p 'f aJ6 r F 685 .U6 Copy 1 P L 1 T 1 C A L LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 016 094 409 2 LETTER MR. WHITNEY, OF NEW YORK, HIS CONSTITUENTS. ^.V *'-..»..., j,.'0 WASHINGTON: PRINTED AT THE OFFICE OF THE "AMERICAN OR^SAN. 1856. ^^. LETTEE. Washington, July 17, 1856. To my Fellow- Citizens of the Fifth Congressional District of the State of Neiv York : The present session of the 34th Congress has thus far heen distinguished on account of the virulent sectional spirit which has pervaded its delibera- tions._ For the first time in the history of our country a political party, constituted upon "geographical discriminations," has acquired the ascend- ency in the House of Keprosentatives, and its effects are visible in the fe\'erish— I had almost said, the frantic— agitation which now shakes the public mind. Unscrupulous politicians, not the least of whom are of our own State, hopeless of aggrandizement through the ordinary channels of political strategy, have fanned up the flames of sectional hatred, and under the assumed garb of philanthropists, have made hypocritical appeals to Northern men and Northern women, with the sole object of building up a Northern party, upon the shoulders of which they hope to ride to the con- summation of their ambitious desires. To this end they have made appeals to you, in the name of humanity, on behalf of the oppressed slave ; — they have called on you to resist the aggressions of the "slave power" upon free territory ; — they have demanded the restoration of the Missouri com- promise, and urged you that, abandoning all other preferences, all your convictions of judgment and patriotism, and all your cherished views and measures of national policy, to fight their fight in Avhat they call " the ' cause of Freedom," and elect their candidates to office! How much of sincerity has sanctified their professions may be gleaned from the utter barrenness of all their public acts relating directly or indirectly to that subject. The repeal of the Missouri Compromise — an act perpetrated in viola- tion of every principle of public faith — while it outraged the public senti- ment, gave an impetus to the schemes of those designing men. An in- stantaneous demand Avas made for the restoration of that time-honored compact, or in default of that, it was demanded that Kansas and Nebraska should be admitted into the Union as free States. Nebraska being too remote to enter at present into the controversy, the advocates of free soil and the advocates of Southern institutions have turned their eyes instinct- ively towards Kansas, which has, in consequence, become the great battle ground of sectional discussion. I need not relate to you how the conflict has raged ; you are as familiar with that as I am ; but what have the de- clared "friends of Freedom" — the great champions of free soil, the men in Congress to whom you look for action ; — what have they done for Kan- sas ? They have done much to inflame your minds and to promote sec- tional discord, but nothing of practical utility. They have introduced a bill with the following title : A BILL lor the admission of the State of Kansas into the Union. And i have been diarged with "voting againat the freedom of Kansas," and with leaving her in the hands of " border ruffians," because I voted against that bill — a bill which I pronounce to be not only a mockery of the needs of the Territory, but a fraud, a wilful and designed fraud, upon the honest sentiment of the North. It was never designed as a means of introducing Kansas into the Union, and it Avere no less than an insult to the plain common sense of Senators and Representatives, to assert that any one of them ever supposed it could by any possibility become a law. The senttment of the Northern States demands that Kansas shall be ad- mitted us a free State. This bill could not effect that object, and it may, therefore, be justly denominated an act of false pretence. Had its pro- jectors been candid, they would have entitled it thus : ■> A bill to promote the election of John C. Fremont to the Presidency, bj' throwing dust ill the fves of the people of the Freo'^Btiites." As pM ill ted by those men, Kansas at this moment presents the aspect of a lone virgin, beautiful but liaggard, terrified and bleeding. Upon one of hev arms, which are raised imploringly for succor, is fixed a corrod- ing manacle, and her fair flesh is scarred with lacerated weals of the scourge : and yet, they who profess to be her especial guardians and friends, hearlloKsly insult her misery with cold and ostentatious mockery ! In order to understand this subject clearly, it is necessary to glance at liie liistorv uf tJiis extraordinary bill. The preamble to the bill reads as follo\\>: •• Wliciuii.s. 