal, but he
left with the chief clerk, Mr. W. R. Drinkard, who enjoyed con-
fidential relations with the Secretary, a copy of the memorandum
for the files of the War Department. Whether the Secretary ever
read it until it was called for by the President is questionable.
IMPORTANCE OF THE mSTRUCTIONS. 7c
Anderson reported the visit of Major Buell and his instructions
to him, but they were not made known to the President until the
2 1 St of the same month. The President was dissatisfied with
that part of the instructions which directed Anderson to defend
himself to " the last extremity," and a special messenger was
sent with a communication to Major Anderson, in which he was
informed that it was not the President's intention that he should
make a useless sacrifice cf his own life or that of his men, upon
a mere point of honor. He was to exercise a sound military dis-
cretion, and if he was attacked by a greatly superior force it would
be his duty to yield to necessity and make the best terms in his
power.* The sending of Major Buell and the object of his mis-
sion were known in Washington, and on the 13th of December
the principal newspaper of Charleston published, from its corre-
spondent in Washington, the following despatch :
" Major Buell and several other ofificers of the army have been
sent to Fort Moultrie to look after the forts. Keep a sharp look-
out upon them. They were sent for no good to us. See that
they make no change in the distribution of soldiers, so as to put
them all in Fort Sumter ; that would be dangerous to us."
The instructions delivered by Major Buell were of the first im-
portance, both as a warrant to Major Anderson in the course he sub-
sequently pursued, as well as in enabling the President to support
him in that course.
Meantime, the dififioulties of Anderson's position at Fort
Moultrie increased daily. His pressing request of the 23d of
November, to occupy Castle Pinckney with laborers in case the
Government declined to send troops for that purpose, had been
acceded to by the War Department on the 28th of that month,
and an additional officer. Second Lieutenant R. K. Meade, of the
Corps of Engineers, detailed as an assistant to take charge. But
since his letter of the 23d of November, Major Anderson had
modified his views, and on December i, had reported to the
War Department that it was probable that, in the highly excited
state of the people, the sending of the detachment of engineer
laborers to Castle Pinckney " may bring on that collision which
we are so anxious to avoid." He would consult the engineer
officer in charge, and if convinced that it would lead to that result,
•Floyd to Anderson, December 21, i860.
76 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
he would assume the responsibility, and suspend the execution of
the plan. Satisfying himself that no opposition would be made,
the measure was allowed to proceed ; and considering that this
detachment was in reality an advance guard for his command, he
assigned First Lieutenant Jefferson C. Davis to occupy the work
until the engineer officer should arrive, and work was begun on
Castle Pinckney on the 3d of December, It was hoped and
believed by Major Anderson and his engineer that this force, con-
sisting of four mechanics and thirty laborers, could be made
available for the active defense of the work in default of troops. It
had so been presumed in the letter of Major Anderson of the
28th of November, and in accordance with this view a request
was made by the engineer in charge, on the 2d of December, to
the War Department, through the chief of this corps, that four
boxes of muskets, with cartridge-boxes and belts, be issued to him,
as he required fifty muskets for Fort Sumter and fifty for Castle
Pinckney. Colonel Huger,who was then in Charleston, and had com-
mand of the arsenal, declined to recommend their issue, even tem-
porarily, without orders from the War Department, but upon
consultation with Captain Foster and Major Anderson it was
agreed that it was best to write for the requisite authority at once.
The application was made, and laid before the Secretary of War
on the 6th of December. It was returned by the Adjutant-Gen-
eral on the 7th, with the endorsement that action " was deferred
for the present," and reference made to a recent letter of Captain
Foster of the 4th of December. In this letter Captain Foster
had stated that in consequence of " recent developments " of the
state of feeling among his men, he did not "judge it proper to
give them any military instruction or to place arms in their hands."
This applied more especially to Fort Sumter, where his overseer
had ascertained that his men were disinclined to resist the citizen
soldiers of the State, although willing to resist a mob ; and he
reported that the feeling in regard to secession was so strong that
almost all were entirely influenced by it.
On the 6th of December Major Anderson reported that he
feared the same might be anticipated from the force in Castle
Pinckney. But as his confidence in his laboring force increased,
and his conviction that without arms he was at the mercy of a mob
became real. Captain Foster proceeded to the arsenal on the 17th
of December, " for the purpose of procuring two gins which were
REMOVAL OF ARMS— EXCITEMENT. jy
required at Fort Sumter," and to the transmission of which there
was no objection. While there, he arranged with the military store-
keeper that the old order of the Ordnance Department of Novem-
ber I, allowing him forty muskets, should be complied with.
This order had been suspended at the time, on account of the
objection of Colonel Gardiner, the commanding officer of Fort
Moultrie, as its execution would appear like arming the employees.
It was suspended only, and they were now sent to Captain Foster,
and placed in the magazines of Fort Sumter and Castle Pinckney
on the 17th of December. The act occasioned an excitement that
ought to have been foreseen. Early on the following morning the
military storekeeper addressed a note to Captain Foster, stat-
mg that the shipment of the forty muskets had caused " intense
excitement." A military official of the State had called upon him
and assured him that some " violent demonstration " was certain,
unless the excitement could be allayed, and he also informed him
that Colonel Huger had assured the Governor of the State that no
arms should be removed. He had pledged his word that the muskets
should be returned at once, and he asks that this request be com-
plied with. Captain Foster declined to return the arms, stating
that he knew nothing of the pledge of Colonel Huger to the
Governor, but was willing to refer the matter to Washington.
Meantime, a telegram had been sent from Charleston to the
Assistant Secretary of State, on the 19th of December, informing
him of the removal of the forty muskets from the arsenal in
Charleston to Fort Moultrie, and that great excitement prevailed.
And he was requested to ask the Secretary of War to have the
arms instantly returned, or a collision might occur at any moment;
that this act, not instantly countermanded by telegraph, would be
decisive, and that not a moment should be lost. An immediate
reply also should be sent.
"In the meantime," says the Assistant Secretary of State, "the
difficulties were increasing. On the 19th of December I received
the followmg telegram :
" W. H. Trescot, late Ass't Sec'y of State, Charleston.
" Captain Foster yesterday removed forty muskets from the
arsenal in Charleston to Fort Moultrie; great excitement prevails;
telegraph to have the arms instantly returned, or a collision may
occur at any moment. Three days will determine, in conven-
tion, peace or war, and this act, not instantly countermanded by
7$ THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
telegraph, will be decisive. Not a moment's time should be lost.
Telegraph immediately to me."
The telegram reached the Assistant Secretary at a late hour of
the night of the 19th. He at once sought the Secretary of War
at his residence. He was ill, but he gave immediate orders to the
chief clerk of his department to telegraph, in his name, to Captain
Foster, that if he had removed any arms, to return them instantly,
and to answer by telegraph. Major Anderson, who had upon the
1 8th advised Captain Foster to return the arms, was at the same
time informed by the Secretary, by telegram of like date, of his
order to Captain Foster, and the telegraph office was kept open
all night for the reply. The arms were returned at once upon the
receipt of the Secretary's order, and the following telegram was
received by the Assistant Secretary of State :
" The Governor says he is glad of your despatch, for otherwise
there would have been imminent danger. Earnestly urge that
there be no transfer of troops from Fort Moultrie to Fort Sumter,
and inform the Secretary of War.
(Signed.) "J. Johnston Pettigrew,
" Aide-de-Camp."
CHAPTER VIII.
F, W. Pickens elected Governor of South Carolina— His character and history
— Sends Major D. H. Hamilton, confidential messenger, to the President
— His letter demanding Fort Sumter— Interview with President — Assistant
Secretary of State interferes— Consults Senators Davis and Slidell — Letter
withdrawn— President sends General Cushing to Governor Pickens— Fail-
ure of his mission— Governor establishes the guard-boat between Moultrie
and Sumter— His orders — Press of the State urge the seizure of the forts.
Upon the nth of December, in accordance with the provisions
of her constitution, the Legislature of South CaroHna proceeded
to the election of a Governor in place of W. H. Gist, whose term
of office was about to expire. Upon the seventh ballot on the 14th
of December, Francis W. Pickens, a distinguished citizen of the
State, was declared to be the choice of the Legislature. While
engaged in the peaceful pursuit of agriculture and away from the
strife of public political life, he had been called by the President
to represent the country at the Court of St. Petersburg, and had
returned at a moment when a crisis in political affairs seemed to
be imminent. A student of classical literature, of varied and
extensive information, he had served his State in various capaci-
ties, and he was now, as he had ever been, in devoted syn.pathy
with her in all that she had done, and in all that she proposed to
do. He was identified with no clique nor trammelled by partisan
obligation. His social foundations were deeply laid, and this was, to
his fellows, a commendation sure and strong. For three generations
his family name had held conspicuous place, and in the struggle
of the Revolution and afterward in high civil and military position,
his immediate ancestors had illustrated it by heroic deeds that
still live in history. An earnest disciple of the school of Calhoun,
he had become the mouth-piece of its creed and the willing apostle
of its doctrines. While a Member of Congress, he had, like his
great exemplar, opposed the reception of petitions for the abolition
of slavery, and in a powerful speech against the constitutional
power of the Government to abolish slavery in the District of
Columbia, had given utterance to sentiments that proved to be
strangely prophetic.
79
8o THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
He advocated the independence of Texas in opposition to Mc-
Duffie, and greatly impressed the people by a powerful speech upon
the relation of the Government to banks and banking. He had
been a member of the State Senate, and also of the Nashville Con-
vention of 1850, and, as a member of the State Convention of 1852,
he had drawn up the ordinance asserting the right of secession
Presidents Tyler and Polk had each tendered to him a For-
eign Mission, the former to France, and the latter to England,
which he had declined. When, however, that to St. Petersburg
was offered to him by President Buchanan, he accepted it, and had
now returned from Russia to share the fortunes of his State.
Hospitable, generous, kind by nature, he had yet not at all
the genius of government, and when called to a position which
made him the conspicuous figure at the outbreak of the great
revolution, and which required the exercise of great qualities, he
failed to respond to the emergency. Desirous at all times of the
credit to follow from conspicuous acts in the service of his State,
he nevertheless shrank from the responsibility so inseparable to
its attainment.
His enthusiasm often led him into error, and he allowed his
better judgment to be overcome " by the glow of the fight." He
had a certain ability, not unmixed with shrewdness, that enabled
him at times to maintain himself in default of stronger qualities.
His zeal was better and stronger than his discretion.
Of a character so contradictory in its nature and so incon-
sistent in its purpose it is difficult to form an estimate. Influ-
enced as he was by a strong will, and without clear perceptions,
it was hardly possible to trace the relations between his declared
purposes and the course he pursued under the peculiar circum-
stances of his position; not upon a review of his career do we find
in him the characteristics to be looked for in a chosen political
leader in such a crisis.
His long absence and his separation from the politics of bis
State had induced a conservative feeling which was not in har-
mony with that of the leaders. He had been influenced too by
the views of the President, whom he had consulted after his
return. He was in favor of a postponement of any call for a
convention until the administration of Mr. Buchanan should have
closed. He was believed to be moderate in his views, and it was
from this, in connection with his services and prominent position,
MA yOR II A MIL TON ' S MISSION. 8 I
that he was suggested by some as a candidate for the Governor-
ship of the State. But many, and especially those holding
extreme views, were opposed to him, and among them some of his
immediate family connection. Repeated interviews were held
with him, when he finally became convinced that unless he put
himself at once in line with the advanced sentiments and in favor
of immediate action and the secession of his State, he could not
be nominated. A public meeting, to be held in Columbia, was
arranged, where he was to announce his views upon immediate
State action. At this meeting, he took such advanced ground as
to leave no illusion as to his sentiments and wishes. He placed
himself in line with the ultra men of his State and maintained
himself in advance of the sentiment until the end.
Almost from the moment that he became the chief executive
of South Carolina, he found himself at the head of a common-
wealth that, so far as its own act could accomplish it, was free and
independent.
No provision had been made, either by the Convention or by
the Legislature, for the new and extraordinary condition of
things after the passage of the Ordinance of Secession. Every
detail required the personal decision of the executive, and the
whole was greatly complicated by the constant presence of mili-
tary questions demanding immediate decision and action, and
upon the solution of which depended the greatest consequences,
of good or evil, to the State.
On the 17th of December, the day after he was inaugurated,
he despatched a confidential agent to the President demanding
possession of Fort Sumter. The agent was Major D. H.
Hamilton, First Regiment, S. C. V. This official had been the
United States Marshal, an .• You are ordered to take possession of Castle Pinckney.
You are to act with the greatest discretion and prudence, and to
let it be known that you take possession in the name of the Gov-
ernor of South Carolina, and in consequence of the extraordinary
orders executed last night in relation to Fort Moultrie, and with
a view at present to prevent further destruction of public prop-
erty, and as a measure of safety also.
(Signed) " F. W. Pickens."
A similar order was issued to Lieutenant-Colonel W. G. De
Saussure, of the First Regiment of Artillery, instructing him to take
possession of Sullivan's Island immediately after the seizure of
Castle Pinckney. In accordance with his instructions. Colonel
Pettigrew embarked a force consisting of the Washington Light
Infantry, Captain Simonton, the Carolina Light Infantry, and the
Meagher Guards upon a small transport and proceeded to Castle
Pinckney, where, under the engineer officer in charge, Lieutenant
ii4
THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
R. K. Meade, the work of repair was steadily going on. About
four o'clock in the afternoon the boat approached the work, when
the officer in charge immediately closed and barred the main gate.
The workmen, in alarm, rushed to the parapet, but were at once
ordered to their quarters. Meantime, the force had landed, a
portion of them proceeding to the main gate, which they found
closed. A party with their rifles stood watching the parapet,
while the remainder, placing the ladders they had brought
against the walls, commenced an escalade. The commanding
officer, Colonel Pettigrew, led the ascent ; stepping upon the
parapet he encountered Lieutenant Meade, who approached
him, when he demanded to know who was the commanding officer
of the work. Lieutenant Meade replied that he was that officer,
when Colonel Pettigrew informed him that he had been com-
manded by the Governor of South Carolina to take charge of the
work in the name of the State.
Producing his orders, he commenced to read them, when he
was interrupted by Lieutenant Meade, who said to him that he did
not acknowledge th6 authority of the Governor to take possession
of the work ; that he had no means of resistance, and could but
enter his protest against any such proceedings. Colonel Petti-
grew informed him that he was acting under the orders of the
Governor, and would give receipts for the public property. Lieu-
tenant Meade replied that as he did not acknowledge the authority
of the Governor he declined to accept his receipts. Colonel
Pettigrew, accompanied by Lieutenant Meade, then descended into
the parade. Meanwhile, the wall had been scaled by others, who
had unbarred the gate, when the troops immediately entered and
were formed upon the parade.
A sentinel was posted at once over the entrance, when Lieu-
tenant Meade asked if his movements were to be restrained.
Colonel Pettigrew replied, that while he did not propose to
restrain his movements, he would not be permitted to return to
the post if he left it that night ; that he did not mean to expel
him from the post, and should ask for further instructions. Lieu-
tenant Meade declined to give his parole, as he did not consider
himself a prisoner of war. After stipulating for considerate
treatment of the old ordnance sergeant and his family, until they
could be removed elsewhere, Lieutenant Meade left the work at
once for Fort Sumter. All of the Government property was
CASTLE PINCKNEY OCCUPIED.
IJ5
^
■•'if % 'Wk
^^1 iir'
I
.i|i|!Ii
: J
I! J..'!
^1 V;*i
Il6 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
seized and appropriated, including one month's provisions. With
the exception of two or three heavy guns on the barbette tier,
and one 42-pounder in casemate, the armament of the fort was
complete ; the magazine was well supplied, as the powder from
the arsenal had been stored there; and in this condition Castle
Pinckney passed under the flag of the State,
Shortly after its occupation Lieutenant-Colonel De Saussure,
in accordance with the orders received, having assembled 200
picked men of the First Regiment of Artillery, S. C. M., pro-
ceeded to Sullivan's Island. The command approached Fort
Moultrie by the main streets.
Approaching the work upon the west side. Colonel De Saussure
and a small guard entered it and unbarred the gate, which had
been closed by the sergeant or overseer of the engineer force, the
solitary guardian of the work. A report had been spread, and
generally believed, that the work was mined, and this became a
subject of sensitive inquiry at every interview held with the State
officials. With the exception of Colonel De Saussure himself and
a few of his men, the troops of the State did not occupy Fort
Moultrie on the night of its seizure. In the morning it was
occupied permanently, and its armament, consisting of fifty-six*
pieces of ordnance, including heavy and light guns, Columbiads
and mortars, with their carriages and implements and a large
supply of ammunition passed into the hands of the State.
Both forts had now been seiz-cd and occupied by the State
troops; and, as if to complete the seizure of the Government
property, the officers attached to the United States Custom
House, in obedience to an ordinance passed by the Convention on
the 26th of December, entered into the service of the State and
the flag of South Carolina was raised over the buildmg.
Mail communication had been as yet undisturbed, and it was
deemed important that the General Government should perform
that service as long as possible.
Two days after the Ordinance of Secession had been passed
by the Convention, an order for $450 worth of postage-stamps
was received at Washington from the Postrn^aster at Charleston
for the use of that office, and at a later date the same official
* Sixteen 24- pounders, nineteen 32- pounders, ten 8-inch Columbiads,
one lo-inch scacoast mortar, four 6-pounders, two 12-pounders, four 24-pound
howitzers. Lieutenant-Colonel De Saussure's report, December 31, '60.
LIEUTENANT SNYDER SENT TO THE GOVERNOR. \ \ y
reported to the Postmaster-General at Washington, to say that he
held himself responsible to the Federal Government for the
revenue accruing to his office.
The rapidity and secrecy of his movement from Fort Moultrie
had compelled Major Anderson to leave, temporarily, many of the
private effects of the officers and the clothing of the men. The
necessity of securing these at once, as well as to provide for the
safety of the women and children of the command in case of an
attack upon him, induced him to send a special messenger to the
Governor. Accordingly, early on the morning of the 30th of
December, Lieutenant Snyder was sent to the city with a commu-
nication from Major Anderson. His boats were seized by the
police as soon as he had landed. He found the Governor at the
Executive office amid a party of gentlemen who appeared to be
acting in the capacity of a council. Lieutenant Snyder announced
the object of his visit. He had come, he said, from Major
Anderson, commanding Fort Sumter, to say that he hoped, if
an attack was to be made upon him, that he should be informed,
in accordance with civilized warfare, in time to remove the women
and children and the non-combatants of his garrison to a place
of safety. He desired to know, too, whether the private effects of
the officers yet remaining at Castle Pinckney and Fort Moultrie
would be returned to them. The Governor replied that Major
Anderson was at liberty to remove the women and children to
Sullivan's Island, and he offered them on his own part complete
protection ; that the private effects of the officers might be
removed to the city, and would be respected; but that for the
present no other communication would be allowed between the
garrison of Fort Sumter and the city except to carry and receive
the mails, and that he exacted this to prevent any irregular
collision or the unnecessary effusion of blood.
A memorandum in writing and signed by Governor Pickens
was handed to Lieutenant Snyder, of which the following is a
copy.
" Headquarters,
" December 30, i860.
** In reply to Major Anderson's request, made this morning ver-
bally through First Lieutenant Snyder from Fort Sumter, I hereby
order and direct that free permission shall be given to him to send
the ladies and camp women from Fort Sumter, with their private
effects, to any portion of Sullivan's Island, and that entire protec-
I 1 8 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
tion shall be extended to them. It is also agreed that the mails
may be sent over to the officers at Fort Sumter by their boats, and
that all the ladies of Captain Foster's family shall be allowed to
pass, with their effects and the effects of any kind belonging to
Captain Foster, from the Mills House to Fort Sumter, and the
kindest regard shall be paid to them. Of course. Lieutenant
Meade's private effects can be taken possession of, but for the
present there shall be no communication of any other kind
allowed from the city to the fort, or any transportation of arms
or ammunition, or any supplies to the fort ; and this is done with
a view to prevent irregular collisions, and to spare the unneces-
sary effusion of blood.
" F. W. Pickens."
The Governor then asked if Lieutenant Snyder was of the
opinion that Major Anderson would return to Fort Moultrie if
ordered by the President. Lieutenant Snyder replied that Major
Anderson would promptly obey any order of the President.
Would his second in command, if ordered by himself (the Gov-
ernor)? Lieutenant Snyder thought not, and expressed the opinion
that there was no officer there who, if it devolved upon him, would
return to Fort Moultrie if ordered by the Governor.
In the city there was great excitement. Upon returning to
the boats nothmg was allowed shipment but the baggage. The
fresh meats and stores which had been put on board in Charleston
were removed.
Upon the same day Lieutenant Hall was sent by Major Ander-
son to the officer in command of Fort Moultrie. He was to
demand by what authority he had occupied that work. He was
to ask, also, if any obstacle would be opposed to the removal of
the private effects of the officers and the clothing of the men,
with the wood and coal left there.
The commanding officer. Colonel W. G. De Saussure, replied
that he occupied that work in the name of the sovereign State of
South Carolina and by the authority of its Governor. He
declined to permit the removal of any of the public property, but
all private property would be respected, and he would assist in
its removal. The public property he was ordered to secure,
make an inventory of and protect. It would all be preserved and
submitted to the Commissioners to negotiate upon, except the
provisions left, and these he should use.
Colonel De Saussure carried out his intentions m a kindly
spirit, allowing no one to enter the fort until the property had
SEIZURE OF THE ARSENAL.
119
been collected together and an inventory made, with the expec-
tation of their removal. But a box of clothing had already been
broken open and its contents scattered, the men appropriating the
great-coats of the soldiers which had been left. The movement
of Major Anderson was remarked by Colonel De Saussure as
being one of "consummate wisdom," in a military point of view,
but that it would greatly complicate matters. Meantime, owing
to continued stormy weather, no communication was held with
Fort Moultrie for a few days, when Lieutenant Hall again visited
that post for the purpose of securing the clothing and personal
eifects of the men. He was accompanied by Captain Foster, who
crossed for the purpose of paying off the employees that had been
at work under his control at Fort Moultrie. The commanding
officer. Colonel De Saussure, had not changed his intention in
regard to the subject, and suggested that these officers should
return the next day, when Captain Foster might complete his pay-
ments and the articles in question be removed.
Meantime, Colonel De Saussure had been relieved by order of
the Governor, that he might attend to his civil duties as a member
of the Legislature, then in session at Charleston. Lieutenant-
Colonel R. S. Ripley had succeeded him at Fort Moultrie. Brig-
adier-General Dunovant was in command of the island, and upon
the following morning, when Captains Foster and Seymour went
to the island, they were arrested by General Dunovant's order.
They were subsequently released and permitted to return to Sum-
ter, when no further communication with Fort Moultrie took place.
Having now taken possession of Castle Pinckney and Fort
Moultrie, the Governor proceeded to seize the United States
arsenal situated in the midst of the city of Charleston, with its
large and valuable supply of ordnance and ordnance stores.
The early possession of the arsenal had long been regarded
as essential to the success of the movement now made by the
State. Its defenseless condition, with its important and valuable
stores, was well known to the Government, and as early as the
month of November the War Department had ordered Brevet-
Colonel Benj. Huger, of the Ordnance Department, to proceed
to Charleston and assume command of the arsenal. Colonel
Huger was a native of South Carolina, and from his ability, high
standing and prominent social relations, he was deemed, under the
existing circumstances, to be a suitable appointment. He was
I 20 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVH WAR.
aware of the views of the Secretary of War, and it was believed
that while he would maintain peaceable relations, he would at the
same time protect the interests of the Government. Before
assuming command on the 20th inst., he had visited Columbia,
where he had held repeated conferences with the Governor of the
State.
Upon the ist of December Major Anderson was directed to
confer with Colonel Huger upon matters which had been confided
to each of them, as the latter had been recalled temporarily to
Washington by the Secretary of War. For some unexplained
reason Colonel Huger, who had been in command of the arsenal
in Charleston but ten days, did not return to it, but, under instruc-
tions from the Secretary of War, resumed his duties at Pikesville,
N. C; and thus the United States arsenal in the city of
Charleston, with its large and valuable supply of stores, was left
without a commissioned officer of Ordnance, and under the
charge of a military storekeeper and enlisted men, until its final
and' easy seizure by the troops of the State.*
The attempt of Colonel Gardiner to obtain stores from the
arsenal, and the sending of an officer to secure them, had greatly
excited the people. Numbers gathered in the vicinity. Threats
were made of an attack upon it, and a collision between the
populace and the agents of the Government seemed to be
unavoidable and imminent. The State authorities became
anxious to prevent any premature act of violence, and yet were
unwilling to repress actively the public feeling, in view of its
"political effect. It was under such circumstances that the
Governor of the State (Gist), after an understanding with Colonel
Huger, determined to establish a guard of State troops over the
arsenal, and upon the 9th of November, after the election of
Mr. Lincoln had become known, a guard, consisting of an officer
and twenty men of the Washington Light Infantry, was tendered
by the Governor and was accepted by the military storekeeper,
who thus reported to his chief.
*" Colonel Huger joined the Confederacy. In a conversation with General
De Saussure, during the war, he recalled the above circumstances, and said
that he came to Charleston in the nature of an envoy from Mr. Buchanan and
General Scott, whose ' plighted faith' he had that the status should not be
changed, that General Scott had mislead him and compromised him with his
people." — General De Saussure to Author,
STATE GUARD AT THE ARSENAL. \ 2 I
" Charleston Arsenal, S. C,
" November 12, i860.
" Col H. K. Craig,
'' Chief of Ordnance, U. S. A., Washington, D. C.
" Sir: In view of the excitement now existing in this city and
State, and the possibility of an insurrectionary movement on the
part of the servile population, the Governor has tendered, through
General Schnierle, of the South Carolina Militia, a guard, of a de-
tachment of a lieutenant and twenty men, for this post, which has
been accepted. Trusting that this course may meet the approval
of the Department, I am, sir,
"Very respectfully, your most obedient servant,
"F. C. Humphreys,
'■'■Military Storekeeper Ordnance,
" Cotninander.'^
* The guard was stationed »,!thin the arsenal enclosure, and
sentinels were posted guarding every approach from all sides to
the buildings. And this was continued until the night of the 23d
of December, when they were relieved by the German Riflemen,
Captain Small.
While the presence of this guard might be relied upon to pro-
tect the arsenal and its valuable stores from popular violence, it
gave equal assurance that neither arms nor ammunition could now
be moved from the arsenal to any of the forts in the harbor of
Charleston.
On the 28th of December the guard at that time on duty was
increased in numbers, and closed around the arsenal, refusing
ingress or egress to any one without the countersign, the ofificer
in command disclaiming any " intention of occupancy." The
military storekeeper in charge at once telegraphed the fact to his
chief, sending the details by mail and asking instructions.
None were sent to him. He had on the 29th protested against
the indignity offered to him and his command, and had informed
his Government that, if upon a proper request to the State
authorities the troops were not removed, he would consider their
action as an occupancy of the arsenal, and should haul down his
flag and surrender. This communication was submitted by the
*It was the posting of this guard that led Governor Pickens to assume that it
was done with the acquiescence of the President, and which induced him to send
a special messenger to Washington the day alter his inauguration to ask that the
same authority be given to him in reference to Fort Sumter. The President had
not given such authority.
I 2 2 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR,
chief Ordnance officer in Washington to the Secretary of War
on the I St of January. But meanwhile, the Governor of the State
had determined to take entire possession of the arsenal. On the
morning of the 29th of December, having selected Colonel John
Cunningham, of the Seventeenth Regiment Infantry, S. C M.,
for the service, he directed him to take a detachment of select men,
in the "most discreet and forbearing manner," and proceed to the
United States arsenal in Charleston, and there demand in his name
its "entire possession." He was to state "distinctly" that this
was done with a view to prevent any destruction of public property
that might occur in the present excited state of the public mind, and
also as due to the public safety. He was to take an inventory of
the stores and of the condition of the arms. He was to read his
orders to the military storekeeper who was in charge. If he
refused to deliver the arsenal to him, he was to take it, using as
much force as might be necessary. Great discretion and liberality
were to be used towards Captain Humphreys, who was at liberty
to remain, and indeed was requested to remain, in his present
quarters as long as it might be agreeable to him.
On the 30th, within half an hour after the receipt of the order,
Colonel Cunningham, with a detachment from the Union Light
Infantry, Captain Ramsay, which was on duty near the arsenal,
proceeded to the quarters of Captain Humphreys and demanded,
in writing, an immediate surrender of the arsenal under his charge
and the delivery to him of the keys and contents of the arsenals,
magazines, etc. He informs Captain Humphreys that he was
already proceeding to occupy it with troops, and that he occupied
it in the name of the Governor, and by virtue of orders from him.
Captain Humphreys replied to this demand, in writing, that he was
constrained to comply with his demand for the surrender of the
arsenal, as he had no force for its defense, but that he did so under
protest. He demands as a right to salute his flag, and that his men
be allowed to occupy their quarters until instructions could be
obtained from the War Department. This was accorded by Col-
onel Cunningham, whose men at once occupied the arsenal grounds
and buildings, opened the arsenals and magazines, and commenced
an issue of the property. In his report* to Governor Pickens, Col-
onel Cunningham states that "the dignity, courtesy, frankness and
Official report of Colonel Cunningham,
BATTERIES ESTABLISHED ON THE CHANNEL. \ 23
conduct of Captain Humphreys" enabled him "to establish the most
pleasant and even confiding relations with him," and that Captain
Humphreys had facilitated his operations in every wr.y consistent
with his duties. Some of the employees passed into the service of
the State. The value of the stores seized was estimated by the
officer who occupied the work at $400,000. On the morning of
the 30th the military storekeeper reported by telegram to his chief
in Washington, that the arsenal in his charge had that day been
seized by force of arms.
On the same day, and by the same authority, " Fort Johnson
and the adjacent grounds" were seized and occupied by a detach-
ment of State troops under the command of Captain Jos, Johnson,
Jr.; and a large supply of fuel belonging to the Government, and
whose want was greatly felt by the garrison at Fort Sumter, passed
into the hands of the State. The destruction or removal of any
of the public stores was forbidden by the Governor in his orders to
the officer in command, and he was also to intercept any parties
from Fort Sumter and to prevent any communication with that
work. Nothing but the mails was allowed to be sent.
Having now obtained possession of the unoccupied forts and
arsenal, the Governor proceeded immediately to establish batteries
for the control of the harbor. On the morning of the 29th of
December orders were issued to his chief engineer officer to pro-
ceed to some suitable point on Morris Island beyond Fort
Sumter, to associate himself with the ordnance officer, Colonel
Manigault, and to select a location for a battery to bear upon the
ship channel, and to erect " the same as soon as possible;" two
24-pounders were to be sent at once, and the number was to be
increased. A point upon Sullivan's Island was also to be selected
by the same officers, and a battery established beyond Fort
Moultrie and out of the range of guns from Fort Sumter, " to
guard the harbor and to prevent reinforcements to the garrison.
The orders of the Governor were carried into immediate exe-
cution and Major P. F. Stevens, commanding the Citadel
Academy, with a detachment of forty cadets and two 24-pounders,
was ordered to Morris Island to assist in the erection of the bat-
tery. The Vigilant Rifles, under Captain Tucker, numbering
ninety men, were sent at once to the assistance and protection of
Major Stevens. The work was soon done, and two 24-pound guns
were after some difficulty mounted, protected by the natural sand-
124
THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
I>
/ 1 ;
, r
lip '
GO VERMOR RE FOR TS AC TION. , ^ e
hills from the guns of Sumter. Another gun was added, making
a battery of three guns, and it was the intention of the Governo'?
to replace them by heavy Columbiads as soon as it was possit)le
to do so. It was this battery, thus constituted, that fired upon
the Star of the West. But the defensive measures of Governor
Pickens were not yet completed. On the same day that orders
were issued for the establishment of the batteries on Morris and
Sullivan's islands, he directed a force under Colonel Charles Alston
commandmg the Thirty-second Regiment, S. C. M., to proceed
immediately to the most exposed points between the harbor of
Charleston and the North Carolina line, and there, with the assistance
of the engineer force, to establish batteries to protect the entrances
to the bays and rivers on the coast.
His work was now complete, and he transmitted to the Con-
vention the following communication:
" Executive Department,
uT^ .u tr T^ T^ T "2^^^ December, i860.
"To the Hon. D. F. Jamison,
" President of the Convention.
" Sir : As the Convention sent for me yesterday to be informed
upon mportant matters, I take occasion to say that under my order
Castle Pmckney was taken last evening, and the United States flajr
hauled down, and the Palmetto banner run up in its place- and I
also ordered a detachment from an artillery regiment to 'occupy
bulhvan s Island, and, if it could be done without any immediate
danger from mmes, or too great loss of life, to take Fort Moultrie
and run up the Palmetto flag, and to put the guns in immediate
preparation for defense. I have now full possession of these two
torts. I considered the evacuation of Fort Moultrie, under all the
circumstances, a direct violation of the distinct understanding
between the authorities of the Government at Washington, and
those who were authorized to act on the part of this State and
brmging on a state of war. '
"I therefore thought it due to the safety of the State that I
should take the steps I have. I hope there is no immediate danger
ot further aggression for the present.
"Respectfully,
(Signed) '' F. W. Pickens."
Later, in his message to the Legislature on Novembers, 1861,
he says: "In taking Castle Pinckney, Fort Moultrie and the late
United States arsenal, we acquired large supplies of heavy ord-
nance, arms and munitions of war. As we took the responsibility
of acting alone, and of risking all, we were fairly entitled to all
we acquired."
CHAPTER XII.
Restricted means of the garrison — Anderson assumes definite position — His
opinions — Does not now ask for reinforcement — His letter of January 6 —
Reasons for his movement to Sumter — Personal views in his private letters
lo a friend in Charleston and to his former rector at Trenton, N. J. — Action
of the engineer laborers — Increased activity in the harbor— Lights put
out — Accidental notice of sailing of the Star of the rFi-j/— Large force of
workmen landed — Arming of fort pushed rapidly on — Short rations — Offi-
cers go to Fort Moultrie for their private effects —Threatened with arrest —
Return to Sumter — West Point graduates sent to assist the men — Forts
permanently occupied— Action of Board of Pilots — Governor issues procla-
mation forbidding entrance of any vessel bearing aid or supplies to the
garrison — His instruction to his officers at Moultrie and the arsenal.
From the moment of his entry into Fort Sumter, Major Ander-
son found himself surrounded by difficulties which he had not anti-
cipated. His movement had been made with so much secrecy
and despatch that he was without any supply of fuel; and many
minor articles essential to him were wanting. He confesses that
there was yet something to do before he should feel independent, as
the work was not impregnable, as he had understood it to be. The
memorandum of the Governor dissatisfied him, as he considered
that he treated him as an enemy; and the suspension of all inter-
course with the city, except in the transmission of his mails, in thus
depriving him of the opportunity of purchasing fresh provisions,
added to his embarrassment. Still, he deemed himself "safe," and
he thanked God that he was now where the Government might send
him additional troops at its leisure, and that he could command
the harbor as long as the Government wished to keep it.
It was now the 6th of January, and Anderson had already begun
to assume definite position. He thought that he could hold Fort
Sumter against any force which could be brought against him; he
was daily increasing the strength of his position, and his command
"was in excellent health and in fine spirits." He would not ask
for any increase of his command, as he did not know the ulterior
views of the Government; but he no less pointedly repeated that
he was, or soon would be, cut off from all communication unless
the batteries at the mouth of the harbor should be carried by a
powerful fleet. His communication was as follows;
126
ANDERSON'S REPORT TO HIS GOVERNMENT. 127
"Fort Sumter, S. C, January 6, 1861.
"Col. S. Cooper, Adjutant-General:
Colonel: Through the courtesy of Governor Pickens I am
enabled to make this communication, which will be taken to Wash-
ington by my brother, Larz Anderson, Esq. I have the honor
to report my command in excellent health and in fine spirits.
We are daily adding to the strength of our position by closing up
embrasures which we shall not use, mounting guns, etc. The South
Carolinians are also very active in erecting batteries and prepar-
ing for a conflict, which I pray God may not occur. Batteries
have been constructed bearing upon and, I presume, commanding
the entrance to the harbor. They are also to-day busily at work
on a battery at Fort Johnson intended to fire against me. My
position will, should there be no treachery among the workmen,
whom we are compelled to retain for the present, enable me to hold
this fort against any force which can be brought against me, and
it would enable me, in the event of a war, to annoy the South Car-
olinians by preventing them from throwing supplies into their new
posts except by the out-of-the-way passage though Stono River.
At present it would be dangerous and difficult for a vessel from
without to enter the harbor, in consequence of the batteries which
are already erected and being erected. I shall not ask for any
increase of my command, because I do not know what the ulterior
views of the Government are. We are now, or soon will be, cut
ofi^ from all communication, unless by means of a powerful fleet,
which shall have the ability to carry the batteries at the mouth of
this harbor.
" Trusting in God that nothing will occur to array a greater
number of States than have already taken ground against the Gen-
eral Government,
"I am, Colonel, respectfully, your obedient servant,
" Robert Anderson,
''Major, First Artillery, Commanding"
He explains, too, the reason for his movement to Fort
Sumter. " Many things convinced " him that the authorities of
the State designed to proceed to a hostile act, and he deemed it
to be his solemn duty to move his command from a position
which could not have been held more than forty-eight or sixty
hours, to one where his power of resistance was greatly increased,
and the more he reflected upon the movement he had made, the
stronger were his convictions that he was right in making it; that
his safety in Fort Moultrie depended only upon the forbearance
of the State, while Fort Sumter might have been seized at any
moment, and he would then " have been in their power;" and he
made the unanswerable argument that if such understanding as
128 THE GENESIS OF THE ClVlL WAR.
was alleged or claimed to have existed between the " two
Governments " had any force, the fact of the Governor having
ordered armed steamers to keep watch over him^ .Id have
released the Government at Washington " from any Oi^Jgation to
remain quiescent." He was convinced, too, that upon the failure
of the mission to Washington, an attack would have been made
upon him and his command sacrificed. But besides the report to
the Government, Major Anderson in private letters has freely set
forth the sentiments that controlled his action. Upon the day
after his movement to Fort Sumter, he addressed to Mr. Robert
N. Gourdin, a prominent citizen of Charleston, a member of the
Convention, and with whom he was upon terms of personal
intimacy, the following communication, which was read by Mr.
Gourdin to the Convention, then in session:
"Fort Sumter, Charleston, S. C, December 27, i860.
'■'■My dear Sir : I have only time to say that the movement of
my command to this place was made on my own responsibility
and not in obedience to orders from Washington. I did it because
in my opinion it was the best way of preventing the shedding of
blood. God grant that the existing condition of affairs may be
adjusted without any resort to force.
" Truly your friend, Robert Anderson.
"The Hon. Robert N. Gourdin."
His friend, however, strongly objected to and condemned the
movement, as calculated to complicate and embarrass the condi-
tion of things, and so informed Major Anderson ; when on the
29th of December Major Anderson replied to him, as follows :
" Fort Sumter, South Carolina, December 29, i860.
" My dear Sir : No one will regret more deeply than I shall,
should it prove true that the movement I have made has compli-
cated rather than disembarrassed affairs. There is an unaccount-
able mystery in reference to this affair. I was asked by a
gentleman within a day or two, if I had been notified by your
Government that I would not be molested at Fort Moultrie, and
when I replied that I had not been so notified, he remarked that
he was glad to hear it, as it convinced him that I had acted in
good faith, having just told him that I had not received such an
intimation from my own Government. Now if there 7vas such an
understanding, I certainly ought to have been informed of it.
" But why, if your Government thought that I knew of this
agreement, was everything done which indicated an intention to
attack ? Why were armed steamers kept constantly on the watch
PRIVA TE LE TTER OF MA JOR ANDERSON. 129
for my movements ? The papers say that T was under a panic.
That is a mistake ; the moment I inspected my position I saw
that the work was not defensible with my small command, and
recommended, weeks ago, that we ought to be withdrawn. I
remained, then, as long as I could under the fearful responsibility
I felt for the safety of my command, and finally decided on
Christmas morning that I would remove the command that day;
and it would have been attempted that day if the weather had not
proved inauspicious. Not a person of my command knew of my
determination until that morning, and only on that day. The
captains of the lighters are, I am sorry to see, threatened by the
Charlestonians for what they did. I do hope that they will not
disgrace themselves by wreaking their wrath upon these men.
They were employed to take the women and children, and food
for them, to Fort Johnson, and were as innocent in the matter as
any one. Another lighter was filled with commissary stores for
the workingmen here, and her captain certamly is not blamable
for bringing them. Not a soldier came in either of these vessels
except the married men with their wives for Fort Johnson, and
there was not an arm of any kind permitted to be taken on board
those boats. Only one person on board those boats knew that
Fort Johnson was not their final destination, until the signal was
given that the command was in Fort Sumter. My men were
transferred in our own boats, and were all, with the exception of
those attached to the hospital, in the fort before 8 o'clock. So
much in exoneration of the captains
" I regret that the Governor has deemed proper to treat us as
enemies, by cutting off our communication with the city, per-
mitting me only to send for the mails. Now this is annoying,
and I regret it. We can do without going to the city, as I have
supplies of provisions, of all kinds, to last my command about
five months, but it would add to our comfort to be enabled to
make purchases of fresh meats and so on, and to shop in the city.
The Governor does not know how entirely the commerce and
intercourse of Charleston by sea are in my power. I could, if so
disposed, annoy and embarrass the Charlestonians much more
than they can me. With my guns I can close the harbor com-
pletely to the access of all large vessels, and I might even cut off
the lights, so as to seal the approach entirely by night. I do
hope that nothing will occur to add to the excitement and bad
feeling which exists in the city. No one has a right to be angry
with me for my action. No one can tell what they would have
done unless they were placed in the same tight place. . . .
I write this note hurriedly, as I wish to acknowledge the receipt
of your kind note, and to assure you that I am firmly convinced
that, had you been in my place, and known no more of the politi-
cal bearing of things than I did, you would have acted as I did.
T, v*-i-*.* * * * *
1 know that if my action was properly explained to the people of
I30
THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
Charleston, they v/ould not feel any excitement against me or my
command.
" Praying that the time may soon come, etc.,
" Robert Anderson."
Upon the following day he wrote to his former rector at Tren-
ton, N. J., the Rev. R. B. Duane, informing him of his movement
and of his reasons for making it. His letter was as follows:
•* Fort Sumter, S. C ,
" December 30, i860.
^'- My dear Sir : Your most welcome letter of the 26th of
December, received to-day, finds me, as you see, at Fort Sumter.
God has been pleased to hear our prayers, and has removed me to
this stronghold. Perhaps at the very moment you were writing to me
I was by His guidance leading my little band across to this place.
I left Fort Moultrie between 5 and 6 p. m., and had my command
'here by 8 o'clock the same evening. You say that you had mar-
velled that I had not been ordered to hold Fort Sumter instead of
Fort Moultrie. Much has been said about my having come here
on my own responsibility. Unwilling to see my little band sacri-
ficed, I determined, after earnestly awaiting instructions as long as
I could, to avail myself of the earliest opportunity of extricating
myself from my dangerous position. God be praised! He gave
me the will and led me in the A^ay. How I do wish that you could
have looked down upon us when we threw the stars and stripes to
the breeze, at 12 o'clock on the 27th ! . . .
" I am now, thank God, in a place which will, by His helping,
soon be made so strong that the South Carolinians will be madmen
if they attack me. There are some alterations and some additions
which I wish to have made. The Governor of this State has inter-
dicted all intercourse with the city except that of sending and
receiving letters, so that you see we are quasi enemies. Were I
disposed to declare myself independent of, to secede from, the
General Government and retaliate, I could cut Charleston off from
her supplies, but I will show him that I am more of a Christian
than to make the innocent suffer for the petty conduct of their
Governor.
*** *****
" Robert Anderson.
"You see it stated that I came here without orders. Fear not!
I am sure I can satisfy any tribunal I may be brought before, that
I was fully justified in moving my command."
Work upon the fort was at once resumed, the mounting of the
guns commenced, and the closing of the embrasures in the second
tier rapidly pushed forward.
When occupied by Major Anderson's command on the night
CONDITION OF FOR T SUM TER I 3 I
of the 26th of December, Fort Sumter was in no condition for
defense.
There were but three 24-pounders mounted on the left of the
upper or barbette tier, which however was ready for its armament.
The second tier was wholly incomplete, without embrasures, and
with forty-one openings eight feet square left in the wall. Twenty
were closed with one-inch boards ; twenty-one were open, or
partially closed only by dry brick. There was but one gun,
and that for experimental purposes, yet mounted on that tier.
On the lower tier, eleven 32-pounders had been mounted, and the
posterns in the angles closed. The barracks for the men were
unfinished, but, where tenable, were occupied by workmen. The
officers' quarters were completed, and were occupied by the gar-
rison. A large number of wooden structures crowded the parade.
They were of the most temporary character and served as store-
houses for the tools and material of the workmen, while all over
the parade lay sand and rough masonry, and sixty-six guns with
their carriages and 5,600 shot and shell. The main entrance was
closed by double gates secured by bars, but they were insecure and
weak. The seven loop-holed doors in the gorge were closed, as
were also twelve ventilators of the magazine.
Material for the construction of the work around the wharf
and esplanade greatly obstructed the movements of the garrison.
Work, however, was at once pushed with great vigor, and especi-
ally with reference to the armament. Under the instructions of
Major Anderson, the defense was to be limited to the upper and
lower tiers, where guns were to be immediately mounted. On the
lower tier, guns were to be mounted at the angles only, and the
remaining openings and those of the entire second tier were to be
"permanently and securely" closed. The transferrence of the
command of Fort Moultrie to Fort Sumter produced an alarm
amonp *he workmen. It was supposed by them that an attack
upon the fort was imminent. They had previously resolved that
they would take no part in any conflict, and many claimed their
discharge. Of the laborers at work when the command occupied
Fort Sumter, many were discharged within a few days. The report
had spread that an attempt had been made to force these men
into the military service of the Government, and to detain them
against their will at Fort Sumter, and the Governor of the
State had asked for information upon the subject. No such
132
THE GENESIS OE THE CIVIL WAR.
course had been pursued or been contemplated at Fort Sumter,
although Major Anderson had felt himself compelled to retain
some of them. The employees of the Engineer Department
remained or were discharged, as they elected to do. Many that
left the work added to the excitement in the city, by false represen-
tations of what was transpiring in Fort Sumter. The force now
under the command of Major Anderson consisted of ten officers,
seventy-six enlisted men, forty-five women and children, and
with a gradually lessening force of laborers, their number
was reduced to fifty-five, at which point it remained until the work
LOWER TIER OF GUNS, FORT SUMTER.
fell. Intercourse with Charleston had not yet been officially
suspended; and on the 29th of December Captain Seymour visited
the city. There was no opposition to the landing of his bc^t. He
described the feeling of the people as intensely excited against
Major Anderson, and expressed his conviction that we would be
at once attacked. On the 30th all communication with the city
was cut off, and no supplies of any description allowed to go to
the fort, the Governor having declined to change or modify his
order. Storm and rain had now set in, and for several days the
fort was enveloped in fog, and under its cover and concealment
the work was pushed rapidly on. Every effort was made to hasten
STAR OF THE WEST SAILS.
^ZZ
its armament. Three guns were mounted in the angles of the
work on the 30th, and Major Anderson considered that in a " week
longer" he would be fully prepared for any attack that might be
made.
Meantime, increased activity was visible in the harbor. Small
steamers with troops and laborers were passing to and fro, and
men and material landed on Morris Island and preparations made
for remounting the guns at Fort Moultrie and strengthening its
parapet towards Fort Sumter. The harbor lights on Sullivan's
and on Morris islands were put out on the night of the 20th,
leaving the one upon Sumter and that upon the light-ship in the
offing the only lights in the harbor.
On the 5th of January the wife of Captain Foster, with her
sister, left the work to proceed to Washington. There was no
detention at the island, to which they had crossed m a small boat.
No communication was allowed with them, and they were told
that they must decide upon remaining either at Fort Sumter or at
the island altogether. To the surprise of the garrison, the wife
of Major Anderson came down to the fort, with the permission of
the authorities, accompanied by her brother, Mr. Bayard Clinch,
Mr. Larz Anderson, and Mr. Robert Gourdin, a member of the
Convention. She was still an invalid, and had left New York
alone to come to Charleston. The intelligence they brought
impressed the garrison with the fact that the secession of South
Carolina was about to be followed by that of other Southern
States. The fact of the vote in the House of Representatives
sustaining Major Anderson, was greatly gratifying to him. At 4
o'clock the party returned to Charleston.
Upon the return of his brother to Washington, Major
Anderson was permitted by Governor Pickens to communicate
with his Government.
On the morning of the 8th of January, by a boat that brought
down some men of the Engineer Department, a newspaper was
received, and in it was the announcement that the Stat- of the West
was to sail with reinforcements for Fort Sumter, and would arrive
on the night of the 8th. The information was not credited, as it
was believed that any reinforcements for the work would neces-
sarily be sent in a vessel of war, and in this view Major Anderson
coincided.
The greatest activity was meanwhile manifested. The
1 34 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
defenseless and exposed condition of the work so plainly invited
an assault, that the earlier efforts of the garrison were directed to
meet it, should one be made.
Projecting galleries (Machicouli) were erected upon the parapet,
to be used in dropping shells and hand-grenades. Stands of grape
and canister were carried to the parapet, and barrels containing
fragments of rock in which a loaded shell had been embedded, to
be used in repelling an assault, were placed at intervals near the
galleries.* The scarcity of fuel began already to be felt, and it
became at once necessary to restrict its issue. But one fire was
allowed to the officers and one to the hospital; none were
permitted in the quarters. The mess of the officers was moved
to the kitchen, where they were to be served last. To add to the
restrictions imposed upon the garrison, the mail of the ist of
January brought an order from the Governor withdrawing the
permission heretofore given for the transmission of the mails, and
prohibiting all communication between the fort and the city.
Events now followed each other with rapidity. The inspector of
light-houses, Captain Hunter, of the United States Navy, was
ordered to leave the State and his vessel seized.
On the ist of January a large force of men were landed on
Cumming's Point, the part of Morris Island nearest Fort Sumter,
and distant only 1,200 yards. The light-ship was towed in on
the same day, thus leaving the harbor in darkness, except the
solitary light upon Fort Sumter.
The light upon Rattlesnake Shoals, which was burning until
3 o'clock on the morning of the ist, was at the signal of
rockets extinguished.
It was reported that the steamer Harriet Lane was coming to
Charleston to collect the revenue, and that reinforcements were
also to be sent, and it was mainly upon the strength of this report
that the lights were extinguished in the harbor by the authorities.
Major Anderson, to whom the writer carried the report, was greatly
cheered by it: we were not to be returned to Fort Moultrie, and he
was sustained in his action There was also great unanimity of
sentiment among the officers, who, in the activity and energy dis-
played, were ready to do their whole duty.
The position was gradually growing stronger. Where no guns
* A suggestion of Captain Seymour,
PREPARA TIONS FOR DEFENSE.
135
were to be mounted, the embrasures were filled with masonry and
the shutters secured by strong iron bars, and such of the loop-holes
for musketry as were not to be used were closely planked up.
Heavy guns, 32 and 42 pounders, were now in position in the pan
coupes, at either flank of the gorge. The men worked cheerfully
and willingly from morning till night. Inside of the fort a feeling
prevailed that an attack was imminent, while upon the part of the
State authorities it was anticipated that an attempt would be made
by the Government to reinforce the work, and immediate prep-
arations were made by each with reference to their special convic-
tions. Sentinels were placed on the parapet and over the batteries
CLOSING AN EMBRASURE WHERE GUN NOT USED.
below, and every effort was made bv Major Anderson to place in
position a heavy Columbiad. But the want of sufficient or proper
tackle greatly delayed the work, and it soon became apparent that
the neglect to transfer the proper material for moving and equip-
ping the large ordnance would seriously embarrass and delay the
prompt and efficient arming of the work. On the 2d of January
assignments of the officers to command the batteries now mounted
were made. The guns, consisting of three 32-pounders at the
southeast angle, w-ere placed under the command of Captain
Doubleday, while the battery at the southwest angle was assigned
to Captain T. Seymour. Preparations were now made to hoist the
heavy guns to the parapet.
J 36 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
The excitement in the city seemed to increase, and every one
that came to the fort brought reports of its existence and intensity.
The Governor had determined to isolate the fort entirely, and its
garrison was subjected to many petty annoyances. A brother of
Major Anderson had come to Charleston to visit him at the fort.
He was permitted to go to Fort Sumter accompanied by Mr.
Robert Gourdin and Mr. Alfred Huger, with the understanding
that the interview should take place in the presence of these
gentlemen. This interview produced a depressing effect upon
Major Anderson, who thought that nothing could now prevent a
conflict. A fact, too, was made known that caused him great
anxiety. It was discovered that there were short rations of sugar
and coffee, and but thirty or forty barrels of flour on hand. The
effect of the hasty movement from Fort Moultrie was still felt.
The private property of Captains Foster and Seymour had not
yet been permitted to come to them, although a promise to that
effect had been made, both by the Governor and the commanding
officer of the island. In order to secure it these officers crossed
directly to Fort Moultrie on the 4th instant, where they were
arrested by order of General Donovant, and it was proposed to
send them to the Governor. Representing that this would be an
act of war, as force must be used, they were finally allowed to
return without accomplishing the object of their mission, the
officer in command informing them that his orders were positive.*
The contents of the Engineer office, with the record-books,
instruments, and maps containing detailed information of
the forts and the harbor, were seized in Charleston, while the
former clerk of the engineer in charge, J. Legare, having been
appointed one of the construction engineers on Morris Island,
passed into the service of the State, with much of the valuable
information acquired in his former position. Great energy was
now displayed upon all sides.
On the 6th there was increased activity at Fort Johnson, and
a mortar battery was commenced in front of the old barracks,
on the western shore, belonging to the Government, to bear di-
rectly upon Fort Sumter.
Traverses were begun on the parapet of Fort Moultrie, and
* The effects of these officers were not removed until the 23d of March.
Charleston Mercury, March 25, 1861.
SINKIXG OF HULKS LV THE CHANNEL.
^o7
experimental firing commenced at that work and from the battery
on Morris Island. Steamers were plying between the fort and
the batteries at all hours, conveying men and ammunition. A
code of signals had been adopted, which was put in constant prac-
tice. Permanent garrisons were at once provided for the forts
that had been seized. A detachment of infantry and twenty men
of an artillery company under Captain King occupied Castle
Pinckney, and Lieutenants Gibbs and Reynolds, graduates of
West Point, who had resigned their positions in the army, were
also assigned to that post to instruct the men. Lieutenant-
Colonel De Saussure, with a detachment of 170 men from an
artillery regiment and thirty men from Colonel Pettigrew's rifle
regiment, occupied Fort Moultrie, with a force of engineers, to
protect the heavy guns that commanded the Mafifit Channel from
the fire of Fort Sumter. Points for batteries on Sullivan's and
Morris islands for heavy guns had been selected, and the work
vigorously pushed forward "to guard the harbor" at those points,
and "to prevent reinforcement to the garrison in Fort Sumter."*
Officers (Lieutenant L R. Hamilton, Wade H. Gibbes, H. S.
Farley, James Hamilton, George N. Reynolds, Jr.), and among
them cadets of West Point, who had entered the service of the
State, were sent down to assist in directing and managing the
guns of large calibre to be placed in these batteries; and they
were also authorized, in connection with the commanding ofificer
of Fort Moultrie, to procure and sink any vessels in a proper place
in the channel, that might aid and assist in preventing reinforce-
ments from entering the harbor. f
But before taking this important step, however, it was deemed
advisable to consult the Board of Pilots on duty in the harbor,
and a conference was held between them and the Executive
Council on the 3d of January. The Board advised that at
least six vessels or hulks should be sunk in the channels, effect-
ually to obstruct the entrance of vessels drawing twelve feet or
over, which was done on the nth of January.
In the midst of the execution of these orders intelligence was
received by the Government from the South Carolina Commis-
sioners at Washington, that the Harriet Lane had sailed, that
* Pickens's orders to General Schnierle, December 21, 1861. Record of
Fort Sumter. Columbia, 1862.
t Pickens to Lieutenant- Colonel De Saussure, December 31, i860.
138 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
her destination was probably Fort Sumter, and that she would be
off the bar on the night of the ist. The Governor was prompt
to act. Despatching a competent officer with a force of artiller-
ists to the commanding officer of Fort Moultrie, he informs him
that he had anticipated his want as to the management of the large
guns, and had sent this force to his assistance, as the time was
short, and that he deemed it of the last importance to sustain
themselves in the first fight.
Upon the same day the Governor communicates with Major-
General Schnierle, the commandant of the forces in the harbor
and vicinity, directing him to order Captain N. L. Coste or other
officer in command of the cutter Aiken to proceed to such point
as may be expedient, to overhaul all vessels, and to arrest all those
that attempted to bring reinforcements or supplies of any kind for
the United States troops at Fort Sumter; and he was to " deliver
such vessel, reinforcements and supplies to Lieutenant-Colonel W.
G. De Saussure or other officer in command of Sullivan's Island."
On the following day the chief pilot (Carnagan) was ordered to
take a vessel and occupy a position off or near the bar of Charles-
ton immediately, and in case of the approach of any public vessel
of the United States or any vessel bearing aid or supplies to
the United States garrison at Fort Sumter, or in any way intend-
ing to exercise authority or jurisdiction in any manner in the
waters, he was to warn them off *' in the most decided manner,"
and to hand them the following proclamation.
" Headquarters, ist January, 1861.
" Be it known, to all concerned, that a state of things exists
which makes it my duty to warn all public vessels of the United
States or any vessel bearing aid and supplies to the garrison at
Fort Sumter, or in any way directed to exercise any authority
whatever in the waters of South Carolina, that they are hereby
forbid to do so, and to abstain from entering especially the harbor
of Charleston.
" Given under my hand and the seal of the State, the
- — -■— — s day and year aforesaid:
( Seal of ) (Signed) " F. W. Pickens,
"I State. ) Gov. and Comin r in Oif in and over
• — -r- — the State of South Caj'olina."
The destination of the Harriet Lane was not Fort Sumter, nor
the harbor of Charleston; but the conviction that an expedition of
some kind, either hostile or pacific, was on foot, and that its object
was to change or modify the existing condition of things in the
PREVENTING THE RELIEF OF SUMTER.
139
harbor of Charleston, remained, and the greatest anxiety was
manifested by the Governor of the State and his subordinates, and
the greatest vigor shown in pushing forward to completion the
works undertaken to prevent the success of Such expedition.
Men and material were moved daily from point to point in the
harbor without any attempt at concealment. On the 3d of January
the Governor of the State again addressed the commandant of
Fort Moultrie. He informed him that " recent news seemed to
indicate" that a vessel of war of the United States would enter
the harbor ; that she might not have reinforcements on board, and
her object might be pacific, and that she might be intended to
collect the revenue only. If this could be ascertained, ''the
immediate necessity of firing upon her " might not he so great,
but if she had reinforcements, " there could be no doubt that
there must be all proper exertions made to prevent the reinforce-
ments — let the consequences be what they may."
General Donovant was directed to put himself in communi-
cation with the pilot captain on watch at the bar, and to ascertain
the facts in regard to the vessel. An expedition, however, had
meantime been prepared, and had sailed from New York on the
night of the 5th inst. Information had been communicated by
telegram to Governor Pickens, who considered that every precau-
tion had been taken, and who awaited the result. To complete,
however, his arrangements, and to leave no step untaken.^ he finally
transmitted orders to Colonel John Cunningham, commanding the
arsenal in Charleston, to take 300 picked riflemen " fully armed
with the best rifles and at least 100 best artillery sabres," to proceed
to the steamship Marion, and put his men under the hatches
until he passed Fort Sumter. He was to proceed to the bar,
and if possible prevent the Star of the West or any other vessel
from passing reinforcements to Fort Sumter, and in consultation
with Captain Hamilton, of the South Carolina Navy, they were
to settle the proper time for boarding. Captain Hamilton received
similar instructions, and was required to exercise the greatest
precaution, and " the most decided and prompt action " that might
be necessary to prevent supplies to Fort Sumter. A constant
exchange of signals was made by day and night between the city,
the temporary batteries and the vessels on duty in the harbor, and
every means at the disposal of the State was resorted to in order
to prevent relief from reaching the garrison of Fort Sumter.
CHAPTER Xin.
Washington — Effect of Anderson's movement — False report of reinforcement —
Telegram of Govern;r — Reply of Secretary of War — Commissioners ap-
pointed by Convention — Arrive in Washington— President appoints day to
receive them— Arrangement made by agent of South Carolina — News of
Anderson's movement changes the relations — Statement in detail of agent
of the State — President urged to restore the status - He declines — Ander-
son's movement without his orders— Secretary of War telegraphs to Ander-
son—Anderson's reply cimfirmang report— President's action —Cabinet
convened — Discussion - Copy of order by Major Buellsent for— South Car-
ohna Commissioners — Interview with the President — They transmit their
letter of authority from the Convention — Demand explanation of Ander-
son's movement— President receives Commissioners — Promises reply — Pres-
ident submits draft of letter to his Cabinet, who are divided in opinion —
Northern members threaten resignation — No conclusion reached- Secre-
tary of War Floyd tenders his resignation — Correspondence with the
President —Secretary of State, Judge Black, determines to resign if letter is
sent — President iniormed—Interview with Judge Black — Question of per-
sonal honor urged by the President -Commits draft of letter to Judge
Black, who comments upon it — President's letter to Commissioners— Their
action — Mr. Trescot, the agent of the State, interviews the President — Sub-
sequently sees Mr. Hunter, of Virginia -Offers through him that the State
would withdraw from the forts if the President would withdraw Anderson
from Sumter— President declines — Attorney-General Stanton's opinion —
President yields, and sides with the Union sentiment.
The news of Anderson's movement had been promptly carried
to Washington, and, as might have been anticipated, produced
an effect immediate and startling. Unexpected as it was to the
President or his Cabinet, it forced the issue upon them so strongly
as to define their individual positions finally, and with great
distinctness.
Meanwhile the difficulties continued to increase. The Assist-
ant Secretary of State, having resigned his position, had consented,
upon the urgent request of the Governor, to become the agent of
the State, and he was soon called upon to act in that capacity.
On the 23d a telegram from Governor Pickens was received by
him to the effect that Governor Pickens had been informed that
thirteen men had arrived in Charleston and reported that they
140
FALSE REPORT OF REINFORCEMENT.
141
were sent to Fort Moultrie, and were a part of a body of 150 who
were to follow; and he desired to know immediately if it was
intended to reinforce the forts or to transfer any force from Fort
Moultrie to Fort Sumter. He asked for a " clear answer
immediately ; " and he says, '* Until the Commissioners shall
negotiate at Washington, there can be no change here." The
agent at once called upon Governor Floyd. " The Governor was
evidently becoming impatient under the embarrassments of his
position, for it was difficult to be accountable to the President on
the one hand and to the State of South Carolina on the other.
He had done everything that a man in his situation could do to
prove his good faith, and he felt, very naturally, that the difficul-
ties of his position ought to be appreciated, and that explanations
and pledges, perhaps inconsistent with his duties, should not be
pressed except under the very gravest necessity, It was, more-
over, a matter of great moment that in this juncture Governor
Floyd should retain his place in the Cabinet as long as possible,
and every step he took or did not take was watched and misrepre-
sented, for no man at the South was more cordially detested by
the Black Republican party. Governor Floyd told me to reply
to the Governor that there was not the slightest foundation for any
alarm, that he knew nothing of any such men, and any statement
to such an effect was a sheer fabrication, made, he must suppose,
for purposes of mischief. As for the removal of troops to
Sumter, he could not see any likelihood of it ; that he did not
think it necessary to send special orders to that end to Major
Anderson, for he could not consider it at all probable; and that,
in fact, he thought any such contingency provided agamst by
orders already sent, to which he did not feel at liberty to refer
more specially; that the Commissioners must soon be in Wash-
ington, and that he could see no rational ground for anticipating
premature difficulty. I thought this as far, really, as he could go,
and that to press upon him or the President more positive action
was to risk the advantage that continued delay on the part of the
Government was giving to the State. I therefore telegraphed the
Governor the contradiction he authorized, and waited with anxiety
the arrival of the Commissioners."
The expressions of the Secretary of War were transmitted to
Governor Pickens, and everything now awaited the anticipated
arrival of the Commissioners from South Carolina. On the 20th
142
THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
the Convention had passed the Ordinance of Secession, and on the
2 2d of December the Governor of the State transmitted the
following telegram to his agent in Washington :
<' Sir: The Hon. R. W. Barnwell, the Hon. J. H. Adams
and the Hon. James L. Orr have been appointed Commissioners
by the Convention to proceed immediately to Washington to
present the Ordinance of Secession to the President, and to nego-
tiate in reference to the evacuation of the forts and other matters
growing out of the Act of Secession. They will probably arrive
on Tuesday next. Please inform the President of this. Answer
this. (Signed) " F. W. Pickens.
" Hon. W. H. Trescot."
The information was immediately carried to the President by
Mr. Trescot. The President inquired as to the character of the
appointments, expressed his readiness to receive them, and his
determination to refer them to Congress.
On Wednesday, the 26th of December, the Commissioners
arrived in Washington, and their arrival was communicated at
once to the President by the agent of the State. Judge Black,
who had now entered upon his duties as Secretary of State, was
present, and the subject was spoken of informally, and the Presi-
dent appointed i o'clock on the following day, the 27th of
December, as the hour when it would be agreeable to him to
receive the Commissioners.
He was told by the agent of the State that the Commissioners
proposed to present their credentials and have an informal con-
versation with him, but that if it was his intention to submit the
question of their reception to Congress, they wished to submit a
written communication to accompany his message. If, however,
the President should agree in thinking it the better course, the
Commissioners would not prepare the paper until after the inter-
view with him, when they would better understand one another,
but in that case it was to be considered that the communication
was submitted at the interview. To this the President consented,
and matters were approaching some definite solution, when
Anderson made his sudden and unexpected movement from Fort
Moultrie to Fort Sumter. The news arrived in Washington, at
once wholly changing the relations of the parties and altering the
whole character of the negotiation.
" The next morning early, I was at the residence of the Commis-
INTERVIEW WITH THE PRESIDENT. 143
sioners, and while talking over the condition of affairs, Colonel
Wigfall, one of the Senators from Texas, came in to inform us
that the telegraph had just brought the news that Major Anderson
had abandoned Fort Moultrie, spiked his guns, burned his gun-
carriages, cut down the flag-staff and removed his command to
Fort Sumter. We all expressed our disbelief of the intelligence,
and after a good deal of discussion as to its probability I said,
* Well, at any rate, Colonel, true or not, I will pledge my life, if it
has been done, it has been without orders from Washington.' Just
as I made the remark Governor Floyd was announced. After the
usual courtesies of meeting I said, ' Governor, Colonel Wigfall
has just brought us this news — repeating it — and as you were
coming up- stairs I said I would pledge my life it was without
orders.' 'You can do more,' he said, smiling, 'You can pledge
your life, Mr. Trescot, that it is not so. It is impossible. It
would be not only without orders, but in the face of orders. To
be very frank, Anderson was instructed in case he had to abandon
his position to dismantle Fort Sumter, not Fort Moultrie.' I asked
him, if his carriage was at the door, to let me take it and go home,
as there might be telegrams there. I went, and in a few minutes
returned with two telegrams for Colonel Barnwell, which he read
and handed to Governor Floyd, saying, ' I am afraid, Governor,
it is too true.' Floyd read them, asked the Commissioners if the
authority was sufficient, and made no comment, but rose, saying, ' I
must go to the Department at once.'
"As soon as he had left I drove to the Capitol, communicated
the intelligence to Senator Davis, of Mississippi, and Senator Hun-
ter, of Virginia, and asked them to accompany me to the President,
We drove to the White House, sent in our names, and were asked
into the President's room, where he joined us in a few moments.
When we came in he was evidently nervous, and immediately
commenced the conversation by making some remark to Mr.
Hunter concerning the removal of the consul at Liverpool, to
which Mr. Hunter made a general reply. Colonel Davis then said,
' Mr. President, we have called upon an infinitely graver matter
than any consulate.' 'What is it?' said the President. 'Have
you received any intelligence from Charleston in the last few
hours? asked Colonel Davis. 'None,' said the President.
♦ Then, ' said Colonel Davis, ' I have a great calamity to
announce to you.' He then stated the facts, and added, ' And
144 ^•^^^ GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
now, Mr. President, you are surrounded with blood and dishonor
on all sides." The President was standing by the mantel-piece,
crushing up a cigar in the palm of one hand — a habit I have seen
him practice often. He sat down as Colonel Davis finished, and
exclaimed, * My God, are calamities (or m.isfortunes, I forget
which) never to come singly ! I call God to witness, you gentlemen,
better than anybody, ^'«^7£; that this is not only without but against
my orders. It is against my policy.' He then expressed his
doubt of the truth of the telegram, thought it strange that nothing
had been heard at the War Department, said he had not seen
Governor Floyd, and finally sent a messenger for him. When
Governor Floyd came, he said no news had come to the Depart-
ment, that the heads of the Bureaus there thought it unlikely, but
that he had telegraphed Major Anderson to this effect himself.
* There is a report here that you have abandoned Fort Moultrie,
spiked your guns, burned your carriages and gone to Fort Sumter.
It is not believed, as you had no orders to justify it. Say at once
what could have given rise to such a story.'
'"The President was urged to take immediate action; he was
told the probability was that the remaining forts and the arsenal
would be seized and garrisoned by South Carolina, and that Fort
Sumter would be attacked; that if he would only say that he
would replace matters as he had pledged himself that they should
remain, there was yet time to remedy the mischief. The discus-
sion was long and earnest. At first he seemed disposed to
declare that he would restore the status, then hesitated, said he
must call his Cabinet together; he could not condemn Major
Anderson unheard. He was told that nobody asked that; only
say that if the move had been made without a previous attack
on Anderson he would restore the status. Assure us of that
determination, and. then take what time was necessary for con-
sultation and information. That resolution telegraphed would
restore confidence and enable the Commissioners to continue
their negotiation. This he declined doing, and after adjourning
his appointment to receive the Commissioners until the next day
we left. On our way out we met General Lane, Senators Bigler,
Mallory, Yulie, and some others on their way to make the same
remonstrance, for the news was over the city. Later in the day I
saw him again, to show him some telegrams fuller in details.
Senator Slidell was with him, but all that he did was to authorize
OFLV/ONS OF THE PRESIDE XT.
145
me to telegraph that Anderson's movement was not only without
but against his orders."
The following is the actual text of the telegrams that passed:
" War Department,
"Adjutant-General's Office,
"December 27, i860.
"Intelligence has reached here this morning that you have
abandoned Fort Moultrie, spiked your guns, burned the carriages
and gone to Fort Sumter.
"It is not believed, because there is no order for any such
movement. Explain the meaning of this report.
(Signed) " J. B. F'lovd,
" Secretary of War''
The reply of Major Anderson was immediate. He said:
"Charleston, December 27, i860.
"The telegram is correct. I abandoned Fort Moultrie because
I was certain that, if attacked, my men must have been sacrificed,
and the command of the harbor lost. I spiked the guns and
destroyed the carriages to keep the guns from being used against
us. If attacked, the garrison would never have surrendered with-
out a fight.
(Signed) " Robert Anderson,
" Major First Artillery.
" Hon J. B. Floyd, Secretary of War''
What had just been made known had occasioned the President
astonishment and regret. He had belived that Major Anderson
was safe in his position, and that the coming of the Commissioners
would determine the solution of the difficulty, by whatever action
Congress should see fat to take. The movement of Major Ander-
son would, he feared, so excite the sympathy of the cotton and bor-
der States, that South Carolina would no longer be alone in her act
of secession; that the measures of compromise yet pending before
the Committee of Thirteen of the Senate would be suspended
or defeated, and that in his hope to confine secession to the State
of South Carolina alone he would be disappointed. But before he
would take any positive action, he determined to await " official
information" from Major Anderson himself. He could not, under
his instructions, have made such a movement as was attributed to
him unless he had the " tangible evidence" of an impending attack
upon him, and of this there was as yet no proof.
The Cabinet was called together immediately. As the mem-
146 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
bers assembled, Major Buell, who had carried the orders to Major
Anderson, and who had been sent for by the Secretary of War, now
joined him in the hall of the President's mansion. The Secretary
at once accosted him. " This is a very unfortunate move of Major
Anderson," said he ; " it has made war inevitable." "I do not
think so, sir," replied Major Buell; "on the contrary, I think that
it will tend to avert war, if war can be averted." " But," said the
Secretary, " it has compromised the President. " But little
else was said, and Major Buell was left uncertain as to the object
of his summons. As the members proceeded to the room the
criticisms upon Anderson's movement were severe and general.
All seemed to think that he had acted without orders. Secre-
tary Floyd was loudly condemnatory of Anderson's action. He
had disobeyed his instructions; there was no reason for his move-
ment, and he had broken a definitely understood agreement with-
out any authority for it. The existence of the orders of the nth
of December, transmitted to Major Anderson by Major Buell,
seemed to be ignored or forgotten, when the attention of the Cabi-
net was promptly called to them by the Secretary of State, Judge
Black. He claimed, as he clearly stated, that Anderson had acted
wholly within the purview of his instructions, and in accordance
with his orders ; referring pointedly to the orders sent to him on
the nth of December. He suggested that the order should be
sent for to the War Department, when it was produced and again
read in the presence of the President and Cabinet. The paper
itself contained the endorsement of the Secretary of War, affirm-
ing its correctness; and so completely had it been forgotten by the
President, who possibly had regarded it as a matter of routine
only, that in his reply to the letter of the Commissioners on the
31st of December he stated that the order had been issued to Major
Anderson on the nth of December, but that it had not been
brought to his notice until the 21st of that month. Although this
important order involved to a greater degree than any other
consideration the question of peace or war to the country, the
President of the United States was for ten days wholly ignorant of
its existence.
On the 20th of December the Commissioners had their first and
only interview with the President. He received them courteously
and as private gentlemen alone. He listened to their statement,
but informed them that it was to Congress they must look, at the
LETTER OF COMMISSJONERS.
147
same time expressing his willingness to lay before Congress any
" propositions " they might make to him. They were excited
during the interview, the action of Major Anderson having added
greatly to the feeling already existing. They had come to Wash-
ington to find the Cabinet divided upon the question most import-
ant to themselves.
