Qass. Book I A \^ v 10 ^^£S iTIS VIT^E EXCELLENTIUM IMPERATORUM y CUM Versione Anglicana, in qua Verbum de Verbo, quantum fieri potuit, redditui-: JVotis quogue Angiitis, t5* Jndice locupletisdmo OR, 5| «• Q> « CORNELIUS NEPOS'S >^ LIVES tfJ^Y 0FTHE EXCELLENT COMMANDERS, WITH An English translation, as literal as possible : wit! English notes, and a large Index, BY JOHN CLARKE, Late Master of the Public Grammar-school in HufL PHILADELPHIA: PRINTED FOR BENNETT AND WALTON, B. B. HOPKINS AND CO. T. AND W. BRADFORD, JOHNSON AND WARNER, M. CAREY, E EARLE, C. AND A. CON- RAD AND CO. BRADFORD AND INSKEEP, KIMBER AND CONRAD, STEPHEN PIKE, AND B. C. BUZBY, BOOK- SELLERS. 1810. . mr* d mrrvr. PUTVTV.3?. NO. 10« NORTH ALLEY.—-* <^ >\*>* 3y Xxaosfia ?AH2$ iw^ .A ^ V PREFACE. WHOEVER duly considers the vulgar management of youth in our grammar-schools, will, perhaps, see cause to wonder, that amidst the nobie endeavours for the advancement of learning, a right method of educa- tion has been, in a manner, wholly overlooked. Whilst the great men in the Commonwealth of Letters have been busily and successfully employed in improving and carrying on the several arts and sciences, they have neglected, what was equally necessary, the care of youth : Had this been as duly attended to as the import- ance of the matter required, their labours would have been of vastly more use to mankind. Grammars and notes upon authors we have in abundance, indeed^ and more by far than are good for any thing ; yet these, where they are useful, are only so to such as have made a considerable progress in the Latin tongue. But begin- ners are left wholly without any proper helps ; nay, so far from being provided with them, that the world has hitherto been insensible of the necessity of them. Our great men have thought things of this kind below their notice : There was more fame and credit to be got by writing for men than children, and therefore the latter have been strangely neglected. As the course of life I have been engaged in has ©bliged me to turn my thoughts this way, I have some- time ago published my notions as to this matter in a little treatise, entitled, an Essay upon the Education of Youth in Grammar-schools^ wherein the usefulness and necessity of literal translations of the easier authors of the Latin tongue, for the use of beginners, is pretty fully treated of. A small share of sense and consideration IV PREFACE. might in my opinion, be sufficient to convince any one of that usefulness and necessity ; but if the reader wants satisfaction, I must refer him to that treatise, for I care not to give myself the trouble of repeating over again what I have there said. The case is so very plain, and the practice of our schools so very absurd, that what- ever men may think now, I am of opinion, posterity, when the world is grown wiser with respect to the bu- siness of education (if we may suppose any memory of the present method may be conveyed to future genera- tions) will be a little surprized at the weakness of their forefathers. And if foreigners have in this case no bet- ter management amongst them than we have, the want of care and thought in a matter of such vast importance, as the education of youth undoubtedly is, is a reproach to the age we live in, and will, ere long, be thought so, whatever some inconsiderate people may now judge of the matter. The following translation of Cornelius JSTepos is al- most every where literal, and therefore the reader is not to expect the language of it should be very smooth or polite. All, that know any thing of the Latin tongue* know how widely the diction or manner of expression in that language, differs from that of our own ; and how hard it is, in a translation from the Latin, to keep any thing close to the letter of the original, without being barbarous or unintelligible. My English is, I hope, nei- ther unintelligible, nor absolutely barbarous ; but if it appears, here and there, somewhat awkward, stiff, or unfashionable, it was impossible it should be otherwise, without taking a freedom utterly inconsistent with the design. This performance is, in the first place, and princi- pally, intended for such boys as are not able to read the author at all without help ; and for such, if I have been so happy as to acquit myself, but tolerably well in it, I am sure it will be very helpful, and save abundance of time that must otherwise be thrown away, in toss- ing over the leaves of a dictionary, to little or no pur- notes are because otr benefit they were chiefly intended. I have oftenti wondered- at the fancy or ;; the easier Class with a vast number of Latin notts, could read the author at all, would but seldom help, and those, that could not, would be able to read the notes no more than the text. Though this be as plain as any thing can be, yet the jest of writing Latin notes for beginners has been carried so far, that a learned Irishman has muffled up poor Erasmus in his Colloquies with a large cumbersome dress of this kind. The same gentleman will, perhaps, do as much in time for JEsop. and Cordery ; nay, he seems to lie under some obligation to it, if he will go thorough stitch with his work, and render his method of education com- plete. 2. This book is designed likewise for the use of such, as, having got a pretty good insight into the Latin tongue at school, but through disuse have forgot it, are desirous to recover it again ; which may be done with a great deal of ease, by the help of this, and some other Classic authors, to be published in the same manner. One hour or two employed this way every day for a year together, will bring such to read prose with ease and pleasure, after which the poets will not be difficult for them to understand by the help of such notes as they are published with. So that I am not wholly with- out hopes, I have done a piece of acceptable service to such gentlemen, as are desirous to regain the skill they had acquired in the Latin tongue at school, but have since lost it. Few grown people will ever have the pa- tience to hammer out such a language as the Latin, by the help of a dictionary. That would require more time than any one in ten thousand either can or will spare : But in this way of proceeding, the regaining the Latin tongue will be but a new kind of diversion the world has been hitherto unacquainted with. The time, they need to employ that way, is less than those, who are A 2 VI PREFACE. the most taken up with business, usually spend upon their pleasures. If such therefore shall think fit to en- encourage this way of publishing the Classics, I shall, if God give me life and health, take care to supply them with such as are most proper for their purpose, with all convenient speed. 3. The book is not only designed for the lower forms in a school, to bring them readily and easily to the read- ing of the Latin prose authors, but likewise for the higher forms, and such as can read them pretty well, without any such help, as well to bring them to a more complete and perfect acquaintance with them in the most expeditious manner, as likewise to an imitation of their style, by rendering the translation into the origi- nal Latin of the author. And indeed, I do not think there is any other way to bring boys at school to any thing of a tolerable Latin style, but this. Constant con- versation, with a little help from grammar, is, in my judgment, the best and most easy method of attaining to a ready and proper use of any foreign language. For very little can be done in the way of conversation at school. For to confine the boys to the talking of Latin amongst themselves, before they know any thing almost of the language, is ridiculous, and the most effectual means, that could possibly be thought of, to prevent their ever speaking or writing it, with any tolerable exactness and propriety. The speaking of a language any one has learned to speak pretty well, is the way to lae sure to retain it, as likewise to use it with greater $uency and freedom ; but that is not what we are here enquiring after, but a method of attaining a tolerable propriety in the writing and speaking of Latin. This I never yet knew done, so much as in one single instance, in any school, that has come within the reach of my knowledge, or indeed any thing like it. Nay, I have talked with very ingenious men, and good judges, be- cause persons of considerable experience in that way, who looked upon the bringing up of boys at school to a true Latin style, wholly impracticable. Though I wiH PREFACE. VU not say so, yet it is certainly a matter of very great dif- ficulty, and I question very much, whether any method that can be taken with them, will be found generally successful, or in any reasonable time, besides this I here recommend. All the grammar, indeed, necessary, for the purpose, may easily be taught them ; but when that is done, the main of the difficulty is still behind, as every one is sensible, that knows any thing of the Latin tongue. A ready use of proper terms, or of proper phrases or forms of expression upon all occasions, seems hardly attainable in any reasonable time, or the longest term of the continuance of boys at grammar schools, but in the method I propose. Literal transla- tions they are to begin v/ith, and after they have gone through four or five authors, in the method of rendering translations into the very original Latin of authors, they are to be advanced to translations of greater freedom, wherein the propriety, elegance, and beauty of the Eng- lish tongue, is kept to with the strictest regard. This method of proceeding is next to conversation, and has, in one respect, the advantage of it ; because they will be thus supplied with better Latin for their English, as oft as they want it, than any, even the greatest masters of the Latin tongue, could pretend to furnish them with in the way of conversation. And though I may, I be- lieve, without vanity, pretend to understand the Latin tongue, as well as a great many of my profession, yet I am not ashamed to own, that I expect to receive a grest deal of benefit myself, from this way of using the books I propose to publish according to the present model. It is certainly the most ready, expeditious method that can be taken at school, to furnish the mind with a plen- ty of words, and a variety of phrases and expressions tor the same sense. And that without any danger of er- ror, which the use of dictionaries and phrase books would be attended with : For none indeed can receive any great benefit from them, for the writing of Latin, but such as are good judges in the language, and are well acquainted with the idiom thereof already. I D such foreigners, as .and Hid to learn th L'sh tongue. I would not have the reader mistake my recommend- ing the use of literal translations of the Classic authors for the several purposes above mentioned as a com- mendation of my present performance. It was neVei intended by me in the least. It may be very true, that the Classics, literally translated by a skilful hand, may- be highly useful upon all those accounts ; and yet as true that I am not equal to such an undertaking. \Vhether I am or not must be left to the judgment of the learned, by whose verdict I am content the matter should be determined. But I am somewhat suspicious the un- learned will be the most forward to censure. And per- haps a pert undergraduate will be able to find more faults in a single line, than his tutor in them all put to- gether. But I am very little concerned about the cen- sure of such sort of worthies. The esteem of men of true learning, virtue, and candour, I shall ever value above every thing, but those noble qualifications them- selves ; for the sneers and reflections of such as may be itute of them, I despise them just as much as I value the former. I must desire my reader to take notice, that such words as I have found necessary or convenient to insert in the translation, either to render the sense more clear, or the English more smooth, and have none to am them in the original, are in a different character. If any one, otherwise satisfied with my performance, but prejudiced against this way of proceeding with boys (for there are unaccountable people in the world) but please to make trial of it for one half year, in which time, at the worst it can do no great harm ; if such a one does not find his account in it very much to his own satisfaction, he has my consent to think and speak of me as hardly as he pleases, and the nature of the thing justify : Let me pass with him for a fool, who have given myself a great deal of pains to no purpose ; I nei« n aor desire any quam should : und to go effectually and successfully through the : oak! possibly read compass) I hope 1 may then be thought to c; :":>r what I have I have prefixed to the lives. Gtrcri &'* account : 3 not design it for the re~ - m may not be able ! to, wit ike kiriC 1 wkh SERIES EXCELLENTIUM- VIRORUM, I. MlLTIADES. II. Themistocles. III. Aristides. IV. Pausanias. V. ClMON. VI. Lysander. VII. Alcibiades. VIII. Thrasybulus. IX. CONON. X. Dion. XI. Iphicrates. XII. Chabrias. XIII. Timotheus. XIV. Datames. XV. Epaminondas. XVI. Pelopidas. XVII. Agesilaus. XVIII. EUMENES. XIX. Phocion. XX. TlMOLEON. XXI. Reges. XXII. Hamilcar. XXIII. Hannibal. ROMANORUM. XXIV. M. Portius Cato. XXV. x. Pom. Atticus. Ger. Joannes Vossius^ de Cornelia Nepote. Gerard Vossius's Life of Cor- nelius Nefios. CORNELIUS Nepos & ante Csesaris dictatu- ram, & eo dictatore, & postea, vixit. Hierony- mus in Chronico Euse- biano refert ilium ad an- num Augusti quartum. Nee cuiquam repugn em colligenti inde, turn de- mum divuigare ea coe- pisse opera, quibus max- ime inclaruit. Padi erat accola, teste Plinio, lib. iii cap. xviii. Uncle Catullo epigrammate primo,Ita- lus ; Ausonio autem, e- pist. xxiv. Gallus vo- catur : nempe quia Ita- lia rranspadana dicere- tur Gailia Togata. De urbe aut patria quicquam se habere comperu, ne- gat EliasVinetus$in Ali- son. Idyll, vii. At Vero- CORNELIUS Nepos lived before and under the dictator- ship of Cesar, and after it too. Jerom in Eusebius's Chroni- cle places him under the fourth year of Augustus's reign. Nor shall I much dis- pute with any one, that may from thence pretend to inier, that he began at that time to publish the works, he was af- terwards so very famous for. He lived nigh the Po, as ap- pears from Pliny, B. 3 eh. 18. For which reason he is called by Catullus, in his first epigram, an Italian ; and by Ausonius in his 24th epistle, a Gaul, because that part of Italy beyond the Po was call- ed Gallia Togata. Ellas Vi- netus, upon the 7th Idyllium of Ausonius, tells us, he was never able to make any dis- B 14 DE CORNELIO NEPOTE, nensern fuisse, in Lean- dri Albert! Italia lego : uti Sc in Cosmographia optimi atque amicissimi quondam viri, Pauli Me- raise. Imo ex Veronensi- nm historicorum syllabo (quern doctissimus am- plissimusque Alexander Becellus, Veronensis Urbis Cancellarius, fecit, ac iliustrissimus Comes, Fern and us No gar ol a, vir, ut gen ere, ita litera- rum studio, nobilissi- mus ? cum v. cl. Lauren- tio Pigriorio* atque is mecum conimunicavit) inteliigo, natum fuisse Nepotem in Hostilia ; qui Veronensium vicus est, Tacito, Plinio, Cas- siodoro, & Antonino in Itineravio memoratus, hodieque Ecclesiastics Veronensi urn jurisdic- tioni subditus. Histori- cus hie Ciceronis ami- cus familiaris a Gellio vocatnr, lib. xv. cap. xxviii. Chronica scrip- sisse testis 8c idem Gel- lius, Hb. xxvi cap. xxi. In his pro triplici tem- pore, «So?Xft;> {AvSixco xui uopiKus, (de quibus ex Varrone, & aliis, libro de arte historica diximus) tres videtur scripsisse covery of the place of his na- tivity. But I find in Leander Albertus's account of Italy, that he was a native of Vero- na, as likewise in the cosmo- graphy of that very worthy gentleman, and formerly my very good friend, Paul Me- rula- Nay, I further per- ceive, from a collection of the historians of Verona, (which that very learned and honour- able person Alexander Becel- lus of Verona, made, and the most illustrious count Per- il and Nogarola, a gentleman as considerable for his learn- ing as quality, communicated to the famous Laurentius Pignorius, from whom I had the favour of a sight of it ; I perceive, (I say) that Nepos was born in Hostilia, which is a village in the territory of Verona, mentioned by Taci- tus, Pliny, Cassiodorus, and Antonius in his Itinerary, and is at this day subject to the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of Verona. Our historian is called by Gellius, B. 15, ch. 28, an intimate friend of Ci- cero, and that he wrote a Chronicle, we have the testi- mony of the same Gellius, B. 26. chap. 21. And agreeably to that triple division of time into uncertain, fabulous, and historical, (of which I have DE CORNELIO NEPOT » 3 libros, ac singulis, unius temporis narrationem esse complexus. San£ tres libros fecisse Nepo- tem, quibus orane sevuni comprehenderit, liquidd testatur Catullus ini- tio Hendecasyllaborum. Nee historicum tempus ab eo solum esse tracta- tum, judicio est illud Au- sonii : Afio logos Titiani, \St Nefiotis Chronica, quasi alio safio logos ( nam & if is a instar fabularum sunt.) ad nobilitatem tu- am misi. Item ex eo, quod Tertullianus in Apologetico adversus gentes (ubi eum inter antiquitatum commen- tatores disertim reponit) dicit, haud aliud Satur- num, quam . hominem, promulgasse. Quod eti- am Lactantius trad it, lib. i. cap. xiii. Reliquit proeterea libros illustri- um virorum, quorum Gellius meminit, lib xi. cap. viii. h. Servius in I J&n. Eorum lib rum i. xv. & xvi. citat Charisius. Ex his habemus viginti duos exterarum gentium imperatores. Cceteris li- bris egisse de Romanis hsec ejus verba ostendunt in extrema Hannibalis given an account out of Varro and others, in my treatise of the art of writing history) he seems to have divided it into three books, and, in each of these, to have comprised a narrative of each respective time. For, that Nepos wrote three books, in which he comprehended the whole se- ries .of time, Catullus, in the beginning of his Hendecasyl- laba, declares in express terms ; and that the histori- cal time was not the sole sub- ject of his Chronicle appears pretty plainly, from this pas- sage in Ausonius: / have sent to your highness the Apo- logues of Titian, and JVe/ws's Chronicle, as containing ano- ther set of Apologues (for they are indeed no better than fables) as likewise from what Tertullian in his Apolcgy against the Gentiles (when he expressly reckons him amongst the writers of anti- quities) says, that he made Saturn to be no more than a man. Which account Lac- tantius likewise gives of him, B. 1. ch. 13. He left besides the lives of several illustri- ous men, whichGellms makes mention of, B. 1 1. ch. 8. and Servius on the first iEneicL Charisius quotes the 1 st, 1 5th, and 16th book; of these we 16 DE CORNELXO NEPOTE, .vita-: Sed nos tempus est hujus libri facer e finem, & Ro manor um explicare imperat or es ; qudfacilius, collatis utrorumque fac- tis, qui viri praferendi sint possit judicari. Ope- ns ejus genuina inscrip- tio patet ex ultimis hisce prcefafionis verbis; Qua- re ad propositum venie- rnus, tlf in hue exponemus libro Vitas Excellentium Imperat or um. Prater Imperatores seorsimex- arasse librum de Regi- bus, argumento hie erunt, quae Timoleontis vitas sulxlit : Hi fere fu- ere Grzcia geniis duces, qui memorid ddgni vide- aiitur, prater reges ; naraque eos attingere no- iuimus, quod omnium res gesta separatim sunt relate : JVegue iamen hi admodum sunt raulii. Externi imperatores, quos hahemus, iEmiiii esse Probi a multis cre- duntur. Qui error incie provenit, quod librario id merit nomen, qui vi- tas eas partim sua par- ti m patris et matris ma- im scriptas, Theodosio obtulit. Hoc ita esse, ostendunt versiculi qui vitis istis przemitti in have 22 commanders of fo- reign nations. And that in his other books he treated of the Romans, these words of his in the latter end of Han- nibal's life sufficiently shew : But it is now time for us to put an end to this book, and give you the lives of the Ro- man commanders, that, by comparing the actions of both, the readers may judge which ought to have the preference. The proper title to this work appears plainly" from these words in his preface. Where- fore we shall now proceed to the execution of our design, and in this book give an ac- count of the lives of the excel- lent commanders. That he wrote the lives of several kings, besides these comman- ders, is plain from the words following the life of Timole- on : These were in a manner all the Greek commanders worth our notice, besides kings; for we had no design of med- dling with them, having alrea- dy written their lives by themselves : And they are not indeed many in number . The foreign commanders.we have, are thought by many to be the work of jEmilius Probus* The occasion of which mis- take was, that the librarian was so called, who presented DE CORNELIO NEPOTE, 17 MSS. solent. Ac nee jEmilium-5 nee Theodo- siani sevi quenquam, eo- rum esse Jibrorum auc- torem, abunde arguit pu- ra & Roman a dictio. Opinetur aliquis, ut Tro- gus ab Justino, itaab Mr milio, qui sub Theodo- sio vixit, in compendium esse redactumNepotem: Sed aliud suadet operis concinnitas, 8c ilia prae- fandi ratio, qu» est in Epaminondse vita, ac in Pelopidse imprimis, ubi brevitatem justam polli- cetur. Attamen senten- tia hcec, licet erronea, minus periculi habeat, dummodo extra contra- versiam maneat, ^mi- lium omnia de purissi- mis Nepotis fontibus hausisse. Sane Tulliani esse sevi scriptorem 5 neq; alium quam Nepotem ; turn veterum aliquot li- brorum indicio cognos- citur ; turn etiam, quod ad Pomponium Atticum (cujus idem rogatu de vita Catonis librnm fe- cit) vitas istse scribantur: utcunque id in quarto miscellaneorum suorum neget Hieronymus Ma- gius ; qui ipsa Nepotis prsefatione satis refeili- the emperor Theodosius with these lives, written in part by himself, and part by his father and mother : That this is so, is evident from the verses, which in the manuscript co- pies are usually prefixed to these lives. But the purity of the diction, which is truly Roman, sufficiently proves, that neither iE mil ins, nor any one else in the days of Theodosius, was the au- thor of these books. Some perhaps may think that as Trogus was abridged by Jus- tin, so was Nepos too by this jEmilius, who lived in the time of Theodosius: But the neatness of the work, and what he says in entering up™ on the life of Epaminondas, and that of Pelopidas especi- ally, where he promises to be concise, will not allow us to think so. But however, this opinion, though errone- ous, is of no dangerous con- sequence, so long as it is be- yond all dispute, that iEmili- us took every thing from Ne- pos. And indeed, that the writer was contemporary with Tully, and no other than Nepos, appears sufficiently, as well from the testimony of some old authors, as the de- dication of the work to Pom- ponius Atticus, at whose re- B2 18 DE CORNELIO NEPO*TE. tur. Accedit 8c altera ra- tio. Nam his in libris ea legere est, quae opus hoc scriptum esse clamant, quo tempore Pompeius «k Csesar plus poterant, qu&m libera in Rep. ex- pediret. Ea Lambinus loca concessit, ut nihil attineat ilia hie repone- re. Nee libris istis de viris illustribus solum persecutus est excellen- tes imperatores: sed eti- am commentationibus claros. Quod argumen- tum signat Hieronymus, praefatione de scriptori- bus Ecclesiasticis ubi Nepotem inter eos re- iert, quorum exemplo acturus sit de iis, qui scribendo claruerunt. E- git autem Nepos, turn de Graacis auctoribus ; turn de Latinis. De Grsecis, colligo inde, quod in Di- on is vita dicat, librum se fecisse de illustribus his- toricis ; in quo inter alia tractarit de Philisto his- toric©. De Latinis, argu- TOenta sunt plurima. Nam de Terentio egisse, ex Suetonio scimus in Terentii vita, Donato perperam tributa. Ad c prim um de vita Ci- ceronis librum GeJfhis quest the same person wrote the life of Cato, notwithstand- ing Hieronymus Magius de- nies it in the 4th book of his miscellanies, who is suffici- ently confuted by the preface of Nepos. We have likewise another proof of it : for se- veral passages in the book most plainly evince, that it was written at the time when the power of Pompey and Cesar was grown to a height dangerous to the public liber- ty. Lambinus has collected the passages to that purpose, and therefore I need not pro- duce them here. Nor in his lives of illustrious men did he confine himself to such alone as excelled in the mili- tary way; but likewise took in those that had rendered themselves famous by their writings, as appears from Je- rom's preface to his account of the Ecclesiastical writers? where he reckons Nepos a- niong the precedents he should follow in his account of such as had been famous for writing. Nepos treated as well of the Greek as the La- tin authors. As to the Greek, I go upon what he says in the life of Dion, where he tells- us he had written, a book of the most considera- ble historians, in which, a- DE CORNELIO NEPOTE U citat. lib. xv. cap. xxviii. Eoque ex opere frag- mentum Hiercnymus adfert epist. ad Pamraa- chium. Imo verisimile est, inde esse, turn vi- tam T. Pomponii Atti- ci, qus exstat, turn vi- tam Catonis, quam istis claudit verbis : Hujus de vita that Dares Phrygius was translated by Nepos. The vulgar title, it seems, deceived him. Yet here again Vinetus is at a loss, and pretends to say, that whether that translation was Nepos's or not, cannot with any degree of certainty be determined. But all that 22 DE CORNELIO NEPOTE. fortasse impulit Gene- brardum,ut putaret eum nato jam Christo super- stitem fuisse ; qui Sc Ja- cobum Gualterium cum primum tabulas ederet Chronographicas, in e- am sententiam pertrax- it. Sed Nepotem eo us- que s&tatem prorogasse, nemo temere dixerit, qui tanti eum in Uteris no- minis, jam Tullii, Atti- ci, Catulii temporibus, fuisse cogitarit. have any thing of taste in this kind of literature, see plainly, that Dares is a spurious piece, and that the style is no- thing like that of the age of Augustus ; but is much later. But Pliny informs us, B. 9 V ch. 39. that Nepos died in Augustus's reign And it was this perhaps made Genebrard think that Nepos was living at the birth of Christ, who likewise drew over James Gualterius, when he first pub- lished his chronological ta- bles, to his opinion. But scarcely any one sure will pretend to say, that Nepos lived till that time, who con- siders, that he was a person who made a considerable fi- gure for learning in the days of Tully, Atticus, and Catul- lus, f 23 ) Cornelii Jjifefiotis Excel- ten t ium Imficra tor nm Fit a, ad T. PomponU um Atticum. Cornelius Nefios's Lives of the Excellent Commanders^ to T, Pomponius Atticus. AUCTORIS PR.EFA- TIO. NON dubito fore ple- rosque, Attice, qui hoc genus scripturse leve 8c non satis dignum sum- morum virorum person- is judicent ; quum rela- tum iegent, quis musi- cam docuerit Epami- nondam; aut in ejus vir- tutibus commemorari, saltasse eum commode, scienterque tibiis can- tasse. Sed hi erunt fere, qui expertes literarum Gr»carum,nihil rectum, nisi quod ipsorum mori- bus conveniat, putabunt. Hi si didicerint, non ea- dem omnibus honesta atq ; turpia, sed omnia majorum institutis judi- cari; non admirabuntur, nos in Graiorum virtuti- bus exponendis mores e- orum secutos. Neque enim Cimoni fuit turpe, Atheniensium sum mo viro sororem germanam habere in, matrimonio ; quippe quum cives ejus THE AUTHOR'S PRE- FACE. 1 DOUBT not there will be a great many, Atticus, who will judge this way of writing too light, and net suf- ficiently adapted to the cha- racters of these great persons, when they find it related, who taught Epaminondas music, or reckoned among his fine qualities that he danced handsomely, and played well upon the flute. But these will be generally such, as being unacquainted with the Greek language, will think nothing right but what is agreeable to their own fashions. If these people understood once^ that the same things are not hon- ourable and scandalous witli all people ; but that all things are judged of by the usages of our forefathers ; they will not wonder that we, in re- lating the noble qualifi- cations of the Greeks, bave followed their fashions. For it was not scandalous in Ci- mon, a very great man a- mongst the Athenians, to 24 CORNELII NEPOTIS PRJEFATIO, eodem uterentur institu- te» : at id quiclem nos- tris moribus nefas habe- tur. Laudi in Grsecia ducitur aclolescentulis quam plurimos habere amatores. Nulla Lace- dsemoni tam est nobiiis vidua, qux non ad sce- nam eat me reed e con- ducta. Magnis in laudi- bus tota fuit Grseqia, vic- torem Olympic citari. In scenam vero prodire, & populo esse spectacu- lo, nemini in eisdem gentibus fuit turpitudini. Quse omnia apud nos partim infamia, partim humilia atq ; ab hones- tat e rem ota ponuntur. Contra ea, pleraque nos- tris moribus sunt deco- ra, quss apud illos tur- pia putantur. Quern e- nim Romanorum padet uxorem ducere in con- vivium? aut cujus muter- familias non primum lo- have his(a) own sister in mar- riage, because his country- men used the same custom : But that is accounted unlaw- ful, according to our usage. It is reckoned a mighty com- mendation in Greece for young men to have a great many lovers. There is no wi- dow so noble at Laceds&m.on, that will not go upon the stage, if hired with a valua- ble consideration. It was rec- koned amongst the greatest glories to be proclaimed a conqueror at (^)Olympia; but to appear upon the stage, and to be a spectacle to the peo- ple was a scandal to nobody in the same nations. All which things are reckoned with us partly infamous, part- ly mean, and far from honour- able. On the other hand, a great many things in our customs are decent, which are thought scandalous a- mongst them. For which of the Romans is ashamed to (tf)That is, by the same father, but not the same mother, as ap- pears from our author himself, in the Life of Cimon. (£) Olympia is a town of Elis, in the West parts of Peloponne- sus, famous for the games celebrated there every four years, by a great concourse of people from all parts of Greece, and other places; and the persons victorious therein were received, upon their return into their own country with the greatest honours. These games were instituted in the year before Christ 776. CORNELII NEPOTIS PR^FATIO. 