'I'hi^ people of Kiinsus liave presented a Constitution, and ahked for adniissioit into till- I'nion. wliich Constitution, on due examination, is found to be republican in its ibriii oT ^ovcM-nnient ; I5e it enncted, &c. ' 1'hus tin* Bill is inaugurated with a palpable misrepresentation. The people of Kansas did not present that constitution. It was presented by a jxirti/ which had arrayed itself in direct hostility to the legitimate government of the Territory ; — a government which Governor Reeder him- self had recognized and been a part of. It was a constitution adopted in a revolutionai-y spirit at Topeka, and so palpably irregular and illegal, that the Senate of the United States, to which it had been first presented, re- fused to give it the smallest consideration, and the honorable Senator by whom it was introduced obtained leave to withdraw it. The revolutionary character of the body of men who prepared this con- stitution, and the lawless spirit which actuated them, are best shown in tlicir own proceedings, among which are the following resolutions, passed Asith but one dissenting voice : " Hesolved, That wc owe no allegiance or oheclicncc to the tyrannical acts of thisspurinus [n-jiiilarly constituted Territorial] lejrislature ; that their laws have no validity or binding foio.' upon the jieoplc of Kansas : and that every free man amongst us is at full liberty, cou- s'strmtly with all his obligations as a citizen and a man, to defy and resist them, if h'' clinoses so t>> do. " Refolded, That we will endure and submit to these laws no lonjier than the best interests of the Territoiy rerjuiro, as the least of two evils, and will resist them to the bloody issuC, .11 boon a: wc nscert^in that peaceable i^emedies ?hall foil, and forcible resi^tnnce shall fur nisiiany rcusoiuible prospect of success: and that, in the mean time, we recommeiul to our friends throughout the Territory the organization and discipline of volunteer companies luid preparation of arms !" Again, in the memorial as originally adopted by the Topeka Legislature, occurs the following extraordinary passage : '•By the provisions of the organic act, a government was cstablisliod over the Territory,^ and officers were appointed by the President to administer said government. This form of government is unknown to the constitution, is extra-constitutional, and is only the creature of necessity awaiting the actiou of the people, and cannot remain in force contrary to the will of the people living under it. It may he regarded as a benevolent provision on the part of Congress thus to provide a government of their own ; but when it becomes oppressive, or when the people become sutliciently strong to establish a government of their own, in ac- cordance with the constitution of the United States, it is their right so to do, and thereby throw otTthat extended over them." In this paragraph we find the spirit of revolution so intensified :is to deny the authority of the United States over its own territory. It assert* a rifiht in those \vho are permitted to enter upon the public doniaiii, to trample upon and annul those regulations which, under the constitution, Cono-ress is empowered to make for the preservation and disposition of the Territory. As it is not claimed that any Territory or people can enter the Union as a State, without the consent of Congress, the position assumed in this extract is equivalent to a declaration that any body of men may at any time seize, and set up a distinct and separate government on, the territory belonging to the people of the United States. This paragraph was, how- ever, stricken from the memorial after it reached the city of Washington ; but as exhibiting the temper of those who have made their appeal to the country, it is proper that the people of the country should see it. And it is because I refuse to encourage this lawless spirit, that I am charged with being hostile to the freedom of Kansas ! Be assured, the real enemies of free Kansas are those who. by political agitation and for sinister purposes, have baptized her soil with the blood of their innocent dupes. But there is yet another and a very important feature in the inauguration of this extraordinary bill for the admission of Kansas into the Union. The memorial purporting to be from the Topeka Legislature, was brought to Washington without a signature attached to it, and after having been altered widi additions, erasures, and interpolations, the names of the (so-called) Legislature were wiitten thereon by parties in Washmgton. This is admitted in the statement made by Col. Lane to the Senate, through the honorable Senator from Iowa, {Mr. Harlan.) It is asserted in the resolutions which I have quoted, that the Territorial^ Legislature of Kansas