A letter had been prepared setting forth the authority for their
mission, their purposes and views, but in accordance with a
previous understanding, already stated, this letter was not pre-
sented at the interview with the President, but transmittted to
him on the morning of the following day, the 29th. In this letter
they transmitted to him a copy of the full powers from the Con-
vention of the people of South Carolina, under which they were:
" Authorized and empowered to treat with the Government of the
United States for the delivery of the forts, magazines, light-
houses, and other real estate, with their appurtenances, within the
limits of South Carolina, and also for an apportionment of the
public debt, and for a division of all other property held by the
Government of the United States as agent of the confederated
States, of which South Carolina was recently a member." They
were also to negotiate in reference to all proper measures and
arrangements required by the existing relations of the parties, and
for the "continuance of peace and amity." In the performance
of their trust, they presented an official copy of the Ordinance of
Secession, by which, as their letter stated, the State of South
Carolina had resumed the powers delegated by her to the General
Government, and had declared her "perfect sovereignty and
independence."
They would have been ready to enter upon the negotiation
of all questions thus raised, with the desire of an amicable
adjustment, but the events of the last twenty-four hours rendered
such assurance impossible. An officer of the United States, act-
ing not only without but against the orders of the President, had
dismantled one fort and occupied another, which could at any
time during the last sixty days have been taken by the State " but
which, upon pledges given in a manner that they could not doubt,"
determined to trust to the " honor of the President, rather than its
own power."
Until an explanation should be made which should relieve
them from all doubt as to the spirit in which the negotiations
148 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
should be conducted, they would suspend all discussion as to an
amicable adjustment, and they closed their communication by urg-
ing upon the President the immediate withdrawal of the troops
from the harbor of Charleston, " as they were a standing menace
which rendered negotiations impossible and threatened a bloody
issue."
This interview between the President and the Commissioners
from South Carolina lasted nearly two hours, and is important, as
showing the wavering position of the President at that time, as
well as the determined course of the State. " The Honorable
R. W. Barnwell acted as the chairman of the Commission. He
brought to the attention of the President the arrangement which
had been made early in December, between him and the South
Carolina delegation ; that it had been observed in good faith by
the people of South Carolina, who could at any time, after the
arrangement was made, up to the night when Major Anderson,
removed to Sumter, have occupied Fort Sumter and captured
Moultrie with all its command ; that the removal of Anderson
violated that agreement on the part of the Government of the
United States, and that the faith of the President and the Govern-
ment had been thereby forfeited. The President made various
excuses why he should be allowed time to decide the question
whether Anderson should be ordered back to Moultrie and the
former status restored. Mr, Barnwell pressed him with great zeal
and earnestness to issue the order at once. Mr. Buchanan still
hesitating, Mr. Barnwell said to him, at least three times during
the interview :* " But, Mr. President, your personal honor is
involved in this matter ; the faith you pledged has been violated;
and your personal honor requires you to issue the order," Mr.
Barnwell pressed him so hard upon this point that the President
said : " You must give me time to consider — this is a grave ques-
tion." Mr. Barnwell replied to him for the third time : " But,
Mr. President, your personal honor is involved in this arrange-
ment." Whereupon Mr. Buchanan, with great earnestness, said :
" Mr. Barnwell, you are pressing me too importunately ; you don't
give me tmie to consider ; you don't give me time to say my
prayers. I always say my prayers when required to act upon any
* Letter of the Hon. James L. Orr to writer, September 21, 1871. Mr. Orr
was one of the Commissioners, and was present at the interview.
ITS EFFECT UFOX THE CABINET.
149
great State affair." The interview terminated without eliciting an
order from the President to restore the status of the troops in
Charleston Harbor. '"
The President received the letter of the Commissioners cour-
teously, and promised a reply, which he wrote, and the draft of
which he presented to his Cabinet the same day. He had early
called his advisers together on the 27th, after the intelligence of
Anderson's movement had reached Washington, and their sessions
were repeated by day and night, but they were so divided in sen-
timent, that they were upon the point of separation themselves.
The Cabinet at this period consisted of Judge Black, Secretary of
State ; Phil. F. Thomas, Secretary of the Treasury ; Jacob
Thompson, Secretary of the Interior ; Joseph Holt, Postmaster-
General ; John B. Floyd, Secretary of War ; Toucey, Secretary
of the Navy; and Edwin M. Stanton, Attorney-General. But the
differences of opinion were as conspicuous in the new as in the old
Cabinet, and when the President, on the evening of the 29th of
December, submitted to his advisers the paper he had prepared in
reply to the Commissioners from South Carolina, but one member,
Mr. Toucey, wholly approved it. Of the six remaining mem-
bers, three, Judge Black, Mr. Holt and Mr. Stanton, suggested
changes in the paper, holding that, from its unguarded language,
it was open to the criticism of seeming to make concessions, which
it could not be the purpose of the President or his Cabinet to
make. The President made no reply, but, as was his custom, took
the suggestions under consideration. The three remaining mem-
bers, Mr. Thompson, Mr. Thomas and Mr. Floyd, opposed it
because it yielded too little to the demands of the Commission-
ers. Such consideration as was then given to the paper having
led to no special determination before the adjournment of the
Cabinet, the Secretary of War, Mr. Floyd, produced a paper that
.he had prepared, and, in a " discourteous and excited tone," read
in the presence of the President and his Cabinet a recommenda-
tion that the troops in Charleston Harbor should be withdrawn.
The tenor of this paper caused the President great astonishment.
The Secretary followed it by his resignation on the following
morning, the 30th, offering at the same time to continue in office
until the appointment of his successor. His resignation, which had
been called for by the President as long before as the 23d of
December, was at once accepted without reference to the offer
150
THE GENESIS OF THE CIVH WAR.
made, and Postmaster-General Holt was appointed Secretary of
War, and entered at once upon the duties of his ofifice.
The change was at once reported to Charleston by Senator
Wigfall, of Texas, who telegraphed on the 2d of January to the
Hon. M. L. Bonham, Charleston, South Carolina: '• Holt suc-
ceeds Floyd. It means war. Cut off supplies from Anderson and
take Sumter as soon as possible."*
The correspondence with the President was as follows :
" War Department,
"December 29, i860.
'■'■ Sir: On the morning of the 27th inst. I read the following
paper to you in the presence of the Cabinet, in the Council Cham-
ber of the Executive Mansion.
"'Sir: It is evident now, from the action of the commander
of Fort Moultrie, that the solemn pledges of the Government have
been violated by Major Anderson.
" ' In my judgment but one remedy is now left us, by which to
vindicate our honor and prevent civil war. It is in vain now to
hope for confidence on the part of the people of South Carolina in
any further pledges as to the action of the military. One remedy
only is left, and it is to withdraw the garrison from the harbor of
Charleston altogether. I hope that the President will allow me to
make that order at once. This order, in my judgment, can alone
prevent bloodshed and civil war.
(Signed) " ' John B. Floyd,
" ' Secretary of War.
" ' To the President.'
" I then considered the honor of the administration pledged to
maintain the troops in the position they occupied, for such had
been the assurance given to gentlemen of South Carolina who
had the right to speak for her. South Carolina, on the other hand,
gave reciprocal pledges that no force should be brought by them
against the troops or against the property of the United States.
The sole object of both parties to these reciprocal pledges was to
prevent a collision and the effusion of blood, in the hope that some
means might be found for a peaceful accommodation of existing
troubles, the two Houses of Congress having both raised Commit-
tees looking to that object. Thus affairs stood until Major Ander-
son's step — unfortunately taken while Congress was striving, while
Commissioners were on their way to this Capital on a peaceful
commission looking to the avoidance of bloodshed — has compli-
cated matters in the existing manner. Our refusal or even our
delay to place affairs back as they stood under our agreement,
invites a collision and must inevitably inaugurate civil war. I can-
War of the Rebellion, page 252. Telegram.
ACTION OF SECRETARY OF STATE. j c i
not consent to be the agent of such a calamity. I deeply regret
to feel myself under the necessity of tendering to you my resigna-
tion as Secretary of War, because I can no longer hold the office
under my convictions of patriotism, nor with honor, subjected, as
I am, to a violation of solemn pledges and plighted faith.
" With the highest personal regard,
" I am, most truly yours,
(Signed) "John B. Floyd.
"To His Excellency the President of the United States."
To this the President made the following reply:
"Washington, December 31, i860.
^^ My Dear Sir: I have received and accepted your resigna-
tion of the office of Secretary of War, and not wishing to impose
upon you the task of performing its mere routine duties, which
you have so kindly offered to do, I have authorized Postmaster-
General Holt to administer the affairs of the Department until
your successor shall be appointed.
" Yours very respectfully,
(Signed) "James Buchanan,
"To Hon. John B. Floyd."
The differences of opinion in the Cabinet, on the paper sub-
mitted by the President as his reply to the South Carolina Com-
missioners, were so irreconcilable as to threaten its dissolution.
Thp President seemed to be firm in the position he had taken,
and It was thought that his mind could not be changed. But the
member of the Cabinet that seemed more impressed by the
erroneous view contained in the reply of the President was the
Secretary of State, Judge Black. When the Cabinet had ad-
journed their session he sought the Postmaster-General, Holt,
with whom he conferred, and who fully agreed with him as to the
necessity of making important changes in the President's letter
before its transmittal to the Commissioners.
He then sought an interview with Mr. Toucey, the Secretary
of the Navy, and informed him of his intention, in case the letter
of the President was insisted upon, to submit his resignation. He
had known nothing of the alleged understanding between the
President and the South Carolina delegation until now, and he
had no reason to believe that the views of the President would be
modified or changed, and he shrank from the interview which he
knew was now inevitable. The Secretary of the Navy at once com-
municated the fact to the President, who sent immediately for his
Secretary of State, when a long and earnest conference took place.
152 THE GEXESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
"Do you, too, talk of leaving me?" said the President, with
feeling, as he stated the information that had just been communi-
cated to him by the Secretary of the Navy. He referred to their as-
sociation and mutual respect, that had so long existed, while he at
the same time assured the Secretary that his intention was to sub-
mit the paper to his judgment before transmitting it to the Commis-
sioners. The Secretary of State replied that he was not aware of
the course the President intended to pursue; that he could not
know it; and that he felt that it would be impossible for him,
holding the views that he did, to remain in the Cabinet and to
appear to endorse the positions stated in the reply which the Presi-
dent contemplated making to the South Carolina Commissioners.
The President then proposed to amend, at the suggestion of
his Secretary, the paper in question. This was declined by Judge
Black, as was also the proposal that he should there and then
make, himself, the proposed modifications. " If what I propose,"
said he, '* is adopted, the whole paper must be recast." The posi-
tion of the President involved, was the subject of an earnest dis-
cussion.
In regard to any *' understanding," or "agreement," the Presi-
dent had acknowledged it, and claimed that he was affected by it
personally. " You do not seem to appreciate. Judge Black," said
he, " that my personal honor as a gentleman is involved." " Such
an understanding," said Judge Black, "is impossible. You could
not make it, or any agreement with any one that would tie your
hands in the execution of the laws, and if you did make it, you
must retire from it." Finally, the President yielded his objections,
and committed the paper which he had submitted to his Cabinet
into the hands of his Secretary of State.*
* During the reign of George IV. it became desirable that Mr. Canning
should enter the Cabinet. The King was opposed to him on account of " the
sympathy and friendship which he had always shown for the Queen." The
Duke of Wellington essayed to make the conversion, but His Majesty told him
that he had pledged his honor, as a gentleman, never to receive Mr. Canning
again as one of his ministers. " You hear, Arthur, on my honor, as a gentle-
man," The Duke, as Sir H. Bulwer relates told the King that he was not a
gendeman; and upon the King starting back in surprise, the Duke added that
he was "not a gentleman, but the Sovereign of England, with duties to his
people, and that those duties rendered it imperative to call in the services of
Mr. Canning." The King drew a long breath and said, "Well, if I must I
must." — " The Croker Papers." Vol. I, p. 222.
JUDGE BLACK AMENDS PRESIDENTS LETTER. I 53
Judge Black immediately went to the Office of the Attorney-
General, Stanton, and there proceeded to make the following
amendments to the letter of the President. As fast as the sheets
were written they were handed to the Attorney-General, who
copied them in his own hand, the original being sent directly to
the President.
The amendments of Judge Black were as follows :
" Memorandum for the President on the subject of the paper
drawn up by him in reply to the Commissioners of South
Carolina:
" I St. The first and the concluding paragraphs both seem to
acknowledge the right of South Carolina to be represented near
this Government by diplomatic officers. That implies that she is
an independent nation, with no other relations to the Government
of the Union than any other foreign power. If such be the fact,
then she has acquired all the rights, powers, and responsibilities
of a separate government by the mere Ordinance of Secession,
which passed her Convention a few days ago. But the President
has always, and particularly in his late message to Congress,
denied the right of secession, and asserted that no State could
throw off her Federal obligations in that way.
" Moreover, the President has always very distinctly declared
that even if a State could secede and go out of the Union at
pleasure, whether by revolution or in the exercise of a constritutional
right, he could not recognize her independence without being guilty
of usurpation. I think, therefore, that every word and sentence
which imply that South Carolina is in an attitude which enables
the President to treat or negotiate with her, or to receive her
Commissioners in the character of diplomatic members or agents,
ought to be stricken out, and an explicit declaration substituted
which would reassert the principles of the message.
" It is surely not enough that the words ol the message be
transcribed, if the doctrine there announced be practically aban-
doned by carrying on a negotiation,
" 2d. I would strike out all expressions of regret that the
Commissioners are unwilling to proceed with the negotiation, since
it is very clear that there can legally be no negotiation with them,
whether they are willing or not.
"3d. Above all things it is objectionable to intimate a willingness
to negotiate with the State of South Carolina about the possession
of a military post which belongs to the United States, or to pro-
pose any adjustment of the subject or any arrangement about it.
" The forts in the harbor of Charleston belong to this Govern-
ment, are its own, and cannot be given up. It is true they might
be surrendered to a superior force, whether that force be in the
service of a seceding State or a foreign nation. But Fort Sumter
154 ^-^-^ GENESIS OF THE CIVIL IVAR.
is impregnable, and cannot be taken if defended as it should be.
It is a thing of the last importance that it should be maintained,
if all the power of this nation can do it ; for the command of the
harbor and the President's ability to execute the Revenue laws
may depend on it.
" 4th. The words, 'coercing a State by force of arms to remain
in the Confederacy' — a power which I do not believe the Constitu-
tion has conferred upon Congress — ought certainly not to be
retained. They are too vague, and might have the effect (which
I am sure the President does not intend) to mislead the Commis-
sioners concerning his sentiments.
" The power to defend the public property, to resist an assail-
ing force which unlawfully attempts to drive out the troops of the
United States from one of their fortifications, and to use the mili-
tary and naval forces for the purpose of aiding the proper officers
of the United States in the execution of the laws — this, as far as
it goes, is coercion, and may very well be called ' coercing a State
by force of arms to remain in the Union. The President has
always asserted his right of coercion to that extent. He merely
denies the right of Congress to make offensive war upon a State of
the Union, as such might be made upon a foreign Government.
"5th. The implied assent of the President to the accusation
which the Commissioners make, of a compact with South Carolina
by which he was bound not to take whatever measures he saw fit
for the defense of the forts, ought to be stricken out and a flat
denial of any such bargain or pledge or agreement asserted. The
paper signed by the late Members of Congress from South Caro-
lina does not bear any such construction, and this, as I under-
stand, is the only transaction between the South Carolinians and
him which bears upon the subject, either directly or indirectly.
I think it deeply concerns the President's reputation that he
should contradict this statement, since, if it be undenied, it puts
him in- the attitude of an executive officer who voluntarily disarms
himself of the power to perform his duty, and ties up his hands
so that he cannot, without breaking his word, ' preserve, protect
and defend the Constitution,' see the laws faithfully executed.
The fact that he pledged himself in any such way cannot be true.
The Commissioners, no doubt, have been so mformed. But
there must be some mistake about it. It arose, doubtless, out of
the President's anxious and laudable desire to avoid civil war,
and his often expressed determination not even to furnish an
excuse for an outbreak at Charleston by reinforcing Major
Anderson, unless it was absolutely necessary.
*' 6th. The remotest expression of a doubt about Major Ander-
son's perfect propriety of behavior should be carfully avoided.
He is not only a gallant and meritorious officer, who is entitled
to a fair hearing before he is condemned: he has saved the
THEIR EFFECT UPON' THE PRESIDENT.
155
country, T solemnly believe, when its day was darkest and its
peril most extreme.'*
" He has done everything that mortal man could do to repair
the fatal error which the administration have committed in not
sending down troops enough to hold all the forts. He has kept
the strongest one. He still commands the harbor. We may still
execute the laws, if we try. Besides, there is nothing in the
orders which were sent him by the War Department which is in
the slightest degree contravened by his act of throwing his com-
mand into Fort Sumter. Even if those orders, sent without your
knowledge, did forbid him to leave a place where his men might
have perished, and shelter them under a stronger position, we
ought all of us to rejoice that he broke such orders.
" 7th. The idea that a wrong was committed against South
Carolina by moving from Fort Moultrie to Fort Sumter ought to
be repelled as firmly as may be consistent with a proper respect
for the high character of the gentlemen who compose the South
Carolina Commission. It is a strange assumption of right on the
part of that State to say that the United States troops must
remain in the weakest position they can find in the harbor. It is
not a menace of South Carolina or of Charleston, or any menace
at all : it is simply self-defense. If South Carolina does not attack
Major Anderson, no human being will be injured, for there cer-
tainly can be no reason to believe that he will commence hostilities.
The apparent objection to his being in Fort Sumter is, that he will
be less likely to fall an easy prey to his assailants.
'' These are the points on which I would advise that the paper
be amended. I am aware that they are too radical to permit
much hope of their adoption. If they are adopted, the whole paper
will need to be recast.
" But there is one thing not to be overlooked in this terrible crisis.
I entreat the President to order the Brooklyn and the Macedonian
to Charleston without the least delay, and in the meantime send a
trusty messenger to Major Anderson to let him know that his
Government will not desert him. The reinforcements of troops
from New York or Old Point Comfort should follow immedi-
ately.
" If this be done at once, all may yet be, not well, but com-
paratively safe. If not, I can see nothing before us but disaster,
and ruin to the country. "f
Unexpectedly, the paper presented by his Secretary produced
* On this subject Judge Black wholly changed his opinion,
t From original paper, in Mr. Stanton's handwriting.
156 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
an effect upon the President that could not have been anticipated.
He now entirely changed his ground upon many points on which he
had heretofore been determined. He had ever felt the weight of
the great responsibility resting upon him, and he believed that in
avoiding a collision in the harbor of Charleston war could be
avoided, the border States tranquilized and a peaceful arrange-
ment of the difficulties made possible. Upon one point he was
inflexible, and from it he never wavered, and that was his determi-
nation never, under any pressure of circumstances, to surrender the
forts at Charleston, and to this resolve he adhered to the last.
He had thought of returning Anderson to his former position at
Fort Moultrie, and thus restoring the status in the harbor, as far
as he was concerned, and the greatest pressure, both within and
without the Cabinet, had been brought to bear upon him; and had
it not been for the prompt course of his Secretary of State, as well
as the fact that the State had seized the vacant forts in the harbor,
there is every probability that such would have been his course.
But he yielded to the arguments so forcibly placed before him,
and prepared and transmitted to the Commissioners, on the 3d of
December, a reply to their communication so clear in its statement
and so positive in its terms as to leave no longer any illusion as
to either his conclusions or his purpose.
He referred the Commissioners to his message of the 3d of
December, in which he had stated that the Executive had no
authority to decide as to the relations between the Federal Gov-
ernment and South Carolina, and that it was his '•'■ duty to submit
to Congress the whole question in all its bearings," and that they
were aware that such was still his opinion. His earnest desire was
that Congress, who alone possessed the power, might so dispose
of the subject as to prevent the inauguration of a civil war in regard
to the possession of the forts in the harbor of Charleston. He
deeply regretted that, in the opinion of the Commissioners, " the
events of the last twenty-four hours " rendered this impossible.
In regard to the alleged " pledges " referred to in the letter
of the Commissioners and their violation, the President again
referred to his message to Congress in regard to the property of
the United States in South Carolina, and the tenure under which
it was held. He recalled the interview of the 8th of December,
between himself and some of the members of the delegation of
South Carolina in Congress, and quoted in extcfiso, the memoran-
PRESIDENT REPLIES TO COMMISSIONERS. 157
dum left with him by those members ; and he pointedly refers to
his objection at the time to the word "provided," as capable of a
construction into an agreement upon his part which he " never
would make ; " and he stated, also, the reply of the delegation,
that nothing was further from their intention, they did not so
understand it, and that he, the President, should not so consider
it. He denies, too, that the delegation could enter into any recip-
rocal arrangement with him, and that they did not profess to have
authority to do this, and were acting in their individual characters;
and he states that he " considered it as nothing more than the
promise of highly honorable gentlemen " to exert their personal
influence in the matter. It was his " determination not to rein-
force the forts in the harbor until they had been actually
attacked," or until he had certain evidence that they were about
to be attacked.
He assures the Commissioners that he acted in the same man-
ner that he would have done had he entered into a positive and
formal agreement with parties capable of contracting, although
such an agreement would have been, on his part, impossible. He
had never sent reinforcements, and he had never authorized any
change in the "relative military status."
He then recites the orders sent to Major Anderson by the
Secretary of War on the nth of December, but which were not
brought to his notice until the 21st instant, at a meeting of his
Cabinet, and which the President had forgotten. He claims that
it was " clear that Major Anderson acted upon his own responsi-
bility and without authority, unless, indeed, he had tangible evi-
dence of a design to proceed to a hostile act;" that such act had
not yet been alleged, but that Major Anderson " should not be
condemned without a fair hearing."
He further states to the Commissioners that his " first prompt-
ings " were to restore the status, so far as Anderson was con-
cerned, with the concurrence of the South Carolina authorities,
"but before any steps could possibly be taken in this direction,"
the vacant forts in the harbor of Charleston had been seized by
the State authorities, who, although they knew that Anderson's
movement was not only without but against his orders, proceeded,
without any demand or request for information or explanation, to
take possession not only of the forts, but upon the same day to
raise the flag of the State over the United States Custom House
158 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
and Post Office, and subsequently to seize and occupy the United
States arsenal, with its stores valued at half a million of dollars.
It was under these circumstances that he was urged to withdraw
the troops from the harbor of Charleston, as a step essential to
the opening of negotiations. "This," said he, "I cannot do;
this I will not do. Such an idea was never thought of by me.
No allusion to it has ever been made in any communication
between myself and any human being."
Nor did he admit the inference that because the officer in
command of all the forts had, without instructions, changed his
position from one to another, that therefore he was bound to with-
draw the troops from the only fort in Charleston Harbor in the
possession of the United States. He informs the Commissioners
of the intelligence he had just received, of the seizure of the
arsenal in Charleston, with its valuable stores, by the troops of
the State, and he closes his communication with the statement
that, while it is his duty to defend Fort Sumter against hostile
attacks, he does not " perceive how such a defense can be con-
strued into a menace against the city of Charleston."
The reply of the President left little hope for negotiation. He
had declined to disavow the act of Major Anderson, or to inter-
fere with his movement. But even under these circumstances the
Commissioners did not yet abandon hope that some temporary
solution of the difficulty might be found, which would enable
them to open the negotiation with which they were charged.
After a careful and full consideration of the responsibility
involved, they determined upon one more step, which would be the
extreme exercise of their discretionary powers, however unlimited
might be those powers as conferred by the Convention. They
believed that the President was sincere in his desire to meet and
deal fairly with them, but the movement of Major Anderson, made
upon the day of their arrival, had involved the whole subject in
doubt and complicated it beyond solution.
" On the 30th the President replied to the letter of the Commis-
sioners. On the same day I again saw the President, and found
Mr. Toucey, the Secretary of the Navy, with him. I told him that
with his permission I would like to have a half-hour's conversation,
to which he very courteously assented. I then, as temperately as
I could, commenced a review of the whole transaction. He
stopped me, saying, < You, of all persons, ought to know that it is
THE PRESIDEXT AND MR. TRESCOT. j^q
exceedingly irregular and improper for the President to discuss
such matters with the secretary of the Commiss;on;;rs.' I told him
that I was not secretary, nor had I any sort of official connection
with the commission ; that I came to him, simply because he him-
self had established my connection with these events, and in such
a way that I thought I had a claim to be heard. ' In that case,'
he said, 'proceed;' and I then had a long, very earnest and very
interesting conversation with him. He showed a good deal of
feeling, and seemed much worn and distressed. I inferred from all
that passed that his difficulty consisted in this: that the seizure
of the other forts by South Carolina rendered the restoration of
the former status impossible, for if he ordered Anderson from
Fort Sumter he had nowhere to send him, unless he withdrew him
altogether from the harbor ; and this 'lowering of the flag,' in the
face of an armed rebellion, both Mr. Toucey and himself thought
was impossible in the face of Northern sentiment. Under this
impression I went to Mr. Hunter, of Virginia, and told him that if
that was the difficulty, to say to the President that if he would
withdraw from Sumter, the State would withdraw from the other
forts, and that Major Anderson would be as safe in Fort Moultrie
as if he were here ; the Commissioners would accept this return
to the status and guarantee his safety Mr. Hunter immediately
went to him, and when he returned — I was waiting ac his rooms
— said: 'Tell the Commissioners it is hopeless. The President
has taken his ground. I caiit repeat what passed, but if you can
get a telegram to Charleston, telegraph at once to your people to
sink vessels in the channel of the harbor ; ' and this message he
sent the next morning again by his colleague, Mr. Mason. A mes-
senger had, however, been sent the night before to Richmond to
forward the telegram from that point. There is no doubt that at
that time orders for reinforcement had been issued, although
afterwards countermanded. In this condition of affairs, the Com-
missioners addressed their second letter to the President and left
Washington."*
Anderson's action, while not inconsistent with the position of
his message nor the official action of his Cabinet, was wholly in
violation of the policy that the President had pursued. For a time
he was undetermined as to what course to take, but he had
* Trescoi's narrative.
l6o THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
eventually prepared a draft of an answer to the South Carolina Com-
missioners which yielded the point at issue, when, by the firm and
decided action of his Secretary of State, the consequence of such
action upon his part was presented in so clear a light as to induce
him to change his purpose and his action completely, and to commit
himself so positively as to leave henceforth no illusion as to his
course. The alternative was forced upon him, either to sustain
Major Anderson or to condemn him. " For a moment he wavered.
But he could take no other course. Cass had left him, Cobb had
gone, and Floyd was about to go. Neither Thompson nor Thomas
could remain. South Carolina had seized the unoccupied forts
and public property in her limits, and the excitement had spread
through the South, arousing fierce and pronounced feeling. His
Secretary of State and his Attorney-General said to him, 'Decide;
whatever you may have done, we are uncommitted. Keep the
word which the South says you have pledged, and we resign. We
believe in the Union, and we will not betray it.' "*
The Cabinet had resolved upon their action, and the Attorney-
General, Mr. Stanton, thus forcibly expressed himself to the late
Assistant Secretary of State, Mr. Trescot, who was acting as the
agent of South Carolina: "You say the President has pledged
himself. I do not know it. I have not heard his account, but I
know you believe it. For the present, I will admit it. The Presi-
dent was pledged. Anderson's conduct has broken that pledge.
You had two courses to choose: you had a right to either. You
could have appealed to the President to redeem his pledge, or you
could have said the circumstances under which the President has
acted prove bad faith, we will not trust you any further, and then
have acted as you saw fit, but you have no right to adopt both.
Stand on the President's pledge and givehim the chance to redeem
it, or take the matter in your own hands. Now you have chosen,
you have, by seizing the remaining forts and arsenals, undertaken
to redress yourselves The President's pledge may be broken or
not, that now concerns him individually — as to the Government,
you have passed by the pledge and assumed, in vindication, a posi-
tion of hostility; with that alone I have to deal."
His friends were leaving him with the secession of every State,
as the party opposed to him grew daily in strength. He was to
* Trescot's narrative.
THE PRESIDENT YIELDS. \ (j j
end his days in the North, as his character was to stand or fall by
Northern opinion. He yielded finally to the determined instance
of his Secretary of State, and Dut h'niself in harmony with the
Union sentiment.
CHAPTER XIV.
Lieutenant-General Scott — His character and relations to the administration —
Confidence of the people in him — His " Views" volunteered to the Secre-
tary of War — Their pecaliar character — Published without consent or
knowledge of the President — President's surprise — Regards the Views as
likely to be used to excite the people of the cotton States — No practicable
plan proposed — President believed it impossible to garrison all the forts —
His duty, as he viewed it — General Scott comes to Washington— Secretary
of War does not agree with him — President's policy in contradistinction
»to that of General Scott — Feeling in the country that Fort Sumter should
be relieved — Propositions from private sources — General Scott persists in
his design and recommendation to reinforce Sumter —President agrees,
and General Scott objects to plan proposed — Later, again urges reinforce-
ments to Sumter — Feeling of the people — Voluntary expeditions offered —
President's determination to send reinforcements in a ship of war overruled
— Finally determines to send an officer to Anderson with certain inquiries
—General Scott recommends a mercantile steamer — Star of the West sub-
stituted for United States sloop of war i5rc>^/6/)« — Preparation for her voy-
age — Meantime, Anderson reports himself safe — Sailing of the Star of the
West -Details of her voyage and arrival.
While the correspondence between the Pre;ident and the
South Carolina Commissioners was pending, the subject ot rein-
forcing Fort Sumter was under daily discussion in the Cabinet.
Various plans had been proposed, and among them one from the
General-in-Chief himself.
Lieutenant-General Scott was still at the head of the army.
He was now over seventy-four years of age, and had grown old in
the service of his country. The infirmities of age were upon him,
and he was a prey to many physical disabilities, which wholly
mcapacitated him for active service. He was now, as he had long
been, the highest military authority in the country. Mexico and
its brilliant campaign were still remembered by the generation
who had witnessed it, and the minds of his countrymen were yet
filled with gratitude for services, many of which, without involv-
ing any great issues, were at the time and by circumstances
important.
And there were sagacious and patriotic men who, while still
162
GENERAL SCOTT'S VIEWS. 163
earnestly working for a peaceful solution of the difficulties, were
not disturbed at an issue of war, under the conscious assurance
that General Winfield Scott still commanded the army.
Nature had denied to him the power of a critical discrimina-
tion, and when his mind had been directed to the consideration of
political subjects or upon matters of State, his conclusions and
expressions were oftentimes characterized by weakness. And hence,
while there was every disposition to receive and to consider with
respect any suggestion of a purely military nature that he might
make, so far as it was uninfluenced by controlling questions of
State, the political and civil recommendations with which they
were often mingled, afforded an opportunity to an administration
not in harmony with him to reject both. For many reasons his
relations to the President were not cordial. During the war with
Mexico, the President had been the Secretary of State of Mr.
Polk's administration, and had taken sides against General Soott
in his controversy with General Taylor. He opposed, at all times,
his aspirations for the Presidency, and criticized the action of
Congress in conferring upon General Scott, the brevet of lieutenant-
general in the army.* The wounds had not healed, and through
preference the General had maintained his headquarters perma-
nently in the city of New York. As early as the 29th of October
he had submitted, voluntarily, to the Secretary of War a paper
entitled " Views Suggested by the Imminent Danger (October 29,
i860) of a Disruption of the Union by the Secession of one or
more of the Southern States." At this time the elections had not
yet taken place, and no State had passed an Ordinance of Seces-
sion.
The views of the General contemplated only " a gap " in the
Union by the withdrawal of an interior State or States, and which
the Federal Government might re-establish by force in order to
preserve the continuity of its territory; and in support of which he
quotes from " Paley's Moral and Political Philosophy." But the
falling off "of all the Atlantic States from the Potomac south, was
not within the scope of General Scott's provisional remedies." A
lesser evil than to unite the fragments of the Union by the sword
would be, "he thought," to allow the fragments of the great
Republic to form themselves into new confederacies, probably four,
* Letter to J. \V. Forney, December 15, 1852. Forney's Progress.
\Fa:similed from the Original Letter, in possession of Mr. Robert Coster. ^
^/^~ /^^zn:yZ.j^ t:>iiy2>^ */-'2^^^ ^:^^ai.*=<' £-/:.re^S^ ^::^^i^ /L^^^^^e-^^if^
164
^Facsimiled from the Original Letter, in possession of Mr. Robert Cosier. 1
'^^^^^^^^
1 66 THE GENESIS OF THE CIIHL WAR.
to each of which he assigns their proximate boundaries," after mrny
waverings and conflicts."*
In the formation of one of these confederacies, he thought that
but little if any coercion, beyond moral force, would be necessary
to embrace seven slave-holding States, with parts of Virginia and
Florida, in a new confederacy with Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, etc.,
when the overwhelming weight of the great northwest was taken in
connection with the laws of trade, contiguity of territory, and the
comparative indifference to Free-soil doctrines on the part of West-
ern Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee, and Missouri. He appeals to
Virginia, and quotes the Declaration of Independence, that pru-
dence dictated that governments should not be lightly changed,
and also from "Paley's Moral Philosophy," that national honor
was not to be pursued as distinct from national interest.
The military ooint of the communication was embodied in a
short statement that, from his knowledge of the Southern popula-
tion, it was his solemn conviction that, preliminary to secession,
there was danger of a seizure of some or of all of a number of
Southern forts, then destitute of or without sufficient garrisons;
and he recommends that all these works should be immediately
so garrisoned as to make any attempt to take any one of them,
by surprise or coup de main, ridiculous. f After some suggestions
in regard to exports and the collection of imports upon ships of
war, the "Views" conclude with the statement that they eschewed
"the idea of invading a seceded State."
This paper was published upon the authority of General Scott,
in a daily journal in the city of Washington, j; on the i8th day of
January, 1861, without either "the consent or previous knowledge
of the President," and for the assigned reason that it was neces-
sary to correct misapprehensions " that had got abroad " in pub-
* I. The Potomac River and the Chesapeake Bay to the Atlantic; 2. From
Maryland along the coast to the Alleghany (perhaps the Blue Ridge) range of
mountains, to some point on the coast of Florida; 3. The line from, say the
head of the Potomac to the west or northwest, which it will be most difficult to
settle; 4. The crest of the Rocky Mountains. And to the confederacies thus
formed, he alleges their probable capitals. The New England Confederacy was
to be formed of the New England and Middle States, and the Capitol at Wash-
ington to be removed to Albany.
t Forts St. Philip, New Orleans; Morgan, Alabama; Pickens and McRae,
Pensacola, Fla. ; Pulaski, Georgia; Moultrie and Sumter, South Carolina.
X National Intelligencer, Washington, January 18, 1861.
PRESIDENT'S COMMENTS. 167
lie prints and speeches in regard to the "Views."* The President
received the paper with surprise. He regarded that such an open
expression of opinion from so distinguished a source as the
General-in-Chief would be used by " disunion leaders " to mislead
as well as to incite the people of the cotton States and "drive
them to extremities." He thought, too, that in a report from the
commanding general of the army to the Secretary of War, the
political portion of the "Views" being speculative and prospective
in their character, and unconnected " with military operations, was
out of time and out of place." He considered, also, that a recom-
mendation to garrison the nine Southern forts should have been
accompanied by a "practical plan" for doing it, and its detail
submitted to the President. The attention of General Scott was
called to this omission, when on the following day, October 30,
in a communication to the Secretary of War, entitled " Supple-
mental Views," he simply stated that "there is one regular
company at Boston, one here (at the Narrows), one at Pittsburg,
one at Augusta, Ga., and one at Baton Rouge — in all five com-
panies only, within reach, to garrison or reinforce the forts men-
tioned in the " Views."
The regular force at the disposal of the President was widely
scattered upon the distant frontier, where its whole force, amount-
ing at the maximum to 18,000 men, was required, he thought, for
the protection of the border settlements.! General Scott,
impressed with the necessity of giving reasonable security to the
settlers, and considering this force as inadequate, had in 1857
asked for an increase to the regular army of four regiments.
His request had been approved by the President, who had recom-
mended to Congress to raise five additional regiments, which,
however, was not acted upon. J
The President believed it to be " impossible to garrison the
numerous forts in the United States in time of peace." Destitute
as he was of military force, and without power, as he conceived,
under the laws to call out the militia, or to accept the service of
volunteers, he believed that to scatter the five companies among
the nine forts in the Southern States " would have been a con-
* Floyd at Richmond, upon his return in January, 1861.
t Report of the Military Comniittee of the House of Representatives, Feb-
ruary 18, 1861.
X United States Senate Documents, 1857-58.
I 68 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
fession of weakness," as they were absurdly inadequate to the
object in view, and that it would have done but little to have
prevented secession, but would have tended rather to provoke it.
It would have precipitated civil war, for which Congress had
made no preparation, and it would have exasperated the border
States and probably driven them into hostilities, and all hope of
compromise would have been destroyed.* But his Attorney-Gen-
eral believed that Fort Sumter should have been relieved under
any circumstances, and with part of the five companies which
General Scott had reported as available. He thought that Gen-
eral Scott's report of the force available was not a correct one, as
we had no Indian disturbances at that time, and more troops
might have been had from the frontier.
He therefore considered it to be his duty " to refrain from
any act which might provoke or encourage the cotton States into
secession, and to smooth the way for congressional compromise, f
The "Views" submitted by General Scott were considered,
by themselves, so impracticable in their nature, and so strange
and inconsistent in character, that the President " dismissed them
from his mind without further consideration."
But General Scott was thoroughly alive to the dangers which
threatened the country. On the 31st of October he suggested to
the Secretary of War that a circular be sent to the forts warning
the garrisons against sudden assaults, but this permission was
not granted.
On December 12 he arrived in Washington, and in a personal
interview with the Secretary of War he urged the same views, and
points out the organized companies and the recruits at the prin-
cipal depots available for the purpose.
The Secretary did not agree with him, nor could he have done
so without putting himself in opposition to the announced policy
of the President; but in accordance with the request of General
Scott an interview for the 15th of December with the President
was arranged. At this interview the whole subject was discussed,
and General Scott renewed his recommendation for reinforcement.
His recommendation was unexpected. The President gave his
opinion that no immediate secession beyond South Carolina was to
* "Buchanan's Administration."
t Conversation with Judge Black at his residence, November 17, 1880.
GENERAL SCOTT RENEWS HIS EFFORTS. 169
be apprehended, and he declined to reinforce Fort Moultrie or to
garrison Fort Sumter, as the proper time had not in his judgment
arrived. He determined to await the action of the South Carolina
Convention and the arrival of Commissioners to him, which he
would refer to Congress, and if Congress should decide against
them, he would then reinforce the forts in Charleston Harbor and
direct the commanding officer to defend them. He had at this
time defined his policy, if indeed he had a policy. In opposition
to the opinion of General Scott, he thought that there was no
present necessity of any reinforcements to secure the forts in the
harbor of Charleston, and he believed in the possibility of an adjust-
ment. He desired, too, to separate South Carolina from the other
Southern States, and he was convinced that any attack made by her
upon Fort Moultrie would be condemned by them. When the
Secretary of War referred to the fact that the sloop of war Brook-
lyn^ with 300 men, lay in readiness at Norfolk to sail at any moment
to Charleston, an objection was at once made by General Scott to
taking so many men from Fortress Monroe, but that they might be
taken from New York. He thought, however, that it would be
then too late, as the South Carolinians would "have the game in
their hands," and that as Fort Sumter was not garrisoned, any
handful of men might seize it. At a later period, the General thought
that if the 300 men had been sent then or later, both forts would
have remained in the possession of the Government; no batteries
could have been erected, and the access to the sea been preserved.*
How Mr. Buchanan regarded these statements and comments of
General Scott when long afterward (October, 1862) they first fell
under his observation, will be seen in a subsequent part of this
narrative.!
General Scott now became persistent in his efforts to relieve the
situation. Upon the 28th of December,after the movement of Major
Anderson to Fort Sumter, he urged upon the Secretary of War that
Fort Sumter might not be evacuated, but that 150 recruits might
"instantly " be sent to Fort Sumter, with ample supplies of sub-
sistence and ammunition; and he renews his recommendation in
regard to the forts upon the Southern coast. It was upon the same
* Scott's autobiography, p. 615.
t General Scott was burned in effigy January 12, at the University of Vir-
ginia, by the students, amid cheers for the seceding States and groans for
Anderson, who was called the American Sultan,
I 70 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
day that the Commissioners from South Carolina held their first
and only interview with the President. On the following day (the
29th) he addressed a communication to the brother of Major Ander-
son, and informed him that the War Department had kept secret
from him (General Scott) the instructions sent to Major Ander-
son, but that he, in common with the whole army, had admired
and indicated as a defensive measure the masterly transfer of the
garrison to Fort Sumter.
Meantime, the feeling that relief should be sent to Fort Sumter
began to manifest itself among the people, and proposals of every
character for relieving Fort Sumter were made by patriotic citizens
^throughout the country to the President and to General Scott.
Among these, on the 29th of December, a proposal was made to
Lieutenant-General Scott by Mr James A. Hamilton, of New York,
that Major Anderson should at once be reinforced by a force of
from 100 to 400 volunteers; and he asks a letter of introduction to
Major Anderson, that these volunteers were to be guests of Major
Anderson, but subject to his command. The patriotic feeling that
suggested this extraordinary proposition was approved by General
Scott, who read it to the President, who also approved the spirit;
but they equally agreed that the immediate military needs of the
country required no appeal to militia or volunteers in aid of the
regular force.
Impatient at the apparent delay, General Scott again addressed
the President, on the 30th, and requested permission to send, as
secretly as possible and without reference to the War Department,
250 recruits from New York Harbor, to reinforce Fort Sumter, and
that a sloop of war and a cutter may be ordered for that purpose
as early as to-morrow. For some time the sloop of \\a.v Brooklyn,
under the command of Captain Farragut, had been lying off Fort-
ress Monroe, with secret instructions to hold herself in readiness
to proceed with 300 men to Fort Moultrie in case " of its attack
or danger of attack." In view of the movement of Major Ander-
son and the seizure by the State authorities of the forts and pub-
lic property in the city and harbor of Charleston, the President had
determined upon sending reinforcements, but he deemed that a
ship of war with experienced troops was preferable to a sloop of
war and a cutter with 250 recruits. She could not cross the bar:
and overruling the suggestion of Lieutenant-General Scott, he deter-
mined to send the Brooklyn to the relief of Major Anderson.
DISCUSSION IN THE CABINET.
171
On the following morning he gave the necessary orders to his
secretaries. His course was endorsed by General Scott, who called
upon him on the evening of the 31st to congratulate him that the
orders had been issued andwere in his possession.* Upon the same
day an order was issued by Lieutenant-General Scott to the com-
manding officer of Fort Monroe to prepare and put upon the
Brooklyn four companies, making at least 200 men, destined to rein-
force Fort Sumter, with twenty-five spare stands of arms and sub-
sistence for the detachment for ninety days, and that everything
was to be managed "■ as secretly and confidentially as possible."
During the interview between the President and General Scott, it
was agreed that before issuing the orders an opportunity should
be given to the South Carolina Commissioners to reply to the Pres-
ident's letter sent to them a few hours before; and it was the
President's opinion that as " this letter would doubtless speedily
terminate their mission," the delay could not exceed forty-eight
hours. General Scott deemed this as only "gentlemanly and
proper," and the orders were withheld temporarily. The delay gave
rise to "a prolonged and heated discussion in the Cabinet," when
it was finally determined to send an officer to Major Anderson to
inquire of him whether he needed reinforcements, or desired that
they should be sent to him.f Fearful of further delay the Secre-
tary of State inquired: "Does the sending of a messenger imply
that no additional troops are to be sent until his return ?" " It
implies nothing," replied the President. The tone of the Presi-
dent's letter to the Commissioners, and the determination evinced,
satisfied them that negotiation was impossible, and they prepared
to return to South Carolina. The interview between the President
and Senator Hunter had taken place on the 30th of December. On
the ist of January the Commissioners prepared their final answer,
and it was upon the 2d — when, at a Cabinet meeting and at the
moment when in accordance with the plan determined upon, that
the Postmaster-General, Mr. Holt, was writing down the questions
to be put toMajor Anderson — that this communication was handed
to the President, when it was at once read in the presence of the
Cabinet. It began by a reference to his declaration that he pos-
sessed no power to change the existing relations between the State
*In his "pocket." as he expressed himself,
t C. F. Black, manuscript.
172
THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
and the Government, to acknowledge the independence of the
State, nor to recognize the official character of the gentlemen who
had addressed him. To this they replied, that the State of South
Carolina having exercised the great right of self-government, they
had no special solicitude as to the character in which he might
recognize them, and that they were willing to waive any formal
considerations which his constitutional scruples " might have pre-
vented him from extending."
His willingness to receive them and submit the propo-
sitions which they should make to Congress was to them ample
recognition of the condition of public affairs which rendered
their presence necessary. They recall a portion of the President's
letter in which he had expressed his desire that the whole subject
might be referred to Congress, and his regret that in the opinion
of the Commissioners "the events of the last twenty-four hours
render this impossible ;" and they assert that the language which
had been quoted as theirs by him " is altered in its sense by the
omission of a most important part of the sentence;" that what
they did say was, " But the events of the last twenty-four hours
render such an assurance impossible." An assurance that they
were ready to enter upon the negotiation,with an earnest desire upon
their part to avoid all unnecessary collision. In their communi-
cation they review the acts of the President from the passage of
the Ordinance of Secession by the Convention, which manifested a
desire upon his part to settle the difficulties without collision; the
ground taken in his annual message, that he had no right to coerce
a seceded State ; his refusal to send reinforcements to Charleston
Harbor ; his return of the arms taken from the arsenal to arm the
employees of the engineer ; his understanding with the South
Carolina delegation; and his pledge to return to them the paper
they had given him, should he determine to send reinforcements.
The facts of their mission to him were stated, their arrival, and
the news of Major Anderson's movement, which was at once
communicated to him, and their call upon him to redeem the
''pledge' that he had made. That he did not deny it then, nor did
he now, but that he sought " to escape from its obligation " on the
ground that the Commissioners terminated all negotiation by de-
manding as a preliminary the withdrawal of the United States
troops from the harbor of Charleston, and from the action of the
State authorities, who, instead of asking an explanation of Ander-
COMMISSIONERS' ANSWER. I "JT^
son's movement, " took possession of other property of the United
States."
They deny that any such demand was made by them ; that
there was nothing in their letter which could have prevented him
from declining to withdraw the troops, " and offering the restora-
tion of the status " to which he was pledged, if he had desired to
do it; that, whatever might be his assertion, " such an idea was
never thought of " by him. His conversation left upon their minds
the distinct impression that he did " seriously contemplate the
withdrawal of the troops from Charleston Harbor," and that he
had discussed the subject with " gentlemen of the highest possible
public reputation," and whose testimony was beyond cavil; and
that it was the knowledge of this fact that induced them to urge
upon him a policy that had the weight of such authority.
They deny that the action of the State authorities availed him
for defense, for the opportunity of decision was afforded him be-
fore these facts occurred. That on the very day that the news
of Major Anderson's movement came, men who had striven suc-
cessfully to lift him to his great office, who had been his tried and
true friends through his troubles, entreated him " to act," and " to
act at once " He was told that every hour complicated his
position, and he was only asked to give the assurance that if
Anderson had acted *' without and against his orders and in vio-
lation of his pledges," he would restore the " status " which he
had pledged his " honor to maintain." The letter recalled his
refusal to do this, the action of the Secretary of War, and the fact
that " more than twelve hours passed and the Cabinet meeting
had adjourned before you (he) knew what the authorities of South
Carolina had done," and that even if he had known it he should
have kept his faith. That as to Fort Sumter, " the people were
with difficulty restrained from securing, without blood, the posses-
sion of this important fortress," but that they thought kindly of
the President, believed him true, and were willing to spare him
unnecessary collision ; but that the Commissioners had hardly
left Charleston before Anderson waged war. " No man could
have believed," said they, " that any officer could have taken such
a step, not only without orders, but against orders; " that the
State acted in simple self-defense, for the act of Major Anderson
was as much war as firing a volley. All this was done, they
allege, without the slightest provocation, and that no evidence in
174
THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
justification of the movement had yet been alleged. They recog-
nize his decision: he had resolved to hold by force what he had
obtained through their " misplaced confidence," and, by refus
ing to withdraw Anderson, had "converted his violation of orders
into a legitimate act of your (his) Executive authority." And
they conclude their letter by an assertion that, by his course, he
had probably rendered civil war inevitable ; that if he chose to
force the issues upon them, the State of South Carolina would ac-
cept it, and, relying upon the " God of Justice as well as the God
of Hosts," would endeavor to perform the duty which lay before
her, hopefully, bravely and thoroughly.*
The Commissioners, convinced that the troops would not be
withdrawn from Fort Sumter, and apprehensive that reinforce-
ments were about to be sent to the garrison, transmitted their
letter at once to the President and left the city on the afternoon
of the 2d of January.
The effect produced by this communication was immediate
and decided. It excited so much indignation as to leave no illu-
sion as to the disposition to be made of it.
The President, taking his pen, wrote across the manuscript :
"Executive Mansion, 3:30 o'clock, Wednesday.
" This paper, just presented to the President, is of such a
nature that he declines to receive it;" and at once caused its
return to the Commissioners.
The discussion in the Cabinet was an open one ; and the
decision of the President was announced in as "emphatic terms"
as he probably ever addressed to one of his Secretaries. Turn-
ing to his Secretary of War, he said, " It is now over, and reinforce-
ments must now be sent."
There was now no longer either reason or excuse for delay,
when, upon the same day that the letter of the Commissioners
was returned to them by the President, he was informed by the
Secretaries of War and of the Navy that Lieutenant-General
Scott, upon conferring with an expert in naval affairs, had become
convinced that both secrecy and success would be best secured
by sending a "mercantile steamer" with the recruits from New
York. The President yielded with great reluctance to the
"pressing instance" of Lieutenant-General Scott himself, and
• Commissioners' letter. Executive Doc. H. R. Vol. 6, No. 26,
EXPEDITION' OF STAR OF THE WEST. \ 75
the Star of the West, a side-wheel merchant steamer, was substi-
tuted for the sloop of war Brooklyn.'"
The detail of the despatch of the expedition was entrusted to
General Scott. Proposals in view of such action had previously
been submitted by Mr. A. C. Schultze, a merchant of New York,
who was at once informed by General Scott that his proposals
were entertained, and who despatched Lieutenant - Colonel
Thomas, the Assistant Adjutant-General upon his staff, to New
York to superintend the detail of the expedition. Colonel
Thomas was directed to satisfy himself that Mr. Schultze's
agency was reliable, and he was then to forward the expedition
secretly and with all despatch. That officer proceeded at once
to New York, and on the 4th of January he reported to the
General-in-Chief that he was satisfied that the movement could be
made with the Star of the West without exciting suspicion ; and
that through the agency of Mr. Schultze he had chartered her at
$1,500 per day from Mr. Marshal O. Roberts, who, as Colonel
Thomas reported, "looked exclusively to the dollars," while Mr.
Schultze was "acting for the good of his country." The troops
were to be concealed upon reaching the harbor of Charleston, and
Major Anderson was to be warned against all telegrams, and
informed that his conduct met with the approbation of the high-
est authority, and that further reinforcements would be sent to
him, if necessary.
The ship was to clear for New Orleans without formal notice,
and as if for her regular trip. The provisions necessary were to
be bought on the ship's account, so that no public agency should
be used. The arms and ammunition were to be put on board-
the next day by means of tugs from Governor's Island, when all
communication with the island and the city was to be cut off
temporarily. The orders to the proper officers were promptly
executed, and First Lieutenant C. R. Woods, of the Ninth United
States Infantry, assisted by two lieutenants and a medical officer,
was placed in command of the military force.
Major Anderson was also informed by letter of the character
and composition of the expedition on the day that it sailed, and
special instructions were communicated to him that, if fire should
be opened upon any vessel bringing reinforcements or supplies
'Buchanan's Administration," p. 189.
1 76 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
within reach of his guns, " they may be employed to silence such
fire;" and he was also to act in like manner in case that his fort
was fired upon.
The three months' supply of subsistence was promptly trans-
ferred on board the vessel, and at 5 p. m. of the 5th of January
the Star of the West left her wharf and proceeded down the bay.
When near Staten Island she stopped, and received on board from
a steam-tug four officers and 200 men, with their small-arms and
ammunition, and at 9 p. m. she crossed the bar at the mouth of
the harbor and steamed to the southward. In spite, however, of
the efforts to conceal the movement, a New York journal an-
nounced the fact in its afternoon edition of the 5th of January.
Colonel Thomas had informed the General-in-Chief by tele-
gram, on the morning of the 4th of January, that the arrange-
ments were made as proposed, and that the expedition would
leave the following evening. Meantime, mtelligence had reached
Washington from Major Anderson that he felt himself to be se-
cure in his position, and he thanked God that " we are now where
the Government may send us additional troops at their leisure."
Information had reached the Government on the 5th inst.
of the establishment of the battery on Morris Island, which
would in all probability destroy any unarmed vessel attempt-
ing to pass it. Influenced by these considerations, and op-
posed as he was to the use of an unarmed vessel for such service,
and deeming it not absolutely necessary at that time that rein-
forcements should be sent, the President, with the acquiescence
of General Scott, countermanded the order for the sailing of the
Star of the West. On the evening of the 5th of January a tele-
gram was despatched by the General-in-Chief to his son-in-law
and A. A. C, Colonel H. L. Scott, at New York, to retain the
ship. It reached that officer at too late an hour, as the ship had
then left the harbor.
Later, upon the 7th of January, an order was sent by the Sec-
retary of the Navy to the commander of the Brooklyn to escort
and protect the Star of the West ^ and the officer in command of
the expedition was informed by General Scott that the Brooklyn
would *' aid and succor " him in case of disaster to his ship. If
he could not land at Fort Sumter he was to return to Fortress
Monroe and discharge his ship.
On the loth of January the Secretary of War ad interim, Mr.
'SECRETARY OF WAR TO MAJOR ANDERSON. \ J'j
Holt, addressed a communication to Major Anderson acknowl-
edging the receipt of his letter announcing that the Government
might reinforce him at its leisure, and that he felt secure in his
position; and he informed him that the Star of the West had been
ordered to him with reinforcements, that the probability was that
she had been fired into and had not been able to reach him.
The letter was as follows :
" War Department,
" January lo, 1861,
" Major Robert Anderson,
" First Artillery, Commanding at Fort Sumter, S. C. :
"Sir: Your dispatches to No. 16, inclusive, have been re-
ceived. Before the receipt of that of 31st December,* announcing
that the Government might re-enforce you at its leisure, and that
you regarded yourself safe in your present position, some two
hundred and fifty instructed recruits had been ordered to proceed
from Governor's Island to Fort Sumter on the Star of the West,
for the purpose of strengthening the force under your command.
The probability is, from the current rumors of to-day, that this ves-
sel has been fired into by the South Carolinians, and has not been
able to reach you. To meet all contingencies, the Brooklyn has
been dispatched, with instructions not to cross the bar at the har-
bor of Charleston, but to afford to the Star of the West and those
on board all the assistance they may need, and in the event the
recruits have not effected a landing at Fort Sumter they will
return to Fort Monroe.
" I avail myself of the occasion to express the great satisfac-
tion of the Government at the forbearance, discretion and firm-
ness with which you have acted, amid the perplexing and dii^cult
circumstances in which you have been placed. You will continue,
as heretofore, to act strictly on the defensive; to avoid, by all
means compatible with the safety of your command, a collision
with the hostile forces by which you are surrounded. But for the
movement, so promptly and brilliantly executed, by which you
transferred your forces to Fort Sumter, the probability is that ere
this the defenselessness of your position would have invited an
attack, which, there is reason to believe, was contemplated,
if not in active preparation, which must have led to the effusion
of blood, that has been thus so happily prevented. The move-
ment, therefore, was in every way admirable, alike for its humanity
[and] patriotism, as for its soldiership.
" Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
" J. Holt,
" Secretary of War ad interim."
* Received January 5, i86i.
I 78 T^^IE' GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
As the members were leaving the Cabinet session on the 3d
inst., when the determination of the President had been an-
nounced, the Secretary of the Interior had been asked by the
Secretary of State, Judge Black, "in a spirit of kindness and
friendship," if in case troops should be sent to Charleston, would
he feel bound to resign.* His reply was, that he would so feel
bound, when the Secretary of State requested that he might have
an opportunity to talk with him before he acted. To this the
Secretary of the Interior agreed, assuring Judge Black at the
same time that he had no thought that his purpose could be
changed, and he asks Judge Black if, at the time of that
conversation, he knew that troops had been ordered with the
knowledge of the President. In order to restrain the South Caro-
linians from coming in contact with the Government, an event
which he believed would only be disastrous to both sections of the
country, and in order to keep his correspondents apprised of the
action of the Government, the Secretary of the Interior had opened
and contmued a correspondence, both by letter and telegram, with
Judge A. B. Longstreet, a distinguished citizen of South Carolina,
On the mornmg of the 5th of January, the day upon which the Star
of the West left New York, he had answered a direct inquiry of
his correspondent as follows :
" I cannot speak by authority, but I do not believe any addi-
tional troops will be sent to Charleston while the present status
lasts. If Fort Sumter is attacked, they will be sent, I believe."
And to a Mr. A. N. Kimball, of Jackson, Miss., he had tele-
graphed on the previous day, " No troops have been sent to
Charleston, nor will be, while I am a member of the Cabinet."
When, therefore, he was apprised of the fact by a telegram in
the Constitution newspaper of the 8th inst., that an expedition had
actually sailed and was then on its way to Charleston Har-
bor, he was surprised and affected by the intelligence. He had
every reason to think that his assurances, made in good faith, had
done much to maintain the peaceful status which until now had
prevailed in the harbor and to save Sumter from an attack. He
at once determined to resign his position, and while so engaged
in the presence of the Secretary of State, a telegraphic inquiry in
regard to the sailing of the Star of the West reached him from
* Mr. Thompson to Judge Black, January 14, 1861.
SEC. OF INTERIOR AND STAR OF THE WEST. \ -g
Judge Longstreet. He considered that he had been trifled with,
if not deceived, and claimed it to be his duty, although in so do-
ing it might imperil the Star of the West and her mission, to
remove the delusion into which he had unconsciously led his cor-
respondent; and that in informing him, while still a member of the
Cabinet, that reinforcements had actually been sent, but without
his knowledge or consent, he was not violating his official duty or
taking improper advantage of his position, but that " honor, truth
and justice" to Judge Longstreet and himself required of him
a reply.*
He accordingly prepared the despatch at his house and exhib-
ited it to Judge Black, the Secretary of State, who had gone
there in order to persuade him from the act. It was to the effect
that the Star of the JVest, with 250 troops aboard, had sailed (by
order of the Hon. J. Holt, the then Secretary of War) on Monday
morning to reinforce Major Anderson at Charleston. The Secre-
tary had fully made up his mind, and entrusting the despatch to
William W. Cowling, the messenger of his Department, he direct-
ed him to cause its transmission by telegraph to his correspond-
ent in South Carolina. But the messenger had been present,
and had heard the discussion that took place between the Secre-
tary of the Interior and the Secretary of State, the former
insisting that it was a matter in which his honor was involved,
and that the course he proposed to pursue, was a " sacred
duty," while the latter "kindly but firmly protested against
Mr. Thompson's action, and attempted to dissuade him from
taking such a course. "f He had been present, too, at other
conversations between the Secretary of the Interior and
Southern Members of Congress and other distinguished Southern
men, and he was prepared to expect that at any moment hostil-
ities might commence. Uncertain as to what course to pursue,
the messenger proceeded to the office of the chief clerk, Mr.
Moses Kelly, to whom he submitted the despatch, and who assured
the messenger that he should do what he thought would be right,
and it would be right. The messenger then tendered his
* Mr. Thompson's letter, March 11, to the National Intelligencer, Q\i^x\z%-
ton Mercury, March 21, 1S61.
t Cowling's statement, Judge Black's papers.
I 80 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
resignation, as he had resolved to disobey the order of the
Secretary and not to deliver the despatch.
Shortly afterward, meeting the Hon. John Sherman, then a
Member of Congress from Ohio, he submitted the message to him
and informed him that he intended to detain it. In this resolve
he was sustained by Mr. Sherman, with a promise of protection in
case that trouble should arise from his action.
The message intrusted to Cowling was not sent; but whether
from suspicion of his agent or from an anxiety to ensure the
transmission of the information, or whether he had again
heard from his correspondent, the Secretary again telegraphed,
on the morning of the 8th of January, that the Star of the
West had sailed for Charleston with 250 troops on board,
and that she ought to reach the city on that day. The
Secretary was not alone in thus informing the South Carolina
authorities, for upon the same morning similar information
was forwarded by Senator Wigfall, of Texas, and L. Q. Wash-
ington, from the city of Washington, and also by Mr. W. S. Ashe,
from Wilmington, N. C. On the 7th a telegram signed Jones,
and to the same effect, had been communicated to the
Convention at its evening session. The telegram of L. Q. Wash-
ington was important ; it informed Governer Pickens that " Sec-
retary Thompson has resigned. Government troops were sent
on Saturday night from New York to Charleston. Mr. Thomp-
son has been deceived by the administration. These facts
I derived from Mr. Barksdale, of Mississippi, who has left Secre-
tary Thompson. (Signed) L. Q. Washington."
These telegrams reached Charleston before 5 o'clock p. m. of
the 8th, thus warning the authorities, but barely in time for them
to complete their preparations of resistance.
The action of the Secretary of the Interior was made the sub-
ject of severe criticism. The Secretary of War, Mr. Holt, in
communication to a daily journal in Washington, on the 5th of
March, asserted that the Secretary of the Interior, while yet a
member of the Cabinet, disclosed to those who were in open
rebellion against the United States information which he had
derived from his official position, and which he held under the seals
of a confidence that from the beginning of our history as a nation
had not been violated.
This met with the earnest and emphatic denial of Mr. Thomp-
RESIGN A TION OF SECRE TAR V OF INTERIOR. \ 8 I
son, who insisted that the information came to him through the
public prints, and was Icnown to every well-informed man in the
city of Washmgton as soon as to him.*
Secretary Holt, however, maintained the opinion that, from
whatever source the information was derived, the Secretary of the
Interior was bound as a Secretary of the President to keep it
secret — a position that was unassailable.
Upon the same day he transmitted his formal resignation to
the President as follows:
"Washington, January 8, 1861.
" Sir: It is with extreme regret I have just learned that
additional troops have been ordered to Charleston. This subject
has been frequently discussed in Cabinet council; and when on
Monday night, 31st of December, ult., the orders for reinforce-
ments to Fort Sumter were countermanded, I distinctly understood
from you that no order of the kind would be made without being
previously considered and decided in Cabinet. It is true that on
Wednesday, January 2, this subject was again discussed in Cabi-
net, but certainly no conclusion was reached, and the War De-
partment was not justified in ordering reinforcements without
something more than was then said. I learn, however, this
morning, for the first time, that the steamer Star of the West
sailed from New York last Saturday night with 250 men, under
Lieutenant Bartlett, bound for Fort Sumter. Under these circum-
stances I feel myself bound to resign my commission as one of
your constitutional advisers into your hands.
" With life regard, your obedient servant,
(Signed) *'J. Thompson.
" His Excellency James Buchanan,
" President of the United States."
From the fact that reinforcements were determined upon, the
President had anticipated the resignation of his Secretary, and in
accepting it he tells him that he (the Secretary) had been so
emphatic in opposing reinforcements that his resignation was
expected in consequence of the President's decision.
The letter of the President was as follows:
"Washington, January 9, 1861.
"6'/>.- I have received and accepted your resignation yes-
terday of the oiifice of Secretary of the Interior.
"On Monday evening, 31st December, i860, I suspended the
orders which had been issued by the War and Navy Departments
to send the Brooklyn with reinforcements to Fort Sumter. Of
* Mr. Thompson's reply, March 21, i86i.
I 82 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVH WAR.
this I informed you on the same evening. I stated to you my
reasons for this suspension, which you knew, from its nature,
would be speedily removed. In consequence of your request,
however, I promised that these orders should not be renewed
'without being previously considered and decided in Cabinet.'
"This promise was faithfully observed on my part. In order
to carry it into effect, I called a special Cabinet meeting on Wed-
nesday, January 2, 1861, in which the question of sending rein-
forcements to Fort Sumter was amply discussed, both by your-
self and others. The decided majority of opinions was against
you. At this moment the answer of the South Carolina 'Com-
missioners' to my communication and others of the 31st De-
cember was received and read. It produced much indignation
among the members of the Cabinet. After a further brief con-
versation, I employed the following language : •' It is now all
over; reinforcements must be sent.' Judge Black said, at the
moment of my decision, that after this letter the Cabinet would
be unanimous, and I heard no dissenting voice. Indeed, the
spirit and tone of the letter left no doubt on my mind that Fort
Sumter would be immediately attacked, and hence the necessity
of sending reinforcements there without delay. Whilst you
admit that on Wednesday, January 2, this subject was again dis-
cussed in Cabinet, you say ' but certainly no conclusion was
reached, and the War Department was not justified in ordering
more than what was then said.'
" You are certainly mistaken in alleging that no conclusion
was reached.
" In this, your recollection is entirely different from that of
your four oldest colleagues in the Cabinet. Indeed, my lan-
guage was so unmistakable that the Secretaries of War and the
Navy proceeded to act upon it, without any further intercourse
with myself than what you heard or might have heard me say.
You had been so emphatic in opposing these reinforcements that
I thought you would resign in consequence of my decision. I
deeply regret that you have been mistaken in point of fact,
though, I firmly believe, honestly mistaken. Still it is certain
you have not the less been mistaken.
" Yours very respectfully,
(Signed) " James Buchanan."
After severing his connection with the Cabinet the Secretary
proceeded to his State, and there, in a speech to an assemblage
that had met to greet him, he announced that as he was writing
his resignation he sent a despatch to Judge Longstreet that the
Star of the West was coming with reinforcements. " The
troops," said he, "were thus put on their guard, and when the
Star of the West arrived, she received a warm welcome from
SAILING OF THE STAR OF THE WEST. 183
booming cannon, and soon beat a retreat. I was rejoiced the
vessel was not sunk, but I was still more rejoiced that the con-
cealed trick, first conceived by General Scott and adopted by
Secretary Holt, but countermanded by the President when too
late, proved a failure."*
Meantime, the Star of the West pursued her course towards
Charleston.! The weather was fine, and off the coast of North
Carolina she stopped to fish. A skilled pilot accompanied the
ship. At 1:30 on the morning of the 9th she arrived off the
Charleston bar. At first there were no lights to be seen.
Extinguishing her own, she groped in the dark until near dawn,
when the solitary light at Sumter became visible. Checking her
course, she steamed slowly along under careful soundings, until
she arrived off the main ship channel, where she hove to, to await
the dawn. At daylight a steamer was discovered a short dis-
tance in-shore. Upon seeing the ship, she immediately com-
menced signalling by colored lights and rockets, and steamed
rapidly in for the bar. A pilot-boat had come in and had raised
and lowered a large American flag, and then stood out again to sea.
In order to get the proper range for crossing the bar, the
ship remained hove to until there was sufficient light to see the
light-house on Morris Island. All of the buoys that marked the
channel had been taken up, rendering careful soundings neces-
sary. At 6:20 A. M. the national flag was run to the peak, and the
ship crossed the bar at high witter and continued along the Morris
Island side up the ship channel; the steamer before noticed keep-
ing on her course toward Moultrie, about a mile distant and
constantly signalling.
When opposite to a group of houses near the shore, a red
Palmetto flag was seen, and immediately and without warning a
gun - battery opened upon the ship. The battery was con-
cealed amid the sand-hills near the shore, and its existence had been
unsuspected. Its first shot had been fired across the bow of the
ship, which, however, continued on its course, when a rapid and
continuous fire was opened by the battery. The firing was wild
and unskillful, narrowly missing the pilot-house and machinery.
One spent shot struck the ship aft near the rudder, while another
* National Intelligence)-, March 2, 1861.
t Captain McGowan's report.
184 ^^^ GENESIS OF 7'HE CIVIL WAR.
Struck just aft the port channels, about two feet above the water-
line, passing through one of the guards. As soon as the battery
had opened fire, a large garrison flag was run up at the fore, low-
ered, and again run up as a signal to Major Anderson, whose flag
was flying at Sumter. Just before leaving New York this flag
had been sent on board by Assistant Adjutant-General Thomas,
who accompanied the officers and men to the ship, and who com-
municated to the captain definite orders to the effect that he was
to hoist it " at the fore, in case the batteries fired " upon him,
" and that Major Anderson would understand it and protect the
ship with the guns of Sumter."
The Star of the JVest had now almost passed the battery, and
continued her course against a strong ebb tide, up the main ship
channel. Her draft of water rendered this necessary, and she
would soon be within the range of the guns of Fort Moultrie, then
distant about one and a half miles. Seeing her approach, the
commanding officer of that work determined to gratify the anxiety
of his men " to try a shot,"* and changing the elevation of her
guns, opened at long range with four Columbiads and two
32-pounders, the shots falling wildly and in all directions. Fort
Sumter was silent. It was then determined, both by the ofificer
in command of the troops and the captain of the ship, that it was
impossible to reach Fort Sumter. Had she continued upon
her course it would have been necessary to have gone bows-on
to a buoy in the channel 1,100 yards from the fort, where, to
enter the inner harbor, she must have exposed her broadside
to the direct and close fire of the entire battery of Fort Moultrie
bearing on the channel, and whose fire would have been,
in all probability, fatal. Lessening her speed she came round
in a narrow part of the channel, lowered the flag from her
fore, and putting on all steam headed down the channel for the
bar, the battery on Morris Island continuing its fire as long as
the ship was within range, but without injury. The strong ebb-
tide carried the ship swiftly out of range to the bar, upon which
the tide had so fallen that she struck three times in crossing it.
A steamer from Charleston followed the retiring ship for some
hours, but finally returned. There was no communication with
any vessel or boats, or with any persons, nor was any warning
* Colonel Ripley's official report.
FIRED UPON— ITS EFFECT IN SUMTER. \ 85
not to enter the harbor given to the ship from any source what-
ever that was understood. Upon the evening of the day upon
which the firing took place, Captain Carraghan, a pilot, who was
stationed with his boat off the bar to warn vessels bearing the
United States flag not to enter, was summoned before the Ex-
ecutive Council in Charleston. He stated that he saw the Star
of the West that mornmg, "and made every effort to hail her,
and hoisted a white flag, but that she took no notice of it."*
The garrison of Fort Sumter was not without warning, although
unofficial and accidental, that an effort to relieve and reinforce
them was about to be made. By a boat which came to the fort
on the 8th of January with some employees of the Engineer
Department, a newspaper was received which announced that
the Star of the West was to sail with reinforcements for the fort,
and would be down that night. The news in its unofficial shape
was not credited by the garrison. Major Anderson thought that
Lieutenant-General Scott would not send troops except by a ves-
sel of war, and in consequence no especial arrangements were
made nor orders given, in anticipation of such a contingency;
while at the same time the cheering which was distinctly heard
from Fort Johnson and at Cummings Point convinced the garrison
of Fort Sumter that something unusual was anticipated.
At 6 o'clock on the morning of the 9th of January the writer
was aroused by the announcement that the Carolinians were firing
from Morris Island upon a vessel bearing the national flag, that was
attempting to enter the harbor. He went at once to the parapet at
the southeast angle of the work. A large steamer was coming in
with the flag flying at her peak. Major Anderson, who had been
aroused by Captain Doubleday upon the firing of the first gun
from the battery, had given orders to beat the long roll, and the
men had fallen in, had reached the parapet and had manned the
guns. Three 24-pounders and one 8-inch seacoast howitzer w-ere
the only guns mounted on the gorge of the work, and no ammu-
nition had yet been served to them. The grape with which they
had been loaded was taken out and they were loaded with solid shot.
They were of the lighter calibre, and, encumbering the parade,
they had been mounted on the parapet to clear the way for the
heavier guns, the main object of the garrison being to transfer the
* Minutes of the Executive Council.
1 86 THE genesis; of the civil war.
large amount of ordnance material, besides the provisions and
stores which obstructed the entrances to the work, to the
interior, and to prepare at once to resist an assault which the
exposed and unfinished condition of the fort too evidently
invited. All was soon in readiness, and the gunner (Oakes) stood
with the lanyard in his hand at the 8-inch seacoast howitzer and
ready for the word. The battery was nearly i,ooo or 2,000 yards
distant, and had been built under a sand-hill wholly safe from
any direct shots and almost secure from shells, owing to the
difficulty of exploding a shell over a fixed point. Major
Anderson, with Lieutenants Davis and Meade and the writer, was
in the angle of the parapet, the latter with his glass upon the
steamer and reporting her movements. MajorAnderson was excited
and uncertain what to do. The steamer, in the midst of the fire
upon her, had hoisted and lowered a large national flag to her
fore, when the waiter reported to Major Anderson that she was
making signals to the fort. Major Anderson turned to his flag,
but the halliards had become twisted about the staff and the flag
could not be used. Fort Moultrie had now opened, when
Lieutenant Davis called the attention of Major Anderson to the
fact, and suggested that it was upon that fort that our fire should
be opened, and that to fire upon the battery would be useless.
Major Anderson seemed for a moment to acquiesce, and directed
Lieutenant Davis to go down to the lower tier, to take command
of a battery of two 42-pounders which were mounted in the angle
and which bore on Fort Moultrie, and to await his orders.
Lieutenant Meade earnestly advised that fire should not be
opened at all, as it would at once initiate civil war, and that the
Governor would probably repudiate the act. Meantime, the Star
of the West had passed the battery, when Moultrie opening upon
her, she turned and left the harbor. Seeing her turn. Major
Anderson said, " Hold on; do not fire. I will wait. Let the
men go to their quarters, leaving two at each gun — I wish to see
theofiicers at my quarters,"*
Personal notes.
CHAPTER XV.
Council of the officers upon the firing upon the Star of the West — Their indi-
vidual opinions — Major Anderson writes to the Governor — His threat to
close the harbor to all vessels — Sends Lieutenant Hall, under a white flag,
with letter to Governor — Scenes in Charleston — Reply of Governor, who
avows the act — Council of officers reconvened — Anderson determines to
send messenger to Washington — Lieutenant Talbot and the writer his
messengers to Governor informing him of his change of purpose — Safe-
guard given to Talbot through the State — Governor sends messengers to
Major Anderson, asking delivery of Fort Sumter to State — Interview —
Governor's letter — Officers, reassembled in Council, reject the demand of
Governor — Statement of messenger — Reply of Anderson to his letter—
Upon Anderson's suggestion, matter referred to Washington — Lieutenant
Hall selected as messenger by Anderson, Hon. J. W. Hayne by the Gov-
ernor — His special instructions — Departs for Washington.
The officers assembled in Major Anderson's quarters at once.