85 cum tenet sedium, at que in celebritate versatur ? Quod multo fit aliter in Graecia ; nam neque in conviviumadhibetur nisi propinquorum; neq ? se- det nisi interiore parte aedium, que yvvxixuvln: appellatur : quo nemo accedit, nis propinqua cognatione conjunctus. Sed plura persequi turn magnitudo voluminis prohibet, turn festinatio, ut ea explicem quae ex- orsus sum. Quare ad propositum veneimus Sc in hoc exponemus libro vitas excellentium impe- ratorum. bring his wife to a feast ? Or whose wife has not the first room in the house, and con» verses with company? Which is quite otherwise in Greece; for she is neither admitted to a feast, unless of relations ; nor sits but in the inner part of the house, which is called the woman's apartment, whi- ther nobody comes, unless allied to her by near relation. But both the smallness of the intended volume, and also the haste 1" am in to relate the things I have undertaken, permit me not to say more to this point. Wherefore, we shall come to our purpose, and relate in this book the lives of the excellent com- manders. 26 ) T. I MILTIADES, Cimcnis jiliiis, Athenien • sis. MILTIADES, The son of Cimon, the Athe- nian. CAP. I. MILTIADES, Ci- monis filius Atheniensis, quum.Sc antiquitate ge- neris, & gloria majorum, St sua modesti a, utius. omnium maxime flore- ret ; eaque esset aetate, tit Ron jam solum de eo bene sperare, sed etiam t.onfidere cives possent sui, talem futuvum qua- lem cognitum judica- Tunt; accidit ut Atheni- enses Chersonesum co- lonos vellent mittere. Cuius generis quum magnus numerus esset, k multi ejus demigra- tionis peterent societa- tem : ex his delecti Delphos (a)deliberatum CHAP. I. When Miltiades the son of Cimon the Athenian, made of all others the greatest fi- gure, both for the antiquity of his family, and the glory of his ancestors, and his own modesty; and was of that age, that his countrymen might now not only hope well of him, but even assure them- selves, he would be such a one as they judged him upon trial; it happened that the Athenians had a mind to send a colony to the (.^Cher- sonese. Of which kind of peo- ple, as there was a great num- ber, and many desired a share in this expiclition, some chos- en from amongst them, were sent to consult the Oracle (a) The word dellberatum being taken here in an uncommon sense, those that follow, viz. qui consulerent Apsllinem, seem to have been put in the margin by somebody to explain the meaning of dellbera» turn, and thence, through the heedlessness of some copiers of books f to have crept into the text; for without this supposition, it will be hard, I doubt, to excuse our author from being guilty of an insipid tautology. {b) Chersonese is a word originally Greek, signifying the same with Peninsula in Latin ; that is, a place almost surrounded with wa- ter. The Chersonese here meant was a part of Thrace, lying along the Hellespont, MILTIADES. 27 missi sunt, qui consule- rent Apollinem, quo po- tissimum duce uteren- tur. Nam turn Thraces eas regiones tenebant, cum quibus armis erat dimicandum. His con- sulentibus nominatim Pythia praccepit, ut Mil- tiadem sibi imperatorem sumerent: Id si fccis- sent, incepta prospera futura. Hoc oraculi res- ponso, Miltiades, cum delecta manu, classe Chersonesum profectus, cum accessisset Lem- num, 8c incolas ejus in- sula sub potestatem re- digere vellet Athenien- sium, idque ut Lemnii sua sponte facerent, pos- tulasset ; illi irridentes responderunt, Turn id se facturos, quum ille, domo navibus prcficis- cens, vento Aquilone venisset Lemnum : hie enim vgtfus a septentri- onibus oriens- adversum what leader they should above others make use of.(tf) For the Thracians, at that time, had possession of those parts, with whom they were to fight far it with arms. The Py- thoness did expressly order those that consulted her, to take Miltiades to them as their commander : If they did that, their undertakings would be successful. Upon this answer of the Oracle, Miltiades, with a choice body of men, going for the Cher- sonese with a fleet, after he was come up to Lemnus(£), and desirous to reduce the inhabitants of that island un- der the power of the Athe- nians, had demanded that the Lemnums would do that of their own accord ; they ban- tering him replied, That they would then do it, when he, coming by ship from home, should arrive at Lemnus with the wind called Aquilo. For this wind arising from the North is full against those (a) The Oracles, of which such frequent mention is made in the writings of the ancients, were answers given in the temples of their gods, to queries about future events, by the priest, or sometimes by a priestess, as here, and commonly in verse. The Greeks scarcely ever undertook any business of importance, without consultiug their Oracle at Delphos, which was famous even in foreign countries. Del- phos was a town in Achaia, not far from the Corinthian Bay. is an island in the north parts of the iEgean Sea. 28 CORNELII NEPOTIS. tenet Athenis proficis- centibus. Miltiades, mo- randi tern pus dor ha- bens, cursum direxit quo tendebat, pervenit- que Chersonesum. Cap. II. Ibi brevi tempore, Barbarorum copiis disjectis, tola re- gione quam petierat, po- titus, loca castellis ido- nea communivit : multi- tudinern, quam secum duxerat, in agris collo- cavit, crebisque excur- sionibus locupletavit. Nequc minus in ea re prudentia quam felicita- te, adjutus est : nam quum virtute militum devicissei hostium exer- dtus, summa aequitate res constituit ; atque ip- se ibidem man ere de- crevit. Erat enim inter eos dignitate regia : quam vis carebat nomi- ne, neq; id majus irnpe- rio quam justitia conse- cutus. Neque eo segni- ms Atheniensibus a qui- \ms erat prcfectus, offi- cia pmstabat» Quibus : rebus iiebat, ut non mi- nus eorum volimtate per- petuo imperium obtine- ret, qui miserant, quam ilteruni cum quibus e- rat profectus. Chersone- that come from Athens. Mil- tiades, having no time to stay, steered on his course to the place he was bound for, and and came to the Chersonese. Chap. II. There, in a short time, the forces of the Barbarians being routed, hav- ing made himself master of all the country he went for, he fortified places proper for castles ; settled the people which he had carried along with him, in the lands, and enriched them by frequent . excursions. Nor was he less assisted in that matter by good conduct, than good fortune : For after he had, by the bra- very of his soldiers, routed the enemy's armies, he set- tled affairs with the greatest equity, and resolved to con- tinue in the same place him- self. For he was amongst them invested with regal au- thority, though he wanted the name. Nor did he com- pass that more by his com- mand in this expedition, than his justice. Nor did he the less perform all offices of due subjection to the Athenians from whom he had gone. By which means it came to pass, that he held the government without intermission, no less by the consent of those v MILTIADES. 29 so tali niodo constitute, Lemnum revetritur : & ex pacto, postulat, ut sibi urbem tradant : 11 li enim dixerant, quum vento Borea domo pro- fectus eo pervenisset, sese dedituros ; se au- tem domum Chersonesi habere. Cares, qui turn Lemnum incolebant, et- si prater opinionem res ceciderat, tarn en non dicto, sed secunda fortu- na ad vers a riorum capti, resistere ausi non sunt, atque ex insula demi- grarunt. Pari felicitate caeteras insulas, qux Gy- clades nominantur, sub Atheniensium redegit potestatem. Cap. III. Eisdem temporibus Persarum rex Darius, ex Asia in Europam exercitu tra- jecto, Scythis helium in- ferre decrevit : pontem fecit in Istro flumine, had sent him, than of those with whom he had gone. Having thus settled the Cher- sonese, he returns toLemnus, and demands, according to their promise, that they should surrender up the city to him. For they had said, that when coming from home with a North wind, he arrived there, they would surrender; but that he now had his home at the Chersonese. The(a)Ca- rians who at this time inhab- ited Lemims, although the business had happened con- trary to their expectation, yet being not moved by their promise, but the good fortune of their adversaries, durst not rerist, and removed out of the Island. With the like good fortune he reduced the other Islands, which are called Cy- clades, undeivthe power of the Athenians. Chap. III. About the same time Darius, king of the Persians, drawing an ar- my over out of Asia into Eu- rope, resolved to make war upon the (b) Scythians. He made abridge upon the river The Carians were a people in the south-west parts of Asia Minor. Their country is called Caria. (£) The inhabitants of the North of Europe and Asia were for. called Scythians. C : CORNELII NEPOTIS. qua copias traduceret, Ejus pontis, dum ipse a- besset, custodes reliquit principes quos secum ex Ionia 8c iEolide duxerat: quibus singulis ipsarum urbium perpetuadederat imperia. Sic enim puta- vit faciliime se Grseca lingua loquentes, qui A- siam incolerent, sub sua retenturum potestate, si amicis suis oppida tuen- c(a tradidisset : quibus, se oppresso, nulla spes- salutis relinqueretur. In hoc fuit turn numero Miltiadesj cui ilia custo- dia crederetur. Hie, quum crebri afferrent nuncii male rem gerere Barium, premique a Scythis ; Miltiades hor- tatus est pontis custodes, Be a fortuna ek^pm occa- sionem liber andac Grse- cise demitterent: Nam si cum iis copiis, quas secum transportaverat interiisset Darius, non solum Europam fore tu- tam, sed etiam eos, qui Asiam incolerent, Gr*e- d genere, liberos a Per- sarum futures domina- Ister, by which to draw his troops over. He left the Princes,which he had brought along with him from Ionia(c) and JLolis, keepers of that bridge, whilst he was away ; to each of which he had giv- en the perpetual sovereignty of their several cities. For thus he thought he should most easily keep under his subjection such as spoke the Greek tongue, that inhabit- ed Asia, if he delivered up those cites to be maintained by his friends, to whom no hope of security would be left if he was conquered. Mil- tiades was then in this num- ber, to whom the guard of the bridge was entrusted. Here, when frequent messen- gers brought word) that Da- rius managed his business but badly, and was hard put to it by the Scythians ; Mil- tiades advised the keepers of the bridge, that they would not let slip an opportunity of delivering Greece given them by fortune : For if Darius should perish with the army which he had carried over with him, not only Europe would be safe, but likewise (a) Ionia and ^olus were countries of Asia Minor, Iyiog along Utt eca&t of the iEgean Sea. MILTIADES. done Be periculo. Id Sc facile effici posse : ponte enim rescisso, regem vel hostium ferro vel in- opia paucis diebus inte- riturura. Ad hoc consi- lium quum plerique ac- cederent, Histiasus Mi- lesius, ne res conficere- tur, obstitit, dicens, non idem ipsis, qui summas imperii tenerent, expe- dire et multitudini, quod Darii regno ipsorum ni- teretur dominatio : Quo extincto ipsos potestate expulsos civibus suis pos- nas daturos. Itaque ade- o se abhorrere a cstero- rum consilio, ut ni putet ipsis utilius, qu&m confirmari regnum Per- sarum. Hujus quum sententiam plurimi es- sent secuti. Miltiades won dubitans, tarn mul- tis consciis, ad regis au- res consilia sua perven- tura, Chersonesum reli- quit, ac rursus Athenas demigravit. Cujus ratio etsi non valuit, tamen magnopere est laudan- da, quum amicior om- -im.libertati^quam suae ifcrit deminationi. those who, being Greeks by original, inhabited Asia, would be free from the do- minion of the Persians, and all danger. And that that might easily be effected ; for the bridge being cut down, the king would in a few days perish, either by the enemy's sword, or want. When most of them came into the advice, Histi»us the Milesian oppos- ed the business, that the thing was not done, saying, that the same thing wa> not expedient for them who had the sovereignty of their ci- ties, and the people ; that their authority depended up- on the kingdom of Darius ; which being destroyed, that they being deposed from their office, would be punish- by their subjects. Where- fore, he was so far from a- greeing to the counsel of the rest, that he thought nothing was more advantageous to them, than the establishment of the kingdom of the Persi- ans. As most of them follow- ed his advice, Miltiades not doubting, so many being pri- vy to the matter, that his counsels would come to the king's ears, quitted the Cher- sonese, and again removed to Athens: Whose advice, though it did not prevail, yet 33 CORNELII NEPOTIS. Cap. IV. Darius au- tem, quum ex Europa in Asiara rediisset, hor- tantibus amicis, ut Grsc- ciam in suam redigeret potestatem classem quingentarum navium comparavit, eiqueDatim pnefecit et Artapher- nem: hisque ducenta peditum millia, et de- cern equitum dedit, cau- sam interserens, se hos- iers esse Atheniensibus, quod eorum auxilio Ion- es Sardes expugnassent, suaque prassidia interfe- cissent. Praefecti regii, classe ad Euboeam ap- pulsa, celeriter Eretri- am ceperunt, omnesque ejus gentis cives abrep- tos, in Asiam ad regem iniserunt. Inde ad Atti- is mightily to be commend- ed, since he was more a friend to the liberty of all, than his own authority. Chap. IV. But Darius, af- ter he had returned out of Europe into Asia, his friends advising him to it, that he might reduce Greece under his authority, fitted out a fleet, of five hundred ships, and set Datis and Artaph er- nes over it, and gave them two hundred thousand foot, and ten thousand horse ; al- ledging this reason, that he was an enemy to the Athe- nians, because by their as- sistance the (a)Ionians had taken (6)Sardis, and cut off his garrison. These admirals of the king, having brought up their fleet to (c)Eubcea, quickly took Eretria, and^ sent all the natives of that nation, being ta.ken from thence, into Asia to the king. After that they cameto(d)At- (a) The Ionians were a people of Asia Minor, bordering upon the JEgean Sea, being a colony of Greeks sent thither by the Athenians, about 1044 years before Christ. (b) Sardis was the metropolis of Lydia, a country bordering upon Ionia to the eastward» (c) Eubcea is a large island of the iEgean Sea, separated from A- chaia by a narrow sea called the Euripus. (d) Attica was the country of the Athenians, in the east part of Achaia, lying along an arm of the iEgean sea, called the Saronic MILTIADES, S3 cam accesserunt, ac su- as copias in campum Marathona deduxerunt. Is abest ab oppido circi- ter iniilia passuum de- cern. Hoctumultu Athe- nienses tarn propinquo, tamque magho permoti, auxilium nusquam nisi a Lacedsemoniis petive- runt ; Phillippidemq ; cursorem ejus generis, qui hemerodromi vo- cantur, Lacedxmonem miserunt, ut nunciaret quam celeri opus esset auxilio. Domi au'em creati decern Prae tores, qui exercitui prsessent: in eis Miltiades. Inter quos magna fuit conten- tio, utrum moenibus se defenderent, an obviam irent . hostibus, acieq ; decernerent Unus Mil- tiades maxim£ niteba-. tur, ut primo quoque tempore castra fierent : Id si factum esset, et ci- vibus animum access rum, cum viderent de eorum viriute non des- perari ; et hostes eadem re fore tardiores, si ani- madverterent auderi ad- tica, and drew out their troops Jnto the plain of Ma- rathon. That is distant about ten miles from the town of Athens. The Athenians being very much startled at this a- larm, so near them, and so prodigious, sought for assist- ance no where, but from the Lacedemonians ; and des- patched away Philippides, a courier of that kind, who are called day-couriers, (a) to Lacedaemon,to tell them what speedy assistance they had occasion for. But at home ten officers were chosen to command the army; amongst them was Miltiades. A- mongst whom there was a mighty dispute whether they should defend themselves by their walls, or march to meet the enemy, and engage them in the field. Miltiades alone very much insisted upon it, that a camp should be form- ed as soon as possible : If that was done that both cou- rage would grow upon their countrymen, when they saw their commanders did not de- spair of their bravery ; and the enemy would be rendered by the same means more {a) Lacedxmen was a city in the south parts of Peloponnesus, COBNELII NEPOTIS, versus se tarn exiguis copiis dimicare. Cap. V. Hoc in tem- pore nulla civitas Athe- niensibus auxiiio fuit prater Piatsensium : ea mille misit militum. Ita- que horum adventu, de- cern miilia armatorum com pi eta sunt ; quae ma- nus mirabili fiagrabat pugnandi cupidate ; quo factum est, ut plus, quim collegae Miitiades value- rit. Ejus enim auctori- tate impulsi Athenien- ses copias ex urbe edux- eruftt, locoque idoneo castra fecerunt : deinde postero die sub montis radicibus, acie e regione instructa, nova arte, vi- summ a proelium commi- serunt. Nam que arbores multis locis erant strata, hoc consilio, ut et mon- tium tegerentur altitudi- ne, et arborum tractu equitatus hostium impe- diretur, ne multitudine clauderentur. Dads, et- backward, when they found they durst engage them with so small a force. Chap. V. At this time no state was assisting to the A- thenians, besides the (a)Pla- taeensians ; that state sent a thousand soldiers. Where- fore, upon their arrival, they were ten thousand armed men complete ; which army was fired with a wonderful desire of fighting. By which means it came to pass, that Miitiades prevailed more than his fellow-commission- ers. For the Athenians, wrought upon by his autho- ty, drew their troops out of the city, and formed a Camp in a proper place ; and then the day following having drawn up their army at the bottom of a mountain over against the enemy , with un- common art, they joined bat- tle with the utmost mettle(^). For there were trees laid in many places, with this de- sign, that they might be co- vered by the height of the mountains, and the enemy's (a) Platea was a tow© in Baeotia, about twelve or fourteen miks from Athens to the north-west. (£) The Latin text is here very much corrupted, and therefore if the translation appear not to be very good sense, the reader will ex- cuse it* MILTIADES. 35 H non locum «equum vi- debat suis, tarn en fretus numero copiarum sua- rum, confiigere cupie- bat : eoque magis, quod priusquam Lacedsemo- riii subsidio venirent, dimicare utile arbitra- batur. Itaque in aciem reditum millia centum, equitum decern millia produxit, praeliumque commisit. In quo tanto plus virtute valuerunt Athienienses, ut decem- plicem numerum hosti- um profligarent : adeo- que perterruerunt, ut Pers» non castra, sed naves peterent. Qua pugna nihil adhuc est nobiiius. Nulla enim unquam tarn exigua ma- nus tantas opes prostra- vit. Cap. VI. Cujus victo- riae,nonalienum videtur, quale prsemium Miltia- di sit tributum, docere ; quo facilius intelligi pos- sit, eandem omnium ci- vitatum esse naturam. Ut enim populi nostri ho- nores quondam fuerunt rari et tenues,obeamque causam gloriosi, nunc horse might be hindered by the lying of the trees, that they might not be inclosed by their numbers. Datis, al- though he saw the place was not convenient for his men, yet depending upon the num- ber of his troops, was desi- rous to engage ; and the ra- ther, because he thought it convenient to fight before the Lacedxmonians came to their assistance. Wherefore he drew out into the field a hundred thousand foot, and ten thousand horse, and join- ed battle. In which the A- thenians prevailed so much more than the enemy, by their bravery, that they routed ten times the number of enemies, and so affrighted them, that the Persians did not make for their camp, but their ships. Than which fight there is nothing as yet more famous; for no army so small ever routed so vast a force before, frl Chap. VI. For which vic- tory, it does not seem impro- per to inform the reader ■, what reward was given Mil- tiades ; that it may be the more easily understood, that the nature of all cities is the same. For as the honours of our people were formerly rare and small, and for that reason glorious, but now ex- 36 CORNELII NEPOTIS, autem efYusi, atque ob- soleti : sic olim apud Athenienses fuisse re- perimus. Namque huic Miltiadi, qui Athenas totamque Gr&ciam libe- ravit, talis honos tribu- tus est, in porticu, quae P aecile vocatur, cum pugna depingeretur Marathonia ; ut in de- cern prsetorum numero prima ejus imago pone- retur, isque hortaretur milites, prxliumque committerent. Idem il- le populus, posteaquam majus imperium est nactus, et largitione ma- gistratuum corruptus est,trecentas statuas De- metrio Phalereo decre- vit. €ap. VII. Post hoc prselium classem septu- agint navium Athenien- seses eidem Miltiadi de- derunt, ut insulas, quae Barbaros adjuverant, bello perse^ueretur. Quo imperio plerasque ad officium redire coegit, nonnullas vi expugnavit. travagant, and worn thread- bare ; thus we find it to have been formerly amongst the Athenians. For such was the honour paid to Miltiades, who delivex^ed Athens, and all Greece, in the Piazza which is called Poecile, when the battle of Marathon was painted there> that his picture was placed first in the num- ber of the ten commanders, and he encouraged the sol- diers, and began the battle. The same people, after they got a larger extent of domi- nion, and were corrupted by the extravagance of their own magistrates, decreed three hundred statues to (a)Deme- trius Phalereus. Chap. VII. After this bat- tle, the Athenians gave the same Miltiades a fleet of se- venty ships, that he might prosecute in war the islands that had assisted the Barba- rians. In which command he obliged most of them to re- turn to their duty ; some he took by force. Not being < ble (a) Demetrius was governor of Athens about 300 years before Christ ; but, being driven from thence, went into Egypt, where, up- on account of his learning, he was made President of the Musaeum ? or academy erected at Alexandria by Ptolemy Soter, MILTIADES. 