was tyrannical. Granted. Some of the acts of that body, passed in a season of impulse and excitement, were despotic, anti-republican, and, as I believe, unconstitutional. But the way of sure redress was nearer and pleasanter than the bood-stained pathway ot revo- lution. It is a maxim in our system of r '.a ^'"'', g-^'"-"ent; without tlie proper sanction and suiToTndi'n. f'"' -^^i authority of law ; without any of the elements and smroundmgs of an independent State sovereignty or the ability to pro- vide^, a party of men in Ifansas have been ?riininally encouraged to brave the constituted iuitborities of the Territory and the nation, and with fraudulent credentials to demand the recognition of Congress. Here are my reasons for voting against the bill which was introduced into the House of Representatives upon the basis of that very constitution which the Senate had refused to consider. To have voted for it would, in the first place, have been to sanction an organized resistance against the constituted authorities, by a body of men who had made no appeal to the proper judicial tribunals from any supposed or real act of tyranny, and in the second place, to have voted for it would have been to aid in the perpetration of a designed fraud upon those who really desire to see Kan- sas enter the Union as a free State. The manner in w hich the application had already been disposed of in the Senate was an assurance that it could not pass that body or become a law, and the immediate surroundings of the subject afforded ample proof that it was designed only as an electioneering document by the (so-called) Republican party. Had the people of Kansas made an application to Congress asking admission into the Union as a free State ; — had that application appeared as the offspring of popular sentiment, instead of being clothed in the garb of defiance and revolution ; — had it come with even a fair semblance of legality, no vote would have been given more cheerfully in its favor than mine. I earnestly desire that Kansas shall enter the Union as a Free State ; I am no advocate of the institution of slavery, yet with all its characteristics, whatever they may be, I cannot lose sight of the fact that it is the right of the people of every State to entertain or to reject it at their pleasure. The Northern States have, from motives of interest, cast the institution from their borders, and it is not to be doubted that, if left to itself, fre« from the intermeddling dictation of those Avho have no immediate interest in it, it would speedily be banished from all the Middle States and some of the more Southern. The very attrition of the system of free labor, with its great moral and progressive power, is an incentive to emulation, and no Slave State can long withstand the disparaging contrast which is now presented in favor of free labor when the two systems are brought into neighborly contact. Through this cause alone, and by a natural and healthy process-, the dignity of labor would be vindicated, and slavery gradually but permanently abandoned. But this result can never be accomplished by forcible measures, without disturbing the equilibrium of the country, and jeopardizing at once the stability of the Federal compact, and the institutions of civil and religious freedom. To avert this danger, reliance must be had upon the patriotism and intelligence of the people in all the States — North, South, East, and West. They alone can shape the destiny of the American Republic. On them falls the responsibility of frowning down alike the sectional incen- diary and the misguided fanatic. On the people rests the duty of pre- serving those blessings so dearly won, and too often so lightly valued, or of enduring the fearful alternative, disunion, civil war, and national anni- hilation. Your obedient servant, THOS. R. WHITNEY. I R C U L A Ft. The undersigned, members of the National Executive Committek of the American iPABTV, have pleasure in announcinc; to the people, that satisfactory arrangements for the future maintenance of the AMERICAN ORGAN, as an authoritative exponent and advocate ■wf the principles of the American party, have been completed. Kecommencinj!; its hibors, under these new auspices, the undersi{i;ned cheerfully commend •the American Ouoan to the generous confidence of the American Party, in every section of .the (!onfcderacy, and they hope its columnn may command the widest circulation. HUMPHREY MARSHALL, of Ky. SOLOMON G. HAVEN, of N. Y. J. MORRLSON HARRIS, of Md. JACOB BROOM, of Pcnn. \Vt*)UNcrioN CiKT, D. C, May 15. IR.Jfi. 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J8^^ All communications should be directed to the American Organ, Washington City, D. C. VESPASIAN ELLIS, Proprietor . aj0 016 094 409 2