All were present. The sight they had just seen seemed to
impress each one individually. The flag of the country had been
fired upon under the very guns of their work, and no helping
hand had been extended. Major Anderson stated to them that
he had called them together to hear their views in relation to the
act of the State, and to say to them that he proposed to close the
harbor with his guns, and to fire upon any vessel that might
attempt to enter.* He desired to receive any recommendations
they might have to make. He began with asking the junior officer,
Lieutenant Hall, who was his adjutant. Lieutenant Hall stated
that he thought the harbor should be closed by our guns. Lieu-
tenant Meade, of the Engineer Department, thought that we
should wait: to close the harbor would be an act of war; that
we would thus inaugurate civil war in the country, and as we had
been directed to act upon the defensive strictly, we had no right
to take such a step. Lieutenant Snyder was for immediate action;
he was in favor of closing the harbor to all vessels and firing upon
all steamboats that were engaged in carrying reinforcements.
Lieutenant Davis thought that we should wait, and send to the
• Personal notes,
187
I 88 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
Governor, informing him of what had occurred, and ask if he
avowed the act. If he sanctioned it we were then to close the
harbor with our guns. Captain Seymour's opinion not recorded.
Captain Doubleday advised immediate action. He thought that
every day's delay would add to the strength of their position and
that they would finally shell the fort. Assistant Surgeon Craw-
ford thought that as the battery was not fired upon when il
opened upon the ship, we had suffered the opportunity to go bj
for immediate action, and that it would be better now to send to
the Governor and let him know our determination. Major
Anderson acquiesced in the suggestion of the officers, that the
Governor should be advised of the course he proposed to take in
case the action of his subordinates in firing upon the ship should be
avowed by him, and he at once addressed the following despatch to
the Governor of the State:
Fort Sumter, South Carolina, January 9, 1861.
" Sir : Two of your batteries fired this morning upon an
unarmed vessel bearmg the flag of my Government. As I have
not been notified that war has been declared by South Carolina
against the Government of the United States, I cannot but think
that this hostile act was committed without your sanction or
authority. Under that hope, and that alone, did I refrain from
opening fire upon your batteries. I have therefore respectfully
to ask whether the above-mentioned act, one I believe without a
parallel in the history of our country or of any other civilized
government, was committed in obedience to your instructions, and
to notify you, if it be not disclaimed, that I must regard it as an
act of war, and that I shall not, after a reasonable time for the
return of my messenger, permit any vessel to pass within range of
the guns in my fort. In order to save, as far as lies within my
power, the shedding of blood, I beg that you will have due notice
of this, my decision, given to all concerned. Hoping, however,
that your answer may be such as will justify a further continuance
of forbearance upon my part, I have the honor to be,
" Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
" Robert Anderson,
" Major First Artillery, CommaHding.
" To His Excellency the Governor of South Carolina."
This despatch was submitted by Major Anderson to a council
of his officers, and approved of by them, with the insertion of the
clause that he would await a reasonable time for the return of his
messenger before opening fire, which was not part of the original
GOVERNOR REPLIES TO MAJOR ANDERSON. iSc)
despatch. The delivery of the despatch was entrusted to Lieu-
tenant Hall, who in full uniform and under a white flag bore it
to Charleston. Upon landing, he was surrounded by a crowd of
citizens. Making his way with difficulty through them and fol-
lowed by them, he finally found the Governor in council at his
office. At the door he met an aide, who invited him to enter. He
declined, but requested that his card be taken to the Governor,
with the statement that he had come under a white flag to see
him in person. The council was dissolved, and he was introduced
to the Governor. In the meantime, a report had been spread
through the city that the object of Lieutenant Hall's visit was to
announce that the city would be bombarded, and statements to
that effect were posted upon the bulletins.
The boat's crew were at once beseiged by the crowd, but were
ordered to hold no communication with any one. After reading
the communication of Major Anderson, the Governor called his
Cabinet together and submitted the letter to them. After some
delay an answer to the communication was handed to Lieutenant
Hall by Governor Pickens in person. As a matter of prudence,
in the excited state of the people, Lieutenant Hall was returned
to his boat by carriage, accompanied by one of the aides of the
Governor and an escort.
The reply of the Governor was clear and decided. He infers
that Major Anderson had not been informed fully of the " precise
relations " which existed between the General Government and
the State of South Carolina. That the State had seceded and had
resumed all of her delegated powers, and had communicated the
fact officially to the Government, and that the right thus exercised
did not now admit of discussion. That it was understood by the
President that the sending of any reinforcements to the troops in
the harbor would be regarded, equally with any change in the
occupation of those forts, as an act of hostility. That the occu-
pancy of Fort Sumter had been regarded as the first act of
positive hostility committed by the troops of the United States
within the limits of the State, and that it occasioned the termina-
tion of the negotiations then pending at Washington. The
attempt to reinforce Fort Sumter or to retake the other forts
which were abandoned, could only be considered by the authori-
ties as an attempt to coerce the State by armed force, and to repel
such an attempt was only "too plainly its duty." Special agents
IQO
THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
had been stationed off the bar to warn all approaching vessels
having troops on board to reinforce the forts not to enter this
harbor, and special orders had been communicated to the officers
in command not to open fire upon such vessels " until a shot
thrown across their bows should warn them of the prohibition of
the State." "Under these circumstances," said he, "///,? Star of
the West, it is understood, this morning attempted to enter this
harbor with troops on board, and having been notified that she
could not enter, was fired into. The act is perfectly justified by
me." He informs Major Anderson, also, that his position in the
harbor had been tolerated by the authorities; that while the act he
complained of was in perfect consistency with the rights of the State,
the course he proposed to follow was only reconcilable with "that
of imposing upon the State the condition of a conquered province."
This communication was read in the presence of the officers,
who thought it rather an extraordinary answer to the note of
Major Anderson. It defined, however, so clearly the position
of the Governor, that the immediate commencement of hostili-
ties was anticipated. Indeed, it now seemed that there was but
one course to pursue.
Shortly afterward, however, Major Anderson again called the
officers together and stated to them that he had, upon reflection,
determined that it was but right to send a messenger to Wash-
ington, and he desired to hear the opinion of the officers upon
the subject. It was generally conceded that it would be but
right, although some of the officers thought that we should
at once pursue the course that we had laid down. Lieutenant
Talbot was selected by Major Anderson to go to Washington,
and, in advance, to bear the following letter to the Governor.
" Headquarters, Fort Sumter, S. C,
January 9, 1861.
"To His Excellency F. W. Pickens,
" Governor of the State of South Carolina.
" Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your
communication of to-day, and to say that, under the circum-
stances, I have deemed it proper to refer the whole matter to my
Government and that I intend deferring the course indicated in
my note of this morning, until the arrival from Washington of
the instructions I may receive. I have the honor, also, to
express a hope that no obstructions will be placed in the way of,
and that you will do me the favor to afford every facility to, the
MESSENGER SENT TO WASHL\-G7uN.
191
departure and return of the bearer, Lieutenant T. Talbot, United
States Army, who has been directed to make the journey.
" I have the honor to be, very respectfully,
(Signed) " Robert Anderson,
Alajor U. S. A., comnuindifig."
Later in the day, Lieutenant Talbot, in citizen's dress, accom-
panied by the writer in uniform, left the work under a white flag
and proceeded to Charleston. Upon arriving in Charleston, they
were followed by a crowd to the Charleston Hotel, where it was
thought that the Governor was to be found. A card was sent,
when, after a long delay, an aide-de-camp of the Governor con-
ducted the officers to the executive office, where the Governor
was engaged in session with his Cabinet, and where, apparently
much business was being transacted. The letter of Major Ander-
son was handed by Lieutenant Talbot to the Governor, who, upon
reading it, expressed his gratification at receiving it, that he was
"very glad indeed," and that of course Lieutenant Talbot could
go to Washington, and that he would afford him every facility.
From the marked courtesy shown by the Governor and those
around him, as well as from the expressions used in the conver-
sation that ensued, it was inferred by the officers who carried the
letter, that the suspension of his decision to open fire upon the
shipping, and his determination to submit the matter to his Gov-
ernment upon the part of Major Anderson, was gratifying to the
authorities of the State. The officers were then presented to the
members of the Cabinet. The Governor then gave a safeguard
to Lieutenant Talbot to proceed through the State, and also a
permit to Assistant Surgeon Crawford to obtain the mail matter
for the fort, the transmission of which had been prohibited. The
officers returned to the boat accompanied by one of the aides of
the Governor in a carriage, to avoid the crowd. Some seventy or
eighty persons had collected at the boat. "No opposition was made
to the removal of Lieutenant Talbot's baggage to the station, and
the boat returned to the fort.
The threat of IvLijor Anderson to close the harbor to all vessels
had brought the possibility of his being able to execute that threat
so plainly before the State authorities that it was determined to
renew the demand upon him for the delivery of Fort Sumter to
the authorities of the State. Accordingly, shortly after noon on
the nth of January, the same day upon which the hulks of four
1 92
THE GENESIS OF TEIE CIVIL WAR.
vessels were sunk across the channel at the entrance of the harbor,
a small steamer under a white flag was seen approaching the work.
She grounded near the fort, when, upon being hailed, she replied
" Messenger from the Governor." A boat was sent to her and
brought Judge A. G. Magrath, the Secretary of State of South
Carolina, and General D. F. Jamison, the State Secretary of
War, messengers from the Governor to Major Anderson. They
were met by Major Anderson at the wharf and conducted by him
into the room of the officer of the guard, within the sally-port of
the work, where they remained for some time in close consulta-
tion, when Captain Doubleday, Captain Seymour and Captain
Foster were called into the room. After some conversation the
rest of the officers were sent for as a council of war, and to them
was submitted the letter of the Governor. It was as follows:
" State of South Carolina, Executive Office,
"Charleston, January ii, 1861
" To Major Anderson,
" Commanding Fort Sumter.
" Sir: I have thought proper, under all the circumstances of
the peculiar state of public affairs in the country at present, to
appoint the Hon. A. G. Magrath and General D. Y. Jamison, both
members of the Executive Council and of the highest position m
the State, to present to you considerations of the gravest public
character, and of the deepest interest to all who deprecate the
improper waste of life, to induce the delivery of Fort Sumter to
the constituted authorities of the State of South Carolina, with a
pledge on its part to account for such public property as is under
your charge.
" Your obedient servant,
(Signed) " F. W. Pickens."
The conversation in the guard-room was general, and with
special reference to the consideration involved in the proposition
of the Governor. Judge Magrath was the principal speaker. He
set forth the reasons for the demand in an argument of great force
from the standpoint assumed by the State. Upon the assem-
bling of the officers, the question was submitted to Major Ander-
son, " Shall we accede to the demand of the Governor, or shall
we not? " when it was unanimously decided that the demand of
the Governor should not be acceded to under any circumstances.
Lieutenant Meade, the junior officer, suggested that, as a mes-
senger had been sent to Washington, it would be proper to await
DELIVERY OF THE FORT DEMANDED. 193
his return, and in this view all the officers coincided. The officers
then separated, after some conversation, and returned to the room
of the officer of the guard, where a long conversation ensued with
the messengers from the Governor. A marked impression was
made upon them by the statements made. They were told that
the Government at Washington was almost dissolved, that a
Senator, from his seat in the Senate, had asked who was de facto
Secretary of War,* and that the President had denied that rein-
forcements had been sent to us by his authority; that Mississippi
had left the Union, and that all Virginia was in a blaze; that Sena-
tor Davis, in taking leave of the Senate, had delivered a speech
which had made the most profound impression in the country. In
reference to the fort. General Jamison stated that there were
20,000 men in the State that were ready to come and would come
down and take them, and that they would tear the fort to pieces
with their fingers, and that the waters of the harbor would be
stained with blood; and that the people in the interior could hardly
be restrained from coming down now. Major Anderson now
re-entered the room, and stated that he would not be able to com-
ply with the request of the Governor. General Jamison had
remarked that he regretted it very much, as God only knew what
the consequences would be, when Judge M.agrath then said,
deliberately and with feeling: " I desire you to understand, Major
Anderson, that it is not an alternative that is offered to you by
the Governor, it is not peace or war that he offers in making this
communication to you: it is done more to give you an oppor-
tunity, after understanding all the circumstances, to prevent blood-
shed. "f Major Anderson at once replied: "I am very glad to
know this; I did not so understand it; but I cannot do what
belongs to the Government to do. The demand must be made
upon them, and I appeal to you as a Christian, as a man, and as a
fellow-countryman, to do all that you can to prevent an appeal to
arms. I do not say as a soldier, for my duty is plain in that
respect. Let it be the last and not the first resort. Why not
exhaust diplomacy, as on other matters .^ I assure you that I am
ready to assist you in every way in my power to settle the matter
peaceably. I will send an officer with a messenger from the
■ Senator Slidell.
t Personal notes.
194 ^^-^ GENESIS OF THE CIVIL ^VAR.
Governor to Washington. I will do anything that is possible and
honorable to do to prevent an appeal to arms." An impressive
silence followed, when the messengers shortly afterward took
their leave. The action of the Governor was considered by Major
Anderson as a demand upon him for the surrender of the foit.
Although he had received instructions as to his course should he
be attacked in his position — which, however, he had reported as
secure — he deemed it proper to transfer the responsibility of any
decision to Washington, and he prepared and handed to the mes-
sengers of the Governor the following letter as they were leaving
the work:
Headquarters, Fort Sumter, S. C,
January 1 1, 1861.
"To His Excellency F. W Pickens,
" Governor of South Carolina."
Sir : I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your
demand for the surrender of this fort to the authorities in South
Carolina, and to say in reply that the demand is one with which
I cannot comply. Your Excellency knows that I have recently
sent a messenger to Washington, and that it will be impossible for
me to receive an answer to my despatch forwarded by him, at an
earlier date than next Monday. What the character of my
instructions may be, I cannot foresee.
Should your Excellency deem fit, prior to a resort to arms, to
refer this matter to Washington, it would afford me the smcerest
pleasure to depute one of my officers to accompany any messen-
ger you may deem proper to be the bearer of your demand.
Hoping to God that in this and all other matters in which the
honor, welfare and life of our fellow-countrymen are concerned,
we shall so act as to meet His approval, and deeply regretting
that you have made a demand with which I cannot comply,
'* I have the honor to be, with the highest regard,
" Your obedient servant,
"Robert Anderson,
'^ Major U. S. Army, Commanding^
Before leaving the fort General Jamison stated to the writer
that the officers in the fort could have no idea of the intense
feeling animating all classes in the State, and that he daily
received offers of service from all quarters offering to serve the
State in the humblest capacity. Upon the return of the messen-
gers to Charleston, with a report of their mission and the decision
and proposition of Major Anderson, the Governor at once deter-
mined to acquiesce in the latter, and early on the morning of the
DEMAND RENEWED AT IVA SUING TON. 195
12th a boat under a white flag was again seen approaching the
work. An aide of the Governor, accompanied by Mr. R. N. Gour-
din, had come to say that the Governor had determined to send
a messenger to Washington with the officers selected by Major
Anderson. Lieutenant Hall was selected, and in a short time
was in readiness. His instructions were not only in writing, but
he was charged to lay before the Government a detailed narrative
of the events that had transpired.
Meantime, the Governor of the State, having determined to
send a messenger to accompany Lieutenant Hall to Washing-
ton, selected the Hon. Isaac W. Hayne, the Attorney-General of
the State, and on January 1 1 addressed a communication to the
President. He stated that he regarded the possession of Fort
Sumter by the troops of the United States under the command
of Major Anderson, " as not consistent with the dignity or safety
of the State of South Carolina." That he had that day
addressed a communication to Major Anderson to obtain posses-
sion of the forts; that Major Anderson had informed him that he
had no authority to comply with his request, and had referred his
demand to the President ; that he, the Governor, had determined
to send to the President the Hon. Isaac W. Hayne, the Attorney-
General of the State, and had instructed him to demand the
delivery of Fort Sumter to the State. He states also, that both
^his previous demands of Major Anderson and the one he now
makes of the President are suggested in view of his earnest desire
to avoid blooc shed, which a persistence in the retention of the
fort would cause, and which would be unavailing to secure that
possession to the Government. In the demand which he now
made, he would secure for the State the satisfaction of having
exhausted every attempt to avoid the unhappy consequences, if
such should ensue. The envoy was also authorized to pledge the
State to an accountability for the valuation of the public property
of the United States within Fort Sumter, when the relations of the
State with the United States should be adjusted.
The special instructions to the envoy were communicated to
him by the Secretary of State of South Carolina from the
"Executive Office, State Department, Charleston, January 12,
1 86 1." The demand upon the President now made was stated.
The interruption of the negotiations authorized by the Conven-
tion, empowering its Commissioners to enter into negotiations
196
THE GENESIS OF THE CIVH WAR.
with the General Government for the delivery of forts and other
real estate within the limits of South Carolina, was referred to; and
that this interruption left all matters connected with Fort Sumter
and the United States troops in the State affected by the fact
" that the continued possession of the fort was not consistent
with the dignity or safety of the State, and that an attempt to
reinforce the fort would be resisted. A state of hostilities had, in
consequence, arisen and the State placed in a condition of
defense, and that while she was preparing, an attempt was made
to reinforce Fort Sumter and repelled." " You are now instructed
to proceed to Washington, and there, in the name of the Governor
of the State of South Carolina, inquire of the President of the
United States whether it was by his order that troops of the
United States were sent into the harbor of Charleston to rein-
force Fort Sumter. If he avows that order, you will then inquire
whether he asserts a right to introduce troops of the United
States within the limits of this State, to occupy Fort Sumter, and
you will, in case of his avowal, inform him that neither will be
permitted, and either will be regarded as his declaration of war
against the State of South Carolina."
The demand of the Governor upon him having been referred
by Major Anderson to the Government, the envoy was instructed
to demand from the President the withdrawal of the troops of the
United States from Fort Sumter and the delivery of that work to
the State.
The question of property was not to be allowed to embarrass
the assertion of the political right of the State to the possession
of the fort. That possession was alone consistent with the dignity
and safety of the State, but it was not inconsistent with a right
to compensation in money upon the part of another Government,
provided that the claim of such Government was a just one; but
that the possession of Fort Sumter could not be compensated by
any consideration of any kind from the Government, when that
possession was " invasive of the dignity " and affected the safety
of the State, nor could it now become a matter of discussion or
negotiation. The envoy was therefore directed to require from
the President a "positive and distinct answer" to his demand for
the delivery of the fort. He was authorized, also, to adjust all
matters susceptible of valuation in money, upon the principles of
equity and justice always recognized by independent nations.
MESSEA'JERS REACH WASHINGTON.
197
The President was to be warned that an attempt to continue the
possession of Fort Sumter, would " inevitably " lead to a bloody
issue, with but one conclusion; that the citizens of the State
recognized it as a duty to shed their blood in defense of their
rights, and that the Governor in such a cause would feel that his
obligation to the State would " justify the sacrifice necessary to
secure that end." And the letter concludes with the statement
" that the Governor does not desire to remind the President of
the responsibilities which are upon him."
The envoy of the Governor, Mr. Hayne, and the messenger
of Major Anderson, Lieutenant Hall, left at once for Washing-
ton, where they arrived on the evening of the 12th of January.
CHAPTER XVI.
Preparations for defense actively pushed on— Guns mounted — Anderson reports
fifty-one guns in position on 2ist January — Heavy Colunibiads mounted
as mortars on the parade — Scarcity of material felt — Arrangements made
to receive and transmit the mails — Four hulks of vessels sunk in the ship
channel — Want of fresh provisions— State Secretary of War sends supply
voluntarily — Provisions returned by Anderson — Erroneous statements
made — Non payment of contractor, cause of interruption of supply —
Deficiency in small-stores — Many workmen leave the fort -Efforts to dis-
satisfy those who remained— Return of Lieutenant Talbot from Washing-
ton — Approbation of the officials encourages the men — Anderson's forbear-
ance to fire upon Star of the West battery fully approved by the President
— Letter of Secretary of War Holt — Not the purpose of the Government
to reinforce him at present —If necessary they would be sent upon his
application — Presence of the women and children embarrass the garrison
— Anderson applies for permission from the Governor to send them to the
North — Permission granted— Women and children depart — Relations
between the Government and the State more clearly defined — Governor
assembles an Ordnance Board — Objections made- Recommendations, lines
for defense — Sites for batteries suggested — Great activity displayed — Light-
house at Morris Island removed — Anderson's caution against attempt of
friends to throw in supplies — Progress of enemy's work reported by
Captain Foster — Anderson reports his diminished supplies — The envoy of
the Governor opens negotiations with the Government.
Freparations for the defense of the fort were pushed on vig-
orously under the immediate superintendence of Major Ander-
son himself. The armament was the most important interest.
Heavy guns, unmounted, were encumbering the parade. These
had to be raised to the parapet, their gun-carriages refitted, and
the guns mounted en barbette and on the lower tier. The neces-
sary tackle for hoisting, and the proper implements for manoeuv-
ring them had to be prepared. The means and materials at the
disposition of the garrison for this purpose were limited, and in
some instances wanting, but the men worked under the proper
officers with the greatest energy, so that on the 21st of January
Major Anderson was enabled to report to his Government that he
had then fifty-one guns m position; twenty-four were en barbette^
GUNS MOUNTED IN SUMTER.
199
including six 8 inch Columbiads and five 8-inch seacoast howitzers
while in the lower tier there were twenty-four 32 and 42 pounders
bearing upon Fort Johnson, Fort Moultrie and the channel.
Three lo-inch Columbiads lay upon the parade, it being impossi-
ble to raise them to their proper positions by any means at the
disposal of the garrison. Platforms were prepared, and these
heavy guns were mounted by the 5th of February, as mortars, to
bear upon Morris Island, Fort Moultrie and the city of Charles-
ton. At the same time, four 8-inch seacoast howitzers were
HOISTING GUNS ON THE PARAPET, FORT SUMTER.
planted in the area of the parade of the work, to bear upon
Morris Island. A large number of 8-inch shell were filled and
friction-tubes inserted. Long lanyards were attached to them.
They were to be dropped from the parapet in case of assault, and
exploded by the firing of the friction-tubes upon the tension of
the lanyard. Cartridges were prepared for the Columbiads, and,
owing to a want of the proper material, the flannel shirts in the
Quartermaster's Department were used for bags. Every
practical means to strengthen the position was adopted. The
200 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
main gate was reinforced by a solid wall of masonry, three feet
in thickness, a narrow passage being left for egress from the
work, as well as to serve as an embrasure for an 8-inch howitzer,
which had been placed in position at the entrance, and whose
direct fire would sweep the wharf. Two guns were mounted out-
side to the right and left of the sally port, and lanyards to
fire them brought inside. Their fire commanded the base of
the gorge wall. The filling up of the embrasures on the second
tier was continued. There being no flanking defenses, " Machi-
couli galleries " were made at the suggestion of Captain
Doubleday and run out, overhanging the angles of the fort to
command the faces of the work. They were prepared for
musketry fire and for the dropping of shells. The loop-holes
for musketry in the gorge wall were partially filled up. From
the smallness of his force, and the fact that the lower tier was
the weakest point, Major Anderson determined to fill up some
of the embrasures on that tier, where he had not sufficient
strength to man his guns, to close up by brick masonry the em-
brasures not needed, and to reduce the effective battery on this
tier to three guns to each angle. The scarcity of necessary
material began now to be felt. All of the cement and bricks had
been used ; the scarcity of the fuel forbade the burning of
lime, and the substitution of dry stones was resorted to. The
work of defense was pushed on uninterruptedly under the direc-
tion of the able and energetic engineer officers and their force,
who alone mounted all the guns and lent their willing aid and
assistance to every measure of defense. The arrangement of the
disposable force gave but eight men only to each face and flank,
with a general reserve of but twenty men. By the 14th of January,
,an arrangement was entered into in regard to the mails for the
fort, the transmission of which had been suspended. An exchange
was to take place at Fort Johnson, in order to avoid any risk of
a collision between the boat's crew and ill-disposed persons in the
city. Owing to the severity of the weather, the whole command
were now quartered in the officers' quarters, which were com-
pleted.
Early on the nth of January a small steamer was seen off the
ship channel near Morris Island towing the hulks of four vessels.
They were loaded with stone. After considerable movement, as
if uncertain where to locate them, she finally anchored them in a
THE QUESTION OF FRESH PROVISIONS. 2OI
line across the mouth of the channel near the bar and sank them
one by one. This was to close the channel to all vessels. The
hulks were towed in from without the harbor.
The firing upon the Star of the West was still the subject of
earnest discussion among the officers, some of whom thought that,
in agreeing to await the return of the messenger, an error of
judgment had been committed, as the State would go on actively
with her preparations, which she did. The communication of
the Secretary of War of the loth of January, commending the
course of Major Anderson, had greatly encouraged him as
well as his command. He felt deeply the perplexing circum-
stances under which he found himself, and he reported to
the Government on the 29th of January that everything
around him showed it to be the determination of the people
to bring on a collision with the General Government. No
fresh provisions had been permitted to come to the fort,
nor was he allowed to procure his usual supplies in Charleston.
This prohibition had been made the subject of remonstrance at
Washington, and earnest representation had been made by prom-
inent Southern men to the Governor, who determined, finally,
to permit the transmission of such supplies. On the 9th of
January General Jamison, the State Secretary of War, informed
Major Anderson that the Government had directed that an officer
of the State should procure and carry over to him, with his mails,
such supplies of meats and vegetables as he might require.
Major Anderson replied that he was at a loss to understand
the Governor's action, as he had made no representation that he
was in need of such supplies; that the manner in which a military
post was supplied was prescribed by law; and if he was allowed to
procure his supplies by contract, as he had been in the habit of,
doing, and as it was his ** right " to do, he would go on, but if the
permission was " founded on courtesy and civility," he was com-
pelled to decline it; and he hopes also that the course he deemed
proper to pursue in the matter would allay the " excitement "
which, he inferred from the papers, was growing in the city.
Meantime, without waiting for a reply from Major Anderson, the
Quartermaster-General of the State, in accordance with the orders
of the Secretary of War of the State, sent down m connection
with the mail on the morning of the 19th, a quantity of "fresh
meat and vegetables to last the garrison of Fort Sumter for forty-
2 02 THE GENLSIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
eight hours," informing Major Anderson that he would purchase
and take down every day such provisions from the city market as
he might indicate. The boat arrived at the fort at noon on the
2oth. Its arrival and the sight of fresh provisions created an ex-
citement among the men, who had been without such supplies
since the 26th of December. The provisions were seized and
borne rapidly to the kitchen, when the order of Major Anderson
was received to return them to the boat, as he had declined to
receive them. AVithout complaint or hesitation they were returned.
On the 2 ist Major Anderson reported the facts to his Government,
with the statement that so many acts of harshness and incivility
had occurred since his removal from Fort Moultrie, which he had
not deemed it proper to notice or report, that he could not accept
of any civility which might be considered as a favor or an act of
charity.
On the 2 1 St General Jamison replied that "the Governor was
influenced solely by considerations of courtesy;" that if he had
no other reasons he would have been moved by prudential reasons
for the safety of Major Anderson's " people " in preventing a col-
lision; that the Governor was indifferent to the manner in which
the supplies were procured, provided that they were carried over
under an officer of the State. On the 24th a letter was accordingly
written, by Major Anderson's direction, to the former contractor,
renewing the terms of the old contract and requesting that it
should go at once into effect, and specifying at the same time the
supplies that he required. Time passed and the contractor made
no reply; and Major Anderson in his report to the Government of
the 31st of January presumed that the contractor dared not send
any provisions for fear that he would be " regarded as a traitor to
South Carolina for furnishing comfort and aid to her enemies."
On that day, however. Major Anderson had renewed his appli-
cation through a member of the Convention, Mr. Gourdin, who
informed him that the Governor was desirous that he should receive
the supplies regularly, " and thought that there could be no diffi-
culty in reference to groceries also."
The action of Major Anderson was largely influenced by
erroneous statements made in regard to his being daily in receipt
of these supplies. The principal journal in Charleston had pub-
lished a statement on the 19th of January that provisions were
daily sent to the fort, and in his reply to the Southern Senators
CONl'RACT FOR FRESH PROVISIONS RENEWED.
203
in Washington who, on the 15th of January, had addressed to
Colonel Hayne a letter suggesting that Major Anderson should
be allowed to obtain these supplies, he had answered: " Major
Anderson and his command, let me assure you, dono-^ obtain all
necessary supplies of food (including fresh meat and vegetables),
and I believe fuel and water."
In his report of the 27th of January to his Government, Major
Anderson referred to the " false reports " originating " in Charles-
ton and elsewhere " about him, and that it was " apparent enough"
that the object of one of them — which was that he was gettmg
fresh provisions from the Charleston market — was to show that
they were treating him courteously, " which was not a fact," and
that up to that moment " he had not derived the least advantage
from the Charleston markets."
The reason for the action of the contractor was simply that he
had not been paid for seven months. His account was at that time
over $500, and he feared, from the condition of things, that
all relations between the fort and the city might be at any
moment interrupted and his money lost. Lieutenant Hall
had returned from Washington, neglecting to bring with him
a treasury draft for his Department. The contractor was after-
ward paid, when he renewed his contract and resumed his dealings
with the fort.
The result of the hasty movement from Fort Moultrie began
already to show itself in the deficiencies in the small stores.
Upon the departure of Lieutenant Hall to Washington the writer was
directed to assume the duties of quartermaster and commissary
of the post temporarily, during the absence of that officer. An
inspection and inventory of the stores on hand on the 15 th of
January showed a limited supply of some of the articles of the
ration, that instead of a six months' supply there was scarcely
four, and that it would be necessary to place the command upon
half-rations of coffee and sugar, and to deprive the officers
temporarily altogether. There were neither candles nor soap for
issue, and but half a barrel of salt, and the batteries and guard
were lighted by using the oil of the light-house, in bowls in which
wicking was placed and a taper made.
Strict guards were placed over the batteries, which were
examined at every relief during the night under the immediate
direction of the officer of the day. The workmen of the Engineer
204
THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
Department were affected by the firing upon the Star of the
West and the fear of an approaching conflict, and many left,
largely reducing the force. This, however, did not continue, and
forty-three remained, working with alacrity at any work required
of them, almost exclusively mounting all of the guns and remain-
ing faithful and enthusiastic in the discharge of their duty till the
last. Efforts were made to dissatisfy them, as well as the
soldiers, whenever opportunity offered ; and various reports, many
of them wholly without foundation, were published and circulated.
It was reported that the men were retained in Fort Sumter by
force, and had attempted to escape from the windows ; it was also
reported that a boat from Fort Sumter, in making a reconnoissance
of a battery on Morris Island, had been fired into and one man
wounded. On the 19th Lieutenant Davis, who had gone to town
in charge of four enlisted men who had been summoned by the
civil court as witnesses, was informed that his men had become
seditious and were threatening him, and that he ought to arm
himself, as the men intended to desert. Arms were offered to
Lieutenant Davis, which he declined. On the 27th, the men who
went for the mail to Fort Johnson, in pursuance of the arrange-
ment made, were rudely treated, nothing but the mail was allowed
to go, and a small quantity of tobacco which had been bought
with money sent by the foreman was taken away, and no com-
munication with the men allowed. Inside, the work rapidly pro-
gressed. As the heavier guns were mounted, experimental firing
to determine the range was commenced, and continued from time
to time with satisfactory results. The men of the command and
the workmen had been lodged in the completed officers' quarters,
and were thus protected from the constant rain and fogs that pre-
vailed during the month of January, and which permitted the
necessary work to go on without observation.
Meantime, Lieutenant Talbot, who after the firing upon the
Star of the West had been sent to Washington by Major Ander-
son, returned to the fort on the 19th of January, bringing des-
patches to Major Anderson and to Governor Pickens. The news
that he brought was greatly encouraging to the garrison : Major
Anderson's course was approved by the Secretary of War and the
Cabinet, and by Union men generally. The different departments
all applauded the course taken by Major Anderson, and the
administration would support him.
LETTER OF THE SECRETARY OF WAR.
The following is the letter of the Secretary of War:
205
"War Department, January 16, 1861.
" Major Robert Anderson,
" First Artillery, Commanding Fort Sumter.
^^ Sir: Your dispatch No. 17, covering your correspondence
with the Governor of South Carolina, has been received from the
hand of Lieutenant Talbot. You rightly designate the firing into
the Star of the West as " an act of war," and one which was
actually committed without the slightest provocation. Had their
act been perpetrated by a foreign nation, it would have been your
imperative duty to have resented it with the whole force of your
batteries. As, however, it was the work of the Government of
South Carolina, which is a member of this confederacy, and was
prompted by the passions of a highly-inflamed population of citi-
zens of the United States, your forbearance to return the fire is
fully approved by the President. Unfortunately, the Government
had not been able to make known to you that the Star of the
West had sailed from New York for your relief, and hence, when
she made her appearance in the harbor of Charleston, you did not
feel the force of the obligation ^to protect her approach as you
would naturally have done had this information reached you.
" Your late dispatches, as well as the very intelligent state-
ment of Lieutenant Talbot, have relieved the Government of the
apprehensions recently entertained for your safety. In conse-
quence, it is not its purpose at present to re-enforce you. The
attempt to do so would, no doubt, be attended by a collision of
arms and the effusion of blood — a national calamity which the
President is most anxious, if possible, to avoid. You will, there-
fore, report frequently your condition, and the character and
activity of the preparations, if any, which may be being made for
an attack upon the fort, or for obstructing the Government in any
endeavors it may make to strengthen your command.
" Should your dispatches be of a nature too important to be
intrusted to the mails, you will convey them by special messen-
gers. Whenever, in your judgment, additional supplies or re-en-
forcements are necessary for your safety, or for a successful
defense of the fort, you w:ll at once communicate the fact to this
Department, and a prompt and vigorous effort will be made to
forward them.
" Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
"J. Holt."
In regard to the firing upon the Star of the West, the Secre-
tary of War, in his despatch of the i6th of January, informs
Major Anderson that the Government had not been able to make
known to him that the Star of the West had sailed to his relief,
and that in consequence he had not felt " the force of the obliga-
206 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
tion to protect her approach" as he would otherwise have done;
that the firing upon her was an act of war, committed without the
slightest provocation, and had it been committed by a foreign
nation his imperative duty would have required him to resent it
with the whole force of his batteries. As it was, however, " the
work of the Government of South Carolina, which is a member of
this Confederacy," and prompted by passions of American citi-
zens, the Secretary informed him that his forbearance to return
the fire is fully approved by the President.
He also says that his late despatches had greatly relieved the
Government of their apprehensions for his safety. " In conse-
quence," he says, " it is not their purpose at present to reinforce
you; that the attempt would be attended with bloodshed — a
national calamity which the President was most anxious, if possible,
to avoid. He was to report his condition frequently, and also the
character and activity of the preparations about him to attack the
fort or to obstruct the Government in its endeavors to strengthen
him." And he concludes his cfespatch by assuring Major Ander-
son that whenever, in his judgment, additional supplies or rein-
forcements should be necessary for his safety, or for a successful
defense of the fort, he should at once communicate the fact,
" and a prompt and vigorous effort will be made to forward them."
The reception of this despatch greatly sustained and encouraged
the garrison. Besides the despatch of January lo, from the same
authority, it was the only indorsement the garrison had received
that their course was approved by the Department, and anything
like definite instructions as to the future furnished for their guid-
ance. This, in connection with the sentiments of Lieutenant-
General Scott, which were announced to the men at parade, and
which were received with enthusiasm by them, greatly encouraged
the garrison, who renewed their work with increased energy and
vigor.
The presence of so large a number of women and children,
besides drawing largely upon his supplies, embarrassed Major
Anderson in carrying on the defensive preparation of his work;
and in view of possible hostilities, he determined to send them
to the North. Accordingly, on the 19th of January, in a com-
munication to General Jamison, the Secretary of War of the
State, he asks that, as an act of humanity and great kindness, the
Governor would permit a New York steamer to transport the
DEPARTCRE OP THE WJMEN AND CHILDREN.
207
women and children of his garrison to New York, that he could not
furnish them with proper food, and that it was an indulgence
always granted " even during a siege, in time of actual war." The
Governor at once expressed his willingness, and offered every
facility in his power to enable Major Anderson to remove them
from the fort. An agent of the New York line of steamers was
permitted to come to Fort Sumter, with whom arrangements were
concluded, and on the ist of February, forty-two women and
children were embarked upon a lighter and left the fort for the
steamer.
At noon on the 3d the steamer passed under the guns of the
fort on her way northward. The men had crowded to the parapet,
and with the consent of Major Anderson one gun was fired as the
vessel passed — amid the loud cheers of the men — which was an-
swered from the steamer. The number of women sent on was much
larger than the legal allowance, but Major Anderson thought that
under the present excited state of feeling towards his command, it
would not do to send to the city or to Sullivan's Island any of the
soldiers' wives or their relatives who had been living with them. The
men lingered upon the parapet until the Vessel was lost to view on
the horizon, and all felt that the departure of their women and
children, while relieving the garrison from embarrassment and
responsibility, did not the less clearly define to them their own
position.
While within the fort the work of defense was carried on
steadily and with energy, the authorities and troops of the State
were no less active, and works for the defense of the harbor, as
well as for the ultimate reduction of Fort Sumter, were begun, and
pushed forward with the greatest industry and vigor. The means
at their command were crude and inappropriate at this early
period, their officers and men inexperienced and new, and often
differing widely in their views, but they worked with an enthusiasm
and unanimity of purpose that largely compensated for many
deficiencies and amply sustained them in their purpose until the
last.
The retention of Major Anderson and his command at Fort
Sumter by the Government, its attempt to reinforce and provision
him, and the open repulse of that attempt had more clearly
defined the relation existing between the Government and the
State. The one determined to hold the fort as its property and
208
THE GENESIS OF THE CIVH WAR.
to maintain the garrison; the other claimed its possession as a
right arising from its new political position, and demanded its sur-
render, and it prepared to assert that right by force. Upon the
9th of January, the Aay upon which the Star of the West was
fired upon, the Governor of South Carolina addressed a communi-
cation to three engineer officers* directing them to come together
immediately to consider and report upon the most favorable
plan for operating upon Fort Sumter, so as to reduce it, by bat-
teries or other means, and they were to include Colonel Mani-
gault, the State Ordnance officer, in their consultation.
MOUNTING GUNS WITH THE GIN.
This military board, or Ordnance Board, exercised more or
less control over military operations. They objected to the firing
upon the Star of the West, as they had also done to the occu-
pancy of the forts on the 27th of December.f
The persons designated met promptly, and upon the following
date reported to the Governor that they were decidedly and
unanimously of the opinion " that surprise, assault or stratagem
• Colonels Walter Gwynn, White and Trapier.
fOrdnance Board: General James Jones, General Gab. Manigault, General
Jamison, Major Walter Gwynn, Thos. F. Dayton.
PLANS FOR REDUCING FORT SUMTER. 2O9
were not to be depended upon, as uncertain in their results and
involving much probable sacrifice of life, and that their depend-
ence and sole reliance must be upon batteries of heavy ord-
nance" until "an incessant bombardment and cannonade" had
made such an impression that an assault would be easy, and they
submitted the following plan : that the dismantled battery *' at
Fort Moultrie should be restored, and protected by merlons and
made an embrasure battery;" that mortar batteries should be
erected at a point west of Fort Moultrie on Sullivan's Island nearest
to Fort Sumter ; and that at Fort Johnson and Cummings Point
a battery of three 8-inch Columbiads should also be established.
As germain to the plan of attack upon Fort Sumter, they
recommend the erection forthwith of " a gun-battery of heavy
guns" at 1,400 yards east from Fort Moultrie to command the
Mafifit Channel, and which, by blocking up all the other channels
to the city, could be defended in case of failure in their attack
upon Fort Sumter and the destruction of Fort Moultrie, and
enable them to get possession of Fort Sumter by " the slow (but
sure) process of starvation." The plan was approved, and prep-
arations immediately made and continued to carry it into effect.
Whatever of hesitancy or uncertainty may have prevailed before
the Star of the West was fired upon, there was no illusion as to
the purpose of the State after that event had occurred. The prep-
arations for defense and for the reduction of the fort were carried
on openly and without disguise, and the garrison witnessed, from
day to day, the gradual construction of works intended to close
the harbor to all relief to them and to be used in their destruction.
On every side there was the greatest activity manifested.
Steamers laden with troops and munitions and material of war
were passing and repassing by day and night. Large bodies of
negroes were employed without interruption in constructing the
new works and in repairing and strengthening the old. Signalling
between the town, the forts and the vessels was in constant prac-
tice. At daylight on the 12th it was discovered that the parapet
of Fort Moultrie had been Imed with merlons during the previous
night. Three large traverses were subsequently erected on the
sea front, and one begun by our own engineers was enlarged, and
solid merlons, formed of timber, sand-bags and earth were
raised between all the guns that bore on Fort Sumter, as well as
others, to protect the guns on the sea front from an enfilading
2fO THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
fire. These merlons were run up solidly to the height of five
feet, and completely covered the quarters and barracks of Fort
Moultrie to the eaves. The guns dismounted by the burning of
the gun-carriages upon the abandonment of the fort by Major
Anderson were all remounted by the 27th of January. Rapid
progress was made upon the battery at Cummings Point. A
large quantity of material was landed, and a strong force of work-
men kept constantly employed. Heavy guns were landed, and
although from the isolated position of Fort Sumter it was impos-
sible to determine with positive accuracy the exact nature of the
work going on around it, it was yet evident that every energy was
being brought to bear upon the construction of their batteries in
preparation for an attack upon and the reduction of the fort.
Work was often carried on by night, and heavy timbers, formed
into rafts, floated down and stranded near the sites of the batteries
begun.
On the 15th the Fresnel light and the light-house on Morris
Island were taken down, and the strictest watch kept upon vessels
attempting to enter the harbor. A steamer, thought to be of the
New York line, in coming in on the morning of the 12th, had a shot
fired across her bow, when she ran up the Palmetto flag and was
allowed to pass.
On the 1 8th of January the Executive Council determined
upon the construction of a " floating battery," and for which $1,200
was appropriated and the work at once begun. The public
press seemed determined to maintain a hostile feeling and to
bring on a collision with the Government. A feverish expectation
that reinforcements would again be sent seemed to pervade the
community, while within the fort a feeling prevailed that an attack
upon it was inevitable. On the 29th firing from the batteries on
Morris Island took place. Rockets were sent up, and answered
from the steamers. The guard-boats came in from outside, with
two tugs from the bar, and after midnight two guns were fired
from Moultrie. It was supposed by those in the fort that a
steamer was approaching. No vessel could be seen. In reporting
the circumstances to his Government, Major Anderson, whose
anxiety had been clearly manifested, says that he hopes no effort
would be made by friends to throw supplies in, and that their
doing so would do more harm than good.
So closely was the work upon Fort Moultrie watched by the
CHIEF ENGINEER RE FOR FS ENEM Y' S BA FFERIES. 2 f I
engineer ofificer, that he was enabled from his observations to
criticize the construction. He reported to his chief on the 21st of
January, in a general summary of the work going on, that he
thought the timber cheeks to the embrasures at Fort Moultrie, set
on end like pallisades, were "objectionable"; that " the exterior
slope of the merlons is too great to resist the pressure of the earth,
and that the sand-bags are pressed out in one or two places."
Of the battery at the east end of Sullivan's Island, nothing
could be reported, as it was beyond the reach of our glasses and
shielded from our fire. The existence of an additional battery,
said to contain guns or mortars and located about 300 yards
west of Fort Moultrie, was reported, but being masked by houses
and fences, could not be seen sufficiently to be described accu-
rately.
Two batteries at Fort Johnson were established, one for three
guns and the other for the same number of mortars. The battery
on Morris Island, which fired upon the Star of the West and
which now mounted four guns, was also reported, as well as the
progress made upon the formidable battery in construction upon
Cummings Point, and upon which a powerful fire from Fort Sum-
ter from four 8-inch Columbiads, three 42-pounders, one 8-inch
seacoast howitzer and six 24-pounders en barbette and two
3 2 -pounders in the lower tier could be brought to bear.
On the 31st of January, a further report of the work done
around the fort was made by the same officer, who stated that " the
batteries on the island above Fort Moultrie are two in number.
The first is only a short distance above the Moultrie House, and
about 1,460 yards above Fort Moultrie. It is armed with three
guns, either 24-pounders or 32-pounders. It is not in sight of
this fort. Its position is opposite that portion of the Maffit Channel
which comes closest to the island. The second battery is at the
upper or east end of the island and is armed with two guns, 24 or
32 pounders. The last information from the island gave the
number of men there as 1,450."
A failure to comply with his instructions in regard to the pro-
visions had resulted in a deficiency of small-stores, and on the
27th of January, Major Anderson reported to the Government
that his supplies now consisted of 38 bbls. pork, 37 bbls. flour, 13
bbls. hard-bread, 2 bbls. beans, i bbl. coffee, Yz bbl. sugar, 3
bbls. vinegar, 10 lbs. candles, 40 lbs. soap, Yz bbl, salt.
2 I 2 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
The envoy of the Governor had meanwhile arrived in Wash-
ington and opened negotiations with the Government, but as far
as could be determined from our position, there was no interrup-
tion whatever in the prosecution of the works undertaken by
the State
CHAPTER XVII.
Secretary of War J. B. Floyd— His relations to the President— His early posi-
tion-Sympathy with the South— The De Groot claim— Action of the Sec-
retary— Claim refused— Abstraction of the Indian Trust bonds— Substitu-
tion for them of bills drawn on Secretary of War— Violation of the law-
House of Representatives appoints a committee to investigate and report,
at instance of Secretary of Interior— Exonerates that officer— Secretary of
War implicated — President requests his resignation — Resigns on 29th
December — Previous order of Secretary to transfer heavy ordnance to
Southern forts yet unfinished — Excitement in Pittsburg, Pa. — President
notified — Countermands the order — Transfer of small-arms to the South in
1859 — Investigation by House of Representatives — Committee on Military
Affairs relieve him from any criminal intent — Secretary of War, upon
return to Richmond, claims credit for the act— Subsequent appointment
in the Confederate army.
In order to a full and just understanding of the course pur-
sued by the Secretary of War, Governor Floyd, at this juncture,
his relations to the President, and his final action, a resume of his
connection with these events is necessary.
The President had not known Governor Floyd personally
before tendering to him a position in his Cabinet. He had,
like his father, been Governor of Virginia, and the fact that he
had declined a recommendation from the Electoral College of
Virginia, urging him for a position in the Cabinet, believing as he
did, that the President should be left free in his choice, brought
him under the favorable notice of Mr. Buchanan, who appointed
him Secretary of War. He was at this time, and up to nearly the
close of Mr. Buchanan's administration, an avowed Union man
and a "consistent opponent of secession." He had supported
the President in his determination not to send reinforcements to
Charleston Harbor, and he was resolved, as far as it lay in his own
power, to maintain the existing status in the harbor until an effort
at negotiation should have been fairly tried. He thought seces-
sion unnecessary, but recognized it as a right of the State, and
he fully sympathized with the South in whatever action she might
see fit to take, while at the same time he was ever opposed
2 14 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
to coercion. His position at the head of the War Department
gave him especial prominence as the events developed themselves
and daily became more threatening. But developments of
another nature began to be known, which very seriously affected
the character of the Secretary, and largely altered his relations to
the President. In the early autumn of the year i860, and before
the return of the President to Washington, a large claim had
been presented to the War Department by one De Groot.
The Secretary was anxious that this claim should be paid. The
papers had been presented at the Treasury Department, but upon
examination the Secretary, Mr. Cobb, determined to suspend the
payment until the return of the President to Washington. Upon
his return, the papers were sent by his direction to the Attorney-
General, Judge Black, and while in his hands, he was called upon
at his office by the Secretary of War. The claim was refused.
The confidence of the President in his Secretary had been shaken;
but while he believed that he was without judgment in financial
matters, or ability to manage them, he was not wanting in per-
sonal integrity. But shortly afterwards, an exposure was made
of a serious fraud occurring in the office of the Secretary of the
Interior directly, and involving the personal character of the Sec-
retary of War. It was reported to the President on the night of
the 22d of December, that eight hundred State bonds for ^1,000
each, which had been held in trust by the Government for differ-
ent Indian tribes, had been removed from the safe in the office
of the Secretary of the Interior, and had been delivered by
Goddard Bailey, the clerk in charge of them, to William H.
Russell, of the firm of Russell, Majors «S: Waddell. Bailey had,
from time to time, received from Russell bills corresponding in
amount to the bonds abstracted, and which he had substituted
for them in the safe in the office of the Secretary of the Interior,
transferring the bonds to Russell.
These bills were drawn by the firm of Russell, Majors &
Waddell on John B. Floyd, Secretary of War. They had been
drawn in anticipation and accepted in violation of the law. The
acceptances were thirteen in number, and it was remarked "that
the last of them, dated on the 13th of December, i860, for $135,-
000, had been drawn for the precise sum necessary to make the
aggregate amount of the whole number of bills exactly equal to
that of the abstracted bonds." This exposure produced a pro-
FRES. REQUESTS RESIGNATION OF SEC. OF WAR. 2 I5
found effect in the country. A commission " to investigate and
report" upon the subject was appointed by the House of Represen-
tatives, at the instance of the Secretary of the Interior, Mr.
Thompson, who in their report of the 12th of February, 1861,
wholly exonerated that officer by a declaration that they had dis-
covered "nothing" to indicate that he had any complicity in the
transaction " or knowledge of it, or anything to involve him in
the slightest degree in the fraud." In pursuing their investiga-
tion the Commissioners had summoned before them for examina-
tion as witnesses both Wm. H. Russell and John B. Floyd. An
act of Congress had provided that a witness examined before a
committee of either House, should not be held " to answer crim-
inally in any court of justice for any fact or act" touching which
he shall have testified.
The action of the Committee thus prevented any further in-
vestigation of a judicial character, but the connection of the Sec-
retary of War with this "fraudulent transaction" concentrated
upon him so much of public feeling that the President deter-
mined to remove him from his Cabinet. Sending for his Secre-
tary of State, Judge Black, he mentioned to him his determina-
tion, and requested him to see the Secretary of War and ask him
to tender his resignation. This the Secretary of State declined
to do; while stating to the President his willingness to do all that
lay in the line of his duty, he considered that this was a matter
so entirely between the President and his Secretary of War alone,
that he preferred not to interfere. In this the President acqui-
esced, saying that he would " find some one."* Shortly afterward he
sought the Vice-President, Mr. Breckenridge, who was a kinsman
of Secretary Floyd, and communicated to him his wishes. The
Secretary had entertained at the time no thought of resigning,
and he so stated to the Vice-President, qualifying his statement
at the same time that he would only resign in case the President
should express such a wish. "The President does wish it," re-
plied Mr. Breckenridge. "But that cannot be," said the Secre-
tary, "for he has not so intimated to me." "He has requested
me to say so to you," said the Vice-President, who then informed
the Secretary that in case he should not resign he would be re-
moved. The Secretary then stated that he would resign his office.
* Judge Black to writer.
2 1 6 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVH WAR.
But he did not resign at that time, although the President con-
sidered him as virtually out of his Cabinet as he was and had
been for any purpose of advice or counsel, although he presented
himself at the Cabinet meetings so constantly held at the time
that the South Carolina Commissioners were in Washington, and
Anderson had made his movement from Fort Moultrie to Fort
Sumter. On the 29th of December the formal resignation of his
office was sent to the President. It was immediately accepted
without reference to the offer of the Secretary to continue in the
discharge of the duties until his successor could be appointed,
and he left the Cabinet, giving way to the Postmaster-General,
Holt, who was appointed Secretary of War, ad interim.
On the 20th of December, the day upon which the Ordinance
of Secession was passed by the Convention of South Carolina,
the Secretary of War, without the knowledge or consent of the
President, directed the Chief of the Ordnance Bureau, Captain
Maynadier, to forward to the forts on Ship Island and at Galves-
ton the heavy guns necessary to their armament. The usual form
in transmitting orders in such case was not observed, and the
order was given verbally and was not recorded. It was in every
way premature, for the forts were in no condition to receive their
armament.
The order of the Secretary was obeyed by Captain Maynadier,
who in his letter of the 3d of February, 1862, to the Council of
Representatives, stated that it never entered into his mind " that
there could be any improper motive or object in the order," as
the Secretary " was then regarded throughout the country as a
strong advocate of the Union, and an opponent of secession."
In accordance with the order, and under the regular routine of
the service, towards the close of December the armament was
made ready for shipment on board of the Silver Wave, then
awaiting the transfer. The Engineer Department had informed
the Chief of Ordnance that the number and character of the guns
required was 113 Columbiads and eleven 32-pounders. The news
of the order that a number of the large guns at their foundry
were about to be sent South, soon spread among the community
of Pittsburg, and caused immediate and great excitement. Secre-
tary Floyd had now left the Cabinet. A committee of gentlemen
of the city of Pittsburg had meantime communicated the facts to
the President, who, through his then Secretary of War, Mr. Holt,
SMALL-ARMS SENT TO SOUTHERN ARSENALS. 2 I /
promptly countermanded the order. The guns were not moved,
the excitement was allayed, and on the 4th of January, 1861, a
formal vote of thanks from the select and common councils of
the city was tendered to the President, his Secretary of State,
Judge Black, and the Secretary of War, Mr. Holt.
Previously to this affair public rumor had connected the name
of the Secretary of War with a transaction involving the trans-
mission of a large amount of small-arms to the South " for the use
of insurgents." It was stated, and at the time generally credited,
that the Secretary of War, with the knowledge of the President,
had taken from the Northern arsenals in December, 1859, 115,000
stand of arms of superior quality, with their accoutrements and
supplies of ammunition, and transferred them in excessive quan-
tities to the arsenals at Fayetteville, Charleston, Augusta, Mount
Vernon and Baton Rouge in the South, " so that on the breaking
out of the maturing rebellion they might be found without cost,
except to the United States, in the most convenient positions for
distribution among the insurgents."
So important a charge could not pass unnoticed, and the Com-
mittee on Military Affairs of the House of Representatives was
instructed to inquire and report to the House into all the circum-
stances connected with the charge made ; and the Committee
were authorized not only to send for persons and papers, but ** to
report at any time in preference to all other business."
While the report of the Committee of the House wholly re-
lieved the Secretary of War from any criminal intent in the trans-
mission of these arms, his course had been such that it was neces-
sary for him, as he thought, to propitiate those with whom he had
now thoroughly identified himself; and upon his arrival at Rich-
mond he announced '* that he had, while Secretary of War, supplied
the South with arms in anticipation of the approaching rebellion "
— a confession that he had proved treacherous to his former high
official trust. And he succeeded. He was taken into favor and
was subsequently appointed to the rank of brigadier-general in the
Confederate Army, although in opposition to the wishes of Mr.
Jefferson Davis, who only yielded to the solicitations of Virginia
in his behalf.
CHAPTER XVIII,
Envoy of Governor of South Carolina arrives in Washington— Informal and
unofficial interview with the President— Informs the President of his mission
verbally — Action of Southern Senators— Their communication— Envoy
complies with their request, and withholds his communication temporarily
— Proposes arrangement with the President, to whom this correspondence
is sent— President's reply through his Secretary of War— Able letters of
Secretary, who makes known the purpose of the President— President
declines to make any arrangement— Will reinfoixe Major Anderson, should
he require it — Senators again address the envoy, and oppose any collision
upon the part of the State until their States were ready —Fort Sumter as
"property''' — Correspondence with President sent to Governor Pickens —
Reply of his Secretary of State, Judge Magrath— Reviews and criticizes it
— Insists upon knowing the position of the Government— Demands
surrender of Fort Sumter — President's reply to be at once communicated,
when Governor would decide upon his course— Envoy to return.
The envoy of the Governor of South Carolina arrived in Wash-
ington on the i2th of January, and on the 14th held an "informal
and unofficial " interview with the President. He had already
been informed that what was of an official nature should be con-
ducted by written communications. He did not present his cre-
dentials, but informed the President verbally that he bore a letter
from the Governor of South Carolina in regard to the occupation
of Fort Sumter, and which he would deliver to him with a com-
munication from himself the next day. His arrival, however, and
the object of his mission had become known.
On the 15th of January the envoy was waited upon by a Sena-
tor from Alabama, representing all the Senators from the States
which had then seceded or were about to secede, who were then
in Washington. He represented to the envoy that all of these
Senators felt interested in the object of his mission equally with
South Carolina; that initiation of hostilities now between South
Carolina and the General Government would necessarily involve
their States; and that the action of South Carolina might compli-
cate the relations between her and the seceding States and
interfere with a peaceful solution of the difficulties existing.
2l8
LETTER OF SOUTHERN SENATORS.
219
They therefore requested that he would defer for a few days the
delivery of the letter of the Governor to the President, until the
suggestions they had to make should be considered by both To
this the envoy agreed, when on the same day the Senators referred
to addressed to him a communication informing him that they
were apprised of his arrival with the letter to the President, but
that without knowing its contents they yet requested him to defer
its delivery. That the possession of Fort Sumter, and the circum-
stances under which it was taken, was a "just cause of irritation
and apprehension " upon the part of the State, and the chief if not
the only source of difficulty, but that they had assurances that it
was only held as " property," without any hostile or unfriendly
purpose. They desired an amicable adjustment, and, represent-
ing States which had already seceded or would soon do so, and
whose people felt that they had a common destiny with South
Carolina and were looking forward to meet her in the coming
Convention of the 15th of February, to form a new confederation
and provisional Government, they thought that it was due from
South Carolina to the other slave-holding States that she should
avoid initiating hostilities, as far as she could do so consistently
with her honor. They also asserted that "vre have the public
declaration of the President, that he has not the constitutional
power to make war in South Carolina, and that the public peace
shall not be disturbed by any act of hostility towards your State."
Hence, they saw no reason why a settlement of existing difficulties
might not be arrived at, if time were given for calm and deliberate
counsel, and they trusted that an arrangement would be agreed
upon between him and the Presidents "at least until the 15th of
February next." They urged, too, that the State should suffer
Major Anderson to obtain necessary supplies "of food, fuel or
water," and enjoy free communication by post or special messen-
ger with the President, upon the understanding that the President
would not send him reinforcements during the same period; and
their proposition, with the answer of the envoy, they proposed to
submit to the President. These suggestions they hoped might be
submitted to the Governor if the envoy himself was not clothed
with the power to act, and that until his response was communi-
cated to the President, "of course" Fort Sumter would not be
attacked and the President would not offer to reinforce it. The
letter was signed by Louis T. Wigfall, John Hemphill, D. L.
2 20 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
Yulee, S. R. Mallory, Jeff. Davis, C. C. Clay, Jr., Benj. Fitz-
patrick, A. Iverson, John Slidell, J. P. Benjamin.
The envoy felt the force of the appeal made to him, and, as
far as he felt justified, complied with the request. As he stated
in his communication of the 17th inst., he was not clothed with
power to make the arrangements they suggested, but he offered
to withhold the communication with which he was charged and to
await further instructions, provided that the Senators who
addressed him could get satisfactory assurances " that «^ rein-
forcements would be sent to Fort Sumter in the interval," and
that there should be no act of hostility towards the State. He
assures the Senators, also, that Major Anderson was then obtain-
ing " all necessary supplies," which was erroneous, and he closed
his communication by authorizing the Senators to assure the
President that in case of their proposition being acceded to, no
attack would be made upon Fort Sumter until the response of the
Governor had been received and communicated to him. On the
19th of January the correspondence between the " Senators of the
United States " and Colonel Hayne was presented to the Presi-
dent, who was asked to " take into consideration the subject of
said correspondence." This letter was dated in the Senate
Chamber, and signed by Benj. Fitzpatrick, S. R. Mallory and
John Slidell. To these Senators the Secretary of War, upon the
part of the President, addressed a reply on the 2 2d of January,-
three days after the receipt of their letter. The Secretary
acknowledges the receipt of the letter by the President, and
recapitulates the circumstances under which it had been sent.
He considered it unnecessary to refer specially to the suggestions
made by the Senators, because the letter addressed to them by
Colonel Hayne of the 17th inst. presents a clear and specific
answer to them, which he recites. He informs the Senators that
it was the fixed purpose of the President, then, as it had been
heretofore, " to perform his executive duties in such a manner as
to preserve the peace of the country and to prevent bloodshed;"
to act upon the defensive and to authorize no movement against
the people of South Carolina, unless clearly justified by a hostile
movement on their part; and he alleges that his forbearance to
use force when the Star of the West was fired upon, was a proof
of that desire. But, that to give "assurances " that no reinforce-
ments would be sent to Fort Sumter in the interval, or that the
RE PL V OF THE SEC RE TAR V OF IVAR. 2 21
public peace would not be disturbed by any act of hostility
towards South Carolina, as proposed by Colonel Hayne, was
"impossible." "The President," said the Secretary, "has no
authority to enter into such an agreement or understanding."
That as an executive officer, he was bound to protect the public
property, and that he could not violate his duty by evading that
obligation, either for an indefinite or a limited period. It was not
deemed necessary to reinforce Major Anderson, because he had
made no such request, and felt secure in his position. " Should
his safety, however, require reinforcements, every effort will be
made to supply them."
He also informs the Senators that to Congress alone belongs
the power to make war; and for the Executive to give an assurance,
as requested by Colonel Hayne, that the public peace would not
be " disturbed by any act of hostility towards South Carolina "
upon the part of Congress, would be an act of usurpation upon his
part, however strongly the President might be convinced that no
such intention existed. He expresses his gratification that Major
Anderson is permitted to obtain supplies from Charleston, and
expresses his conviction that the happiest result which could be
attained would be the continuance of the present amicable foot-
ing between Major Anderson and the authorities of South Caro-
lina, " neither party being bound by any obligation whatever,
except the high Christian and moral duty to keep the peace and
to avoid all causes of mutual irritation."
The President had anticipated that this "peremptory refusal "
to enter into the agreement proposed to him would have ter-
minated the mission of the envoy and released him from the
obligation imposed by the truce. In this he was disappointed.
On the following day seven of the Senators who had signed
the previous communication to Colonel Hayne again addressed
him, informing him of the receipt of the letter from the Secretary
of War, and which they enclosed to him. Although its terms
were not as satisfactory as they could have desired, they expressed
their entire confidence that nO reinforcements would be sent to
Fort Sumter, nor the public peace disturbed within the period
requisite for full communication between the envoy and his Gov-
ernment; and they trusted that he would feel justified in applying
for further mstructions before delivering to the President "any
message " with which he had been charged. They again
22 2 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
expressed the earnest hope that the State would take no step
tending to produce a collision, until their States, which were to
share the fortunes of South Carolina, should join their counsels
with hers.
To this proposition, thus submitted to him, the envoy agreed.
In his reply to the Senators who had addressed him, the envoy,
in communicating his determination to withhold the letter
entrusted to him, took occasion to express his regret that the
President thought it necessary to keep a garrison of troops " at
Fort Sumter to protect it as the property of the United States;"
that South Carolina would scorn to appropriate to herself the
property of another, " without accounting to the last dollar for
everything " which she might deem necessary to take into her own
possession for her protection and in vindication of her honor;
that as " property," Fort Sumter was in far greater jeopardy
occupied by a United States garrison than it would be if delivered
to the State authorities, with a pledge that they would fully account
for it "upon a fair adjustm.ent;" that the occupation of a fort in
the midst of a harbor, with its guns bearing on every point, by a
Government no longer acknowledged, could not be else than an
occasion of irritation, excitement and indignation, and as creat-
ing a condition of things which he feared was but little calculated
to advance the observance of the " high Christian and moral duty
to keep the peace," recommended by the Secretary of War in his
communication.
In his judgment, to continue to hold Fort Sumter by United
States troops was the worst possible means of protecting it as
" property," and the worst possible means of effecting a peaceable
solution of the difficulties.
The correspondence between the envoy and the Senators,
including the reply of the President through the Secretary of War,
was at once transmitted to the authorities of South Carolina, and
on the 26th of January a reply upon the part of the Governor
through A. G. Magrath, the Secretary of State, was returned to the
envoy.*
The communication was lengthy, but at once clear and unequi-
vocal. It reviewed all of the facts as stated and the points at
* Judge Magrath's letter of January 26, 1861, to Hayne. P. 21, Appendix
to Convention of South Carolina.
JUDGE MAGRATH REPLIES TO SEC. OF WAR. 223
issue; in reference to tlie intervention of the Senators from the
seceding States and the suggestions made by them, he informs the
envoy that no such communication was anticipated by the Gover-
nor in the instructions which were furnished to him; but that the
discretion exercised in the delay of the delivery of his letter to
the President, under the circumstances, commended itself to the
approval of the Governor, as due from the State of South Carolina
to the representatives of her sister States expecting to act with her.
The reply of the President through his Secretary of War, and
especially that part of it in regard to his purpose to hold Fort
Sumter as "property" of the United States; his declaration in
response to the expressed desire of the Senators that the State
should avoid the initiation of hostilities, and also the impossibility
of giving any assurance that reinforcements would not be sent to
Fort Sumter, and that they would be sent should Major Anderson's
safety require it — were all carefully restated by the Governor's
Secretary of State, who in his communication replied to them all.
He thought that the letter of the Senators and the envoy's reply
presented a "marked and agreeable contrast " to the President's
letter; that the Governor appreciated the feeling which that
letter must have excited in those Senators, as well as their for-
bearance and their generosity in still continuing to hope that a
collision might be avoided until their States should equally share
the dangers. It was intended that the acquiescence of the President
in the "arrangements or understanding" by which he would be
prevented from sending reinforcements to Fort Sumter, should be
binding upon him, and it was so declared by the Senators in their
letter to the envoy of the 15th of January. With the concession
from the State in certain measures, a concession from the President
was " evidently expected " by them. The reply of the President,
and his refusal to agree to abstain from action either until the
15th of February, the day named by the Senators, or even
until the envoy could communicate with the Governor of the
State, although the President knew that such attempt would be
regarded by the State as an act of war, was commented upon.
What the State had been desired to do by the Senators, she had
done, not in acknowledgment of any right on the part of the
United States, but as an act of courtesy; with the supplies
Major Anderson was receiving and the facilities he was enjoy-
ing, no pretext for interference with the harbor could be found,
224
THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
except in connection with the right claimed to reinforce the fort,
and which, " involved in a duty," carried with it the necessity
that he should determine when that duty should be dis-
charged. As to the President's intimation that no reinforcements
would be sent, because Anderson had not asked for them and felt
secure in his position, it should be remembered that on a previous
occasion, when he had not asked for reinforcements and possibly
felt as secure as now, they were nevertheless sent, and it was not
the fault of the Government "that they did not reach him."
The proposition thus made by the Southern Senators was " unsoli-
cited and unexpected." "It was the evidence of a generous
impulse " and an exhibition of an anxious desire to avoid collision
and strife, and the moderation of their terms would long be
remembered. Under these circumstances it was now not only
" important " but " indispensably necessary" that the Governor
should " correctly understand " the position of the General Govern-
ment towards the State of South Carolina. The correspondence
and the letter of the President served to dispel much of whatever
doubt may have existed, and the Governor concluded that,
stripped of all disguise, the "real purpose of the President " was
to retain Fort Sumter as a military post; that the position of
the President in regard to South Carolina was the same in refer-
ence to the other States which had seceded; and the Governor
* considered it to be his duty to regard all hostile attempts by the
General Government upon any State which had seceded as
" attempts made directly upon South Carolina."
The envoy is further infprmed by the South Carolina Secretary
of State, that it was regarded as a "happy circumstance " by the
Governor that, in deferring to the wishes of the Senators, their good
intent had been rewarded by " leading to that declaration from the
President," which would be regarded in every seceding State as
" his declaration of war against them." In reference to the firing
upon the Star of the West, the Governor did not wish to be under-
stood as acquiescing in the correctness of that construction of the
President's conduct,which the President was " pleased to consider a
proof of his forbearance," but which the Governor considered
"under the circumstances of the case, wholly unjustifiable, and more
than aggravating." The repulse of the steamer was not to be
considered by the President as the attack of the State upon an un-
armed vessel. If it was not a vessel intended for war, it was less
JUDGE MA GRA TW S LE TTER CONCL UDED. 225
excusable to attempt to introduce armed men to execute the
orders of the President " under the shield of a peaceful trader."
It was not only a hostile demonstration, but one attempted under a
disguise, and which, had it been successful, would have had noth-
ing but the success attending it " to compensate for the sacrifice of
the proprieties with which it had been purchased."
The propriety of the demand with which the envoy was charged
had not only been confirmed m the opinion of the Governor, but
he had now become convinced of its necessity. The safety of the
State required " that the position " of the President should be " dis-
tinctly understood," and the safety of all of the seceding States
was equally involved. To hold Fort Sumter as a military post
within the limits of South Carolina "will not be tolerated." The
envoy was to say to the President that if he asserted the right to
send reinforcements to Fort Sumter, South Carolina would regard
such a right, when asserted, or an attempt at its exercise, as a
declaration of war. If the President intended that it should not be
so understood, it was proper that he should know how the Governor
felt "bound to regard it."
If the President should refuse to deliver the fort upon the
pledge the envoy was authorized to make, he would at once com-
municate that fact to the Governor. If the President, however,
should not be prepared to give an immediate answer, he was to be
informed that his answer might be transmitted to the Governor.
The envoy was not to remain longer than to execute this as his
closing duty, and when he should receive the reply of the Presi-
dent, the Governor would then consider the conduct which would
be necessary upon his part. Finally, the Senators who had "gen-
erously interposed " were thanked by the Governor, who expresses
the feeling that if other counsels should prevail, his own efforts and
those of the Senators interested were earnestly made to avert them,
and that he had no further communication to make to his envoy,
except to thank him for the manner in w'hich the duty entrusted to
him had been discharged.
CHAPTER XIX.
Envoy Hayne presents his letter to the President— Subsequently addresses Presi-
dent directly— Comments upon the letter of Secretary of War — Receives
further instructions, and commimicates as special envoy — Offers to make
compensation for Fort Sumter — Comments upon the President's letter to
the Southern Senators— Justifies the firing upon the Star of the West —
Able response of Secretary of War for the President — Fort Sumter as
*'■ property'''' — Answers propositions of envoy — Right of " eminent domain"
cannot be asserted — No constitutional right in President to "cede or sur-
render" Fort Sumter — Right to send reinforcements "unquestionable " —
President will send them, if necessary — Fort held as property and for no
unfriendly purpose — Envoy replies directly to the President and leaves
Washington— His letter — The President declines to receive it— Letter re-
turned to Colonel Hayne by mail.
Upon the receipt of the communication of the Secretary of
State of South Carolina, the envoy of the Governor lost no time
in presenting the letter with which he had been charged to the
President. On the 31st of January he addressed to the Presi-
dent a communication, in which he rehearsed the steps that had
been taken since his personal interview with him, the part taken
by the Southern Senators, their address to him, and his reply to
their letter through his Secretary of War. This reply is com-
mented upon by the envoy at some length, who pronounces it as
" unsatisfactory " to him. It appeared to him that not only was
the main proposition of the Senators rejected in advance, but that
there was also in the Secretary's letter a distinct refusal to make
any stipulation on the subject of reinforcement, even for the
short time requisite for him to communicate with his Govern-
ment. The reply was unsatisfactory to him, and would be so
also to the authorities he represented. But as the reply was not
addressed to him or to those authorities, and as South Caro-
lina had addressed nothing to the Government or asked any-
thing at the hands of the President, he had looked only to
the note addressed to him by the Senators of the seceded and
seceding States. Further instructions had arrived on the 30th,
for his guidance, and he had now the honor to make to the
226
EA'FOY //AVNE ADDRESSES THE PRES/DENT.
227
President his first communication as "Special envoy from the
Governor of South Carolina."
The letter of the Governor of the 12th of January was
enclosed to the President, the envoy at the same time stating to
him that the Governor was not only confirmed in his opinion as to
the propriety of the demand, but that the circumstances developed
by his mission had increased that opinion into a conviction
of its necessity. If Fort Sumter was not held as property,
but as a military post, such a post within the limits of South
Carolina could not be tolerated. He did " not come as a military
man to demand the surrender of a fortress," but as the legal officer
of the State, its Attorney-General, to claim for the State the exer-
cise of its undoubted right of " eminent domain," and to pledge
the State to make good all injury to the right of property which
might arise from the exercise of that claim. The right assumed by
the State "to take into her possession everything within her limits
essential to maintain her honor and her safety, she would not
permit to be drawn into discussion. She would make compen-
sation, "upon a fair accounting, to the last dollar." And the
envoy informs the President that the proposition now was that
he, her law officer, should pledge the faith of the State under the
authority of the Governor and Council, " to make such compen-
sation in regard to Fort Sumter " to the full extent of the money-
value of the property of the United States delivered to the authori-
ties of the State.
The view that a continued armed possession of the fort would
put it in jeopardy and lead to a collision, was again expressed to
the President. In the opinion of the envoy, " no people not com-
pletely abject and pusillanimous, could submit, indefinitely " to
an armed occupation of a fort commanding the harbor of its prin-
cipal city; where "the daily ferry-boats that ply upon the waters"
moved " but at the sufferance of aliens." This armed occupancy
was not only unnecessary, but it was manifestly the " worst possible
means " which could be taken to accomplish the object. The reply
of the President to the Senators on the subject of remforcements
was referred to and quoted by the envoy. That part of the Presi-
dent's message of the 2Sth of January, where he expresses himself
that it would be a " usurpation " upon his part to attempt to
restrain the action of Congress by entering into any agreement
in regard to matters over which he, as President, had no constitu-
2 28 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
tional control, as Congress might pass laws which he would be
bound to obey, was quoted by the envoy, who replied that the
proposition was addressed to the President under the laws as they
then were, and had no reference to new conditions under new legis-
lation. " It was addressed to the Executive discretion, acting
under existing laws." If Congress should in any wa}'^ legislate so
as to affect the peace of the State, " her interests or her rights,"
she would have timely notice, and would endeavor, he trusted, to
meet the emergency.
In regard to the assertion of the Secretary of War, that should
Anderson's safety require it, every effort would be made to
send him reinforcements, the envoy thought that this seemed *' to
ignore the other branch of the proposition made by the Senators,"
in reference to the suspension of any attack upon Fort Sumter
during the period suggested. It was the imperative duty of the
State, and as an absolute necessity of her condition, and in con-
sideration of her own dignity as a sovereign and the safety of the
people, '* to demand that this property should not longer be used
as a military post by a Government she no longer acknowledges."
The President's expressed opinions as against coercion and for
a peaceful solution of the difficulties, were invoked by the envoy,
who expressed the hope that he would not, upon further consid-
eration " and mere question of property, refuse the reasonable
demand of South Carolina." If this hope should be disappointed
the responsibility would not rest with the State. He urges, too,
that if war was to be made, it should be made as of deliberate
device, and entered upon as war and of set purpose," and not " as
the incident or accident " of a policy professedly peaceful.
He justifies the firing upon the Star of the West, and informs
the President that the interposition of the Senators who addressed
him was unexpected by his Government, and unsolicited by him,
but that while the Governor of his State appreciated their high
and generous motives, he felt that his demand upon the President
should no longer be withheld.