37 Ex his Parum insulam, opibus elatam, quam o- ratione reconciliare non posset, copias e navibus eduxit, urbem operibus clausit., onmiq; commea- tu privavit : Deinde vin- eis ac testudinibus con- stitutis, propius muros ace es sit. Quum jam in eo esset, ut oppido poti- retur, procul in conti- nent* lucus, qui ex insu- la conspiciebatur, nes- cio quo casu, nocturno tempore incensus est ; cujus flamma ut ab op- pidanis et oppugn atori- bus est visa, utriusque ven it in opinion em, sig- num a classiariis regiis datum. Quo factum est, ut et Parii a deditione dcterrert.Har, et Miltia- des, timens ne classis re- gia adventaret, incensis operibus, qux stataerat, cum tolidem navibus at- que erat profectus, A- t hen as magna cum of- fensione civium suorum redirer. Accusatus ergo by persuasion to prevail upon one of these, the island (a)Parus, too much elated by their power, he drew his troops out of his ships, block- ed up the city by lines drawn round it, and deprived it of all provisions ; and then hav- ing erected his (b)vm&& and testudos, came nearer the walls. When he was upon the point of taking the town, a grove at a distance upon the continent, which was vi- sible from the island, by I know not what chance, was set on fire in the night-time ; the flame of which being seen by the townsmen and the be- siegers, it came into the fan- cy of both, that it was a sig- nal given by those on board the king ? s flefct, by which it came to pass, that both the Parians were dissuaded from surrendering, and Miltiades, fearing lest the king's fleet was come, setting fire to the works he had erected, re- turned to Athens to the great offence of his countrymen, with as many ships as he went (a) Parus was one of the islands called Cyclades in the iEgeaii Sea. (It) I have not transited the Latin words Vinea and Testudo, be- cause our language has none to answer them : they were machines made use of in sieges to cover the besiegers. D COR^ELII NEPOTIS. proditionis, quod cum Parum expugnare pos- set, a rege corruptus, in- feeds rebus a pugna dis- eessisset. Eo tempore £ger erat vulnerihus, quse in oppugnando op- pido acceperat. Itaque .juoniam ipse pro se di- ce re non pesset, verba pro eo feeit f rater ejus Tisagoras. Causa cog- iiita capitis absolutus, pecunia mulctauis est, oaque lis quinquaginta talentis asstimata est, cuantus in classem ♦umptus factus erat. Mane pecuniam quod solvere non pcterat, in vincula puhlica conjec- - ns est, ibiq ; diem obiit svpremum. l| Ca?. VIIL Hie etsi crimine Pario est accu- sants, tarn en alia fait c ansa damnations. Nam- que Athtnienses, prop- ter Pi si strati ty rann idem qvix paucis annis ante out with \ Wh e re fore h e was impeached of treachery, be- cause, when he might have taken Parus, heing bribed. by the king of Persia, he had quitted the siege without do» ing his work. He was at that time ill of the wounds which he had received in attacking the town. Wherefore, be- cause he could not speak for linn self, his brother Tisago- ras spoke for him. Upon hearing his cause, being ac- quitted as to life, he was fined a sum of money, and his fine was set at fifty talents, which was the charge they had been at mjitting out the fleet. Be- cause he could not pay the money, he was thrown into the public gaol, and there he ended his last day. Chap. VIII. Although he was accused upon his mis- carriage at Parus, yet there was another reason of his condemnation. For the A- thenians, because of the (#)u- surpation of Pisistratus? (r/) I translate tyrannis, usurpation ; because, though Pisistrat&s .L*id, by seizing the government, destroy the liberty of his country, and was, upon that score, an execrable villain, yet he does not ap- pear to have been at all tyrannical in his government. The word r^r annus was at first used in a good sense for a king or prince : then for an usurper, however he managed his power, when he had got it, as appears from our author; and, lastly, for a wicked barbarous prin&e^ though no usurper. MILTIADES. fuerat, omnium suorum civium potentiam exti- mescebant. Miltiades multum in imperils ma- gistratibusque versatus, non videbatur .posse es- se privaUis : priesertim cum consuetudine ad imperii cupiditatem tra- hi videretur. , Nam Chersonesi, omnes iilos quos habitarat annos, perpetuam obtinuerat dominationem,tyrannus- que fuerat appeilatus, sed Justus. Non erat enim vi consecutus, sed suorum voluntate ; earn- que potestatem bonitate retinuerat. Omnes au- tem & habentur & dicun- tur tyranni, qui potesta- te sunt perpetua in ea civitate, qure libertate usa est. Sed in Milti- ade erat cum sum ma humanitas, turn comitas, ut nemo tarn humiiis esset, cui non ad eum auditus pateret: magna auctoritas apud omnes civitates, nobile nomen, laus rei milita- ris maxima. Hsec po- pul us- respicier. s, maluk eum innoxumi plecti, quam se dittUus esse in ' re. which had happened a few years before, dreaded the power of all their own citi- zens. Millipedes, having been much in command, and civil offices, did not seem capable of being a private person, especially since he seemed t3 be dragged by custom into a fondness for power. For he had held, without inter- mission, the sovereignty of the Chersonese all the years that he had lived there, and had been called Tyrannus, but was a just one : For he had not compassed his power by violence, but by the con- sent of his countrymen, and had kept his authority by his goodness. But all are both accounted znd called tyrants, who are invested with power for life, in a state which I before enjoyed tfee less of liberty. But there was in Miltiades, both great human- ity, ai\d a wonderful complai- sance, that aobody was so mean, to whom to him was not allowed. Hi ;ity was great amongst all the cities of Greece, his name was famous, and his reputati for military affaJLrs very con- siderable. The people con- sidering these things, chose rather to have him punished* tdH 40 CORNELII NEPOTIS. innocent as he was, than u be any longer in fear of him II. II. THEMISTOCLES JVeocli ffllius Aihenien sis. THEMISTOCLES, The son of M'ocIes y jhr Atlu nian. CAP. I. HUJUS viiia ineun- tis adolescentiae magnis sunt emendata virtu ti- bus : adeo ut anteferatur huie nemo, pauci pares putentur. Sed ab initio est ordiendum. Pater ejus Neoclus generosus fuit. Is uxorem Halicar- uassiam civem duxit, ex qua natus est Themisto- cles. Qui cum minus es- se! probatus parentibus, ®uod et liberius vivebat, et rtm fainillarem negli- gebat, a patre exhaereda- tus est. Quae contume- lia non fregit eum, sed erexit. Nam quum ju- CHAP. I. THE vices of his early youth were made amends for by his great virtues ; so thai- nobody is preferred before him, and few are thought his equals. But we must begin at the beginning. His father Neocies was a gentleman ; he married a lady of Halicar- nassus,(c) of whom was born Themistocles: who being not at all approved of by his pa- rents, because he lived too fast, and neglected his estate, was disinherited by his father; which rough usage did not break his spirit^ but roused him. For as he judged that blot could not be wiped off \a) Halicarnassus was a town of Caria, a province in the south- west Darts of Asia Minor. THEMISTOCLES, 41 dicfisset sine summa in- dustria non posse earn extingui, totum se dedi- dit reipublicse, diiigen- tius amicis famxque ser- viens. Multum in judi- ciis privatis versabatur : ssepe in concionem po- puli prodibat ; nulla res major sine illo gereba- tur : celeriterque qux opus erant, reperiebat, facile eadem oratione explicabat. Neque mi- nus in rebus gerendis promptus quam excogi- tandis erat ; quod &~dc instantibus (ut ait Thu- cydides) verissime judi- cabat, if de futuris cal- lidissime conjiciebat . Quo factum est, ut bre- vi tempore illustraretur. Cap. II. Primus au- tem gradus fuh capes- sendx reipublicx, bello CorcyrsBo ; ad quod ge- rendum Free tor a popu- lo factus, non solum prs- senti bello, sed etiam re- liquo tempore ferocio- rem reddidit civitatem. Nam cum pecunia pub- lica, quae ex metallis re- v> ithout the utmost industry, he gave himself entirely to matters of government, ser- ving diligently his friends, and his own reputation. He was much concerned in pri- vate causes,(a) often came into the assembly of the peo- ple, no great thing was trans- acted without him, and he quickly discovered what was needful to be done, and easily laid open the same in his ad- dress to the people. Nor was he less expeditious in the management of business, than in the contrivance ; be- cause (as Thucydides says) he judged very truly of things present, and guessed very shrewdly at things to cc?ne. By which ?neans it came to pass 5 that he was very famous in a short time. Chap. II. Bis first step in the undertaking of public business, was in the Corey- re an war ; for the carrying on of which he was made prjetor by the people, and made the city more daring, not only for the war then up- on their hands, but for the time to come. For the pub- lic money which came in by fa) Private causes were such wherein particular persons only, all d : the state or government were concerned. D2 42 CORNELII NEPOTI8, dibat, largitione magis- tratuum quotannis inte- riret : ille persuasit po - pulo, ut ea pecimia clas- sis centum navium aedi- «ficaretur. Qua celeriter effecta, primum Corcy- rseos fregit, deinde ma- litimos praedones con- sectando, mare tutum reddidit. In quo cum divitiis, ornavit, turn eti- am peritissimos belli navalis fecit Athenien- ses. Id quant se saluti fu- erit universe Grecice, beilo cognitum est Per- sico. Nam quum Xerxes & mari 8c terra bellum universe in ferret Euro- pe, cum tantis earn co- piis invasit, "quantas neq; ante, neque postea, ha- buit quisquam. Hujus «nim classis mille Sc du- centarum navium lon- garum fuit, quam auo xniilia onerariarum se- quebantur. Terrestres autem exercitus septin- gentorum millium pedi- turn, equitum quadrin- gentorum millium fuer- unt. Cujus de adventu quum fama ifi Gr^ciam the mines, being lost every year, by the extravagance of the magistrates, he per- suaded the people, that a fleet of a hundred ships should be built with that money ; which being quickly effected, he first reduced the Corcyreans, and then rendered the sea se- cure by chasing the pirates. In which he both enriched the Athenians with wealth, and likewise rendered them very skilful in sea-fights. How much that contributed to the preservation of all Greece was visible in the Persian war. For when Xerxes made war upon all Europe, both by sea and land, he invaded it with so great a force, as neither any one before or since had ; for his fleet was a thousand two hundred (a)long ships, which two thousand ships of bur- den attended. His land ar- mies were to the number of seven hundred thousand foot, and four hundred thousand horse. Concerning whose coming, when the news was brought into Greece, and the Athenians were said to be chiefly aimed at, because of {a) The ships used in sea-fights or men of war, were of a longer make than the trading vessels, and therefore called tonga Naves. THEMISTOCLES, 43 esset perlata, et maxime Athenienses peti dice- rentur propter pugnam Marathoniam ; miserunt Delphos consultum quidnam facerent de re- bus suis. Deliberantibus Pythia respondit, ut mcenibus ligneis se mu- nirent, Id responsuni quo valeret quum intel- ligeret nemo, Themisto- cles porsuasit, consiiium esse Apollinis, ut in na- ves se suaque conferrent: eum enim a Deo signifi- cari in u rum ligneum. Tali consilio probato, addunt ad superiores to- tidem naves triremes ; suaque omnia quae mo- veri poterant, partim Salaminem partim Trce- zenem, asportant: arcem sacerdotibus paucisque majoribus natu, ac sacra procuranda tradunt : re- liquum cppidum relin- quunt. Cap. III. Hujus con- silium pie risque civitati- bus disphcebat & in ter- ra dimicari magis place- bat. Itaque missi sunt delecti cum Leonida La- the battle of Marathon ; they sent to Delphos, to consult what they should do in that case. The Pythoness an- swered the querists, that they should secure them- selves by wooden walls. When nobody could understand to what that answer tended, Themistocles persuaded them that it w r as the advice of Apollo, to get themselves and what; they had, on board their ships, for that w T as the wootien wail meant by the God. This advice being ap- proved, they add to their for- mer as many more ships, with three banks of oars, and car- ry off all their goods that could be removed partly to Salamis(a) partly to Trcezen. They deliver up the citadel and holy things to the priests, and a few old men, to take care of, and leave the rest of the town. Chap. III. His advice dis- pleased most of the cities, and they liked rather to fight by land. Wherefore some chosen men were sent with Leonidas the kine of the La- (av. VI. Magnus hoc bello Thernistocle s fait, neque minor in pace. Quum enim Phalereo portu, neque magno ne- que bono, Athenienses uterentupj hujus consi- lio triplex Pyrsei portus constitutus est : isque moenibus circundatus, ut ipsam urbem dignitate xequipararet, utilitate su- peraret. Idemque mu- ros Atheniensium res- vented from returning into Asia. And that he persuaded him was certainly so. Where- fore he returned into Asia, in less than thirty days, the same way by which he had made his march thither in no less than six months; and judged himself not conquer- ed, but saved by Themisto- cles. Thus by the prudence of one man, Greece was de- livered, and Asia fell under Europe. This is another vic- tory that may be compared with the victory of Marathon; for the greatest fleet, since ive have had any history of mankind, was conquered in the like manner at Salamis, with a small number of ships, Chap. VI. Themistocles was* great in this war, and no less in peace. For whereas the Athenians made use of the Phalei ean harbour, nei- ther great nor good, by his advice a triple harbour was formed at («)Pyraeus, and that was surrounded with a wall ; so that it equalled the city in beauty, and exceeded it in usefulness : And the same man rebuilt the walls of the Athenians, at his own (a) Pyrseus was a town at the mouth of the river, upon which Athens stood, and about five miles from that city. 48 CORNELII NEPOTIS. tituit prsecipuo suo peri- culo. Namque Laced se- monii causam idoneam nacti, propter excursi- ones Barbarorum, qua negarent oportere extra Peloponnesum ullam urbem haberi, ne essent loca munita quse hostes possiderent ; Athenien- ses ssdificantes prohibe- re sunt conati. Hoc lon- ge alio spectabat, atque videri volebant. Atheni- enses enim duabus vic- toriis, Marathonia & Sa- laminia, tantam gloriam apud omnes gentes erant consecuti, ut inteliige- rerit Laced amionii de prin cipatu sibi cum bis certamen fore: quare eos quarn infirmissimos esse volebant. Postquam au- tem audierunt muros in- strui, legatos Athenas miserunt, qui id fieri vetarent. His praesenti- bus desierunt, ac se de ea re legatos ad eos mis- suros dixerunt. Hanc legationem suscepit Themistocles, Sc solus primo profectus est : re- liqui legati ut turn exi- rent, quum satis altiiu- do muri extructa vide- retUT, prascepit ; atque ut interim omnes servi particular hazard. For the Lacedemonians having got a fine pretence, by reason of the inroads of the Barbari- ans, whereupon to deny that any city ought to be kept without Peloponnesus, that there might be no fortified places which the enemy might possess themselves, of, endeavoured to hinder the Athenians from building. This tended to quite another purpose, than they were wil- ling should appear. For the Athenians, by the two victo- ries of Marathon and Sala- mis, had got so much glory amongst all nations, that the Lacedaemonians were sensi- ble they should have a dis- pute with them for the mas- tery. Wherefore they had a mind they should be as weak as possible. But after they heard the walls were building they sent ambassadors to A- thens, to forbid that to be done. Whilst they were pre- sent, they gave over, and said they would send ambas- sadors to them about that af- fair. Themistocles undertook this embassy, and went alone at first : He ordered that the rest of the ambassadors should then set forward, when the height of the wall seem- ed pretty well advanced; and THEMISTOCLES. 49 atque liberi opus face- rent ; neque ulli loco parcerent, sive sacer ej* set, sive profanus, siW privatus, sive publicus : sed undique, quod ido- neum ad muniendum putarent, congererent. Quo factum est, ut A- theniensium muri ex saceliis sepulchrisque constarent. Cap VII. Themisto- cles autem, ut Lacedze- monem venit, adire ad magistratus noluit ; 6c dedit operam, ut quam longissim£ tempus du- ceret, causam interpo» nens,se collegas expecta- ve. Quum Laced^monii quererentvir opus nihil- ominus fieri, eumque ea re conari faliere, intei> im reliqui legaii sunt consecuti ; a quibus quum audiisset, non multum superesse mu- nitionis, ad Ephoros Lacedacmoniorum ac- cessit, penes quos sum- mum imperium erat : atque apucl eos conten- «lit, falsa his esse delata; quare aequum esse iilos, viros bono- robilesque n mittere, quibus ndes ad- hiberetur, qui rem ex- plorarert : interea se in the mean time that all slaves and freemen should work, and spare no place, whether it was sacred or pro- fane, whether private or pub- lic ; but get together from all hands what they thought proper to build with. From whence it came to pass that the walls of the Athenians consisted of chapels and se- pulchres. Chap. VII. But Themis- tocles, as soon as he came to Lacedsemon, would not wait upon the magistrates, and did his endeavours to spin out the time as long as possible, alleging this reason, that he waited for his colleagues. When the Lacedaemonians complained that the work went on nevertheless, and that he endeavoured to de- ceive them in that matter, in the mean time the rest of the ambassadors came up: From, whom, when he had heard that not much of the wail re- mained to be done, he went to the Ephori of the Lacedae j monians, in whom the su- preme power was Wo*c j tf, and avers before them, that a false account had been given them : wherefore it was but reasonable for them to send honest merr and gentlemen, to whom credit might be E 50 CORNELII NEPOTIS. obsidem retinerent.Ges- tus est ei mos, tresque legati, functi summis honoribus, Athenas mis- si sunt. Cum his colle- gas sues Themistocles jussit prolicisci, eisque praedixit, ut ne prius, Lacedsemoniorum lega- tos dimitterent, quam ipse esset remissus. Hos postquam Athenas per- i enisse ratus est, ad ma- gist latum senatum que Lacedemoniorum adiit, & apucl eos liberrime professus est, Athenicn- sts suo consilio, qucd com muni jure gentium facere possent, deos publicos, suosque patri- os ac pen ate s, quo faci- lius ab hofcte possent de- •fendere muris sepsisse : neque eo, quod inutile esset Graeciae,- fecisse. Namjiiorum urbem, ut propugnaculuro, opposi- tam esse Barbaris, apud quam jam bis classis re- gia fecisset naufragium. Lacedemonios autem male et injuste facere, qui id potius intuerentur, quod ipsorum domina- tions quam quod uni- verse Graeciae, utile es- set. Quare, si suos lega- tos recipere vellent, quos given, to examine into the matter ; in the mean time^iiey might keep him as a hostile. He was complied with, and three ambassadors, that had borne the highest offices, were sent to Athens. Themistocles ordered his colleagues to go along with them, and warned them, that they should not dismiss the ambassadors of the Lacede- monians before he was sent back again. After he thought they were got to Athens, he went to the magistrates and senate of the Lacedemoni- ans and very frankly declared before them, that the Athe- nians, by Lis advice, had en- closed within walls their public gods, their country gods, and household gods, that they might more easily defend them from an enemy, which they might have done by the common law of nations; nor had they done there- in what was useless to Greece: For their city was placed as a bulwark against the Barbarians, at which the king's fleet had already twice suffered shipwreck. And that the Lacedemonians acted ill and unjustly, who more re- garded that, /which was use*- ful to fir om&fre their own do- minion, than what was for the THEMISTOCLES. 51 Athenas miserant, se remitterent ; aUter illos nunquam in patriam gs- sent recepturi. Cap. VIII. Hie ta- men non efmgit civiu-m suorum invidiam: Nam- que ob eundem ti mo- re m, quo damnatus e- rat Miltiades, testarum suflfragiis e civitate ejec- tus, Argos habitatum concessit. Hie quum, propter multas ejus vir- tutes, magna cum digni- tate viveret, Lacedsemo- bii legatos Athenas mi- serunt, qui eum absen- tem accusarent, quod so- cietatem cum rege Per- sarum ad Grscciam op- primendam fecisset. Hoc crimine absens pro- ditionis est damnatus. Id ut audivit, quod non interest of all Greece. Wherefore, if they had a mind to receive their ambas- sadors again, which they had sent to Athens, they must send him back ; otherwise they would never receive them into their country a- ^ gain» ■> Chap. VIII. Yet he did not escape the odium of his countrymen : For being turned out of the city by the (a)votes of the shells, from the same jealonsy upon which Miltiades had been condemn- ed, he Went to (£) Argos to dwell. As he lived here in great honour, because of -his many excellent qualities, the Lacedemonians sent am- bassadors to Athens, to ac- cuse him in his absence for having made an agreement with the king of the Persians to subdue Greece. Upon this charge he was condemn- ed in his absence for treason. As soon as he heard that, be- cause he saw he should not (a) The Athenians, when they became jealous of any of their great men, as dangerous to their public liberty, used to banibh them for ten years. The way of voting upon that occasion was, by writing the person's name upon a shell, called in Greek Ostracon, from whence this sort of banishment was called Ostracism. (£) Argos was a city in the north parts of Peloponnesus. 5% COBNELII NEPOTIS. satis tutum se Argis vi- debat, Corey ram demi- gravit. Ibi cum ejus prin cipes civitatis ani- madvertisset tiniere ne propter se bellum his Lacsedemonii et Atheni- cnses indicerent, ad Ad- metum Molossorum re- gem, cum quo ei hospi- tium fuerat, confugit. Hue cum venisset, et in pr^sentia rex abesset» quo majore religione se Teceptum tueretur, frlr- atri ejus parvulam arri- puit ? et cum ea se in sa- cra riuir», quod sum ma coltbatur ceremonia, conjecit : hide non pri- us egressus est quam rex eum data dextra in fidem recuperet : quam prsestitit. Nam cum ab Atheniensibus & Lace- dsmwiiis exposceretur pubiice, supplicem non pvodidit; menuitque, ut cor.suJeret sibi : difficile enim esse, in tain pro- pliiqiio loco, tuto eum versari. Itaque Pydnam eum deduct jussit, & quod satis esset prsesi- be safe enough at Argos, lie removed to Corcyra(a). Therg> when he observed the great men of that state to be afraid lest the Athenians and Lacedemonians should pro- claim war against them upon his account, he fled to Adme- tus king of the (£)Molossi, with whom he had a friend- ship. After he was come hi- ther, and the king at that time was absent, that he might secure himself upon his reception with a stronger obligation of religion, he took his little daughter, and threw himself with her into a cha- pel, which was regarded with the utmost veneration. He came not out from thence till the king, giving him his right hand, took him under his protection ; which he made good. For when he was publicly demanded by the A- thenians and Lacedemonians, he did not betray his refugee, and warned him to provide for himself, for it would be difficult for him to be safe in so near a place. Wherefore he ordered him to be con- ducted to Pydna, and gave {a) Corcyra is an island upon the coast of Epire, now called Corfu. {b) The Molossi were a people of Epire, THEMISTOCLES 53 dli dedit : Hac re audi- ta, hie navem omnibus ignotus ascendit ; quae cum tempestate maxi- ma Naxum ferretur, ubi turn Atheniensium erat exercitus, seusit The- mistocles, si eo perve- nisset, sibi esse pereun- dum. Hac necessitate coactus, domino navis, quis sit, aperit, muita pollicens, si se conser- vasset. At iile, clarissi- mi viri captus misericor- dia, diem noctemque procul ab insula in saio navem tenuit in ancho- ris, neque quenquam ex ea exire passus est; inde Ephesum pervenit, ibi- que Themistociem ex- ponit : cui ille pro me- ntis gratiam postea re- tulit. Cap. IX. Scio pleros- que ita scripsisse, The- mistociem Xerxe reg- nante in Asiam transiis- se. Sed ego potissimum Thucydidi credo, quod relate proximus jerat, him what guard was suffici- ent. This thing being heard, he went aboard a ship, un- known to all there; which being driven by a very great storm for (a)Naxus 5 where at that time was an army of the Athenians. Themistocles was sensible if he came there he must perish. Being forced by this necessity, he disco- vered to the master of the vessel who he was, promising him many things, if he would save him. And he, being sei- zed with pity cf this most fa- mous man, kept h^ ship day and night a great distance from the island, in the main sea, at anchor, nor did he suffer any body to go out of it. After that he came to {b) Ephesus, and there lands Themistocles, to whom he afterwards made a requital according to his desert. Chap. IX. I know that most authors have written that Themistocles went over into Asia, whilst Xerxes was reigning : But I trust Thu- cydides above others, because he was in time the nearest to (a) Naxus is an island of the iEgean sea, one of those called Cy- clases» (£) Ephesus v.'as a famous city in that part cf Asia Miner called Ionia, near the sea. E 2 54 CORNELII NEPOTIS. I his, qui illorum tempo- rum historiam relique- runt, Sc ejusdem civitatis fuit. Is autem ait, ad Artaxerxem eum venis- se, atque his verbis epis- tolam misisse : Themis- tocles veni ad te, qui plurima mala omnium Graiorum in do?nu?n tu- am intiili, quum mihi ne- cesse fuit adversus pa- trem tuum be liar e, fla- ir iam que meain defende- re. Idem multo filura bo- na feci, ; host quam in tuto ipse, ego 1$ ille inpericu- lo esse C4Rp.it, Nam quum in Adam reverti no lie t, fir alio apud Salamina facto, Uteris eum certio» r em feci, id agi, ut pons quern hi Hell esponto fee e- rat, dissolveretur, atque ab hostibus circumire» tur. Quo nuncio ille pe- riculo est iiberatus. Nunc autem ad te confugi, ex- agitatus a cuncta Gra- tia, tuam pet ens amici- tiam, quam si ero adep- tus, non minus me bo» num amicum habebis quam for tern ille inimi- eum expertus est. Ea autem rogo,ut de his re- bus, de quibus tecum col- loqui volo, annum mihi lemporis des- } toque tran- to him of those who have left the history of those times» and of the same city. But he says, that he came to Artax- erxes, and sent a letter to him in these words : I Themisto- cles am come to you, who of all the Greeks brought the ?riost evils upon your family, when it was necessary for me to fight against your father, and defend my country. I the same man did him much more service after /was in safetij, and he began to be in danger. For when he intended not to return into Ada, after the battle was fought at Salamis, I made him acquainted by a letter, that it was inie?ided, that the bridge, which he had made over the Hellespont, s/wuld be broken down, and he inclosed by his enemies. By which advice he was deli" veredfrom danger. But now I have fed to you, being per" s ecu ted by all Greece, beggi?ig your friendship, which if I shall obtain, you shall find me a no less good friend, than he experienced me to be a gal" lant enemy. And therefore I beg of you, that you would al" low me a year % s time for the business, concerning which I desire to talk with you ; and after that is past, you would suffer me to wait upon you* THEMISTOCLES. 