The President, upon the receipt of the letter of the envoy, once
more availed himself of the able pen of his Secretary of War,
Mr. Holt, to reply, and on the 6th of February that officer trans-
mitted to the envoy of the Governor of South Carolina a re-
sponse of great force, in which the whole subject was reviewed
and the conduct of the President explained and justified.
REPLY OF THE SECRETARY OF WAR.
229
The demand of the Governor, as contained in his letter of
January 1 2, was referred to and its terms quoted, as well as the
subsequent instructions of the Governor, through his Secretary
of State, that the right in Fort Sumter as " property " could be
ascertained and satisfied. The modification of his demand, in
view of these instructions, presumably under the influence of the
Senators, was noticed, as well as the expression of the envoy
under the " full scope and precise purpose" of his instructions as
thus modified, that he did " not come as a military man to demand
the surrender of a fortress," but as the Attorney-General of the
State to assert its undoubted right of "eminent domain," and to
pledge the State to make good all injury to the rights of property.
The proposition to make compensation for Fort Sumter to the
full extent of its money value, which the envoy, as the law ofificer
of the State, should pledge the faith of the State to make, was
also stated by the Secretary of War, as Avell as reference made to
the suggestion of the envoy that an attack upon the fort, which
must result if continued to be held, would not improve it as
property, and if taken, "would no longer be the subject of
account." " The proposal, then," said the Secretary, "now pre-
sented to the President, is simply an offer upon the part of South
Carolina to buy Fort Sumter and contents, as property of the
United States, sustained by a declaration, in effect, that if she is
not permitted to make the purchase, she will seize the fort by
force of arms." The proposal under the circumstances impressed
" the President as having assumed a most unusual form," but
that he had investigated the claim made, apart from the declara-
tion that accompanied it. "Property" and "public property"
were the most comprehensive terms that could be used in such
connection, and when used in reference to a fort, they embraced
the entire and undivided interest of the Government. The title
to Fort Sumter upon the part of the Government was incontest-
able. Its interest " might probably be subjected to the exercise
of the right of eminent domain," were it " purely proprietary "
only, but its political relations gave it " a much higher and more
imposing character " than mere proprietorship. Its jurisdiction
and the power -to- " exercise exclusive legislation " over it, was
absolute and was therefore incompatible with the claim of
" eminent domain " now claimed by the State. And this authority
was derived from the peaceful cession of South Carolina itself, and
2^0 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
in accordance with law, and South Carolina could no more assert
the right of " eminent domain" over Fort Sumter than Maryland
could assert it over the District of Columbia, the " political and
proprietary rights" in each case, being precisely the same.
But whatever might be the claim of the State, the President
had no constitutional right to cede or surrender the fort. As the
head of the executive branch of the Government, the President
could *'no more sell and transfer" the fort to the State of South
Carolina, than he could sell the Capitol of the United States to
Maryland. The question of sending reinforcements, the Secre-
tary considered as having been fully disposed of in his letter to
the Senators. He declined to renew its discussion, but repeats
the determination of the President to send them if needed and
Anderson should ask for them, and he thought that he could add
nothing to the "■ explicitness " of that language, which still
applied. The right to send those reinforcements rested on the
same " unquestionable foundation " as the right to occupy the
fort itself. The suggestion contained in the letter of the Senators
of the 15 th of January, that it was due from South Carolina to her
sister States that she should " avoid initiating hostilities with the
United States or any other power," as well as the gratifying
assurance now given by the envoy, that " South Carolina has
every disposition to preserve the public peace," would seem to
ensure the attainment of this common and patriotic object, since
the President himself was animated by the same desire. But it
was difficult to reconcile this assurance with the declaration of
the envoy, that her dignity as a sovereign and the safety of her
people prompts the State to demand that Fort Sumter " should
not longer be used as a military post by a Government she no
longer acknowledges," and that this occupation must lead to a
collision and to war. " Fort Sumter is, in itself," said the Secre-
tary, "a military post and nothing else, and it would seem that
not so much the fact as the purpose of its use should give to it
a hostile or a friendly character." The Government held it now
for the same national and defensive objects for which it had been
always held since its completion, and the whole force of its
batteries would be at once used against an enemy which should
attack Charleston or its harbor. And the President could not
understand how " a small garrison actuated by such a spirit "
could become a source of irritation to the people or compromise
"■INSULTING ANSWER'' OF ENVOY.
231
the dignity or honor of the State. Its attitude was neither
menacing nor unfriendly, and it was under orders to stand
strictly on the defensive, and unless the Government and people
of South Carolina should seek its destruction and assault it, they
could "never receive aught but shelter from its guns," and that
Senator Davis had truthfully stated the intent with which the fort
was held when, in connection with other Senators, in their letter
to him of the 15th of January, he informed him that the fort was
held as property only, and not for any unfriendly purpose. If
the President's pacific purposes and his forbearance, so
severely tried, be not received as a pledge of his policy, then
neither language nor conduct could possibly furnish one. And
if, after the multiplied proofs that existed of the President's
anxiety for peace, Fort Sumter should be assaultecl and the lives
of the garrison imperilled, and the country plunged into war,
upon the authorities of the State and those they represent must
rest the responsibility.*
The President thought that the statements and argu-
ments of this letter were unanswerable, and that they could not
but produce an effect upon the envoy personally. It was to be
presumed, too, that the argument had been exhausted in the
long correspondence that had taken place. Upon its receipt,
however, the envoy on the 7th of February prepared a com-
munication which the President considered an " insulting
answer," and which was directed, not " as usage and common
civility required," to the Secretary of War, but directly to the
President. The envoy " then suddenly left Washington, leav-
ing his missive behind him, to be delivered after his departure."
As no mere extract from this unusual communication could
give a proper idea of its character, it is inserted in full, and is
as follows :
" Washington, February 7, 1861.
" To His Excellency James Buchanan, President.
" Sir: Your reply through your Secretary of the War
Department to my communication of the 31st of January,
covering the demand of the Governor of South Carolina for
the delivery of Fort Sumter, was received yesterday. Although
the very distinct and emphatic refusal of that demand closes
my mission, I feel constrained to correct some strange mis-
apprehensions into which your Secretary has fallen.
■"Buchanan's Administration."
232
THE GENESIS OF THE CIIHL WAR.
" There has been no modification of the demand author-
ized to be made, and no change whatever in its character, and
of this you were distinctly informed in my communication of
the 31st of January. You have the original demand as
delivered to me by Governor Pickens on the 12th of January,
and you have an extract from the further instructions received
by me, expressly stating that he, the Governor, was confirmed\r\ the
views he entertained on the 1 2th of January, by that very corre-
spondence which you assign as the cause of the alleged modifica-
tion. You assume that the character of the demand has been
modified, yet you have from me but one communication, and that
asserts the contrary, and you have nothing from the Governor but
the very demand itself, which you say has been modified. What
purpose of peace or conciliation your Secretary could have had in
view in the introduction of this point at all, it is difficult to perceive.
"You next attempt to ridicule the proposal as simply an offer
on the part of South Carolina to buy Fort Sumter and contents as
property of the United States, sustained by a declaration, in effect,
that if she is not permitted to make the purchase, she will seize
the fort by force of arms. It is difficult to consider this as other
than intentional misconstruction. You were told that South
Carolina, as a separate, independent sovereignty, would not
tolerate the occupation, by foreign troops, of a military post with-
in her limits, but that inasmuch as you, in repeated messages and
in your correspondence, had ' laid much stress ' upon the char-
acter of your duties, arising from considering forts as property.
South Carolina, so far as this matter of property suggested by
yourself was concerned, would make compensation for all injury
done the property, in the exercise of her sovereign right of emi-
nent domain. And this your Secretary calls a proposal to pur-
chase. The idea of purchase is entirely inconsistent with the
assertion of the paramout right in the purchaser. I had supposed
that an ' interest in property ' as such, could be no other than
'purely proprietary,' and if I confined myself to this narrow view
of your relations to Fort Sumter, you at least should not con-
sider it the subject of criticism. Until your letter of yesterday,
you chose so to consider your relations, in everything which you
have written, or which has been written under your direction.
" It was precisely because you had yourself chosen to place
your action upon the ground of ' purely proprietary ' right, that
the proposal of compensation was made, and you now admit that
in this view ' it (Fort Sumter) would probably be subjected to the
exercise of the right of eminent domain.'
" In your letter of yesterday (through your Secretary) you
shift your position. You claim that your Government bears to
Fort Sumter ' political relations of a much higher and more impos-
ing character.'
" It was no part of my mission to discuss the * political rela-
PRESIDENT RETURNS LETTER TO ENVOY. 233
tions ' of the United States Government to anything within the ter-
ritorial limits of South Carolina. South Carolina claims to have
severed all political connection with your Government, and to have
destroyed all political relations of your Government with every-
thing within her borders. She is unquestionably at this moment de
facto a separate and independent Government, exercising complete
sovereignty over every foot of her soil except Fort Sumter.
Now that the intention is avowed to hold this place as a military
post, with the claim of exclusive jurisdiction on the part of a
Government foreign to South Carolina, it will be for the authorities
to determine what is the proper course to be pursued. It is vain
to ignore the fact that South Carolina is, to yours, a foreign
Government, and how with this patent fact before you, you can
consider the continued occupation of a fort in her harbor a
pacific measure and parcel of a peaceful policy, passes certainly
my comprehension.
" You say that the fort was garrisoned for our protection, and
is held for the same purposes for which it has been ever held since
its construction. Are you not aware, that to hold, in the territory
of a foreign power, a fortress against her will, avowedly for the
purpose of protecting her citizens, is, perhaps, the highest insult
which one Government can offer to another ? But Fort Sumter
was never garrisoned at all until South Carolina had dissolved
her connection with your Government. This garrison entered it
at night, with every circumstance of secrecy, after spiking the guns
and burning the gun-carriages, and cutting down the flag-staff of an
adjacent fort, which was then abandoned. South Carolina had
not taken Fort Sumter into her own possession, only because of
her misplaced confidence m a Government which deceived her. A
fortress occupied under the circumstances above stated, is consid-
ered by you not only as no cause of irritation, but you represent
it as held for our protection !
" Your Excellency's Secretary has indulged in irony on a very
grave subject. As to the responsibility for consequences, if
indeed, it does rest on us, I can assure your Excellency we are
happily unconscious of the fact.
" I return to Charleston to-morrow. With considerations of
high regard,
" I am, very respectfully,
" J. W. Hayne,
** Special Envoy."
The President thought that from the conduct of the envoy, he
had evidently anticipated the fate of his letter; and upon the same
day upon which it was received, he caused its return to him, hav-
ing placed upon it the following endorsement: '■'■ The character
of this letter is such that it cannot be received. Colonel Hayne
234
THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
having left the city before it was sent to the President, it is returned
to him by the first mail."
I'he President retained no copy of the letter, nor did he again
hear of it.
CHAPTER XX.
President embarrassed by Major Anderson's " truce" — Determines to respect
it— Considers that his instructions should have guided Major Anderson
Upon departure of the envoy new expedition resolved upon — Members of
the Cabinet interested in relief to Sumter— Letter of Judge Black, Secre-
tary of State, to Lieutenant-General Scott— General Scott does not res-
pond-Later, Judge Black addresses the President, Reviews the situation —
Urges decision of some policy in regard to Sumter— Ex-President John
Tyler a Commissioner from the Peace Convention of Virgmia, arrives in
Washington - President sends his Secretary of State, in anticipation of his
visit, to call upon him— The interview— President declines to become a
party to proposed agreement— Transmits message to Congress on January
28, with the resolutions of the Virginia Convention —Congress ignores
his recommendations— Subject dropped— Commissioner to South Carolina
presents Virginia resolutions to the Legislature— Coldly received —
Governor Pickens opposed— General Assembly declines to enter into
negotiations— Commissioners continue their efforts — Ex-President Tyler
telegraphs to Governor Pickens— Explains position of the President— Reply
of Governor— Reports of interviews to relieve Sumter — Reports also of its
immediate seizure by the State— Governor telegraphs to Montgomery,
asking that a commander-in-chief be appointed- Meeting of Cabinet in
Washington to determine upon plan of relief to Sumter— Details of plan —
Additional proposition of Captain G. V. Fox— Its detail -General Scott
approves preparations made— President changes his mind— He determines
to respect the appeal made by Virginia— Will not precipitate a crisis-
Astonishment and disappointment of General Scott— His subsequent letter
to the incoming President— President Buchanan's statement— Captain Fox
again urges his plan.
The action of Major Anderson in referring the demand for
the surrender of Fort Sumter to Washington, and the estabhsh-
nient, in consequence, of a "truce" until the return of the mes-
sengers, occasioned surprise and embarrassment to the President.
He thought that Major Anderson had thus placed it out of his
power to ask for reinforcements, and also beyond the power of
the Government to send them until the President " should again
decide against the surrender of the fort." Although the President
235
236 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
might have annulled the truce, it would have cast, as he thought,
a "serious reflection" upon Major Anderson for having con-
cluded it, and he therefore determined to respect it. But he at
the same time thought that his instructions would have justified
Anderson in " peremptorily informing" the messengers of the
Governor that he would not surrender the fort, but would defend
it, and that such action upon his part would have been in accord-
ance with the "explicit determination" of the President, as
announced to the South Carolina Commissioners.
From his letters and reports to the War Department, it was
confidently believed that Major Anderson felt himself to be
wholly equal to his position, and although the President and his
Cabinet had determined that reinforcements should be made
ready, and promptly sent to him in case of need, they were at
this time under no immediate anxiety as to his safety.
But with the departure of the envoy, the President felt that
he was no longer bound by the obligation imposed by the " truce,"
and he proceeded to put on foot an expedition for immediately
reinforcing Fort Sumter, and in regard to which a council con-
sisting of the Secretaries of War and the Navy, accompanied by
General Scott, had been requested to meet the President on the
30th of January, the day upon which the demand of the Govern-
ment for the surrender of Fort Sumter had been made upon him.
But the subject of reinforcing Fort Sumter immediately had
earnestly engaged the attention of certain members of the Cabinet
whose influence with the President was potential.
On the 1 6th of January, six or seven days after the firing
upon and repulse of the Star of the West, the Secretary of State
Judge Black, addressed to Lieutenant-General Scott a letter in
which, while deferring to his becter judgment in " such a matter,"
and informing him that while his opinion would be conclusive
upon him, he yet desired more clearly to understand the subject,
in view of his own responsibilities ; and in a communication of
singular clearness and power he reviews the position of Major
Anderson in Fort Sumter, the necessary steps to his relief, the
comparatively trifling character of the obstacles existing, and
presents in strong light the unmistakable and immediate duty of
the Government ; and if he should have erred in the views he
presents, he asks that the General-in-Chief should correct him.
This important and almost unknown letter is given in lull :
i^ECRE TAR V OF STA TE TO LIEUT. - GEN. SCO TT. 2 "' 7
"Department of State, January 16, 1861.
"Lieutenant-General Winfield Scott :
'■'■ Dear General : The habitual frankness of your character
the deep interest you take in everything that concerns the public
defense, your expressed desire that I should hear and understand
your views— these reasons, together with an earnest wish to know
my own duty and to do it, induce me to beg you for a little light,
which perhaps you alone can shed, upon the present state of our
affairs.
"1. Is it the duty of the Government to re-enforce Major
Anderson ?
" 2. If yes, how soon is it necessary that those re-enforce-
ments should be there ?
"3. What obstacles exist to prevent the sending of such
re-enforcements at any time when it may be necessary to do so ?
"I trust you will not regard it as pre'sumption in me if I give
you the crude notions which I myself have already formed ou't of
very imperfect materials.
"A statement of my errors, if errors they be, will enable you
to correct them the more easily.
" I. It seems now to be settled that Major Anderson and his
command at Fort Sumter are not to be withdrawn. The United
States Government is not to surrender its last hold upon its own
property in South Carolina. Major Anderson has a position so
nearly impregnable that an attack upon him at present is wholly
nnprobable, and he is supplied with provisions which will last him
very well for two months. In the meantime Fort Sumter is
invested on every side by the avowedly hostile forces of South
Carolina. It is in a state of seige. They have already prevented
communication between its commander and his own Government,
both by sea and land. There is no doubt that they intend to
continue this state of things, as far as it is in their power to do
so. In the course of a few weeks from this time it will become
very difficult for him to hold out. The constant labor and
anxiety of his men will exhaust their physical power, and this
exhaustion, of course, will proceed very much more rapidly as
soon as they begin to get short of provision.
" If the troops remain in Fort Sumter without any change in
their condition, and the hostile attitude of South Carolina remains
as it is now, the question of Major Anderson's surrender is one of
time only. If he is not to be relieved, is it not entirely clear that
he should be ordered to surrender at once ? It having been
determined that the latter order shall not be given, it follows that
relief must be sent him at some time before it is too late to
save him.
" II. This brings me to the second question : When should the
re-enforcements and provisions be sent ? Can we justify our-
selves in delaying the performance of that duty ?
238 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
" The authorities of South Carolina are improving every
moment, and increasing their ability to prevent re-enforcement
every hour, while every day that rises sees us with a power dimin-
ished to send in the requisite relief. I think it certain that Major
Anderson could be put in possession of all the defensive powers
he needs with very little risk to this Government, if the efforts
were made immediately; but it is impossible to predict how much
blood or money it may cost if it be postponed for two or three
months.
" The fact that other persons are to have charge of the Gov-
ernment before the worst comes to the worst has no influence
upon my mind, and, I take it for granted, will not be regarded as
a just element in making up your opinion.
" The anxiety which an American citizen must feel about any
future event which may affect the existence of the country, is not
less if he expects it to occur on the 5th of March than it would
be if he knew it was going to happen on the 3d.
III. I am persuaded that the difficulty of relieving Major
Anderson has been very much magnified to the minds of some
persons. From you I shall be able to ascertain whether I am
mistaken or they. I am thoroughly satisfied that the battery on
Morris Island can give no serious trouble. A vessel going in
where the Star of the West went will not be within the reach of
the battery's guns longer than from six to ten minutes. The
number of shots that could be fired upon her in that time may be
easily calculated, and I think the chances of her being seriously
injured can be demonstrated, by simple arithmetic, to be very
small. A very unlucky shot might cripple her, to be sure, and
therefore the risk is something. But then it is a maxim, not less
in war than in peace, that where nothing is ventured nothing can
be gained. The removal of the buoys has undoubtedly made
the navigation of the channel more difficult. But there are
pilots outside of Charleston, and many of the officers of the Navy,
who could steer a ship into the harbor by the natural landmarks
with perfect safety. This, be it remembered, is not now a subject
of speculation; the actual experiment has been tried. The Star
of the West did pass the battery, and did overcome the difficulties
of the navigation, meeting with no serious trouble from either
cause. They have tried it; we can sdiy probatum est; and there
is an end to the controversy.
" I am convinced that a pirate, or a slaver, or a smuggler, who
could be assured of making five hundred dollars by going into
the harbor in the face of all the dangers which now threaten a
vessel bearing the American flag, would laugh them to scorn, and
to one of our naval officers who has the average of daring, ' the
danger's self were lure alone! '
" There really seems to me nothing in the way that ought to
stop us except the guns of Fort Moultrie. If they are suffered to
ins LETTER CONTINUED.
^30
open a fire upon a vessel bearing re-enforcements to Fort Sumter,
they might stop any other vessel as they stopped the S/ar of the
West. But is it necessary that this intolerable outrage should be
submitted to ? Would it not be an act of pure self-defense on
the part of I.Iajor Anderson to silence Fort Moultrie, if it be
necessary to do so, for the purpose of insuring the safety of a
vessel whose arrival at Fort Sumter is necessary for his protec-
tion, and could he not do it effectually ? Would the South Caro-
linians dare to fire upon any vessel which Major Anderson would
tell them beforehand must be permitted to pass, on pain of his
guns being opened upon her assailants ? But suppose it impossi-
ble for an unarmed vessel to pass the battery, what is the diffi-
culty of sending the Brooklyn or the Macedonian in ? I have
never heard it alleged that the latter could not cross the bar, and
I think if the fact had been so it would have been mentioned in
my hearing before this time. It will turn out upon investigation,
after all that has been said and sung about the Brooklyn, that
there is water enough there for her. She draws ordinarily only
sixteen and one-half feet, and her draught can be reduced eight-
een inches by putting her upon an even keel. The shallowest
place will give her eighteen feet of water at high tide. In point
of fact, she has crossed that bar more than once. But apart even
from these resources, the Government has at its command three
or four smaller steamers of light draught and great speed, which
could be armed and at sea in a few days, and would not be in the
least troubled by any opposition that could be made to their
entrance.
"It is not, however, necessary to go into the details, with
which, I presume, you are fully acquainted. I admit that the
state of things may be somewhat worse now than they were a
week ago, and are probably getting worse every day; but is not
that the strongest reason that can be given for taking time by
the forelock ?
" I feel confident that you will excuse me for making this
communication. I have some responsibilities of my own to meet,
and I can discharge them only when I understand the subject to
which they relate. Your opinion, of course, will be conclusive
upon me, for on such a matter I cannot do otherwise than defer
to your better judgment. If you think it most consistent with
your duty to be silent, I shall have no right to complain.
"If you would rather answer orally than make a written reply,
I will meet you either at your own quarters or here in the State
Department, as may best suit your convenience.
" I am, most respectfully, yours, &c.,
"J. S. Black."
This communication of Judge Black, from its able grasp of
240
THE GENESIS OF THE CJIHL WAR.
the military situation and its earnest view of the plain duty of
the Government, is, in view of its source, remarkable.
To this communication of the Secretary of State, General Scott
made the following endorsement: "Lieutenant-General Scott
received the Hon. Mr. Black's most interesting communication
yesterday, at too late an hour and in the midst of too perplexing
engagements to attend to it. The moment he is released by the
War Department this morning. General Scott will seek Mr.
Black, and repeat his efforts till he has had the pleasure of finding
him at the Department of State Thursday morning.*
But the General-in-Chief did not meet the Secretary, nor was
there any official reply or notice, upon his part, or of the Secre-
tary's letter, f
The subject, however, and its increasing complications, was
the constant theme of discussion in the Cabinet now working in
harmony. On the 2 2d of January, the day upon which the
President, through his Secretary of War, had communicated to
the Senators of the seceding States his intention in regard to
reinforcing Fort Sumter, a Cabinet meeting was held. Prevented
by sickness from being present, the Secretary of State addressed
a letter to the President in regard to the prospective deliberation.
His communication was not to be laid before the heads of
Departments, but was for the eye of the President alone. He
warns the President that they had been grossly imposed upon
recently, by statements that the reinforcement of the forts would
result in civil war, an idea now ridiculed ; that there was a large
military force in Charleston; that Fort Sumter could not be
occupied; that the Brooklyn could not cross the bar, and that no
ship could pass the battery on Morris Island; and that South
Carolina would not make war upon us if we were weak, but would,
should we make ourselves strong. And the Secretary urged upon
the President that these things, being taken for true, led to disas-
trous consequences, to the discredit of the administration and
even the Union itself.
* From the original paper of General Scott
t Shortly afterward, the Secretary and General-in-Chief met casually,
when the latter complimented the Secretary upon his letter, and said that it was
worthy of a Field-Marshal. "Judge Black," he asked, " where did you get
your military education?" Judge Black replied, "I was first lieutenant of
the Bloody Mountain Cavalry in Somerset County."
SEC. OF STATE ADDRESSES THE PRESIDENT.
241
His letter was as follows:
Franklin Row, January 22, 1861.
"My dear Mr. President: A slight attack of rheumatism
will prevent me from leaving my room to-day, and of course I
shall not be at the Cabinet meeting. But the deep interest I feel
in the result of your deliberations induces me to write this note,
not to be laid before the heads of Departments, but for your own
eye alone. If I am wrong in my interpretation of the past or in
my expectations concerning the future, you can correct me as
well as anybody else, and if I am right the suggestions I make
may possibly be of some value.
"You must be aware that the possession of this city is
absolutely essential to the ultimate designs of the Secessionists.
They can establish a Southern Confederacy with the Capital of
the Union in their hands, and without it all the more important
part of their scheme is bound to fail. If they can take it and do
not take it, they are fools. Knowing them, as I do, to be men of
ability and practical good sense, not likely to omit that which is
necessary to forward the ends which they are aiming at, I take it
for granted that they have their eye fixed upon Washington. To
prove their desire to take it requires no evidence at all beyond
the intrinsic probability of the fact itself. The affirmative pre-
sumption is so strong that he who denies it is bound to establish
the negative. But there are additional and very numerous cir-
cumstances tending to show that a conspiracy to that effect has
been actually formed, and that large numbers of persons are
deeply and busily engaged in bringing the plot to a head at what
they conceive to be the proper time. I do not mean now to
enumerate all the facts. They form a body of circumstantial
evidence that is overwhelming and irresistible. I know that you
do not believe this, or did not when I saw you last. Your incre-
dulity seemed then to be founded upon the assurances of certain
outside persons in whom you confided, that nothing of that kind
was in contemplation. The mere opinion of those persons is
worth nothing apart from their own personal knowledge. They
can have no personal knowledge unless they are themselves apart
of the conspiracy. In the latter case fidelity to their fellows
makes treachery to you a sort of moral necessity. In short, the
mere declarations of uninformed persons who are not in the
secrets of the Secessionists amount to very little, and well-
informed persons who are admitted to their counsels can hardly
be expected to communicate their schemes to the head of the
nation.
" Suppose it to be doubtful whether any hostile intentions
against the Capital are entertained, what is the duty of the
administration ? Shall we be prepared for the worst, or leave
the public interests unguarded, so that the ' logic of events' may
demonstrate our folly ? Preparation can do no possible harm in
242
THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
any event, and in the event which to me seems most likely, it is
the country's only chance of salvation.
" Let us not forget the lessons we have learned in the past
three months. The gross impostures practiced upon us recently
ought to make us very slow about believing assurances or taking
advice which comes from the enemies of the Union. Timco
Danaos. They told us that civil war would be the result of man-
ning the forts at Charleston. Now they laugh at all who believed
that prophecy. They told us about the eight regiments of artil-
lery in South Carolina; the twenty thousand other troops; the bat-
tery that could take Castle Pinckney; the impossibility of occupy-
ing Fort Sumter; that the Brooklyn was the only ship of war fit
to be sent down there, and that she could not cross the bar; that
the little battery on Morris Island would prevent a ship from
going up the channel; that South Carolina would not make war
upon us if we were weak, but would if we should make ourselves
strong — all these things were taken for true, and you know how
disastrous the consequences were, not merely to the credit of the
administration, but to the Union itself,
" 'Upon \w\\os& property and most dear life a damn'd defeat was made.'
" I understand that the Secretary of the Navy has promised
the Secessionists that he will withdraw the ships from the Florida
and Alabama harbors. I hope and believe that he has no author-
ity from you to make such promise: and if he has done it of his
own head, I am sure he will receive a signal rebuke. You know
how much I honor and respect Toucey, but I confess I find it a
little difificult to forgive him for letting it be understood that the
Brooklyn co\x\d not get into the harbor of Charleston; and the
order which he gave to that ship, by which her commander felt
himself compelled, after he was in sight of Fort Sumter, not to
go in, is making this Government the laughter and derision of
the world.
" I hope it will soon be decided what our policy is to be, with
reference to the relief of Major Anderson. There certainly
would be no hurry about it, if it were not for the fact that the
South Carolinians are increasing their means of resistance every
day, and this increase may be such as to make delay fatal to his
safety. But how that is I do not pretend to know at present.
Certainly, however, the facts ought to be ascertained.
" In the forty days and forty nights yet remaining to this
administration, responsibilities may be crowded greater than
those which are usually incident to four years in more quiet
times. I solemnly believe that you can hold this revolution in
check, and so completely put the calculations of its leaders out
of joint that it will subside after a time into peace and harmony.
On the other hand, by leaving the Government an easy prey, the
spoilers will be tempted beyond their power of resistance, and
they will get such an advantage as will bring upon the country a
Peace convention of Virginia. 243
whole illiad of woes. The short official race which yet remains
to us, must be run before a cloud of witnesses, and to win we
must cast aside every weight, and the sin of state-craft which
doth so ea'^'ly beset us, and look simply upon our duty and the
performance of it as the only prize of our high calling.
" I am free to admit that in this hasty note I may have been
much mistaken. I do not claim to be more zealous in the public
service nor more patriotic than my neighbors; certainly not wiser
than my colleagues. To your better judgment I defer implicitly.
But my absence from the Council to-day annoyed me, supposing,
as I did, that some of the matters here referred to might be dis-
cussed in it. I took this mode of saying what I probably would
have said if I had been with you.
"I am, most respectfully yours, etc.
" The President."
Meanwhile other influences had been at work. The General
Assembly of Virginia had instituted the " Peace Convention,"
and by a concurrent vote had appointed Ex-President John Tyler
a commissioner to the President of the United States, and Judge
John Robertson to South Carolina and other seceding States, to
request that, pending the proceedings of the Convention, they
should abstain from all acts calculated to produce a collision of
arms. When Ex-President Tyler arrived in Washington, the Presi-
dent, in anticipation of his visit to him, requested his Secretary of
State to call upon him informally. Accompanied by Mr. Stanton,
Judge Black called upon the Ex-President. He found him
anxious and excited. Scarcely were the ordinary greetings over
when the Ex-President said: " What are you doing here with all
these preparations; are you going to make war? Nothing could
be more exciting to the Southern people thali these preparations.
I have come here for peace." The conversation was interrupted,
and the visit soon after terminated. Judge Black thinking that
what Mr. Tyler had to say had better, in his frame of mind,
be said to the President himself.*
On the 23d of January the Commissioners arrived inWashington,
and upon the following day presented the resolution of Virginia
to the President, urging upon him at the same time " to become a
party " to the proposed agreement. The President declined. He
informed the Commissioner that he had in " no manner changed
his views," that he could give no pledges; it was his duty to
* Judge Black to writer.
244 ^-^^ GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
enforce the laws; and that the whole power rested with Congress.
On the 28th of January he transmitted a message to Congress at
the same time with the Virginia resolution. The same views
in regard to the powers of the Executive that he had expressed
to the Senators from the seceding States, and also to the envoy
from the Governor of South Carolina, were repeated, and he again
asserted that " defense, and not aggression " had been the policy
of his administration from the beginning. That while he could
not enter into the engagement as proposed, he cordially recom-
mended to Congress to abstain from passing any law producing a
collision of arms whilst the proceedings contemplated by the
General Assembly of Virginia were in progress. But Congress
took no action whatever in the matter, which impressed unfav-
orably the people of Virginia. In the Senate the question of
printing them was discussed until the 21st of February, when the
subject was dropped, and in the House, after a motion " to refer
and print " them, they were not again noticed.
The Commissioner to South Carolina proceeded at once upon
his mission, and on the 28th of January the Governor, m a mes-
sage to the South Carolina Legislature, presented the resolutions
of Virginia. The object of the resolutions was to induce the
State to send on Commissioners to meet others from Virginia
and from the other States who might agree to send them, on the 4th
of February, at Washington, for the purpose of agreeing upon
some suitable adjustment of the " great issues " made in the
Confederacy. The proposition was coldly received by the authori-
ties, and with violent feeling by the press. The Governor recalls the
failure of Virgmia to respond to a similar call made by South
Carolina through a Commissioner sent by her, making an urgent ap-
peal upon Virginia to step forward and "devise some plan upon which
the States immediately concerned might act together," save their
rights, and yet preserve the common Constitution as a blessing for
all the States. Had this been done at that time, he thought,
something might have been accomplished to secure new guarantees
and protection in a common Union. A general indictment against
the Northern States was recited by the Governor, who asserted
that the result of the recent election was to put into power a
party and a President," with open and avowed principles of deep
and settled hostility " and pledged to the final extermination of
institutions essential to them and to the peace of their society.
RESOLUTIONS OF S. C. LEGISLATURE.
245
With the most profound respect for the State of Virginia, he does
not see how South Carolina could agree to send Commissioners
to Washing :on to meet Commissioners from the Northern and
Southern States, as it might result in only greater difificulty and
confusion. But he submits the matter to the wisdom and decision
of the Legislature, at the same time calling their attention to the
fact that delegates had been appointed by the State Convention
to meet on the 4th of February, with similar delegates appointed
by other seceding States. He thought that it would thus " be
obviously impolitic " to send delegates to Washington appointed
for the same day to meet the States of the North, with any view
to preserve or to reconstruct the Federal Union with them, when
South Carolina had agreed first to meet the seceding States, to
whom she owed her deepest obligation, and to i^'hom she was
bound by every tie to make no compromises until a separate and
independent Union with them had been formed.
The action of the South Carolina Legislature was immediate. On
the 28th of January the Senate resolved, unanimously, while ac-
knowledging the friendly motives which had inspired the mission to
the State, that candor which was due to Virginia induced the Gen-
eral Assembly to declare, with frankness, that they did not deem it
advisable to " initiate negotiations, when they had no desire nor
intention to promote the ultimate object in view," which was to
procure " amendments or new guarantees to the Constitution of
the United States;" that the separation of the State was final,
and that she had no further interest in the Constitution of the
United States, and that the only appropriate negotiations were as
to their mutual relations as foreign States; that the most solemn
pledges of the Government had been disregarded, and an attempt
made to introduce troops into one of the forts, " concealed in the
hold of a vessel of commerce," and with a view to the subjugation
of the people of the State, and that another vessel with troops and
munitions of war had been sent South " since the authorities at
Washington had been informed of the present mediation of Vir-
ginia."*
Under these circumstances the General Assembly declined
to enter into the proposed negotiations. These resolutions were
* Resolutions of the Legislature, Executive Document No. 4. Governor's
message and correspondence. Charleston, 1861.
246 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR. '
at once sent to the House of Representatives of South Carolina,
and were concurred in by that body the same day.
On the 29th of January, the Commissioner informed the
Governor that the news of the sailing of the Brooklyn had
determined him not to press a reply to his note; that it had
been arranged between Ex-President Tyler and himself that they
should endeavor to get from the Government at Washington and
the authorities of the seceding States "mutual assurances" that
would be reciprocally binding, that no act should be committed
which was calculated to produce hostilities during the period
indicated by Virginia. He had, on the 28th, received from
Ex-President Tyler a despatch informing him that the President
declined to give a written pledge, nor did he understand that he
proposed to give a verbal one.*
It seemed wholly unnecessary, under the circumstances — as
the State has declined to send delegates — if not unreasonable, to
make such request of the State. He considered his mission as
terminated, but would willingly be the bearer of any response the
State might see fit to make.
On the same day, the Secretary of State of South Carolina,
in inclosing a copy of the resolution passed by the General Assem-
bly to the Commissioners, informs him that the refusal of the
President was not unexpected by the Governor, and that he might
now understand thoroughly the motives of the authorities of the
State in not relying upon assurances. To that evidence it was not
necessary for the Governor to add anything, and he was satisfied
that the State of Virginia would receive his report in the proper
spirit.
But the Commissioner of Virginia to the President did not
cease in his efforts to accomplish the object of his mission.
Although some days had passed since the President had declined
to enter into any pledges restricting his action in regard to Fort
Sumter, the Commissioner on the 7th of February despatched
to the Governor of South Carolina the following telegram:
"Washington, 7th February.
"To Governor Pickens: Can my voice reach you? If so,
do not attack Fort Sumter. You know my sincerity. The
Virginia delegates here earnestly unite.
(Signed) "John Tyler."
Executive Document No 4. Charleston, 1861.
ACTION OF EX-PRESIDENT TYLER. 247
And ag> in on the same date, to Judge Robertson, at Mont-
gomery, Ala. : " Hayne has returned. Prevent, if possible, col-
lision. It is of great importance to results here."
The answer of the Governor was immediate. In consequence of
the appeal of Virginia, he was willing to await the result as long as he
could consistently, but while Sumter was held with a view to their
subjugation, even Virginia would refuse. He would decide when
he knew the exact grounds upon which the President acted.
Not satisfied, however, with the response of the Governor, Mr.
Tyler again telegraphed, on the 9th, that the President directed
him to say that the letter to Colonel Hayne was designed to be
both respectful and kind, and that he so considered it, but that
he "complained much" of Colonel Hayne's last letter and mani-
fested "great solicitude" on the point. And he repeats his inquiry
as to the assurance to be given by the Governor that no attack
should be made, provided that the President would give a like
assurance that no reinforcements would be sent.
On the same day, the Governor again responds. He acknowl-
edges the receipt of the telegrams sent him, and says that thj
letter of Secretary Holt was then under consideration ; that no
pledge could be given unless officially informed of some proposal
from the President, but that his course might be controlled by the
direction given by the provisional Government at Montgomery,
should they assume such direction in reference to Fort Sumter;
and that everything that could consistently be done to avoid col-
lision and bloodshed would be the purpose of the authorities in
South Carolina.
On the 1 8th of February, Mr Tyler again telegraphs to
Governor Pickens. He informs him that the President is
startled by information, considered to be reliable, and coming
indirectly from a former Member of Congress from South Caro-
lina, assuring him that Fort Sumter would be taken on or before
the 4th of March, "without reference to what the Montgomery
Government might advise or order on the subject;" and Mr.
Tyler asks that the Government would quiet the President by his
reply.
Meantime, the Governor was kept constantly advised of what
was transpiring in Washington in reference to Fort Sumter. On
the 20th of February, Senator Wigfall telegraphed to him as follows:
"Attempt to reinforce Anderson by stealth at night in small
248
THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
boats determined." And such information, oftentimes mistaken,
was sent constantly to Charleston.
The Governor had long felt the weight of the responsibility
resting upon him and the necessity for action, and towards the
close of February he sent the following telegram to the Confederate
Secretary of the Treasury at Montgomery:
" Received your telegram to-day. But am sure if you do not
act immediately and appoint a commander-in-chief to take
charge, it will be too late. Act quickly, now, or I shall be com-
pelled to act. Send your Commissioners on to Washington now,
right off, and telegraph me, or it will be beyond your control.
Things look bad in Washington. " F. W. P."
The mission of Mr. Hayne had terminated in such fashion
that the Governor sent a message to the House of Representa-
tives on the 19th of January, saying that as the Convention had
expressly reserved to itself the power to make treaty and to
declare war, the final report of Hayne might render it proper for
him to reconvene the Convention. Meantime, the question of
reinforcing Fort Sumter was under constant discussion in the
Cabinet at Washington. A council consisting of Secretaries Holt
and Toucey, Lieutenant General-Scott, and Commander Ward
of the Navy, after several consultations, had, with the knowledge
of the President, determined upon a plan approved by General
Scott, which seemed to offer the best chances of success. It
was to be quietly prepared under the direction of the Secretary
of the Navy; it was to consist of four small steamers to be
borrowed from the Treasury Department, and was to sail from
New York under the command of Commander Ward of the Navy,
an intimate friend of the Secretary. This officer was empowered
to select his officers and men, and the expedition was to sail the
following night after the receipt of the telegram from the Secre-
tary directing the movement. He was to enter the harbor of
Charleston in the night and anchor under the guns of Fort
Sumter, if possible.
Another proposition for the relief of Sumter was made by
Captain Gustavus V. Fox, who early in January, after the result
of the expedition of the Star of the West had become known, had
submitted a plan in writing, for the relief of Fort Sumter, to a
friend of Lieutenant-General Scott, to whom it was shown, and
who at once gave it his approval.
CAPTAIN FOX'S PLAN OF RELIEF. 249
Captain Fox had been an ofificer of the Navy for nineteen
years. A thorough and accomplished sailor, he had early seen
the necessity of prompt and vigorous action, and he submitted a
plan of relief which, had it been promptly resorted to, would at
that time have had every chance of success. The sole reward
asked by Captain Fox was to be assigned to the command of the
expedition. His plan was at once simple and efficient. The
troops and provisions were to be placed on board a large sea
steamer, preferably the Collins steamer Baltic, which was to
carry three hundred extra sailors and enough armed launches to
land all the troops in one night. Two powerful light-draught tug-
boats, their machinery protected by cotton-bales or hay, which
would shield it from grape or fragments of shells, were to be
used to transport the troops and provisions from the bar; the men
below, the provisions on deck. The whole to be convoyed by the
United States sloop of war Pawnee, drawing twelve feet of water
and carrying seven guns, the only available steam vessel north of
the Gulf of Mexico. As a steamer, she was a failure, but
Captain Fox thought she might answer in the emergency, as she
was " unfortunately the only resource." She was to protect the
transports and tugs from any attack of the enemy, and to serve
as a base of operations. The batteries were to be run at night
by the tugs, and the barbette guns of the work were relied upon
to keep the channel between the islands free from hostile vessels
while entering. If perfectly calm, boats were to be used. The
plan of Captain Fox was also endorsed by Mr. G. W. Blunt, Mr.
Chas. H. Marshall and Russell Sturgis of New York, and Mr.
Marshall agreed to furnish or provision the vessels without pub-
licity.
On the 4th of February Captain Fox was summoned to
Washington by General Scott by telegram, as he had also been by
letter that failed to reach him. The whole subject was fully
discussed in the General's presence on the following day. The
proposition made by Lieutenant N. J. Hall, one of Major
Anderson's officers, who had been sent to Washington by Major
Anderson after the demand for the surrender of the fort on the
nth of January, that a steamer should go in protected by a vessel
on each side loaded with hay, was pronounced impracticable.
The plan of Captain Fox was approved by General Scott, who
presented him to the Secretary of War on the 7th of February,
250
THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
to whom Captain Fox explained his project and who agreed to
submit it to the President that evening. On the 20th of February
Lieutenant-General Scott directed his aide-de-camp in New York
(Lieutenant-Colonel H. L. Scott) to put himself into communi-
cation with Commander Ward, to see what recruits and what
stores he would want, and to see that everything was supplied for
Major Anderson's needs. At the same time, a memorandum made
by Lieutenant Hall, of the articles required at Fort Sumter, was
sent to Colonel Scott with directions to supply them, and as large
a supply of subsistence as Commander Ward could take. All
was prepared and the expedition made ready for sea. But
Mr. Buchanan had again changed his purpose. On the 8th the
news of the formation of a provisional Government at Montgomery
by the seceding States had reached Washington. While the
President declined to enter mto any pledges in regard to the
sending of reinforcements to Fort Sumter, he considered " the
truce " established by Major Anderson as binding, and as restrain-
ing him from sending such reinforcements. He determined also
to respect the appeal made by the General Assembly of Virginia.
The negotiations between the envoy and the Government were yet
in progress, and Major Anderson had not asked for reinforcements,
and the authorities of the State seemed equally inclined to suspend
immediate action. He therefore deemed it to be his duty to
refrain from any action which might precipitate a crisis, and the
expedition under Commander Ward, which had been determined
upon, was in consequence not sent. This determination of the
President was the cause of "great disappointment and astonish-
ment" to General Scott, who so expressed himself to Captain Fox
on the 8th of February. General Scott believed that up to the
12th of February it was easy to relieve Fort Sumter, and that the
expedition of Commander Ward would have been successful, and
that he would have been able to reach Sumter " with all his ves-
sels." In a communication to the mcoming President on the 3d of
March, it was stated by General Scott that the expedition under
Commander Ward "was kept back" by something like a truce or
armistice, which was established between President Buchanan and
the " principal seceders," and which lasted until the end of
Mr. Buchanan's administration. To this the President took
exception, and asserted that the truce was made by Major
Anderson himself, and that it expired on the 5th of February, when
CAPTAIN FOX URGES HIS PLAN.
251
the Secretary of War, Mr. Holt, announced to the South Carolina
Commissioner, Mr. Hayne, the refusal of the President to sur-
render Fort Sumter under any circumstances.* The President
characterized the strictures of General Scott as *' unfounded and
unjust." In his communication no reference is made by General
Scott to the existence of the truce between Major Anderson and
the Governor of South Carolina.*
On the 2 1 St of February it was announced in the public press
that it was determined by the Government to relieve Fort Sumter
by boats at night, although in a telegram to a friend Lieutenant-
General Scott had expressed his belief that this plan of Captain
Fox had been "adjourned."
This statement was made the subject of a communication to
the Hon. Montgomery Blair by his relative. Captain Fox, in which
the impracticability of the plan by open boats, its danger and the
publicity given to it, were shown. It would now be anticipated,
and he renews and specifies more particularly his own proposition.
On the I St of March it was discovered that the Charleston
authorities had opened negotiations in New York for the pur-
chase of two of the same tugboats that Captain Fox had selected
as the only suitable ones for the work in the city, and he
thought that the probability of the reinforcement of Fort Sumter
would be greatly lessened by this action. The' tugs had been put
in order, although his plan had been suspended, but relying upon
the endorsement of General Scott, Captain Fox again urged the
consideration of his plan.
* " Buchanan's Administration."
CHAPTER XXI.
President Buchanan's views as to the coercive powers of the Government— Con-
gress meets— President's message of December 2— Review of the political
situation— Recommendations— Denies any danger to Southern rights -No
right as President to decide re'ations between Government and Slate--
Secession not the right of a State - Congress no constitutional right to
coerce State attempting Secession— Recommends "explanatory amend-
ment," recognizing property in slaves and their protection in the Terri-
tories—Message disappoints Southern leaders —Congress neglects to act —
President rends special message on January 8 —Reiterates his position and
views — Reasons for not reinforcing Major Anderson — ^Jefferson Davis's
opinion of the message— Senate refuse to confirm Collector for Charleston,
S. C— Crittenden amendment— Endorsed by the President— Amended by
wholly different resolution — Original proposition defeated— Peace Conven-
tion of Virginia -Efforts to effect a settlement— Series of amendments
offered— Propositions made — Mr, Critttenden adopts a proposition in pref-
erence to his own— Senate rejects it— Cotton States pass ordinances of
Secession— Seize the public property— Congress relies upon time and the
incoming administration.
A DISCIPLE of the school of Madison and of Jackson, the
President believed that the union of the States could not be pre-
served by the mere exertion of the coercive powers confided to
the General Government, and he felt it to be his duty, as it was
his earnest wish, to exert all of his constitutional as well as his
personal power to avert the danger so imminently threatening
the nation.
Congress had met on the 2d of December, and to it he trans-
mitted a carefully prepared message, in which he reviews the
actual political situation, and makes certain recommendations for
its action.* He asserts that " the long-continued and intemperate
interference of the Northern people with slavery in the South had
produced its natural effect;" that the sovereign States of the
South were alone responsible for the existence of slavery within
their limits; and that the North was not responsible, and had no
right to interfere. He denies that the rights of the South are in
* President's message, December, i860.
252
PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE.
253
danger, and affirms that Congress had never at any time, by legis-
lation, impaired in the slightest degree " the rights of the South
to their property in slaves, nor their equal rights in the Territories
to hold such property; that the action of different State Legisla-
tures to defeat the execution of the Fugitive-slave law, was uncon-
stitutional, and thus null and void; but that the Southern States
had a right to demand the repeal of these "obnoxious enact-
ments," and if refused, the injured States, after using all peaceful
means or redress, would be justified in " revolutionary resistance."
He claims that, as the Executive, he had no power to decide
the relations which should exist between the Federal Government
and South Carolina, much less to acknowledge its independence;
that while a State had no right to secede from the Union at its
pleasure, Congress had no constitutional power to coerce such
State which was attempting to withdraw or had actually with-
drawn from the Union.
He argues, too, that the property of the United States in South
Carolina had been bought with the consent of the Legislature of
the State, and that the Constitution of the United States gave to
it executive control; that he did not believe that any forcible
attempt would be made against that property, but that if such
should be made, the officer in charge had orders to act defen-
sively.* And he recommends, as the one mode of arresting the
" headlong career " of the cotton States, that an explanatory
amendment be presented to the States, recognizing their property
in slaves, protecting that right in the Territories, while Territories,
under the decision of the Supreme Court.
In regard to the performance of his duty, in whole or in part,
under the acts of 1795 ^^'^ 1807, it was rendered nugatory by the
demolition of the whole machinery of the Federal Government
necessary for the distribution of remedial justice, and that it
would be difficult if not impossible to replace it, but that he
should collect the revenue and defend the public property against
all assaults. The position assumed by the President in his mes-
sage, and for which the country had so anxiously waited, gave
* No money was paid for the forts or sites for forts in South Carolina, and
this statement of the President gave rise to much comment both in and out of
Congress. After the cession of the forts in 1805, South CaroHna advanced
money to assist in making repairs upon Fort Moultrie and Castle Pinckney. —
QhdiTlcsion Mercury, I'ecember 22, iS6o.
254
THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
rise to very diverse sentiments. It satisfied neither of tlie great
parties now definitely formed in the country. The Southern
leaders in Washington became reserved in their intercourse with
the President, at learning his views on the right of secession; and
although his course had hitherto met their approval and they had
implicitly trusted him to act in their interest, his message disap-
pointed them, as not going far enough in the direction of their
views, and one by one they left him, until his refusal to restore
the status by the return of Anderson to Fort Moultrie severed all
relations with him at once and finally. The ground laid down by
the President in his message of the 3d of December, while deny-
ing the right of secession to the State, and denying equally the
right of the General Government to coerce a State, was popularly
but erroneously attributed to the Attorney-General, Judge Black,
who, however, was not the writer of it. The sentiments of the
message of the 8th of January, however, expressed the views of
the Attorney-General, which were adopted by the President.
Meantime, Congress was in daily session, but it seemed to be
impossible to obtain its consent to any measure, either upon the
recommendation of the President or as originating among them-
selves, which would meet the impending revolution by concilia-
tory measures or oppose it by force.
Impatient at the delay, recognizing the fact that the cotton
States were following each other into secession, and conscious of
his own want of power, either to check or prevent it, the Presi-
dent again, on the 8th of January, addressed a special message
to Congress, reciting the actual condition of affairs as in a worse
state that at the time of his first message.
He states that " recent reflections " had only confirmed him
in the conviction that no State had a right by its own act to
secede from the Union; that he, as the President, had no power
to recognize the exercise of such right even if it existed, and that
neither he nor Congress had any right to make war upon a State,
but that the military force might be used defensively against
those who resisted federal officers or who • assailed the Govern-
ment property ; that the power and the responsibilities to make
war or to secure peace rested with Congress alone. A delay to adopt
some practical proposition to conciliate, might render any adjust-
ment impossible. And he concludes by stating that he had deter-
mined that no act of his should contribute to the excitement; that
NON-A C TION OF CONGRESS, 255
his purpose was not to commence a civil war, nor even to furnish an
excuse for it, and that he had thus " refrained " from reinforcing
Major Anderson in Charleston Harbor, lest it might be unjustly
regarded as a menace of m litary coercion, and especially as " no
necessity for these reinforcements seemed to exist."
In this special message the important correspondence between
the President and the South Carolina Commissioners was sub-
mitted.
The President's message contained nothing new, and it was
considered by Senator Jefferson Davis, as stated in his speech the
following day, as containing very little indeed beyond that which
the world, less indeed than reading men generally, knew before it
was communicated. And he characterized the message of
December as one from which " it was not within the power of
man to reach any fixed conclusion."
By a singular omission in the only act passed by Congress
involvmg the question, that of 1795, ^^ provision was made to
resist insurrection against the General Government upon the part
of the States. Even this important consideration received no
attention from Congress during its entire session. A bill enab-
ling the President to call out the militia for the purpose of
retaking the forts already seized, or that might hereafter be
seized, was presented to the House of Representatives, but
immediately withdrawn and recommitted, and not again referred to.
On the i8th of February a bill was introduced, extending the
powers of the President to employ the militia in suppressing
insurrection against the Government, and to accept volunteers.
It made no provision for repossessing the forts, and its considera-
tion was purposely postponed until too late to be acted upon, and
it was thus defeated; and this action only too plainly demon-
strated to what an extent the United States Senate was affected
by the secession sentiment. The Senate neglected to confirm the
nomination of a collector of customs for the port of Charleston,
S. C, Senator Jefferson Davis having played a conspicuous part
in preventing any action. Nor was any measure looking to the
collection of the revenue outside of the closed ports by means of
the Navy considered or passed during the entire session.
It was not denied that the President was powerless. No one
claimed that he could, by virtue of his office, make war, or that,
without additional and special legislation, he could properly or
256 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVH WAR.
efficiently act; and yet the Congress of 1S60-61 simply and per-
sistently refused to pass any act, or to adopt any resolution, either
to preserve the Union by peaceful measures or to grant to the
Executive the power of aggression, or to increase and define his
power of defense.
The " Crittenden amendment," which was a proposition to
recognize the existence of slavery in the Territories south of the
old Missouri Compromise line, was introduced early in the
session. It forbade any interference with slavery by Congress in
such Territories, and left the question of its continuance to be
decided by the Constitution of the new State, formed from
such Territory, upon its admission as a State into the Union.
The compromise thus offered seemed to meet the approval of
a large majority of those who still clung to the Union of the
States.
It was, however, rejected by the committee to whom it was
referred, who reported on the 31st of December that they had not
been able to agree upon any plan of adjustment. It tolerated
slavery in New Mexico, and no Republican supported it at any time.
But the patriotic author of the proposition was not discouraged,
and he substituted for it a joint resolution referring his amend-
ment to a direct vote of the people. Although this seemed to
meet popular approbation, and received also the endorsement of
the President, its consideration was again and again postponed,
and when finally introduced, after much opposition, it was so
amended by the substitution of another and wholly different reso-
lution, in accordance with the Chicago platform, that the original
proposition was destroyed by it, and the substitute was carried by
the fact that six Northern Senators had failed to vote against it.
And at the end of the session the original proposition itself, when
presented, was defeated upon a direct vote.
Meantime, the Peace Convention called by Virginia, in a noble
effort to adjust the difficulties and to preserve the Union, had
met at Richmond on the 4th of February. It was composed of
commissioners from States North and South that were willing to
unite in an effort to preserve the Union. The hopes of every
patriot were turned to it, and it was felt that nothing remained
but a rupture of the Union, should it fail to accomplish its object.
But the cotton States had already separated themselves from the
Union, and were about to form a provisional Government of their
COTTON STATES SECEDE.
257
own. After much discussion and the loss of valuable time, a
series of amendments were reported of the same tenor and pur-
pose, with the compromise measures proposed by Mr. Crittenden,
save that it limited the provisions to the present Territories.
This amendment was at once communicated to Congress, and
an effort made by the Commissioners in charge of it to induce
the Senate, by joint resolution, to propose it as an amendment to
the Constitution. This failed of accomplishment, when Mr.
Crittenden adopted it in preference to his own proposition, and
in consideration of its origin, offered it to the Senate, which
rejected it by a large majority.
The House of Representatives refused to permit its Speaker
to present the Amendment proposed by the Convention for its
Consideration, and no copy of it appears upon its Journal. The
fate of the original proposition of this earnest statesman has been
already seen, and Congress finally adjourned without passing a
single measure calculated to tranquilize or assure the dissatisfied,
or to meet by force the revolutionary spirit now threatening the
integrity and peace of the country.
But long ere this, the people of the Southern States had ceased
to look to Congress for any conclusive measure of prevention or
reconciliation. Their resolution to go into convention of their
States and to solve the ditlficulties for themselves, had been quite
determined upon, and when, upon the 31st of December, the Com-
mittee of Thirteen reported themselves as unable to agree upon
any plan of adjustment, they would wait no longer. On the 7th
of January action was taken by Florida, and by the end of the
month four more of the cotton States had passed the Ordinance
of Secession by overwhelming majorities. They were joined by
Texas on the 5th of February. The public property within the
limits of these States was seized, and, in the case of Louisiana, a
large amount of public money was removed from the Mint at
New Orleans before the passage of the Ordinance; nor has the
General Government ever received any offer of indemnity for this
spoliation.
Congress adjourned, leaving the status unaltered by statute,
and the President, with his peculiar \news, helpless. But there
was a belief, notwithstanding the threatening nature of the dififi-
culties, that a peaceable solution might yet be attained; and with-
out confidence in the action of the President, and uncertain of the
258 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
views of the incoming administration, and unwilling to tie its hands
or to anticipate its action by initiating hostile measures, Congress
seemed to trust alone to time and to the new administration shortly
to assume power.
CHAPTER XXII.
Delegates from cotton States meet at Montgomery, Ala. — Form a provis-
ional Congress —Executive, legislative and judicial departments formed —
The United States of America "a foreign country" — The establishment
and organization of the "Government " — Acts passed —Assumes control
of the "questions and difficulties " existing with the General Government
— Nature of the Government — General Convention not competent to
exigency— Declares itself a provisional Government at first — Exercises all
power — Governor Pickens seeks counsel of Jefferson Davis — His reply —
Writesagain on the 20th of January — His letter — Governor Pickens consults
the Governor of Georgia — His reply — Threatened attack upon Sumter —
Mr. Robert Toombs urges against the attack, except with sanction of "our
joint Government" — Reply of Governor Pickens — Recommends the
appointment of a commander-in-chief— Counsels that the "Congress"
should indicate jurisdiction — His views and arguments — Thinks on
12th of February that he is prepared to take Fort Sumter — Asks if he
shall await orders, or act himself — Jefferson Davis —Provisional President
of new Government— Appoints a general officer for Charleston — Governor
applies for a "skilled engineer" — Captain Whiting sent — His adverse
report — Work at Cummings Point pushed steadily on.
While inaction and hesitation seemed to characterize the pro-
ceedings of Congress, and which the President regarded as favor-
able to him in the position he had taken, there was no illusion as
to the course of those States that, as far as their own act could
accomplish it, had now separated themselves from the Federal
Union. Hardly had the last of the cotton States passed the Ordi-
nance of Secession, when on the 4th of February the Commis-
sioners appointed by the several State conventions, met in session
at Montgomery, Ala. These State conventions had sent their
ablest men, many of them well known to the country at
large, and whose lives were characterized by devotion to Southern
sentiment and to Southern interest. An abundant material was
thus supplied, from which was drawn an array of executive ability
that gave life to every department of the new Government, and
that in determined and deliberate concert did not hesitate to act.
The provisional Congress had no sooner assembled than it at
once began the passage of resolutions and of acts entitled " By
259
26o THE GENESIS OF THE CIVH WAR.
the Confederate States of America in Congress assembled." The
varied and complicated machinery of an established government
was promptly organized and the officers to direct it chosen. The
executive, legislative and judicial departments were provided
for and set in motion, and the salaries of the Cabinet officers
regulated.
To a Congress thus composed, the United States of Amer-
ica became a " foreign country," and a measure enforcing the
"existing revenue laws against all foreign countries" except the
State of Texas was promptly adopted.*
A resolution for the appointment of three commissioners by the
" President-elect," to be sent to the Government of the United
States of America, " to settle questions of disagreement between
the two Governments," was adopted on the tenth day of the ses-
sion. A department of State was organized, and a " great
seal " provided for, and its uses prescribed. On one and the same
day the Treasury, War and Navy departments were called into
existence and a Department of Justice authorized. The estab-
lishment and organization of a general staff for the Army of the
Confederate States was resolved upon, and before the month of
February had closed provision had been made to raise money for
the support of the Government, and to provide for the defense of
the Confederate States, to raise provisional forces, and to accept
the service of volunteers.
Early in March, acts were passed to provide for the public
defense, so as to maintain the rightful possession of the Confeder-
ate States in every portion of territory belonging to each State.
The President was authorized to accept the service of 100,000
volunteers. On the 6th of March, the establishment and organi-
zation of an army was provided for, and in a subsequent act
provision was made for its support. And thus within a month
from the time at which it had assembled at Montgomery, a
Government fully officered, and with every attribute of national
power and supported by its people, had sprung into existence
within the limits of the old Union, prepared to defend to the last
extremity the position it had taken. "Jefferson Davis has
created a nation," said Mr. Gladstone in his place in Parliame'it,
and a nation was thus seemingly formed, " because each S'.ate
* Acts of the Provisional Congress, 1861.
PROVISIONAL CONGRESS FORMED. 26 1
possessed within itself an established and organized Government,
under the influence of which right was maintained and wrong
redressed. A remarkable change in the political government of
this people was thus accomplished without the slightest disturb-
ance of their social condition, and without the slightest exhibi-
tion of license or tendency to anarchy."'^ The secret strength that
lies in the complete and distinct organization of the States as
separate communities, and upon which our whole Federal system
of government relies, was appealed to, and used to whatever suc-
cess was attained in the new movement. But from its nature, as
well as from its organization, the Congress found itself at once
obliged to assume the immediate control of questions whose
solution involved the question of peace or war to the Confeder-
acy, and accordingly, upon the 12th of February, within one week
of its organization, it took under its charge the " questions and
difficulties" existing '* between the several States of this Con-
federacy and the United States of America relating to the occu-
pation of forts " and other public establishments. Upon the 28th
of February, in the act to raise provisional forces and " to enable
the Government of the Confederate States to maintain its juris-
diction over all questions of peace and war," the ''President"
was authorized to assume control of all military operations in
every State, in questions between them and powers foreign to
them. Under this act, provision for the support of 3,000 men
for twelve months, to be called into service at Charleston,
was made, as well as an appropriation for 2,000 additional
troops whenever in the discretion of " the President " their serv-
ices might be required at Charleston.
The action of the provisional Congress in thus assuming the
control of the "questions and difficulties" existing between any
State and the Government of the United States, had immediate
reference to the actual condition of affairs at Charleston and in
Florida. Although the probability of such action had been
anticipated by some of those in power in South Carolina, if not
invited directly by the Governor, the passage of the resolution by
the provisional Congress gave rise to considerable feeling, and to
an extended discussion in the Convention and among the people.
In sending their delegates to Montgomery, it w^as understood
* "Representative Men of the South." — Sketch of Magrath.
262 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
to be the wish of the Convention of South Carolina that a pro-
visional Government should be first promptly organized and set
in motion; to be followed at once by the establishment of a per-
manent Government, and that this being accomplished, the dele-
gates should return to their State conventions. It was to be
understood that the assembled delegates were not the Legislature,
nor were they to administer the Government, but to remain a
Convention only.*
The presentation of these views was met by earnest opposition
from the deputies from Alabama, Louisiana and Georgia, who
urged that a return of the deputies to their Convention " or to the
people " would hazard the fate of the whole movement; that they
had not so interpreted the resolution cf South Carolina, and that
their Conventions had conferred full power. This view was sup-
ported earnestly also by Florida, thus rendering it probable that
Mississippi would be the only State that would support the
peculiar view taken by South Carolina. Under these circum-
stances, the deputies from South Carolina yielded, and so reported
to the Governor of their State, expressing the concurrent opinion
of the entire delegation except two (Mr. Barnwell and Mr. Rhett).
It soon became manifest that the general Convention, as such,
was not competent to meet the exigencies of the situation, nor to
grapple successfully with the events now pressing upon them with
startling rapidity. It was therefore determined " that the Con-
vention should declare itself the Congress of a provisional Gov-
ernment," that it should act and should so exercise the powers of
such Government until a permanent establishment under a new
Constitution could be organized and a new Government inaugu-
rated under it. It was in fact " the Constituent Assembly," and
meantime the provisional Congress was the sole power for the
" embryo Confederacy." " It exercised all the functions of Gov-
ernment, executive as well as legislative, and it held back and res-
trained the State of South Carolina from an attack on Fort Sumter,
until the Confederate Government was in a condition to act."t
It was during this transition state that a very general impres-
sion if not a conviction prevailed, that an immediate assault upon
Fort Sumter was threatened by the authorities of South Carolina.
* Letter of Mr. Porcher Miles, February 10, 1861.
t Judicial decision. Judge I. M. Clayton, 7th Judicial District, 1866.
LETTER OF MR. JEFFERSON DAVIS. 263
Even since the entrance of Major Anderson into that work, and
the refusal of the General Government to transfer his command
to Fort Moultrie, the question of its reduction and possession had
presented itself incessantly and with accumulated force to the
people and authorities of South Carolina. Distrusting his own
judgment, impatient of the pressure brought upon him, the Exec-
utive of the State had sought counsel from without, and having
previously addressed a communication to Senator Jefferson Davis,
then in liis seat as a Senator from jSIississippi, he received from
him a reply on the 13th of January.
He says that he was unable to place any confidence in the
adherence of the administration to a "fixed line of policy;"
that the general tendency was to hostile measures, and that it
was necessary to prepare to meet them; and that he took it for
granted that the time allowed to the garrison of Fort Sumter had
been diligently employed by "yourselves," "so that before you
could be driven out of your earthworks, you will be able to cap-
ture the fort which commands them." He argues against the shut-
ting up of the garrison with the view to starve them into submis-
sion, as such action would create a sympathy much greater than
any which could be obtained on the present issue. He doubted,
too, the loyalty of the garrison, and as he supposed that the
entrance of the harbor was closed to any reinforcements, he
thought that there could be no danger to the freest intercourse
between the garrison and the city. His letter was as follows:
" Washington, D. C,
" January 13, i86i.
" Governor F. W. Pickens,
" My dear sir: A serious and sudden attack of neuralgia has
prevented me from fulfilling my promise to communicate more
fully by mail than could safely be done by telegraph. I need
hardly say to you that a request for a conference on questions of
defense had to me the force of a command; it, however, found
me under a proposition from the Governor of Mississippi, to send
me as a commissioner to Virginia, and another to employ me in
the organization of the State militia. But more than all, I was
endeavoring to secure the defeat of the nomination of a foreign
collector for the port of Charleston, and at that time it was
deemed possible that in the Senate we could arrest all hostile
legislation such as might be designed either for the immediate or
future coercion of the South. It now appears that we shall lack
one or two votes to effect the legislative object just mentioned,
264 ^-^^ GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
and it was decided last evening, in a conference which I was not
able to attend, that the Senators of the seceded States should
promptly withdraw upon the telegraphic information already
receivea. I am still confined to my bed, but hope soon to be up
again, and, at as early a day as practicable, to see you. I cannot
place any confidence in the adherence of the administration to a
fixed line of policy. The general tendency is to hostile
measures, and against these it is needful for you to prepare. I
take it for granted that the time allowed to the garrison of Fort
Sumter has been diligently employed by yourselves, so that before
you could be driven out of your earthworks you will be able to
capture the fort which commands them. I have not sufficiently
learned your policy in relation to the garrison at Fort Sumter, to
understand whether the expectation is to compel them to capitu-
late for want of supplies, or whether it is only to prevent the trans-
mission of reports and the receipt of orders. To shut them up
with a view to starve them into submission would create a
sympathetic action much greater than any which could be
obtained on the present issue. I doubt very much the loyalty of
the garrison, and it has occurred to me that if they could receive
no reinforcements — and I suppose you sufficiently command ihe
entrance to the harbor to prevent it — that there could be no
danger of the freest intercouse between the garrison and the city.
We have to-day news of the approach of a mixed commis-
sion from Fort Sumter and Charleston, but nothing further than
the bare fact. We are probably soon to be involved in that
fiercest of human strifes, a civil war. The temper of the Black
Republicans is not to give us our rights in the Union, or allow us
to go peaceably out of it. If we had no other cause, this would
be enough to justify secession, at whatever hazard. When I am
better I will write again, if I do not soon see you.
(Signed) " Very sincerely yours, Jefferson Davis."*
Upon the 20th of January he again wrote that his quiet hours
were mostly spent in thought of Charleston Harbor ; that the
opinion of the friends of Governor Pickens was adverse to the
presentation of a demand for the evacuation of Fort Sumter;
that the little garrison in its present position pressed upon
nothing but a point of pride; that war was made up of real
elements, and that it was a physical problem from the solution of
which all sentiment must necessarily be excluded; that he
hoped that they should soon have a Southern Confederacy,
should soon be ready to do all which interest or even pride
demands, and that an indemnity would be found for any chafing
they had now to endure. That there was much preparation to
* From original letter.
SECOND LETTER OF MR. DAVIS. 205
make, both in civil and in military organizations, and that the time
which served for their preparation, by its moral effect tended
toward a peaceful solution. He thought, too, that the "occur-
rence " of the Star of the West seemed to put the Governor in
the best condition for delay, so long as the Government permits
that matter to rest where it is ; and that if things should continue
as they were for a month, they would then " be in a condition to
speak with a voice that all must hear and heed." He wrote :
"Washington, 20th January, 1861.
" Governor F. W. Pickens.
" Dear Sir: I wrote you a note yesterday announcing to you
my disappointment at the circumstances which prevented me
from meeting you on my way home. You will not be surprised
when I say to you that my quiet hours are mostly spent in
thoughts of Charleston Harbor, and may therefore pardon the
frequency of my letters.
" Colonel Hayne has doubtless informed you of the condition
in which he found matters here. The opinion of your friends,
which has been communicated to him, is adverse to the presenta-
tion of a demand for the evacuation of Fort Sumter. The little
garrison in its present position presses on nothing but a point of
pride, and to you I need not say that war is made up of real
elements. It is a physical problem from the solution of which we
must need exclude all sentiment. I hope we shall soon have a
Southern Confederacy, shall soon be ready to do all which interest
or even pride demands, and in the fullness of a redemption of
every obligation. The more impatient will find indemnity for
any chafing, in the meantime, they would have to endure. We
have much of preparation to make, both in military and civil
organization, and the time which serves for our preparation, by
its moral effect tends also towards a peaceful solution. Secure
of ourselves, walking steadily onward to the purpose we have
avowed, if any should misunderstand us, it will be only to awake
from their delusion to the realization of the virtues and powers
which will seem all the greater for their sudden development.
" I learn but vaguely the progress of your works, but rest
content in the conviction that all is done which is possible.
*********
" The occurrence of the Star of the West seems to me to put
you in the best condition for delay, so long as the Government
permits that matter to rest where it is. Your friends here think
you can well afford to stand still, so far as the presence of a
garrison is concerned, and if things continue as they are for a
month, we shall then be in a condition to speak with a voice
which all must hear and heed.
" I should be very happy to hear from you at Jackson, Miss.;
266 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
and hoping to meet you soon, permit me to assure you that my
heart will be with you, and my thoughts of you.
*' Very respectfully and truly,
" Yours,
(Signed) "Jefferson Davis."
A letter of similar import had been addressed by Governor
Pickens to the Executive of Georgia, Governor Jos. E. Brown,
who replied to him on the 2d of February that he fully appre-
ciated the difficulties by which he was surrounded, and the irrita-
tion which his people must feel while menaced by a hostile
force. That there were political considerations which induced
him to believe that it would be bad policy to make an attack, or
commence actual war during Mr. Buchanan's administration.
He urged that if war was commenced during Mr. Buchanan's
administ-.ation, the Democratic party of the North would sustain
the President, and would be put in the front of the attack; that
Mr. Lincoln would take it up as " unfinished business actually
commenced," and bring the Republican party with him against
the South. But that if a rupture with Buchanan was avoided,
and Mr. Lincoln should commence the war, the Northern Dem-
ocracy would oppose the measure and divide the people upon the
issue; that Mr. Lincoln must commence the attack at once, if at
all, when he would be weak, and when he would have offended a
large number of the leaders of his party in the distribution of
patronage. He therefore thought it unwise to make any attack
at present, unless the interest and honor of South Carolina
required a different course.*
But the report of the alleged intention of Governor Pickens in
regard to the assault upon Fort Sumter had reached Montgomery
and engaged the attention of the leaders of the new movement.
On the 9th of February a communication was addressed to the
Governor of South Carolina by the Hon. Robert Toombs, then or
immediately afterward the Secretary of State of the new Confed-
eracy, urging that Sumter might not be attacked " without the
sanction and jurisdiction of our joint Government."
To this Governor Pickens replied that, under " your Consti-
tution " he supposed that he had no jurisdiction unless, in case of
defense or invasion, but that he considered the occupation of Fort
Sumter now, after the rejection of his demand at Washington, and
* Governor Pickens's files.
A TTACK ON SUMTER DEEMED PREMATURE. 267
the grounds upon which such rejection was made, as an act of
invasion.
The garrison was not in the same fort as when the State
seceded, and their action in deserting Fort Moultrie and the
destruction they committed was, he thought, only justifiable in
the face of a public enemy, and certainly inaugurated a " state of
active hostilities if not war." "But of course," continues the
Governor, " if the President of our Republic will come on here
or send a commander-in-chief immediately, or if your Congress
will by any public or specific declaration, indicate jurisdiction,
either by request or otherwise, then I could not hesitate to abide
most cheerfully by your control," unless an act of aggression or
insult would require '' immediate action."
The idea that the Government at Montgomery, might interfere
had been for some time entertained, if not desired, by Governor
Pickens, who, on the 9th of February, in a communication to
the Hon. John Tyler, stated that, " if the provisional Government
at Montgomery assume the direction of this State in reference to
Fort Sumter, our course may be controlled by such direction."
This, in view of the determined feeling of the people, was as far
as the Governor could go without involving himself directly with
the sentiment so often and so earnestly expressed by the Con-
vention and by the Legislature. But it was no less an open
suggestion, if not a solicitation, the object of which was to
transfer a responsibility pressing upon him with daily increasing
weight, and from which if not ostensibly, he not the less really
shrank. But the Governor still continued to plead the necessity
for an attack at the earliest possible moment, and in his com-
munication to Mr. Toombs of the 12th of February, the day
upon which the resolution was passed, he says, " I hope to be
ready by Friday night, and think I am prepared to take the fort
or to silence it." The fact that an immediate attack was con-
templated, was telegraphed to the South Carolina delegation and
created '' deep concern." It was thought that the Governor was
not informed as to the powers of the Congress; It was believed,
too, that the attack would be premature, that it would interfere
with the arrangements then in progress to establish a Government,
and would put an end to any hope of a peaceful solution of the
difficulties. It was at once determined that the Congress, being
now the master, should interfere. A resolution assuming control
268 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
of the difficulties was promptly offered and at once passed, and
the whole question of Fort Sumter passed into the hands of the
provisional Government. Upon the evening of the same day,
the President of the provisional Congress (Mr. Cobb) announced
the action of the Congress in a telegram to the Governor of South
Carolina, who made on the following day a lengthy reply. The
whole subject of the '■'■ questions and difficulties " was discussed,
as well in its political as its military relations. The claim of the
United States to hold Fort Sumter as a military post, and the
denial of the right of the State to have possession of the fort, was
in fact a denial of its independence.
But the assertion of the rightful independence of the State
carried with it necessarily the right to reduce a fort into its own
possession, when that fort was held by an unfriendly power for a
hostile purpose. It was therefore proper and necessary for the
State to take possession of " that fort" as soon as it was prepared
to do it. With the completion of the preparation which was near,
and certain of the object, it had ever been the purpose of the
State authorities to take the fort. It was the right of the State,
and her resources were equal to the exercise of that right; that
whatever solution might be adopted upon the part of the Conven-
tion in regard to the "questions and difficulties," the position of
South Carolina as to them should be regarded, and that as soon as
her preparations were completed, the fort should be reduced. As
to the time the attack should be made, he thought, with the best
lights he could procure in guiding him, he was perfectly satisfied
that the welfare of the new Confederation, as well as the necessi-
ties of the State required "that Fort Sumter should be reduced
before the close of the present administration at Washington."