55 sacto me ad te venire pa* tiaris. Cap. X. Hujus rex animi magnitudinem ad- mirans, cupiensque ta- lem virum sibi concilia- ri, veniam dedit Ille omne id tempus Uteris sermonique Persarum dedit; quibus adeo eru- ditus est, ut multo com- modius dicitur apud re- gem verba fecisse, quam hi poterant, qui in Per- sideerantnati. Hicquum multa regi esset pollici- tus, gratis si mum que il- lud, si suis uti consiliis veliet, iilum Gr#ciam bello oppressurum ; ihagnis muneribus ab Artaxerxe donatus in A- siam, rediit domicilium- que Magnesias sibi con- st! tu it. Nam que hanc urbem ei rex donarat, his usus verbis : qux ei panem prxberet: ex qua regione quinquaginta ei talenta quotannis redi- bant : Lampsacum, un- de vinum sumeret : My-^ untem, ex qua obsoni- Chap. X. The king ad- miring the greatness of his mind, and desiring to have such a man gained over ef- fectually to him, granted him the favour. He spent all that time in the books and lan- guage of the Persians, in which he was so perfectly in- structed, that he is said to have spoken before the king much more handsomely than those could, who were born in Persia. After he had pro- mised the king many things, and that which was the most agreeable of all, that if he would follow his advice, he should conquer Greece by war ; being presented with great gifts by Artaxerxes, he returned into Asia, and fixed his habitation at (a) Magne- sia. For the king had given him this city, using these words, to furnish him with bread; out of which territory fifty talents came in to him yearly: (6)Lampsacus, from whence he might have his wine: (c) My us, from whence (a) Magnesia was a town of Asia Minor, in that part of it called Ionia, near the river Meander. (b) Lampsacus was a town of Mysia Minor, in Asia Minor, near the Hellespont. (c) Myus was a town of Ionia, not far from Magnesia. 56 CORNELII NEPOTIS, um haberet. Hujus ad nostram memoriam mo- numenta manserunt duo: sepulchrum, prope op- pidum, in quo est sepul- tus: status in foro Mag- nesia. De cujus morte multis modis apud ple- rosque scriptum est. Sed nos eundem potissi- mum Thucydidem auc- torem probamus, qui il- ium ait Magnesias mor- bo mortuum: neque ne- gat fuisse famam, vene- num sua sponte sump- sisse, quum se qu IIL ARISTIDES, Thfson of Lysima chiiS) the Athenian, CAP. I, CHAP. I. ARISTIDES, Lysi- machi nlius, Athenien- sis, squalis fere fait Themistocli. Itaiue cum eo de principatu contefidit: — namque oh- trectarunt inter se In his autem cognitum est qnanto antistaret elo- quentia ocentix. Q u a n q u am e n : m \ excel lebat Aristides ab- stincntia, ut unus post hominum memoiiam, quod quidem nos audi- verimus, cognomine JUSTUS ait appellatus, tauten a Themistocie collabefactus testula il- ia, exilio decern anno- rum tus est Qui ^m quum intellige- ret reprimi concitaiam multitudinem noil posse, cedensque anim adverte- retquendam scribentem, ut patria pelleretur,qus- sisse ab eo dicitur, Qua- re id faceret ? aut. Quid ARISTIDES, the son of Lysimachus, the Athenian, was aimost of the same age with Themistocles. Where- fore he contended \\ ith him for the superiority: for they en- deavoured to lessen one an- other. And it was visible in them how much eloquence outdoes innocence. For though Amtides did excel so much in justice, that he alone, since the first accounts of mankind that we indeed have heard of, was called by surname the JUST : yet* bting overborne by The- Tnistocles by that shell, he was punished with the banish- ment of ten years. Who tru- ly, when he found that the incensed people could not be restrained, and going off, ob- served one writing, that he should be banished his coun- try, is said to have enquired of him, Why he did it ? or, What Aristides had done, for which he should be thought 58 NELII NEPOTIS, Aristides commisisset, cur tanta poena dignus duceretur ? Cui ille res- pond! t, Se ignorare A- ristidem, sed sibi non placer^, quod tarn cupi- de elaborasset, ut prxter caeteros JUSTUS appel- laretur. Hie decern an- norum legitimam poe- nam non pertulit. Nam postquam Xerxes in Graeciam descendit, sex- to fere anno postquam erat expulsus, piebiscito in patriam restitutus est. Cap. II. Interfuitau- tem pugnas navali apud Salamina, quae facta est priusquam poena, libera- retur. Idem praetor fuit Atheniensium apud Pla- taeas, in praelio quo Mar- donius fususj barbaro- rumque exercitus est in- terfectus. Neque aliud est ullum hujus in re militari illustre factum, quam hujus imperii me- moria : Justitiae vero, Sc »quitatis, & innocentiae multa. Imprimis, quod ejus aequitate factum est, cum in com muni classe esset Graecise simul cum Pausania,quo duce Mar- donius erat fugatus, ut summa imperii mariti- mi ab Laced^moniis worthy of so great a punish- ment ? To whom he replied, that he did not know Aristi- des, but that it did not please him that he had laboured so earnestly to be called JUST above other people. Ke did not suffer the legal punish- ment often years. For after Xerxes came into Greece, about the sixth year after he had been banished, he was re- stored to his country by a de- cree of the people. Chap. II. He was present too at the sea-fight at Sala- mis, which was fought before he was released from his pu- nishment. The same man was commander of the Athenians at Piatxa,in the battle in which Mardonius was routed, and the army of the Barbarians cut off: Nor is there any o- ther illustrious action of his in military affairs, besides the account of this command : But there are a great many instance? of his justice, equity, and innocence. In the first place, that it was brought a- bout by his justice, when he was in the common fleet of Greece, together with Pausa- nius, by which general Mar- donius had been routed, that the chief command at sea was tSBm ARISTIDES, 59 transferretur ad Atheni- enses. Namque ante id tempus, & mari & terra duces erant Lacedsmo- dii. Turn autem & in- nemperantia Pausanize, a town upon the Thracian Bosphorus, at the mouth of the Euxine, now called the Black Sea. It was much en- larged and beautified by the Roman emperor Constantine the Great, and from him called Constantinople. Its name is now Stagiboul, be- ing the metropolis oC the Turkish empire. — i ^ _ it PAUSANIAS, His de rebus si quid geri volueris, certum homi- n em ad eurn mitt as face, cum quo colloquatur. Rex tot hominum sa- lute, tarn sibi necessari- orum, magnopere gavi- sus, confestim cum epis- tola Artabazum ad Pau- saniam mittit, in qua e- um collaudat, ac petit, ne cui rei parcat ad ea perficienda, quae pollice- tur : si feceritj nullius rei a se repulsam latu- rum. Hujus Pausanias voluntate cognita alacri- or ad rem gerendam fac- tus, in suspicionem ce- cidit Lacechemoniorum. In quo facto domum re- vocatus, accusatus capi- tis absolvitur : mulctatur tamen pecunia. Quam ob causam ad classem re missus non est. Cap. Ill, At illepost non multo, sua sponte ad exercitum rediit ; & ibi non callida sed de- menti ratione cogitata patefecit. Non enim mores patrios solum, sed etiam cultum vesti- tumque mutavit. Appa- and the rest of Greece, under your flower. If you would have any of these things done, see you send a trusty person to him, with whom he may confer about the matter. The king, rejoicing mightily at the security of so many per- sons so nearly allied to him, immediately dispatches Ar- tabazus with a letter to Pau- sanias, in which he com* mends him, and desires he would not spare any thing to effect the matter, which he promised : if he did it, he should have a refusal of no- thing from him. Pausanias having understood his mind, being rendered more forward for the management of the affair, fell under the suspici- on of the Lacedemonians. In the middle of which trans- action, being recalled home, and accused of this capital crime, he is acquitted ; yet is fined a sum of money : for which reason he was not sent back to the fleet. Chap. III. But he, not long after, returned to the army of his own accord, and there discovered his inten- tions, not after a cunning, but a mad manner. For he not only laid aside his pom . manners, but even its furni- ture and dress. He had the 64 CORNELII NEPOtIS, ratu regio ntebatur, ves- te Medica : satellites Medi & Egyptii seque- bantur: epulahatur more Persarum luxuriosius, quam qui ackrant, per- peti possent. Aditum petentibus conveniendi non dabat : superbe res- pondebat, 8c crudeliter imperabat. Spartam re- dire nolebat. Colonas, qui locus in agro Tro- ade est, se contulerat: ibi consilia cum patriae turn sibi, inimica capie- bat. Id postquam Lace- deemonii resciverunt, le- gates ad eum cum scy- tala miserunt, in qua more illorum erat scrip- turn, nisi domum re- verteretur, se capitis e- um damnaturos. Hoc equipage of a king, the Me- dian robe : Median and E- gyptian guards attended him: he feasted after the manner of the Persians, more luxu- riously than they that were with him could endure : he did not grant access to those that desired to wait upon him: he answered proudly, and commanded cruelly: he would not return to Sparta: he retired to Colons, which place is in the territory of (a) Troas, where he formed de- signs of pernicious tenden- cy, both to his country and himself. After the Lacedae- monians understood it, they sent messengers to him with a (b) scytala, in which was written, after their fashion, unless he returned home, that they would condemn him to ( sentia vestimentorum fuit, arripuit. His in ig- nem ejectis, fiamnue vim transit, Quern ut bar- bari incendium effugisse the laws of clemency, than that the king's interest should be lessened. Wherefore he- sent Sysamithres and Bageus to kill Aicibiades, whilst he was in (a) Phrygia, and pre- paring for a journey to the king. The persons sent pri- vately give order to the neighbourhood in which Ai- cibiades then was, to kill nim. They, not daring to attack him with the sword, in the night-time laid w r ood about the thatched house, in which he was asleep, and set it on fire, that they might dispatch him by burning, whom they despaired could be mastered by fighting. But he being awakened by the crackling of the flame, because his sword had been privately with- drawn from him, drew out a dagger of his friend. For there was with him a certain host of his of \b) Arcadia, who would never depart from him: He bids him follow him, and took up what clothes he had by him at that time, and throwing them out into the fire, passes the fury of the flame. Whom as soon (a) There were two provinces of Asia Minor, called Phrygia* the Greater and the Lesser. (£) Arcadia is a country in the middle of Peloponnesus. ALCIBIADES. 99 eminus viderunt, telis missis interfecerunt, ca- putque ejus and Pharna- bazum retulerunt. At mulier, quae cum eo vi- vere consueverat, mulie- bri suj. veste contectum, sUiificii incendio mortu- um cremavit, quod ad vivum interimendum erat comparatum. Sic Alcibiades, annos circi- ter quadraginta natus, diem obrft supremum. Cap XI. Hunc infa- rnatum a plerisque, tres gravissimi histoiici snmmis laudibus extu- lerunt: Thucydides, qui ejusdemastatisfuit; The- opompus, qui fuit post aliquanto natus; et Ti- iRasus; qui quidem duo maledicentisskni, nescio quomodo, in illo uno laudando consenserunt. as the Barbarians saw at a distance to have escaped the fire, discharging their wea- pons at him, they killed him, and brought his head to Phar- nabazus. But the {a) woman which had used to live with him, burnt him tvhen dead, covered with her own rai- ment, in the fire of the house, which had been prepared to burn him alive. Thus Alci- biades ended his last day, be- ing about forty years old. Chap. XI. Three very au- thentic historians have ex- tolled him, tho' blackened by most writers, with the high- est commendations; Thucy- dides, who was of the same age; Theopompus, who was born some time after; and Timasus; which two last, tho" much addicted to ill lan- guage, I know not how, hav^ agreed together in praising (a) Alcibiades seems, by this account, to have been but very poorly attended for a person of his figure, whose circumstances, though in banishment, might very well have afforded him a much mo e considerable equipage; since he had, by virtue of Pharnabazus's generosity to him, an income of ten thousand pounds a year. But; we are not to judge of antiquity by the present times, and think every thing incredible, that docs not square with the way and fashion of the world now-a days. There was then a great simpli- city of manners among the Greeks, which, with the freedom of then government, rendered them invincible; as the luxury of the Persi- ans, a luxurious, fashionable people, like us, together with theit slavish subjection to their prince, rendered them an easy prey to thj Greeks, and made them fly like sheep in the day of battle. 00 CORNELII NEPOTIS Nam ea, quse supra dix- Imus, de eo prsedicarunt, atque hoc amplius: cum Athenis splendissima ci- vitate natus esset, omnes Athenienses splendore ac dignitate vitsc supe- rasse. Postquam inde expuisus Thebas venerit, adeo stucliis eorum in- servisse, ut nemo eum ]abore corporisque viri- bus posset equiparare. Omnes enim Breotii ma- gis nrmitati corporis quam in genii acumini inserviunt. Eundem a- pud Lacedsemonios, quo- rum moribus summa virtus in patientia pone- batur, sic duritiei se de- disse, ut parsimonia vic- tus atque cultus omnes Lac ed?e monies vinceret. Fuisse apud Thracas, Lomines vinolentos, re- basque venereis deditos: hos quoque in his rebus antecessisse. Venisse ad Persas, apud quos gumma laus esset forti- ter venari, luxuriose vi- vere. Horum sic imita- turn consuetudinem, ut ilii ipsi eum in his max- ime admirarentur. Qui- bus rebus effecisse, ut, apud quoscunque esset, princeps poneretur? ha- him alone; for they have re- lated those things of him, which we have spoken above, and this farther, that tho'he was born in Athens, the most splendid city in the world, he excelled ail the Athenians in the splendor and dignity of his life. After he came to Thebes, upon his being ban- ished thence, he so applied himself to their course of life, that nobody could equal him in laborious exer- cisesj and strength of body; for all the Boeotians mind more the improvement of their bodily strength than acuteness of parts. The same man amongst the Lace- demonians, according to the fashion of whom, the highest virtue was placed in the en- during of hardship, did so give himself up to a hard way of life, that he excelled all the Lacedemonians in the frugality of his diet and dress. That when he was amongst the Thracians, drunken fellows, and addict- ed to lewdness, he quite out- went them too in these mat- ters. That he came amongst the Persians, with whom it was matter of the highest commendation, to hunt hard and live high. That he so imitated their way of life, THRASYBULUS. 101 quos< ordiamur bereturque charissimus. that they themselves admired Sed satis de hoc; reli- him prodigiously in these things. By which means he brought it to pass, that with whomsoever he was, he was reckoned a leading man, and mightily beloved. But enough of liim: Let us now proceed to the rest, VIII. VIIL THRASYBULUS, LyciJiluiSy Athenienszs, THRASYBULUS, The son of JLycus^ the Athe- nian, CAP. I. CHAP. I. THRASYBULUS, Lyci Alius, Atheniensis. Si per se virtus sine for- tune ponderanda sit, du- bito an hunc primum omnium ponam. Illi sine dubio neminem prafero, fide, constantia, magnitudine animi, in patriam amore. Nam quod multi voluerunt, pauci potuerunt, ab uno tyranno patriam lihe- rare, huic contigit, ut a triginta oppressam ty- rannis, e servitute in li- beratem vindicaret. Sed nescio quomodo, quiim eum nemo anteiret his THRASYBULUS, the son of Lycus, the Athenian. If virtue is to be considered by itself, without fortune, I am in doubt, whether or no I should not place him the first of all the Greek commanders. Without doubt, I prefer no- body before him, for honour, constancy, greatness of soul, and love to his country. For what a great many have de- sired, but few could effect , that isy to deliver their coun- try from one tyrant, happen- ed to him, to deliver his country oppressed by thirty tyrants, out of slavery into li- berty. But I know not how? T 2 t03 CORNELII NEPOTIS virtutibus, multi nobili- tate praecurrerunt. Pri- mura, Peloponnesio bello multa hie sine Al- cibiade gessit: ille nul- lam rem sine hoc: quas ille universa naturali quodam bono fecit luci i. Sed iila tamen omnia communia imperatori- bus cum militibus et for- tune, quod in prselii con- cursu abit res a consilio ad vires vimque pugnan- tium. Itaque jure suo Bonnulla ab imperatore miles, piurima vera for- tuiia, vendicat: seque his plus valuisse, quam du- eis prudentiam, vere po- test praedicare. Quare ilhid magnificentissi- mum factum proprium «est Thrasybuli: Nam cum triginta tyranni, propositi a Lacedsemo- liiis, servitute oppressas tenerent Athenas ? pluri- siios cives 5 quibus in bel- io pepercerat fGrtuna, partim patrii expulis- sent, partim interfecis- sent, piurimorum bona publicata inter se divi- slssent; non solum prin- ceps, sed et solus initio bellum his indfedt tho* nobody excelled him in those virtues, many outsrip- ped him in fame. First of all in the Peloponnesian war, he performed many things without Alcibiades, he did nothing without him; all which, by a certain natural advantage, he gained the cre- dit of. But however, all those things are in common to the generals with the sol- diery and fortune, because, in the recounter of a battle, the. business proceeds from con- duct to strength, and the mettle of the lighters. Wherefore the soldier of right claims something from the general, but fortune very much; and she may truly boast, that she has ahvays prevailed more in those mat- ters, than the prudence of a general. Wherefore that most noble action is entirely Thrasybulus's; for when the thirty tyrants, set up by the Lacedaemonians, kept Athens oppressed in slavery, and partly banished their country, partly killed a great many citizens, whom fortune had spared in the war, and divided their estates, being confis- cated, amongst them, he was not only the principal, but the only man at first, that made \ni\v noon them» THRASYBULUS. 103 Cap. II. Hie enim cum Phylen confugisset, quod est castellum in Attica rnunitissimum, non plus habuit secum quam triginta de suis. Hoc initinm fuit salutis Atticorum: hoc robur li- bertatis clarissimas civi- tatis. Neque vero bic contemptus est primd a tyrannis, sed ejus soiitu- do: quse quick rn res et iliis eontemnentibusper- niciei, et huic despecto saluti, fuit. Hasc enirn illos ad persequendum segnes, bos autem, tem- pore ad comparandum dato, fecit robustiores. Quo magis pracceptum illud omnium in animis esse debet, Nihil in bel- lo cportere contemn:: nee sine causa dici, Ma- trem timidi fiere non solere. Neque tamen pro opinione Thrasybu- li auctse sunt opes; nam jam illis temporibus for- tius boni pro iibertate lo- quebantur, quam pugna- bant. Hinc in Pyraeeum transiit, Munichiamque munivit. Hanc bis tv- ranni oppugn are sunt a- dorti, ab eaq; turpiter repuisi, protinus in ur- beixij armis impedimen- Chap. II. For when he first fled to Phyle, which is a very strong castle in Attica* he had no more with him than thirty of his country- men. This was the original of the recovery of the Athe- nians; this the strength of the liberty of that most famous city. And indeed he was not so ranch despised at first by the tyrants, as his being alone: which thing was both the ruin of those that des- pised Mm, and the security of him that was despised; for this rendered them too lazy to look after him, and made the others stronger, by the time thai was given them to make due preparations. For which the more ought that maxim to be in the minds of all, that nothing ought to be slighted in war, and that it is not said without reason, that the mother of a coward does not use to weep. However, Thrasybuius's strength was not increased according to his expectations, For even then at that time, good men spoke more bravely for their liber- ty, than they fought for it. After that he went into Py- rjeeus, and fortified Munichia. The tyrants twice attempted to assault it, and being shame- fully driven from it, immedi- 104 CORNELII NEPOTIS risque amissis, refuge- runt. Usus est Thra- ■sybulus non minus pru- dentia quam fortitudine; nam cedentes violari ve- tuit, cives enim civibus parcere aequum cense- bat. Neque quisquam est vulneratus, nisi qui prior impugnare voluit. Neminem jacentem ves- te spoliavit: nil attigit nisi arma, quorum indi- gebat, et quae ad victum pertinebant. In secun- clo praelio cecidit Critias, dux tyrannorum, cum quidem adversus Thra- cybulum fortissime pug- naret. Cap. III. Hoc dejec- to, Pausanias venit Atti- cis auxilio, rex Lacedae- moniorum. Is inter Thrasybulum et eos qui urbem tenebant, fecit pacem his conditionibus: Ne qui, prater triginta tyrannos, et decern, qui postea praetores creati, superioris more crudeli- tatis erant usi, aiticeren- tur exilio: neve cujus- quam bona publicaren- tur: reipubiicae proeu- ratio popuio redderetur. Prseclarum hoc quoque Thrasybuii, quod i-e con- ciliate pace, quum pluri- ately fled into the town, their arms and baggage being lost, Thrasybuius made use of prudence no less than valour; for he forbade those that fled to be hurt; for he thought it reasonable, that citizens should spare their fellow -ci- tizens; nor was any one wounded, but he that would first attack them. £fe strip- ped no one as he lay, of his clothes; he meddled with nothing but arms, which he wanted, and provisions. In the second battle fell Critias, the tyrants' general, after he had indeed fought very brave- ly against Thrasybuius. Chap. III. He being slain, Pausanias, king of the Lace- daemonians, came to the as- sistance of the Athenians. He made a peace betwixt Thrasybuius and those who held the town, upon these terms: That none besides the thirty tyrants, and the ten, wi/Iegiance, and far from being commendable, Had any body served Augustus so, Nepos would, it is likely, have been forward enough to condemn him. But a very little consideration might have satisfied him, that what was criminal and villainous, when committed against an emperor of Rome, was as certainly so when committed against an emperor of Persia. This attempt of Conon's was too gross to admit of any excuse, much less does it deserve the commendation our author be- stows upon it: And therefore herein I think he has betrayed his want of judgment. K2 iI4 CORNELH NEPOTIS Nam quum magnam auctoritatem sibi pugni. ille navali quam apud Cnidum fecerat, consti- tuisset, non solum inter barbaros, sed etiam inter omnes Grseciae civitates, clam dare operam ccepit, ut Ioniam et ^Eoliam restitueret Atheniensi- bus. Id quum minus diligenter esset celatum, Tiribazus, qui Sardibus prseeret, Cononem evo- cavit, simulans ad re- gem cum se mittere vel- Je magna festinatione. Hujus nuncio parens qu- um venisset, in vincula conjectus est, in quibus aliquandiu fuit. Non- nulli eum ad regem ab- Uuctum, ibique pcrifsse scriptum reiiquerunt. Contra ea, Dinon histo- ricus, cui nos plarimum de Persicis rebus credi- mus, effugisse scripsit; illud addubitat, utrum Tiribazo sciente, an im- prudente sit factum. country, and commendable; because he chose rather to have the power of his coun- try, than of the king, ad- vanced. For after he had es- tablished to himself a great authority by that sea-fight, that he had'fought at Cnidus, not only amongst foreigners, but amongst all the states of Greece, he began to endea- vour underhand to restore Ionia and ilLolia to the Athe- nians. As that was not care- fully concealed, Tiribazus, who was governor of Sardis, sent for Conon, pretending that he would send him to the king in great haste. Af- ter he was come to him in obedience to his message, he w T as put under confinement, in which he was for some time. Some have left it on record, that he was carried to the king, and there put to death. On the other hand, Dinon the historian, whom we chiefly give credit to, as to Persian affairs, writes, that he made his escape; but doubts whether it was done with the knowledge of Tiri- bazus, or not. \ Ltb ^v. X. DION, DION; is Syra- The son of h : cusani: . Syracu CAP. I. CHAP. I. DION, Hipparini fi- lius, Syracusanus, nobili genere natus, utraque implicatus tyrannide Di- on ysior vim; nam que ilie superior Aristomachen, sorcrem Dionis, habuit in matrimonio: ex qua duos filios, Hipparinum et Nysaum, procreavit, totidemque filias So- phrosynem et Areten: am prior em Di sio filio, eideiii cui reg- num reliquit, n upturn dedit: alteram, Areten, Dioni. Dion autem prscter nobilem prcpin- quitatem, generosamque ma jo rum famam, n alia a natura habuit bo- na: In his ingenium do- cile, come, aptum ad ar- tes optimas; magnam DION, the son of Hi rinus, the Syracusan, born of a noble family, and (a) allied to both the Diony- sius's: for the first of them had Aristomache, Dion's sis- ter, in marriage, by whom he had two sons, Hipparinus and Mysaeus, and as m daughters, Sophrosyne and Arete; the former of which he gave in marriage to Dio- nysius the son, the same to whom he left his kingdom; the other, Arete, to Dion, Dion, besides this noble alli- ance, and the generous fame of his ancestors, had a great many other advantages from nature. Amongst these a docible genius, courteous, fit for the best arts; great hand- someness of person, which does not a little recommend (a) Either our author has here expressed himself a little care- lessly, or else the reading- I think, must be faulty; for to me. the words do not seem to express the sense, which, it is plain, from the following words, he intended. 