To delay the attack until after the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln,
the troops which were then quartered in the Capital might be
employed in attempting that which they could not now be spared
to do.
" Mr. Lincoln," says the Governor, " cannot do more for this
State than Mr. Buchanan has done. Mr. Lincoln will not concede
what Mr. Buchanan has refused, and Mr. Buchanan has based
his refusal upon grounds which determine his reply to six States
as completely as to one. If war can be averted it will be by
making the capture of Fort Sumter a fact accomplished during
GOV. PICKENS PRE r A RED TJ TAKE SUMTER. 269
the continuance of the present administration, and leaving to the
incoming administration the question of an open declaration of
war. If, however, the attack upon the fort is made during Mr.
Lincoln's administration, it would be an act of present hostility;
and a declaration of war would not be a question to be con-
sidered by him, but would be inevitable. Mr. Buchanan cannot
resist because he has not the power; Mr. Lincoln may not attack
because the cause of quarrel may be considered by him as past."*
This assumption of the war power by the Convention, and the
control of the external relations of the States composing the new
Confederacy, was effected before the new Government under the
provisional constitution was organized. There was as yet no exec-
utive, no Cabinet, and the single House of the Congress was the
entire Government. And it was feared by many in South Carolina
that the result of the transfer of the matter of Fort Sumter to
the Montgomery Government would be the postponement of the
possession of that work, and the assault upon it now confi-
dently expected as soon to take place, would be entrusted to
other hands, and that thus a reflection would rest upon the
State.
Although at this period the preparations for an assault upon
the fort were incomplete, if not inadequate, no sooner had the
transfer of the responsibility in regard to it been made to the pro-
visional Congress, than the people of the State became more
clamorous, and the authorities of the State more urgent, that the
attack upon it should be made. The situation had become
more complicated everywhere. According to a statement m the
Southern press on the ist of February, sixteen forts had now been
seized whose united armament consisted of 1,262 guns, and whose
construction had cost the Government over six million and one
half of dollars. f Seven remained. As early as the 12th of
February, however. Governor Pickens had deemed himself pre-
pared, and he wrote to Mr. Toombs, who shortly afterward became
the Secretary of State of the new Confederacy, that he thought
he was prepared to take Fort Sumter, or to silence it. He had, he
said, in his most powerful battery, 1,240 yards from the fort,
three 8-inch heavy Columbiads and three heavy mortars, and
* Pickens to Cobb, February 13 1861.
t Charleston Mercury, February i, 1861.
270
THE GENESIS OE THE CIVIL WAR.
that two more were to be placed there. He had also a floating
battery, which was to be placed under the weakest part of the work.
*' Besides these," he says, " I have mortars and Columbiads at Fort
Moultrie, and plenty of 32-pounders as well as mortars at Fort
Johnson. If the attack was commenced, the fort should be taken
at every hazard; and if resisted, the slaughter of the garrison was
inevitable.'' The channel was well guarded, and no ship could
enter without being sunk, and this should be done, " let the
consequences be what they may." If reinforcements were attempt-
ed, he would not wait an hour. He did not desire that the border
HAMILTON FLOATING BATTERY.
States should patch up a miserable and disgraceful Union with
the North, and he thought that perhaps the immediate possession
of the fort might be necessary to open a gulf between the border
States and the North so deep that it could never be closed, and
that perhaps it would be politic to do this, even at the expense of
bloodshed. Such things had been done in great revolutions.
On the 2 2d of February, the provisional President had for-
warded to Governor Pickens the resolution of the Congress,
taking into their own charge the military operations in progress
in the several States of the Confederacy. To this the Governor
SKILLED ENGINEER SENT TO CHARLESTON. 27I
replied on the 27th of February, by a recital of the steps he had
taken. That in order to consult him on military matters he had
asked him to come to Charleston; that he had sent to the
Governor of Georgia for General Twiggs, and to him (Davis) for a
military engineer. That nothing should be done to involve the
States in a permanent war by any separate act of theirs, unless it
was necessary in self-defense, or to prevent reinforcements. But
in the meantime, he proposed to go on with the same authorit)'^ as
ever in preparing his defenses and his men for any event that
may arise. And he asks to be informed if, when he is ready to
assault the fort, should he do so or await " your order," and also
if he should demand the surrender, or would it be made by the
executive, and he asked that an answer be sent him b)'^ telegraph.
The Congress at Montgomery had meantime organized a pro-
visional Government, and an executive in the person of Mr.
Jefferson Davis had been chosen, who, upon the 9th of February,
proceeded to Montgomery and at once entered upon the duties of
his office. Among the earlier acts of his administration was the
appointment of a brigadier-general for the army of the Con-
federacy, and to assign him at once to the command of the
operations in the harbor of Charleston. Previous to this appoint-
ment, the Governor of South Carolina had been urgent that a
skilled engineer should be sent to him at Charleston. Captain
W. H. C. Whiting, a former officer of engineers of the United
States Army, and who, having vacated his commission, was now in
the service of the State of Georgia, was sent to report to him.
On the 2 2d of February he received his orders from the pro-
visional President directly. He was to proceed to Charleston, to
confer with the Governor of the State, and to enter at once upon
a reconnoissance of the harbor; he was to inspect the works, and
was to gain such knowledge of Fort Sumter as circumstances
would permit. He was to make an inventory of the armament
and munitions, and note particularly the different qualities of
cannon powder, and he was generally charged with the examination
of the works and the preparation for active operations. Captain
Whiting proceeded to Charleston, and entered at once upon the
service required of him. The result of his inspection was soon
attained. He disapproved of much which had been done, and
gave an " alarming description of affairs " in the harbor of
Charleston. This official decision deeply wounded the suscepti-
272 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
bilities of the officials and people in Charleston, many of whom
demanded his removal. The efforts of the State authorities had
been almost exclusively directed to the reduction of Fort Sumter.
With a view to the accomplishment of this purpose, the work
upon Fort Moultrie, Fort Johnson and the iron-clad battery upon
Cummings Point seemed to receive their principal attention. It
was evident that a breaching fire was contemplated from the
batteries at Cummings Point. The labor there was unremitting,
and it soon attracted the earnest attention of Major Anderson
and his officers. It was to meet the fire from these batteries and
to resist the contemplated assault, that the gorge of Fort Sumter
was protected and strengthened by every available means, and the
strongest batteries upon the parapet made to bear upon the works
at that point. The recommendations of their Board had been
carefully carried out. All through January and February the
work was prosecuted, and often continued late into the night. On
the 2 2d of February Major Anderson reported to his Govern-
ment that, " one of the works on Cummings Point appeared to be
bomb-proof, and was possibly intended to defilade their guns
bearing on the channel from our fire," and that it was evident
that they considered them as important. The shape and appear-
ance of the battery, and the use of bars of railroad iron in its con-
struction, was on the 4th of February first made known. The
guns which were intended to fire directly upon Sumter were first
mounted, placed in position and covered with bomb-proof roofs
and the embrasures closed with iron shutters. On the 9th of
February an additional battery of three heavy guns, three hun-
dred yards eastward of the iron-clad battery, and connected with
it by a covered way, apparently was recognized and reported.
Work went on steadily upon these batteries from day to day.
Meantime, on the 12th of February, the action of the provisional
Congress in assuming the control of the military operations of
the seceded States had become known, and it seemed to those
who watched the operations from Fort Sumter to be followed by
a lack of activity in the work going on about the fort. But from
whatever cause it may have arisen, the suspension was but tem-
porary, and work was soon actively renewed. By the middle of
February a third breaching battery was established at Cummings
Point, and the three embrasures for its guns commenced.
CHAPTER XXIII.
Salutes upon Washington's birthday in Charleston Harbor— Scenes in Wash-
ington — President countermands order for parade of troops— Representa-
tive Sickles protests — Interview with the President at the War Department
— President yields — Parade takes place— Makes explanation to Ex-Presi-
dent Tyler — His letter— Major G. T, Beauregard selected as Brigadier-
General of the new Confederacy — His character and history — Proceeds to
Charleston— Makes thorough inspection — Unfavorable result— Absence of
systematic organization and control— Operations around Sumter changed
— Detached batteries located on shores of harbor — Fort Sumter to be
enveloped by a circle of fire— Defenses of Fort Moultrie rebuilt— Chief
engineer's accurate observations and reports — His letter to his chief —
Major Anderson clearly reports his condition, and the work going on
around him.
It was now the 2 2d of February, and Castle Pinckney had
opened early with a salute of thirteen guns in honor of the birth-
day of Washington. At noon the guns upon the barbette were
manned and Sumter fired a national salute. On that morning a
different scene was enacting at Washington.
In accordance with custom a parade of the troops stationed
there had been ordered by the Secretary of War in celebration of
the day, and its execution committed to General Scott on the 21st
inst. Upon the evening of that day the President, hearing of the
order, went in person to the residence of the Secretary of War
and asked if such parade had been ordered by him.
He was replied to affirmatively, and informed that it was in
accordance with custom, when the President at once counterman-
ded the order. The Secretary replied to him that it would be
difficult now at so late an hour to countermand it, as a copy of
the order had already gone to the public press, but that he would
make the effort to obey his instructions. Upon the morning of
the 22d, knowing nothing of the countermand, and having seen
the published order, large crowds had assembled to witness the
parade, and with an especial interest, as it was believed that troops
had been assembled in Washington with reference to the
approaching inauguration on the 4th of March. The President
273
2 74
THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
had gone to the War Department, and was in the office of the
Secretary of War, who had preceded him, when Daniel E.
Sickles, then a Member of Congress from New York, and who had
made his way into the closed Department, appeared at the door of
the Secretary's office and demanded to see the President. When
cautioned by the Secretary that the President wished to be alone,
he insisted; when, hearing the noise, the President inquired the
reason of the disturbance. His relations with the Representative
had been close for a long period. While minister to England
the latter had been the Secretary of Legation, and as a Member
of Congress he had been an ardent supporter of Mr. Buchanan's
administration, and the relations existing were now taken advan-
tage of by the latter to bring the subject of the suspension of the
parade before the President with great force. It would be mis-
understood, there was no reason for it, and would be productive
of great harm. It must go on, and any orders for its suspension
must be at once revoked. The President reluctantly yielded,
when the Representative went at once to the office of Lieutenant-
General Scott, who feared that it was then too late, as his officers
were now "unbelted," as he expressed it. Word was, however,
promptly sent; those organizations that had not yet been dis-
missed were assembled, and a parade was made without any
knowledge upon the part of the people that it had been inter-
rupted. Hardly had the Representative left the department when
the President addressed the following communication to ex-Presi-
dent John Tyler, the President of the Peace Convention then
in session in Washington, and which was at once copied by the
Secretary of War. It was as follows;
"Washington, February 22, 1861.
" My Dear Sir: I found it impossible to prevent two or three
companies of the Federal troops from joining in the procession
to-day with the volunteers of the District, without giving serious
offence to the tens of thousands of people who have assembled to
witness the parade.
"The day is the anniversary of Washington's birth, a festive
occasion throughout the land, and it has been particularly marked
by the House of Representatives.
" The troops everywhere else join such processions in honor
of the birthday of the Father of our Country, and it would be
hard to assign a good reason why they should be excluded from
the privilege in the Capital founded by himself. They are here
simply as a posse comitatus, to aid the civil authorities in case of
MA yOR BE A UREGA RD' S RECORD. 275
need. Besides, the programme was published in the National
Intelligencer of this morning without my personal knowledge, the
War Department having considered the celebration of the national
anniversary by the military arm of the Government as a matter
of course.
" From your friend, very respectfully,
"James Buchanan.
" President Tyler."
Renewed activity was soon manifested about the fort. The
area to include all the batteries from Cummings Point was
enlarged, and the batteries themselves connected by curtains, and
work progressed upon these curtains, which the engineer officer,
who carefully watched their progress, thought was <'a magazine
or a bomb-proof of timber to be used as a battery." The work
at Moultrie and at Fort Johnson was steadily pursued, and it was
while thus in progress that the officer appointed by the Govern-
ment at Montgomery reported in Charleston. Major G. T.
Beauregard, late of the United States Army, was the officer
selected, who, in personal character and professional attain
ment fully merited the distinction. A native of Louisiana,
he had graduated from the Military Academy at West Point
in the Corps of Engineers of the class of 1838, with Hardee
and McDowell, and had been justly considered one of the
most accomplished members of that corps. By a singular coin-
cidence Major Anderson was his instructor of artillery, and
upon his graduation retained him as his assistant instructor of
artillery and artillery practice. He had made a record of faith-
ful service to the Government, which but a short time before* had
appointed him to the superintendency of the Military Academy
at West Point, which position had been tendered to him the
previous year.
In the war with Mexico he had distinguished himself by his
engineering ability, and especially in his proposal and advocacy
of the attack upon the city by its western approaches, and in
support of which he stood almost alone, but which was finally
successfully adopted. He was twice wounded, and was brevetted
a captain, and again a major, in the army " for gallant and meri-
torious conduct at Contreras and at Cherubusco." He reported at
the Academy, but, in accordance with his orders, postponed
* November 8, i860.
276 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
assuming command until after the January examinations had
closed, when he relieved the then superintendent, Major
Delafield. His object in postponing action arose from the
anticipated course of Louisiana, his native State, and which,
would decide his position, and in regard to which he was open in
expression, having communicated his intentions to the chief of
his corps. Major Beauregard remained in command but a few
days, when he was relieved by an order from the Secretary of
War, Mr. Holt, who, upon examining into the nature of the
appointment, and discovering that it had been made without
reference to the claims of older officers, and deeming that the
appointment of an officer with such views and sympathies to the
command of the military school at West Point an unsuitable one
under the circumstances, and one which could not but produce a
demoralizing effect upon the cadets, relieved him by his own
order. Major Beauregard returned to Louisiana, when he at
once tendered his resignation, and where by his counsel and
advice he materially assisted the Governor in his preparations for
the defense of the State and the approach to its valuable harbor.
He declined the offer of a colonelcy in the State service, as he
deemed himself, from his position and services, entitled to the
brigadier-generalcy, which had been offered to and accepted by
another (Bragg). The appointment of Beauregard to West Point
was due to Senator John Slidell, of Louisiana, his brother-in-law.
When his relief from command became known. Senator Slidell,
upon the 27th of January, addressed a note to the President,
asking him if this had been done with his approbation. His
influence with the President was at this time potential. Soon
after the Secretary of War received a summons to the White
House, and on entering the President's room he found him seated
at his official table with Mr. Stanton at his side. On approach-
ing him he handed to the Secretary an open paper, saying to him,
" Read this." It proved to be the note from Senator Slidell just
referred to, and was in these words:
" Washington,
" January 27, 1861.
"My Dear Sir: I have seen in the Star, and heard from
other parties, that Major Beauregard, who had been ordered to
West Point as superintendent of the Military Academy, and had
entered on the discharge of his duties there, had been relieved
RE LIE VED FR OM WE S T POINT. 2']']
from his command. May I take the liberty of asking you if this
has been done with your approbation ?
" Very respectfully yours,
" John Slidell."
* Upon reading it the Secretary, indignant at its tone, said:
<' Mr. President, we have heard this crack of the overseer's whip
over our heads long enough. This note is an outrage; it is one
that Senator Slidell had no right to address to you." " I think
so myself," replied the President, " and will write to him to that
effect." " No," continued the Secretary, " I feel that I have a
right, Mr. President, to ask that you will do more than this; that
you will say to Senator Slidell, without qualification and without
explanation, that this is your act, for you know that as Secretary
of War I am simply your representative, and if my acts, as such,
are not your acts, then they are nothing." The President
assented to this view, and without delay sent the following an-
swer to Senator Slidell.
''Washington, January 29, 1861.
" My Dear Sir: With every sentiment of personal friend-
ship and regard, I am obliged to say in answer to your note of
Sunday, that I have full confidence in the Secretary of War; and
his acts, in the line of his duty, are my own acts, for which I am
responsible.
" Yours very respectfully,
(Signed) "James Buchanan."
This terminated Senator Slidell's social relations with the Presi-
dent; he never appeared at the White House again. Upon the
2 2d of February, Major Beauregard was summoned to Mont-
gomery. He had meanwhile resigned his commission in the army
of the United States, upon the 8th of February, but until its
acceptance by the Government he abstained from entering the
service of the Confederacy, when the appointment of brigadier-
general was first tendered to him at Montgomery. At the sugges-
tion of Mr. Jefferson Davis, a telegram was sent by Major
Beauregard to Washington, asking for action upon his resigna-
tion, when a reply was received formally accepting it, to take
effect upon the 7th of February, and he at once passed into the
service of the Confederate States. On the ist of March, he was
directed by his War Department to proceed to Charleston and
Secretary Holt to writer.
278 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
report to the Governor of South Carolina for "military duty in
that State." He was authorized to receive into the service of
the Confederacy, a force not exceeding 5,000 men, as might be
tendered, or who might volunteer. A sum of $20,000 was placed
at his disposal, other sums arranged for, and the services of a com-
petent staff suggested. Upon the same day, the Confederate
Secretary of War* informed Governor Pickens of the appointment
of General Beauregard and of the confidence in him, and he at
the same time informed him that the President of the Confeder-
acy shared the feeling the Governor had expressed, that Fort
Sumter should, as early as possible, be in their possession. This
natural and just feeling, however, must yield to necessity. " The
first blow must be successful both for its moral and physical con-
sequences, and thorough preparations must be made before an
attack was attempted; otherwise the result would be disastrous
and would demoralize our people, "f and injuriously affect them in
the opinion of the world as reckless and precipitous. General
Beauregard proceeded at once to his post. In order to become
acquainted with the actual condition of things in the harbor, the
progress of the works and the object proposed by the State
authorities. General Beauregard abstained for a few days from
assuming command. Soon afterwards, accompanied by the
engineer officer. Captain Whiting, he proceeded to a thorough
inspection of the system ot works then in process of construction
on Morris Island by the local engineers, for the reduction of Fort
Sumter. The result of the inspection was unfavorable to the
system, which, as engineers, was condemned by them. There
was an absence of systematic organization or control; the guns
and merlons at or about Cummings Point had been injudiciously
crowded. Work had been confined to measures looking to the
reduction of the forts, while the channel entrances had been
almost overlooked, and it was deemed of the highest importance
while keeping in view the reduction of Fort Sumter, to isolate it
immediately from any possibility of reinforcement. A marked
change in the operations around them soon became visible to
those who watched from Fort Sumter. Under the instructions of
the new commander, a system of detached batteries along the
* L. P. Walker.
t Letter book of the Confederate War Department, 1860-61,
RENEWED ACTIVITY MANIFESTED.
279
shores of both Morris and Sullivan's islands was at once com-
menced. Mortar batteries were to be located as far as practicable
beyond the range of the guns of the fort, "at every available
point on the bay around a circumference of which the fort should
be the centre, in order to concentrate thereon the fire of all my
batteries "* The position to be taken by the floating battery when
completed, was indicated, and a mortar battery located upon
Mount Pleasant closed the circle of fire intended to envelop the
fort. Additional mortars were brought from Savannah and Pen-
sacola and placed at Fort Johnson and at Mount Pleasant in
strong works. They were within effective range, but beyond the
reach of the guns of Fort Sumter, The character of the work at
Fort Moultrie was not thought to be effective. The defenses
were rebuilt; the merlons between the guns bearing on Sumter
were raised and supported by heavy timbers, and greatly increased
in strength. Renewed activity was soon manifested at every
point in the harbor of Charleston; new batteries sprang up along
the shore, steamers carrying men and materials passed and
repassed by day and night under the guns of Fort Sumter. A
large force of laborers was kept at work daily, including Sunday,
and the new object to be attained was steadily prosecuted. There
was no attempt at disguise. Trials for range were made as soon
as any new work was completed and had received its armament,
and the artillery practice constantly going on soon manifested to
the garrison the steady improvement in firing and the accuracy
of range attained, and which they watched from their walls with
increasing interest. Daily reports, careful and minute in their
character, were made to Washington by Major Anderson, and the
engineer officer. Captain Foster, and the reports of Major Ander-
son were often accompanied by accurate sketches of the works
going on, made by Captain Seymour. Necessarily, these were
limited to what could be seen from the work by the medium of
glasses, as well as what appeared in the daily journals and what
could be learned from occasional messengers to the fort. Much
was inference and what seemed to be the probable intention, but
there was singular accuracy in the reports, and the Government
was kept as fully advised of the progress of the works around the
fort as the garrison itself. Through the months of February
"Beauregard's letter to writer, July 16, 1872,
28o THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
and March, these reports were regularly made and the progress
of the works reported, and especially upon the works at Cumniings
Point, which were nearest to the fort and deemed by the garrison
as the most prominent. The transfer of mortars to the different
works, the establishment of new batteries and the probable effect
of their guns, their trials for range, the extension of their batter-
ies to Morris Island bearing on the channel, as well as their
changes at Moultrie to strengthen its defensive arrangement, were
all carefully and promptly reported; also the arrival of Gen-
eral Beauregard and the immediate extension of the work for the
defense of the harbor. So minute were the observations of the
engineer officer, that he was enabled to report to his chief on
the 6th of March, as follows:
<' Fort Sumter, S. C,
" March 6, 1861.
" General: I have the honor to report that during the day,
and especially towards night, unusual activity was observed
among the South Carolinians around us; several steamer loads
of men were landed on Cummings Point. The number was greater
than the arrangements for shelter, apparently, for I observe quite
a large number grouped about their bivouac fires this morning.
Their suffering must have been considerable during the night,
for the weather suddenly changed from the warm temperature of
the preceding days to a high degree of cold, for this climate,
the wind blowing fresh from the north.
" I learn that portable hot shot furnaces have been fur-
nished to several, and probably all, of the batteries. The mortar
battery on James Island, south of Fort Johnson, is armed, but
the number of mortars is not ascertained. The magazine in
the flank of this battery is also finished. The mortar battery on
Sullivan's Island, west of Fort Moultrie, is also armed. All the
batteries on Morris Island are armed. The guns range from 32-
pounders down, with the exception of the iron bomb-proof,
which is (I think, from all reports and observations) armed with
8-inch Columbiads — three of them.
" The raft does not meet expectations. It is being covered
with railroad strap iron instead of the T rail. This has a cross-
section of about three-fourths or one inch by two inches or two
and a half inches.
" They are now ironing the top portion, the front not being
yet commenced. Two 8-inch Columbiads are lying on the wharf
ready to be put on board. I do not think this floating battery will
prove very formidable.
" We have not yet received the inaugural address of President
MAJOR ANDERSON REPORTS HIS CONDITION. 28 I
Lincoln, although it is reported from town that it is coercive in
its character, and that much excitement prevails.
" Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
"J. G. Foster,
'■'■Captain Engineers.
*' General Jos. G. Totten,
" Chief Engineer U. S. Army, Washington, D. C."
Anderson, too, wholly alive to the fact that the harbor was
being rapidly closed to all relief to him, and that any vessel com-
ing to his assistance would be under fire from the harbor bar to the
walls of his fort, clearly reported his condition to the new admin-
istration on the 9th of March as follows:
''Fort Sumter, March 9, 1861.
" (Received A. G. O., March 12.)
** Colonel S. Cooper,
' ' Adjutant-Genera/, United States Army.
" Colonel: I have the honor to report that we can see the
South Carolinians engaged this morning strengthening and
extending considerably what we supposed to have been mtended
for a mortar battery at Fort Johnson. Small parties are also
working at Nos. 9 and 10, and a very heavy force at the bend of
the island, this side of No. i. Whether they are constructing
another battery there or strengthening one that is already there I
cannot tell. One of my officers reports that he has counted nine
24-pounders which have been landed at Cummings Point within a
week. Yesterday he saw several shot or shells which appeared to
be about eight inches in diameter. They are certainly busy
strengthening the batteries already constructed, and probably
adding others. It appears to me that vessels will, even now,
from the time they cross the bar, be under fire from the batteries
on Morris Island until they get under the walls of this work. I
do not speak of the batteries which have been constructed on
Sullivan's Island, as I am not certain of their positions. Fort
Moultrie will, of course, be a very formidable enemy.
" I am, Colonel, very respectfully,
" Your obedient servant,
** Robert Anderson,
" Major First Artillery, Commanding.
"Colonel S. Cooper, Adjutant-General United States Army."
CHAPTER XXIV.
Close of President Buchanan's administration — Condition of the country —
Anderson's letter of February 28 — Its character — Estimate ot himself and
officers — Relieving force necessary — Letter delivered to President on 4th of
March — Transmitted to incoming President by Secretary of War Holt on
5th of March — Resume of President Buchanan's course in dealing with the
seceded States— His failure to recognize the real condition of affairs — His
policy and action — Secretary Holt's letter accompanving Anderson's com-
munication — Misled by Anderson's statements — Believed Andersoa sale-
Line of policy not to reinforce, unless called upon by Anderson, adhered to
— Anderson's previous report - Main statements of his condition — Impos-
sible to relieve him without large force -Anderson's views in private corre-
spondence — Important letter to a Rhode Island correspomlent- Good con-
dition of the garrison — Annoyances from without -Irritation of the people
— Floating battery — Anderson asks for instructions in regard to it — Reply
of Secretary of War — Destruction of the temporary wooden buildings on
the parade— Ammunition furnished to the batteries— Rearrangement of the
guns — Gorge protected and strengthened — Anderson mines the wharf.
The 4th of March had now come, and with it the close of the
administration of Mr. Buchanan. The garrisons of Forts Sumter
and Pickens had not been withdrawn, and these works still
remained in the possession of the Government. The seceding
States had not been recognized, either in the representative char-
acter of their Commissioners, or in their corporate capacity, or in
any way whatever. The National Government had failed to
assert itself. Congress had adjourned, and had left the situation
unaltered by statute and uninfluenced by action. The status
had been apparently preserved; bloodshed had been thus far
avoided; the border States yet remained in the Union, but no
settlement of the difificulties had been determined upon, and the
country was steadily drifting towards a condition of things of
which war seemed to be the inevitable conclusion.
The Commissioners from the Confederate Government had
arrived in Washington, and were only waiting a change in admin-
istration to open negotiations with the Government, and to present
their demands. The sounds of active preparation were heard in
Charleston Harbor, and Fort Sumter was being rapidly surrounded
EXPEDITION UNDER COMMANDER WARD. 283
by batteries to effect its reduction, while the shores and islands of
the harbor were lined with works to prevent its reinforcement or
relief, and this without hindrance from any quarter. The little
garrison, unsustained by official sympathy and unsupported by
material aid, were laboring, with the limited means at their
disposal, to place the work in their charge in a state of efficient
defense. Six States had severed their connection with the Union
as far as their own act could accomplish it, and had established a
Government of their own in full operation. But the friends of a
peaceful solution of the questions at issue were active and confi-
dent, and it was believed by those in control that such solution
was yet possible, as long as either side should abstain from any
hostile act. The firing upon the Star of the West had failed
to arouse the nation, and the expedition was succeeded by the
preparation of another and more elaborate scheme, but which, in
view of the earnest efforts of the friends of peace, and the absence
of any active hostility, was held until Major Anderson at Fort
Sumter should call for relief.
It had been arranged that the expedition under Commander
Ward, before alluded to, which had been made ready under the
immediate direction of Lieutenant-General Scott himself, upon
receiving a telegraphic despatch from the Secretary of the Navy,
should on the night following the receipt of the despatch, set sail
at once for Charleston Harbor.
It was at this crisis that the letter of Major Anderson, con-
taining the estimate of himself and his officers as to what force
was now necessary, in their judgment, to relieve the fort, was
received at the War Department on the 4th of March. On the
28th of February Anderson had called suddenly upon his officers
to submit in writing to him what force, in the estimation of each
of them, would now be necessary to relieve the work. They were
not to consult with each other, and their replies must be immediate.
The opinions of the officers were varied as to the number of men
required, but all agreed that the co-operation of the Navy was
essential. The estimate of Major Anderson was that he would
not risk his reputation with less than 20,000 men. That of his
officers was as follows:
Captain J. G. Foster, United States Engineers, 6,000 regulars
or 20,000 volunteers to take the batteries, and 10,000 regulars or
30,000 volunteers to hold them; First Lieutenant G. W. Snyder,
284 ^^^ GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
United States Engineers, 4,000 men with four vessels of war;
Second Lieutenant R. K. Meade, United States Engineers, Assist-
ant Surgeon S. W. Crawford, Medical Staff, 4,000 men supported
by naval vessels; Captain Doubleday, First Artillery, 1,000 men
with naval vessels; Brevet Captain T. Seymour, First Artillery,
First Lieutenant T. Talbot, First Artillery, 3,000 men with naval
vessels; First Lieutenant J. C. Davis, First Artillery, 3,000 men
and six war vessels; Second Lieutenant N. J. Hall, First Artillery,
3,500 men and seven war vessels.*
On the morning of the 4th of March the President, with some
of the members of the Cabinet, had gone to the Capitol for the
purpose of acting upon bills presented to him, when the Secre-
tary of War appeared with the letter just received from Major
Anderson. The contents of the letter were made known to the
President and to his Cabinet. There was at that time no discus-
sion in regard to it, the President merely remarking, upon learn-
ing its contents, that it was " now a matter for the new adminis-
tration."
It was at once perceived that the Government had been under
an erroneous impression, arising from the statements of Major
Anderson, from which it was believed that Fort Sumter could at
any time be relieved by the expedition under Captain Ward, which
had been made ready under the immediate direction of Lieuten-
ant-General Scott himself. The " seeming extravagant estimate "
now made by Major Anderson was wholly unanticipated by the
President or his Cabinet. In accordance with custom, the Presi-
dent had vacated the Executive mansion on the 3d of March, and
had removed with his family to a private residence, where,
upon the evening of the 4th of March, the letter of Major
Anderson was the subject of conversation between him and his
Cabinet, who had called to take their leave of him. Meantime
the Secretary of War, Mr. Holt, had prepared a letter to Presi-
dent Lincoln to accompany that of Major Anderson, and, upon
the morning of the 5th of March, read it to the Ex-President and
such members of his Cabinet as had come to the War Depart-
ment. Mr. Buchanan expressed himself as gratified with the
answer as prepared by the Secretary of War, and in this the
members of his old Cabinet concurred. The parting of the
* " War of the Rebellion." Vol. I, Series I, p. 202.
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN FAILS TO ACT. 285
President with his associates took place soon after, and the
administration of Mr. Lincoln took charge of the Government,
the Secretary of War having continued in his position until the
qualification of his successor in ofifice. On the afternoon of the
5th of March the Secretary of War transmitted his letter accom-
panied by that of Major Anderson to President Lincoln at the
Executive mansion. Shortly afterward the President sent for
the Secretary, and taking him into a private apartment, asked
him if at any time in his intercourse with Anderson he had occasion
to doubt his loyalty. The Secretary replied that he had not,
when the subject was dropped.
The failure upon the part of the President to reinforce the
Southern forts, or any of them, in accordance with the repeated
suggestions of Lieutenant-General Scott and the urgent recom-
mendations of his Secretary of State, Judge Black, and others,
had produced its legitimate result. No restraint had been placed
upon such hostile measures as those in control in the seceded
States had seen fit to inaugurate and to perfect, and it was now,
in the judgment of those best fitted to decide the important ques-
tion, too late to attempt such relief without precipitating a
conflict, become in the very nature of the situation inevitable.
Had such relief been promptly sent when Anderson, from Fort
Moultrie, clearly defining his position and his necessities, had
urged with an earnestness carried to the verge of military pro-
priety, that they should be sent to him; when two of the most
distinguished members of his Cabinet, who from the beginning of
the difficulties had tendered to him but one advice and besought
him to act; when no State had yet attempted to secede from the
Union— the situation might have been far different. It is true
that the organized force legitimately under his control, as
reported by Lieutenant-General Scott, was small, but it was at the
time, at least, sufficient to show the purpose of the Government and
to hold Fort Sumter until Congress could come to the rescue of the
country. But the President did nothing. His fear that by his
own act he might inaugurate hostilities and so bring on civil war,
sustained by his political convictions that the Union could not be
preserved by a war between the States, his overwhelming desire
for peace and his hope to keep the border States, amounted to a
timidity which "wholly incapacitated him for action." Launched
into political power in Pennsylvania, by an abandonment of his
286 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
previous political principles, he had, throughout a long public
career, remained the politician, and had rarely risen to the
level of practical statesmanship. Mr. Buchanan knew that
the war was coming ; he saw it in every feature of those
who approached him, he heard it in their every tone. In
addition, he was, up to the moment when Anderson moved
the command of Fort Moultrie to Fort Sumter, largely in-
fluenced by Southern sentiment and controlled by Southern men.
As far as his constitutional obligations permitted, he yielded
to the pressure so constantly brought to bear upon him, and
accorded to them their every demand. They were his constant
associates. In his Cabinet they were, to an almost exclusive
extent, his advisers, and they ruled him with an inflexible purpose.
He had agreed with them that the status then existing should
not be disturbed, and, until Anderson's movement, it was not
disturbed, nor then by his consent or even with his knowledge.
His policy was to protract, not to meet the issue, which, in the
face of the country, was precipitated by his officer in command
at Charleston. He had until then ever failed to realize the real
nature and extent of the revolution, accustomed as he was to use
*' State politics merely as counters in the game for Federal
power;" he recognized the present popular excitement as nothing
more than another of the many agitations by which men had
come into power, and reckoned that, like the others, it would run
its course and be followed by a reaction and peace. His public
life as President had not won the affections of his fellow-men.
Indirect in his ways of action, wary and full of statecraft, with a
cynical estimate of men from party experience, Mr. Buchanan
had utterly misunderstood the real nature of the crisis and had
compromised *' a great position by feeble acts;" and when at last
he did come to appreciate his position, his instinct was to save
his administration and to protect himself. He had come into
his high office at a time when the antagonism between the sections
had attained its highest point of development. The various com-
promises that had been adopted had proved but lulls in the
storm, and two phases of civilization, wholly at variance with
each other, had developed to a point of opposition without hope of
adjustment. And yet Mr. Buchanan desired and strove to serve
his country. He had asked Congress for those powers necessary
to meet the unprecedented condition of things, but whose exer-
BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRA TION CLOSES. 28/
cise without the action of Congress he deemed impossible. To
all of his appeals for such powers Congress treated him with
indifference if not with contempt. His able message against the
right of secession, his declaration that he was resolved to main-
tain the laws of the nation, protect its property and lo collect its
revenue, had its offset, unfortunately, in his diplomacy with
those whom he could not control, in his promises to preserve the
status, to receive Commissioners, and to refer them to Congress.
The policy was an individual one and not that of his Cabinet,
whose Northern members he had not consulted, but which arose
from suggestions and promises of the Southern members, both of
his Cabinet and of Congress, as well as from unauthorized and
indirect communication with the South Carolina authorities. And
in this policy he persevered, uninfluenced by the resignation of
his Secretary of State, General Cass, unmoved by the urgent
entreaties of the Attorney-General, Judge Black, until the move-
ment of Major Anderson and the seizure of the forts in Charles-
ton Harbor forced upon him the necessity of immediate and
decided action beyond the possibility of evasion.
His decision in regard to Anderson, and the result of that
decision, forced from him at last the acknowledgment that he
believed there was a revolution. It placed him wholly upon the
side of Northern sentiment and largely determined his future
action. The vacant places in his Cabinet were now filled by
earnest and patriotic men, with whom he worked in harmony
until the last. But it was too late, and he saw his Southern
friends whose advice had influenced him, and whose suggestions
he had followed, condemn him for having followed their counsel,
suspend even their personal relations with him, and leave him
one by one. And thus, with the issues postponed from day to
day, with no approach to any settlement, with the country torn
by dissension, with an entire section revolutionary and defiant,
with a Treasury impoverished and despoiled designedly for a
preconceived purpose, with a Congress wholly distrustful of him,
and with a large proportion of his countrymen attributing to him
and his official course the responsibility of the impending ruin,
the administration of James Buchanan passed into history; and
when history shall come to pen the record of the close of his career,
it will judge him not from what he did, but what, from his great
opportunities and grave responsibilities, he utterly failed to do.
288 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
The new administration had hardly undertaken the direction
of the Government, when the subject of Fort Sumter in its various
phases was forced upon their attention, and under circumstances
that rendered immediate and effective action necessary. At any
moment hostilities might commence at Charleston; the Southern
Commissioners were in Washington to inaugurate negotiations
looking to a positive settlement of the questions arising out of
the action of the seceded States, and with especial reference to the
Government property within the limits of the Confederacy. It
was at this crisis, and on the 5th of March, that the letter of
Major Anderson with its enclosures was laid before the President
by the Secretary of War, Mr. Holt, in a letter of singular dis-
tinctness and power. The Secretary recalled the statements of
Major Anderson received from time to time, "that he was where
the Government might reinforce him at its leisure; that he was
safe; that he could command the harbor as long as the Govern-
ment wished to keep it." His communication of the 6th of
January was also referred to, in which he had reported that he
could hold the fort against any force which could be brought against
him. These, said the Secretary, as well as the "intelligent
statements ' ' of Lieutenant Talbot, who had been sent to Wash-
ington, had relieved the Government of any apprehension for
his safety, and on the i6th of January Major Anderson had been
so informed, and also that it was not the purpose of the Govern-
ment at that time to reinforce him, but that whenever in his
judgment supplies or reinforcement were necessary for his safety
or a successful defense, he was to communicate the fact, and a
"prompt and vigorous effort " would be made to send them.
Major Anderson had not since made any such request. He had
reported the progress of the batteries in construction around him,
but as late as the 30th of January he had urged with emphasis,
that he hoped that no attempt would be made by friends to
throw supplies in, and that their doing so would do more harm
than good.
His letter of the 5th of February was also quoted and the
suggestion made by him of " a small party successfully slipping
in," had been considered carefully and rejected as imprac-
ticable.
His chief engineer officer seemed to be of the same opinion
in regards to reinforcements, and in his letter to his chief, of
MAJOR ANDERSON FEELS SECURE. 289
the 14th of January, he says: " I do not consider it good policy
to send reinforcements here at this time. We can hold our own
as long as it is necessary to do so."
In view of these very distinct declarations of Major Anderson
and the earnest desire to avoid a collision, the line of policy laid
down had been adhered to by the Government; and in anticipa-
tion of a call from Major Anderson the Ward expedition, under
the supervision of Lieutenant-General Scott, had been prepared
and was ready to sail, but it was not upon the scale approaching
the " seeming exaggerated estimate of Major Anderson." The
Government were unprepared for the disclosures of Major Ander-
son, and were taken by surprise, as he had not before intimated
any such necessity.
But however impressed the Government might have been with
the statements of Major Anderson as quoted by the Secretary of
War, it is not the less certain that since his entry into Fort
Sumter he had been impressed with the steadily growing im-
portance and strength of the works around him, and of the
necessity of the employment of a large force in case it should be
determined to relieve him, and of this he kept the Government
constantly apprised. He felt himself at this time comparatively
secure, and his every effort, as well as that of the officers under
him, was to strengthen his position by every means in his power.
His views since his entrance into Fort Sumter had undergone a
change in regard to the sending of reinforcements. He did not
now apply that such should be sent to him, as he felt that it
would put upon him the responsibility of precipitating the con-
flict and inaugurating civil war. Two days after his entrance
into the work he had informed his Government that, " God will-
ing," he would in a few days be so strong that the South Caro-
linians "would hardly be foolish enough to attack (me) him."
He thought that the city of Charleston was entirely in his power;
that he could cut off its communications by sea and close its
harbor by destroying its light- houses, and he believed in his ability
to do it.
On the 5th of February he had reported to his Government
the progress and character of the works around him as follows:
'* Their engineering appears to be well devised and well executed,
and their works even in their present condition, will make it impos-
sible for any hostile force other than a large and well-appointed
290
THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
one, to enter this harbor, and the chances are that it will then be
at a great sacrifice of life. Again, upon the 14th of February he
reported that " vessels will be under fire from Morris Island after
they pass the first battery," and, in a subsequent communication,
that they would be under such fire " until they got under the
walls of this work." These opinions were early entertained by
Major Anderson, and made known to his Government, and when
at a later period an able and experienced head had arrived in
Charleston to direct the operations against him, the increased activ-
ity soon manifested, the rapid establishment of formidable
works to close the harbor, and the engineering ability everywhere
displayed, soon converted the opinions of Major Anderson into
a firm conviction which the result in every way justified. Yet he
did not ask for reinforcements, and his reasons therefor have
been set forth with great clearness in a response made by him to a
lady correspondent who had written to him on the 5th of April, 1861,
from Rhode Island, in sympathy with his position, as well as in
reflection upon the Government for its inaction in tendering to
him voluntary aid. After an acknowledgment of the offer. Major
Anderson says: " Justice, however, compels me not to stop here,
but to take upon myself the blame of the Government's not having
sent to my rescue. Had I demanded reinforcements while Mr.
Holt was in the War Department I know that he would have des-
patched them at all hazards. I did not ask them, because I knew
that the moment it should be known here that additional troops
were coming, they would assault me and thus inaugurate civil war.
My policy, feeling — thanks be to God ! — secure for the present in
my stronghold, was to keep still, to preserve peace, to give time for
the quieting of the excitement, which was at one time very high
throughout this region, in the hope of avoiding bloodshed. There
is now a prospect that that hope will be realized, that the separation
which has been inevitable for months, will be consummated with-
out the shedding of one drop of blood. The ladies must not
then blame the latter part of Mr. Buchanan's administration, nor the
present one, for not having sent me reinforcements. I demanded
them under Mr. Floyd. The time when they might have been
sent has passed weeks ago; and I must ask you, too, in praising
me, not to do injustice to my brother ofificers, a vast majority of
whom would, placed in the same circumstances, have acted at
least as well as I have done. God has, I feel, been pleased to
RIFLED CANNON SENT FROM ENGLAND.
291
use me as an instrument in effecting a purpose which will, I trust,
end in making us all a better and a wiser people. ... A
hope may be indulged in that our errant sisters, thus leaving us,
as friends, may at some future time be won back by conciliation
and justice."*
Anderson now felt strong in his position, and he frequently
remarked to the writer that he controlled the situation. His
whole effort was to effect, as far as it lay in his power, a peaceful
solution of the difificulties. Within Fort Sumter the work yet re-
maining to be done was pushed on with vigor and enthusiasm. The
trouble that had at one time existed among the workmen had
ceased. No more of the laborers had for some time been dis-
charged, and all were employed at any necessary work, which they
accepted willingly. The enlisted men were in good spirits and
worked with alacrity, every one seeming to feel the responsibility
of his position. The difficulties in regard to the fresh pro-
visions had been adjusted; the mails were sent regularly, and the
garrison maintained in a high state of health. Every effort to
strengthen and to prepare the work to resist an attack that all felt
must sooner or later be made upon it, was made, and in the
daily and detailed reports of his action, from what he could see
and infer as to the works erected around him. Major Anderson
kept the Government at Washington fully apprised of his con-
dition and prospects.
The same course was followed by the engineer officer, who
in his daily reports to his chief, which were often submitted to the
Secretary of War and to the General-in-Chief, gave a minute and
detailed journal of events. In addition, admirable sketches were
made by Captain Seymour from time to time, of the work going
on around the fort, as far as could be ascertained by observation
through our glasses, as well as what was done inside of the work
by the command.
A notice that three rifled cannon had been shipped from Eng-
land to Charleston had arrested his attention, and on the 7th of
February he reports to his Government that such an addition to the
batteries opposed to him would make his position much less
secure than he had considered it, and that it would be necessary
to reinforce him in a few days after the commencement of hostili-
• From the oriLjinal letter of Major Anderson, in writer's possession.
292
THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
ties. His anticipations were fully realized. But one gun arrived.
It was placed in position on Cummings Point, and, as will be sub-
sequently seen, rendered efficient service.
Meantime, Lieutenant Hall had returned from Washington,
bringing to Major Anderson and his command the approval of
the authorities and of General Scott, which served to encourage
the men and confirm them in their work. His position had sub-
jected him to many annoyances, which he felt, and which com-
pelled him to correspond constantly with the authorities in Charles-
ton. On the morning of the 12th of February, one of the
guard-boats that were constantly on duty around the fort,
approached so near that she was hailed by the sentinel and
warned off, but continuing to approach she was fired over, when
she altered her course. It was considered fortunate that the bat-
tery did not open.
Upon the immediate representations made to the Secretary of
War of the State, "renewed instructions" were issued to the
vessels to keep at a proper distance, so as to prevent any collision.
Packages for the officers that had come to their address, were
retained without any just cause — the private property of Captain
Foster had not been sent, and also some private property belong-
ing to one of the men, which had been left at Fort Moultrie.
The popular feeling in Charleston was wholly hostile to the
retention of the work by the Government, and the principal
papers kept alive that feeling by a constant succession of articles
calculated to excite and alarm.*
The people were incensed against the Governor for permitting
provisions to be sent to the fort, and they threatened to prevent
it, but the Governor had declared that, if necessary, he would
order a '' company of soldiers to put them on board the boat."
The work upon the floating battery was now near completion,
and in anticipation of its use. Major Anderson asks for instruc-
tions in case of its taking position near his work. To this the
Secretary of War replied on the 23d. He was informed that it
* Washington, February 21,6 p.m. — There is the best of reason for believ-
ing that Holt designs reinforcing secretly by boats at night. The reinforce-
ments having already been sent, you may look out for them at any moment.
The whole anxiety of Scott and the coercionists centers now in Fort Sumter.
There the Cabinet has determined that Lincoln shall find everything ready to
his hand. —Charleston Mercury.
SECRETARY OF IVAR TO ANDERSON.
293
was " not easy to answer satisfactorily this important question "
at such a distance from the scene of action.
The policy indicated to him in a previous communication
must continue to guide him. He was to act strictly on the defen-
sive, and to avoid, consistently with his safety, all collision with
the force around him. These instructions would not now be
changed, but if he had sufficient evidence that the battery was
advancing to assault him, he would be justified, in self-defense, in
not awaiting its arrival, but in repelling it by force. If it was
only approaching " to take up a position at a good distance," and
his safety was not "clearly endangered," he should act with
that forbearance which had distinguished him in permitting the
South Carolinians to strengthen Fort Moultrie and erect new bat-
teries for the defense of the harbor. And this would keep the
pledge of the War Department to Colonel Hayne. Despatches
had been received which had impressed the President with the
belief that there would be no immediate attack upon Fort Sumter,
and that the labors of the Peace Congress, then in session, added
to the powerful motives existing to avoid a collision. This im-
portant letter is given in full:
" War Department, February 23, 1861.
" Major Robert Anderson,
* * First Artillery, Com g Fort Sumter, Charleston Harbor,
S. C :
" Sir : It is proper I should state distinctly that you hold
Fort Sumter as you held Fort Moultrie, under the verbal orders
communicated by Major Buell, subsequently modified by
instructions addressed to you from this Department, under date
of the 2ist of December, i860.
*' In your letter to Adjutant-General Cooper, of the i6th
instant, you say :
'* ' I should like to be instructed on a question which may
present itself in reference to the floating battery, viz. : What
course would it be proper for me to take if, without a declaration
of war or a notification of hostilities, I should see them approach-
ing my fort with that bartery ? They may attempt placing it
within good distance before a declaration of hostile intention.'
"It is not easy to answer satisfactorily this important ques-
tion at this distance from the scene of action. In iny letter to
you of the 10th of January I said :
"You will continue, as heretofore, to act strictly on the
defensive, and to avoid, by all means compatible with the safety
of your command, a collision with the hostile forces by which you
are surrounded.'
294
THE GENESIS OF THE CIVH WAR.
*' The policy thus indicated must still govern your conduct.
"The President is not disposed at the present moment to
change the instructions under which you have been heretofore
acting, or to occupy any other than a defensive position. If
however, you are convinced by sufficient evidence that the
raft of which you speak is advancing for the purpose of
making an assault upon the fort, then you would be justified on
the principle of self-defense in not awaiting its actual arrival
there, but in repelling force by force on its approach. If, on the
other hand, you have reason to believe that it is approaching
merely to take up a position at a good distance should the pending
question be not amicably settled, then, unless your safety is so
clearly endangered as to render resistance an act of necessary
self-defense and protection, you will act with that forbearance
which has distinguished you heretofore in permitting the South
Carolinians to strengthen Fort Moultrie and erect new batteries
for the defense of the harbor. This will be but a redemption of
the implied pledge contained in my letter on behalf of the Presi-
dent to Colonel Hayne, in which, when speaking of Fort Sumter,
it is said :
" ' The attitude of that garrison, as has been often declared, is
neither menacing nor defiant nor unfriendly. It is acting under
orders to stand strictly on the defensive, and the Government
and people of South Carolina must know that they can never
receive aught but shelter from its guns, unless, in the absence of
all provocation, they should assault it and seek its destruction.'
*' A despatch received in this city a few days since from
Governor Pickens, connected with the declaration on the part of
those convened at Montgomery, claiming to act on behalf of
South Carolina as well as the other seceded States, that the ques-
tion of the possession of the forts and other public property
therein had been taken from the decision of the individual States,
and would probably be preceded in its settlement by negotiation
with the Government of the United States, has impressed the
President with a belief that there will be no immediate attack on
Fort Sumter, and the hope is indulged that wise and patriotic
counsels may prevail and prevent it altogether.
" The labors of the Peace Congress have not yet closed, and
the presence of that body here adds another to the powerful
motives already existing for the adoption of every measure, except
in necessary self-defense, for avoiding a collision with the forces
that surround you.
" Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
"J. Holt."
Again, on the 28th inst., the Adjutant-General at Washington
informs him, by order of the Secretary of War, that a basis of
settlement had been agreed upon by the Peace Convention, and
FRAME BUILDINGS USED FOR FUEL.
295
that the Secretary entertained the hope that nothing of a hostile
character would occur. The criticisms of their position, and of
the action of the Government, in the daily journals of Charleston,
discouraged the garrison, who felt that the Government had, in a
measure, deserted them. Letters from all quarters flowed in
upon Major Anderson and upon his officers, and he devoted a large
proportion of his time in responding to them. The speeches of the
President-elect as he approached Washington, from their pacific na-
ture produced a depressing effect upon the garrison, who were dis-
appointed in them. Major Anderson became silent and thought-
ful, and said that he was " in the hands of God." The position
of the garrison, their future, and the capacity of the fort to resist
an attack — become now, to them, almost inevitable — was the sub-
ject of daily discussion, as the necessities of their condition became
more urgent. Towards the close of February the supply of fuel
ran short, and the temporary frame structures on the parade were
taken down for fire-wood, as had been anticipated by Major
Anderson in his communication to the War Department of the
25th of January. On the 23d it was announced by the engineer
officer that he had to take down another temporary building to
obtain fuel, and that a second one yet standing would furnish
fuel as long as the provisions lasted. On the 26th a third build-
ing was taken down, leaving two remaining structures with twelve
gun-carriages as the only material for fuel; and on the 13th of
March, the supply being nearly exhausted, the apparatus from
the blacksmith's shop was removed into one of the casemates,
and the building used as fuel.
The parade was thus gradually cleared, and the stone flagging
which encumbered it placed on end, so that shells falling upon
it would be buried in the sand. Two of the enlisted men whose
term of service had expired, determined to remain and share the
fate of the garrison.
On the 28th of February a strong recommendation was made
by all of the engineer officers, that the armament of the
gorge, which now consisted of but six 24-pounders, should be
at once increased by altering the casemate into barbette
carriages, and mounting guns upon them. The recommenda-
tion was approved by Major Anderson, and the whole engineer
force was put to work, under Lieutenant Snyder, upon carrying
it out. Upon the following day one carriage was so altered and
296 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
adapted to the new condition, and raised to the parapet, and one
42-pounder mounted upon it so that the gun could be used
" with more effect than the others on the barbette tier."
The armament of this tier now consisted of twenty-seven guns.
The parapet in front of one of the 24 - pounders at the
left gorge angle had been cut away, so that the gun could be
depressed to eighteen degrees and cover the end of the wharf
with its fire. Machicouli galleries lined with one-half inch iron
plate were placed on each face and flank, and on the gorge com-
manding the main gate. The necessary ammunition, consisting
of grape and canister and shot and shell in abundance for each
gun, was placed at intervals upon the gorge. Additional 8-inch
shells, to be used as grenades and to explode upon the ten-
sion of the lanyard to which they were attached, were also
arranged at convenient distances for immediate use. Guns were
moved, and remounted in better positions. On the 12th a second
lo-inch Columbiad was raised to the parapet and placed in posi-
tion upon the left flank. Large barrels filled with rocks, with
an 8-inch shell in the centre — a suggestion due to Captain Sey-
mour, and carried out by him — were placed along the parapet.
Upon being rolled over, the shell was to explode by means of
the friction tube attached to a lanyard of proper length.
The forty-one large openings on the second tier, and which
upon the occupancy of the work had been temporarily filled, were
now permanently closed. A three-foot wall of brick laid in
cement, and supported by stone flagging or sand or dry bricks and
refuse material, rendered them as secure as the means at the dis-
posal of the engineer would allow.
The same number of guns as en barbette composed the
armament of the first tier, and of these eighteen were in readiness
for " instant service."
For greater security, where nine guns were mounted, but not
immediately required for use, stone flagging or brick laid in mortar
in addition to the outer shutter, closed the embrasure temporarily.
Where there were no guns the embrasures were closed by an 18-
inch brick wall in mortar, by dry stone flagging or by brick and
stone in mortar. The embrasures in front of the guns for
immediate service were closed by an additional inner 6-inch
shutter, the two secured and fastened by an iron key. Stones were
removed from the enrockment outside the fort below the embra-
sures, so as to increase the difficulties of an assault.
GORGE WALL STRENGTHEyED.
297
The gorge wall received the special attention of the engineers.
It was the weakest part of the work, and this was increased by the
large number of windows and ventilators in its structure. It was
soon evident, too, that it was to be subjected to the heaviest fire
from the enemy's guns, and every device that could be suggested
was employed by the engineers in its protection. Its windows and
ventilators were thoroughly protected by two solid iron jambs,
which were placed in the recesses of each of the windows of the
second tier. The doors on the lower tier were secured by thick
wooden shutters against a wall of brick nine inches thick, and on
the outside heavy stones were placed, made solid by wedges of
/
/
ADJUSTABLE IRON SHUTTER, LOWER TIER.
molten lead. The parade had now been cleared of encumbrance, the
temporary buildings gone, and the stone flagging placed upright.
To secure the hospital, splinter-proof traverses were constructed,
and revetted with stone in front of the hospital and ordnance room.
The main entrance to the work, another source of weakness, was
now closed by a strong wall of stone and brick built against the
outer gate, in which an embrasure was cut and an 8-inch seacoast
howitzer mounted over it, and the wall itself loop-holed for
musketry, and the gate covered with half-inch iron plates.
Anderson now determined to mine the wharf, and on the 9th
of February two rnines were laid containing twenty-five pounds of
2q8 the genesis of the civil war.
powder, which were completed by the 13th, with the preparations
for firing them; at the same time two fougasses were located
against the sea wall and upon the esplanade. They were charged
with fifty pounds of powder, and were ready for firing by the
26th. The arrangement of the mines as laid by Captain Foster
was unsatisfactory to Major Anderson, who directed them to be
taken up and relaid as he required, and preparations made to fire
them from the inside.
CHAPTER XXV.
Work at Sumter -Reports of Anderson and Captain Foster— Work at
Cummings I'oint-Firing for range from channel batteries— Foster reports
batteries around -Inaugural of President Lincoln— Warlike construction
placed upon it General Beauregard assumes command— Urged by Mont-
gomery Government to push the work- Reports of evacuation of Fort
Sumter— Confederate Secretary of War informs Beauregard— Apprehen-
sion as to mines-^Correspondence of Beauregard and Anderson -Terms
required— Anderson " deeply hurt " at the conditions imposed -Wigfall
establishes recruiting station m Baltimore for the Confederacy— Adjutant-
General Samuel Cooper, United States Army, resigns his commission-
Takes similar position in the Confederacy— Peace Convention in session
in Virginia— Defeats resolution of secession— President Lincoln determines
to confer with some prominent Union member— J. B. Baldwin selected -
Propositions said to havebeen made -Denials— Controversy in consequence
—Baldwin returns— Convention passes the Ordinance of Secession— Presi-
dent's proclamation— Both sides prepare for the inevitable struggle.
Almost daily through the month of March both Anderson and
Foster made reports to Washington, and principally with reference
to the works going on around the fort, their progress and arma-
ment. In Fort Sumter the time was occupied in mounting and
rearranging heavy guns at the parapet of the gorge, and in strength-
ening the gorge wall itself. The exterior openings of the first tier
loop-holes on the gorge were filled up, a suggestion made by Cap-
tain Doubleday. The main gate was strengthened to resist the
shock in firing the 8-inch howitzer in position, traverses were
erected in front of the hospital and ordnance storeroom, and the
parapet was cut away so as to permit the lo-inch Columbiad to be
traversed. On the 27th the report made by Captain Seymour and
Lieutenant Snyder, as to the exact condition of the work, was
communicated confidentially to the War Department by Major
Anderson. At that time the armament of the fort consisted of
twenty-seven guns, i-h barbette and twenty-seven on the lower tier,
eighteen of which were in readiness for instant service. On the
parade were four 8-inch and one lo-inch Columbiads.
Upon the same day Captain Foster enclosed to his chief the
following sketch of the armament of the fort.
299
;oo
THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
Major Anderson had early recognized the new purpose man-
ifested in regard to him, and on the 9th of March, as previously
stated, he had communicated to his Government that even then any
vessels coming in by the Morris Island channel would be under
fire of the batteries from the time they crossed the bar until they
reached his work. " More earnestness " was now reported by
Foster, as well as the landing of heavy guns on siege carriages. On
the 9th a large guard-ship was anchored on the bar, and two cut-
ters, armed with guns seized previously by the South Carolinians,
took up a position near Cummings Point, on the "main ship
AN EMBRASURE OUTSIDE.
channel." As the month of March progressed, the batteries in
progress at Cummings Point were closed in the rear by a line of
intrenchments composed of redoubts connected by parapets and
secured in the rear from our fire. Toward the middle of the
month there appeared to be a lull in the operations going on around
the fort. It was ascribed to the pacific news which had come on
the nth, when 150 guns were fired from the batteries around.
The report was that Fort Sumter was to be evacuated. It was
in no way official, and yet the impression produced upon the gar-
rison was so positive in its character that preparations in antici-
pation of orders to that effect were commenced. Under this
FOSTER REPORTS BATTERIES AROUND. 30I
impression the garrison labored until the last. The work around
the fort seemed to be at "a standstill, and most of the men, both
military and laboring, were withdrawn from them." By the i6th,
however, the work was resumed and "considerable activity"
exhibited in the batteries on Morris Island.
On the 15th, a gun was fired from the floating battery m
Charleston, which served to show that it, too, had now received its
armament. On the i8th, near midnight, one of the buoys that
marked the middle ship channel, about half a mile east of the
fort, was removed. Upon the same day the position of twenty-
three guns was observed, as indicated by the firmg that took place
for range or experiment on Morris Island. Again there seemed to
be a relaxation in the work, although it did not cease entirely at
some points, and the engineer officer reported on the 20th that " all
operations looking to an attack on this fort have ceased."
The work went on steadily upon the batteries bearing upon the
channels. The new operations were soon recognized by Major An-
derson. As the month progressed, more energetic action was
exhibited, again to be followed by an apparent suspension of work
at some points, and a lack of activity; and he reported on March
16, " The little that is being done is at the channel batteries on
Morris Island, and the mortar battery on James Island." It was at
this period that the messengers before mentioned arrived to con-
sult with Major Anderson, and which seemed, to the garrison, to
confirm the report that they were to be withdrawn to the North.
On the 27th a new battery, not far from the Moultrie House, on
Sullivan's Island was ordered, making,as Major Anderson thought,
four batteries between Fort Moultrie and the eastern end of Sul-
livan's Island. "They practice daily," said he, "firing shot
and shell in the direction of the Swash and Main channels ; their
practice is pretty good."
Meantime, the floating battery, with its armament on board, had
been moved from its moorings to a position that could not be
detected by us. There was a feverish anticipation of some
immediate change, and an increased sensitiveness in regard to
any dealings with the city. A boat that had come to the fort to
bear a letter from the Confederate general to Major Anderson
had, without the knowledge of the latter, left a small parcel.
This was made the subject of a communication to General
Beauregard, with a statement that orders had been given to "pre-
302
THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
vent the recurrence of such irregularity;" and the letter concluded
with an expression which showed that his removal was confidently
anticipated by Major Anderson. " Trusting," said he, " that in
a few days we shall be placed in a position which will be more
agreeable and acceptable to both of us than the anomalous one
we now occupy, I am, &c."*
The last of March had now come. Everything was quiet as
the work progressed around the fort, apparently closing up the
embrasures of the breaching batteries with sand-bags laid in
solidly. From the great extent of the range, as well from the
reports. Major Anderson was convinced that the three batteries
on Morris Island outside of the Star of the West battery had
certainly guns of very heavy calibre. On the last day of the month,
the members of the State Convention visited the ])atteries on
Morris Island and Fort Moultrie, when extensive firing took place.
After close observation the engineer officer reported to his
chief the following, as the present armament, " very nearly," at
Cummings Point and on Morris Island.
" Fort Sumter, S. C, March 31, 1861.
" General Jos. G. Totten,
*' Chief Engineer United States Army, Washington, D. C. :
" General : Yesterday the members of the State Convention
visited the batteries on Morris Island and Fort Moultrie, and from
both places extensive firing took place in honor of the event.
This gave me an opportunity of observing what batteries have
been increased in strength since my last report on this subject.
" The following is the present armament, very nearly, viz.:
" Battery No. i. — Four guns. Embrasures closed by sand-
bags. Not fired yesterday.
" Mortar battery between Nos. i and 2. — Three mortars.
Fired yesterday. These have practiced much lately, to obtain the
range and length of fuse for this fort.
" Battery No. 2, iron-clad. ^ — Three heavy guns. Two of them
fired yesterday.
"Battery No. 3. — Three guns. Embrasures closed with sand-
bags. Did not fire.
" Mortar battery between Nos. 3 and 4. — Two mortars. Fired
yesterday.
" Battery No. 4. — Three guns. Two fired.
" Battery No. 5. — Four heavy guns, one Columbiad or 8-inch
seacoast howitzer. Two fired yesterday. I think there are six
guns in this battery, although only four have been seen to fire.
Major Anderson, 28th March, 1861.
(fLOS€D WITH STOfJEj
32 PR \
^LQSED WITH STO^ft)
SKETCH OF THE ARMAMENT.
3° 3
304 ^-^^ GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
'■'■ Star of the [F^'i-/ battery. — Four heavy guns, one of them
an 8-inch Columbiad or 8-inch seacoast howitzer. All fired
yesterday.
" Battery No. 7. — These guns are not all in the same battery,
but are distributed along the beach apparently in three batteries.
Eleven guns fired yesterday. All were very heavy guns except
two, which I think were field-pieces in a sort of second tier.
" Above these batteries, on the sand-hills, is a line of intrench-
ments surrounding a house, and also several tents. The field-
pieces are apparently capable of being used to defend the flanks
of this intrenchment, and to fire on the channel. Their rear is
covered, each with a traverse.
'■'■ It was evident in this firing that not all the guns in position
were fired.
"At Fort Moultrie the firing exhibited the same complete
armament as last reported.
"The provisions that I laid in for my force having become
exhausted, and the supplies of the command being too limited to
spare me any more, I am obliged to discharge nearly all my men
to-day. I retain only enough to man a boat.
"I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient
servant,
" J. G. Foster,
" Captain Engineers."
Meantime, despatches were sent from emissaries in Washing-
ton which tended to keep alive the excitement, if not to precipi-
tate the issue daily becoming more imminent. On the 4th of
March, the day of the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln to the
Presidency, a telegram was sent to the Governor of South Caro-
lina, urging him to prevent any attack without the authority of
the Confederate Government;* that the inaugural meant war, and
that there was strong ground for belief that reinforcements would
be speedily sent. A warlike construction of the inaugural of
Mr. Lincoln was placed upon it by the Southern element at Wash-
ington,! who agreed that it was the purpose of the new President
to collect the revenue, "to hold Fort Sumter and Fort Pickens,
and to retake the other places; " that the President was a "man
of will and firmness," and that his Cabinet would yield to him,
and that thus plans would be at once put into execution. It was
feared, too, that Virginia would not pass a Secession Ordinance
* Wigfall to Pickens, March 4, 1861, p. 261.
t L. Q. Washington to Walker, Confederate Secretary of War, March 5,
1861, p. 263, " War of the Rebellion."
PREPARATIONS FOR ATTACK LXADEQUATE.
J'-^D
unless a collision took place, when public opinion would enforce
such action. That there w^as a majorit)^ of old Federal submis-
sionists, who had gotten into the Convention, and under the pre-
tense that they were resistance men.
Mr. Roger A. Pryor, of Virginia, in a speech delivered
at the Charleston Hotel, Charleston, S. C, on the loth of April,
1 86 1, stated that ever since he was capable of thinking upon
political affairs, his studies had been determined by the author-
ity of the great statesman of South Carolina, and that he could
not recall any exhibition at all adequate to the action of South
Carolina in the true elements of the moral and sublime. He said:
" I thank you especially that you have at last annihilated this ac-
cursed Union, reeking with corruption and insolent with excess of
tyranny. Not only is it gone, but gone forever. As sure as to-
morrow's sun will rise upon us, just so sure will old Virginia be a
member of the Southern Confederacy; and I will tell your Gov-
ernor what will put her in the Southern Confederacy in less than
an hour by a Shrewsbury clock. Strike a blow ! (Tremendous
applause.) The very moment that blood is shed, old Virginia
will make common cause with her sisters of the South."
The same anticipation seemed also to prevail among the mili-
tary in Charleston Harbor. On the 6th of March the commanding
officer of Fort Moultrie was ordered to send immediately to the
five-gun battery commanding Maffit Channel two 32-pounders, and
to have them mounted. He was to " be on the lookout for the Cru-
sader, a four-gun brig, reported to be on her way with 120 men
for the reinforcement of Fort Sumter." But the means at the
disposal of that officer were limited, and would seem to show that
at that period the preparations for attack were wholly inadequate.
He reports that he had no means at his disposal to send the guns,
nor had he a gin to dismount or mount them; he had not a
single artificer to send, and that his command consisted of some
" 290 indifferent artillerymen," "318 helpless infantry recruits,"
almost without arms, without clothing, and totally and entirely
unfit to meet the enemy.* He thought, however, that if the
gunboats did their duty, he could attend to the "case" of the
Crusader with the force at his disposal. At this date there were
104 companies "organized and received" under the laws passed,
* " War of the Rebellion," Ripley to Ferguson, A. D. C, March 6, 1861.
3o6 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
amounting in the aggregate to 8,835 rank and file, one division
of four brigades under the command of Major-General M. L.
Bonham, a former Member of Congress from the State.
On the 6th of March, by virtue of his orders, General Beaure-
gard assumed command of all the troops, regulars, volunteers
and militia, on duty in and near Charleston Harbor; announced
the officers of his staff,* and at once inaugurated a series of
movements and changes, which were soon observable, and which
greatly mfluenced the result. He directed " that the embrasure
enfilading battery and the battery beyond Moultrie be constructed
first." Guns were moved to more effective positions; the work
on Cummings Point was stopped, except at the iron-clad l)attery
and "at the condemned mortar battery," and work on the chan-
nel batteries was at once begun. The officer of Ordnance had
called his attention to the condition of things in his department,
and to the fact that, from the want of proper props and appro-
priate tackle, the guns then mounted, from a want of "inclina-
tion," would probably dismount themselves. His deficiencies
in essential articles were reported, and also the fact that the cut-
ting of the limited number of fuses at Fort Moultrie so as to
multiply them, would, he feared, render the fuses of "very little
use at all." Such was the incomplete condition of things, that
on the 8th of March the commanding general reported to his
Government that through his "cautious representation" all
seemed to be aware that they were not yet ready for the con-
test ;t that it was first necessary to keep reinforcements from
Fort Sumter by increasing the channel defenses, and this he
hoped to be able to accomplish in a week or ten days. The
Government at Montgomery was no less apprehensive and anxious
upon the subject of reinforcements, and on the 8th of March the
Secretary of War urged upon General Beauregard the necessity
of pushing forward his "contemplated works with all possible
expedition;" that the reinforcement of Fort Sumter "must be
prevented at all hazards " and by every "conceivable agency; "
that Fort Sumter would open fire upon him if reinforcements
should reach it, and that it was now silent only " because of the
* Captain D. F. Jones, Ass't. Adj. -Gen.; Captain S. D. Lee, Artillery,
A. D. C, A. A. Q. M. Gen. and Com'y; Captain S. Wragg Ferguson, A. D.
C; Fu-st Lieutenant J. L Legare, Engineer, private secretary.
t " War of the Rebellion," p. 272, Beauregard to Walker.
REPORT OF MINES TO DES'JROY SCMTER. 307
weakness of the garrison." He inl'onns him, too, that there were
;i number of United States ships ready to start from New York,
and that it was probable that an attempt to succor Sumter by-
whale-boats would be made at night. Friends at Washington
also kept the Confederate general in command fully informed of
any possible movement, and even the prevalent rumors were sent
to him. On the nth Senator Wigfall, of Texas, informs him by
telegraph that it was believed that " Anderson will be ordered
to evacuate Sumter in five days," and that this " was certainly
informally agreed upon in Cabinet Saturday night."
At the earliest moment a reconnoissance was made to the mouth
of the Stono River, by which reinforcement might enter, and field-
works to " effectually guard those channels of approach" were
determined upon. The General was embarrassed with the condi-
tion of things. His engineer as well as his ordnance ofificer had
been taken away from him by the Governor of Georgia, and he was
left to his own resources. "Their absence," he said, "filled him
with care and grief; " and he alleged, " that while he found a great
deal of zeal and energy around him, there was but little profes-
sional knowledge or experience, and that a great deal in the way
of organization remained to be accomplished. Should a force
land at Stono, or in that direction, he had made arrangements to
meet it.
Telegrams, before referred to, had now come to the Governor
of the State, in reference to the evacuation of the fort, when on
the 14th of March the Confederate Secretary of War informed
General Beauregard "that the steamers Star of the IVest,
Harriet Lane^ Crusader, Mohawk, and Empire City were ordered
to sail from New York last night, said to carry arms, pro-
visions and men ; destination not known." From his report on
the 15th, the general in command at Charleston believed that " in
a very few days," he would be ready at all points." Meantime,
despatches from Washington to the Confederate War Depart-
ment had informed the Secretary of the mines laid at Fort Sumter,
of " a purpose to destroy it and the garrison rather than be taken ; "
and the Secretary suggests to General Beauregard on the 15th of
March, that Foster, the engineer, m.ight be a good guarantee if
left in the fort, and he was directed to ' give but little credit "
to the rumors of an amicable adjustment, and not to slacken his
energies for a moment.
3o8 THE GENESIS OE THE CIVIL WAR.
On the 2 1 St the impression that the garrison would be shortly
removed had become so strong that the Confederate Secretary
again addresses a communication to General Beauregard, that the
fort would shortly be abandoned, if there was any reliance to be
placed upon rumors " semi-official in their character." Before
this could be permitted, General Beauregard must assure himself
"perfectly," that there were "no mines laid with trains withm the
fort;' ' that he was to inform Major Anderson of his intention to take
immediate possession, and that he desired to do this upon an
uiventory to be taken by himself and one of Major Anderson's
officers, properly Foster. If Anderson declined this, he was to
tell him of the rumors in regard to the mines, and to demand
assurance of its falsity, and if denied, he must prevent his
departure. Meantime a remark of Major Anderson that if, when
attacked, he found that he could not hold possession of the fort
he would blow it up in preference to permitting his command to
fall into the hands of the enemy, had been misunderstood and
misstated in Charleston. Upon the 26th of March two of the
A. A. C.'s of General Beauregard, Colonel Chisholm and Lieuten-
ant Ferguson, came down to the fort under a white flag, bearing
a communication from the General commanding at Charleston
to Major Anderson. It began, " My dear Major," and was
intended as a personal communication "to obtain his views first."*
He stated that he had been informed that Mr. Lamon, the
authorized agent of the President of the United States, had, after
seeing Major Anderson, informed Governor Pickens that the
command was to be transferred in a few days to another post, and
that he understood that Major Anderson anticipated that a formal
surrender or capitulation would be required of him. This, he
informs Major Anderson, as their countries were not at war,
would not be required of him, unless as the natural result of hos-
tilities.
Whenever he was prepared to leave the fort, proper means of
transportation, including baggage, private and company property,
would be provided. All that would be required of him, would be
his word of honor as an officer and a gentleman, that the fort,
with its armament "and all public property," should remain
* Beauregard to Anderson, March 26, 1861. " War of the Rebellion," p.
222; Vol. I, Ser. I.
NOR THERN PRESS URGE DES TR UC TION OF SUMTER. 309
without any arrangements for their destruction ; that compyny
and side arms might be taken and the flag saluted.
Major Anderson, in responding to this communication, informed
General Beauregard that he felt "deeply hurt" at the conditions
which would be exacted of him, and that if he could leave the fort
only upon such a pledge he would never, so help him God! " leave
this fort alive." He at the same time hoped that General Beaure-
gard did not mean what his words expressed, and in that case uni-
ted with him in the wish that they might have the pleasure of
meeting under more favorable circumstances. A letter was received
by Major Anderson on the same date from General Beauregard,
disclaiming any intentions of wounding his feelings; that the
pledge he referred to was only alluded to on account of the high
source from which the rumors appeared to come, and that it
might be considered a sufficient reason by " many officers of high
standing" for the execution of orders which otherwise they would
not ap|-)rove of, and he regretted having referred to the subject.
The Northern press were urgent upon the subject.
"Shall Fort Sumter be Destroyed? If, therefore. Major
Anderson must abandon it, let him employ the few remaining
days his provisions will hold out, in undermining inside the entire
foundations, then let him make his preparations to leave, apply the
fuse, and at a safe distance watch its being levelled to the ground.
This would be a gloomy but nevertheless a more worthy ending of
the sad history than to leave it a stronghold in the possession of a
foreign foe. If Sumter must be abandoned to the enemy, let it be
a shapeless mass of ruins." — N. V. Commercial Advertiser.
It was at this period that a recruiting station was established
in Baltimore by the authority of the Confederate War Department
by Senator L. V. Wigfall, who had made the necessary financial
arrangements with the house of Walters & Co., 68 Exchange Place;
and he informed General Beauregard that by the time an officer
could come for them, there would " probably be a hundred recruits
to examine," and that he desired to send them to General
Beauregard.
On the 18th, the Confederate War Department directed Gen-
eral Beauregard to order an officer to Baltimore to superintend
the shipment of the men, and that he "must conceal his mission
except from those in the secret." The officer indicated delayed
his departure, when Senator Wigfall again telegraphed, March 21,
- 1 o THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
that the number of men was increasing and that they could not be
kept together much longer. The Confederate Secretary of War
promptly responded by sending an officer directly from Mont-
gomery, who was to remain in Baltimore for some weeks under the
orders of Senator Wigfall. On the 23d of March sixty-four recruits
arrived in Charleston and were sent to Castle Pinckney.