116 CORNELII NEPOTIS corporis dignitatem, quae lion minimum com men - dat: magnas prseterea divitias a patre relictas, quas ipse tyranni mune- ribus auxerat. Erat in- limus Dionysio priori, neque minus propter mores quam affinitatem. Nam que, etsi Dionysii crudelitas ipsi displice- bat, tamen salvum ilium propter necessitudinem, magis etiam suorum causa, esse studebat. Aderat in magnis rebus; ejusque consiiio multiim rnovebatur tyrannus, ni- si qua in re major ipsius ciipiditas inter cesserat. Legationes vero omnes, qii» essent illustriores, per Dionem administra- bantur; quas quidem ille diligenter obeundo, fi- deliter administrando, crudelissimum nomen tyranni sua humanitate tegebat. Hunc a Diony- sio missum Carthagini- enses suspexerunt, ut neminem unquam Gra> cia lingua Ioquentem magis sint admirati. Cap. II. Neque vero liajc Dionysium fugie- bant; nam quanto esset sibi ornamento, sentie- bat. Quo fiebat, ut uni a man; besides great riches left him by his father, which he had increased by the ty- rant's presents. He was in- timate with the first Diony- sius, no less for his good be- haviour, than his relation to him. For although the cru- elty of Dionysius displeased him, yet he was desirous he should be secure, because of. his alliance with him, and more upon account of his relations. He was assisting to him in all his weighty af- fairs; and the tyrant was much swayed by his advice, unless, in any case, some vi. olent humour of his own in- terposed. But all the em- bassies, that were extraordi- nary, were undertaken by Dion; by discharging which carefully, and, managing faithfully, he covered the most cruel name of the ty- rant under his own humanity. The Carthagenians admired him upon his being sent thither by Dionysius, so as they never admired any body, that spoke the Greek tongue, more. Chap. II. Nor indeed did these things escape the no- tice of Dionysius; for he was sensible how great an orna- ment he was to him; from DION 117 huic maxime iiukilgeret, neque eum secus dilige- rat ac filium. Qui qui- dem, qiuim Platonem Tarentum venisse fama in Sicilian* esset perla- ta, adolescenti negare non potuit, quin eura ar- cesseret, quum Dion e- jus audiendi cupiditate ilagraret. Dedit ergo huic veniatn, magnaque cum ambitione Syracu- sas perduxit. Quern Dion adeo adiniratus est, atque adamavit, ut se to- tum ei traderet. Ne- que vero minus Plato delectatus est Dione. Itaque, quum a Diony- sio Tyranno crudeiiter violatus esset, (quippe quern venundari jussis- set) tamen eodem rediit, ejusdem Dionis preci- ous adductus. Interim in morburn incidi.t Dio- nysius: quo cum gravi- tcr confiictaretur, qua> sfWt a medicis Dion, quemadmodum se habe- re!; simulque ab his pe- tit, si forte majore esset periculo, ut sibi fateren- uir: Nam velie secum eo colloqui de partiendo regno, quod sororis suae filios ex illo natos par- tem regni putabat de- wh ence.it was, that he in- dulged him alone very much, nor did he love him any otherwise, than as his own son. Who too, when news was brought into Sicily, that Plato was come to Tarentum, could not deny the young man, but sent for him, seeing Dion was inflamed with a de- sire of hearing him. Where- fore he granted him the fa- vour, and by great importu- nity drew him to Syracuse. Yv r hom Dion so much ad- mired and loved, that he gave himself wholly up to him, Nor was Plato less pleased with Dion. Therefore tho* he was cruelly abused by Dionysius the tyrant, (for he had ordered him to be sold) yet he returned to the same place, being prevailed upon by the entreaties of the same Dion. In the mean time Dionysius fell into a distem- per, with which when he was grievously handled, Dion en- quired of the physicians, how he was; and at the same time desired of them, if perhaps he was in great danger, that they would confess it ro him; for he had a ralnd to talk with jiim about dividing the kingdom, because he thought his sister's sons by him ought to have a share of the king- us CORNELII NEPOTIS bere habere. Id medici non tacuerunt, et ad Di- onysium filium sermo- nem retulerunt. Quo ille commotus, ne agen- di cum eo esset Dioni potestas, patri soporem medicos dare coegit: Hoc seger sumpto, som- no sopitus, diem obizt supremum. Cap. III. Tale initi- um fuitDionis et Diony- sii simultatis; eaque multis rebus aucta est: Sed tamen primis tem- poribus, aliquandiu si- mulata inter eos amicitia mansit: Quumqu Dion non desisteret obsecrare Dionysium, ut Platonem Athenis accesserit, et ejus consiiiis uteretur: ille^ qui in aliqua re vel- let patrem imitari, mo- rem ei gessit; eodemque tempore Philistum his- ioricum Syracusas re- chixit, hominem amicnm non magis tyranno, quam tyrannidi. Sed dehoc in eo meo libro piura sunt exposita qui de histori- cis conscriptus est. Pla- to autem tan turn apud Dionysium auctoritate potuit, valuitque elo- quentia, ut ei persuase- dom. The physicians did not conceal that, and carried these words to Dionysius the son. At which being startled, that Dion might not have an opportuniy of talking with liim, he forced the physici- ans to give his father a sleep- ing dose. The sick prince having taken this, being laid fast asleep by "it, ended his last day. Chap. III. Such was the beginning of the misunder- standing betwixt Dion and Dionysius; and that was in- creased by many things: But yet at first, for some time, a pretended friendship continu- ed betwixt them. And as Dion did not cease to beg of Dio- nysius, that he would send for Plato from Athens, and make use of his advice; he, who had a mind to imitate his father in something, gave him his humour; and at the same time brought back Phi- listus the historian to Syra- cuse, a man not more a friend to the tyrant, than to tyranny itself. But more has been said about him, in that book of mine which was written about the historians*. But Plato wroifght so much upon Dionysius by his autho- rity, and prevailed so by his eloquence, that he per sua DION 119 -lis face re fi- nem Hbertatemque red- dere Syracusanis: a qua voiuntate Philisti consi- lio deterritus, aliquanto crudelior esse ccepit. Cap. IV. Qui qui- dem, quum a Dione se superari vidertting^nio, auctoritate, umore popu- ii; verens ne, si eum se- ciim haberet, aliquam raem sui daret op- mendi: navem ei tri- aem dedit, qua Co- rinthum deveheretur: ostendens se id utrius- que fecere causa, ne, quum I a event, Iteruin prcoc- paret. Id quum fac- i mulii indigiiaren- tur, ma e esset in- vidi nno, piony si- ns omnia, quae mover* poteram Dionis, in na- imposuit, ad eirmq misit. Sic enim exisli- mari vc id se non him to put an end to his usurpation, and to restore to the Syiacusans their liberty; from which intention being dissuaded by the council of Philistus, he began to be something more cruel- Chap. IV. Who indeed when ne saw himself excelled by Dion in parts, authority, an d love of the people, fearing lest, if he kept him with him } he should give him some op- portunity of ruining him; he gave him a ship with three banks of oars, wherein he might go to (a) Corinth; de- claring he did it upon both their accounts, lest, since they were jealous of one Aher, one of them should trepan the other. As^Trany people were angr^^the • and it was to the t/frant an occasion of great (b) ha- tred, Dionysius put on board sbme ships ail the substance of Dion that could be remov- ed, and sent it to him. For he had a mind it should be (a) Corinth was a famous city in the entrance of Peloponnesus from Achaia (£) a have several times above translated invidia by hatred; for so indeed it commonly signifies, a popular odium or hatred; and that sense it visibly has here. This little remark is designed for the benefit of such smatterers in the Latin tongue as may be more dis- posed to cavil than to learn. I warn them, once, to have a care of medling, for fear of burning their fingers. 120 CORNELII NEPOTIS odio hominis, sed suse salutis fecisse causa. Postea verd quaii^ audi- vit eum in Peloponneso manum comparare, si- bique bellum facere co- nari, Areten Dionis ux- orem alii nuptum dedit, filiumque ejus sic educa- ri jussit, ut indulgendo, turpissimis imbueretur cupiditatibus. Nam pu- erc, priusquam pubes esset; scorta adduceban- tur: vino epulisque obru- ehatur, neque ullum temp us sobrio reiinque- batur. Is usque e& vitae statu m commutaturn ferre non potuit, post- quam in patriam rediit pater (namque appositi erant custodes, qui eura a pristino victu deduce- rent) ut se e superiore parte sedium dejecerit, atque ita interierit. Sed illuc revertor. Post qu am Corinthum rervenlt Di- thought, that he had done that, not out of a hatred of the man, but upon account of his own security. But after he heard that he was levying troops in Peloponnesus, and endeavouring to make war upon him, he gave Arete the wife of Dion in marriage to another, and ordered his son to be educated so, that he might, by indulging him^ be tainted with the most filthy lusts. For (a) whores were brought him, when but a boy, before he was of age; * He was perfectly overwhelmed with wine and good cheer, nor was any time leftJum fo be sober. He could not bear his state of life when changed, to that degree, that after his father returned into his country, (for keepers were set over him^o reclaim him from his forr&er way of life) he threw himself from the upper part of a hpuse, and so died. But I return. Chap. V. After Dion came to Corinth, and Heraclides («) The tyrant seems to have been of opinion, that to debauch him was the greatest mischief he could do him; and so far he was undoubte ly right; because it was better, to be sure, to be hanged, or to be dispatched any way at once, than to lead a life of lewdness and debauchery But what $ comfortable opinion must the brute have had of himself in the mean time, who was as lewd as any body? DION on, et eodem perfugit Heraclides, ab eodem expulsus Dionysio, qui pr amittoi.c opti mates. Quarum re- rum cura. frangebatur; et insuetus male audien- oi, non a quo animo fere- bat, de se ab iis male ex- Iftimari, quorum pauld ante in ccelum fuerat ela- tus laudibus. Vulgus autem; offensa, in eum militum vol nutate» libe- ries loquebatur, et ty- vannum non ferendum dictitabat. Cap. VIII. Kkc ille intuens, quum, quemad- roodum sedaret, nesci- ret, et quorsum evade- ret, time ret; Callicrates quidam, civis Athenien- sis, qui simul cum eo ex Peleponneso in Siciliam venerat, homo et calli- was slain. But he, his ene- my being taken off, divided their estates whom he knew to have been in their senti- ments against him, to hir» soldiers very licentiously. Which being distributed, as his daily expences were very great, money quickly began to fail him: Nor was there any thing to which he could reach his hands, but the pos- sessions of his friends: That was such, that whilst he gained ilm soldiery, he lost the better party. With the care of which things he was dispirited; and being unac- customed to hear himself ill spoken of, he bore it not with an easy mind, that he should be ill thought of by those, by whose praises he had been exalted to Heaven a little be- fore. But the common peo- ple, the minds of the soldiers being offended -at him, spoke more freely, and frequently said that the tyrant was not to be endured. Chap. VIII. He seeing these things, as he knew not how to put a stop to them, and was afraid what the mat- ter would come to, one Cal- licrates, a citizen of Athens, who had come together with him from Peloponnesus into Sicilv, a subtle fellow, and DION, 125 dus, et ad fraudem acu- tus, sine ulla reli^ione ac fide, adit ad Dionem, et ait eum in magno pe- riculo esse propter of- fensionem populi, et odi- um militum: quod nullo modo evitare posset, nisi alicui suorum negotium daret, qui se simularet illi inimicum: quern si invenisset idoneum, fa- cile omnium animos cogniturum, adversari- osque sublaturum, quod inimici ejus dissident! suos sensus aperturi fo- rent. Tali consiiio pro- bato, excipit has partes ipse Callicrates, et se ar- mat imprudentia Dionis. Ad eum interficiendum socios conquirit; adver- sarios ejus convenit: conjurationem confir- mat. Res, multis con- sciis, quae gereretur, elata, refertur ad Aris- tomachen sororem Dio- nis, uxoremque Areten. Ulae timore perterritae conveniunt, cujus de pe- riculo timebant. At il- le negat a Callicrate fie- ri sibi insidias: sed ilia, quae agerentur, fieri prae- cepto suo. Mulieres ni- hilo secius Callicratem in aedem Proserpina de- acute enough for the manage- ment of any fraudulent design, without any religion and ho- nour, goes to Dion, and tells' him, that he was in great danger, because of the disaf- fection of the people, and the hatred of the soldiers, which he could no way avoid, unless he gave a commission to some of his friends, to pre- tend himself an enemy to him: If he could but find one proper to his fiurfiose, he might easily know the minds .of them all, and take off his adversaries, because his ene- mies would discover their sentiments to one disaffected to him. This counsel being* approved, Callicrates himself undertakes this business, and arms himself by the impru- dence of Dion: He seeks ac- complices to kill him; he gives a meeting to his ene- mies, and completely forms the conspiracy against him* The matter which was carry- ing on, many being privy to it, being blabbed, is carried to Aristomache the sister of Dion, and his wife Arete. They, being alarmed with fear, go to him, for whose danger they were concerned. But he denies that any plot was formed against him by Callicrates; but that those L 2 *^~~ *^^z= 126 CORNELII . NEPOTIS ducunt, ac jurare co- gunt, nihil ab ilio peri- culi fore Dioni. Ille hac religione non modo ab incepto non deterri- tus, sed ad maturandum concitatus est, verens ne prius consilium aperire- tur suum, quam conata perfecisset. Cap. IX. Hac mente, proximo die festo, quum conventu se remotum Dion domi teneret, at- que in conclavi edito re- cubuisset, consciis loca munitiora oppidi tradi- dit: domum custodibus sepsit, a foribus qui non discederent, certos prae- fecit; navem triremem armatis ornat, Philocra- tique fratri suo tradit, eamque in portu agitari jubet, ut si exercere re- miges vellet; cogitans, si forte consiliis obstitis- set fortuna, ut haberet, quo fugeret ad salutem. Suorum autem e nume- ro Zacynthios adoles- centes quosdam elegit, cum audacissimos, turn things, which were doing ? were done by his order. The women notwithstanding bring Callicrates into the temple of Proserpine, and oblige him to swear, that there should be no danger to Dion from him. He not on- ly was not deferred from his undertaking by this sacred obligation, but was pushed on to hasten the execution, fear- ing lest his design should be discovered, before he could accomplish what he attempt- ed. Chap. IX. With this de- sign, the next holy-day, whilst'Dion kept himself re- tired far from the assembly of the people, and was laid down in an upper room, he delivered to some of his ac- complices all the strong parts of the town; he surrounded the house with guards; he placed trusty men that should not depart from the door; he mans a ship with three banks of oars, and delivers it to his brother Philocrates, and or- ders it to be rowed about in the harbour, as if he had a mind to exercise the rowers; intending, if fortune obstruct- ed his design, to have this to fly to for security. He likewise chose out of the number of his men some DION. 127 viribus maximis; hisque dat negotium, ut ad Di- onem eant inermes, sic ut conveniendi ejus gra- tia viderentur venire. Hi, propter notitiam, sunt intromissi. At illi, ut limen ejus intrarunt, foribus obseratis, in lecto cubantem invadunt, col- ligant: fit strepitus, adeo ut exaudiri possit foris. Hie, sicut ante saepe dic- tum est, quam invisa sit singularis potentia, et miseranda vita, qui se metui quam amari ma- lunt, cuivis facile intel- lectu fuit. Namque illi ipsi custodes, si propitia fuissent voluntate, fori- bus effractis, servare eum potuissent, quod illi inermes, telum foris fla- gitantes, vivum tene- bant. Cui quum suc- curreret nemo, Lyco quidam Syracusanus per fenestras gladium dedit, quo Dion interfectus est. Cap. X. Confecta cx- de, quum muititudo vi- (a) Zacynthian youths, both very bold, and of very great strength. And to these he gives orders, to go to Dion unarmed, as if they seemed to come upon the account of speaking with him. These, by reason of their acquain- tance with him, were let in: but they, as soon as they had entered his door, bolting it, seize him lying on his bed, and bind him. A noise was made, so that it might be heard without doors. Here, as has been often said before, it was easy to be understood by any body, how odious ar- bitrary power is, and how miserable the life of those, who choose rather to be fear- ed than loved. For those very guards, if they had been men of a favourable disposi- tion toward* him, by break- ing the door, might have saved him, because they be- ing unarmed held him alive, calling to those without for a weapon; whom whilst nobody relieved, one Lyco a Syracu- san gave them a sword through the window, with which Dion was slain. Chap. X. After the mur- der was committed, when the (a) Zacynthus is an island on the western coast of Peloponnesus* 128 CORNELII NEPOTIS sench gratia introizsset, nonnulli ah insciis pro noxiis conciduntur. Nam celeri rumore dilato, Dioni vim allatam, mul- ti concurrerant quibus tale facinus displicebat. Hi, falsa suspicione duc- ti, immerentes, inermes, ut sceleratos occidunt. Hujus de morte ut pa- lam factum est, mirabi- liter vulgi immutata est voluntas. Nam qui vi- vum eum tyrannum vo- citarant, eundem libera- torem patriae tyrannique expulsorem prsedica- bant. Sic subito miseri- cordia odio successerat, ut eum suo sanguine, si possent, ab Acheronte cuperent redimere. Ita- que in urbe, celeberrimo loco, elatus publice, se- pulchri monumento do- natus est. Diem obiit circiter annos quinqua- ginta quinque natus; quartum post annum, quam ex Peloponneso in Sicilian! redierat. people came in to see him, some are slain by those that were ignorant of the matter, for the guilty. For a speedy report being spread, that vio- lence had been offered to Di- on, many had run together, whom this fact displeased. These, moved by a false sus- picion, kill the innocent and unarmed, as if they had been guilty. As soon as public notice had been given of his death, the mind of the com- mon people was wonderfully changed. For they who had called him when alive, a ty- rant, called the same man the deliverer of his country, and the banisher of a tyrant. Thus suddenly had pity suc- ceeded their hatred, that they desired to redeem him with their own blood from hell, if they could. Wherefore be- ing buried at the public ex- pense in the most frequented part of the city, he was ho- noured with a monument of a sepulchre. He died about fifty -five years old; the fourth year after he had returned out of Peloponnesus into Si» cily. ( 129 ) XI XL IPHICRATES, jitheniensis. IPHICRATES, The A 'then Ian. CAP. I. CHAP. I. IPHICRATES, Athe- niensis, non tam genere aut magnitudine rerum gestarum, quam disci- pline militari nobilitatus est. Fuit enim talis dux, ut non solum setatis suae cum priihis compa- raretur, sed ne de majo- ribus nam qiiidem quis- quam anteponeretur. Miiitum vero in bcilo vcrsatus, sxpe exerciti- pfaefuit: nusquam culpa male rem gessit, semper consilio vicit, tan turn que eo valuit, ut multa in re militari par- ti m nova attulerit, par- rim meliora Fecerit. Nam que ille pedestria arma mutavit: quum* an- te ill u m im perato re rn maximis clypeis, bre-vi- busqtie hastis, minutis gladiis uterentur; ille, e contrario, Peltam pro Parma fecit, a quo pos- tea Peltastss pedites ap- pellabantur, ut ad motus concursusque essent k- IPHICRATES,theAthe- nian, was not so famous for his family, or the greatness of the things performed by him, as his military disci- pline. For he was such a general, that he might not only he compared with the greatest of his age, but none of the old generals could in- deed be preferred before him. But having been much in war, lie oftentimes command- ed armies: he never managed his business ill by his o-ixm fault; he always excelled in contrivance, and was so able that way, that he partly in- vented many new things in the military art, partly made things better. For he changed the foot arms: when, before he ivas general, they made use of very great shields, short spears, and lit- tle swords; he, on the contra- ry, made t\\Q Pelta instead of tat Parma, from which the foot were afterwards called Peltastag, that they might be nimbler for motion and e£» 130 CORNELII NEPOTIS viores. Hastae modum duplicavit, Radios longi- ores fecit. Idem £j;enus loricarum mutavit, et pro ferreis atque xneis lineas dedit. Quo facto expeditiores mih'tes red- didit; nam pondere de- tracto, quod seque corpus teeeret, et leve esset, curavit. Cap.II. Bellum cum Thracihus gessit; Seu- then. socium Athenien- sium, in reghum restitu- it Apud Corinthum xanta severitate exerci- tui p'aefuit, ut nullac un- quam in Grxcia* neque exercitatioi es copiaj, ne- que raagfe dicto audien- tes fuerint duci; in earn- que consuetudinem ad- duxit, ut quum praelii signum ab imperatore esset datum, sine ducis opera sic ordinate con- sisterent, ut singuli a peritissimo imperatore dispositi viderentur. Hoc exercitu Moram Lucedsmoniorum inter- gaging. He doubled the length of the spear, and made the swords longer. The same man changed the kind of their coats of mail, and gave 'Mew linen ones instead of iron and brazen ones| by which act he rendered the soldiers more light; for the weight of their coats being lessened, he provided .wfeat would equally secure the bo- dy, and was light. Chap. II. He carried on a war with the Thracians; re- stored Seuthes, the aliy of the Athenians, to his king- dom. He commanded the army at Corinth with so much strictness, that no troops were ever better exercised in Greece, or more obedient to their general; and he brought them to that custom, that when thesignal of battle was given by the genera!, they would stand so regularly drawn up, that they each of them seemed to have been posted by the most skillful commander. With this ar- my he cutoff the (a) Mora of the Lacedaemonians; which was mightily celebrated {a) A choice body of men amongst the Lacedaemonians, concern- ing the number of which authors are not agreed, some making them to be five hundred, some six, and some eight. IPHICRATES. 131 cepit: quod rnaxime tola celebratum est Graicia. Iterum modern bello o ni- ne's capias torum ifoga- vit: quo facto mag nam adeptus est gloriam. Quum ArtaxejKes iE- gyptio regi helium in- ferre voluisset, Iphicra- tem ab Aiheniensinus p e tivi t cm c e m , q u e m prabfi.ceret exercitni con- ducuiia* cujus numerus duadeciiR railtiurn Fuit. Quem quidem sic on mi discipiina militari e vitj ut quemadmodum quondam Fabiani, roili- tes Romani appellati sunt, sic Iphicraienses apud Gr3ecos in sum ma laude fnerint. Idem subsiiiio Lacedse.rrjoniis prpfectus, Epaminondae retard ayi t im pe tu m : Nam nisi ejus adventus apprbpinqu asset, non prius inebaiii Sparta abscessissent, quam cap- tam irtcendio delessent. Cap 111. Fuit autem et animo magoo et cor- pore, imperatoriaque throughout all Greece. Fie routed all their forces again in the same war; by Wiicn action he acquired great glo- ry When Artaxerxes was resolved to make war upon the king of Egypt, he desired Iphicrates/or his general of the Athenians, yiat he might place him at the head of his army of mercenaries, the number of Wuich was twelve thousand; wiich indeed he so instructed in all military discipline, that as formerly the Roman soldiers were called (a) Fabians, so the Iphicratensians among the Greeks were in the highest reputation. The same mar^ going to the relief of the Lacedemonians^ stopped the progress of Epaminondas, for unless his coming had been near at nana, the The- bans would not have departed from Sparta before they had taken and destroyed it by fire. Chap. III. He was too a man of a great mind and bo- dy, and the appearance of a (a) If the Roman soldiers were used to be called Fabians, which is an account given by none but our author, that I know of, it was occasioned by the gallantry of the Fabian family, that undertook to manage the war against the Vejentes by themselves, and were cut off 300 of them in one battle, about 475 years before Christ. 132 CORNELII NEPOTIS forma; tit ipso aspcctu cuivis injiceret admira- tionem sui: sed inlabore remissus nimis, parum- que patiens, ut Theo- pompus memorise pro- didit: bonus vero civis, fideque magna; quod cum in aliis rebus decla- raverit, turn maxime in Amyntas Macedonis li- beris tuendis. Namque Eurydice mater Perdic- cac et Philippi, cum his duobos liberis, Amynta. mortuo, ad Iphicratem confugit, ejusque -opibus defensa est. Vixit ad senectutem, placatis in se suorum civium ani- m\s. Causam capitis se- mel dixit bello sociali si- mul cum Timotheo, eo- que judicio est absolutus. Mnesthea filium reli- quit ex Thressa natum, Coti regis filia. Is quum interrogaretur, utrum piuris patrem matremve faceret; Mat rem, inquit. 4Id quum omnibus mi- rum videretur; At ille, merito, inquit, facio; nam pater, quantum in se fuit, Thracem me general, that by his very as- pect he would have struck any one with admiration, but in application to business too remiss, and little able to en- dure hardship, as Theopom- pus has left upon record; but a good citizen, and of great honour: which he shewed both in other things, and es- pecially in protecting the children of Amyntas the Ma- cedonian: For Eurydice the mother of Perdiccas and Phi- lip, with those two boys, after Amyntas was dead, fled to Iphicrates, and was secured by his power. He lived to a good old age, with the minds of his countrymen well af- fected towards him. Once he was tried for his life, in the social war, (a) togetiier with Timothy, and was ac- quitted in that trial. He left a son, by name Mnestheus, born of a Thracian lady^ the daughter of king Cotus. He being asked, whether he va- lued his father or his mother more, said, his mother: As that appeared strange to eve- ry body; but, says he, I do it for good reason; for my fa- ther, as much as lay in him, (a) This was carried on by the Byzantians, Coans, Chians, Rho- dians, and Mausolus prince of Caria, against the Athenians, about 360 years before Christ. CHABRIAS. gemnt; contra, mater eniensem. begot me a Thracian; on the other hand, my mother made me an Athenian, as much as lay in her. XII. XII, CHABRIAS, Atheniensis. CHABRIAS, The Athenian. CAP. I. CHAP. L CHABRIAS Atheni- ensis: Hie quoque in summis habitus est duci- bus, resque multas me- moria dignas gessit Sed ex his elucet maxime in- ventum ejus in pirlio quod apud Thebas fecit, quum Bceotiis subsidio venisset. Namque in eo, victoria fidente sum- mo duce Agesilao, fuga- tis jam ab eo conducti- tiis catervis, reliquam phalange m loco vetuit cedere; obnixoqne genu scuto, projectaque hasta, imp e turn excipere hos- tium docuit. Id novum Agesilaus intuens, pro- CHABRIAS the Atheni- an. He too was reckoned amongst the greatest gene- rals, and performed many things worthy of memory. But of these, his invention in the battle which he fought at Thebes, when he went to the relief of the Boeotians, is the most famous. For in that battle, that great commander Agesilaus making himself sure of the victory, the hired troops being now routed by him, he forbade the rest of the (a) Phalanx to quit their ground; and taught them to receive the enemy's attack, with their knee rested against their shield, and their spear (a) Phalanx properly signifies a body of Macedonian foot, sixteen thousand in numaer, drawn up in very close or.ier, armed with shield and spear. But the word was used at last :o signify any body of foot in close array, as it is here. M 134 CORNELH NEPOTIS gedi non est ausus, suos- que jam incurrentes tuba revocavit. Hoc usque ed in Grsecia fama cele- bratum est, ut illo statu Chabrias sibi statuam fieri voluerit, quae pub- lice ei ab Atheniensibus in foro constituta est. Ex quo factum est, ut postea athJetae, caeteri- que artifices, his statibus in statuis ponendis ute- rentur, in quibus victo- riam essent adepti. Cap. II. Chabrias au- tem mult a in Europa bella administravit, qu- um dux Atheniensium esset: multa in iEgypto sua sponte gessit; nam Nectanebum adjutum profectus, regnum ei constituit. Fecit idem Cypri; sed pubiice ab Atheniensibus Evagorse adjutor datus; neque prius inde decessit, quam totam insulam bello devinceret: qua ex re Athenienses magnam gloriam sunt adepti. Interim belium inter JEgyptios et Persas con- flatum est: et Athenien- ses cum Artaxerxe soci- held out. Agesilaus, ob- serving that new contrivance, durst not advance, and called off his men now rushing for- ward by sound of trumpet. This was so much celebrated by fame in Greece, that Cha- brias had a fancy to have the statue made for him in that posture, which was erected for him at the public charge by the Athenians in the fo- rum. From whence it was, that afterwards wrestlers, and other artists, in the erecting of their statue», made use of those postures in which they had gotten a victory. Chap. II. Chabrias like- wise carried on many wars in Europe, when he was gene- ral of the Athenians- He carried on many in Egypt of his own accord; for going to assist Nectanebus, he secured his kingdom to him. He did the same at Cyprus; but being given by the government of the Athenians as an assistant to Evagoras;nor did he depart from thence, before he had conquered the whole island in the war: From which thing the Athenians reaped a great deal of glory. In the mean time a war was com- menced betwixt the Egypti- ans and the Persians; and the Athenians had an alliance CHABRIAS. 135 etatem habebant; Lace- (kmoriii cum JEgyptiis, a quibus magnas pr&das Agesiiaus rex eorum fa- ciebat. Id intuens Cha- brias, quum in re nulla Agesilao cederet, sua. sponte eos adjutum pro- fectus, JLgyptiac classi praefuit, pedestribus co- piis Agesiiaus. Cap. III. Turn prae- fecti regis Persiae legatos miserunt Athenas, ques- turn, quod Chabrias ad- versum regem bellum gereret cum iEgyptiis. Athenienses diem cer- tain Chabrias pisestite- runt, quam ante, domum nisi redz'sset capitis se ilium damnaturos denun- ciarunt. Hoc ille nun- cio Athenas redift, ne- que ibi d Latins est mora- tus, quam fuit neccsse. Non enim libenter erat ante oculos civium suo- rum, quod et vivebat laute, et indulgebat sibi liberaliiis, quam ut invi- diam vulgi posset effu- gere. Est enim hoc commune vitium in magnis liberisque civi- tatibus, ut invidia gloriae comes sit, et libenter de lis detrahant, quos emi- nere videant altius: ne- with Artaxerxes; the Lace- daemonians with the Egypti- ans, from whom Agesiiaus their king got abundance of plunder. Chabrias seeing that, as he yielded in nothing to Agesiiaus, going of his own accord to assist them, commanded the Egyptian fleet, Agesiiaus the land forces. Chap. III. Upon that, the king of Persia's commanders sent messengers to Athens, to complain, that Chabrias made war with the Egypti- ans against the king. The Athenians fixed Chabrias a certain day, before which if he did not return home they declared they would condemn him to die. Upon this mes- sage he returned to Athens, nor did he stay there longer than was necessary. For he was not very willingly under the eyes of his countrymen, because he both lived very handsomely, and indulged himself more freely, than that he could ficssibly escape the odium of the vulgar: For this is a common fault in great and free states, that popular hatred is the attend- ant of glory; and they wil- lingly take from those whom they see tower above other fieofje; nor do the poor look CORNELII NEPOTIS que ammo «quo paupe- ris alienam opulentium intuentur forlunam. Ita- que Chabrias, quoad ei licebat, piurimum abe- rat. Neque verd solus ille aberat Athenis liben- tef, sed omnes fere prin- cipes fecerunt idem; quod Urn turn se ab invi- dia putabant futuros 5 quantum a conspectu suorum recessissent. Itaque Con on piurimum Cypii vixit, Iphicrates in Thracia, Timotheus Lesbi, Chares in Sigaeo. Dissimilis quidem Cha- res horum et factis et moribus; sed tamen Athenis et honoratus et potens* ' Cap. IV. Chabrias au- tein pcriit belio sociali, t a I i m o d o . O p p u gn a- bsnt Athenienses Chi- um: erat in classe Cha- brias privates, sed om- nes, qui in magistrate erant, auctoritate ante- ibat: eumque magis mi- lites, quam qui prsserant, xlehant: quae res ei uravit morten); nam i primus studet por- upon the fortune of the wealthy with an easy mind: Wherefore Chabrias, as far as was possible for him, was very much away. Nor was he alone gladly absent from Athens, but almost all the great men did the same; be- cause they thought they should be just so far removed from popular hatred as they retired from the sight of their c on n trym en , W here fore Conon lived verv much at Cyprus, Iphicrates in Thrace, Timotheus at Lesbos, Chares in {a) Sigeum. Chares was unlike them indeed, both in his actions and manners; but yet he was both honoured and powerful at Athens. Ckaf. IV. Chabrias lost his life in the social war, hi this manner. The Atheni- ans were assaulting (&) Chius: Chabrias was on board the fleet without, any command, but he exceeded all those that were in commission, in authority; and the soldiers more regarded him, than those that commanded them: which thing hastened his death for him: For whilst he (a) A town of Troas near the Hellespont. (7>) An island of the iEgean sea, on the coast of Ionia. CHABRIAS. 137 mm intrare, et guberna- torem jubet eo dirigere navem, ipse sibi perni- ciei fuit. Quum enim ed penetrasset, caeterse non sunt secutae. Quo facto circumfusus hos#!- um concursu, quum for- tissime pugnaret, j|avis rostro percussa, coepit sidere. Hinc quum re- fugere posset, si in mare dejecisset; quod suberat qlassis Atheniensium, quae exciperet natantem; perire maluit, quam, ar- mis abjectis, navem re- linquere, in qua fuerat vectus. Id cseteri facere noluerunt, qui nando in tutum pervenei unt. At ille, praestare honestam mortem existimans tur- pi vitae, cominus pug- nans telis hostium inter- fectus est. endeavours to enter the har- bour first, and orders the master to steer the ship thither, he was his own ruin; for after he had made Jiis way into it, the rest did not follow. Upon which, being surrounded by a concourse of the enemy, whilst he fought very bravely, his ship, being struck with a (a) rostrum, began to sink. Though he might have escaped from thence, if he would have thrown himself into the sea, because the fleet of the Athe- nians Was at hand, to have taken Mm up as he swam; he chose rather to perish, than throwing away his arms, to quit the ship in which he had sailed. The rest would not do that, who came off safe by swimming. But he, think- ing an honourable death bet- ter than a scandalous life, was slain with the enemies* weapons, fighting hand to hand with them. (a) I have used the Latin word, because we have none in our language proper for the purpose. It is here put for a strong*, sharp iron spike, with which the prows of the longa naves, or meh* of war, were armed, in order to sink one another in sea-fighUv M ( 138 } XIII. XIIL TIMOTHEUS, Cononis Jilius r Athenien* sis. TIMOTHEUS, The son of Con on , the At he* nian. CAP. I CHAP. I. TIMOTHEUS Co- nonis films, Atheniensis. Hie a patre acceptam gloriam multis auxit virtu tibus. Fuit enim disertus, impiger, labo- riosus, rei militaris peri- tus, neque minus civita- tis regendse. Multa hu- ms sunt prseclare facta, seel hxc maxime illus- tria. Olynthios et By- zantios bello subegit: Samum cepit, in qua oppugnanda, superiori bello, Athenienses mille et ducenta talenta con- sumpserant. Hanc ille sine ulia publica impen- sa populo restituit. Ad- •versus Cotyn belia ges- sifc, ab eoque mille et ducenta taknta praeciae in publicum detulit. Cyzi- cum obsidione liberavit. TIMOTHEUS was the son of Conon the Athenian, He increased the glory re- ceived from his father, by hie many excellent qualities; for he was eloquent, active, labo- rious, skilled in military af- fairs, and no less in the go» vernmentof the state. There are a great many famous ac- tions of his ujion record, but these the most illustrious. He subdued the (a) Olynthi- ans and Byzantians in war; and took Samus, in the as- saulting of which the Athe- nians in the former war, had spent a thousand and two hundred talents. This he restored to the people, with- out any public charge. He carried on a war against (b) Cotys, and brought from him a thousand two hundred ta- lents of plunder into the pub T (a) Olynthus was a city of Macedonia, not far from the Toro- ££:an Bay. (£) Cotys was a king of Thrace, TIMOTHEUS, 139 Ariobarzani simul cum Agesilao auxilio profec- tus est: a quo, quum La co pecuniam numera- tam accepisset, ille cives sues agro atque urbibus augeri maluit, quam id sum ere cujus partem do mum suam ferre pos- set. Itaque accepit Erichthonem et Sestum. Cap. II. Idem classi praefectus circumvehens Peloponnesum, Laconi- cam populatus, classem eorum fugavit. Corey- ram subimperium Athe- niensium redegit; soci- osque idem adjunxit Epirotas, Acharnanas, Chaonas, omnesque eas gentes quae mare illud adjacent. Quo facto, Lacedsemonii de diutina contentione destiterunti et sua sponte Athenien- sibus imperii maritimi principatum concesst- runt, pacemque his legi- lic treasury. He delivered (a) Cyzicus from a siege. He went along with Agesi- laus to the assistance of (b) Ariobarzanes; from whom, whilst the Lacedemonian re- ceived ready cash, he chose rather to have his country- men enriched with lands and cities, than take that, part of which he might carry to his own home: and accordingly he received Erichthon and (c) Sestus. Chap. II. The same man being admiral of the fleet 5 and sailing round Peloponne- sus, having laid waste (d) Laconia, defeated their fleet. He reduced Corcyra under the dominion of the Atheni- ans; and joined with them as allies the Epirotians, the (e) Acharnanians, the (/) Chao- nians, and all those nations which lie upon that sea. After which, the Lacedaemo- nians desisted from their long dispute, and, of their own accord, yielded up the command at sea to the Athe- nians, and made a peace up- (a) Cyzicus was a town of Asia Minor upon the Propontis. (b) One of the king of Persia's viceroys in Asia Minor. (A A town of the Thracian Chersonese upon the Hellespont. (d) i he territory of Sparta in the south parts of Peloponnesus, (e) Acha mania was in the west of Achaia, joining upon Epire» (/) ^ 'he Chaonians were a people of Epire. 140 CORNELII NEPOTIS bus constituerunt: ut A- thenienses mari duces assent. Quae victoria tantae fuit Atticis lxtitise, ut turn primum ar& Paci publicae sint fac- tac, eique deae pulvinar sit institutum. Cujus laudis ut memoria ma- ne ret, Timotheo pubiice statuam in foro posue- runt: qui honos huic uni ante hoc tempus conti- git, ut quum patri popu- lus statuam posuisset, filio quoque daret. Sic juxta posita recens filii veterem patris renovavit memoriam. Cap. III. Hie quum esset magno natu, et ma- gistratus gerere desiis- set, belio Atbenienses undique premi sunt coepti. Defecerat Sa- inus, descierat Helles- pontus, Philippus, jam tunc valens Macedo, multa moliebatur: cui oppositus Chares quum esset, non satis in eo on these terms; that the Athenians should be com- manders at sea. Which vic- tory was the cause of so much joy to the Athenians, that then first of all public altars were erected to Peace; and a (a) bed ordered for that goddess. And that the me- mory of this glorious action might remain, they erected a statue to Timothy in the forum at the public charge. Which honour happened to him alone at that time, that after the people had erected a statue to the father, they should give one to the son too. Thus the fresh statue of the son, placed nigh the other's revived the old me- mory of the father's. Chap. Ill When he was now old and had given over bearing offices, the Atheni- ans began to be distressed in war on all hands. Samus had revolted; the Hellespont had left them; Philip the Mace- donian, being then strong, attempted many things: Against whom as Chares was employed, and\\. was thought there was not security enough (a) It was usual with the Greeks and Romans to have rich beds set up in the temples of their gods, upon which their images were placed in their festivals. TIMOTHEUS, HI prasbidii putahatur; fit Mnestheus pnctor, filius Iphicratis, gener Timo- thei, et ut ad be Hum proficiscatur. decernitur. Huic in consilium dan- lur duo usu et sapientia praestaiites quorum con - siiio uteretur, pater et socer: quod in his tanta erat auctoritas, ut mag- na spes esset, per eos amissa posse recuperari. Hi quum Saraum pro- fecti essent* et eodem \res, eorum adventu cognito, cum suis copiis prcficisceretur, he quid vte gestum vide- rei- idit, quum ad insuiam i r propinqua- renti ut rn iagn a tern pas- tas priretur; i svi- .o veteres impera- itrati,suam classera suppresserunt. At ille, temera'ria usus ione, non cessit ma- jorum natu auctoritati; et, ut in sua manu esset fortuna, quo contende- rat, peryenit, ecdemque ut sequerentur, ad Ti- in him, Mnestheus is made commander, the son of Iphi- crates, son-in-law of Timo- thy » and a decree is passed, that he should go to the war. Two exceeding in experi- ence and wisdom, are given him to (a) advise with, his father and his father-in-law: Because there was so great authority in them, that there were great hopes, that what had been lost might be re- covered by them. After these were come to Samus, and Chares, having known of their coming, was going to the same place with his forces, lest ahy thing should seem to be done in his ab- sence; it happened, as they were approaching the island, that a great storm arose; which the two old command- ers, thinking it convenient to avoid, stopped their fieet; but he, taking a rash course, did not yield to the authority of his elders, and as if fortune had been in his power, came to the place he had steered for, and sent a messenger to Timothy and Iphicrates to (a) The words, quorum censilio uUretur, seem to have been put in the margin by somebody, as a gloss upon the words in ccr.silium; and at last, by some careless transcriber of bocks taken into the test; for they are wholly needless» CORNELII NEPOTIS motheum et Xphicratem nuncium misit. Hinc niaie re gesta, compluri- bus amissis navibus, eo- dem, uncle erat pro fee - tus, se recepit, literasque Athenas pubiice misit, sibi proclive fuisse, Sa- mura capere nisi a Ti- motheo et Iphicrate de- sertus esset. Ob earn rem in crimen vocaban- tur. Populus acer, sus- picax, mobilis, adversa- rius, invidus etiam po- tentiae, domum revocat: accusantur proditionis. Hoc judicio damnatur Timotheus, lisque ejus sestimatur centum taleii- tis Ille, odio ingratas civitatis coactus, Chalci- dem se contuiit. Cap. IV. Hujus post mortem, quum populum juclicii sui pceniteret, mulctas novem partes detraxit, et decern talen- ta Cononem fiiium ejus, ad muri quandam par- tem reficiendam, jussit dare. In quo fortunae varietas est ani mad ver- sa: Nam quos avus Co- non muros ex hostium pr^da patriae restituerat, eosdem nepos Qjim sum- ma ignominia familias, follow him to the same place. Upon this, his business being ill managed, and several ships being lost, he betook himself to the same place from whence he had come, and sent letters to Athens to the government, that it had been an easy matter for him to take Samus, if he had not been deserted by Timothy and Iphicrates. They were called to an account for that matter. The people being violent, suspicious, fickle, all against them, envious also of their power, sent for them home; they are impeached of treason; Timothy is con- demned in this trial, and his fine set at an hundred talents. He, forced by the hatred of the ungrateful city, betook himself to Chalcis. Chap. IV. After his death, the people being sorry for their sentence on him, took off nine parts of the fine, and ordered his son Con on to give ten talents, to repair a certain part of the wall: In which a variety of fortune was observed: For the grand- son was obliged with great disgrace to his family, out -of his own estate, to repair the same walls which his grand- father Conon had rebuilt for his country out of the plun- TIMOTHEUS 143 ex sua re familiari refi- cere coactus est. Ti- mothei autem modera- te, sapientisque vitse, quum complura possi- raus proferre testimonia, lino eritnus contend, quod ex eo facile conjici potent, quam charus suisfuerit. Quum Athe- nis adolescentulus cau- sam diceret, non solum amici privatique hospi- tes ad eum defendendum convenerunt, sed etiam in eis Jason tyrannus, qui illo tempore fuit omnium potentissimus. Hie, quum in p atria sine sateliitibus se tutum non arbitraretur, Athenas sine ullo prassidio venit; tantique hospitem fecit, ut mallet se capitis peri- culum adire, quam Ti- motheo, de fama dimi- canti, deesse. Huncad- versus tamen Timothe- us postea, populi jussu, helium gessit: Patriae enim sanctiora jura, quam hospitii, esse dux- it. Haec extrema fuit setas imperatorum Athe- niensium; Iphicratis, Chabriac, Timothei; ne- que post illorum obitum quisquam dux ilia urbe fuit dignus memoria. der of its enemies. But tho' we could produce a great many proofs of the moderate and wise life of Timothy, we will be content with one, be- cause it may be easily con- jectured from thence, how dear he was to his country- men. When, in his youth, he was ufion a certain occa- sion brought upon his trial at Athens, not only his friends and private hosts met to de- fend him, but likewise a- mongst them, Jason a prince of Thessalyi who at that time was the most powerful of all others. He, tho' he thought himself not safe in his own country without guards, came to Athens without any guard; and valued his friend so much, that he chose rather to run the hazard of his life than be wanting to Timothy, now struggling for his ho- nour. Yet Timothy carried on .a war against him after- wards by the order of the people: For he reckoned the rights of his country more sacred than those of friend- ship. This was the last age of the Athenian generals; i. e. the age of Iphicrates, Chabrias, and Timothy: neither was there any gene- ral in that city worth men- tioning after their death. ( • 144 ) DATAMES. CAP. I. VENIO nunc ad for- tissimum virum, maxi- mique consilii, omnium barbarorum, exceptis duobus Carthaginiensi- bus, Hamilcare et Han- nibale De quo hoc plu- ra referemus, quod et obscuriora sunt ejus ges- ta pleraque> et ea> quae prospere ei cesserunt, non magnitudine copia- rum, sed consilii, quo turn omnes superabat, acciderunt. Quorum nisi ratio explicata fuerit, res apparere non pote- runt. Datames patre Camissare, natione Care; matre Scythissa natus. Primum mili- tum numero fuit apud Artaxerxem eorum- qui regiam tuebantur. Pa- ter ejus Camissares, quod et manu fortis, et bello strenuus, et regi myitis locis fidelis erat repcivas, babuit provin- cial Ciiicise juxta Cap- padociam, quam inco- lunt Leucosyri. Data- XIV. DATAMES. CHAP. I. I COME now to the bravest man, and a man of the greatest conduct, of all the Barbarians; except the two Carthaginians, Hamilcar and Hannibah Concerning whom I shall say the more, because most of his actions are somewhat obscure, and the things that succeeded well with him were brought about, not by the greatness of force, but conduct, in which he exceeded all men at that time: the manner of which unless it be declared, the things themselves cannot appear. Datames was come of a father by name Camissa- res, and by nation a Carian; of a mother that was a Scy- thian. He was first of all one of those soldiers under Artaxerxes, who defended the palace. His father Ca- missares, because he had been found brave and active in war, and faithful to the king, upon many occasions, had the province of Cilicia, near Cappadocia, which the Leuco Syrians inhabit. Da* DATAMES. 145 mes militare munus fun gens, primum qualis esset aperuit, bello quod rex ad versus Cadusios gessit: Namque hie, multis millibus hostium et regiorum interfectis, magni fuit ejus opera. Quo factum est, ut quum in eo bello cecidisset Camissares, paterna ei traderetur provincial Cap. II. Pari se vir- tute postea przebuit, quum Autophradates jussu regis bello perse- queretur eos, qui defece- rant: Namque ejus ope- ra hostes, quum castra jam intrassent, profligati sunt, exercitusque reli- quus conservatus regis est. Qua ex re aiajori- bus rebus pi «esse coepit. Erat eo tempore Thyus, dynastes Paphlagoniae, antiquo genere natus, a Pylamene illo, quern Homerus Troico bello a Patroclo interfectum ait. Is regi dicto audiens non erat; quam ob cau- sum belio eum persequi eonstituit, eique rei pi ae- tames following the business of a soldier, first discovered what he was, in the war Which the king carried on against the Cadusians: For here, after a great many- thousands of the enemies and the king's men were slain, his service was of great account. For w r hich reason it was, that Camissares having fallen in that war, his father's province w T as given him. Chap. II. He afterwards behaved himself with the like gallantry, when Autophrada- tes, by the king's order, fell upon those by war who had revolted: For by his means the enemies, after they had now entered the camp, were routed, and the rest of the king's army was saved. Af- ter which thing he began to command in greater affairs. Thyus at that time was prince of (a) Paphlagonia, of an ancient family, descended from that Pylcemenes, who, Homer says, was slain by Patroclus in the Trogan war. He was not obedient to the king; for which reason he resolved to fall upon him in war, and placed Datames (a) Paphlagonia was a country in Asia Minor, bordering ur-on the Euxine sea. N 145 CORNELU NEPOTIS fecit Datamen, propin- quum Paphlagonis; nam- que ex fratre et sorore erant nati. Quam ob causam Datanies omnia prim urn experiri voluit» ui sine armis propinqum ad officium recluceret. Ad quern quum venisset sine prxsklio, quod ab amico nullas vereretur insidias, pene interiit. Nam Thy us eum clam interlicere voluit. Erat mater cum Datame ami- ta Paphlagonis: ea, quid ageretur, rescizt, filium- que monuit. Ille fu que armiilis aureis, cse- teroque regio calui. Ip- se agresti, dupliciq'ue, amiculo circundatus, hir- taque tunica, gerehs in capite gale am venatori- am, dextra manuclavam, sinistra copulam, qua vinctum ante se Thy urn agebat, ut si feram bes- tiam captam duceret. Quern quum omnes prospicerent, propter no- vitatem ornatus igno- taroque formam, ob eam- que rem magnus esset concursus, fuit non ne- mo qui agnosceret Thy- um, regique nunciaret. Primo non accredidit: Itaque Pharnabazu m misit explo.atum; a quo ut rem gestam corope- rit, statim admitti jussit, magnopere delectatus cum facto, turn ornatu: in priinis, quod nobilis rex in potestatem inopi- nanti venerat. Itaque Biagnifice Datamen do- nattrm ad exercitum mi- sit, qui turn ccntraheba- tur, duce Pharnabazo et Tithrauste, ad be 11 um ^gyptium^ parique eum had long hair, and a long beard, in a fine robe, which the king's viceroys used to wear. lie dressed him up likewise in a chain and brace- lets of gbfti and other royal apparel, lie being clad in a rustic coat double, with a coarse tunick, wearing a hunter's cap upon his head, and having in his right hand a club, in his left a chain, in which he drove Thyus bound before him, as if he was car- rying a wild beast which he hud taken. Whom whilst all people gazed at, because of the oddness of the dress, and for that reason a great crowd was gathered about him*, there was somebody who. knew Thyus, and told the king. At first he did not believe it: wherefore he sent Pharnaha- zus to enquire; from whom, as soon as he understood the thing done, he ordered him immediately to be admitted, and was mightily pleased both with the fact, and the dress; especially that a noble king was come Into his pos- session, w hit st he was una- ware of it. Wherefore he sent Datames nobly present- ed to the army which was then raising under the gene- rals Pharnabazus and Tith- raufites, for the Egyptian 148 CORNELIINEPOTIS atque illos imperio esse jussit. Postea verd quam Pharnabazum rex revo- cavit, illi summa impe- rii traclita est. Cap. IV. Hie quum maximo studio compa- raret exercitum, ^Egyp- tumque proficisi para- ret, subito a rege iiterae suntei missse,ut Aspim aggrederetur, qui Cata- oniam tenebat; qua: gens jacet supra Ciliciam, confmis Cappadocise. Namque Aspis saltuo- sam regionem, castellis- que munitam incolens, non solum imperio regis non parebat, sed etiam finitimas regiones vexa- bat, et, quss regi porta- rentur, abripiebat. Da- tames, elsi longe aberat ab his regionibus, et a fnajore re abstrahebatur, tarn en regis voluntati morem gerendum puta- vit. Itaque cum paucis sed viris fortibus navem conscendit; existimans, id quod accidit, faciiius se imprudentem et im- paratum parva manu op- war, and ordered him to be in the same command as they; but after the king re- called Pharnabaz/us, the chief direction of the war was deli- vered to him. Chap. IV. Whilst he was raising an army with the ut- most application, and was preparing to march for E- gypt, a letter was suddenly sent him by the king, to at- tack Aspis, who held (a) Ca- taonia; which nation lies above Cilicia, bordering upon Cappadocia. For Aspis, in- habiting a woody country, and fortified with castles, did not only disobey the king's authority, but likewise har- rassed the neighbouring countries, and intercepted what was carried that way for the king. Datames, though he was a great way from those parts, and was ta- ken from a greater matter, yet thought it necessary to pay obedience to the king's pleasure. Wherefore he goes aboard a ship with a few but stout men, thinking that, which fell out, that he might more easily master him, un- aware ofhim^nd unprepared, (a) Cataonia, Cilicia, Cappadocia, are all provinces ia the east part^, of Asia Minor. DATAMES. 149 pressurum quam para- tum quamvis magno ex- ercitu. Hac delatus, in Ciliciam egressus, inde dies noctesque iter faci- ens, Taurum" transiit, eoque quo studuerat, ve- nit. Quscrit quibus locis sit Aspis; cognoscit hand longe abesse, pro- fectumque eum vena- tum: Quern dum specu- lator, ad vent us ejus cau- sa cognoscitur. Pisidas cum iis quos secum ha- bebat, ad resistendum Aspis comparat: Id Da- tames ubi audivit, arm a capit, suos sequi jubet. Ipse equo concitato ad hostem vehitur; quern procul Aspis conspici- ens ad se ferentem, per- timescit; atque a conatu resistendideterritus sese dedit. Hunc Datames vinctum ad re gem du- cendum tradit Mithri- dati. Cap. V. H&c dum geruntur, Artaxerxes reminiscens a quanto bello ad quam parvam rem principem ducum misisset, se ipse repre- with a small force, than pre- pared for him, with any army how great soever. Arriving in this ship in Cilicia, and landing, making his march night and day, he passed Taurus, and came to the place which he had intended for. Lie enquires in what parts Aspis was: He understands he was not far off, and was goneahunting: Whom whilst he lies in wait for, the reason of his coming is known. Aspis prepares the (a) Pisi- dians, and those he had with him, for a resistance. When Datames heard that, he takes arms, and orders his men to follow him. He, putting on his horse, rides towards the enemy; whom Aspis seeing at a distance coming towards him, affrighted and deterred from his attempt of resisting, surrenders himself. Data- mes delivers him bound to Mithridates, to be led to the king. Chap. V. Whilst these things are doing, Artaxerxes considering from how great a war, to what an inconsider- able business, he had sent the greatest of his generals, (a) Pisidia is a country of Asia Minor beyond Caria, bordering upon Lycia and Pamphylia. N2. 