On the 20th, the limits of the command of General Beaure-
gard were increased to include the coast line of the State, but his
first duty was to give his personal attention to the defense of
Charleston Harbor. Colonel Samuel Cooper, the Adjutant-Gen-
eral of the United States Army, a native of New York, who up to
March 7 had acted in that capacity, resigned his commission
and accepted the position of Adjutant-General of the Confederate
States and was now in the discharge of the duties of that
oflfice at Montgomery. The works now steadily approached
completion, and on the 20th of March the State Engineer report-
ed the completion of the mortar battery on the beach at Fort
Johnson, and the progress on the other works, while on the 22d,
in reporting the visit of Captain Fox, and thrt he had reported
that the supplies of Major Anderson were nearly exhausted, he
announces that all of his batteries would be finished and armed
in two or three days.
Meanwhile, the President at Washington looked with an
anxiety that he did not conceal to the action of the Virginia Con-
vention, still in session.
He believed that if the border States were retained in the
Union, he might be able to control the action of the Gulf States.
On the 17th of March a resolution was offered in the Virginia
Convention, submitting an ordinance resuming the delegated
powers of the State to a vote of the people in the following May.
The proposition was rejected by a vote of "ninety to forty-five
against the resolution," which drew the line distinctly between
the Union men and the Secessionists in the Convention. But the
Convention, instead of adjourning, continued its sessions, and
this the President considered as a "menace" to him. The
President determined to confer with some pr^-minent member of
the Convention, and in accordance with his desire, the Secretary
of State addressed a communication to Judge Sommers, who was
an acquaintance of the President and who had served with him in
Congress, with the request that he should come to Washington,
REPUTED OFFER OF THE PRESIDENT.
3^1
or, in event of his inability to come, that some representative
Union man should be sent to confer with him.
Soon after a messenger,* sent from Washington upon the same
errand, arrived in Richmond. Colonel J. B. Baldwin was selected
as the proper representative, and in company with the messenger
returned to Washington at once, arriving upon the morning of
the 4th of April. The interview with the President was held upon
the same day.
What actually transpired has been made the subject of per-
sonal controversy between a distinguished citizen of Virginia, to
whom the character and result of the interview was related by
the President immediately afterward, and the member of the
Virginia Convention with whom the interview was held; the
former asserting that the President had stated to him that he
made a proposition to the messenger to the effect that, if the
Virginia Convention would adjourn "sine die" without passing
the Ordniance of Secession, he would withdraw the troops from
Fort Sumter; while the latter asserting under oath that the
early greeting of the President was, that he had come too late,
and that no pledge, no undertaking, no offer, no promise of any
sort was made by the President to him at that interview; and that
in regard to the proposition to withdraw the troops from Sumter
and Pickens, if the Virginia Convention would adjourn, that he
made no suggestion and said nothing from which it could be
inferred. The President repeated, in the presence of Geo. P. Smith
and the members of the Committee, that he most positively assured
Mr. Baldwin that if the Virginia Convention would adjourn with-
out passing an Ordinance of Secession, he would abandon Fort
Sumter, and in the quaint and forcible language attributed to and
so characteristic of him, that he "would give a fort for a State "
any time. The rejection of such a proposition at the time was con-
sidered as the assumption of a very serious responsibility upon the
part of the members, and as in the interest of the minority in the
Convention, who desired to separate the State from the Union.
As no witnesses were present at the time of the interview
between the President and the member of the Virginia Convention
the (juestion became one of personal veracity. Circumstances of
a corroborative nature were not wanting to confirm the statements
* Allan B. Magruder.
312
THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
of Mr. Botts, in the testimony of persons " to whom the Presi-
dent had made a similar statement, as well as in that of others
who heard the member say that such a proposition was made to
him in the interview by the President." No report of such a
proposition was made to the Convention, although the member
upon his return reported to his friends that he had urged upon
the President to withdraw the forces from Sumter and Pickens in
the interest of peace. The Union men of the Convention were
not happy in their selection of a representative. Upon his return
to Richmond after the interview with Mr. Lincoln, although he
cast his vote against the secession of the State, April 17, he
subsequently signed the Ordinance and almost at once took
office under the Confederacy, and was elected to the Confederate
Congress, where he became the Chairman of the Military Commit-
tee. Upon the fall of Sumter and the appearance of the President's
proclamation, in reply to an inquiry from a Northern politician
as to "what will the Union men of Virginia do now," he replied,
at once, " There are now no Union men in Virginia;" those who
were such would now fight " in defense of their liberties."
But in order to ascertain definitely the policy of the Presi-
dent, a committee of prominent members was sent by the conven-
tion, after the return of the messengers, to Washington.
They reached Washington on the morning of the day that
Fort Sumter was fired upon. The President received them, and
on the 14th read to them a written answer to the Resolution of
the Convention. His declarations were " distinctly pacific, and
he expressly disclaimed all purpose of war." The Secretary of
State and the Attorney-General also gave similar assurances.
They returned upon the following day, carrying with them upon
the " same train " the proclamation of the President calling for
75,000 men.
On the 25th a special distribution of the ordnance was
ordered by the commanding general to the batteries around the
fort, and the shells specified and distributed to their appropriate
service.
The delay in the actual removal of the garrison, and the
absence of any official action in regard to it, soon began to excite
suspicion, and on the 26th the Governor advised General Beau-
regard that Anderson should now say whether Colonel Lamon
was authorized to arrange matters, and if he would not so state,
MESSENGERS TO SUMTER FORBIDDEN. 3 I 3
then he, the Governor, would "begin to doubt everything." The
visits of the messengers from Washington to Fort Sumter were not
satisfactory to the Government at Montgomery, who, on the 29th
of March, directed the general commanding to allow no further
communications of that character, unless the written instructions
borne by such messengers should be inspected and assurances
given that there were no verbal instructions existing incompatible
with them.
The month of March thus closed. But little dependence was
placed upon the rumors of withdrawal of the garrison, and both
sides prepared for a struggle which seemed to be unavoidable.
CHAPTER XXVI.
Confederate Congress authorizes appointment of three Commissioners to
Washington — Messrs. Crawford, Roman and Forsyth selected — Their
instructions — Commissioner Crawford arrives in Washington — '• Fully
satisfied " that to approach Mr. Buchanan would be disadvantageous —
Commissioner reports to the Confederate Secretary of State — Senator W.
H. Seward to be the new Secretary of State —His peaceful policy — Inau-
guration of Mr. Lincoln — Commissioner reports to his Government— Com-
missioner Forsyth arrives — Report of the two Commissioners — Senator R.
M. T. Hunter — Propositions tor delay made to Commissioner — Authorities
at Montgomery consider a delay a doubtful policy — Evacuation of Sumter
to be insisted upon— Secretary of State declines to receive the Commis-
sioners — Associate Justice Campbell offers to mediate— Associate Justice
Nelson also interests himself— Question of the evacuation of Sumter —
Associate Justice Campbell's memoranda — Further instructions from
Montgomery — Warlike armaments — Volunteers called out at Charleston —
Memorandum of Secretary of State— Its effect— The Commissioners leave
Washington — Justice Campbell to Secretary of State — Writes to the Presi-
dent — Sumter fired upon.
One of the earliest acts of the provisional Congress was the
passage of a resolution on the 15th of February, 1861, authorizing
the appointment by the President-elect of three Commissioners for
the purpose of negotiating friendly relations between the Govern-
ment of the United States and the "Confederate States of
America," for the settlement of "all questions of disagreement
between the two Governments." Messrs. Martin J. Crawford,
A. B. Roman and John Forsyth were the persons selected.
Instructions for their guidance were forwarded to them on the
27th of February, from the "Department of State" at Mont-
gomery. The leading object of their mission was to open negotia-
tions as speedily as possible with the Government of the United
States, with a view to the recognition of the independence of the
Confederacy, and to conclude treaties of amity and good-will
" between the two nations." They were, if possible, to obtain a
personal interview with the President, and intimate to him the
object of their mission. If the President should decline to
receive them officially, they were to accept an unofficial mterview.
INSTRUCTIOXS TO CONFED. COMMISSIONERS. 315
if agreeable to him, and were to inform him verbally of the
duties with which they had been charged by the President of the
Confederate States.
They were to assure every one with whom they might be
brought into official relation, that it was the earnest wish of the
President of the Confederate States " to establish peaceful and
friendly relations with the United States," and to settle all ques-
tions which had arisen by virtue of their new relations amicably.
That they were determined to maintain their rights and mdepen-
dence at all hazards, and that nothing would induce them to
assume a hostile attitude towards the United States but a
refusal to acknowledge the independence of the Confederate
States, accompanied by an aggressive assertion and exercise of
the powers of supreme Government, which belonged to the
Federal authority, under the old compact, but which had now
" ceased to exist."
The policy of the Government of the United States in recog-
nizing de facto governments was urged, and the right of a people
to change at will their political institutions; and under it there
could be no hesitation in " recognizing the independence of the
Confederate States." And the action of President Buchanan
was instanced, who, when Secretary of State at the time of the
overthrow of the monarchy in France under Louis Phillippe in
1848-49, congratulated the minister on the promptness with
which he had recognized the new Government, and remarked in
his despatch that, "It is sufficient for us to know that a Govern-
ment exists capable of maintaining itself, and then its recogni-
tion by the United States inevitably follows." The Commissioners
were to urge that the " Confederate States form an independent
nation, both de facto and de jure. They possess a Government
perfect in all its branches, and richly endowed with the means of
maintaining itself in every possible contingency."
If, however, the President should propose to refer the matter
to the Senate or to Congress, when it should meet, no opposition
was to be made, provided that they received from the President
sufficient assurance that the existing status should be maintamed
and that the Government of the United States should make no
attempt, under any pretext " to exercise any jurisdiction, whether
civil or military, within the limits of the Confederacy."
To secure this was of the last importance, and the Commission-
3 I 6 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVH WAR.
ers were instructed to make use of every means in their power to dis-
cover, in case a delay was proposed by the United States, whether
the object was not to cover sinister designs and complete a plan
of military or naval attack. Information as to the action and
designs of the authorities in Washington, when obtained, was to
be communicated by the most confidential agencies. Social rela-
tions with the representatives of foreign Governments were to be
established, and such information obtained as might be useful to
the Confederate Government.
Armed with these instructions, the Commissioners proceeded to
Washington, one of them, Mr. M. J. Crawford, arriving upon the
3d of March. He lost no time in coming to his conclusions, and
upon the same day reported to the Secretary of State of the Con-
federacy that he had availed himself of all the means of informa-
tion at his command, to learn the disposition of the United States
Government towards the Government of the Confederate States.
He had become " fully satisfied that it would not be wise to
approach Mr. Buchanan with any hope of his doing anything
which would result advantageously to our Government."*
That Mr. Buchanan had but a short time before expressed
himself as prepared to receive Commissioners "purporting" to
come from the Confederate States Government, and to submit their
"matters" to Congress, but that he had since changed his mind,
or really lost the remembrance of what he had said, and denied
having made such statement, or having ever entertained such pur-
pose; that he had again recalled the matter, and renewed his
intention to submit it to Congress, but that he " must first consult
his Cabinet." " His fears for his personal safety, the apprehen-
sions for the security to his property, together with the cares of
State and his advanced age, render him wholly disqualified for
his present position." " He is as incapable now of purpose," wrote
the Commissioner, "as a child," and while he (the Commissioner)
might secure the promise of the President to receive him as a
Commissioner, his constitutional advisers " would control him the
moment he fell into their hands." He would not attempt to open
negotiation with the outgoing administration. The future must
develop the power of the peace or war element which would
* Correspondence of Commissioner Crawford with Confederate Secretary
of State, March, 1861.
REPORT OF COMMISSIONER CRAWFORD.
Z^l
control the incoming President, and that Governor Chase and Mr.
Montgomery Blair would compose the element which would be for
coercion.
The Commissioner reported also the presence of Mr, John
Bell, of Tennessee, and his constant communication with the
President-elect, that he had been urgent in his entreaties with Mr.
Lincoln not to disturb the Confederate States. He had assured
him that any attempt to collect the revenue, or to interfere with
its Government, would be the signal for the secession of every
border State. " He advises an indefinite truce," the withdrawal
of the Government troops, except a nominal guard, from the forts,
and, in order to satisfy the war party of the North, that the flag
should be left flying, and that in the meantime the Confederate
States were to be left alone to do as they might choose, " prepare
for war, strengthen defenses, in short do whatever may seem good
to them;" that the pursuance of this course was to result in
favor of the United States, on account of the dissatisfaction
which would arise from increased taxation upon the people of the
Confederacy, which would lead to a permanent reconstruction;
that these suggestions were favorably received and considered by
a portion of the new administration, but that they would not be
acted upon, in the opinion of the Commissioners, if the border
States remained in the Union without them; and that such coer-
cive measures as might be safely adopted without imperilling the
loss of Virginia would certainly be used.
The Commissioner concluded by stating, that " when the mob
which was the controlling power at present upon the course and
policy of the new President should have dispersed " and Congress
adjourned, he hoped for more favorable results from his mission.
Meantime, it had become recognized as a fact, that the
Hon. Wm. H. Seward, Senator from New York, was to be called
to the new Cabinet as Secretary of State. On the 28th of
December he had informed the President-elect, that " after due
reflection and with much self distrust," he felt it to be his duty
to accept the appointment of Secretary of State, if nominated,
and confirmed by the Senate. He was then in his seat as Senator
from the State of New York, the latest of the many honors
lavished upon him by his State. His views and desires for a
peaceful settlement of the troubles were well known; and his
declared intention to make any consistent sacrifice for its attain-
3 I 8 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
ment soon drew to him many from both sections who entertained
similar views, either from policy or design. His matured polit-
ical experience and a vision at times almost prophetic* enabled
him to exert an influence that was recognized and felt as well in
the South as in the North, and which induced the adoption, in the
new Government, of a peaceful intent, not as a subterfuge, but as
a distinct policy of administration, until forced by the commence-
ment of active hostilities by the South to abandon it.
His views upon every variety of political and national interest
were so sought, and his opinions so desired, and his personal
intimacy and influence with the President-elect so recognized,
that he seemed, like Hamilton in the Cabinet of Washington, to
be considered as the Premier of the new administration, and the
first minister of the Cabinet of Mr. Lincoln; and however foreign
to our governmental usage such an estimate might be, some
of the duties he was called upon to perform would seem naturally
to justify such opinion. His public career had placed him among
the leaders of the great party that had now triumphed at the polls,
and he was the foremost apostle of Republican doctrine. Men's
minds had confidently looked to him as their chosen standard
bearer, and his failure to receive it was the occasion of wide-
spread disappointment.
The President-elect had early invited him to the chief place
among his counsellors, with the approbation of the country. His
most formidable rival, he became his most devoted friend, and
upon him, through the dark days of war, his strong arm rested
mainly for support. As early as December i, amid the vast
work crowding upon him, Mr. Seward had continued a corre-
* In March, 1850, in a remarkable speech in the Senate of the United States,
upon the admission of Cal fornia, he said: "Then the projectors of the new
Republic of the South will meet the question — and they may well prepare now
to answer it — What is ail this for? What intolerable wrong, what unfraternal
injustice, has rendered these calamities unavoidable? What gain will this un-
natural revolution bring to us ? The answer will be : All this is done to secure
the institution of African slavery ! When that answer shall be given, it will ap-
pear that the question of dissolving the Union is a complex question ; that it em-
braces the fearful issue whether the Union shall stand, and slavery, under the
steady, peaceful action of moral, social and political causes, be removed by grad-
ual, voluntary effort, and with compensation ; or whether the Union shall be dis-
solved, and civil war ensue, bringing on violent but complete emancipation.
We are now arrived at that stage of our national progress when that crisis
can be foreseen —when we must foresee it."
IV. H. SEWARD SECRETARY OF STATE.
319
spondence with his family, and from this valued source we have
been permitted to draw. With the President-elect, also, he was
in constant correspondence as the momentous events of that
period came thronging upon the country. " The ultra Southern
men mean to break up the Union," he wrote, " not really for the
grievances of which they complain, but from cherished disloyalty
and ambition. The President and all Union men are alarmed
and despondent; the Republicans who come here are ignorant of
the real designs or danger."
His laconic criticism upon President Buchanan's message of
December 3 was: " It shows conclusively that it is the duty of the
President to execute the laws unless somebody opposes him, and
that no State has a right to go out of the Union unlessshe wants to!"
On the loth, he wrote that the debates in the Senate were
"hasty, feeble, inconclusive and unsatisfactory." Upon the ist
of April, in ''Some Thoughts for the President's Consideration,"
he urged that his views were singular, but his system was built on
this idea, as a ruling one, namely: "That we must change the
question before the public from one upon slavery, or about slavery,
for a question upon Union or Disunion, from one of party to one of
patriotism or Union. The occupation or evacuation of Fort
Sumter, although not in fact a slavery or a party question, is so re-
garded. Witness the temper manifested by the Republicans in the
free States, and even by Union men in the South. I would there-
fore terminate it, as a safe means for changing the issue. I deem
it fortunate that the last administration created the necessity. For
the rest, I would simultaneously defend and reinforce all the forts
in the Gulf, and have the navy recalled from foreign stations for
a blockade."*
Prominent Southern men had sought him to urge the con-
tinuance of this peaceful policy, and one of them. Senator Gwynn, of
California, had placed himself in communication with the authori-
ties at Montgomery, acting as an intermediary between them and
Mr. Seward, in the interest of a peaceful settlement of the diffi-
culties until the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln. On the day pre-
ceding the inauguration, a list of the members of the Cabinet was
published in the press of Washington. The name of the Hon.
Salmon P. Chase as Secretary of the Treasury, had been
'Mr. Seward to the President, April i, 1861,
320
THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
mentioned, and had encountered determined opposition from that
element now open and earnest in the effort to bring about a peace-
ful settlement. Mr. Chase was believed to be in favor of "a
vigorous policy," and it was feared that his entrance into the
Cabinet would greatly retard, if not wholly prevent, a peaceful
solution, if it did not directly promote a war policy. When it was
known that he had been chosen to fill the office, Senator Gwynn
prepared a telegram to be sent to Montgomery, stating the fact of
Mr. Chase's appointment, that the war policy was in the ascendant,
and advising that the South should look out for themselves. This
telegram was sent, in accordance with the understanding that pre-
vailed, to Mr. Seward by the hands of Mr. Samuel Ward, of New
York, who had been active in his patriotic efforts during the winter.
After reading the telegram, Mr. Seward took his pen, and erasing
all over the signature, wrote to the effect that the outlook was
peaceable and that matters had never before looked so encouraging;
and this altered telegram was so despatched with the original signa-
ture by Mr. Ward to Mr. Davis at Montgomery.*
The new President was inaugurated in Washington on the 4th
of March. He had called to his counsels men, many of whom
had become conspicuous in the anti-slavery movement that had
so long agitated the country. From the composition of the
Cabinet, the policy it was likely to pursue was the subject of ear-
nest speculation and anxiety. But the Commissioner had early
come to a conclusion, and on the 6th reported to his Government
"that the selections made of the advisers of the President would
prove beneficial to the Confederate States," as it was "the deter-
mined purpose of the Secretaries of State and War to accept and
maintain a peace policy;" that the President was not aware of
the condition of the country, and that the Secretaries named were
to open the difficulties and dangers to him on that day (the 6th of
March).
The Commissioner, therefore, felt it to be his duty, under
the instructions of his Department, as well as in accordance
with his own judgment ''to adopt and support Mr. Seward's
policy, " provided that the present status was to be rigidly main-
tained; that his own reasons and those of Mr. Seward were
as wide apart as the poles; Mr. Seward believing that peace
* Senator Gwynn to author.
REPOR T OF CONFEDERA TE COMMISSIONER. 3 2 I
would bring about a reconstruction of the Union, while the
Commissioner felt confident that it would build up and cement
the Confederacy and put it " beyond the reach of either his arms
or his diplomacy."
The construction which Mr. Seward "attempts "to put upon
the inaugural address of the President was, that it only followed
the language of every President from Washington down, as to
the execution of the laws, and that it was necessary to prevent
utter ruin to the party and the administration itself. That the
statement by the President, that he would " hold, occupy and pos-
sess the property and places belonging to the Government" was
to be considered in connection with the qualification wherein the
President deemed it to be his simple duty, and that he would per-
form it unless the American people should withhold the requisite
means, or authoritatively direct the contrary. In submitting these
views, the Commissioner informed his Government, " that whilst
it was wise and proper to hear and note every word coming from
a source so high in this Government," the main fact should never
be lost sight of; that the policy of the United States Government
was first to demoralize the Government of the Confederate States in
the border States, then in the Confederate States themselves; and
that when it was assured of support by a party in those States,
" the opportune moment for coercion " would have come, should
the Confederate States not submit to the national jurisdiction.
It was not believed that Congress would furnish the means required
by General Scott's estimate of 250,000 men to hold, occupy and
possess the property of the United States, and upon this the " first
minister" had based his hopes of peace for some time to come.
An arrangement had been made with the Secretary of State by
which the Commissioner was to be informed the afternoon of the
day upon which he wrote " when and in what manner " the sub-
ject of his mission should be submitted to the consideration of the
President and his Cabinet. The information contained in a
recent letter of Major Anderson, reporting the insufficiency of
his supplies and his inability, from a want of fuel, to hold out
beyond the ist of April, had become known to the Commissioner,
who, in reporting it to his Government, said that the question of
allowing or refusing this assistance to Major Anderson must soon
be a question with the Government of the Confederate States,
but that in the meantime the Commissioner should feel it to be
322
THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
his duty to use the situation of Major Anderson as a means of
recognition, and for a pledge not to reinforce the forts, or to take
any hostile steps against the Confederate Government, and that
if the United States should consent, he should have no hesitation
in stating that the Confederate Government would withhold noth-
ing necessary for their personal comfort from Major Anderson
and his command while negotiations were pending.
Meantime, Mr. John Forsyth, one of the Commissioners ap-
pointed by the Confederate Government, had arrived in Washington,
and on the 8th of March communicated with his Government. He
stated the belief that there was a party in the Cabinet favorable
to pacific measures, and that the Secretary of State, Mr. Seward,
was the head of that party, and that in order to cultivate unofficial
relations with them, the Commissioners had availed themselves
of the services of a late distinguished Senator of the United States
(R. M. T. Hunter) to establish an understanding with the Secre-
tary of State, who was urgent for delay. The tenor of the
language used by the Secretary to the Senator was thus reported
by the Commissioner: " I have built up the Republican party, I have
brought it to triumph, but its advent to power is accompanied by
great difficulties and perils. I must save the party, and save the
Government in its hands. To do this, war must be averted,
the negro question must be dropped, the irrepressible conflict
ignored, and a Union party to embrace the border slave States
inaugurated. I have already whipped Mason and Hunter in their
own State. I must crush out Davis, Toombs, and their colleagues
in sedition in their respective States. Saving the border States to
the Union by moderation and justice, the people of the cotton
States, unwillingly led into secession, will rebel against their lead-
ers, and reconstruction will follow."*
In this path the Committee deemed that they could travel
with the Secretary of State up to a certain point, that of fixing the
peace policy of the Government. At that point a divergence
would take place; and it was deemed unimportant, whatever might
be the subsequent hopes or plans of the Secretary. It was well, the
Commissioners thought, that he should indulge in dreams which
they knew could not be realized. The Secretary had urged delay,
* Commissioners Forsyth and Crawford to Confederate Secretary of State,
March 8, i86i.
COMMISSIONERS CONSENT TO DELA Y.
zn
and this became at once a question for discussion. While the real
desire of both the Confederate authorities, as well as the Com-
missioners, was for delay, it was deemed the more prudent policy
that this should not appear, and while yielding with apparent re-
luctance in their preference for peace and in the interests of
humanity, they stipulated for what was of the last importance to
them, and that was, that "the military status should be main-
tained, and no advantage taken of the delay."
The Secretary of State had urged, in his conversation with
Senator Hunter, that the administration was in the most unfavor-
able position for action on questions so important, and if pressed
for a reply to the demand of the Commissioners now, he could not
answer for the result. To this. Senator Hunter, while acknowl-
edging its force, maintained that unless the assurances required
were given, the issue would be at once precipitated upon the admin-
istration, and it would be forced to define its policy. A memoran-
dum was accordingly prepared by the Commissioners, defining the
terms upon which they "w^ould consent to and stipulate for a
brief respite." In this, they agreed to postpone the consideration of
the subject of their mission for a period not exceeding twenty days,
provided that a positive and une:iuivocal pledge, binding in
honor, and fully justifying the Commissioners in accepting it, that
the present military status should be preserved in every respect,
that there should be no reinforcements of the forts now in the
possession of the United States, nor any attack upon those in
possession of the Confederacy. At the same time, the Commis-
sioners believed that the Government had not made up its
mind what course to pursue, that they were "greatly con-
cerned " at their presence, and dreaded to hear from them ; that
the unpleasant communication they had in store for the adminis-
tration had been freely canvassed on the streets and in the press,
and that their arrest and imprisonment on the charge of treason
had been spoken of. They wrote that the consent to a delay
upon their part was induced chiefly by the consideration that
the signing of such an agreement as the memorandum con-
tained would be a virtual recognition of them, as the represen-
tatives of a power entitled to be treated with by the General
Government; and again, the instructions under which they were
acting contemplated delay and authorized it, so far as the objects
of their mission were to be obtained by it. While the author-
324
THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
ities at Montgomery approved the course pursued by the Com-
missioners, it was thought that to accord the delay of twenty
days was of extremely doubtful policy, and not unlikely to lead to
embarrassing complications. It was however acquiesced in, with
the understanding that the proviso in regard to the military status
should be established beyond doubt, and "of the most positive,
explicit and binding character;" and to such a point was this car-
ried, that the Commissioners were informed by their Government
that they should receive assurances that a fleet of steamers, said
to be then coaling and preparing for sea at the Brooklyn Navy
Yard, should not only not make any hostile movement during the
period of the proposed delay, but that they were not to be sent
to any point adjacent to the southern borders, whence they might
be employed after the expiration of the term of the delay.
The evacuation of Fort Sumter was to be insisted upon as a
sine qua non, and no proposition to refer the subject matter of
their mission to the United States Senate or to Congress was to
be agreed to by them, unless some definite arrangement for the
evacuation of the strong places then held by the United States
within the limits of the Confederacy should be made. During the
period of delay there was no objection to the garrison of Fort
Sumter receiving supplies, at short intervals and in limited quan-
tities, this to be regulated by the proper Confederate authorities
at Charleston.
The memorandum as prepared by the Commissioners was
presented to the Secretary of State by Senator R. M. T. Hunter,
of Virginia, who had consented to see the Secretary for them
and learn if he would consent to an informal interview.
When Senator Hunter presented himself to the Secretary of
State, he found him at first " perceptibly embarrassed and
uneasy." He informed Senator Hunter that before he could
consent to an interview, he must see the President. He asked,
too, that the request be put in writing, in order that he might
submit it to the President. This was declined by Senator
Hunter, who thought it inexpedient, but assented that the Secre-
tary should state to the President the fact of his visit, and also its
object and character. Upon the following day (March 12) the
Senator returned to the Commissioners with a note addressed to
himself, in which the Secretary of State said, " It will not be in my
power to receive the gentlemen of whom we conversed yesterday."
THEIR A C TION A PPR FED A T MONTGOMER Y. 325
The receipt of this paper was considered by the Commis-
sioners as decisive of their course, and they at once prepared a
formal note informing the State Department of their presence in
Washington, and of the object of their mission, and asking an
official interview at an early day. The Secretary of State had
already determined not to recognize the Commissioners in any
official capacity, nor to hold personal communication with them.
On the 13th, the note was formally delivered to the Assistant
Secretary at the State Department, by Colonel J. A. Pickett, of
Washington, who had consented to act as the Secretary of the
Commission. The action of the Commissioners was wholly
approved and commended by their Government at Montgomery,
who thought that they had acted with '' commendable promptness
and becoming dignity," and had shown that they were not
suppliants for the grace and favor of the United States Govern-
ment, but that they were *' the envoys of a powerful Confedera-
tion of sovereignties," "instructed to demand their rights" and
to establish relations of "amity and good neighborhood."* The
Commissioners now awaited a response to their note, which would
determine their course. The Secretary of State had determined
not to reply in letter form to the formal note of the Commis-
sioners, as such might reasonably be regarded as a recognition of
their official character. In place of it he decided to prepare a
" memorandum " for the files of his Department, in order to
avoid the appearance of such recognition, which memorandum
should define the position of the Government, and of which a
copy was to be furnished, if called for.
But meantime other and powerful influences were at work.
It was now the isth of March, and the Supreme Court of the
United States had ended its session. The members were about
to separate, when Associate Justice John A. Campbell announced
his determination to remain in Washington, and to use his personal
influence to bring about a peaceful solution of the difficulties now
threatening the peace of the country. Associate Justice Nelson
had during the session of the court been engaged in a careful
study of the laws bearing upon the war powers of the President
and of Congress. He had consulted the Chief-Justice of the
United States upon the questions involved, and had come to the
♦Confederate Secretary of State to the Commissioners, March 20, 1861.
326 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
conclusion that no coercion could be successfully effected by the
Executive " without very serious violation of Constitution and
Statute," and in this opinion Associate Justice Campbell had,
after a similar examination, agreed.*
He was convinced " that an inflexible adherence to a policy
of moderation and of peace would inevitably lead to the restora-
tion of the Union in all of its integrity; that there was an
imperative obligation upon the part of the Government to dis-
play moderation and an indulgent " spirit of endurance " to pre-
vent the spread of secession and " recompose the Union."
Impressed with the importance of his conclusions, Associate
Justice Nelson had, upon the same day (March 15), in a visit to
the Secretaries of State and Treasury, as well as to the Attorney-
GenerrJ, laid before these ofificials the result of his research upon
the subject, and the conclusions to which he had come. He was
listened to with respect and attention by these officers, and with
great cordiality by the Secretary of State, who expressed himself
gratified at finding " so many impediments to the disturbances of
peace, and only wished there had been more;f that his policy
was for peace, and that he would spare no effort to maintain it.
A subject which had interested him especially was, in regard to
the execution of the laws relating to " Navigation, Commerce and
Revenue" without additional legislation, in consequence of
secession, Congress having adjourned without action upon the
subject. The Secretary was of opinion that such execution would
be impossible, " except by the use of military force and the
dangers of civil war." The attention of Justice Nelson had been
called to a resolution introduced by a Member of Congress from
New York, in regard to the coasting trade; the question involved
being the validity of clearances made by State ofificials after
secession, while the coasting trade was protected and carried on.
The subject had attracted the attention of Justice Campbell, who
in conference with Justice Nelson, was of thi opinion that this
could not go on without involving the country with the South as
well as abroad. It was then that, in the consideration of the
subject. Justice Campbell sought the opinion of Judge Black,
formerly the Secretary of State. He addressed to him an inquiry
* Reply of Associate Justice Campbell to Southern Historical Society, New
Orleans, December 20, 1873.
f Associate Justice Campbell to Southern Historical Society, New Orleans.
yUSTICES NELSON AND CAMPBELL INTERVENE. 327
as to the policy of the Government in respect to the cotton trade
of the South after secession. To this Judg-e Black responded,
that it could not be officially acknowledged, that the United
States could not recognize clearances made by State officials, or
any payment of duties, unless made by the proper Federal offi-
cers; but he at the same time stated coufuicntially, and as his
private opinion, that the general principle of public law was
rather against the right to punish a person for doing what the local
authorities who are in possession of the port and custom-house
compel him to do. They agreed to examine separately, everything
connected with the subject, as well as the power of the President and
Congress to take any action in regard to the Confedera.te States. *
At this interview, the Secretary informed Justice Nelson of
the demand for recognition just made by the Confederate Com-
missioners, and of the embarrassment it caused him, as its refusal
would produce irritation and excitement in both sections adverse
to a peaceful adjustment. It was then that the suggestion
was made by Justice Nelson, that Justice Campbell might be of
service, when, accidentally meeting him after the interview, the
two retired to consult as to the proper course to be pursued. After
a full discussion, the conclusion was reached that the country
would be better satisfied, and the counsels of peace be promoted,
by the reception of the Commissioners, and obtaining for them a
full exposition of their demands, and that this could be done with-
out any official recognition of them or of their Government. They
determined to recommend to the Secretary of State to reply to
the letter of the Commissioners, and announce to them the earnest
desire of the Government for conciliation and peace, and a
friendly adjustment, and that every effort would be made with
this view, and every " forbearance" exercised, before resorting to
extreme measures, and that such a course would immediately
influence both the border States as well as those Southern States
that had not seceded. When this counsel was laid before the
Secretary of State he was " much impressed " if not " convinced"
by it. He declined, however, to act in accordance \vith the sug-
gestion made, asserting that the Cabinet would not acquiesce, and
expressing the opinion that the Commissioners would not have been
sent had the true condition of things been known at Montgomery.
• Letter of Judge Black in author's possession.
328 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
Mr. Seward's reply is thus described by Justice Campbell in
the papers submitted by him to the Southern Historical Society,
December 20, 1873.
Rising and making a forcible gesture he said: " I wish I could
do it. See Montgomery Blair, see Mr. Bates, see Mr. Lincoln
himself; I wish you would: they are all Southern men — convince
them — no, there is not a member of the Cabinet who would con-
sent to it. If Jefferson Davis had known the state of things here
he would not have sent those Commissioners; the evacuation of
Sumter is as much as the administration can bear."
A letter from Mr. Thurlow Weed was then read by the Secre-
tary, to the effect that the surrender of Sumter would be damag-
ing to the administration, and that he was confident that he could
have made a better arrangement with the Commissioners; that
Anderson, with the consent of the Commissioners, might have
been allowed to remain in the fort and to purchase his supplies in
Charleston.
The proposition to evacuate Sumter had not before this been
made known to Associate Justice Campbell, who agreed with the
Secretary of State that it was a sufficient burden upon the admin-
istration to deal with alone, and who then proposed to see the
Commissioners, and to write to Mr. Davis at Montgomery.* Upon
this he was authorized by the Secretary to inform Mr. Davis that
before a letter could reach him he would be informed by tele-
gram that the order for the evacuation of the fort would have
been issued. f
As the administration were satisfied with the condition of
things at Fort Pickens and the forts in the Gulf of Mexico, no
change in reference to them was contemplated. A delay of three,
and subsequently five, days was agreed upon, as more than ample
to communicate with Montgomery, when after listening again to
* Justice Campbell's manuscript " Facts of History."
t When Justice Campbell at this interview had informed the Secretary that
he would write to Mr. Davis, he continued, " And what shall I say to him upon
the subject of Fort Sumter?" "You may say to him," said the Secretary, "that
before that letter reaches him — how far is it to Montgomery ?" "Three days,"
replied Justice Campbell. "You may say to him that before that letter reaches
him, the telegraph will have inform d him that Sumter will have been evacu-
ated." "And what shall I say as to the forts in the GuJf of Mexico?" He
replied, "We contemplate no action as to them; we are satisfied as to the
position of things there."
JUSTICE CAMPBELL AND THE COMMISSIONER. 329
the renewed assurances of the Secretary in behalf of peace, Justice
Campbell at once sought the Southern Commissioners, and later
upon the same morning held his first interview with Mr. Martin
J. Crawford, one of the three that had been sent to Washington.
He found him ostensibly impatient of delay, and disinclined to any
discussion of the subject. He was full of the brilliant prospect
in store for his section in the future, and urged that they were
destined to form a great and prosperous nation. A reasonable
delay in demanding a response to the note of the Commissioner
was urged by Justice Campbell, who at the same time expressed
the opinion that if a response was now pressed, a civil but firm
rejection would follow. He felt confident that Sumter would be
evacuated m the next five days, and that the effect of a " measure
imposing vast responsibility upon the administration" should be
awaited, while at the same time he felt confident that no measure
changing the existing status was contemplated ; and he frankly
informed the Commissioner that the opinion at Washington was
that "the secession movements were short-lived and would wither
under sunshine." To this the Commissioner replied that he was
willing to take all the risks of sunshine, but if they could be
assured of the peaceful purposes of the United States Govern-
ment, he had no doubt that the time would be allowed; but that
the evacuation of Sumter was imperative, and the military status
must remain unchanged.
He required to be informed of the authority for the assertion
in regard to Fort Sumter, This Justice Campbell declined to give,
and informed the Commissioner that no inference was to be made
that he (Justice Campbell) was "acting under any agency," and
that he was alone responsible.
Mr. Crawford at once said: "You come from Seward; those
are his views?" "I declined to give him any name — and told
him that he was not authorized to infer that I was acting under
any agency; that I was responsible to him for what I told him,
and that no other person was. I informed him that Justice Nelson
was aware of all that I was, and would agree that I was justified
in saying to him what I did."*
After some discussion, the Commissioner was satisfied with
the assurances given him, and, influenced largely by the near
* " Facts of History." Justice Campbell's manuscript, in author's possession.
330
THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
prospect of the evacuation of Fort Sumter, he consented to the
temporary delay, as his action would also be in the interest of
peace. He required, however, that the information given to him
should be in writing, and its accuracy endorsed by Justice Camp-
bell personally. The following memorandum, certifying the
opinions given, was drawn up by Justice Campbell, and having
received the approval of Justice Nelson, and its contents having
been communicated to the Secretary of State, was handed to the
Commissioner, who at once advised the authorities at Mont-
gomery.
Copy "A."*
"Notes of Justice J. A. Campbell.
"No. I.
" I feel perfect confidence in the fact that Fort Sumter will be
evacuated in the next five days, and that this is felt to be a meas-
ure imposing vast responsibility upon the administration.
"I feel perfect confidence that no measure changing the
existing status of things prejudicially to the Southern Confederate
States is at present contemplated.
" I feel entire confidence that any immediate demand for an
answer to the communication of the Commissioners will be pro-
ductive of evil and not of good. I do not believe that it should
be pressed.
" I earnestly ask for a delay until the effect of the evacuation
of Fort Sumter can be ascertained — or at least for a few days,
say ten days,
(Signed) "J. A. C.
" iSth of March, 1861."
Meantime the five days specified had passed, and Fort Sumter
had not been evacuated. Upon the expiration of the fifth day, a
telegram was sent by the Commissioners to the commanding
Confederate general at Charleston, upon the request of Justice
Campbell, as to what had been done looking to the evacuation of
Fort Sumter. The immediate reply of that officer was, that there
were no indications of any change at Fort Sumter, and that work
was then going on upon its defenses. This reply was at once
placed in the hands of Justice Campbell, who, in company with
Justice Nelson, again sought the Secretary of State. After an
assurance upon his part that all was right, an arrangement for
an interview upon the following day was made, when Justice Camp-
* Copy from the original paper in the Treasury Department, Washington,
June 10, 1873 k^^^ Pickett purchase).
JUSTICE CAMPBELVS ''MEMORANDUMS 331
bell again sought the Commissioners and left with them the fol-
lowing paper.
"Copy B.
"Notes of Justice Campbell,
"No. 2.
" My confidence in the two facts stated m my note of the 15th,
to wit: that Fort Sumter is to be evacuated, and that provisions
have been made for that purpose and will be completed without
any delay or any disposition for delay, is unabated.
" 2d. That no prejudicial movement to the South is contem-
plated as respects Fort Pickens. I shall be able to speak posi-
tively to-morrow afternoon.
(Signed) "J. A. C.
" 2ist of March, 1861."
On the morning of the 2 2d of March the interview took place,
when a full and satisfactory conversation was had. The Secretary
was "buoyant and sanguine." He thought that the prospect of
maintaining peace was encouraging. In reply to an inquiry of
Justice Campbell in regard to the delay in the evacuation of Sumter,
the Secretary stated that there was no change in regard to the
determination in reference to Fort Sumter; that the resolution had
been come to in the Cabinet " and its execution committed to the
President;" that the delay was accidental, and " that there was
nothing in the delay that affected the integrity of the promise or
denoted any intention not to comply." The status at Fort
Pickens was not to be altered, and if any contrary purpose was
determined upon, the Justice should be informed.
This assurance of the Secretary of State was repeated in
writing to the Commissioners on the evening of that day, by Justice
Campbell, who assured them, as the result of the interviews, that he
had " unabated confidence " in regard to the evacuation of Fort
Sumter, and that provisions had been made for carrying it into
effect; that the delay that had occurred did not excite m him
"apprehension or distrust." He counseled inaction as to any
demand on the Government, assuring them that he would ^ave
knowledge of any change of determination or purpose, a fact
which the Commissioners considered as of infinite importance.
A memorandum of this interview was made by Justice Campbell,
and after having been submitted to the Secretary of State was
left with the Commissioners. It was as follows:
" No. 3.
" As the result of my mterviewing of to-day I have to say
332
THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
that I have still unabated confidence that Fort Sumter will be
evacuated, and that no delay that has occurred excites in me any
apprehension or distrust, and that the state of things existing at
Fort Pickens will not be altered prejudicially to the Confederate
States. I counsel inactivity in making demands on the Govern-
ment for the present. I shall have knowledge of any change in
the existing status.
(Signed) " J. A. C.
" 22d March, 1861."
The results of these interviews were at once communicated by
the Commissioner to the authorities at Montgomery, and often
with exaggerated comment and conclusion. On the 22dof March,
after the important interview just noticed, one of the Commis-
sioners, in his communication to the authorities at Montgomery,
stated that the attendance of Justice Nelson at the interview was
for the protection of Justice Campbell against the treachery of
Secretary Seward and such other members of the Cabinet as he
sees, and that Justice Campbell felt sure of guarding them, as a
Commissioner, against deception and fraud, and at the same time
have such protection for his own honor as would ensure him
against treachery on the part of the Government. The Commis-
sioner believed that the party in favor of a peaceful issue was
gaining strength, that they would be met and the points discussed;
and they believed, too, that rather than appeal to the sword to
restore them to the Union, the seceding States would be allowed
to depart. The confident assurances that Sumter would be evac-
uated, as well as that the state of things at Fort Pickens would
not be changed to their prejudice, had still further inclined them
to any reasonable delay. At the same time, the Commissioners,
were careful to state that the friends of peace in the Cabinet were
actuated, by the desire of increasing any disaffection that might
exist in the South looking ultimately to an overthrow of the
Confederate Government and the reconstruction of the Union.
In regard to the action of the judges, the Commissioner reported
that they were used to show the exact powers of the admin-
istration under the Constitution and the laws.*
* " We have hitherto informed you that the judges of the Supreme Court, or
these two at least, were being used to show the administration the exact power
which it has under the Constitution and the laws to use the army and the navy
to invade the States or collect the customs outside the forts." Correspondence
of the Confederate Commissioners, p. 87, manuscript copy.
CONFEDERATE SECRETARY OF STATE REPLIES.
m
When the delay in regard to any action as to Fort Sumter
became known, and matters seemed to be growing more serious,
Justice Nelson retired from any further participation in the nego-
tiations, and left Washington on the day of the last interview, the
22d of March. He was satisfied with the results of the efforts
made by him in favor of peace, but he deemed that the affairs
seemed to be going further than he had contemplated. His
colleague. Justice Campbell, was likewise impressed, but being so
far involved, he determined, upon the advice of Justice Nelson, to
continue until the evacuation of Fort Sumter, relying upon the
alleged promises of the Secretary of State, and then to withdraw
from further participation in the matter.*
The reluctance manifested upon the part of the Committee to
yield to any delay in prosecuting the objects of their mission,
was largely assumed, as their secret instructions were to retard
the negotiation, and to delay until the Confederate authorities
were prepared to act.f
The important interviews at Washington, and the resulting
correspondence of their Commissioners, had engaged the earnest
attention of the authorities at Montgomery.
On the 28th of March, the Confederate Secretary of State
replied to the communication just received from the Commis-
sioners commending the forbearance shown in view of the hope of
a peaceful adjustment. The "conciliatory consideration " which
the Commissioners had shown for the United States Government,
had gratified the President (Davis), as well as that proper precau-
tion had been taken against deception and misunderstanding, a
necessity obvious when the time specified had elapsed and no
change was made at Fort Sumter, so confidently predicted. That
while relying upon the representations of Justice Campbell, the
Government does not place the same confidence in the good
faith and sincerity of those from whom Justice Campbell draws
his convictions. He alleged, also, that there was good reason to
* To an inquiry of Justice Campbell if he could rely upon the Secretary,
Justice Nelson replied, "He will not deceive you." (Southera Historical
Society, p. 24.)
t In a conversation with Colonel John Forsyth, one of the Commissioners,
the writer was told that the secret instructions from Montgomery were " to play
with Seward, to delay and gain time until the South was ready." Mobile,
Ala., 1870.
334 ^^-^ GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
believe that changes have been made at Fort Pickens with a view
to strengthen it, while assurances had been given that there was
no intention to change its status; that the policy pursued by the
United States Government tended directly to produce an impres-
sion of distrust. That it was undoubted that a pacific policy was
pursued only where the Confederacy had the power to compel
obedience to their demand, but not otherwise; and unless a
" graceless surrender of untenable power " should be mistaken
by the Confederate authorities for a voluntary evidence of
peaceful and conciliatory sentiment, the means employed by the
Government of the. United States seemed to fail of success. They
were therefore to urge, with firmness, the evacuation of all the
forts now within the borders of the Confederacy, as an indispen-
sable condition to peace or negotiation. The Commissioners
were also directed to ask explanation in regard to the " unusually
large naval force in the ports of the United States at this time,"
and they were to remark that it had attracted the serious atten-
tion of this (Confederate) Government.*
The Commissioners had not yet had a personal interview with
any member of the administration, when, on the morning of the 24th
of March, the Russian minister, Baron Stoeckl, called upon Mr.
Roman, one of the Commissioners, at his residence in Washington.
He informed him that he had had a free conversation with the Sec-
retary of State in regard to the condition of things in the country;
that the Secretary had expressed an earnest desire for a peaceful
settlement, and repudiated the idea of force; the peace policy
would prevail in time, the Secretary thought, and the difficulties
surrounding him should be considered.
In reporting the result of this interview to his Government,
Mr. Roman stated that he had had cordial interviews with the
Russian minister. Baron Stoeckl, from whom he received warm
assurances of Mr. Seward's pacific intentions, and an invitation to
meet the Secretary of State over a cup of tea at the Russian
legation. This informal meeting, however, did not take place,
the Secretary having found that he could not accept. The Com-
missioners were still under the impression that the peace policy
would be successful, and they believed that they were gaining by
inactivity and delay; but they did not fail to express their anxiety
* Confederate State Department to Coramissioners, March 28.
CORRESPONDENCE OF COMMISSIONERS.
335
that the v provision Fort Sumter,
under all the circumstances is it wise to attempt it '?
" I have given to this question all the reflection which the
engrossing duties of this department have allowed.
" A correct solution must depend, in my judgment, on the
degree of possibility; on the combination of reinforcement with
provisioning; and on the probable effects of the measure upon the
relations of the disaffected States to the National Government.
'< I shall assume what the statements of the distinguished
officers consulted seem to warrant — that the possibility of success
amounts to a reasonable degree of probability; and, also, that the
attempt to provision is to include an attempt to reinforcement,
for it seems to be generally agreed that provisioning without rein-
forcement will accomplish no substantially beneficial purpose.
" The probable political effects of the measure allow room for
much fair difference of opinion, and I have not reached my own
conclusion without serious difficulty.
" If the proposed enterprise will so influence civil war as to
involve an immediate necessity for the enlistment of armies and
the expenditure of millions, I cannot, in the existing circum-
stances of the country, and in the present condition of the
national finances, advise it. But it seems to me highly improb-
able that the attempt, especially if accompanied or immediately
followed by a proclamation setting forth a liberal and generous,
though firm, policy toward the disaffected States, in accordance
with the principles of the inaugural address, will produce such
consequences; while it cannot be doubted that, in maintaining a
fort belonging to the United States, and in supporting the officers
and men engaged, in the regular course of service, in its defense,
the Federal Government exercises a clear right and, under all
ordinary circumstances, discharges a plain duty.
** I return, therefore, an affirmative answer to the question sub-
mitted to me. And have the honor to be,
" With the highest respect, your obedient servant.
"S. P. Chase.
" To the President."
At this meeting of the 15th the plan of Captain Fox was again
discussed by General Totten, the Chief Engineer, in the pres-
ence of the President and his Cabinet, Captain Fox and Commo-
dore Stringham, of the Navy, and General Scott. In the paper
presented. General Totten discussed the several plans proposed
for the relief of the fort — the entrance into the harbor by a
squadron of war vessels in daylight — was condemned, both on
account of the concentrated fire of the batteries and the total
want of shelter, while small vessels would inevitably be destroyed,
from the proficiency attained by practice with the batteries, as
362
THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
well as the vigilance displayed in guarding the harbor. The
employment of a few fast tugs to enter the Swash Channel by
night was also considered by General Totten, who thought that
although these tugs might pass the batteries without great risk,
and that perhaps all of them might reach Fort Sumter, they must
have light to take their bearings, and that in consequence they
would be seen and would be intercepted by the steamers " lying
in the channel-way full of men." He thought, too, that it would
be "unreasonable to suppose" that this plan had not been
anticipated and provided for,* and that it like any other, would
inevitably involve a collision.
In reply, however, to this opinion of General Totten, it was
claimed by Captain Fox that all he had urged was admitted by
General Totten, and that the question of entrance into the harbor
was a naval question solely. The opinion furnished by General
Scott to the Secretary of War as a *' Memorandum " was enclosed
by the Secretary in his reply to the President. At this period,
the views of General Scott naturally carried great weight, and
upon such a subject his opinion was deemed by many as
decisive. It was believed that he had been thwarted by the
previous administration in his patriotic intentions, and his opinions
ignored, and it was the whole desire of the present administration
to accord to his counsels that respect and acquiescence which his
high character and prominent position warranted. His relations
to the Secretary of State, who had sustained him in his aspirations
for the presidency, were close and cordial, as they had ever been,
and his political views were largely influenced by those of the
Secretary, When, therefore, the moment came for an expression
of opinion upon the part of General Scott as to the final action of
the administration in the case of Fort Sumter, the General was
not only in accord with the views of the Secretary, but even far
beyond them. In his " Memorandum " to the Secretary of War,
the impossibility of succoring the fort without carrying the
batteries around it, an opinion in which he and General Totten
concurred, was stated. Even if the expedition in small tugs
prepared by Captain Fox should succeed once, the necessity of
* This opinion was confirmed by General Beauregard in a conversation with
the author in New York, March, 1882. This plan of relief had been antici-
pated by the military authorities at Charleston, and such provision made to
meet it that its success was pronounced by him impossible.
MEMORAiVDUM OF GENERAL SCOTT. 363
its repetition would recur; and tie concludes that an abandonment
of the fort in a few weeks, sooner or later, would appear therefore
to be a sure necessity, and if so, the sooner the more graceful on
the part of the Government. The paper submitted to the Sec-
retary of War by General Scott is here given:
" General Scott's Memorandum for the Secretary of War,
" It seems, from the opinions of the Army officers who have
expressed themselves on the subject — all within Fort Sumter,
together with Generals Scott and Totten — that it is perhaps now
impossible to succor that fort substantially, if at all, without
capturing, by means of a large expedition of ships of war and
troops, all the opposing batteries of South Carolina. In the mean-
time — six or ten months — Major Anderson would almost certainly
have been obliged to surrender under assault or the approach of
starvation ; for even if an expedition like that proposed by
G. V. Fox should succeed once in throwing in the succor of a few
men and a few weeks' provision, the necessity of repeating the
latter supply would return again and again, including the yellow-
fever season. An abandonment of the fort in a few weeks sooner
or later would appear, therefore, to be a sure necessity, and if so,
the sooner the more graceful on the part of the Government.
" It is doubtful, however, according to recent information from
the South, whether the voluntary evacuation of Fort Sumter alone
would have a decisive effect upon the States now wavering between
adherence to the Union and secession. It is known, indeed, that
it would be charged to necessity, and the holding of Fort Pickens
would be adduced in support of that view. Our Southern friends,
however, are clear that the evacuation of both the forts would
instantly soothe and give confidence to the eight remaining slave-
holding States, and render their cordial adherence to this Union
perpetual.
" The holding of Forts Jefferson and Taylor, on the ocean
keys, depends on entirely different principles, and should never be
abandoned; and, indeed, the giving up of Forts Sumter and Pickens
may be best justified by the hope that we should thereby recover
the State to which they geographically belong by the liberality of
the act, besides retaining the eight doubtful States."
This Memorandum of General Scott was written upon the day
fixed for the final action on the question as to whether supplies
should be sent. The General was under the impression that the
evacuation of Fort Sumter had been determined upon by the
President, and he had also recommended the evacuation of Fort
Pickens. Contrary to the expectation of the President, the ques-
tion was not decided at the Cabinet meeting of the 15 th, when
3^4
THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
some only of the opinions were presented and a discussion took
place.
All of the members of the Cabinet agreed substantially in
the views expressed by the Secretary of State and the Secretary of
War, except the Postmaster-General and the Secretary of the
Treasury, as has just been seen. Their opinions were in writing,
and were handed to the President. No formal decision by vote
was made, as such proceeding was unusual in Cabinet consulta-
tions, the decision being always left to the President alone. Al-
though the majority of his Cabinet were decided in their opinion
as to the policy to be pursued, which was against the attempt to
relieve Fort Sumter, its effect upon the President was advisory
only, and his ultimate decision, influenced as it was by subsequent
circumstances, was adverse to it. After the Cabinet had separated,
the Postmaster-General, Mr Blair sought an interview with his
father, the venerable Francis P. Blair, to whom he related the
circumstances of the meeting, and what he inferred was the decision
arrived at. Mr. Blair at once sought the President, with whom he
was upon terms of intimacy. He found him yet in his place in
the Cabinet room, and engaged in securing the written opinions of
the members of his Cabinet just handed to him. He was at once
asked by Mr. Blair if it had been determined to withdraw Anderson
from Sumter. The President replied that it had not yet been fully
determined upon, but that the Cabinet were almost a unit in favor
of it, "all except your son," said he, and that bethought that such
would be the result. Mr. Blair then expressed his belief that
such a course would not be endorsed by the people, that it would
destroy the formation of the Republican party, and that impeach-
ment would probably follow * Upon subsequent occasions Mr.
Blair repeated the statement, and always affirmed that his son the
Postmaster General was the only member of Mr. Lincoln's Cab-
inet who opposed the withdrawal of the garrison from Fort Sumter.
The Postmaster-General himself was under the same impression,
and frequently asserted it as the statement of Mr. Lincoln to him,
and it was so believed in the country.
The subject of relief to Fort Sumter was now a constant
source of discussion both within and without the Cabinet, while
the impression became general that, with the exception of the
* Mr. Blair to author.
PRIVATE LETTER OF POSTMASTER. GENERAL. 365
Postmaster-General, the entire Cabinet, yielding to the views of
the Secretary of State, Mr. Seward, and influenced by the military
counsel of Lieutenant-General Scott, was averse to any attempt
to succor the fort under the then existing circumstances, and this
gave rise to great feeling in the country. Mr. Blair himself was
open in his expression and decided in his course; and in a letter
to the writer, of the 6th of May, 1882, he has given so clear and
detailed an account of what took place, and of his personal rela-
tion to it, that it is here given in his own language.
" You will see," said he, "by Mr. Seward's letter to Mr. Adams
of April 10, 1 86 1,* that he considered the Union dissolved at
that time, and contemplated, at some future time, the call of a con-
vention to bring about reunion. For this reason he opposed the
use of force to retain possession of the fort. He thought this
would engender bad blood, and prove an obstacle to his plan of
a peaceful return of the States, which he regarded as the only
practicable mode of securing reunion.
*******
" General Scott, in the belief that the surrender of Fort Sumter
had been determined upon, wrote to the President that it was neces-
sary to surrender Fort Pickens also.
" This letter was written on the day fixed for the final action on
the question, whether Sumter should be surrendered. But con-
trary to the President's previous intention, he did not decide the
question at the Cabinet meeting that day. After dinner the Presi-
dent called the members out of the room where he had dined
with them, and in an agitated manner read Scott's letter, which he
seemed just to have received. An oppressive silence followed.
At last I said, " Mr. President you can now see that General
Scott, in advising the surrender of Fort Sumter, is playing the part
of a politician, not of a general, for as no one pretends that there
is any military necessity for the surrender of Fort Pickens, which
he now says it is equally necessary to surrender, it is believed
that he is governed by political reasons in both recommendations.
** No answer could be made to this point, and the President saw
that he was misled, and immediately ordered the reinforcement
of Fort Sumter. It is impossible to exaggerate the importance
and merit of this act. It was an irrevocable decision that the
* " Diplomatic Correspondence of 1861,'' p 58.
366 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
Union should be maintained by force of arms. It was assuming
the greatest responsibility ever assumed by any man, and it was
assumed by Lincoln with only the support of a single member of
the Cabinet, and he represented no State, and was the youngest and
least distinguished member; and he was opposed by all the others,
who were the leaders of the Republican party, and the representa-
tive men of the great Republican States. Lincoln himself was
inexperienced, and those who opposed the stand he took had
not only great experience in public affairs, but they were
regarded by Lincoln himself as his superiors. That he should
resolve to stand by his convictions of duty against all these
influences ought, and I believe will, crown him with immortal
honor."
The replies given by the different members of the Cabinet to
the President's inquiry in regard to Fort Sumter gave rise to
much discussion and speculation. The Secretary of the Treasury,
Mr. Chase, in order " to correct misapprehensions," as early as
the 28th of April, 1861, after Fort Sumter had been fired upon
and taken, addressed a letter to the Hon. Alphonso Taft.
In this he not only defined his position in regard to the relief
of Sumter at that time, but so clearly and forcibly set forth the
views that animated him that the communication is given entire.
"Washington, April 28, 1861.
" My Dear Sir : To correct misapprehensions, except by acts,
is an almost vain endeavor. You may say, however, to all whom
it may concern, that there is no ground for the ascription to me
by Major Brown of the sentiment to which you allude.
" True it is that before the assault on Fort Sumter, in anti-
cipation of an attempt to provision famishing soldiers of the Union,
I was decidedly in favor of a positive policy and against the
notion of drifting — the Micawber policy of ' waiting for some-
thing to turn up.'
" As a positive policy, two alternatives were plainly before us.
(i) That of enforcing the laws of the Union by its whole power
and through its whole extent; or (2) that of recognizing the organi-
zation of actual government by the seven seceded States as an
accomplished rrooliition — accomplished through the complicity
of the late administration and letting the Confederacy try its
experiment of separation ; but maintaining the authority of the
Union and treating secession as treason everywhere else.
"Knowing that the former of these alternatives involved
destructive war, and vast expenditure, and oppressive debt, and
thinking it possible that through the latter these great evils might
LETTERS OF SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. 367
be avoided, the union of the other States preserved unbroken, the
return even of the seceded States, after an unsatisfactory experi-
ment of separation, secured, and the great cause of freedom and
constitutional government peacefully vindicated — thinking, I say,
these things possible, I preferred the latter alternative.
" The attack on Fort Sumter, however, and the precipitation
of Virginia into hostility to the National Government, made this
latter alternative impracticable, and I had then no hesitation about
recurring to the former. Of course, I insist on the most vigorous
measures, not merely for the preservation of the Union and the
defense of the Government, but for the constitutional re-estab-
lishment of the full authority of both throughout the land.
" In laboring for these objects I know hardly the least ces-
sation, and begin to feel the wear as well as the strain of them.
When my criticizers equal me in labor and zeal, I shall most cheer-
fully listen to their criticisms.
" All is safe here now. Baltimore is repenting, and by repent-
ance may be saved, if she adds works meet for repentance. Soon
something else will be heard of.
"Yours truly,
" S. P. Chase.
" Hon. Alphonso Taft."
Years passed without correcting the impression which pre-
vailed, when his attention was called to it in a letter to him from
Judge J. S. Black, to whom he replied on the 4th of July, 1870,
as follows :
" On one other point I wish to correct your information, lest
not mentioning it I may seem to have admitted its exactitude.
''You state that ' the Cabinet (Mr. Lincoln's) voted six to one
in favor of surrendering Fort Sumter, Mr. Blair being the only
dissentient.' I never voted for the surrender of Fort Sumter. My
grounds of opposition were not perhaps the same, nor so absolute
as Mr. Blair's, but I was against it, and so voted. I make this
statement, not for the public, but for yourself, because I was in a
position to be well informed, and am sure you would not willingly
remain in error. Before all things, justice.
*' With great respect and regard,
*' Yours very truly,
(Signed) " S. P. Chase."
The strong endorsement of General Scott had also produced
its effect upon the Secretary of War, Mr. Cameron, who, up to the
moment when the "Views " of Lieutenant-General Scott were read
to the Cabinet by the President, had been against any attempt to
relieve the fort as " too late." He now changed his mind, and
368 THE GENESIS OP THE CIVIL WAR.
became an advocate of the relief of the work, and so argued upon
the final disposition of the subject by the Cabinet of Mr. Lincoln.
Among those present on the evening when the question in re-
gard to Fort Sumter was determined, was Mr. George Harring-
ton, then Assistant Secretary of the Treasury, who, in his record-
ed reminiscences, says, '' I was at the White House one evening,
and found there with the President Mr. Welles, Mr. Fox and Mr.
Montgomery Blair, and ere they separated it was determined to
relieve and provision Fort Sumter. I went to Mr. Seward and
informed him of the fact, which, though, as he said, ' difficult to
believe,' he subsequently found to be true."*
It would seem, however, from the subsequent statement of
the President, in his message to Congress at the extra session of
July, 1861, that he was brought to this conclusion and action
mainly by the intelligence, just received, that "under the quasi
armistice of the late administration " the company on board the
Sabine had not been landed at Fort Pickens, as he had anticipat-
ed and directed, as will be fully narrated in a subsequent chapter.
" Harrington's Reminiscences."
CHAPTER XXVTIL
President desires further information from Major Anderson— Captain Fox sent
as messenger— Arrives at Sumter— His interview with Anderson— State-
ment of provisions given to him— Visit of Ward H. Lamon— Professed ob-
ject, removal of command —Provisions being rapidly exhausted— Anderson
asks instructions— Firing of batteries upon ice schooner attempting to
enter harbor— Anderson sends an officer to Governor — Result— Important
despatch of Commissioner Crawford —Anderson wiites to Washington —
Despondent feeling— Important communication of Secretary of War —
Powerful battery suddenly unmasked on Sullivan's Island —Effect upon
Anderson— Captain Fox accused of breach of faith— Charleston authorities
seize the mails— Important despatch of Anderson taken— His letter.
After the important meeting of the Cabinet on the 15th of
March, and before taking any positive steps, the President deter-
mined to obtain further information from Major Anderson him-
self. Accordingly, a communication was addressed to Lieuten-
ant-General Scott on the 19th of March by the Secretary of War,
requesting him to direct some suitable and competent person to
proceed to Fort Sumter and to obtain " accurate information in
regard to the command of Major Anderson." Upon being sent
to Lieutenant-General Scott, he endorsed upon it, " The within
may do good, and can do no harm. It commits no one." Cap-
tain G. V. Fox was the envoy selected by General Scott, and his
selection was approved by the President. On the same day he
left Washington for Charleston, arriving on the morning of the
2 1 St of March.
On the morning of this day Dr. Robinson, of Charleston, had
come to the fort on a mission to Major Anderson. He reported
that a telegram authorizing the remcjval of the garrison had al-
ready come to Charleston, and he brought a message from the Gov-
ernor that, while he was unwilling to trust the Cabinet at Wash-
ington, he had confidence in Major Anderson, who had never
deceived him, and that he might leave as he saw fit; that Major
Anderson had done right in all his course. Upon arriving at
Charleston, Captain Fox sought an interview with Captain Hart-
stene, an old comrade— a native of South Carolina, formerly of the
369
370
THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
United States Navy — who had now entered the service of his
State. To him he expressed his desire to visit Fort Sumter, in
order to learn the actual condition of its command and to inquire
into the state of the provisions. After a consultation with Gov-
ernor Pickens, which lasted half an hour, Captain Hartstene,
accompanied by Captain Fox, waited upon the Governor, who
received him, and at once asked for the orders under which he
acted. Captain Fox replied that he had no written orders, but
showed to him the letter of General Scott, and informed the Gov-
ernor of his purpose to ascertain the state of Major Anderson's
provisions and the actual condition of his command. The con-
versation closed by an inference, upon the part of Governor
Pickens, that the object of the visit was a peaceful one, in which
Captain Fox acquiesced.'*' After some delay, Captain Hartstene
was directed to accompany Captain Fox to Fort Sumter. They
left at once and arrived at the fort after dark, where they were
met by Major Anderson and some of his officers. Captain Fox
was the bearer of three letters to Major Anderson, who showed
them to the writer in confidence. One of these was a letter
from General Scott to the Secretary of War, Mr. Holt, mention-
ing the services of Major Anderson, and stating that he was only
the interpreter of the wishes of thousands when he expressed the
desire that he should be suitably rewarded; and he recommends
that a brevet of lieutenant-colonel be conferred upon him for
moving his command from Fort Moultrie to Sumter; and for
maintaining his position there, " aside of privation," in the face
of a numerous and powerful force, he recommends him for a
brevet of colonel.
The second letter was from the Secretary of War, Mr.
Cameron, to Lieutenant-General Scott, stating the desire of the
President for accurate information in regard to Anderson and his
command, and directing that a special messenger should be sent
at once. The remaining letter was from Governor Pickens to
Major Anderson, stating that he had permitted Captain Fox and
Captain Hartstene to go down to the fort, and he regretted that
General Scott could not have been more formal with him, but
that he trusted to Major Anderson as a man of honor. The
visit of Captain Fox was short. After a general conversation in
Captain Fox to author.
CAPTAIN FOX A T FORT SUMTER.
3/1
the room of the officer of the guard, at the sally-port of the work,
Major Anderson moved off in company with Captain Fox, leav-
ing Captain Hartstene in conversation with his officers. It was
now dark; when they reached the parapet Major Anderson turned
the conversation upon his position, and knowing that the author
of the proposed scheme for his relief was before him, he at once
earnestly condemned any proposal to send him reinforcements.
He asserted that it was too late; he agreed with General Scott
that an entrance by sea was impossible; and he impressed upon
Captain Fox his belief that any reinforcements coming would at
once precipitate a collision and inaugurate civil war, and to this
he manifested the most earnest opposition, and dwelt at length
upon the political results that would follow.
It was while engaged in this conversation, begun and main-
tained chiefly by Major Anderson himself, that the sound of oars
was heard close to the work while no boat was visible The
entire feasibility of the plan of relief by boats, seemed to be con-
firmed by this incident, and the attention of Major Anderson was
drawn to it by Captain Fox, who showed to him that, screened by
the darkness, it would be impossible to fire upon the boats with any
accuracy. A point at the pancoupe on the left flank of the work,
where a landing might take place, was pointed out by Captain Fox.
But it was urged by Major Anderson that the naval prepara-
tions at the mouth of the harbor would prevent the tugs and
boats from reaching him, when Captain Fox replied that his bar-
bette guns would be sufficient to keep the channel open. So
impressed was Captain Fox by the manner and arguments of
Major Anderson, that he did not lay before him what he might
otherwise have done, and he was conscious of no obligation on
his part which would prevent his giving him all the information in
his possession that affected his position. No proposal was made
or discussed, or arrangement made for relieving the work, nor did
Captain Fox refer Major Anderson again to his plan, now known
to him; and while the object of his visit was to obtain more
accurate knowledge for the President, there was in addition a
strong personal reason, and which largely influenced him in
making it. He had not before been in those waters, and the
constant reference to that fact by those members of the Cabinet
who opposed the sending of relief, strongly influenced him to
visit the work and by personal observation do away with such
372
THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
objection. The President had not yet made up his mind to
relieve the fort, the whole matter was in abeyance; nor was Cap-
tain Fox authorized to give Major Anderson to understand that
reinforcements would probably be sent to him. Still less was it
his purpose to arrange a plan with Major Anderson for his relief.
The scheme long before proposed by him had been discussed
openly in the public press, as well as by Major Anderson and his
officers in the fort, to whom Lieutenant Hall upon his return
from Washington had brought the report of the discussion of this
plan in the presence of General Scott on the 6th of February. It
was the plan of relief most feared by the South Carolina authori-
ties. " The danger to be feared," said Major-General Bonham,
afterwards Governor of South Carolina, *' is that light-draught
vessels, barges or boats in the night may be sent in through the
two middle channels; " and General Beauregard had, on April
lo, officially informed the commanding officer on Sullivan's
Island, that Captain Hartstene and the naval officers were of
opinion that boats could pass the batteries on a dark night.
The visit of Captain Fox was short; a statement of the pro-
visions on hand was furnished to him, and it was understood
between himself and Major Anderson that unless provisions were
furnished to him, he could not hold his position beyond the 15th
of April at noon, even if he should at once place his command
on short rations, and for this he should await the orders of his
Government.
Before leaving, Major Anderson desired that Captain Fox
should converse with one of the engineer officers. He declined
to bring him to Captain Foster, as his relations with that officer
were not cordial, and he suggested Lieutenant Snyder. While
in conversation with that officer, Captain Foster came up and
made a rapid statement of his work, saying that he was doing all
in his power to strengthen the fort without instructions from Major
Anderson, who, although he acquiesced, did not encourage him.*t
* Upon his return to Charleston, Captain Fox held a short conversation
with General Beauregard, who was not present at his interview with the Gover-
nor, or indeed in Charleston, before he went to the fort. The interview was
unimportant, as Captain Fox had accomplished his visit. In a conversation with
Captain Hartstene, General Beauregard asked "Were you with Captain Fox all
the time of his visit?" "All but a short period, when he was with Major Ander-
son." replied Captain Hartstene "I fear that we shall have occasion to regret
that short period," said General Beauregaxd. (Beauregard to author, N. Y.,
March, 1882.)
t Fox to author.
REPORTED WITHDRAWAL OF GARRISON.
ZIZ
The visit of Captain Fox was made the subject of a communi-
cation to his Government by Major Anderson, who in reporting
his visit informed the Department that he had examined the point
alluded to by him, as a proper landing-place for supplies, and had
found that a vessel lying there would be under the fire of thirteen
guns from Fort Moultrie; and he gives the opinion of his engineer
officer also, that at that point she would require at high tide a
staging of forty feet, and he submitted that the Department could
thus decide what chances there were of a safe debarkation and
unloading at that point. The impression produced upon Major
Anderson was that this idea, " merely hinted at " to him by Captain
Fox, would not be carried out. Upon the conclusion of his visit,
which lasted but little over an hour. Captain Fox returned to
Washington that night.
Every hour now tended to strengthen the belief that the
garrison was to be withdrawn, and the prelimmary steps to be
taken were considered upon both sides. The public press as well
as private advices from Washington all seemed to place the fact
of the withdrawal beyond doubt. The engineer officer had made
his arrangements, and had reported to hischief his intentions, and
had received from that official his instructions as to the disposi-
tion to be made of the property. He was to bring away his books
and drawings, and, if it were possible, to secure the heavy articles
of property. The hospital supplies were also packed up except
such as were needed for immediate use. But official action on
the subject was wanting, and the month of March closed leaving the
matter still undecided, although the positive conviction, both
within and without Fort Sumter, was that it would be evacuated.
So confidently was the change anticipated, that on the 29th of
March Major Anderson stated that the Government preferred
that the transportation necessary should be procured in Charleston.
Time passed without any change, when on the morning of the 25th
a steamer bearing a white flag was seen approaching the work.
She bore Colonel Ward H. Lamon, of Washington, who, accom-
panied by Colonel Duryea, of the Governor's staff, had been per-
mitted by Governor Pickens to visit Major Anderson. Colonel
Lamon had been for some time in Charleston, where he had regis-
tered himself from Virginia, and the public journals had announced
his presence as connected with postal matters. He finally sought
an interview with the Governor, as a "confidential agent of the
374
THE GENESIS OF THE CIVH WAR.
President," and informed him that he had come for the purpose
of arranging for the removal of the garrison.* He had been
courteously received by the Governor, who, under the escort of
one of his aides, had sent him to Major Anderson, with whom he
remained alone for an hour and a half. Upon the character of
the interview Major Anderson was silent, although he informed
the writer that he '* would be amused at the confidential communi-
cations of the messenger." The impression produced upon
Major Anderson, as well as upon the ofificers and men of the
garrison, was that the command was to be withdrawn.
Upon his return to Charleston, Colonel Lamon inquired of the
Governor if a war vessel could not be allowed to remove the
garrison. He was answered that " no war vessel could be allowed
to enter the harbor on any terms." He then informed the Gover-
nor that Major Anderson preferred an ordinary steamer, to which
the Governor agreed. He also told him that the President pro-
fessed a desire to evacuate the work. Upon his return to Wash-
ington he wrote to Governor Pickens that he hoped to return in a
very few days to withdraw the command.
The month of March was now drawing to its close, and to the
occupants of Fort Sumter there seemed to be a suspension of the
work hitherto pushed with such activity around them. The guns
and material landed on the beach near Cummings Point remained
for some days undisturbed, and there seemed to be a cessation of
the work on the mortar battery at Fort Johnson. Within the work,
the engineer operations were confined "to the collection and
counting of materials, the clearing of the parade of the stone slabs
and temporary structures that encumbered it, and in perfecting the
arrangements of the batteries of the first and third tier." On the
31st of March, the provisions of the engineer force being exhaus-
ted, it was proposed to discharge all of the laborers except
enough to man one of the boats. The armament and condition
of the fort, the supply of provisions, the number and extent of
the batteries and works around him, as far as could be ascertained
by him, as well as a careful estimate of the force necessary, in the
judgment of himself and his ofificers, to relieve the work, had
been communicated to Washington by Major Anderson, who, con-
firmed in his anticipations by the visit and statements of Lamon,
Governor's Message, November, 1861,
BATTERIES FIRE UPON AX ICE SC HO OXER. 3;- 5
as well as by the reports and statements of the public prints and
the telegrams of the Commissioner, looked forward to his promised
return and to the immediate withdrawal of his command. But
the days passed without any official action in regard to such
determination, and his position became daily more embarrassing.
There were constantly recurring causes of irritability if not of
danger.
It was now the ist of April, and he had reported everything
quiet around him. He had not made frequent mention of the
question of rations, as he had kept the Department fully informed
of the state of his supplies, and on the 27th of January a
detailed statement had been sent on," from which any one in the
Commissary Department could have told the exact amount on
hand at any given time." Meantime, positive orders had come
from Montgomery that no one should be permitted to leave Fort
Sumter, unless all went. This rendered it necessary to turn over
to the Engineer Department provisions for the use of their men,
which greatly reduced the amount on hand. Had the laborers
been permitted to leave the fort, the amount of rations on hand
would have been sufficient to last one week from April i. On
the 3d notice was sent to him by the authorities at Charleston
that certain minor articles he required could not be permitted to
go to him, and he feared that the intention was to stop his sup-
plies altogether; and he earnestly asks for instructions as to his
course when his provisions were exhausted, as his bread would
last but four or five days longer. On the same day the garrison
was startled by the sound of firing from the batteries bearing
upon the entrance into the harbor. A small schooner, mistaking the
harbor for that of Savannah, had attempted to enter, having failed
to secure a pilot. She had crossed the bar and was coming up
the harbor, and was passing Morris Island, when a shot was fired
across her bow. She at once ran the United States flag to her
peak, when two more shots were fired across her bow, and stand-
ing on her course, the batteries in range opened on her. The
firing was wild and unskillful, and continued while she was in
range. One shot only went through her mainsail above the boom,
when she turned, lowered her flag, and went out to the bar.
Within the fort the greatest excitement prevailed. The long roll
was beaten, and the men manned the guns ; the battery in the
northeast angle of the work was made ready, and Lieutenant
376 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
Davis had reported himself in readiness to open fire. Again
Major Anderson assembled his officers, and consulted with them
as to what should be done. Five of them (Doubleday, Foster,
Crawford, Davis, and Hall) were in favor of an immediate reply
to the batteries. Three (Seymour, Snyder and Meade) advised
that we should delay firing, and should send to the island and ask
the authorities in regard to their action, and also, that we should
send to the schooner and learn her purpose. She had now
anchored just beyond the range of the batteries. The latter
course was adopted by Major Anderson, who at once despatched
two of his officers to the commanding officer on Morris Island,
while the men remained at the guns. The officers were met
upon landing by a sentinel, and the commanding officer soon
made his appearance. He had, he said, simply carried out his
orders, which were to fire upon any vessel carrying the United
States flag that attempted to enter the harbor after being warned
by a shot fired across her bow, which this vessel had done when
she was fired into. The officers then visited the schooner, and
they found from the statement of the captain that she was the
Rhoda B. Shannon, of Boston, with a cargo of ice for Savannah.
The weather was bad, and he had made a mistake in his reckon-
ing; and he supposed that he was entering that harbor, and
that when the first shot was fired across him, he hoisted his flag,
as he supposed the shot was fired for that purpose. He had
endeavored to secure a pilot by displaying his flag, but had failed.
The captain had an imperfect idea of the condition of things,
and appeared incompetent to any action. The Governor of the
State and the general in command witnessed the whole proceed-
ing from Sullivan's Island.
Despatches were at once prepared by Major Anderson, who
again assembled his officers, on the 4th of April, and announced
his intention to send an officer to Washington. Lieutenant Talbot
had meantime been promoted to the Adjutant-General's Depart-
ment, and it was necessary for him to join his post. Major Ander-
son had determined, therefore, to send him with his despatches to
Washington. In his consultation with the officers he made known
to them, for the first time, the instructions he had previously
received from Washington of January 10 and February 23, in
which he was earnestly directed to act strictly upon the defensive,
and to avoid any collision by all means consistent with his safety.
IMPORTANT DESPATCH OF COMMIS. CRAWFORD.
Z77
This he regarded as the qualifying clause which would justify
him in not opening his batteries. Captain Talbot, accompanied
by Lieutenant Snyder, who was sent under a white fiag to the
Governor to give them a detail of the statement of the captain
of the schooner, proceeded to Charleston. General Beauregard
was present at the interview. The Governor replied, in response
to Lieutenant Snyder's statement, that the commandant of the
vessel whose duty was to warn vessels off the harbor, had left his
post on account of rough weather, and would be dismissed, and
that peremptory orders had been sent to stop the random firing.
The Governor adhered to the promise given, and the captain in
charge of the guard-boat Petrel was dismissed.
It was at this interview that the Governor informed Lieuten-
ant Snyder of the despatch of Commissioner M. J. Crawford, on the
I St of April, from Washington ; that no attempt would be made
to reinforce Fort Sumter with men or provisions, and that the
President intended to shift the responsibility upon Major Ander-
son by suffering him to be starved out.
Objection was made to the mission of Captain Talbot, but
upon examining the orders of his War Department, the Confed-
erate general concluded that they referred more especially to the
engineer laborers and enlisted men, and Captain Talbot was
permitted to depart. The authorities at Montgomery did not so
construe the orders given, which were intended to cover the entire
command at Fort Sumter, and an explanation was asked. It was
answered by the commanding general, that Lieutenant Talbot
was allowed to go in order to diminish the number of officers in
Sumter, and with the hope that he would report the true condi-
tion of things, which Governor Pickens and himself had reason to
believe was not satisfactory to them.
The despatch of Major Anderson to his Government was
important, as it enabled him to define distinctly his position at
the time. In his letter of April 4 he encloses the report made
on the 3d instant, by Captain Seymour and Lieutenant Snyder, in
regard to the firing upon the schooner, and then informs the
Department that he had been under the belief that he would
shortly receive orders to abandon the fort, and that this was con-
firmed by what Colonel Lamon had said to him, as well as from
other sources. That he had concealed some of his guns by plank-
ing, and that when he was prepared to use them, the firing was
378 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
over. And that in accordance with his orders of February 23,
he determined not to open fire until he had " investigated the
circumstances." With scanty ammunition, with provisions for a
few days only, a collision with the superior force around him
would have probably terminated in his destruction before relief
could reach him ; and in hourly expectation of receiving definite
instructions, and bound, too, as he considered himself to be, by his
explicit and peremptory orders, he deeply regretted that he did not
feel himself at liberty to resent the insult to his flag. The con-
viction that the command was to be withdrawn was so assured in
their minds at this time, that although it did not operate to sus-
pend the preparations for the defense of the work, the mode of its
accomplishment largely engaged the attention and thought of the
garrison and its commander.
He blamed the State authorities for not communicating
instructions to vessels desiring to enter the harbor, and he sends
Captain Talbot to give the Department an opportunity to modify
their orders to him, if it were deemed proper to do so; and he
would "delay obedience thereto" until Captain Talbot should
report and he should receive a telegram from the War Depart-
ment, to which he thus wrote:
"Fort Sumter, S. C, April 4, 1861.
" (Received A. G O., April 6.)
' Col. L. Thomas, Adjutant-General U. S. Army:
" Colonel: I have the honor to send herewith a report of the
circumstances attending a firing yesterday afternoon by the bat-
teries on Morris Island at a schooner bearing our flag, bound
from Boston to Savannah, which, erroneously mistaking the light-
house off this harbor for that of Tybee, and having failed to get
a pilot, was entering the harbor.
" The remarks made to me by Colonel Lamon, taken in con-
nection with the tenor of newspaper articles, have induced me, as
stated in previous communications, to believe that orders would
soon be issued for my abandoning this work. When the firing
commenced some of my heaviest guns were concealed from their
view by planking, and by the time the battery was ready the firmg
had ceased. I then, acting in strict accordance with the spirit and
wording of the orders of the War Department, as communicated
to me in the letter from the Secretary of War dated February 23,
1 86 1, determined not to commence firing until I had sent to the
vessel and investigated the circumstances.
" The accompanying report presents them. Invested by a
force so superior that a collision would, in all probability, termi-
REPORT OF MAJOR ANDERSON. 379
nate in the destruction of our force before relief could reach us,
with only a few days' provisions on hand, and with a scanty sup-
ply of ammunition, as will be seen by a reference to my letter of
February 27, in hourly expectation of receiving definite instruc-
tions from the War Department, and with orders so explicit and
peremptory as those I am acting under, I deeply regret that I did
not feel myself at liberty to resent the insult thus offered to the
flag of my beloved country.
"I think that proper notification should be given to our
merchant vessels of the rigid instructions under which the com-
manders of these batteries are acting; that they should be noti-
fied that they must, as soon as a shot is fired ahead of them, at
once round to and communicate with the batteries.
" The authorities here are certainly blamable for not having
constantly vessels off to communicate instructions to those seek-
ing entrance into this harbor.
"Captain Talbot is relieved, of course, by order No. 7, from
duty at this post. I avail myself of this opportunity of stating
that he has been zealous, intelligent, and active in the discharge of
all his duties here, so far as his health permitted him to attempt
their performance. I send him on with these despatches, to give
the Department an opportunity, if deemed proper, to modify, in
consequence of this unfortunate affair, any order they may have
sent to me. I will delay obedience thereto until I have time to
receive a telegram after Captain Talbot's having reported to the
War Department.
" I am Colonel, very respectfully, your obedient serv^ant,
" Robert Anderson,
^^ Major, First Artillery, Commanding.''
[Inclosure.]
"Fort Sumter, April 3, 1861.
" Maj. Robert Anderson, First Artillery, U. S. Army,
" Commanding Fort Sumter, Charleston Harbor:
" Major: In obedience to your directions, we visited Cum-
mings Point, and the schooner bearing the United States flag,
which was fired into by the batteries on Morris Island, and
respectfully present the following statement concerning the affair:
"The commanding officer on Morris Island, Lieutenant-
Colonel W. G. De Saussure, stated that a schooner with the
United States flag at her peak endeavored to enter the harbor
this afternoon about 3 o'clock; that in accordance with his
orders to prevent any vessel under that flag from entering the
harbor, he had fired three shots across her bows, and this not
causing her to heave to, he had fired at her, and had driven her
out of the harbor; that he thought one or two shots had taken
effect, and that if he had a boat that could live to get out to her
he would send and see if she w^ere disabled, and inform Major
380 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
Anderson at once, but that he had no proper boat, as the schooner
was at anchor in a very rough place; that the revenue cutter had
gone out to examine her condition. We ascertained the schooner
to be the Rhoda B. Shannon, Joseph Marts, master, of Dor-
chester, N. J., bound from Boston to Savannah with a cargo of
ice, having left the former place on March 26. On account of
unfavorable weather, the master had obtained but one observa-
tion, and that was an imperfect one on yesterday. On his arrival
off Charleston Bar, supposing himself to be off Tybee, and seeing
a pilot-boat, he directed one of his men to hold the United
States flag in the fore rigging as a signal for a pilot. As none
came, the flag was taken down in a few minutes, and the master
undertook to bring his vessel into the harbor without a pilot. He
did not discover that he was not in Savannah Harbor until he had
crossed the bar and had advanced some distance in the harbor.
As he was passing Morris Island, displaying no flag, a shot was
fired from a battery on shore across the bows of the schooner.
The master states that he thought they wished him to show his
colors, and that he displayed the United States flag at his peak.
One or two shots were then fired across the schooner's bows, but
he did not know what to do or what the people on shore wished
him to do; that he kept the vessel on her course until they fired
at her, and one shot had gone through the mamsail, about two
feet above the boom, when he put her about and stood out to
sea, anchoring his vessel in the Swash Channel, just inside of the
bar; that the batteries kept on firing at his vessel for some time
after he had turned to go out to sea.
" The master of the schooner stated that before leaving Bos-
ton, he had learned how affairs stood in Charleston Harbor, and
that Fort Sumter was to be given up in a few days; that they
had established a new confederacy down South.
" After satisfying ourselves that the vessel was uninjured, and
as she was lying in a very rough place, we advised the master to
move his vessel — either to stand out to sea and go on to Savan-
nah, or to come into the harbor and anchor.
"On our return we stopped at Cummings Point, and stated
the facts to Lieutenant-Colonel De Saussure. He said that the
vessel would not be molested if she came into the harbor.
" The schooner weighed anchor a short time after we left,
and stood in towards Morris Island for some distance, but finally
turned about and went to sea.
" Respectfully submitted.
" T. Seymour, Captain, First Artillery.
"G. W. Snyder, Lieutenant of Engineers.''''
But the causes of irritation continued to increase. A revenue
cutter came to anchor within two hundred yards of the work and
the daily boat from the fort to Fort Johnson for the mails and
INCREASING CAUSES OF IRRITATION. 38 I
provisions was stopped by the officer in command of the cutter
and obliged to display a white flag, stating that such were his
orders. This had been brought to the notice of the Governor
by Lieutenant Snyder in his interview, by direction ot Major
Anderson, who at the same time addressed a communication to
the Confederate general, expressing his disbelief that any such
orders had been given by him. The letter was friendly and per-
sonal. He was unwilling, he said, that his officers should leave
the fort, as they hoped to do in a few days, under such an impres-
sion; that he had never regarded himself as being in a hostile
attitude towards the inhabitants of South Carolina, and had been
very particular in his intercourse with them, treating all with
civility and courtesy. But this was not the only cause of com-
plaint. A mortar battery at Mt. Pleasant, in practicing for range
had exploded shells so near to the work as to endanger its
occupants. This too was made the subject of a remonstrance by
Major Anderson. In reporting the location of this battery, not
before known to him, the engineer officer reported to his chief
that this battery, in connection with the other mortar batteries
reported on the islands, would reach by their shells every part of
the fort.
Both the Governor and the general in command disclaimed
any knowledge of the authority exercised by the cutter, as far as
the mail boat was concerned. Soon after, the cutter was removed
to a greater distance and the firing from the mortar battery was
not renewed. The firing of the battery was made the subject of
a communication to his Government by Major Anderson, who
urged that " the truth is that the sooner we are out of this harbor
the better. Our flag runs an hourly risk of being insulted, and
my hands are tied by my orders, and if that was not the case I
have not the power to protect it."* There was marked depression
among the officers, with constant reference to, and condemnation
of, the failure to fire upon the batteries that had opened upon the
schooner. An increased nervous sensibility was observable, which
manifested itself in various ways. Increased vigilance upon the
part of the guard-boats protecting the channel was now mani-
fested and a large force put to work upon the batteries at Cum-
mings Point, and the garrisons of the works around reinforced.
• Anderson to War Department, April 6, 1861. " War of the Rebellion."
382 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
On the 7th, the supply of provisions to the fort was stopped by-
orders from Montgomery. The mails, however, were still per-
mitted to come, and on the afternoon of this day, an important
communication from the Secretary of War was received by Major
Anderson, informing him for the first time of the purpose of the
Government in regard to him and his command. He was to be
provisioned peaceably if possible, if not, an effort to provision
and reinforce him was to be made, and he was to hold out, if
possible, to a specified time and await the expedition for his relief.
Confidence that he would act as a patriot and a soldier was
expressed by the Secretary, who at the same time authorized a
capitulation should it become a necessity. Upon the subject-
matter of the despatch, Major Anderson was silent. He was
deeply affected by it. The letter was as follows:
"War Department,
"Washington, D. C, April 4, 1861.
*' Major Robert Anderson, U. S. Army :
" Sir : Your letter of the ist instant occasions some anxiety
to the President.
" On the information of Captain Fox he had supposed you
could hold out till the 15th instant without any great inconven-
ience; and had prepared an expedition to relieve you before that
period.
" Hoping still that you will be able to sustain yourself till the
nth or 12th instant, the expedition will go forward ; and, finding
your flag flying, will attempt to provision you, and, in case the
effort is resisted, will endeavor also to re-enforce you.
''You will therefore hold out, if possible, till the arrival of
the expedition.
" It is not, however, the intention of the President to subject
your command to any danger or hardship beyond what, in your
judgment, would be usual in military life; and he has entire con-
fidence that you will act as becomes a patriot and soldier, under
all circumstances.
" Whenever, if at all, in your judgment, to save yourself and
command, a capitulation becomes a necessity, you are authorized
to make it.
''Respectfully,
" Simon Cameron,
" Secretary of War.'''
On the morning of the 8th, by the destruction of a house
which had hitherto wholly concealed it, a battery of four heavy
guns, well constructed, with sod revetments, was unmasked
SEIZURE OF THE MAILS. 2)^T^
at the upper end of Sullivan's Island. From its position, it could
" enfilade the terrepleins of both flanks of the work," and would
command by its fire the only anchorage near the fort that was
practicable, that upon the left flank of the work. The discovery
of this battery produced a marked and depressing effect upon
Major Anderson. He seemed nervous and anxious. He thought
that its fire, taking in reverse and enfilading his most efficient
battery, the one that he depended upon to silence the breaching
battery at Cummings Point, would, independent of the " shower
of shells " upon him, render it impossible for his men to serve the
guns. Some of the officers also seemed to share in this feeling,
and there was a general depression in regard to it.
It was necessary to make provision at once, as far as the now
almost exhausted means at the disposal of the garrison would
allow, to meet this new condition of things. The engineers were
promptly at work, and a traverse composed of a double curb of
boards and scantling and filled in with earth in the absence of
sand-bags, hoisted from the parade, was built upon the parapet to
protect the guns and the important battery on the right flank.
" Ladders and runways " to facilitate the reception of supplies
were prepared, and one of the embrasures enlarged so as to
admit a barrel. Openings were made in the walls of the officers'
quarters so as to allow the freest communication from flank to
flank. To protect the main gates more efficiently from the fire
from Cummings Point, a heavy traverse was commenced, and
some modification made by cutting the embrasures so as to allow
the heavy guns on the right flank of the gorge to be used against
the batteries at Cummings Point.
Upon the 8th, what had been before contemplated was now
put into execution. The authorities at Charleston seized and
opened the mails from Fort Sumter. Late on the previous day
(8 p. M.) a notice was sent by the Confederate general to Major
Anderson informing him that until further instructions from the
Confederate Government, " no mails would be allowed to go to
or come from Fort Sumter." The fort was to be "completely
isolated." Anderson at once took alarm, and wrote requesting
that the mails sent previously to the notification he had received
should be returned to him, and he confidently hoped that his
request might be complied with.
But this was not done, and he was informed by the Confeder-
384 ^-^^ GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
ate general that while the private letters were sent to their desti-
nation, those that were " official " were sent to the Confederate
Government, in return for "the treachery of Captain Fox," who
was reported as having violated his word to Governor Pickens.
The same accusation was made by Governor Pickens in a
communication to the President of the Confederate States, and
who also informed the Confederate Secretary of War that he had
seized the mails because he considered that a state of war had been
" inaugurated by the authorities at Washington," and that " all
information of a public nature " was necessary to them. " You
will see," said he, "by these letters how it is intended to supply
the fort."
On the 8th, the stoppage of the mails for Fort Sumter had
been determined upon, and Anderson was so informed. Judge
Magrath had been sent to Postmaster Huger to tell him that the
Governor had determined to seize the mail.*
Among the letters thus seized were two from Major Ander-
son, and one from the engineer officer to the Government.
Their contents were of the highest importance, as they made
known to the Confederate authorities not only what was being
then done as to the defenses of the work, but revealed to them
the personal sentiments of Major Anderson. His despatch was
in response to the communication of the Secretary of War of the
4th inst, and was as follows:
No. 96.] "Fort Sjmter, S. C, April 8, 1861.
" Col. L. Thomas, Adjutant-General U. S. Army:
" Colonel: I have the honor to report that the resumption of
* A staff-officer of the Governor was sent to the postmaster on the 9th of April
demanding their delivery to him. The bag containing Major .Anderson's mail
was handed to him and taken to the headquarters of the Government. The bag
was thrown upon the table around which sat the Governor's advisers, including
the Governor himself and also General Beauregard. Itwas opened, and passed
over to Judge IMagrath to examine. This he declined, saying, "No, I have too
recently been a United States' Judge, and have been in the habit of sentencing
people to the penitentiary for this sort of thing, so, Governor, let General Beaure-
gard open them." General Beauregard replied, "Certainly not : Governor, you
are the proper person to open these letters." Governor Pickens then took up one
of the letters in an official envelope, turned it over nervously, saying, " Well, if
you are all so fastidious about it, give them to me."
He held the letter for some time, when Judge Magrath said, "Go ahead.
Governor, open it." The Governor then tore open the letter so nervously
as almost to destroy it. Nothing but the official mail was opened. Private let-
ters were not disturbed, but sent to their destination. A private letter directed
to Mrs Anderson was opened, for the reason that it had an official backing ;
when its chai-acter was recognized, it was at once closed.
AXDJIRSON' S OPINION OF FOX' S PLAN.
385
work yesterday (Sunday) at various points on Morris Island, and
the vigorous prosecution of it this morning, apparently strengthen-
ing nearly all the batteries which are under the fire of our guns,
shows that they either have received some news from Washing-
ton which has put them on the qui vive, or that they have received
orders from Montgomery to commence operations here. I am
preparing by the side of my barbette guns protection for our men
from the shells, which will be almost continuously bursting over
or in our work.
*' I had the honor to receive by yesterday's mail the letter of
the honorable Secretary of War, dated April 4, and confess that
what he there states surprises me very greatly, following as it does
and contradicting so positively the assurance Mr. Crawford tele-
graphed he was authorized to make. I trust that this matter will
be at once put in a correct light, as a movement made now, when
the South has been erroneously informed that none such will be
attempted, would produce most disastrous results throughout our
country.
" It is, of course, now too late for me to give any advice in
reference to the proposed scheme of Captain Fox. I fear that
its result cannot fail to be disastrous to all concerned. Even
with his boat at our walls the loss of life (as I think I mentioned
to Mr. Fox) in unloading her will more than pay for the good to
be accomplished by the expedition, which keeps us, if I can main-
tain possession of this work, out of position, surrounded by strong
works, which must be carried to make this fort of the least value
to the United States Government.
We have not oil enough to keep a light in the lantern for one
night. The boats will have, therefore, to rely at night entirely
upon other marks. I ought to have been informed that this
expedition was to come. Colonel Lamon's remark convinced me
that the idea, merely hinted at to me by Captain Fox, would not
be carried out. We shall strive to do our duty, though I frankly
say that my heart is not in the war which I see is to be thus com-
menced. That God will still avert it, and cause us to resort to
pacific measures to maintain our rights, is my ardent prayer,
" I am, Colonel, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
'' Robert Anderson,
"Major, First Artillery, Commanding."
[Inclosure No. i.]
" Fort Sumter, S. C. April 8, 1861.
"General Joseph G. Totten,
" Chief Engineer U. S. Army, Washington, D. C:
" General: The increased activity and vigilance of the invest-
ing force, as reported yesterday, still continues. Three large
traverses are nearly completed on the front, from battery Nos. 3 to
5, on Morris Island, and traverses are also being erected in the
386 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
interior of battery No. 5. Additions of sand-bags are being made
to the covering of the magazine, between Nos. 2 and 3, and to
the left ilank of No. i, where I think they are constructing a serv-
ice magazine.
" I am busily at work constructing splinter-proof shelters on
the terreplein. I obtain timber by taking the gun-carriages to
pieces, and form the covering of the 2-inch iron pieces for
embrasures, as seen below. The plates are spiked on, so as to be
securely retained in their places, even if struck by a shell, which
I am confident it will turn.
'■'■ Our supplies are entirely cut off from the city, and those on
hand are very limited.
" The besieging forces worked all day yesterday, whenever the
intervals between the showers of rain would allow.
" Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
"J. G. Foster, Captain Engineers.
" P, S. — I received yesterday a letter from the Secretary of War
to Major Anderson, which, by mistake, had been enveloped to
me. I handed it to Major Anderson without reading.
" Respectfully, &c.,
"J. G. Foster, Captain Engineer s.''
[Inclosure No. 2.]
"Col. L. Thomas, Adjutant-General :
" Dear Colonel : In another envelope I shall send a No. 96,
which you will be pleased to destroy.
" That God will preserve our beloved country, is the heartfelt
prayer of your friend, " R. A."
It was upon the expressions of this letter that the allegations
against Captain Fox were based, and upon them their action in
regard to the mails was taken.
Captain Fox was ignorant of any guarantee or pledge made by
Captain Hartstene on his account. He had told Captain Hartstene,
as before stated, of his desire to visit Sumter to learn its condi-
tion and to inquire into the state of the provisions ; and whatever
guarantee that officer may have given, or promise made, was
unknown to him. His plan for the relief of the work had long
been known, and its execution was only suspended. No necessity
for making any arrangement with Anderson existed, nor was any
plan suggested to him. The basis of the accusation made against
Captain Fox rests solely upon the statements in Major Anderson's
letter of the 8th of April, which was seized and opened by the
State authorities on the 9th. This letter, as has been stated, was
a reply to the communication of the Secretary of War of the 4th
GOVERNOR'S STATEMENT REGARDING CAP. FOX. 2,^y
of April, that the President, upon the information of Captain Fox,
had supposed that Major Anderson could hold out until the 15th
instant, and had prepared an exp^idition to relieve him. Captain
Fox's plan, long in abeyance, had finally been determined upon,
and it was the carrying out of this "proposed scheme" whose
results he feared. It was the proposal of Captain Fox, not origi-
nated or agreed upon at the time of his visit to Fort Sumter, but
long before submitted to the Government, and now adopted by
them.
In his message to the Legislature of South Carolina at the
extra session of November, 1861, the Governor of the State, in
reference to his visit, stated that Captain Fox said that he desired
to visit Fort Sumter, and that his objects were *' entirely pacific."
" Upon the guarantee of the officer introducing him. Captain
Hartstene, he was permitted to visit Major Anderson in company
with him, expressly upon the pledge of pacific purpose. Not-
withstanding this, he actually reported a plan for the reinforce-
ment of the garrison by force, which was adopted. Major
Anderson protested against it."
The tone of his communication, and his admission that his
heart was not in the war which was thus brought on, gave rise to
severe criticism and reflection upon Major Anderson, who, con-
scious probably of the effect it would produce, had made the un-
usual request that his letter might be destroyed
CHAPTER XXIX,
South Carolina Convention still in session — All resolutions referring to Sumter
laid on the table — Governor requested to call for volunteers— Military in-
terests transferred to Confederate Government — Convention adjoiu-ns April
lo — Important telegram from Commissioner Crawford — Anderson alarmed
and impressed by it — His earnest letter to his Government — Asks for in-
structions—Confederate Secretary of War to Beauregard— Conflicting tele-
grams from Washington to Charleston — Lieutenant Talbot arrives in
Washington — President gives notice to Governor Pickens of his intention
to provision Fort Sumter, and to reinforce if resisted— Talbot, with Mr.
Chew, of State Department, goes to Charleston — The notice — Read to Gov-
ernor in presence of Beauregard — Messengers abrupt return —Their jour-
ney impeded — Volunteers called for — Anderson reports— Feeling in Fort
Sumter — Floating battery in position — Provisions exhausted — Boat with
white flag approaches the work.
While the events related were transpiring, the Convention of
South Carolina was holding its session in the city of Charleston.
Resolutions and various amendments, all looking to the immediate
possession of the public property in the harbor, as well as rec-
ommending an aggressive military policy, and even specifying
Executive action in regard to the forts, were offered from time to
time, and renewed as events occurred which seemed to precipitate
action. Propositions were made instructing the Commissioners
in Washington, and expressing the sense of the Convention in
reference to the occupation of Fort Sumter. Two days after the
passage of the Ordinance of Secession, the Committee, at the
head of which was Ex-United States Judge Magrath, and to which
had been referred so much of the message of the President of the
United States as referred to the property of the United States in
South Carolina, made their report. They held that the possession
of places within the territorial limits of the State by a power now
in all its relations foreign, would be inconsistent with the safety
and honor of the State, and that the possession of the forts should
be restored to her, and asserted that any armament of them would
be regarded as an act of hostility. Resolutions of inquiry into
the condition of the forts were offered, as well as instructions to
388
SOUTH CARCLINA COXVEKTICN IX SESSION. 3 89
the Commissioners at Washington, to demand the delivery of the
forts. Upon the movement of Major Anderson to Fort Sumter
a resolution was offered, to the effect that it was the sense of the
Convention that the occupation of Fort Sumter ought to be re-
garded "as an authorized occupation and vigorous military defen-
ses provided immediately." But this, in common with all similar
resolutions, was ordered to lie upon the table by a large majority
of the Convention.
While propositions expressing the sense of the Convention in
favor of vigorous military preparations and defense were at once
adopted, all resolutions or amendments whose purpose was to
direct or guide the Executive or the Commissioners in Washington,
or in any way to assume Executive action, were promptly laid upon
the table. But the disposition to interfere was constantly mani-
fested. The Convention had adjourned on January 5, to meet
at the call of the President, who reconvened it on the 26th of
March, to consider the new Constitution of the Confederate
States; and similar resolutions were again introduced, and again
laid upon the table.
Towards the close of the session on the 6th of April, 1861,
it was determined to inquire and report what resolutions and
orders passed in secret session, and what portion of the secret
journal, could now be made public. The resolution was referred
to the engrossing Committee, who reported in favor of remov-
ing the injunction of secrecy and of the publication of the pro-
ceedings. But it was objected, that there was a class of resolu-
tions the publication of which might give rise to a misconception
of the real views of the Convention and a misconstruction of its
action, and to these the attention of the Convention was called.
The resolution offered upon the day after Major Anderson's
movement from Fort Moultrie to Fort Sumter was one of this
class. It provided that it was the sense of the Convention that
the occupation of Fort Sumter ought to be regarded as " an author-
ized occupation " and vigorous military defenses provided im-
mediately. It was ordered to lie on the table. Many similar
resolutions were presented, and either in like manner disposed of
or rejected altogether. And it had been suggested that to pub-
lish them now to the world would seem to imply that the Con-
vention had failed to assert the principles involved in these reso-
lutions or even denied them, and had thus antagonized the action
390 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
of the Commissioners at Washington, The Committee, however,
took a different view; they held that it was not the intention of
the Convention to express any opinion as to the authority and
character of Major Anderson's occupation, as neither had been
afifirmed or denied by the then administration, and the whole
question had been confided to the hands of the Commissioners.
This did not appear upon the record, but this the Committee
suggested, like the proceedings of all legislative bodies, must de-
pend for "explanation and vindication upon contemporaneous
history." The injunction of secrecy was removed and the pro-
ceedings published. On the 8th of April, a resolution was offered
in secret session, as the opinion of the Convention, that the mili-
tary posts at Morris and Sullivan's islands should be strengthened
by large reinforcements, that the Government should be requested
to call 3,000 volunteers, or more if necessary, for the protection
of the harbor. Amendments were offered to the effect that mili-
tary operations in the harbor should be placed under the charge
and control of Brigadier-General Beauregard, and that the volun-
teers should be placed at his disposal. But these resolutions and
amendments were also ordered to lie upon the table, as well as
others of a like effect.
Upon the same day, as already noticed, the Ordinance was
passed transferring to the Government of the Confederate States
the use and occupance of the forts, arsenals and public property,
until by a convention of the people of the State the Ordinance
should be repealed. Resolutions of thanks to the volunteers, and
various officers, as well as to General Beauregard and his assist-
ants, and also a complimentary resolution to Major-General
Twiggs, for his patriotic devotion and loyalty in resigning his
commission and turning over the public property in his control to
the State of Texas, and tendering to him the thanks of South
Carolina therefor, were passed. On the loth of April the Conven-
tion called by the people of South Carolina, having wholly per-
formed the duty required, and having prepared the State as far as
it was possible to meet the issue, adjourned sine die.
Communication between the Commissioners and friends at
Washington, and the authorities at Charleston and Montgomery,
was now frequent. On the ist of April Commissioner Crawford
transmitted to Governor Pickens the following important telegram,
which was forwarded at once to the Confederate Secretary of War.
TELEGRAM OF COMMISSIONER CRA WFORD.
391
"Charleston, S. C. April i, 1861.
" The Hon. L. P. Walker, Montgomery, Ala.
"The following telegram, just received from Commissioner
Crawford: * I am authorized to say that this Government will not
undertake to supply Sumter without notice to you. My opinion
is that the President has not the courage to execute the order
agreed upon in Cabinet for the evacuation of the fort, but that
he intends to shift the responsibility upon Major Anderson by
suffering him to be starved out. Would it not be well to aid in
this by cutting off all supplies ? '
'Crawford.'
'< Batteries here ready to open Wednesday or Thursday. What
instructions ?
" G. P. Beauregard."
The report of this telegram sent by Commissioner Crawford
greatly impressed Major Anderson, if it did not alarm him, and
upon the 5th of April it was made the subject of an earnest com-
munication to the Government. He thought that the Commissioner
had misunderstood what he had heard in Washington, as he could
not think " that the Government would abandon, without instruc-
tions and without advice," his command, that had sought to do
its duty. He thought that if the Government determined to be pas-
sive in regard to " a recognition of the fact of a dissolution of
the Union," it would not compel him to an act which would leave
his " motives and actions liable to misconception." After his long
service, he did not wish it to be said that he had treasonably
abandoned his post, and that he was entitled to this act of justice.
What to do with the public property, and where to take his com-
mand, were questions to which he earnestly sought a response; and
he closes his communication with the statement that unless he
was supplied, he would be compelled to stay without food or to
" abandon his post " very early next week. He wrote :
No. 94.] "Fort Sumter, S. C. April 5, 1861.
" (Received A. G. O., April 8.)
" Colonel L. Thomas, Adjutant-General U. S. Army :
" Colonel: I have the honor to report everything still and
quiet, and to send herewith the report of Lieutenant Snyder, whom
I sent yesterday with a short note and a verbal message to the
Governor of South Carolina. No reply has been received to my
note.
" I cannot but think that Mr. Crawford has misunderstood
what he has heard in Washington, as I cannot think that the Gov-
392 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVH WAR.
ernment would abandon, without instructions and without advice,
a command which has tried to do all its duty to our country.
" I cannot but think that if the Government decides to do
nothing which can be construed into a recognition of the fact of
the dissolution of the Union, that it will, at all events, say to me
that I must do the best I can, and not compel me to do an act
which will leave my motives and actions liable to misconception.
" I am sure that I shall not be left without instructions, even
though they may be confidential. After thirty odd years of serv-
ice I do not wish it to be said that I have treasonably abandoned
a post and turned over to unauthorized persons public property
intrusted to my charge. lam entitled to this act of justice at the
hands of my Government, and I feel confident that I shall not be
disappointed. What to do with the public property, and where to
take my command, are questions to which answers will, I hope,
be at once returned. Unless we receive supplies, I shall be com-
pelled to stay here without food or to abandon this post very early
next week.
'< Confidently hoping that I shall receive ample instructions in
time,
" I am. Colonel, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
" Robert Anderson,
" Major First Artillery^ Commanding.^*
[Inclosure.]
It was this telegram that produced the effect upon Major
Anderson, already noticed. At Montgomery, the Government
was kept equally apprised of every indication of movement. On
the 2d the Commissioner telegraphed that the " war wing " pressed
upon the President, and that he had been in conference with mil-
itary and naval officers, which was supposed to be in reference to
Fort Sumter, and that Mr. Chise, the Secretary of the Treasury,
had been found by Senator Dixon to be much moderated and
strongly inclined to the peace policy. On the same day, the Con-
federate Secretary of War addressed a communication to General
Beauregard, in which he expressed to him the distrust entertained
by the Confederate Government in regard to the evacuation of
Sumter, or of the indisposition of the United States Government
to concede or yield any point unless driven to it by absolute
necessity, and he was in no degree to remit his efforts to prevent
the reinforcement of Fort Sumter; he was to be prepared to repel
any invading force, and to act as f he was in the presence of an
enemy intending to surprise him. The status which he must
enforce was *' that of hostile forces in the presence of each other,
CONFLICTING TELEGRAMS IN REGARD TO SUMTER. 393
who may at any moment be in actual conflict." All communica-
tion between the city and fort was to be " inhibited," and this was
to be ricridly enforced, and specific instructions would be sent
him upon the withdrawal of the Commissioners from Washington
Telegrams announcing the movements or rumored movements of
ships^r of troops were sent daily to the authorities at Montgom-
ery or at Charleston, either by the Commissioners or by Southern
emissaries or friends. The putting in commission of the Po.v-
hatan, the sailing of the Minnesota, the orders to the Faumee, the
sending of three companies of artillery to New York, were all
subiects of telegraphic information and caution. Ihat some
military expedition was in contemplation and in preparation, was
plain And in spite of the rumor that it was intended for San
bom'ingo or for Spain, it became daily more evident that it was
intended for Fort Sumter or for Fort Pickens, and the authorities
were advised to show equal activity to receive them if they came
The advices gradually became more positive. On the 6th o
April a telegram was sent to the Hon. A. G Magrath a
Charleston to the following effect : '< Positively determined not
to withdraw Anderson. Supplies go immediately, supported by
naval force under Stnngham, if their landing be ;-fl-^«^ /^
was signed a " Friend," and was thus endorsed : To Charles-
ton office: the above is by a reliable man. Caldwell
But the telegraph office was not satisfied unless the despatch
was confirmed by some responsible name, when the following
endorsement was made upon it: ^^ Monday, April 8.
Sent by James E. Har^'ey by telegraph, last Saturday morn-
ing."
The tele-ram was duly received by Judge Magrath, who upon
the same da^ communicated it to the Confederate Secretary of
War at Montgomery, saying also that he had asked as to the
identitv of the " Friend " who had signed it, and was satisfied that
he was high in the confidence of the Government at Washington,
but upon the same day a totally different despatch was communi-
catedto Judge Magrath and others in Charleston and signed
James E. Hai-vey. It was as follows:
^'Orders issued for withdrawal of Anderson's command.
Scott declares it military necessity. This is private.
It was followed by another, to the effect that great efforts were
394
THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
making to reconsider the withdrawal, but would fail, and again
by a third, that there was no decision yet reached; the final order
was reserved, and that the Cabinet was six for withdrawal and one
against it. A rumor, too, had been circulated that the people of
South Carolina were opposed to the voluntary withdrawal of
Anderson's command, and demanded a capitulation, and eager
inquiries had been made from the emissaries in Washington as to
the truth of their being opposed to Anderson's voluntary with-
drawal. The request of Captain Foster, to be allowed to send
away his mechanics and laborers from Fort Sumter, was on the
2d of April, as has been already seen, peremptorily refused by
the Confederate Secretary, who replied that no portion of the
garrison must be permitted to go unless all go. This decision
added to the embarrassment of Major Anderson, whose stock of
provisions was now being rapidly exhausted. Meantime, Major
Anderson was allowed to receive his mails only, and for the
reason that they might carry to him authority to withdraw. A
strict surveillance was to be kept up, and any courtesies required
were to be determined by the necessities of his position. No one
was to be allowed to leave the fort, or any messenger favorable
to the Washington Government to visit it, except he bore an order
for the evacuation of the fort.
On the 8th an ordinance was passed by the Convention,
transferring the forts, navy yards and arsenals, together with
Fort Sumter, to the Confederate Government, to be controlled at
its discretion until the ordinance should be repealed by a con-
vention of the people. Meantime, Captain Talbot had arrived in
Washington and had presented the despatch of Major Anderson
to the Government, which had now wholly determined upon its
course. Formal notice of its intention was to be given to the
authorities in Charleston.
On the 6th instant an order was issued by the Secretary of
War directing Captain Talbot to proceed directly to Charleston,
S. C, to procure an interview with Governor Pickens, if Fort
Sumter was still held, and to read to him a notice that an attempt
would be made to provision the fort. If the fort had been evac-
uated or surrendered, he was not to seek the interview, but was to
return forthwith.* The promise given to the Commissioner, that
Secretary of War, April 6, iS6i.
PRESIDENTS NOTICE TO GOVERNOR PICKENS. 395
due notice should be given of such an attempt, was thus to be ful-
filled, and Mr. R. L. Chew, of the Department of State, was selected
as the messenger to proceed to Charleston in company with Cap-
tain Talbot and deliver his message to the Governor of the State.
On the 6th they left Washington, and arrived in Charleston
on the 8th instant, when an immediate interview with the Gover-
nor was sought by Captain Talbot, who informed him of the
nature of his mission and of his written instructions, and asked
that his Excellency would accord an interview to Mr. Chew at his
earliest convenience. This was at once accorded at the head-
quarters of the Governor, when Mr. Che\^ read to him a message
from the President of the United States, leaving a copy with him.
On page 396 appears a facsimile of the paper read to the Governor.
As the State had ratified the Constitution of the Confederate
States, the Governor desired that General Beauregard, who was
in command under that authority, should be present when the
Governor read and handed to him a copy of the message. A
request upon the part of Captain Talbot, that he might proceed
to Fort Sumter for duty, was peremptorily refused by both Gov-
ernor Pickens and General Beauregard, as well' as permission to
communicate w'th Major Anderson, even with the understanding
that Captain Talbot should return at once to Charleston; and
very significant hints were given that the immediate departure of
these gentlemen would be prudent. At the hotel there were signs
of excitement and disapprobation at the presence of Mr. Chew,
the object of whose mission had become rumored about the city.
They w-ere conveyed quietly from the hotel in a carriage, and
under the escort of an aide of the Governor and one from Gen-
eral Beauregard to the station near midnight. By direction of
General Beaureg^jrd their journey was impeded and broken. At
Florence they were detained for some hours, and all telegrams
sent by them were, by the same authority, communicated to him
at Charleston They reached Washington on the fourth day.
On the 8th, the day upon which the communication of the
President was delivered, a telegram from one of the Commission-
ers had come, affirming the uncertainty of "accounts," and
that a reassurance, in which, however, they had no faith, had
been made that the status of Sumter would not be changed
without notice, and that the war policy prevailed in the Cabinet.
Upon the same day the Confederate War Department was
;96 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
<^ ^X-^i.,^^ Ar^^i.^ e^-C^^^<> ^^ '7?ZZ~ /'^^^-^^
INCREASED FORCES TO THE BATTERIES.
397
informed by the general in command at Charleston of the mes-
sage of the President to the Governor, when he was answered
that under no circumstances was he to allow provisions to be
sent. Owing to the premature publication of the proceedings of the
South Carolina Convention, in which was a detailed report of the
State Secretary of War, giving '' the exact condition, strength and
number of batteries and troops in the harbor," the general in
command at once called out the balance (5,000 men) of the con-
tingent forces, a measure he deemed necessary on account of the
warlike preparations made by the United States. Upon the same
date the Confederate Secretary of War recommended to the
Governor the calling out of 3,000 volunteers, to be held in readi-
ness for any service, and a similar request was made to the
Governors of Louisiana, Texas, Alabama and Mississippi.
Events of great import now rapidly succeeded each other.
The forces on Morris Island were increased to 2,100 men, as
the Governor now informed his Government, and ten compa-
nies of 800 men and two more regiments were to arrive the fol-
lowing day (loth); that he had 3,700 men at the different posts
and batteries, and that by the loth he would have 3,000 more
which he had "called down." He anticipated a landing in
boats on the lower end of Morris Island, but he had a fine rifle
regiment and two Dahlgren guns, with four 24-pounders in battery,
as well as forty enfilade rifles, to give them i cordial welcome. A
valuable addition to their armament, a Blakely gun, arrived on the
9th from England. It was the latest improvement in ordnance,
and was a gift from Charles K. Prioleau, a citizen of South
Carolina then residing in London, of the firm of Frazer & Co. It
was inscribed, " Presented to the State of South Carolina by a
citizen resident abroad, in commemoration of the 20th Decem-
ber, i860."
Composed of steel coils, with an elevation of seven and one-half
degrees to the mile, the Governor had informed the authorities at
Montgomery that it would throw a shell or twelve-pound shot with
the accuracy of a duelling pistol, and with only half a pound of
powder. This gun was placed in position on Cummings Point,
and fully justified the anticipations in reference to it; its fire was
accurate and searching, and did more towards effecting a breach
in the work than any other ordnance.
The garrison of Fort Sumter numbered at this period ten
398 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
officers and sixty-five enlisted men. Meantime vigorous prosecu-
tion of the work around the fort was noted and reported, although
the mails had been stopped and no communication allowed. The
heightening and strengthening of the works, their reinforcement,
as well as the increased activity of the guard-boats in the chan-
nels and the signal vessels now far out " beyond the bar," were all
observed, as well as the addition of a heavy Dahlgren gun to the
new battery on Sullivan's Island, the unmasking of which had so
greatly impressed Major Anderson.
The rations were fast diminishing ; there was but little bread
and rice, but by putting the command on half rations, he thought
that he could make his bread ration last until the 13th. The
strictest economy was enjoined, and the officers compelled to take
with them the fragments of bread or crackers that remained after
any meal ; one cracker to a man morning and evening, none at
dinner, was now ordered. The greatest enthusiasm prevailed
among the men. While their long confinement was telling upon
them, they were yet in good spirits, although unfit for any fatiguing
labor, and they worked by day and night at the preparations made
to protect the anticipated landing. The construction of the splinter-
proof traverses on the parapet was now approaching completion,
and the sound gun-carriages taken to pieces to obtain necessary
timber. For their greater protection the whole command was now
moved into the gun-casemates by Major Anderson's orders. All
of the surplus blankets and extra company clothing, as well as the
bed-clothing of the hospital, were used to make cartridge bags,
while shot and shell were now distributed to the guns. The men
worked cheerfully and in the greatest elation of spirits, and it was
after witnessing this that the writer descended from the parapet
to the lower battery on the morning of the loth, when he saw
Major Anderson alone, walking slowly backward and forward
among his guns. He was greatly depressed; he seemed to realize
that upon himself rested mainly the great responsibility. He had
endeavored to avert the crisis upon him by every means in his
power; he had failed, and the struggle was unavoidable and immi-
nent. His sense of duty now overcame every other consideration,
and he prepared to meet the worst. The morning of the nth of
April dawned brightly over the harbor of Charleston; nothing
could exceed the activity everywhere manifested. From the early
hours of the morning the waters were covered with the white
BREAD RA TION EXHA i ST ED.
399
sails of the shipping putting hastily to sea. The guard-boats were
busily plying between the harbor and the bar, incessantly signal-
ling. Constant communication was kept up between the batteries
and forts, and the town. Steamers conveying men and material
left to the last moment, passed at limes under the guns of the fort,
while small boats wath officers bearing special and final instruc-
tions crossed and recrossed the waters of the harbor at all hours.
At early dawn the floating battery, which had been towed down in
the night, was discovered firmly stranded on the upper end of
Sullivan's Island, behind and protected by the stone breakwater.
The fire of its guns would cover the whole of the left flank of
Fort Sumter and command the anchorage for boats, and, as
Anderson reix)rted to his Government," was admirably placed for
pouring a murderous fire " upon any vessels attempting to lay
alongside of the left flank of the fort. The activity around him,
and the especial direction given to it in the "judicious arrange-
ments " made to prevent the landing of supplies, induced Anderson
to believe and to report that, had the authorities about him been
in possession of the intentions of the Government, they could
not have made better arrangements. He suggests another plan, as
the least dangerous course, and this was for the supply vessels to
run directly into the wharf of the fort after passing Cummings
Point, where they would be less exposed to fire from the new
batteries on the west end of Sullivan's Island. In reporting the
good health and spirits of his men, he says that they were under
greater anxiety for those whom he expected to come to their relief
than for themselves. The bread ration was now exhausted;
damaged rice * was used with broken pieces of crackers which had
remained, and this with salt pork was the only food left. The
greatest eagerness was manifested among the men, as they antici-
pated an immediate solution of the existing difiiculty. All of
the command were now in the casemates, the hospital arrangements
completed, the traverses to protect the battery upon the parapet
and also the main gates were finished, and the officers assigned to
the various batteries. The men could be seen at all hours upon
* Some rice that had been wet was spread upon the floor of the upi)er story
of the officers' quarters to dry. In firing the national salute upon the 22d
of February the glass in the window was shattered, and mixed with the rice so
as to render it unserviceable. This was now sifted and used.
400 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
the parapet, watching the preparations going on around them and
looking anxiously seaward, when at four o'clock in the afternoon,
in the midst of the uncertainty and suspense, a boat bearing a
white flag was seen approaching the work.
CHAPTER XXX,
Affairs at Fort Pickens— Quasi truce established - Chief Engineer Totien —
Communication to the War Department in regard to Sumter and Pickens
— The President not yet determined upon his course — Pressure upon him
— Finally determiiies Orders troops on Brooklyn to be landed at Pickens
— Commanding officer refuses on account of "truce" — "Provisional expedi-
tion" prepared Its detail — U. S, steamship Porvhatan—W^x arrival — Her
preparation to refit for sea— Determination to send provisional expedition
— Other expeditions under authority of the President -Its detail - Action
of Secretary of State— His interview with General Scott — Result -Lieuten-
ant D. D. Porter selected to command J^owkatan Secret orders— Inter-
view with the President — Orders to Porter Difficulties in procuring funds
— Attempt to detain the Fowkatan -Finally sails -Arrives at Pensacola —
Result of the Expedition — Fort Pickens supplied and reinforced — Provi-
sional expedition sails for Charleston Harbor — Its late arrival —Fort Sumter
bombarded — Absence of the tugs — Expedition unsuccessful — President's
letter to Captain Fox.
In order to a clear understanding of the circumstances which
from the moment of its advent to power surrounded the new
administration with difficulties that were unprecedented, it is
necessary to recur again to the condition of affairs affectmg Fort
Pickens under the former administration.
On the 6th of February the United States steamer Brooklyn
with a company of artillery under Captain Vodges, of the First
United States Artillery, from Fortress Monroe, had arrived at
Pensacola, off Fort Pickens, with the intention of reinforcmg that
fort. But upon his arrival, Captain Vodges was met by orders
from the War Department, to the effect that his company was not
to be landed unless Fort Pickens should be attacked or prepara-
tions made for such attack. He was, however, to land the pro-
visions necessary. The communication of the War Department
contained the following enclosure:
"Washington, January 21, 1861.
'To James Glynn, commanding the Macedonian; Captain F.
Walker, commanding the Brooklyn, and other officers in com-
mand; and Lieutenant Adam J. Slemmer, First Regiment of
Artillery, United States Army, commanding Fort Pickens,
Pensacola, Florida:
*' In consequence of the assurances received from Mr. Mallory,
401
402
THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
in a telegram of yesterday to Messrs. Slidell, Hunter and Bigler,
with a request it should be laid before the President, that Fort
Pickens would not be assaulted, and an offer of such an assurance
to the same effect from Colonel Chase, for the purpose of avoid-
ing a hostile collision, upon receiving satisfactory assurances
from Mr. Mallory and Colonel Chase that Fort Pickens will not
be attacked, you are instructed not to land the company on board
the Brooklyn unless said fort shall be attacked or preparations
shall be made for its attack. The provisions necessary for the
supply of the fort you M'ill land, &c., &c.
"J. Holt, Secretary of War.
' ' Isaac Toucey, Secretary of the Navy. ' '
On this quasi truce, the " status quo " in the harbor of Pen-
sacola was maintained.
The pressure brought to bear upon the President in regard to
Fort Sumter, after the meeting and action of his Cabinet on the
15th of March, was unremittmg, as either side urged upon him
their peculiar views. A conviction seemed now to prevail in the
Cabinet that an attempt to succor Anderson would inaugurate
civil war, and this belief was sustained and supported by the
highest military authority.
From his official relation to the military questions involved,
and upon which he conceived that great political events were about
to turn, the Chief Engineer* deemed it to be his duty, in addition
to what he had heretofore said, to state his " strongest convictions"
in regard to the question of defending or abandoning Forts Sum-
ter and Pickens. Accordingly, on the 3d of April he addressed a
communication to the War Department. He thought that even
were Fort Sumter now filled with men and munitions, it could hold
out but a short time, that it would be bravely defended with much
loss of life, and that the issue could only be averted by sending
a large " army and navy " to capture the batteries and forts; that
there was now no time to do this, and that if Fort Sumter was not
evacuated it would be taken by force. He did not advise as to
the policy of the Government, but he presented facts of a military
nature which he thought might bear upon the political question.
He thought, too, that no measures " within our reach " would pre-
vent the loss of Fort Pickens. Cabinet meetings were now of
almost daily occurrence, when the subject was earnestly discussed.
The President had not yet wholly made up his mind. The views
* General Totten.
PRES. ORDERS REINFORCEMENT OF FT. PICKENS.
40-
of Lieutenant-General Scott and other military authorities had
greatly impressed him, and these, taken in connection with the
letter of Major Anderson of the 28th of February, with the esti-
mate of himself and his officers as to the force required to relieve
him, supported as it was by the highest military authority, and
especially by that of General Scott, appeared to the President, " in
a purely military point of view," to reduce the duty of the admin-
istration " to the mere matter of getting the garrison out of the
fort." But the counsels of those who had so consistently urged
that the fort should be relieved had now prevailed. In spite of
the great weight of authority, both military and civil, against such
action, the President resolved that the property of the Govern-
ment should not be abandoned nor its garrison withdrawn under
the plea of any necessity, without some effort upon his part to re-
lieve it; he thought that to abandon Fort Sumter " under the
circumstances would be utterly ruinous;" that the necessity plead-
ed for it would be misunderstood, and " would be construed as a
part of a voluntary policy," and that "it would be our national
destruction consummated." Tf, however, before the provisions
at Sumter were exhausted Fort Pickens could be reinforced, it
would indicate a policy which would "better enable the country
to accept the evacuation of Fort Sumter as a military necessity."
The month of March was drawing to a close before the President
had finally determined as to the policy he would adopt, and his
responsibility and action under it. But he had already begun to
take the necessary steps to carry into execution the plan that
should be selected. Accordingly, towards the end of March an
order was sent directing that the company of artillery on board
the Brooklyn should be at once landed and reinforce that work.
In order to replenish her stores, the Brooklyn on the 22d of
March had transferred the troops on board to the frigate Sabine,
and had left for Key West. The messenger proceeded by sea.
When the order arrived,* the commanding officer of the Sabine^
" acting upon the quasi armistice of the late administration — and
of the existence of which the present administration, up to the time
the order was despatched, had only too vague and uncertain
rumors to fix attention — had refused to land the troops. "f
* On the 31st of March.
t The words of the President himself. (See President's Message, Extra
session of Congress, July, 1861.
404
THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
The messenger, with the news of this refusal, and the conse-
quent failure to reinforce the work, reached Washington "just
one week before the fall of Fort Sumter." No time now remained
to renew the attempt to reinforce Fort Pickens before the crisis
would have arrived at Fort Sumter, through the absolute want of
provisions. Some days before, a provisional expedition had been
ordered by ths President in person. On the 29th of March he
addressed to the Secretary of War a communication desiring that
an expedition to move by sea should be in readiness to sail upon
the 6th of April, in co-operation with the navy, and " preliminary
orders " were enclosed to the Navy and War departments.*
Upon the following day Captain Fox proceeded to New York,
under the verbal instructions of the President to make ready, but
" not to incur any binding engagements." Here he consulted
with prominent citizens who had had experience in naval affairs,
with a view of coming to an understanding authorized by the
President's instructions. One of them, Mr. Charles H. Marshall,
declined to give him any assistance, and for the reason that the
attempt to relieve Fort Sumter would kill the proposed loan and
bring on civil war, and because the people had made up their
minds to abandon Sumter and make the stand upon Fort
Pickens. t On the afternoon of the 4th of April Captain Fox was
sent for by the President, and informed by him for the first time
of his final determination to send the expedition for the relief of
Sumter. He told him, also, of his intention to send a messenger
to inform the authorities at Charleston of his purpose to provision
Fort Sumter peaceably. When, in response. Captain Fox had
stated that there were but nine days in which to organize such
expedition and also to reach Charleston, six hundred and thirty-
two miles distant, the President replied, " You will best fulfill
your duty to your country by making the attempt." The orders
to Captain Fox directed him to take charge of the transports in
*To the Navy: Specifying the steamers required to be placed under sail-
ing orders, with supplies for one month, and three hundred men to be kept
ready on the receiving ships at New York. Pocahontas, Pawnee and Harriet
Lane specified. To the War Department: To hold two hundred men in
readiness to leave Governor's Island, New York. Supplies for one hundred
men for one year, to be put into portable shape, and one large steamer and
two tugs conditionally engaged.
t Captain G. V. Fox, " Old Residents' Historical Association," Vol. II.,
No I. Lowell, Mass., p 46.
PRE PARA TIONS FOR THE EXPEDITION.
405
New York, with the troops and supplies on board, to the entrance
of Charleston Harbor, and to endeavor to deliver the subsistence.
If he was opposed in this, he was to report the fact to the
senior naval officer, who was instructed to force a passage. The
necessary orders were issued by Lieutenant General Scott to his
aide-de-camp in New York, who was directed to organize a detach-
ment of two hundred recruits, with the proper complement of
officers and arms and subsistence. All of the necessary orders
were to be given in General Scott's name.
Captain Fox proceeded at once to New York, where he arrived
on the 5th of April, and at once pushed forward his preparations
with the utmost energy. He delivered his confidential orders to
Colonel H. L. Scott, the aide-de-camp of the Lieutenant-General,
but that officer "ridiculed the idea of the Government relieving
Fort Sumter, and by his indifference and delay half a day of
precious time was lost."* The recruits ordered were undrilled, raw
and wholly unfit for the service required. The tugs necessary
were hired with difficulty, the owners objecting to the secrecy
required, but finally yielded after securing exorbitant rates.
At this period there were but two small vessels of war in the
Atlantic waters, the Pocahontas and the Pawnee. The Powhata7i
had arrived at New York on the i3tb of March, and by order of
the Navy Department had gone out of commission at 5 o'clock
p. M. on the I St of April. The Powhatan had been selected by
Captain Fox as a part of the provisional expedition now organiz-
ing, because it was deemed impracticable to crowd the transport
Baltic with all of the troops and material required; and with her
large boats she was deemed indispensable to success. But the
service of the ship had been anticipated, for on the 31st of March,
as will be subsequently seen, in his interview with the President
both the ship and her commander had been named by Captain
Meigs, and there was at that time no mention of her in connec-
tion with other service until she was ready for sea. It was the
intention that she should sail on the 2d of April, but her condi-
tion was such as to render that impossible.
At 7 p. M. on that day (April i) an order from the Secretary
of the Navy, revoking the previous order, directing the detach-
ment of the officers and the transfer and discharge of the crew of
* Statement of Captain G. V. Fox.
4o6
THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
the Poiuhatan was received by the commandant of the Brooklyn
Navy Yard, who was directed to hold the ship in readiness for sea
service. This was followed by a telegraphic order from the same
source, and of the same date, to " fit out the ship to go to sea at
the earliest possible moment." These orders were in the ordinary
routine of the Navy Department. But upon the evening of the
same day an order was received by telegram from the President
himself, in similar language, with the addition that the ship was
to sail under " sealed orders," and that orders would go forward
by a confidential messenger upon the following day. On the 2d
the recall of the officers of the Pojvhatan was directed by the
Secretary of the Navy, who again, upon "the following day, urged
all despatch upon the commandant in preparing the vessel for sea.
That officer at once devoted himself to the carrying out of his
instructions, pushing the work by night and day, and by the 5th
of April he informed the Department that the ship was ready for
sea, and that she would drop down off the Battery at daylight and
await the orders of the Secretary. The orders to guide the
officer under whose command the naval force was placed were
duly transmitted to him on the 5th of April. The steamers
Powhatan, Pocahontas, Pawnee and Harriet Lane were to proceed
under his command to the vicinity of Charleston, S. C,
to assist an expedition in charge of the War Department. The
primary object of the expedition was to provision Fort Sumter.
If this was not resisted, no further special service would be
required by his force, which was, in that event, to return to the
North. If, however, resistance should be made, he was then to
open the way to afford security for the boats, and to remove all
obstructions and reinforce the fort by force. He was to co-operate
with Captain Fox, who had charge of the expedition under the
War Department. He was to leave New York with the Powliatan
in time to be off Charleston bar, ten miles east of the light-house,
on the morning of the nth of April, there to await the arrival of
the transports. After the service was rendered, the several vessels
were to return to their respective posts. Upon the same day con-
fidential communications were sent to the commanders of the
several vessels composing the expedition, to report off Charleston
bar on the nth inst., in accordance with the orders given to the
commanding officer of the Powhatan for special service, and to
await his arrival if necessary. This expedition was contingent
A SECRET EXPEDITION OJ^DERED.
407
upon the necessity for its use, and, in the language of the President,
"as well adapted as might be to relieve Fort Sumter, and it was
intended to be ultimately used or not, according to circumstances."
The news of the failure to reinforce Fort Pickens reached the
President in March, when the information was officially received
that, " under the quasi armistice of the late administration " the
company of artillery on board the Sabine had not been landed at
Fort Pickens, as he had anticipated and directed. Unobstructed
communication with that fort was possible by sea only, and it was
now too late to renew it before the provisions at Fort Sumter would
be wholly exhausted and the fort abandoned. In regard to the
expedition provisionally prepared, the President believed that " the
strongest anticipated case for using it was now presented, and it
was resolved to send it forward ; "* and on the 4th of April Major
Anderson was duly and officiall}^ informed of the determination
of the Government by the Secretary of War.
Meanwhile, preparations for another expedition were in prog-
ress, which, although originating by the direct and personal authority
of the President himself, were unusual, and so contrary to official
custom and departmental routine that it is deemed proper, in
view of the serious controversy which followed, to recount in
detail the steps taken.
On the morning of the 29th of March a messenger was des-
patched by the Secretary of State, Mr. Seward, with a request to Cap-
tain M. C. Meigs, a prominent officer of the United States Engineers,
then on duty in the city of Washington, to confer with him.
Captain Meigs was at that time in charge of the extension of the
Capitol and other public works, and was personally and favorably
known to the Secretary. Upon the evening of that day, the Sec-
retary, accompanied by Captain Meigs, proceeded to the President's
residence, where, in a long interview — in which the possibility of
relief to Fort Sumter was canvassed, and the subject of the rein-
forcement of Fort Pickens and the means to effect it were discus-
sed — it was suggested by Captain Meigs that the danger of los-
ing the fort lay principally in the transportation of troops in boats
across the bay to attack it before a relieving expedition could be
fitted out in the North and arrive there. He believed that a ship
of war under some energetic officer of the Navy should be made
* President's message. Extra session of Congress, 1861.
4o8 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
ready for sea, and, if possible, reach Fort Pickens in time to
anticipate any attack. The return from sea of the United States
steamer Powhatan had been noticed, and she was mentioned in
this connection by Captain Meigs as being immediately available.
The Fresident seemed to be impressed with what had been
said to him, and wholly favored the scheme.
Meantime it had become necessary to inform General Scott of
the purpose of the President. On the morning of the 30th the
Secretary of State proceeded to the headquarters of General Scott,
whom he found at his desk, when the following interview took
place: " Lieutenant-General Scott," said the Secretary, "you have
advised the President that in your opinion it is impossible to rein-
force Fort Sumter or Fort Pickens. I now come to you from the
President, to say that he orders that Fort Pickens shall be rein-
forced, and that you give the necessary instructions." General
Scott rose, and drawing himself up to his full height, replied :
" Well, Mr. Secretary of State, the great Frederick used to say
that, 'when the King commands, nothing is impossible.' The
President's orders shall be obeyed, sir."*
But General Scott was not yet satisfied that the difficulties
attending the reinforcement of Fort Pickens were thoroughly
known, and accordingly, on the morning of the 31st of March, he
sent his military secretary, Lieutenant-Colonel E. W. Keyes, to the
Secretary of State. Colonel Keyes bore with him a map of Pensa-
cola Harbor, upon which the difficulties of reinforcing Fort Pick-
ens were to be explained. The Secretary at once ignored the
" difficulties," and desired Colonel Keyes to find Captain Meigs
immediately, and to return with him. Shortly afterward, finding
Captain Meigs, they returned to the Secretary's residence, when
he at once desired them to make a plan for the reinforcement of
Fort Pickens, submit it to General Scott, and bring it to the
President's mansion before 3 o'clock that afternoon. A plan
looking to the complete reinforcement and supply of Fort Pickens
was prepared by each. But upon the completion of their work
it was found to be too late to consult General Scott and arrive at
the President's mansion at the hour designated. They went
directly to the executive mansion, where they found the President
and Secretary awaiting them. The plans in detail were read by
F. W. Seward, Ex- Assistant Secretary of State.
PLAN' OF CAPTAIN MEIGS ADOPTED.
409
each. The President became bewildered at the scientific and
technical detail, while the attentive and silent Secretary protested
that he did not understand them. But there were no suggestions
made or any modifications proposed.
It was at this interview that the name of Lieutenant D. D,
Porter, United States Navy, was first suggested to the Presi-
dent by Captain Meigs as a suitable officer to command the man-
of-war to be employed in the expedition. His daring achievement
in his entrance with his ship into the harbor of Havana in
1854, in spite of the prohibition of the Governor-General of the
island, was told to the President. He had inherited a name illus-
trious in naval annals, and he seemed from his personal charac-
teristics to be eminently fitted for the service required. The
whole subject was thoroughly discussed and determined upon at
this interview, and immediately afterward assumed the shape of
definite orders for its execution. The President simply directed
that the plans should be taken to General Scott, who was to be
told that he ** wished this thing done," and that there must be no
failure unless he refused something asked for as necessary.
Prompt and immediate action was now taken. This same Sunday
afternoon the officers mentioned submitted their plans to Lieu-
tenant-General Scott, who after some discussion approved them,
and undertook to give the necessary orders at once. At the latter
part of this interview Secretary Seward was present.
On the ist of April Lieutenant Porter was sent for by the
Secretary of State. He reported tc him upon the same day, when
the Secretary informed him that it had been determined to save
Fort Pickens, and asked if it were yet possible. Lieutenant Porter
replied that it was possible, but that it was essential to adopt a
very unusual course.
The plan submitted by Captain Meigs was again gone over by
Lieutenant Porter, who urged its adoption upon the Secretary, at
the same time explaining the naval details involved.
The Secretary was assured that, however practicable the
scheme might be, it would be found to be impossible if the war
vessel should be fitted out in the usual way. In that event the
orders must pass through the ordinary channels of the Navy
Department. As many of the clerks were suspected of secession
sympathies, the news would be communicated and the fort would
be taken. So he proposed to the Secretary that the Powhatan^
4IO THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
then lying at the Navy Yard at New York, should at once be fit-
ted out "by a secret order of the President." So much impres-
sed was the Secretary by the proposition of Lieutenant Porter,
that he proposed to him to see the President, and in company with
Captain Meigs they proceeded to the Executive mansion. The
President entered heartily into the scheme — with which he was now
familiar, after his conversation with Captain Meigs — and readily
endorsed all the plans proposed. Recognizing the fact that the
procedure involved an ignoring of the Secretary of the Navy, he
thought that he could overcome that objection. No allusion was
made to any other expedition whatever, involving the use of the
Powhatan, as none such had yet been authorized, while the ship
had been named and her use recommended by Captain Meigs in
his interview with the President. The proposal of Lieutenant
Porter was naturally warmly supported by Captain Meigs, who had
originally proposed it. To him was committed the duty of accom-
panying the expedition as engineer officer, his rank not being suffi-
cient to command, while to Lieutenant-Colonel Keyes was con-
fided the preparation in New York of the direct military details
of the expedition. The orders to Lieutenant Porter directed him
to proceed with all despatch to the harbor of Pensacola in the
steamship Fowhata?i, to run into the harbor with his ship, to pre-
vent any expedition from crossing to attack Fort Pickens, to
cover the landing of reinforcements, and to remain and protect the
fort with his guns.
But Captain Mercer was still in command of the Powhatan.
It now became necessary to detach him, when the following letter
was written by Lieutenant Porter and signed by the President.
" Sir: You will, on receipt of this order turn over the com-
mand of your vessel to Lieutenant David D. Porter, who is to
proceed in her on an important service.
" In depriving you of your command of your vessel I do not
desire in the least to reflect upon your zeal or patriotism; on the
contrary, I have the fullest confidence in your ability to perform
the duty in question. There are reasons, however, which make
it necessary for the officer who goes in command of the ship to
be well informed personally of my views and wishes, and time
will not admit of the delay necessary to communicate with you
personally.
"Having to give up your command, I can assure you that
you may ask of me the command of any other vessel, which will
be freely given to you. (Signed) "Abraham Lincoln."
DETAILS OF THE EXPEDITION.
411
But it became equally necessary that the commandant of the
New York Navy Yard should be informed of the new command,
of the Powhatan, and of the urgent despatch and secrecy required,
when the following despatch was written by Lieutenant Porter,
and also signed by the President:
" Sir: Lieutenant David D. Porter is directed by me to assume
command of the United States frigate Powhatan, and goes on
important duty, which it is desirable he should accomplish
without delay, and you will, therefore, give him every aid in fit-
ting out the vessel. The duty is to be performed with the
greatest secrecy.
(Signed) " Abraham Lincoln."
This was an extraordinary course to pursue, and only to be
justified by the exigency and the high source that directed it, and
from which there was no appeal. These communications were
both committed to Lieutenant Porter, to be delivered in person
to the officer addressed, and it was thus, under two distinct sources
of authority, unknown to each other, and both entitled to obedience
and respect, that the Po^uhatan was made ready for sea service.
But before proceeding to fit out the expedition, it became
necessary to arrange for the funds requisite to carry it forward,
and a difficulty presented itself which threatened to postpone, if not
to prevent entirely, the success of the expedition. Congress had
adjourned without making provision for any military or naval se-
cret-service fund for those departments. The expedition proposed
was an extraordinary one, and its incidental expenses must be met
by funds for such service. There were funds for ordinary expenses,
with open accounts, but to use them publicly would be to make
kiK)wn and render futile the proposed expedition.
There was but one officer of the Government who had at his
command any secret-service fund, and this was the Secretary of
State. He was in possession of a fund which he was entitled to
expend for secret purposes. Of such expenditure no record was
to be made. According to law, the moneys were to be paid, and
the approval of the President settled the account. An entry of
the President's sanction and order was the only record made of
the transaction. When, therefore, upon the statement of Captain
Meigs, that |i 0,000 would be required, the Secretary of State
proceeded to his Department, procured the amount in coin, and
for greater privacy went to his own residence and there trans-
ferred the sum to Captain Meigs, who gave his receipt for it and
412
THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
for the incidental expenses of the expedition, turning over to
Colonel Keyes and Lieutenant Porter the sums necessary for
their immediate use. The expedition itself was fitted out by the
Quartermaster's Department, Colonel Keyes conducting the nego-
tiations for the hire of the steamer, while the charter-party was
executed by the Department quartermaster. The Atlantic was
to go at once, other vessels were to follow, and the safety of the
forts in the Gulf was to be assured. On the conclusion of the
expedition. Captain Meigs returned to the Government the
unexpended balance of the fund entrusted to him, amounting to
nearly $6,000.
On the I St of April Lieutenant Porter left for New York, under
the general public impression that he was en route for California.
Captain Meigs followed the next day. Upon the morning of the
2d Lieutenant Porter reported in person to the acting commandant
of the Navy Yard (Foote), and presented to him the orders of the
President. That officer was naturally "very much astonished "
at a proceeding so unusual and so contrary to all naval and ofticial
precedent; and even the name and signature of the President
failed to reconcile him, nor did he inform Lieutenant Porter of
the order he had received and acknowledged, at 7 p. m. the
previous day from the Secretary of the Navy, to refit the Poiu-
hatan with "the quickest despatch," which had been repeated
by telegram twice upon that day.
The commandant hesitated to obey the order of the President,
and insisted upon telegraphing to the Secretary for instructions.*
But the secrecy of the orders, and their high source, was insisted
upon; the particulars of the enterprise were all made known to
him before he would consent; and after a deliberation of two
hours, the commandant at last concluded to act. The ship was
at that moment all dismantled. She had been surveyed, and pro-
nounced unseaworthy ; her boilers were worn out, her hull was rot-
ten, her machinery was all apart, her stores had been removed,
her crew transferred to the receiving ship, and her officers allowed
to go home. The captain was the only officer who remained,
and he was anticipating his detachment. The commandant pro-
nounced the ship unfit to go, but it was impossible to delay, and
* " Porter, these are ticklish times. How do I know that you are not going
to run off with the ship? I must telegraph immediately to the Secretary,"
-Admiral Porter to author.
^'POWHATAN'' FITTED FOR SEA.
41.
Lieutenant Porter resolved to take her as she was. It now be-
came necessary to inform the captain of the ship of the inten-
tions of the President, and to admit him into the confidence of the
transaction. The letter of the President gratified him, and he
had no regrets that the course of events had excluded him from
an active participation in the expedition. He thought the ship un-
fit for service, and that she would be knocked to pieces in going
into Pensacola; but he at once took charge of the refitting of the
ship, recalled his officers and laid in the necessary stores, as if
personally concerned. The Pinvhatan was fitted for sea with a
rapidity that was wholly unprecedented. The work was pushed
by night and by day, and it is probable that no such task was ever
accomplished in less time; when on the evening of the 5th of
April the commandant of the yard was enabled to report to the
Secretary that she was ready, and would leave her berth on the
following morning and await his orders.
Meantime, Lieutenant Porter had not shown himself at the
Navy Yard or at the ship, and his connection with her remained
generally unknown. When the ship was ready, his luggage was
sent on board marked "American Minister, Vera Cruz," which
seemed to decide the destination of the ship. The commandant
had apprised the Secretary of the visit of Captain Meigs to him,
and the authority of the Government he bore, to make certain
preparations and to ship certain articles. The orders did not
come directly to him, but he had gone on with the preparations
desired, in order to save time, and would report his action, and
that he was executing orders received from the Government
through both Navy and Army officers.
It would appear, from the communication made to the Navy
Department by the commandant, that something unusual was
in progress at the Brooklyn Navy Yard, but it does not seem
that any suspicion was awakened in the mind of the Secretary
that the destination of the Poiuhatan was other than that intended
and ordered by him, until she was reported as " ready to sail "
and awaiting his orders. He now determined to retain the ship,
and on the morning of the 5th he transmitted a telegram person-
ally to the commandant in New York, directing him to delay the
Pcnvhatan for further instructions. The receipt of this telegram
produced so decided an impression upon the mind of the com-
mandant that he determined that it was his duty to obey the last
41 4 '^HE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
order, but the President's order and signature was again shown
to him, and insisted upon by Lieutenant Porter as taking pre-
cedence, notwithstanding the priority of date. The captain of
the ship had come to a similar decision, and felt obliged to give
up the command. Captain Meigs was of a similar opinion, and it
was determined that the ship should sail on that day, the 6th, at
I o'clock. Upon the receipt of the Secretary's telegram, both
Lieutenant Porter and Captain Meigs put themselves in communi-
cation with the Secretary of State. Lieutenant Porter informed him
that the Secretary of the Navy had altered the destination of the
Foivhafafi, and asked whether this or the President's order was
to be obeyed. If the former. Colonel Brown would be " entirely
crippled." The following telegram was sent to the Secretary of
State by Captain Meigs:
''New York, April 5, 1861.
"Hon. W. H. Seward:
'■^Powhatan was ready to sail at 6 p. m. ; telegram received
by Captain Foote, commandant of Navy Yard, to detain. First,
disobedience of orders, came through Stringham; second, Secre-
tary of the Navy. President's orders were to sail as soon as
ready. This is fatal; what is to be done? Answer no Astor
House.
" M. C. Meigs."