150 CORNELII NEPOTIS hendit, et nuncium ad exercitum Acen misit, qu&tf nondum Datamen prdfectum, putabat, qui ei diceret, ne ab exerci- tu discederet. Hie, pri- usquam perveniret, quo erat profectus, in itinere convenit, qui Aspim du- cebant. Qua celeritate quum magnam benevo- lentiam reeis Datames consecutus esset, non minorem invidiam auii- corum excepit, quod il- ium unum phiris, quam se omnes, fieri videbant: Quo facto; cuncti ad e- um opprimendum con- senserunt. Hsec Pan- dates, gazae custos regise, amicus Datami, per scripta ei mittit: In qui- bus docet, eum magno fore periculo, si quid, illo imperante, in iEgyp- to adversi accidisset. Nam que earn esse con- suetudinem regum, ut casus ad versus homini- bus tribuant, secundos fortune sus: Quo facile fieri, ut impellantur ad eorum perniciem, quo- rum ductu res male ges- tae nuncientur. Ilium blamed himself for it, and dispatches away a messenger to the army to (a) Ace, be- cause he thought Datames was not yet gone, to tell him that he should not depart from the army. He, before he came whither he was going, met those on the road that were carrying Aspis. With which expedition whilst Datames gained the great good-will oi the king, he met with no less envy from the courtiers, be- cause they saw, that he alone was more valued than them all: Upon which they all agree together to ruin him. Pandates, the keeper of t^e king's treasure, a friend to Datames, sends him these things in writing: In which he informs him, that he would be in great danger, if any ill success happened whilst he commanded in Egypt. For that was the custom of kings, to impute all unfortunate events to men, but lucky ones to their own fortune: from whence it easily came about, that they were soon persuaded to the ruin of those under whose conduct matters were said to be ill managed* He would (a) A city of Phoenicia, DATAMES, 151 hoc majore fore discri- mine quod quibus rex maxime obediat, eos ha- beat inimicissimos. Ta- libus ille Uteris cognitis, quum jam ad exercitum Acen venisset, quod non ignorabat ea vere scrip- ta, desciscere a rege con- stituit. Neque tamen quicquam fecit, quod fide sua esset indignum: Nam Androclem Mag- netem exercitui prscfe- cit. Ipse cum suis in Gappadociam discedit, conjunctamque huic Pa- phlagoniam occupat: ce- lans qua. voluntate esset in re gem, clam cum Ariobarzane facit amici- tiam, manum comparat, urbes munitas suis tuen- das tradit. Cap. VI. Sed haec propter byemale tempus minus prospere succe- debant. Audit Pisidias quasdam copias ad ver- sa s se parare: filium eo Aridaeum cum exercitu mittit; cadit in piseiio adolescens: Proficiscitur eo pater non ita cum magna manu, celans quantum vulnus acce- pt set, qudd prius ad hostem pervenire cupie- bat, quam de male re be in so much the greater danger, because he had those his bitter enemies, to whom the king chiefly hearkened. He, having read this letter, after he was come to the ar- my at Ace, because he was not ignorant, that those things were truly written, resolves to revolt from the king. Neither yet did he do any thing that was unworthy of his honour: For he placed Anrocles the Magnesian over the army. He departs with his men into Cappadocia, and seizes upon Paphlagonia, joining upon it: concealing how he was affect- ed towards the king, he pri- vately makes an alliance with Ariobarzanes, raises an army, and delivers the fortified towns to his friends to main- tain for him. Chap. VI. But these things, by reason of the win- ter season, went on less suc- cessfully. He hears the Pi- sidians were raising some troops against him; he sends his son Arideus thither with an army; the young man falls in battle: The father marches thither with no great force, concealing how great a loss he had received, because he was desirous to come up to the enemy before the news of this ill-managed affair 152 CORNELII NEPOTIS gesta fama ad suos per- veniret; ne cognita filii morte, animi debilitaren- tur militum. Quo con- tenderat,pervenit, iisque locis castra ponit, ut ne- que circumveniri multi- dudine adversariorum posset, neque impediri, quo minus ipse ad dimi- candum manum haberet expeditam. Erat cum eo Mithrobarzanes, so- cer ejus, pnefectus equi- tum: Is, desperatis ge- ne ri rebus, ad hostes transfugit. Id Datames ut audivit, sensit si in turbam exisset, ab no- mine tarn necessario se relictum, futurum ut c«- teri consilium sequeren- tur; in vulgus edit, suo jussu Mithrobarzanem profectum pro perfuga, quo facilius receptus in- terficeret hostes. Quare relinqui eum non par esse, sed omnes confes- tim sequi; Quod siani- mo strenuo fecissent, fu- turum ut adversarii non possent resistere, quum et intra vallum et foris c^derentur. Hac re probata, exercitum edu- cit, Mithrobarzanem persequitur, qui nondum ad hostes pervenerat; should reach his men; lest». ufion knowing the death of his-'son, the minds of his sol- diers should be discouraged. He came whither he intend- ed, and pitches his camp in those places, that he could neither be surrounded by the number of his enemies, nor hindered from having his ar- my always at liberty to fight. Mithrobarzanes was with him, his father-in-law, com- mander of the horse. He, despairing of the condition of his son-in-law, deserts to the enemy. When Datames heard that, he was sensible, if it should get abroad in the army, that he was forsaken by a man so near to him, it would corne to pass, that the rest would follow his course» He spreads a refi ort amongst the common soldiers, that Mithrobarzanes was gone over a deserter by his order, that he might the more easi- ly, by being received as such, kill their enemies. Where- fore it was not fit that he should be left, but that they all ought immediately to fol- low; which if they did with a resolute mind, the conse- quence would be, that their enemies would not be able to resist, since they would be cut off within their ramparts, DATAMES, Datames signa inferri jubet v Pisidiae, nova re com mot i, in opinionem adclucuntur, perfugas mala tide, composildque fecisse, ut recepti, essent majori calamitati: pri- mum eos adoriuntur. Ulhquum quid ageretur, aut quare fie^et, ignora- rent, coacti sunt cum eis pugnare, ad quos transi- erant, ab hisque stare, quos reliquerant: Qui- bus cum neutri parce- renti celeriter sunt con- cisi. Reliquos Pisidas resistentes Datames in- vadit; primo impetu pel- lit, fugientes persequi- tur, muitos interfkit, castra h ostium capit. Tali consiiio uno tem- pore et proditores per- cuiit, et hostes profliga- vit; et quod ad suam perniciem fuerat cogita- tum, id ad salutem con- vertit. Quo neque acu- tius ullius imperatoris cogitatum, neque celeri- us factum usquam iegi- mus. and without. This thing be- ing approved of, he draws out his army,, pursues Mith- robarzanes, who had not yet got up to the enemy. Data- mes orders the standards to advance. The Pisidians, surprised at this odd thing, are brought to a persuasion, that the deserters acted with an ill intention, and by com- pact with their other friends , that being received into the camfi, they might do them the more mischief; they fall up- on them in the first place. They, as they knew r not what was doing, nor why it was done, were forced to fight with those to whom they were going over, and to stand by them whom they had de- serted: Which whilst neither side spared, they were quick- ly cut to pieces. Datames invades the rest of the Pisi- dians resisting; He repels them at the first attack, pur- sues them fiying, kills many, and takes the enemy's camp. By this management he at once both ruined the traitors, and defeated his enemies, and turned w 7 hat had been contrived for his destruction to his preservation. Than which we do not read of any invention of a general more acute, nor any actio.n more expeditious. 154 C0RNELI1 NEPOT1S s Cap. VII. Ab hoc ta- men viro Sysinas, maxi- nms natu fiiius, descift, adque regem transift, et de defectione- patris de- detulit. Quo nuncio Ar- taxerxes commotus, quod intilligebat sibi cum viro forti ac strenuo negctium esse, qui, quum cogitasset, face re •auderet, et prius cogi- tare, quam conari con- suesset; Autophradatem in Cappadociam mittit. Hie ne inirare posset sal turn, in quo Cilieiae porta sunt sit», Data- mes p soccupare studu- it. Sed tarn subito co- pias contrahere non po- tuit: A qua re depulsus, cum ea manu qua m con- traxerat, locum delegit . talem, ut neque circum- iretur ab hostibus, neque prseteriret adversarius, quin ancipitibus locis premeretur: et, si dimi- care eo ve!let,-non mul- tum obesse multitudo hostium suae paucitati posset. Cap VIII. Hasc etsi Autophradates videbat, Chap. VII. Yet his eldest son, Sysinas, revolted from this man, and went over to the king, and informed him of his father's revolt. At which news Artaxerxes be- ing shocked, 'because fie un- derstood he had to do with a brave and active man,- who, when he had considered of a thing, durst execute it, and was used to consider, before he attempted any thing; sends Autophravlates into Cappadocia. That he might not enter the wood in which the (a) Cilician gates are si- tuated, Datames endeavoured to seize it before him. But* he could not so suddenly draw his forces together: From which thing being obliged to recede, with that army which he got together, he chose such a place that he could neither be r>urround- ed by the enemy, nor could his adversary pass, but he would be distressed in diffi- cult places; and, if he had a mind to fight in it, the num- ber of the enemy could not much hurt his handful of men. Chap. VIII. Although Autophradates was sensible [a) A narrow pass in Mount Taurus. DATAMES. 155 sat ius tamen statu it con- gredi, quam cum tantis copiis refugere, aut tarn diu uno loco sedere. Habebat barbarorum e- quitum viginti, peditum centum millia, quos illi Cardacesappellant, ejus- demque generis tria fun- ditorum. Prxterea Cap- padocum octo, Armeni- orum decern, Paphlago- num quinque, Phrygum decern, Lydorum quin- que, Aspendiorum et Pisidarum circiter tria, Ciiicum duo, Captiano- rum totidem, exGrsecia conductorum tria millia; levis armaturse maxi- mum numerum. Has adversus copias spes om- nis consistebat Datami in se, locique natura; namque hujus partem non habebat vigesimam militum: Quibus fretus conflixit, adversariorum- que multa millia conci- dit; quum de ipsius ex- ercitu non amplius ho- minum mille cecidis- of these things, yet he thought it better to fight than to fly with so great an army, or to continue so long in one place, He had of barbarian horse twenty thousand, of foot a hundred thousand^ which they callCardaces, and three thousand slingers oi the same kind, besides eight thousand Cappadocians, tt^n thousand (a) Armenians, five thousand Paphlagonians, ten thousand Phrygians, five thousandhydvdUS) about three thousand (b) Aspendians and Pisidians, two thousand Cili- cians, as many Captians, three thousand men hired out of Greece; a vast number of (c) light-armed men. All Datames's hopes against these troops consisted in him- self, and the nature of the place; for he had not the twentieth part of his soldiers: Depending upon which, he engaged and cut off many thousands of his enemies; whereas not above a thousand men of his army fell. For which reason, the day after (a) Armenia is a country bounded by Asia Minor. (b) The Aspendians were a people in that part of Asia Minor called Pamphyiia. (c) Men armed with bows or slings only, were called Irviter armati or levis armatures )56 CORNELII NEPOTIS sent. Quam ob causam, postero die trophaeum posuit, quo loco pridie pugnatum. Hinc quum cas ; ra movisset, inferior copih, superior omnibus pra&liis aisccdebat; quod nunquam manum conse- reret, nisi adversarios lo- corum angustiis clausis- set: quod perito regio- nura, callideque cogitan- ti, saepe accidebat. Au- top brad ate s quum hel- ium duci majore regis calamitate, quam adver- sariorum, videret, ad pacem atque amicitiam hortatus est, ut cum rege in gratiam rediret. Quam ille etsi non fidam fore putabat, tamen con- ditionem accepit, seque ad Artaxerxem legatos missurum dixit. Sic bellum, quod rex adver- sus Datamen susceperat, sedatum: Autophradates in Phrygiam se recepit Cap. IX. At rex, quod implacabiie odium in Datamen susceperat, he erected a (a) trophy in the place where they had fought the day before. After he re- moved his camp from thence, though he was inferior in forces, he came off superior in all his battles, because he never engaged, but when he had enclosed his enemies within some narrow place: Which often happened to the man, being very w 7 ell ac- quainted with the country, and contriving subtilely. When Autophradates found that the war was continued with greater loss to the king than his enemies, he advised him to peace and friendship, and that he would return to a good understanding with the king. Which though he perceived would not be faith- fully kept, yet he accepted the offer, and said that he would send ambassadors to Artaxerxes. Thus the war, which the king had under- taken against Datames, was ended; Autophradates with- drew 7 himself into Phrygia. Chap. IX. But the king, because he had taken up an implacable hatred against (d) A trophy was the trunk of a tree or a post, hung about witk arms. These were common with the Greeks; they scarcely ever got a victory, but* they erected a trophy. DATAMES, 57 post qua m bello eum op- primi non posse animad- vertit, insidiis interftcere studuit, quas ille pleras- que vitavit. Sicut, quum nunciatum esset quos- dam sibi insidiari, qui in amicorum erant nume- ro: de quibus, quod ini- mici detulerant, Deque eredendum, neque neg- ligendum putavit; expe- ririi voluit, verum fal- sumne, sibi esset rela- tUm. Itaque eo profec- tus est, in quo itinere ftlturas insidias illi dix- erant. Sed elegit cor- pore et statura simiili- mum sui, eique vesti- tum suum dedit, atque eo loci ire, quo ipse consueverat, jussit: ipse autem, ornattis vestitu tmlitari, inter corporis custodes iter facere coe- pit. At insidiatores, postquam in eum iocurn agmen pervenk, decepti ordine atque vestitu, in eum faciunt impetum, qui suppositus erat. Praedixerat autem his Datames cum quibus iter faciebat, ut parati essent facere quod ipsum vidissent. Ipse, ut con- currentes insidiatores animadvertit, tela in eos Datames, after he found that he could not be mastered in war, endeavoured to take him off by underhand contri- vances, most of which he avoided. As, when it was told hinu that some were plotting against him, who were in the number of his friends; of whom because their enemies had given the information, he thought the thing was neither entirely to be believed nor slighted; he had a mind to try whether it was true or false, that had been told him. Wherefore he went that way in which they told him the ambush was to be laid for him; but he chose out one that was very like himself in person and stature, and gave him his awn attire, and ordered him to go in that part of the com- pany, in which he used to do: But he himself being dressed up in a military habit, began to march amongst the guards of his person. But the plot- ters, after the company were got into that place, being de- ceived by the order and the dress, make an attack upon him who had been put in Datames's place, But Da- tames had beforehand order- ed them with whom he marched, to be ready to do O X58 CORNELII NEPOTIS conjee it: hoc idem quimi universi fecissent» prius- quam pervenirent ad cum, quern aggredi vokbant, conilxi cecide- runt. Cap. X. Hie tarn en tarn call id us vir extre- mo tempore captus est Mithridatis, Arioharza- nis fiiii, dolo: namuue is pollicitus est refri, se eura interfecturum, si rex promitteret, ut quod cunque veilet, liceret impune facere, fidtmque de ea re d extra dedisset, Hanc ut accepit, simulat se suscepisse cum rege inimicilias, copias parat, et abseiis,amicitiam cum Datame fecit: regis pro- vine iam vexat, caste] la expugnal, magnas pi se- eks capit; quarum par- tem suis dispertit, par- tem ad Datamen mittit: Pari modo, compiara castella ei tradit. Haec dm faciendo, persuasit hommi, se infinitum ad- versus regem suscepisse helium; quum nihilo mag is, ne quam suspi- cionem ilii piasberet in- sidiarum, neque collo- what they should see him dp; He, as soon as he saw the plotters coming on in a body, discharged his weapons at Them, and as all the re^st did the same, they fell down slain* before they could come up with him whom they in- tended to assault. Chap. X. Yet this man, as cunning as he was., at last was trepanned by the contri- vance of Mithridates, the son of Ariobarzanes; for he pro- mised the king, that he would kill him, if the king would promise him, that he might do with impunity whatsoever he would, by giving him his right hand. As soon as he had received this, he pre- tends that he had engaged in a quarrel with the king. He raises troops, and though ab- sent makes alliance with Da- tames, harrasses the king's province, takes his castles, gets abundance of plunder; part of which he divided amongst his men; part be sends to Datames: In like manner he delivers him ma- ny castles. By doing this a long time, he persuaded the man that he had undertaken an endless war against the king; whilst notwithstanding, that he might not give him any suspicion of treachery m DATAMES. i&y quium ejus petivit, ne- que in conspectum ve- nire stiiduk. Sic, ab- sens, amicitiam gerebat; ut non benefices mutnis, sed odio com muni, quod erga regem susceperant, contineri viderentiu\ Cap. XI. Id quum sa- tis se confirmasse arbi- tratus est, certiorem fa- cit Datamen, tempus esse majores exercitus parari, et beilum cum rege suscipi: de qua re, si ei videretur, quo vel- let in colloquium veni- ret. Probata re, collo- quendi tempus sumitur, locusque quo convenire- tur. Hue Mithridates cum uno cui maxim am habehat fidem, ante ali- quot dies venit, com pi u- ribusque locis separatim gladios obruit, eaque io- ca diligenter notat. Ipso autem colloquendi die, utrique locum qui ex- plorarent, atque ipsos scrutarentur, mittunt; deinde ipsi sunt con- gressi. Hie quum ali- quandiu in colloquio fu- issent, et diversi disces- «issent, jam que procul the case j he neither desired a conference with him, nor en- deavoured to come in his sight. Thus, tho 9 absent, he maintained a friendship with him; that they secured not to be engaged to one another by mutual kindnesses) but by the common hatred, which they had both conceived against the king. Chap. XI. After he thought he had sufficiently confirmed that, he makes Datames acquainted, that it was time that greater armies should be raised, and the war undertaken with the king him- self; concerning which mat- ter, if it seemed to him firoher^ he might come to a confer» ence wkh him where he pleased. The thing being approved of, a time for con- ferring together is pitched upon, and a place too, where they should meet. Hither Mithridates came with one in whom he had the greatest confidence, some days before, and buries swords apart in several places, and marks those places carefully. Upon the clay of the conference, each of them sent men to ex- amine the place, and search themselves, and then they met. After they had been here some time in confer- 160 CORNELII NEPOTIS Datames abesset, Mi- thridates, priusquam ad suos perveniret, ne quam suspicionem pararet, in eundem locum reverti- tur, atque ibi, ubi teium erat imposituni, resedit, lit si a lassitudine cupe- ret acquiesce re; Data- xnenque revocavit, simu- !ans se quiddam in coilo- quio esse oblitum. In- terim telum, quod late- bat, protulit; nudatum- que vagina, veste texit; ac Datami venienti ait, dferedienfem seanimad- vertisse locum quenclaoo, qui erat in conspectu, ad castra ponenda esse idoneum. Quern quum digito monstraret, et ille consptceret, aversum ferrbtraTfsfixk: er prius- quam quisquam posset succurrere, interfecit. Ita ille vir, qui multos ctflVsrJio, i^rnioeiD peffe- #ia, cepefai, simulate cantus es - am.icit.ia, ence, and had parted different ways, and now Datames was a great way off, Mithridates* before he came to his nrni, that he might not create any suspicion in hiin, returns into the same place, and sat down there where a sword had been laid, as if he had a mind to rest himself after his weari- ness; and recalled Datames. pretending that he had forgot something in the conference» In the mean time he took out the sword that lay hid; and being drawn out of the sheath, covered it under his coat; and says to Datames, as he was coming, that he had ctt part- ing, observed a certain place which was in view, to be proper for the pitching of a camp; which whilst he was pointing to with his finger, and the other was looking at, he run him through, having his baektuHBed towards him, with the sword; and before any one could succour him, killed him, Thus that man, who had taken many by his good conduct, none by trea- chery, Tras catight fmnself by a T^'etended friendship. 61 XV. EPAMINONDA53, Polymni fiiius, The ba- nns. XV. EPAMIN0NDA3, The son of Polymnus^ the Theban. CAP. I. CHAP, I, EPAMINONDAS, Polymni filius, Theba- nus. De hoc priusquam scribamus, hccc praecipi- enda videnturlectoribus; Ne alienos mores ad suos referafit; neve, ea, quae ipsis leviora sunt, pari modo apud caeteros fuisse arbitventur. Sci- mus enim musicen nos- tris moribus abesse a principis persona; sal- tare etiam in vitiis poni: Quae omnia apud Graecos et grata, et laude digna ducuntur. Quum autem exprimere imaginem consuetudinis atque vitas velimus Epaminondae, nihil videmur debere prxtermittere, quod per- tineat ad earn declaran- dam. Quare dicemus primum de genere ejus: deinde quibus discipli- nis, et a quibus sit eru- ditus; turn de moribus ingeniique facultatibus, et si qua alia digna me- EPAMINONDAS i the son of Poly mm is, tfae Tiiebafl. Before we write of "him, these cautions seem proper to be given to our readers; That they would not examine other people's fashions by those of their own country; nor think those things which are trivial with them, to have been in like manner so with others. For we know that according to our usages, mur.ic is far from being suitable to the charac- ter of a prince; and that dancing is reckoned amongst vices: All which, amongst the Greeks, are reckoned both agreeable, and worthy of commendation. But as we design to draw the picture of Epaminondas's way and manner oj life, we seem obliged to pass by nothing that may be proper to setting it forth. Wherefore we will speak first of his extraction; then in what parts of litera- ture, and by whom he was O 2 .6-2 CORNELII NEPOTIS moria erunt: postremo de rebus gestis, quae a plurimis omnium ante- ponuntur virtutibus. Cap. II. Natus igitur patre, quo diximus, ho- nesto genere, pauper jam a majoribus re lie - tus: Eruditus autem sic, ut nemo Thebanus ma- gis; nam et citharizare, et cantare ad chordarum sonum doctus est a Dio- nysio, qui non minore fuit in musicis gloria, quam Damon aut Lam- prus, quorum pervulga- ta sunt nomina: carmina cantare tibiis, ab Olym- piodoro; saltare, a Calli- phrone. At philosophise praeceptorem habuit Ly- sim Tarentinum, Pytha- goreum; cui quidem sic fuit deditus, ut adoles- cens tristem et severurn senem omnibus aequali- bus suis in familiaritate anteposuerit; neque pri- instructed; then of his man- ners, and abilities of mind, and if there be any other things worthy to be remem- bered: And finally concern* ing his great actions-, which by many are preferred before all virtues whatsoever . Chap. II. He was come of the father we spoke of, of an honourable family ; left now poor by his forefathers, but so well educated, that no Theban was better: for he was taught to play upon the harp, and to sing to the sound of the strings by Dionysius, who was in no less fame amongst the musicians, than Damon or Lamprus, whose names are vulgarly cele- brated: He was taught to play upon {a) flutes by Olympio- dorus, and to dance by Calli- phron. But he had for his master in philosophy, Lysis the Tarentine, the Pythago- rean; to whom he was so de- voted, that, young as he was, he preferred that grave and rigid old gentleman, before those of the same age with himself, in his familiarity, (a) As the Latin word is plural, I have translated it by the plural, because it was no unusual thing among the ancients, for one to play upon two at once*, which piece of art 5 is, I suppose now entirely lost. EPAMINONDAS, 163 us eum a se dimiserit quam doctrinis tantd an- tecessit condiscipulos, tit facile intelligi posset, pari modo superaturum omnes in ceteris artibus. Atque hsec ad nostram consuetudinem sunt le- via et potius contemnen- da: at in Grsecia utique olim magna laudi erant. Postquam ephebus fac- tus est, et palaestrae dare operam ccepit, non tarn roagnitudini virium ser- vkit, quam velocitati: illam enim ad athleta- rura usum; hanc, ad bel- li existimabat utilitatem, pertinere- Itaque exer- cebatur plurimum cur- rend o et luctando, ad eum finem, quoad stans complecti posset, atque contendere. In armis plurimum studii consu- mebat. Cap. III. Ad banc corporis firmitatem plu- ra etiam animi bona ac- cesserant. Erat enim Nor did he dismiss him from him, before he so much ex- celled his fellow scholars in learning, that it might be easily perceived _ that he would in like manner excel them all in other arts. And these things with res/iect to our usage are trifling, and rather to be despised; but in Greece however, they were formerly a mighty commen- dation. After he became a man, and began to apply to his (a) exercise, he did not mind so much the improve- ment of his strength as swift- ness: For that he thought conduced much to the use of wrestlers; but this to the con- venience of war, W herefore he w 7 as exercised very much in running and wrestling, (5) as long as he could standing grapple and contend with his adversary. He employed much of his application in the exercise o/arms. Chap.IIL To this strength of body a great many good qualities of the mind w T ere likewise added. For he was (o) The youth of Greece and Rome used to spend much of their time in manly exercises, to fit them for the wars, unacquainted with the softness of balls, masquerades &c. For this purpose their cities were provided with fine stately buildings, called gymnasia and palastra. (b) The Latin test here is very much blundered. 