But without awaiting a reply, it was determined that the ship
should sail that evening, notwithstanding the receipt of a telegram
from the Navy Department that an officer would deliver a
despatch, and accordingly, at i o'clock p. m. on the 6th, she left
her moorings with Captain Mercer in command — and with Lieu-
tenant Porter unseen and unknown, seated in the stateroom of
the captain — and steamed down the harbor. When opposite
Staten Island the engines stopped, and sending for the ship's
First Lieutenant, Captain Mercer introduced hmi to Lieutenant
Porter as the future commander of the ship, and putting on citizen's
dress, went at once ashore. Directing the executive officer not to
mention his presence until the pilot had left the ship, Lieutenant
Porter remauied in his stateroom. The Powhatan had hardly
left to go down the harbor when a telegram from the Secretary of
State arrived for Lieutenant Porter. The commandant of the
Navy Yard at once despatched an officer to employ a fast vessel
in New York and go in pursuit, and the ship was only just under
way again after the departure of Captain Mercer, when a small
LIEUTENANT TORTER SAILS IN ''POVVHA TAN:' 4 1 5
but swift steamer was seen approaching, and making signals that
she desired to communicate with her. Again the engines stopped,
when an officer went on board and delivered to Lieutenant Porter
the following telegraphic despatch:
" Deliver up the Poivhatan to Captain Mercer.
(Signed) "W.H.Seward."
Porter at once replied:
" I have received orders from the President which I cannot
disobey;" and at the same time he transmitted a verbal"" message
to Commander Foote, that he regretted that the despatch came
too late to change his plans, as the Atlantic, which he was to con-
voy, had already gone to sea.
The telegram and message were committed to the officer, who
left the ship, which proceeded immediately and rapidly to sea.
Meanwhile a change in the relative condition of things at Pen-
sacola had taken place, which from its very nature could not be
known to Lieutenant Porter, now coming in the Powhatan. Lieu-
tenant Slemmer, the commandant of Fort Pickens, believing that
an attack upon him was threatened, had officially applied for assist-
ance on the 1 2th of April. He was yet in correspondence with
Captain H. A. Adams, of the Sabine, as to the necessity, when
Lieutenant Worden, of the Navy, arrived from Washington with
the renewed order to land the company of artillery, which was at
once accomplished, and had thus partially reinforced the fort six
days after the sailing of the Atlantic.
That ship, with the troops and material under Colonel Harvey
Brown, with Captain Meigs on board as the engineer to the expe-
dition, had arrived on the i6th, and her stores were being rapidly
landed, when on the morning of the 17th the Powhatan hove in
sight off the harbor.
The situation had wholly changed, and Colonel Brown, the
officer now in command, naturally considered that the entrance
at this time of a ship of war into the channel would bring on a
collision which might threaten the success of his operations.
He therefore directed Captain Meigs to hail and board the
Powhatan, and inform its commander of the exact status of things.
Meantime Porter was coming in rapidly with his ship, which he
had disguised as a British man-of-war, her thick smoke from soft
coal aiding in misleading as to her nationality. He had hoisted
4 1 6 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVH WAR.
the British colors, intending to run in with them under the enemy's
guns, and then to display the national flag, and he was making
directly for the channel upon which bore the guns of Forts
McRae and Barrancas. His port battery was ready for action,
his extra ports being filled with guns, when Meigs in the
Wyandotte appeared, making constant signals. Disregarding
these. Porter changed his course to avoid them, when the Wyan-
dotte was thrown across the ship's path, and Porter reluctantly
stopped. Meigs boarded at once, when the new situation was
explained. Lieutenant Porter yielded, and soon after brought
his ship to anchor near the Atlantic to cover the landing of her
stores.
With the men and stores from the Atlantic, Fort Pickens had
now been reinforced and supplied, and the valuable harbor of
Pensacola thus saved to the nation.
The fleet intended for the relief of Sumter had now put to
sea. Before it sailed, it had been suggested by Captain Fox " to
the Secretary of the Navy, to place Commodore Stringham in com-
mand of the naval force,' but that officer thought it now too late
to succeed, and that it would jeopardize the reputation of the
officer who should undertake it, and the fleet sailed without any
instructions and without a head. Captain Mercer, when relieved
from his ship by the President's order, wisely transmitted a copy
of the secret orders to him from the Navy Department of the 5th
instant, through Captain Faunce, of the Harriet Lane, direct-
ing him at the same time to report to the senior naval officer he
might find off Charleston. The Harriet Lane sailed on the 8th,
and was the first to arrive off Charleston bar; the tugs Uncle Ben
and Yankee, together with the transport Baltic, with the troops
and material on boards dropped down to Sandy Hook on the
same day, and went to sea on the 9th at 8 a. m. The Pa^vnee
sailed promptly on the 9th, the Pocahontas only on the loth. She
was the last to sail and the last to arrive. Captain Fox, in charge
of the expedition, embarked on board of the transport Baltic with
First Lieutenant Edw. McK. Hudson, Fourth Artillery, in com-
mand of the troops, with First Lieutenants R. O. Tyler, Third Ar-
tillery and C. W. Thomas, of the First Infantry regiment, as sub-
ordinates. Hardly had the fleet got off the coast when it encoun-
tered a heavy northeast gale, which continued during the passage.
Before daylight on the 12th, the rendezvous agreed upon was
FLEE T ARRIVES OFF CHARLESTON HARBOR. 4 i 7
reached off the Charleston bar. The Harriet Lane had
already arrived, but at 6 a. m. the Pawnee was seen, and shortly
after was boarded by Captain Fox, who then informed Com-
mander Rowan of his orders from the Secretary of War, and re-
quested him "to stand in for the bar " with him. This that
officer declined to do. He replied that his orders required
him to remain " ten miles east of the light and await the Pow-
hatan, and that he was not going in there to begin civil war."*
The Baltic then went in, followed by the Harriet Lane. As
they approached the land, the firing of the guns at Sumter was
PARAPET OF GORGE TOWARDS CUMMINGS POINT, PAGE 433.
heard, and the smoke and shells of the batteries " were distinctly
visible." Commander Rowan having received his orders
by the Harriet Lane, was now coming in with his ship.
Comprehending at once the situation, he asked for a pilot, and
annouiTced his intention of running in and sharing the fate of the
garrison. Captain Fox went at once on board, and explained to
him " that the Government did not expect such gallant sacrifice"
* Contributions of the old Residents' Historical Association, Lowell, Mass.
Vol. II, No. I, p. <8.
41 8 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
in the instructions given either to Captain Mercer or to himself.
The 1 2th passed without the arrival of any other vessels of the
fleet; some merchant vessels lingered about the rendezvous, giving
indication of a large naval fleet off the bar. Anticipating the
arrival of the Fo7uhatan during the night, and yet ignorant of her
change of destination. Captain Fox returned in the Baltic to the
rendezvous and signalled for her all night. Neither the Pawnee
nor the Harriet Lane was furnished with the proper boats to
carry in supplies or troops to the fort, when Lieutenant Tyler, a
zealous and efificient officer attached to the troops, organized a
boat's crew, and notwithstanding the heavy sea prepared them for
service, that there might be "at least one boat by which to reach
Sumter." The ground swell was so heavy that the Baltic, in
steaming towards the harbor, ran aground on Rattlesnake Shoals,
and was subsequently obliged to anchor in deep water, several
miles away from the ships of war.
The bombardment was now at its height; the quarters were in
flames, and the flash of Anderson's guns could be distinctly seen
from the fleet as he strove to reply to the enemy's fire, his guns
sounding like signals of distress. There was no movement for
his relief, "as it was the opinion of the officers that loaded boats
could not reach Sumter in such a heavy sea." None of the tug-
boats had arrived, when a schooner loaded with ice was seized and
preparations made to use her in lieu of them on " the following
night." At 2 o'clock, the Pocahontas at last arrived. The flag-
staff of the fort had been shot away at i :3o p. m. and the firing
shortly afterward ceased. It was on the morning of this day that,
for the first time, Captain Fox was apprised that the captain of
the Po7tihatan\i^6. informed Commander Rowan, on the 6th, of the
special service of the ship elsewhere, under superior authority.
Although the Baltic did not leave New York until two days after-
ward, no information of this fact was communicated to Captain
Fox. Upon his arrival the commanding officer of the Pocahon-
tas manifested every disposition to go to the relief of the fort
and to attempt to pass the batteries, " as the impulse was strong
to render assistance;" but there were no pilots for the channel on
board. The buoys and marks had all been removed, and he
feared that his ship would run aground. Preparations were made,
however, under a proposition of Captain Fox and Lieutenant
Hudson, to run provisions and some men into Sum4er that night in
FAILURE OF THE ^' FLEET' EXTEDlTlON. 419
the schooner, accompanied by boats containing some of the ship's
crew, but the cessation of the firing, and the arrangements for the
evacuation soon after, rendered the attempt unnecessary.
The northeast gale that had detained the war ships had been
equally severe upon the tugs. The owners of the tug Freeborn
prevented her leaving New York at all. "The Uncle Ben was
driven into Wilmington, N. C, and seized by the rebels."* The
gale drove the tug Yankee to the entrance of Savannah, and she
repassed Charleston only after the transport Baltic had returned to
the North. Thus almost every element that was essential to the
success of the expedition was wanting. As it failed, it is impossible
to estimate what might otherwise have been the result. The
secrecy of the instructions which required the different use of the
Pmvhatan had been so carefully observed that Captain Fox had
depended upon her as the flag-ship of the little fleet, and her
detachment, in his estimation, largely increased the risk of
failure. But it was all too late— too late in conception, too late in
execution; mainly due to the political exigency that existed.
Much was left to hazard, and the information sent to the authori-
ties in Charleston of the intention of the Government at once pre-
cipitated the collision. Had the Powhatan remained with the
fleet, her usefulness, even had she arrived in time, is questionable.
She could not pass the bar, drawing as she did twenty-one feet,
and her boats, so much relied upon, were worthless for service, and
swamped when put into the water. Had she lost a man overboard,
it would have been impossible to save him by her boats. The
storm dispersed the tugs when the conditions for their use were
most urgent, and the Pocahontas arrived only in time to witness
the surrender.
In thus taking the Powhatan, it is certain that the Presi-
dent and the Secretary of State were not aware of any intention
or action of the Secretary of the Navy in regard to her. There
was no desire to slight either the War or Navy departments.
They were yet in an unorganized condition and the Secretary of
State did not even trust his own Department, and nothing at that
time was more natural than to conceal, as far as possible, an
important transaction whose success depended upon its secrecy;
but why the Secretary of the Navy, the chosen and trusted coun-
* Captain Fox's statement.
420 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
seller of the President should have been included in this determi-
nation, is not so clear, unless the reasons previously given should
fully account for it. The Secretary of State had not favored
the expedition. He had believed that it would bring on a collision
and inaugurate war. He had, however, no idea of thwarting the
Secretary of the Navy, for upon the demand of that official he
made every effort to transfer the ship to him.
The President himself was surprised at the confusion resulting
from the conflicting orders emanating from the Navy Department
and himself, but while regretting the failure to relieve Fort Sumter,
he was gratified at the reinforcement of Fort Pickens, and
rewarded the officers connected with the expedition. At the same
time, he was not without misgivings lest he should have done
injustice to a gallant officer, and with characteristic generosity
he assumed the responsibility, and transmitted to Captain Fox the
following communication:
"Washington, D. C, May i, 1861.
" Captain G. V. Fox.
^'' My Dear Sir: I sincerely regret that the failure of the
late attempt to provision Fort Sumter should be the source of
any annoyance to you. The practicability of your plan was not,
in fact, brought to a test.
'' By reason of a gale, well known in advance to be possible,
and not improbable, the tugs, an essential part of the plan, never
reached the ground, while by an accident, for which you were in
nowise responsible, and possibly I to some extent was, you were
deprived of a war vessel, with her men, which you deemed of
great importance to the enterprise. T most cheerfully and truly
declare that the failure of the undertaking has not lowered you a
particle, while the qualities you developed in the effort have
greatly heightened you, in my estimation. For a daring and
dangerous enterprise of a similar character you would to-day be
the man of all my acquaintances whom I would select. You and
I both anticipated that the cause of the country would be
advanced by making the attempt to provision Fort Sumter, even
if it should fail; and it is no small consolation now to feel that
our anticipation is justified by the result.
'* Very truly, your friend,
"A. Lincoln."
CHAPTER XXXI.
Effect of notice of President upon authorities in Charleston— Their action-
Reply of Montgomery Government — Demand for the immediate surrender
of the fort— Anderson's reply— Verbal statement to the messenger— Re-
ported to Montgomery — Reply of Confederate Secretary of War — Anderson
declines its terms — Bombardment opened on morning of the 1 2th of April —
Description of the fire of the batteries— Maintained all day — Mortar fire all
night — Sumter opens fire at 7 o'clock — Service of its batteries — Effect
of the enemy's fire upon the fort— Fleet arrives— Men withdrawn from the
batteries at night.
The intention of the President to attempt relief to Fort Sum-
ter, as made known to the authorities at Charleston, produced an
effect and action immediate and decided. A telegram was at
once despatched to the Confederate Secretary of War by the
general commanding at Charleston, informing him of the arrival
of the messenger from the President of the United States, and of
his purpose to provision Fort Sumter " peaceably if they can,
forcibly if they must." The receipt of the telegram gave rise to
an extended discussion in the Confederate Cabinet. While it
was under discussion Mr. Toombs, the Secretary of State, came
in, when the telegram was handed to him. Upon reading it, he
said, " The firing upon that fort will inaugurate a civil war greater
than any the world has yet seen; and I do not feel competent to
advise you."* Any reply to the telegram was delayed until the
morning of the loth, when the following despatch was sent to the
general commanding at Charleston:
" If you have no doubt of the authorized character of the
agent who communicated to you the intention of the Washington
Government to supply Fort Sumter by force, you will at once
demand its evacuation and, if this is refused, proceed in such
manner as you may determine to reduce it. Answer.
"L. P. Walker."
To this the commanding general immediately replied that the
demand would be made at 12 o'clock upon the followmg day
* L. r. Walker to writer.
42 2 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
(nth April). But the authorities at Montgomery considered
that unless there were "special reasons" connected with his
own condition, the demand should be made earlier. The
reasons were "special," although not communicated. The
supply of powder on hand was insufficient for more than a few
hours' bombardment, and the commanding general was unwilling
to open his batteries unless with a supply on hand to last him
for forty-eight hours. Such supply had been contracted for in
Augusta, Ga., and only arrived that evening.
The action of the Montgomery Cabinet was unavoidable, and,
in a manner, forced upon it. The current of events had set
manifestly towards the near commencement of hostilities, but it
was hoped by those in favor of a peaceful settlement that some-
thing might yet be gained by delay. A large number of influen-
tial men had not yet defined their position. In the harbor of
Charleston the preparations for an attack were not complete,
and the Confederate Commissioners were yet in Washington.
But the communication of the President precipitated the issue,
and forced it to an unavoidable conclusion. The temper of
South Carolina was well known. Her people had long chafed
under the restraint that prevented her from taking possession of
a fort that controlled her principal harbor, and, through her
Governor, her Legislature and her Convention, had again and
again asserted her anxious desire and her deliberate purpose.
Hesitation now upon the part of Ihe Governor, to which she had
entrusted this vital interest, would have been fatal. The antici-
pation too that the State would herself act — and thus inaugurate
separate State action, which, if followed by the other seceded
States would have thrown the new Confederacy into confusion at
its very birth — greatly influenced the action of the Government
at Montgomery. The end had been reached, and the demand for
the immediate surrender of the fort was now to be made with all
the formality and authority of the Confederate Government.
Shortly after noon on the nth of April a boat flying a white flag
pushed off from a wharf in Charleston, and made its way down
the harbor towards Fort Sumter. In her stern sat three men.
They were : Colonel James Chesnut, recently United States
Senator from South Carolina; Captain Stephen D. Lee, a gradu-
ate of West Point, who had resigned his commission in the
United States Army, and who, with his companion, was an A. D. C.
SURRENDER OF FORT SUMTER DEMANDED. 423
of the commanding general. The third was Lieutenant-Colonel
Chisholm, an aide-de-camp and representative of the Governor
of the State. At half-past three the boat arrived at Fort Sumter,
where it was met by Lieutenant J. C. Davis, the officer of the
day, and its occupants at once conducted to the guard-room,
where they were met by Major Anderson in person. The object
of the visit was soon declared. They bore a communication from
the Confederate general to Major Anderson demanding the
evacuation of the work. Believing, he said, that an amicable
settlement would be reached, and to avert war, the Confederate
Government had made no demand for its surrender, but they
could now no longer refrain, and in obedience to the orders of his
Government he demanded the evacuation of the work. His aides
were authorized to make such a demand. *' All proper facilities
will be afforded for the removal of yourself and command, together
with company arms and property, and all private property, to any
post in the United States you may select. The flag which you
have upheld so long, and with so much fortitude, under the most
trying circumstances, may be saluted by you on taking it down."
Anderson at once summoned his officers, who gathered in silence
around him, when he announced to them that he had a communi-
cation to make, that not only involved their position but possibly
their lives, and he submitted the demand of the Confederate
general.
The session lasted for an hour, when the whole subject of the
position was gone over, and when for the first time the confidential
communication of December, i860, by Major John Withers was
made known to the officers. The decision was soon reached, and
it was determined without dissent to refuse the demand, when the
following response was made by Major Anderson and handed to the
messengers :
"Fort Sumter, S. C, April n, 1861.
"General : I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of
your communication demanding the evacuation of this fort, and
to say, m reply thereto, that it is a demand with which I regret
that my sense of honor, and of my obligations to my Government,
prevent my compliance. Thanking you for the fair, manly and
courteous terms proposed, and for the high compliment paid me,
"I am. General, very respectfully, &c."
The messengers at once, and without further conversation,
424 ^^^^ GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
took their leave. Anderson accompanied them as far as the main
gate, where he remained; and as the messengers were about to enter
their boat a few yards distant, he asked, " Will General Beau-
regard open his batteries without further notice to me? " This
interrogatory caused a momentary hesitation and embarrassment,
when Colonel Chesnut replied, " I think not," and finally said,
*' No, I can say to you that he will not, without giving you further
notice." Anderson then remarked that he would await the first
shot, but that he would be starved out anyway in a few days, if
General Beauregard did not batter him to pieces with his guns.
This remark was but partially heard by the messengers, who
had now entered their boat. The writer was present, when Colonel
Chesnut asked him in regard to the remark of Anderson, when,
upon a request to that effect, Major Anderson repeated it. Colonel
Chesnut then asked if he might report it to General Beauregard.
Anderson declined to give it the character of a report, but stated
that it was the fact of the case. The boat then left the work.
Within the fort, the men had already become aware of the nature
of the visit, and manifested the greatest enthusiasm. The little
that remained to be done upon the parapet was now rapidly com-
pleted. The day closed without further action, and the garrison
had gone to rest, when at i o'clock on the morning of the .12th
a boat again approached the work and was hailed by the sentinel.
It contained Colonel Chesnut and Captain Lee, two of the aides
of the Confederate general, who had returned with the final propo-
sition of the Confederate authorities.
The refusal of Anderson, as well as his verbal statement as to
his condition, had been promptly telegraphed to Montgomery by
the commanding general. The reply was immediate, and as
follows :
Montgomery, April 11, 1861.
" General Beauregard : Do not desire needlessly to bom-
bard Fort Sumter. If Major Anderson will state the time at
which, as indicated by him, he will evacuate, and agree that in
the meantime he will not use his guns against us unless ours
should be employed against Fort Sumter, you are authorized thus
to avoid the effusion of blood. If this, or its equivalent, be
refused, reduce the fort as your judgment decides to be most
practicable.
'' L. P. Walker."
It was this proposition that was now presented to Major Ander-
ANDERSON REPLIES TO PROPOSALS MADE.
425
son, when he again summoned his officers, and a long and pro-
tracted conference took place, in which all the officers took part.
The principal question considered was, how long the garrison
could hold out effectually with the insufficient supply of food, now
beginning to be felt by the men. It was greatly desired that the
fort should hold out at least until the date specified as desirable
by the Government, the 15th instant. The professional opinion
of the writer, which was called for by Major Anderson, was
given to the effect that the men could hold out for five days,
when they would be three days entirely without food. There was
no thought of according to the proposal made to reserve or
restrain the fire of the fort, and no consideration given except to
reject it, and Major Anderson replied in a written communica-
tion to the messengers, as follows :
4.] "Fort Sumter, S. C, April 12, 1861.
" General : I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt by
Colonel Chesnut of your second communication of the 1 1 th instant,
and to state in reply that, cordially uniting with you in the desire
to avoid the useless effusion of blood, I will, if provided with the
proper and necessary means of transportation, evacuate Fort Sum-
ter by noon on the 15th instant, and that I will not in the mean-
time open my fires upon your forces unless compelled to do so
by some hostile act against this fort or the flag of my-Government,
by the forces under your command, or by some portion of them,
or by the perpetration of some act showing a hostile intention on
your part against this fort or the flag it bears, should I not receive
prior to that time controlling instructions from my Government
or additional supplies.
" I am, General, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
" Robert Anderson,
"Major, First Artillery, Commanding.
"Brig. -Gen. Beauregard, Commanding''
Three hours had been consumed in' the discussion of the sub-
ject, which was commented upon by the messengers in their report
of their mission, who thought that a longer time was taken than
was necessary to decide upon their communication, but that they
could not prevent it.
The terms of this reply were considered by the messengers as
"manifestly futile," and, as far as they were concerned, as
placing them at a great disadvantage, and not within the scope of
426
THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
the verbal instructions given to them. They promptly refused
them, and handed to Major Anderson the following notice :
'< Fort Sumter, April 12, 1861.
"3:30 A.M.
" Sir : By authority of Brigadier-General Beauregard, com-
manding the provisional forces of the Confederate States, we have
the honor to notify you that he will open the fire of his batteries
on Fort Sumter in one hour from this time.
" We have the honor, &c.,
*' Chesnut,
"Lee."
PARAPET OF FORT SUMTER AFTER BOMBARDMENT, PAGE 443.
The messengers now hastily took their leave. The batteries
around were lighted, their fires burning brightly, as the busy hum
of preparation was borne across the water to the beleaguered fort.
Anderson, accompanied by his officers, then went through the case-
mates where the men were quartered and sleeping ; he aroused
them, informing them of the impending attack, and directed them
not to move until they had received orders from him ; that he
would not open fire until daylight, and that they were then to fire
slowly and carefully.
The sea was calm, and the ni"ht still under the bright starlight,
BOMBARDMENT OF FOR T SUMTER. 427
when at 4:30 a. m. the sound of a mortar from a battery at Fort
Johnson broke upon the stillness. It was the signal to the bat-
teries around to open fire. The shell, fired by Captain George
S. James, who commanded the battery, rose high in air, and
curving in its course, burst almost directly over the fort. A silence
followed for a few moments, when a gun opened from the Iron-
clad battery on Cummings Point. It was lired by Edward Ruf-
fin of Virginia, who had volunteered for the service. Hardly had
the echo of this opening gun died upon the air, when the mortars
nearest to the fort opened their fire, which was at once followed
by others in the neighborhood, and in succession by the batteries
around, until the fort was "surrounded by a circle of fire." At
a distance between 1,200 and 1,300 yards from the fort, and near-
est to it upon Cummings Point, an array of heavy armament had
been established, whose construction had been anxiously watched
by the garrison, and whose value was now to be tested. There
were three distinct batteries, the result of protracted labor and
of engineering skill. Upon the right was the " Trapier" battery,
consisting of three lo-inch mortars, well placed and protected.
On the left stood the " Point " battery, consisting of three lo-inch
mortars, two 42-pound guns, and one 12-pound rifled Blakeley.
In the centre rose the Iron-clad battery, mounting three 8-inch
Columbiads. The mortars in the " Trapier " battery, under the
command of Captain J. Gadsden King, with the Marion Artillery,
of Charleston, opened their fire immediately after the signal gun.
They were followed by the mortars in the Point battery, which, in
connection with the Iron-clad battery, were assigned to the super-
vision of Major P. F. Stevens, of the Citadel Academy, in Charles-
ton. They were manned by the Palmetto Guard under Captain
G. B. Cuthbert.
Fort Moultrie was ready with its fire, and opened with its
guns and neighboring mortars soon after the opening gun was
fired from Cummings Point. Of the thirty guns constituting its
armament, nine bore directly upon Sumter, and were designated
as the " Sumter battery," and were under the immediate com-
mand of Lieutenants Alfred Rhett and Mitchell. They were the
heaviest of the ordnance of Fort Moultrie, and included the guns
that had been spiked and whose carriages had been destroyed
by Major Anderson upon his movement from Fort Moultrie to
Fort Sumter. The batteries upon Sullivan's island were com-
428
THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
manded by Lieutenant-Colonel R. S. Ripley, an able and experi-
enced officer of artillery, long an officer of the old army, and
whose name and service became identified with the defense of
Charleston Harbor until the last. "Of these batteries, three
8-inch Columbiads, two 32-pounders and six 24-pounders in Fort
Moultrie ; two 24-pounders and two 32-pounders in the enfilade
battery; one 9-inch Dahlgren gun, two 32-pounders, two 42-
pounders at the ' Point,' and on board the floating battery, and
the six lo-inch mortars — bore upon Fort Sumter."* The fire
MAIN GATE, SALLY-PORT OF GORGE, AFTER BOMBARDMENT OF l86j
from Moultrie was at first wanting in precision, the shots passing
over the work; but with the advancing daylight this was soon
corrected, until almost every shot took effect, either striking the
scarp wall, or, passing closely over the crest, plunged into the
quarters on the gorge wall opposite. These were soon destroyed.
Projecting above the crest of the walls, the roofs and gables
afforded the easiest marks, and were soon riddled by the shots.
* Ripley's report, p. 39, " War of the Rebellion." Vol. I., Series I.
FORT SUMTER OTENS FIRE. 429
The fire was steadily kept up through the day and only lessened
upon the approach of night.
The enfilading and adjoining batteries at the north end of
Sullivan's Island, under the command of Capt. J. H. Hallonquist,
opened fire early on the morning of the 12th and maintained it
steadily through the day. Their fire was especially directed
upon the parapet of Fort Sumter. The enfilading battery
mounted two 32-pound and two 42-pound guns. It was this
battery which was suddenly unmasked on the morning of the 9th
of April, and which so impressed Major Anderson. Taking the
most important battery upon the parapet in reverse, its guns were
so actively worked, and at such short intervals of fire, that six
hundred and eleven shots were fired from it alone. " The object
of our firing," said the officer who immediately commanded it,*
in his official report, " was to sweep the crest of the parapet, the
roofs of the quarters within Fort Sumter, to dismount the bar-
bette guns, if practicable, and to drive the enemy from the
parapet. The latter object was accomplished. "f
The floating battery of Captain Hamilton, at the e.xtreme
northern end of the island, also opened promptly, and maintained
its fire from its two 32 and two 42 pound guns, under the direct
command of Lieutenant Yates, but with less effect than had been
anticipated by the garrison. The mortar batteries upon Johnson
and at Mount Pleasant were also served steadily, and added to
the effective fire. To the fire of the two lo-inch mortars at
Mount Pleasant no response was made by the garrison of Fort
Sumter.
It was not until 7 o'clock that Fort Sumter opened its
fire. Its entire armament now consisted of forty-eight available
guns in casemate and barbette, with five 8-inch and 10-inch
Columbiads on the parade, and so mounted as to bear upon the
city, Fort Moultrie and the batteries at Cummings Point. The
details to serve the guns had been made from Captain Double-
day's company. There were three. The first, commanded
by Captain Doubleday in person, took position at the battery
of the two 32-pounders, in the right gorge angle on the lower
tier, and which bore upon the batteries at Cummings Point. It
* Lieutenant Jacob Valentine.
t The troops were withdrawn from the parapet by Major Anderson's
order, as will be subsequently seen.
430
THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
was the first to open fire, and one of its shots "passed a few feet
above the upper bolts of the shed,"* A constant and heavy
fire was maintained all day, producing but little effect, the balls
glancing harmlessly off the iron roof of the battery, that answered
with its three 8-inch Columbiads effectively. This, with the
1 2-pound rifled Blakeley, well served, together with the three
lo-inch mortars of the Point battery and the two 42 -pounders,
poured their fire at regular intervals through the whole day upon
the fort in answer to its guns.
The second detail was under the command of First Lieutenant
J. C. Davis. It manned the guns on the left of Doubleday.f
The third detail was under the command of Assistant Surgeon
Crawford. It manned the three 32-pounders on the western face
of the work, and opened fire upon the floating battery at the upper
end of Sullivan's Island, as well as upon the enfilading battery
and heavy Dahlgren gun that had opened early and whose fire
was sweeping the parapet.
The effect of the fire upon the floating battery was slight.
Nearly all of the shot failed to penetrate the roof, and were
deflected; one only, striking the angle between the front and
roof, penetrated through the iron covering and woodwork beneath.
The sea wall behind which it had taken position protected its
water line from our ricochet shots. This battery with its
32-pounders, from which so much was expected on both sides,
failed to realize the hopes or fears so long formed of it. Fail-
ing to produce any sensible effects from his fire, the writer sought
Major Anderson, and requested authority to move his command
along the casemates on the right to a battery of one 42 and two
32 pounders that bore directly upon Moultrie, whose fire had
been steadily kept up upon the fort since the early opening of its
guns and without reply from the fort.
Major Anderson was in the magazine, whose exposed condl
tion already caused him anxiety. He gave the requisite authority,
and moving the men, fire was opened at once in reply to Moultrie,
and maintained for four hours, when the writer was relieved by
Lieutenant R. K. Meade, who continued the fire until night
* Captain Cuthbert, South Carolina Infantry. Official report, p. 54,
'War of the RebelUon," Vol. I, Series I.
f There is no record of this service.
DETAILS OF THE BOMBARDMENT. 43 1
Meantime, Captain Seymour relieved Doubleday at the batteries
and maintained their fire for several hours.
A few shots were fired at the mortar batteries at Fort Johnson
by Captain Seymour, but with no appreciable effect. It was now
noon. The constant fire of the fort had largely reduced the
number of cartridges. There were but seven hundred when the
fire began, and the six needles were kept busy in their manufac-
ture, but the supply was now so reduced that the fire of the fort
slackened, and was at last confined to six guns : two bearing upon
Cummings Point, two upon Moultrie and two upon the batteries
upon the'western end of Sullivan's Island. The effect of the verti-
cal fire of the mortars, and of the enfilading batteries upon the para-
pet, was so soon manifested that Anderson determined not to serve
the guns en barbette at all. He took, he said, the whole respon-
sibility, and would not expose his men to a fire in reverse that
would be fatal. The men were at once withdrawn from the par-
apet by Anderson's order. And thus the long toil and engineering
care expended upon the erection of the most formidable battery
in the fort, and whose construction was wholly in reference to the
array of heavy armament at Cummings Point, was lost. The
guns thus left to the sport of the.enemy's fire were the heaviest in
calibre, and must if properly served have produced a serious
effect.
The men displayed great enthusiasm, and even the workmen
caught the spirit of the hour and helped to serve the guns. After
the abandonment of the casemate by Doubleday' s command, by
Anderson's order, a party of the workmen who had been watch-
ing the firing, voluntarily took possession of the battery and
renewed the fire on Cummings Point, when they were '' organ-
ized into a firing party."
Knowing that the guns on the parapet were loaded and
trailed, one of the men made his way to them, and without
orders fired them.* In the discharge of one lo-inch Columbiad,
the proper arrangements for controlling the recoil of the piece
were neglected, and running back off its chassis it entirely over-
turned, dismounting an 8-inch seacoast howitzer next to it and
adding greatly to the appearance of destruction produced by the
fire. The rapid fire from Moultrie dismounted one 8-inch
• Private Carmody, Co. E.
432
THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
Columbiad and cracked another on the right flank of the work in
the barbette tier. The fire from the enemy's mortars upon the
parapet, and especially that from the enfilading battery and from
the " Sumter battery " of Moultrie, besides silencing the guns en
barbette^ completely riddled the officers' quarters above the lowest
story. Three times the quarters were set on fire by shells from
Cummings Point and by hot shot from Moultrie, but this was
promptly extinguished, and mainly by the active co-operation of
Sergeant Peter Hart, an old soldier who had seen service with
Anderson as first sergeant, and had come to him voluntarily and
was now employed as a workman by the engineer.
The enemy's shots had cut the iron cisterns over the hallways,
and the rush of water aided in controlling the fire. It was now
first made known to us that the fleet so earnestly looked for had
arrived, and their flags could be seen as they lay off the bar.
Upon the approach of night the enemy slackened his fire, and
finally reduced it to his mortars, which fired at intervals of fifteen
minutes, and with great precision, through the night, which passed
in storm and with high wind and tide. The men were withdrawn
from the batteries, as the scarcity of the cartridges forbade any
service of the guns through the night.
At midnight the making of cartridges was stopped by Major
Anderson, as nearly all of the extra clothing and material from
the hospital had been used.
At the request of Lieutenant Snyder, the writer, just before
midnight, accompanied him upon an inspection of the outside of
the work. Everywhere, but especially upon the wall of the
gorge, and on the faces opposite to Fort Moultrie, were deep
indentations made by the solid shot. That from the 8-inch
Columbiad had penetrated about twelve inches, crumbling the
bricks and leaving a wide crater. The twelve-pound projectile
from the rifled gun had penetrated but little deeper, but its fire
was more accurate, and the attempt to breach around the lower
embrasure of the right gorge angle had progressed to a depth of
twenty inches and must in the end have succeeded. Some of the
hastily constructed devices of the engineers had yielded to the
enemy's fire ; a shot having passed through the filling of one of
the embrasures of the second tier and one through the main gate.
But the resistance of the fort was unaffected : its walls were intact,
its casemates uninjured, and its lower tier of guns untouched.
EFFECT OF THE FIRST DAY'S BOMBARDMENT.
\03
The parapet had suffered most ; it had been undefended, and, in
the destruction of the projecting roofs and chimneys, the crum-
bling of its walls and the injury to its guns, presented a picture of
havoc and ruin.
CHAPTER XXXII.
Mortar firing through the night — Anticipating the fleet— Heavy firing opened
in the morning— Fort Sumter rephes "early and spitefully "—Scarcity of
cartridges — Fire restricted in consequence— Quarters set on fire by shells
and hot shot — Increased fire of the batteries — Fort threatened with explosion
— Magazines closed- -Flames spread — Woodwork consumed — Flagstaff
shot away — Flag restored at once -Colonel Wigfall crosses in small boat
from Cummings Point— His visit unauthorized — Enters the fort — Interview
with Major Anderson — Terms of evacuation proposed — Major Anderson
consents — Wigfall departs — White flag raised — Three aides of Confederate
general come to fort under white flag — Interview with Anderson — Aides
return to Charleston — Wigfall's visit without knowledge of Confederate
general — " Formal and final terms" presented — Anderson accepts— Con-
dition of the fort — Effect of the fire upon it — Casualties slight — Four men
wounded — Salute to the flag permitted — Serious explosion, and result —
State troops take possession — Captain Ferguson, aide-de-camp to com-
manding general, raises Confederate flag over the work — Garrison trans-
ferred to the steamer Baltic, which leaves for the North.
The night closed in rain and darkness; the wind from the sea
blew in storm. The men rested undisturbed, while an anxious
and expectant watch was kept in anticipation of the relief prom-
ised, but which failed to appear. The enemy were equally upon
the alert, and through the night his batteries guarding the chan-
nels were manned, and a ceaseless watch kept upon the approaches
to the harbor, while his enfilading batteries were kept in readiness
to sweep the landings and faces of Fort Sumter should any force
attempt to succor the garrison. The light wood upon the hulks
that had been anchored at the entrance to the inner harbor, under
the guns of Fort Moultrie, was now ignited in anticipation of the
approach of the fleet, while the fire of the mortar batteries was kept
up at intervals of fifteen minutes through the night, which passed
without further incident.
Early in the morning of the 13th the firing was renewed.
In anticipation of a movement of the fleet, and to save ammuni-
tion, the firing from Sullivan's Island was at first confined to the
mortars and enfilading battery. The direct fire of Fort Moultrie
was restricted to two of the guns of the Sumter battery, until the
434
SECOND DAY'S BOMBARDMENT.
435
fire broke out at Sumter, when the entire battery was manned and
served. At Cummings Point the mortar batteries opened early, and
maintained their fire steadily at regular intervals, while the fire
of the heavy Columbiads in the Iron-clad battery was concen-
trated to breach the work as well as to destroy the granite defenses
of the main gate.
"Fort Sumter opened early and spitefully," said the com-
mander of Fort Moultrie, in his official report, " and paid especial
attention to Fort Moultrie, almost every shot grazing the crest of
the parapet and crushing through the quarters. ' ' After their limited
breakfast of pork and the last of the damaged rice, the details
went again to their guns. Those bearing upon " Cummings Point"
were not served, the guns in the casemates beanng upon the
inner channel and upon Fort Moultrie being the only ones used,
A rapid and accurate fire was maintained for hours, when the sup-
ply of cartridges became so much diminished as to restrict the
fire to one gun every ten minutes. Before 8 o'clock the offi-
cers' quarters had been twice set on fire by the mortar shells; the
flames had been promptly extinguished, when between 9 and
10 the fire was renewed from the same cause, and was being
again controlled, when Moultrie opened with hot shot, which was
poured into the fort, spreading the conflagration and greatly add-
ing to the destruction. Every battery around the fort now
increased its fire, and Major Anderson forbade any further
attempt to control the flames, which were now spreading m every
direction through the wooden floors and partitions of the quarters.
It spread to both barracks and quarters, and by noon all of the
woodwork was in flames. The officers, seizing the axes that were
available, exerted themselves in cutting away whatever wood-
work was accessible. It soon became evident that the magazine
with its 300 barrels of powder was in danger of the flames, and
every man that could be spared was placed upon the duty of
removing the powder, toward which the fire was gradually pro-
gressing, now separated from the magazine by only one set of
quarters. Not a third of the barrels could be removed; so thick
was the cloud of smoke and burning cinders, that penetrated every-
where, that a cause of serious danger arose from the exposed
condition of the powder taken from the magazine, and Major An-
derson now ordered that all but five barrels be thrown into the sea.
The men, almost suffocated as the south wind carried the cloud
436 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
T'l "I 't' I , T i "I'll
DETAILS OF SECOND DAY'S BOMBARDMENT.
437
of hot smoke and cinders into the casemates, threw themselves
upon the ground and covered their faces with wet cloths, or
rushed to the embrasures, where the occasional draught made it
possible to breathe. The enemy maintained his increased fire.
The nine-inch shells which had been filled, and located in differ-
ent parts of the work, to be used as grenades in repelling an
assault, now exploded from time to time as the fire spread, adding
greatly to the danger and destruction.
A large number had been placed in the towers on the spiral
staircase of granite. They exploded, completely destroying these
structures at the west gorge angle, as well as the interior of the
other. It was at this moment that the writer, in obedience to
Anderson's orders, had ascended to the parapet to report any move-
ment of the fleet. It was with the greatest difficulty that he
could make his way amid the destruction and reach the parapet at
all. The fleet had made no movement.
The magaziiies were now closed, when a shot from the enemy's
batteries " passed through the intervening shield, struck the door,
and bent the lock in such a way that it could not be opened
again."
For some time our batteries had ceased even their restricted
fire, when some single shots were fired by Doubleday, and were
answered by cheers from the enemy.
The scene was wellnigh indescribable. It was now noon.
The enemy's fire from his mortars and gun batteries had been so
increased that there was scarcely an appreciable moment that
shot and shell were not searching the work. The flames of the
burning quarters were still spreading, shooting upward amid the
dense smoke as heavy masses of brick and masonry crumbled,
and fell with loud noise. All of the woodwork had now been
consumed. The heavy gates at the entrance of the work, as well
as the planking of the windows on the gorge, were gone, leaving
access to the fort easy and almost unobstructed.
In the midst of the fire, the flag-staff, which had borne the flag
since the demand for the surrender, having been repeatedly struck,
was shot away at 1 130 p. m. and fell heavily to the ground, it being
down but a few moments, and, in the words of Major Anderson,
'* merely long enough to enable us to replace it on another staff."*
Amlcrsoii, April 13, 1861,
43"
THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
The flag halliards had been cut, and the flag itself had been sus-
tained by one only, that had become twisted around the staff. Upon
the disappearance of the flag the enemy slackened his fire. It
was at once secured by Lieutenant Hall, and attached to a
short spar brought promptly by Sergeant Hart and carried to the
parapet, where under the superintendence of Captain Seymour,
assisted by Lieutenant Snyder and Sergeant Hart, it was again
I '
cnrn
ncnno
, □rrrnrr'^
INSIDE OF ONE OF THE MAGAZINES, FORT SUMTER.
raised and the temporary staff secured to a gun-carriage on the
parapet amid the renewed and concentrated fire of the enemy's
guns.
Meantime a group of officers had been watching the progress
of the bombardment and its effect upon the fort from the Iron-
clad battery at Cummings Point, when one of them, Lieutenant-
Colonel De Saussure, the officer commanding the artillery on
COLONEL WIG FALL GOES TO FORT SUMTER. 439
Morris Island, suggested that, from the silence of the fort, the
spread of the flames, as well as the evident effect of their fire,
they should send and inquire into the status of the garrison as a
matter of humanity. Brigadier-General James Simons, com-
manding upon the island, was present, but objected to such a
course, as beyond the scope of his authority, as well as from the
fact that he had no one whom he could send. Upon this, an aide-
de-camp of General Beauregard (Colonel Louis Wigfall), who
had been with the batteries for two days, at once volunteered for
the service. Upon consultation with Colonel Manning and Colo-
nel Chesnut, two aides of the commanding general, who, with
Colonel Chisholm, of Governor Pickens's staff, had come to the
island to learn the condition of the batteries and to establish
communication with the city,* the general commanding upon
the island reluctantly gave the authority. Colonel Wigfall anti-
cipated the action of the aides, who, seeing the flag of the fort down,
had determined to renew the demand for the surrender. Their
boat was being prepared, when Colonel Wigfall, securing a skiff in a
creek near by, and joined by private Gourdin Young, of the com-
pany of the Palmetto Guard on duty on the Iron-clad battery,
with two negroes as oarsmen, pushed off at once amid the firing
for Fort Sumter. Colonel Ripley, in Fort Moultrie, seeing the boat
push off, fired a shot across her bow, which she disregarded,
when, continuing her course, she finally reached the wharf of the
fort. Seeing no one, and finding the entrance to the fort obstruc-
ted by the burning ashes. Colonel Wigfall went alone around
the enrockment to the left face of the work. Meantime, Ander-
son being informed of the arrival of the boat with a white flag
by a private soldier that had seen it land, passed out of the fort
through the blazing gateway, accompanied by Lieutenant Snyder,
who followed Colonel Wigfall around the work. Arriving near
an embrasure on the left flank, where a sentinel was standmg.
Colonel Wigfall displayed his white flag upon his sword, and said
he wished to see Major Anderson, when after some discussion he
was permitted to enter. The writer saw him enter the work,
Lieutenant Snyder entering after him. He at once asked for
Major Anderson, saying that General Beauregard desired to stop
"this firing." In passing down the casemates some of the
• Simons, p. 33, "War of the Rebellion," Vol. I, Scries I.
440 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
officers were met, and to them Colonel Wigfall at once appealed.
"Your flag is down," said he, ''you are on fire, and you are not
firing your guns. General Beauregard desires to stop this," and
he proposed that a white flag be displayed towards Moultrie, as
the batteries on Cummings Point, from which he had come, had
ceased firing. "No, sir," said Lieutenant Davis, "our flag is
not down; if you will step this way you will see it floating." He
then said, " Let us stop this firing. Will you hoist this ? " hold-
ing out his sword, to which he had attached his handkerchief.
"No;" said Davis, "it is for you to stop it." "Will no one
hold it ? " said Wigfall. Receiving no response, he sprang into
an embrasure looking toward Moultrie, that was keeping up
a steady fire, and waved his flag backward and forward without
attracting attention, so great was the distance. Upon seeing
this Lieutenant Davis said, " As you have put the flag out your-
self, I will let one of the soldiers continue to hold it;" and direct-
ed a corporal, who stood near, to continue to wave it. He had
hardly been in the embrasure a moment, when a shot struck just
over hini, when springing back inside he announced with an oath,
that the flag was not respected. "I have been fired upon with
that flag two or three times, ' ' replied Wigfall ; "I think you might
stand it once."*
It was at this moment that Anderson came up, when Colonel
Wigfall immediately addressed him. " Major Anderson, I am
Colonel Wigfall ; General Beauregard wishes to stop this, and to ask
upon what terms you will evacuate this work; you can have almost
any terms which General Beauregard will arrange with you." Major
Anderson replied: " I have already stated to General Beauregard
the terms upon which I will evacuate this fort. Instead of noon
on the 15th, I will go now." " Then, Major Anderson, I understand
that you will evacuate the fort upon the same terms proposed to
you by General Beauregard." " Yes, sir," replied Anderson," and
upon those terms alone." " Then," said Colonel Wigfall, inquir-
ingly," the fort is to be ours ?" "Yes," replied Major Anderson,
upon those terms." "Very well; then I will return to General
Beauregard."
The conditions for the evacuation were gone over. Anderson
was to evacuate the fort with his command, taking arms and all pri-
* Personal observation and recor4.
WIGFALVS VISIT UNAUTHORIZED.
441
vate and company property, saluting his flag upon taking it down,
and transportation secured to any port in the North. After some
appreciative remarks in regard to the defense, Colonel Wigfall left
the fort, when the flag was taken down and a white flag raised by
Anderson's order, when the firing entirely ceased. Colonel Wigfall
returned at once in his boat to Cummings Point, where the com-
mand received him with enthusiasm, and to whom he announced,
although mistakenly, the unconditional surrender of the fort.
The aides of the general commanding had awaited his coming,
when he accompanied them at once in their boat on their return to
Charleston.
The visit of Colonel Wigfall was wholly unauthorized. It was
a voluntary act, not to be justified even by the exigency. But he
gave Anderson to understand that he came from and upon the
part of the general commanding the opposing forces, and upon
that representation alone was he received. He had scarcely left
the fort, when a boat containing three aides-de-camp* of the
commanding general came, under a white flag.
The commanding general had noticed the absence of the flag
and the burning of the quarters, and had sent to offer assistance.
On their way to the fort they recognized that the flag had again
been raised on Sumter, and were about to return, when the white
flag was again seen, and they pushed on. Anderson declined any
assistance, and then inquired if they had come directly from Gen-
eral Beauregard. Upon being answered in the affirmative, he
then gave the incident of the visit of Colonel Wigfall, " as an aide
to and by authority of General Beauregard," and as authorized to
propose terms for the evacuation. He was then informed that
Colonel Wigfall had been absent from headquarters, and had not
seen General Beauregard for two days. Vexed at the misunder-
standing and the awkward position in which he found himself,
Anderson determined to restore his flag, that he regretted had
ever been taken down, and to re-open his batteries, that his flag
was lowered only because he had understood Wigfall to come
directly from Beauregard. But he was persuaded to postpone any
such action until General Beauregard could be advised of the
terms to which he would consent. Meantime he reduced to writing
the terms proposed by Colonel Wigfall and those upon which he
* Captain S. D. Lee, Colonels Roger A. Pryor and W. Porcher Miles.
442 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
would evacuate the fort, and sent it to General Beauregard by
Captain S. D. Lee, one of the aides.*
The visit of Colonel Wigfall, and its purpose, had been com-
municated to General Beauregard, who at once sent two officersf
of his staff " to receive any propositions he might wish to make."
The note sent by Anderson to General Beauregard by Captain
Lee was read, when the officers informed Anderson that they
" were authorized to offer him those terms, excepting only the
clause relating to the salute to the flag," and this they were not
authorized to grant. When asked what his answer would be if
not permitted to salute his flag, he replied that he would not urge
It, but would refer the matter again to General Beauregnrd. At
this interview a message was sent by Anderson to Governor
Pickens and to General Beauregard, which under the circumstan-
ces may be deemed extraordinary. It was that, "as an evidence
of his desire to save the public property as much as possible, he
had three times on Friday and twice on Saturday sent up his men
to extinguish the flames under the heavy fire of our batteries, and
when the magazines were in imminent danger of being blown up."!
The formal and final terms agreed to by the general com-
manding, were presented to Anderson by some messengers from
General Beauregard at 7 o'clock p. m., in regard to which
* An incident now occurred which might have had a serious ending. The
aides of the Confederate general had been introduced into the only gun case-
mate which was habitable, and which was occupied as quarters by Laptain
Foster and the surgeon ol the fort. Colonel Roger A. Pryor, one of tlie aides,
had taken his seat near a table at the head o{ the camp-bed occupied by the
surgeon. The latter had been seriously ill, and was under the course of a
strong medicine that stood in a large bottle upon the table. Without rellection
Colonel Pryor poured out a large portion ol the medicine and drank it. Dis-
covering his mistake, he appealed at once to Major Anderson, who, in an a-igle
of the casemate was writing down the terms upon which he would agree to
evacuate the work. The surgeon was at once sent for, when Colonel Pryor
rapidly recounted the circumstances, when the surgeon said to him, " If you
have taken the amount of that solution that you think you have, you have likely
poisoned yourself." " Do something for me, doctor, right off," said he, "for
I would not have anything happen to me in this fort for any consideration."
The surgeon took him to his impr vised dispensary down the line of casemates,
where he was shortly afterward relieved and returned to the city.
t D. R. Jones, Assistant Adjutant-General; Charles Allston, Jr., Colonel
and aide-de-camp.
\ Official report, Jones and Allston, April 15, 1861,
EFFECT OF THE BOMBARDMENT AT THE FORT.
443
Anderson expressed his gratification; and it was arranged that he
should leave in the morning, after comniunicating with the fleet,
but that he must be responsible for the fort in the meantime, as
otherwise four companies of artillery would be ordered there.
After the cessation of the firing the fort was left in comparative
quiet, and an opportunity offered to examine its condition. It
was a scene of ruin and destruction. For thirty-four hours it had
sustained a bombardment from seventeen lo-inch mortars and
heavy guns, well placed and well served. The quarters and
barracks were in ruins. The main gates and the planking of the
windows on the gorge were gone ; the magazines closed and
surrounded by smoldering flames and burning ashes ; the provi-
sions exhausted; much of the engineering work destroyed; the
cartridges gone; and with four barrels of powder only available —
the command had yielded to the inevitable. The effect of the
direct shot had been to indent the walls, where the marks could
be counted by hundreds,* while the shells well directed had
crushed in the quarters, and, in connection with the hot shot, set-
ting them on fire, had destroyed the barracks, and quarters down
to the gun casemates, while the enfilading fire had prevented the
service of the barbette guns, some of them comprising the most im-
portant battery in the work. The breaching fire from the Colum-
biads and rifled gun at Cummings Point upon the right gorge
angle had progressed sensii)ly, and must eventually have succeed-
ed if kept up, but as yet no guns had been disabled or injured at
that point. The effect of the fire upon the parapet was most
pronounced. The gorge, the right face and flank, as well as the
left face, were all taken in reverse and a destructive fire main-
tained until the end, while the gun-carriages on the barbette of
the gorge were destroyed in the fire of the blazing quarters.
Fort Sumter had been built with all the careful appliance of
the most improved engineer science. Its beautiful arches were
models of strength and grace; and it was with natural pride that
the engineer officer in his ofificial report remarked upon the fact
that so good was the masonry of one of the fifteen-inch arches of
the second tier, that a lo-inch shell from Cummings Point failed
to go through it, although it was not covered by concrete or flag-
ging.
* 600. Foster, -s
444
TiIE GENESIS OF THE CIVIL WAR.
Substantial part of fort uninjured. 44c
But the fort had been constructed without reference to an
attack by those who should have been its defenders, and in con-
sequence its weakest part, the gorge, undefended by a flanking
fire, became its most vulnerable pomt, and its destruction the
object of the able engineer who conducted the attack upon the
work. Its walls, standing upon a stone foundation twelve feet
thick at the base, and lessening to eight and a half feet at the
parapet, were built to resist smooth-bore projectiles, which at that
time was the adopted system; but strong as they were, they showed
how little fitted such construction was to resist rifled ordnance
when the twelve-pounder Blakely gun from Cummings Point put
one of its shot through the masked wall of the magazine. But
the offensive strength of the fort was not felt. The powerful bat-
tery upon the barbette bearing upon the batteries on Cummings
Point was not used, although to its erection and completion the
best efforts of officers and men had been given. The heavy
Columbiads mounted upon the parade and bearing upon the city.
Fort Moultrie and Cummings Point were not once loaded, and
the hot shot furnaces remained untouched. The guns of the lower
tier were the only ones used, and the strength of the casemates
protected the men serving them, while they remained uninjured to
the last. Had the garrison been sufficient in numbers, and sup-
plied with men and provisions, and proper munitions, the resistance
could have been greatly protracted. The substantial part of the
fort was uninjured, and its subsequent history showed to what an
extent a resistance supported by men and material, and sustained
by intelligence and determination, might be sucessfully carried,
when the crumbling of its walls under a fierce bombardment only
served to strengthen its defensive power. From the result of the
bombardment, it is clear that the projecting roofs and gables
about the parapet should have been removed. The heavy mold-
ings about the windows and doors of the officers' quarters, unneces-
sary and in bad taste, only afforded fuel to the fire. The almost
destitute condition of its little garrison rendered the evacuation of
the fort unavoidable. Within a few days, if not hours, the fort
must have surrendered if no gun had been fired, and it must be
left to history to account for the fact that while such an
assurance was positive, any necessity for such an attack should
have existed beyond the gratification of a sentiment. Notwith-
standing the persistence and accuracy of the fire to which the fort
446 THE GENESIS OF THE CIVH WAR.
had been subjected, the casualties were light. Four men were
slightly wounded by fragments of concrete and mortar, one of
these a mechanic in the employ of the engineer. Anderson had
promptly withdrawn his men from all exposure, and the protection
afforded by the casemates was almost complete.
The men, released now from all responsibility, seemed to
change in feeling. They became reserved and silent. The
enthusiasm that had so long inspired them seemed to have gone,
and they made ready to leave with unconcealed expressions of
disappointment.
But little now remained to be done. It had been arranged
that the fort should be evacuated on Sunday morning, the 14th.
The preparations began at an early hour. Permission to salute
his flag had been accorded to him, and Anderson made arrange-
ments to fire one hundred guns. Every resource to obtain mate-
rial for cartridges was exhausted, and when the command was in
readiness the firing began under the officers designated, the flag
still flying from the rampart. The guns yet serviceable on the
parapet were used, and the firing was in progress, when, by the
premature discharge of one of the large guns on the right flank,
the right arm of one of the gunners was blown off. The wind
was blowing stifily from the sea, and directly into the muzzles of
the guns. The cartridges to be used had been placed by the
side of each gun, amid the debris of broken brick and mason
work and fragments of slate and lead in a confused mass.
Upon one of the discharges an ignited fragment of one of the
cartridge bags was blown back by the wind, and lighting upon the
pile of cartridges in rear of the piece, immediately ignited them
wfth fatal explosion. The loose fragments of masonry were
driven in every direction. Of the gunners on duty at the piece,
Private Daniel Hough, Co. E,was instantly killed; Private Edward
Galloway, Co. E, was mortally wounded, and died on the 19th,
at the Gibbes Hospital in Charleston, to which he had been
kindly removed and treated. Private James Fielding, Co. E,
severely wounded and burned, was removed to the " Chis-
holm " Hospital, cured, and finally sent North without exchange.
Three others were injured, but were enabled to accompany the
command. The occurrence of this accident delayed the depart-
ure of the command, and induced Anderson to satisfy himself
with a salute of fifty instead of one hundred guns. " Because of
GENERAL BEAC REGARD'S REPORT. ^/^j
an unavoidable delay," said Genera! Beauregard, in his official
report, "the formal transfer of the fort to our possession did not
take place until 4 o'clock on the afternoon of the 14th, when the
United States troops evacuated the place."
The State troops detailed to occupy the work now took pos-
session. They consisted of the Palmetto Guard, under Captain
Cuthbcrt, and a company (B) of regular troops, under Captain
IL'dlon(iuist, all under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel
Ripley, 'llie Confederate flag was raised upon the rampart by
Captain Samuel Ferguson, aide-de-camp, who had received the
keys of the work. 'I'he flag of the State was also raised at the
same time.
In making his preliminary report to his Government, the Con-
federate general used the following language:
''Whilst the barracks in Fort Sumter were in a blaze, and the
interior of the work appeared untenable from the heat and from
the fire of our batteries (at about which period I sent three of my
aides to offer assistance in the name of the Confederate States),
whenever the guns of Fort Sumter would fire upon Fort Moultrie
the men occupying Cummings Pomt batteries (Palmetto Guard,
Captain Cuthbert) at each shot would cheer Anderson for his
gallantry, although themselves still firing upon him; mid when on
the 15th instant he left the harl)or on the steamer /j-y
State troops, 116, 137, 138: activity
at, 137; fires on Star of the West,
184; works at, restored, 210, des-
cribed, 211, 303; force at (Mar. '61),
482
INDEX.
305; at work bombarding, officers
and batteries engaged, 427, 428, 435.
Mount Pleasant, Charleston, armament
at, 279; battery on, able to >hell
Sumter, 381.
Mullins, W. S., urges Pickens to pre-
vent Sumter's occupancy, 90.
Nelson, Judge Samuel, opinion of, on
coercion, 325, 326 ; advises Seward
to recognize Commissioners, 327;
withdraws from further negotiations,
333-
New Mexico, slavery in, permitted by
"Crittenden Amendment," 256.
New Orleans, money in Mint at, seized,
257-
North, people of, responsible for war,
252; press of, on abandonment ot
Sumter, 309; Governors of, support
Federal Government, 339.
Ordinance of Secession, committee on,
48; commission of, with copy to
Washington, 52; text of, 53; passes
Convention, 54.
Orr, James L., at Secession Conven-
tion, 46; commissioner to Washing-
ton, 142.
Parker, Adm. Sir P., repulse of, from
Charleston in 1776. 5.
Fawriee, use of, in Fox's expedition,
249; ordered to relief of Sumter, 404;
at Charleston, 416-420
Pettigrew, James, visits Moultrie, 95;
thinks fort will be taken, 96.
Pettigrew, Col. Johnson, commissioned
to Anderson. 109, mission fruitless,
in; ordered to occu]>y Pinckney,
113. takes posfession, 114.
Pickens, Fort, no change to be made at,
328, 331, 332; rumored relief for,
3:9, 340; expedition for relief of,
401, troops not landed, 401,403; loss
of, deemed certain by Totten, 402;
Meigs's plan for reliei of, 407, Porter
to command, expedition to be secret,
409, Fowhatan selected, 410. expen-
ses. 411, balance, 412, expedition
sails, 414, 415; relieved, 416.
Pickens, Gov. Francis W., elected Gov-
ernor, sketch, 79-81; demands pos
session of Sumter, letter to Pjuchantin,
81, withdraws letter, 84, 86; reply
of, to Buchanan's proposi ion, 87;
measures of, to jirevent occupancy
of Sumter, 88; informed by spies of
military movements. 89; pressure on,
to seize forts, 89, 90; causes inspec-
tion of Sumter, 90; requests Ander-
son to leave Sumter, III; orders of,
to occupy forts, 113; grants protec-
tion to non-combatants, permits re-
moval of private effects, 117; seizes
arsenal, 119-122; establishes batter-
ies in harbor and along coast, 123,
125; report of his actions to Conven-
tion, 125; prohibits mails to Sumter,
134; orders incoming vessels over-
hauled, proclamation, 138; reinloice-
ment must be jirevented, 138, 139;
telegram of, to Floyd on reinforce-
ments, 141 ; rej^ly of, to threat to
close harbor, 189; avows firing on
Star of the West, 190; grants saife-
guard tD Anderson's messenger, 191;
demands surrender of Sumter, 192,
will await answer from Washington,
194; sends envoy to President, 195,
instructions to envoy, 196, 197; per-
mits provisioning Sumter, 201 ; letter
of, to envoy, reply to President, 222-
225 ; renews demand for Sumter, 225 ;
reply of, to Peace Convention com-
missioner, 244; urges Confederate
Government to appoint commander,
248,267; consults Sen. Davis as to
Sumter, Davis's reply, 263-265; con-
sults Gov. Brown, reph'es to Toombs,
266; desires Confederate Goveri ment
to take control, determines to attack,
267; views of, of right of State to
seize Sumter, 268; report of, on
means of attack, 269, 270; asks in-
structions of Confederate Govern-
ment, 271; people angry at, for pro-
visioning Sumter, 292; stops random
firing ni harbor, 377; reasons of, for
seizing mails, 384.
Pilots, of Charleston, refuse to pilot
1 ederal vessels, 52; Board of, advise
obstructing channel^, 137.
Pinckney. Castle, description of, ceded
to U. S. Government, 2; Maj. Porter
thinks its occupancy unadvisable, 60;
Anderson's request to occu ly, re-
fused, 62; laborers sent to, 75, 76;
arms asked for, 76, received from
arsenal, excitement on, 77. returned,
78; work on, delayed, 96; Pickens
orders seizure of, 113; seized, 114;
State troops at, 137.
Pocakontas, ordered to relief of Sumter,
404; at Charleston. 416-420
Porter. Lieut. David D., selected to
command Fort Pickens expedition,
409, his orders, 4T0; convinces Foote,
412; takes command of ship, 414;
sails, arrives at Fort Pickens, 415;
object accomplished, 416.
INDEX.
48,
Porter, Major Fitz-John, inspects
Charleston forts, 59, report, thinks
occupancy of Sumter and Pinckney
unadv'sable, 60.
Po-d)hataA. selected for relief of Sumter,
405; chosen for Fort Pickens expedi-
tion, 410; her condition, 412; quickly
refitted, 413; sails, 414; arrives at
Fort Pickens. 415.
Prioleau, C harles K., presents Blakely
gun to South Carolina, 397.
Pryor, Royer A., warlike speech of,
305; sent to Sumter during bombard-
ment, 441; adventure of, at Sumter,
442.
Regiments: First U. S. Artillery (Col.
Gardiner). 5; First S. C. Artillery
(Lt-Col. De Saussure), 116; First
S C. Rifles (Col. Pettigrew), 55;
German Riflemen (,Capt. Small),
121; Marioji, S. C, Artillery ^Capt.
King). 427; Meagher Guards, S. C.,
113, 1 14; Palmeito Guard (Capt.
Cuthburt). 427, 429; Seventeenth S.
C. Infantry \Qo\. Cunningham).
121; Thirty-second S. C. Infantry
(Col. Alston), 125; Union Light In-
fantry (Capt. Ramsay). 122; Vigdant
Rfles, S. C. (Capt. Tucker), 123;
Washington Light Infantry (Capt.
Simonton), 19, 113, 114. 120.
Republican party, rise of, 20; victory
of, deemed temporary by Administra-
tion, 22, 33.
Reynolds, Jr., Lieut. G, N., joins State
service, 137.
Rhett, R. B., in Secession Conven-
tion, 46; on Committee on Address,
50; resolution of, to report Ordi-
nance, 53; moves that forts be
taken. 96.
Rhett, Jr., Col. R. B., plan of, for
taking Sumter, 89; urges Governor
to prevent its occupancy, 90.
Richardson, J. P., in Secession Con-
vention, 46.
Ripley, Col. Roswell S., succeeds De
Saussure at Moultrie, 119; in bom-
bardment of Sumter, 428, 439.
Roberts, Marshall O., owner of Star
of the West, 175.
Robertson, Judge J., commissioner from
Virginia to seceding States, 243: mis-
sion of, in South Carolina fruitless,
244-246.
Roman, A. B., Confederate Commis-
sioner to Washington, 314, instruc-
tions to, 315; interview of, with
Baron Stoeckl, 334.
Rowan, Commander, in Sumter relief
expedition, 417.
Ruffm^ ^ presents John Brown's
pike to South Caro'ina, 18.
Saussure, Gen. W. G. de, quoted, 4;
at Secession Convention. 46; ordered
to occupy Sullivan's Is and, 1 13;
seizes Moultrie, 116, 137; reply of,
to Anderson, 118; thinks Anderson's
removal " consummate wisdom," re-
lieved, 119; fires on R. B. Shannon,
375. 379' suggests messenger to
Sumter, 439.
Schnieile, Gen., to overhaul incoming
vessels, 138.
Schultze, Jackson S., proposals of, for
relief expedition, 175.
Scott, Gen. Winfield, assigns Ander-
son to Moultrie, 60; character of,
relations with I'resident, 162, 163;
"Views" of, for new confederacies,
163, 166; "Views" published un-
known to President, 166; President's
criticism on " Views," " Supplemen-
tary Views," 167; recommends warn-
ing forts, interview with Buchanan,
168; burned in effigy, 169; plans of,
for relieving Sumter, 169, 170; praises
Anderson's action, 170; advises using
Star of the West, 174; takes no
official notice of Black's letter, 240;
unjust strictures of, on President,
250, 251; opinion of, on Anderson's
estimate for relief, 346; estimate of,
for relief 347, 355; thinks surrender
of Sumter inevitable, 363; advises
evacuation of Fort Pickens, 363,
365; recommends brevet for Ander-
son, 370; action of, in relief of Fort
Pickens, 408.
Secession ot South Carolina advocated
by Governor, 9, 10, by Boyce, Pugh,
Bullock, Yancey, and others, 11, 14;
popular endorsement of, 12, 48; de-
cided by election of i860, 15; bill
for Convention for, passed by Legis-
lature, 16; views of Cabinet on. 22-
25; certainty of, 33, 34; postpone-
ment of Convention impossible, 35,
assembles. 45; resolution for seces-
sion passed, 48; Ordinance of Seces-
sion, 53.
Senators, Southern, request envoy to
withhold letter to President, reasons,
218, 219; correspondence sent to
President, 220; reply of, to President,
220, 221.
Seward, William H., Secretary of State
under Lincoln, 317; inclines to peace,
484
INDEX.
abilities, 317, 318; policy of, 319;
alters warning telegram to Confeder-
acy, 320; his construction of Lincoln's
inaugural, 321; remarksof, on recon-
struction, 322; urges delay on Con-
federate Commissioners, 323; rtfuses
to recognize the Commissioners, 324,
325, 327, 328, 342, 343; i)romises
evacuation of Sumter, 328, 330, de-
lay in, accidental, 331, vacillation of,
as to evacuation, 337; memorandum
of, to Commissioners, 341 ; will not
recognize Confederacy, 342, 343;
views of, on relief of Sumter, 348-
353; thinks policy should be con-
ciliation, 350-353; action of, in relief
of Fort Pickens, 407; in charge of
secret-service fund, 411; order of, to
hold Powhatan, 415, 420.
Seymour, Capt. Truman, attempts re-
moval of ammunition to Moultrie, 57,
58; arrested and released, 119, 136;
sketches by, of works in harbor, 279,
291 ; estimate by ,of force for relief,284.
355; improvises loaded barrels, 296;
report of, on R. B. Shannon affair,
379; in bombardment, 431, 438; sub-
sequent career of, 454.
Shannon, R. B., fired on in Charleston
harbor, 375-377-
Sickles, Daniel E., insists on parade of
22d February, 274.
Simons, Gen. James, letter of, on Gov-
ernment's pledge 40.
Simonton, Capt. C H., appointed to
patrol harbor, 88.
Slaves in South Carolina, stringent laws
for, 17.
Slemmer, Lieut. Adam J., commanding
Fort Pickens, 401; asks assistance,
415-
Slidell, Senator John, thinks demand
for Sumter unwise, 84; requests Pick-
ens's envoy to withhold letter for
President, 218, 219, 221 ; letter of, to
President on Beauregard, 276.
Snyder, Lieut. George W., assistant
engineer at Charleston, 65, 97; in re-
moval to Sumter, 103, 104; mission
of, to Pickens, 117, 118; estimate by,
of force for relief, 283; report of, on
R. B. Shannon affair, 379; in bom-
bardment, 432, 438, 439; subsequent
career of, 452.
South Carolina, United States Consti-
tution supreme in, i ; cedes to United
States Government Pinckney, Moul-
trie, Johnson, 2, Sumter, 4; Legis-
lature of, not consulted in erection of
Sumter, 4; special session of Legisla-
ture of, in i860, Governor and others
advise secession, 9, 10, 11; people of,
endorse secession, 12; resolution on
secession by politicians of, 14; con-
troversy of, with Federal Govern-
ment foreseen, 14 ; election of
i860 decisive of secession of,
15 ; Legislature of, passes bill
for Secession Convention, 16 ; se-
cession of, inevitable, 33-35, 46; force
not desired by, 35 ; people of, certain
to possess Federal property, 37;
Congressmen of, protest against rein-
forcements, 38; memorandum of, to
President, 38, 39, results of Presi-
dent's vacillation, 39, 40; Secession
Convention of, opened, 45; previous
Conventions of, 46; people of, unani-
mous for secession, 48, 50; peace-
able solution desired by, 51 ; i^roclaim-
ed independent, popular enthusiasm
thereat, 55; authorities of, demand
enrollment of Moultrie laborers, re-
fused, 67; popular demand in, for
seizure of forts, 90; military men of,
visit and inspect Moultrie, 95, 96;
people of, called on to seize forts, 96;
threats of, against forts, ico; mob
action unknown in, loi; erects bat-
teries in Charleston Harbor, 123,
127; officers of, obstruct channels in
harbor, 137; authorities of, renew
demand for Sumter, 191; activity of,
on forts, 207, 209; Legislature ot, re-
fuses N'irginia's mediation, 245; part
taken by, in Provisional Congress,
261, 262; people of, clamor to at-
tack Sumter, 269; authorities of, im-
patient at delay in evacuatim:, 336;
people of, anxious to take Sumter,
422.
Stanton, Edwin M., Attorney-General
under Buchanan, 149; deprecates
concessions to South Carolina Com-
missioners, 149; view of, of affairs, 160.
Star of the West, reported sailing of,
133; substituted iox Brooklyit, charge
for, plan, 175; force and material on,
sails, 175; arrives at Charleston. 183;
fired upon, 123, 183, 184; retires,
184; tiring on, an act of war, 205,
206; Pickens's view of attack on, 224.
State-rights endangered by delaying
secession, 1 1 ; doctrine of, undoubt-
ed, 14; endangered by election of
i860, 15; open assertion of, in South
Carolina, 18.
States, seceding, pass Ordinance of Se-
cession, 257: Commissioners of, in
Provisional Congress, 259.
INDEX.
485
Stevens, Major P. F. , ordered to Mor-
ris Island, 123.
Stoeckl, Baron, conversation of, with
Seward, 334; says European powers
will recognize Confederacy, 335.
Sullivan's Island, Charleston, battery
erected on, by State, 123; harbor
light on, put out, 133; new battery
on, 302; dangerous battery on, un-
masked, 382, 398.
Sumter. Fort, description of, 2, 4;
ceded to United States Government,
4; Maj. Porter thinks occupancy of,
unadvisable, 60; repair ot, begun,
appropriation for, 65; laborers for,
from Baltimore, progress of w. rk, 66;
value of, 71; arms asked for, 76, re-
ceived from arsenal, 77, returned,
78; Pickens demands possession of,
81,82, withdraws demand, 84, 86;
watched by guard-boats, 88, 90, 97;
plans for taking, 88, 90; inspected by
Pickens, 90, by Messrs. Winston and
others, 91; men at, wear blue cock-
ade, 94; progress of work on, 96;
occupied by Anderson, 91, 102-112;
workmen at, leave, 108, 131, 204;
supplies short at, 126, 129, 134, 136,
203, 374; means of defense at, 131,
134, 135, force, 132; mail service to,
prohibited, 134; material needed at,
135; various plans for relief of, 170;
relief expedition for, starts, 139, 176,
garrison receives unofficial notice,
185, opinions in officers' council at,
187. 188; surrender of, demanded,
192; progress of armament at, 198-
200; new mail facilities for, 200; sup-
plies sent to, from Charleston, 201,
returned, 202; supplies at, 211; men
of, rudely treated, 204; garrison at,
encouraged by Government, 206;
women and children of, sent North,
206, 207; plan adopted for reducing,
209; new expedition for, contem-
plated, 236; Judge Black's views on
rein.orcing, J37-239: false rumors as
to attack on, 247; further plans for
relieving, 248-251; affairs at, im-
proved, 291 ; private property of men
of, retained, 292; garrison despond-
ent, fuel scarce, 295; fort further
strengthened, 295-297, 299; mines
laid at, 297; report of intended evac-
uation of. 301, 308; communications
with, prohibited, 313; provisioning of,
conditional, 322; evacuation of, in-
sisted on by Confederacy, 324; Sew-
ard promises evacuation of 328, 330,
331 ; rumored relief for, 339. 340,
343; firing on, charged to Federal
Government, 344; Cabinet opinions
on relief of, 348-361; remforcement
of, ordered, 365 ; mission of Capt. Fox
to, 369-372; garrison of, packing up,
373; no one allowed to leave, 37s;
officers of, divided as to reply to bat-
teries, 376; garrison of, annoyed by
revenue cutter, 380, 381; provisions
to, stopped, relief promised, 382; new
protection at, 383. 385, 386; mails
of, seized, 383, 384; contradictory
telegrams on reinforcing, 393, 394;
force at (April, 1861), 397, 398;
short rations at, preparations for de-
fense, 398, 399; Totten on holding
of, 402; military authorities advise
no relief for, 402, 403; relief of, or-
dered by Lincoln, 494, expedition
sails and arrives, without a head,
416, unsuccessful, 416-420; surren-
der of, demanded, refused, 423, en-
thusiasm of garrison, 424; bombard-
ment begun, 418, 427; opposing
batteries, 427-429; opens fire, 429;
guns and officers engaged, 429, 430;
cartridges short, men withdrawn
from parapet, an accident, 431, 432;
effect of firing on, 431-433; firing on,
slackens, 432, renewed, 434; tiring
of, on Moultrie, quarters on fire,
powder ordered destroyed, 435, 437,
explosions of shells, magazine sealed
by a shot, flag-staff shot away, 437;
flag re-raised, 438; trip to, of Col.
Wigfall, 439, 440; flag lowered,
white one raised, 441; condition of,
after bombardment, 443-445; flag at,
saluted by Anderson, fatal accident,
446; State troops in possession of,
garrison leave, 447; present condi-
tion of, 457, 458.
Talbot, Lieut. Theodore, bears mes-
sage from Anderson to Washington,
190, 191, return, 204; estimate by,
of force for relief, 284; sent to Wash-
ington with despatches, 376, 377; on
mission from Cameron to Pickens,
394; not allowed to communicate
with Anderson, secret departure,
395; career of, after Sumter, 455.
Texas passes Ordinance of Secession,
257-
Thomas, Col. L., superintends relief
expedition, 175.
Thomas, Philip F.. Secretary of Treas-
ury under Buchanan, 37; advocates
concessions to South Carolina Com-
missioners. 149
Thompson, Jacob, ojiinion by, of seces-
sion, 23; opposes reinforcement of