164 CORNELII NEPOTIS modestus, prudens, gra- vis; temporibus sapien- ter utens, peritus belli, fortis manu, animo max- imo: aded veritatis dili- gens, ut ne jocp quidem mentiretur. Idem con- tinens, clemens, patiens- que admirandum in mo- dum; non solum populi, seel etiam amicorum fe- rens injurias: In pri- misque commissa ce- lans: quod interdum non minus prodest quam di- serte dicere. Studiosus audiendi; ex hoc enim facillime disci arbitraba- tur. Itaque quum in circulum venisset, in quo aut de republica dis- putaretur, aut de philo- sophic sermo haberetur, nunquarn incle prius dis» cessit, quam ad finem sermo esset deductus. Paupertatem adeo facile perpessus est, ut de re- publica nihil prater gio- riam ceperit. Amico- rum in se tuendo caruit modest, prudent, steady, wisely using the times, skilled in war, brave in action, and of a great mind: Such a lover of truth, that he would not indeed tell a lie in jest. The same man was moderate, merciful, and patient to a wonderful degree, not only bearing with the injuries of the people, but his friends: Especially a concealer of se- crets, which sometimes does no less service than to speak eloquently. Very fond of hearing others discourse; for by this he thought a man might learn in the most easy manner. Wherefore when he came into company (a) in which there was either a dis- pute about the government, or any discourse held upon a point of philosophy, he never departed thence, till the dis- course was brought to a con- clusion. He bore his pover- ty so easily* that he got noth- ing by the government, but glory. He did not make use of the estates of his friends (a) It was not the custom formerly, as now, for men to club and -tipple away their time in taverns; that was scandalous amongst the Heathens themselves, Their usual place of resort for conversation in the day-time, was the forum, 'and the public buildings about it, as courts and piazzas; where, as they used to stand in rings and circles, for the better convenience of hearing one another, circuits came to be particularly used for such a knot of company. EPAMINONDAS. 165 facultalibus; fide ad alios sublevandos saepe sic usus est, ut possit judi- cari omnia ei cum ami- cis fuisse communia. Nam quum aut civium suorum aliquis ab hosti- bus fuisset captus, aut virgo amicinubiiis prop- ter paupertatem colloca- ri non posset; amicorum consilium habebat, et quantum quisque daret, pro facultatibus impera- bat: earn que sum mam quum faceret, prius- quam acciperet pecuni- am, adducebat eum, qui quarebat, ad eos qui conferebant, eique ut ipsi numerarent, faciebat; ut ille ad quern ea res per- veniebat, scire t quibus et quantum cuique deberet. Cap. IV. Tentata autem ejus est abstinen- tia a Diomedonte Cyzi- ceno; namque is, rogatu Artaxerxis, Epaminon- dam pecunia corrum- pendum susceperat. Hie magno cum pondere auri Thebas venit, et Micythuni, adolescentu- lum, quinque talentis, ad suam perduxit volunta- tera, quern turn Epami- nondas plurimum dili- in maintaining himself; he often so used his credit to relieve his friends, that it may be judged by that, that he had all things in common with his friends. For when 1 * either any of his countrymen were taken by the enemies, or a marriageable daughter of a friend could not be dis- posed of, by reason of his poverty, he held a council of his friends, and ordered how much t\Qvy man should give, according to his estate: and When he made up the sum, before he received the mo- ney, he brought the man, who wanted it, to those who contributed, and made them pay it to himself; that he, to whom that benefit came, might know to whom he was indebted, and how much to every one. Chap. IV. His justice was tried by Dkvmedon of Cyzi- cus: For he, at the request of Artaxerxes, had undertaken to bribe Epaniinondas. He came to Thebes with a vast quantity of gold, and brought over Micythus, a young man, by five talents, to his lure, whom at that time Epami- n on das loved very much. Micythus went to Epaminon- das, and tells him the occa- sion of Diomedon's coming: 66 ORNELII NEPOTIS gebat. Micythus Epa- rainondam convenit, et causam adventus Dio- medontis ostendit: At ille, Diomedonte coram, nihil, inquit, opus pecu- nia. est: Nam si ea rex vult, quse Thebanis sunt utiiia, gratis facere sum paratus: sin autem con- traria, non habet auri at- que argenti satis; nam- que orbis terrarum divi- tias accipere nolo, pro patriae charitate. Te, qui me incognitum ten- tasti, tuique similem ex- istimasti, non miror; tibi ignosco; sed egredere propere, ne alios cor- rumpas, quum me non potueris. Tu, Mieythe, argentum huic redde, aut nisi id confestim fa- cis, ego te tradam ma- gistrate. Hunc Dio- medon quum rogaret, ut tut6 exire, suaque quse attulisset, liceret efferre: I stud, inquit, faciam; neque tua causa, sed mea; ne, si, tibi sit pecu- nia adempta, aliquis di- cat ad me ereptum per- venisse, quod delatum accipere noluissem. A quo quum quxsisset, quo se duci vellet, et ille Athenas dixisset, prsesi- But he, in the presence of Diomedon, said, there is no need of money in the case: For if the king desires those things, which are expedient for the Thebans, /am ready to do them for nothing; But if the contrary, he has not silver and gold enough; for I would not take the riches of the whole world for the love of my country- I do not wonder at you, who have at- tempted me unknown to yoiu and thought me like your- self: I forgive you; but get you gone quickly, lest you corrupt others, though you have not been able to corrupt me. Do you Micythus, give him his silver again, or, un- less you do it immediately, I will deliver you to the magis- trate. When Diomedon ask- ed him, that he might be suffered to go off safely, and carry away what he had brought with him: That, says he, I shall do; not for your cause, but my own: lest, if your money should be ta- ken from you, any one should say, that that was taken from you^ and come to me, which I would not accept of when offered. Of whom when he had enquired, whither he had a mind to be conducted, and he said, to Athens, he gave EPAMINONDAS. 167 dium dedit, ut eo tuto perveniret. Neque vero id satis babuit, sed etiam ut inviolatus in navem ascenderet, per Chabri- am Atheniensem, (de quo supra* mentionem feci- rnus,) effecit. Abstinen- tiae erit hoc satis testi- monium. Plurima qui- dem proferre possemus, sed modus adhibendus est, quoniam uno hoc volumine vitam excel- lentium virorum com- plurium conclude re con- stituimus, quorum sepa- ratim multis miliibus versuum complures scriptores ante nos ex- plicarunt. Cap. V. Fuit et di- sc rtus, ut nemo Theba- nus ei par esset eloquen- tia: neque minus con- cinnus in brevitate res- pondendi, quam in per- petua oratione ornatus. Habuit obtrectatorem Meneciidem quendam, indidem Thebis. adver- sarium in adminibtranda repubiica, satis exercita- turn in dicendo; ut The- banum scilicet: Nam que ilii genti plus inest viri- um, quam ingenii. Is, quod in re militari flo- rere Epanoinondam vi- him a guard, that he might come safely thither. Nor indeed did he reckon that sufficient, but he likewise took care, that he should go on board a ship uninjured, by Chabrias the Athenian, of whom we have made mention above. Tins will be a suffi- cient testimony of his justice. We could indeed produce a great many, but moderation is to be used, because we have ^. designed to com- prise, in this single volume, the lives of several excellent men, whose lives several writers before us have given an account of separately, in many thousands of lines. Chap. V. He was likewise eloquent, that no Theban was equal to him for elo- quence, and no less dextrous in the shortness of his replies, than florid in a continued harangue. He had one Me* necliaes there at Thebts as a detractor, and enemy to hinS in managing the govern- ment, sufficiently exercised in speaking, for a Theban; that is: For that nation has more of bocily strength than wit- He, because he saw Epaminondas make a figure in military affairs, used to advise the Thebans to prefer 68 GORNELII NEPOTIS debat, hortari solebat Thebanos, ut pacem hel- lo anteferrent, ne illius imperatoris opera desi- deraretur. Huic ille, Fallis, inquit, verbo ci- ves tuos, quod bos a bel- lo avocas: otii enim no- mine servitutem conci- lias; nam paratur pax hello. Itaque qui ea. diutina volunt frui, bello exercitati esse debent. Quare, si principes Grae- ci2s esse vultis, castris est vobis utendum, non palaestra. Idem ille Me- neclides quum huic ob- jiceret quod liberos non haberet, neque uxorem duxisset; maximequein- solentiam , qudd sibi Agamemnonis belli glo- riam videretur consecu- tus: At ille, Desine, in- quit, Meneclide, de ux- ore mihi exprobare, nam nuliius in ista re minus uti consilio volo. (Ha- bebat enim Meneclides suspicionem adulterii.) peace before war, that the service of that general might not be wanted. Ufion which he says to him, you deceive your countrymen with that word, in dissuading them from war; for you recom- mend slavery to them under the name of peace; for peace is procured by war. Where- fore, they that, will enjoy it long, ought to be exercised in war. Wherefore, if you have a mind to be the leaders of Greece, you must use the camp, and not the place of exercise. When the same Meneclides objected to him, (a) that he had no children, nor had married a wife; and especially objected against him his insolence, because he seemed to himself to have acquired the glory of Aga- memon in war: But, says he, give over, Meneclides, to up* braid me about a wile: For I could take nobody's advice in that matter less than yours, (For Meneclides went under the suspicion, of making too (a) As the strength of any government consists much in the numbers of people, matrimony was so encouraged amongst the Greeks and Romans, that to live a single life was almost criminal amongst them: Nay, was. indeed so at last among the Romans, and punished pretty severely; and, in my opinion, is not to be excused, unless where a man, in a single state, may be more serviceable to his country, than if he were to marry. EPAMINONDAS. 169 Quod autem me Aga- memnonem aemuiari pu- tas<, fa He lis; namqueiile, cum universa Grsecia, vix decern annis unam cepit urbem: Ego, con- tra, ex una urbe nostra, dieque uno, totam Grse- ciam, Lacedaemoniis fu- gatis, liberavi. Cap. VI Idem quura in conventum venisset Arcadum, petens, ut so- cietatem cum Thebanis et Argivis facerent; con traque, Callistratus A- theniensium legatus, qui eloquentia omnes eo praestabat tempore, pos. tularet, ut potius amiciti- am sequerentur Attico- rum, et in oration e sua. muita invectus esset in Thebanos et Argivos, in eisque hoc posuisset, Animadveitere debere A read as, quale s utraque ci vitas cives procreasset, ex quibus de caeteris posset judicare: Argi- vos enim fuisse Orestem et Alcmaeonem, matriei- das: Thebis Oedipum natum, qui cum patrem -suum interfecisset, ex mat re liberos procreas- set: Hie in respondendo Epaminond;;s, quurn de ceteris perorasset, post- free with other men's wives ) And whereas you think I rival Agamemnon, you are mistaken; for he with all Greece, with difficulty, took one city in ten years; I, on the other hand, from this one city of ours, and in one day, delivered all Greece, by rout- ing the Lacedemonians. Chap. VI. When the same person was come into the as- sembly of the Arcadians, de- siring that they would make an alliance with the Thebans and the Argives; and on the other hand Caiiistraius, am- bassador of the Athenians, who excelled all in eloquence at that time, desired that they would rather follow the alli- ance of the Athenians, and inveighed much in his speech against the Thebans and the Argives, and put this in amongst other things, that fc-he Arcadians ought to ob- serve what sort of citizens each city had produced, by which they might judge of the rest; for Orestes and A lem as on, murderers of their mothers, were Argives^ and Oedipus was born at Thebes; who, after he had killed his father, had children by his mother: Here Epamincrndas, in his answer, after he had spoken to other points^ when P I/O CORNELII NEPOTIS quam ad ilia duo oppro- bria pervenit, admirari se dixit stultitiam rhe- toris Attici, qui non ani- rnadverteret, innocentes ilios natos, domi scelere admisSQ, quum patria essent puI si, receptos esse ab Atheniensibus. Sed maxime ejus elo- quentia elnxit Spartas, leeati ante pusn&m Le- \\ ct r i c a m ; quo qu u m omnium socioriira con- venissent legati, coram frequentissimo lcgatio- imm convcnlu, sic Lace- daern onior u m ty rann i- dem eoarguitj ut non minus ilia oratione opes eorem concusserit, quam Leuctrica pugna. Turn enim perfecit, quod post apparuit ut auxilio so- ciorum Lacedaemonii privarentur. Cap. VII. Fmsse au- tern patientern, suorum- que injurias ferentem civi-ivm, quod se patriae iresci nefas esse duceret, haec sunt testimonia. Quum eum propter in- vidiam cives pramcere exercitui noiuissent, he was come to those two re- proaches, said, that he ad- mired the folly of the Athe- nian rhetorician, who did not consider that they were born innocent, ? and having com- mitted their wickedness at home, after they were banish- ed their country were enter- tained by the Athenians. But his eloquence shined the most at Sparta, when he was ambassador before the battle of (a) Leuctra; where when the ambassadors of all the allies had met, before a full assembly of the embassies, he did so make appear the tyranny of the Lacedemoni- ans, that he shook their pow- er no less by that speech, than by the battle of Leuctra. For then he effected what afterwards appeared, that the Lacedaemonians were de- prived of the assistance of their allies. Chap. VII. But that he was patient, and bore with the injuries of his country- men, because he thought it a crime to be angry, with his country, there are these proofs. When his country- men, out of ill nature to him, would not place him at the (a) A city of Laconia in Peloponnesus. EPAMINQNDAS. in duxque esset delectus belli imperials, cuius errore eo esset deducta ilia res militum,*ut om- nes de salute pertimesce- rent, quod iocorum an- gustiis claushabhostibus obsidebantur: desiderari ccepta est Epaminondae diligentia; erat enim ibi privatus numero niiii- tum: A quo quum pe- terent cpem, nullam ad- hibuit memoriam con tu- rn e Ike, et exercitum, obsidione liberatum, do- rsum reduxit incolu- mem. Neque verd hoc •semel fecit, sed siepius. Tvl axime autem fuit il- Justre, quum* in Pelo- ponnesum exercitum duxisset adversus Lace- drc monios, haberetque coliegas duos, quorum alter erat Pelopidas, vir fortis ac strenuus. ; Hie, quurn criminibus atTver- sariorum omnes in invi- diam venissent, ob eam- que rem imperium his esset abrogatum, atque in coram locum alii prae- toressuccessissent; Epa- mmondas plebiscito non paruit: idemque ut face- rent, persuasit collegis, et bellum quod suscepe- rat, gessit. Namque head of their army, and a general was chosen that was unskilled in war, by whose mistake the army was brought to that pass, that all were much concerned about their safety, because that be- ing enclosed within a narrow place, they were besieged by the enemy; the diligence of^ Epaminondas began to be missed; for he was there as a private man amongst the soldiers: From whom when they desired help, he had no regard to the a^roni/rut upon him, and carried the army, delivered out of this strait, safely home. Nor indeed did he do that once only, but often. But that was the most remarkable, when he led an army into Peloponnesus a- gainst the Lacedaemonians, and had two joined in com- mission with him, one gf which was Pelopidas, a gal- lant and active man. Here, when they were all come un- der the odium of their coun- Irymen, by the accusations of their enemies, and for that reason their commission was taken from them, and other commanders succeeded in their place: Epaminondas did not obey the order of the people, and persuaded his colleagues to do the same, 172 CORNELII NEPOTIS animadvertehat, ubi id fecisset, totum exerci- tum propter pratorum imprudentiam insciti- amque belli periturum. Lex erat Thebis, qure morte mulctabat, si quis imperium diutius red- nuisset, quam lege prac- finitum foret, Hanc Epaminondas quum rei- publicse conservandae causa latam videret, ad pernicicm civitatis con- ferre noluit; et quatuor mensibus cKatius, quam populus jusserat, gessit imperium. Cap. VIII. Postquam domum reditum est, col- leg* ejus hoc crimine accusabantur: quibusille permisit, utomnem cau- sara in se transferrent, sulque opera factum conterderent,ut legi non obedirent. Qua defen- sione illis periculo Hbe- ratis, nemo Epaminon- dam responsurum puta- bat; qudd quid dice ret Tion haheret. At ille in judicium venit, nihil eo- rum negavit quae adver- and carried on the war which he had undertaken. For he was sensible, (a) unless he did so, that the whole army- would be lost, by reason of the unskilfuiness of the gene- rals, and their ignorance in war. There was a law at Thebes, which punished with death, if any one kept his commission longer than was prescribed by law. As Epa- minondas saw that this was made upon account of pre- serving the state, he would not turn it to the ruin of bis country; and kept his com- mand four months longer than the people had ordered. Chap. VIII. After they were returned home, his fel- low commissioners were im- peached for this crime, to whom he gave leave to lay all the blame upon him, and stand to it that it was occa- sioned by his means, that they did not obey the law. By which defence, they being delivered from danger, no- body thought Epaminondas would make any answer for himseli; because he could not have any thing to say. But he came to his trial, de- (a) It is in the Latin, uli, without any sense. It seems to mt undeniable it should be nisi. EPAMINONDAS. irj sarii crinnni dabant, om- niaque qv.x collegas dix- . erant confessus est; De- que recusavit, quo mi- nus legis pcenam subi- ret; sed unam ab iis pe- tivit, ut in periculo suo conscriberent; Epami- nendas a Thebanis mor- te mulctatus est, quod eos coegit apud Leuctra superare Lacedzeraotiios; quos ante se imperato- rem, nemo Bceotiorum ausus fuit aspicere in acre: quodque uno proe- lio non solum Thebas ab interitu retraxit, sed eti- am universam Gr^ciam in libertatem vindicavit; eoque res utrorumque perduxit, ut Thebani Spartam oppugnarent, Lacedxmonii satis ha- berent si salvi esse pos- sent: neque prius bellari destitit, quam, Messena constituta, urbem eorum obsidione clausit. Hjec quum dixisset, risus omnium cum hilaritate coortus est; neque quis- nied none of those things which his enemies laid to his charge, and confessed all things that his colleagues had said; nor did he refuse to un- dergo the punishment of the law. But one thing he re- quested of them that they would write upon his (a) tomb; Epaminonday was put to death by the Thebans, be- cause he forced them to beat the Lacedaemonians at Leuc- tra; whom before he was ge- neral, none of the Boeotians durst look at in the field; and because he not only deliver- ed Thebes from destruction by one battle, but likewise restored all Greece to their liberty, and brought the af- fairs of both people to that pass, that the Thebans at- tacked Sparta, and the Lace- daemonians were content, if they could be secure; nor did he cease to make war ufio?i them, before, the state of (d) Messena being settled, he- penned up their city by a. close siege. After he had said this, there burst out a (.7) Though some pretend to defend the vulgar reading herej.. periculo; yet I cannot forbear thinking it to be a mistake for sepul- cbro, or some other word of ike import. (b) A country of Peloponnesus, bordering upon Laconia to the westward. P 2 174 CORNELII NEPOTIS quam judex ausus est ferre suffragium. Cap. IX. Sic a judi- c4o capitis maxima dis- cessit gloria.. Hie, ex- treme* tempore, impera- tor apud Mantineam, quum acie instructa au- dacius instaret hostibus, cognitus a Lacedaemo- niis, quod in ejus unius pernicie patriae sitam putabant salutem, uni- versi in unum impetum fecerunt, neque prius ahscesserunt quam mag- na csede facta, multisque occisis, fortissime ipsum Epaminondam pugnan- tem, sparo eminus per- cussum, concidere vide- runt. Hujus casu ali- quantum retardati sunt Eoeotii; neoue tamen prius pugna excesse- lunt, quam repugnantes profijgarunt. At Epa- minondas, quum ani- madverteret mortiferum se vulnns accepisse, si- mulque, si ferrum, quod ex hastili in corpore re- manserat, extraxisset, animam statim amissu- laughter of all present, with a deal of merriment; nor durst any judge pass sen- tence upon him. Chap. IX. Thus he came off from this trial for life with the greatest glory. He at the latter end of his time, being general at (a) Man ti- nea, when he pressed very boldly upon the enemies with his army in Battalia, being known by the Lacedemoni- ans, because they thought the saving of their country depended upon the destruc- tion of him alone, they all made an attack upon him only; nor did they depart, till having made a great slaughter, and killed many, they saw Epaminondas him- self, fighting very valiantly, fall wounded with a lance at a distance.lt The Boeotians were a little retarded by his fall; neither yet did they quit the fight, before they routed those that opposed them. But Epaminondas, after he perceived he had received a mortal wound, and likewise, that if he drew out the head of the spear, which remained in his body, he should imme- diately lose his life; he kept (a) A city of Arcadia in Peloponnesus. EPAMINONDAS. 175 rum; usque eo retinuit, quoad renunciatum est, Vicisse Boeotios. Id postquam audivit, satis, inquit, vixi; invictus e- nim morior. Turn fer- ro extracto, confestim exauimatus est. Cap X. Hie uxorem nunquam duxit; in quo quum reprehenderetur a Pelopida, qui filium ha- bebat infamem; maleque eum in eo patriae consu- lere diceret,quod liberos non reiinqueret: Vide, inquit, ne tu pejus con- sulas, qui talem ex te natum relicturus sis. Neque vero stirps mihi potest deesse: nam que ex me natam re» in quo pugnam Leuctricam, quae non mod.6 mihi su- perstes, sed etiam im- mortalis sit, necesse est. Quo tempore, duce Pe- lopida, exuies Thebas occupaverunt, et presi- dium Laced aemoniorum ex arce expulerunt: Epaminondas, qnam diu facta est csedes civium, domi se retinuit; quod neque malos defendere volebat, ncrque repug- nare, ne manus suorum sanguine cruentaret: Namque omnem civilem it in so long, till it was told him, That the Boeotians had conquered. After he heard that, I have lived, said he, long enough; for I die un- conquered. Then the iron head being drawn out, he im- mediately died. Chap. X. He never mar- ried a wife; for which, when he was blamed by Pelopidas, who had an infamous son; and said, that he did but ill consult the interest of his country, in that he left no children: Consider, says he, whether you do not worse consult the interest of your country, who are likely to leave such a son. But neither can I want issue; for I leave a daughter, the battle of Leuctra, which must needs not only survive me, but be immortal. At the time when the banished Thebans seized Thebes, with Pelopidas their commander, and drove the garrison of the Lacedaemoni- ans out of the citadel; Epa- minondas, so long as the slaughter was made amongst the citizens, kept himself at home, because he neither had a mind to defend the bad party, nor attack them, that he might not imbrue his hands in the blood of his countrymen: For he thought 176 CORNELII NEPOTIS victoriam funestam pu- tabat. Idemque, post- quam apucl Cadmeam pugnari cum Lacedee- moniis coepit, in primis stetit. Hujus de virtu- tibus vitaque satis erit dictum, si hoc unum ad- juxero, quod nemo eat inficias: Thebas, et ante Epaminondam natum, et post ejusdem interi- tum, perpetuo alieno pa- ruisse imperio: contra ea, quamdiu ille prssfue- rit reipublicae, caput fu- isse totius Grrecise. Ex quo intelligi potest, unum hominem pluris cmam civitatem fuisse. all victory gained over fel- low-citizens very dismal. And the same man, after they began to engage at Cadmea with the Lacedemonians, stood amongst the foremost. Enough will be said of his virtues and life, if I add this one thing, which nobody can deny: That Thebes, both be- fore Epaminondas nvas born, and after his death, was al- ways subject to a foreign power; on the other hand, so long as he governed the commonwealth, it was the head of all Greece. From whence it may be understood, that one man alone was more worth than all the whole city besides* XVI. XVI. PELOPIDAS, Th ?banus. PELOPIDAS, The Theban. CAP. I CHAP. I. PELOPIDAS The- banus, magis historiis, quam vulgo notus. Cu- PELOPIDAS the The- ban, is better known to {a) historians, than to the vulgar. (a) The common reading is historiis; but I am of the learned Schottus's opinion, that it should be bistsritis, and accordingly I have translated it* PELOPIDAS. vtn jus de virtutibus dubito quemaJmodum expo- nam: quod vereor, si res explicare incipiam, non vitam ejus en ar rare, sed historian! videar scri- be re; si tantummodo sumraas attigero, ne ru- dibus literarum Giasea- rum minus lucide appa- reat, quantus fuerit iile vir. Itaque utrique rei occurram, quantum po- tero, et medebor cum satietati,tum ignorantiae, lectorum. Phcsbidas La- ced semonius quum exer- citum Olyntbum duce- ret, iterque per Thebas faceret, arcem oppidi, quse Cadmeanorninatur, occupavit, impuisu per- paucorum Thebanorum ; qui adversaria factioni quo fecilius resisterent, Laconum rebus stude- bant: Idque suo privato, non publico fecit consi- Ho. Quo facto, eum Lacedssmonii ab exerci- tu removerunt, pecunia- que mulctarunt: neque eo magis arcem Theba- nis reddiderunt, qu^d, susceptis inimicitiis sati- us ducebant eos obsi(J?ri, quam liberari. Nam post Peloponnesium bel- lum Athenasque devic- Concerning whose excellen- cies I am in doubt how I shall write; because I am afraid, if I shall begin to un- ravel his actions, I shall seem not to recount his life, but to write a history; if I only touch upon the most consi- derable, I fear, lest it should less plainly appear to those that are ignorant of the Greek tongue how great a man he was. Wherefore I will provide against both things, as much as I can, and prevent both the glut and ig- norance of my readers. When Phcsbidas the Lace- daemonian was leading an army to Olynthus, and made his march by Thebes, he seized the citadel of the town, which is called Cadmea, at the instigation of a few The- bans, who, that they might the more easily resist the opposite faction, favoured the interest of the Lacedaemoni- ans: And that he did upon his own private, and not on any public resolution of the Spartans. Upon which fact the Lacedaemonians removed him from his post in the army, and fined him a sum of money; nor did they for all that restore the citadel to the Thebans, because, a quarrel being new begun, they* 178 CORNELII NEPOTIS tas, cum Thebanis sibi rem esse existimabant; et eos esse solos, qui ad- versus resistere aucle- rent. Hue mente, ami- cis suis summas potesta- tes dederant; alterius factionis principes par- tim interfecerant, alios in exilinm ejecerant; in quibus Pelopidas hie, de quo scribe re exorsi su- mus, pulsus, pat ria ca- rebat. Cap. II. Ki omnes fere Athenas se contule- rant, non quo sequeren- tur otium, sed ut, quetn- cunque ex proximo lo- cum fors obtuiisset, eo patriam recuperare nite- rentur. Itaque, quum tempus est visum rei gerendse, communiter cum his, qui Thebis idem sentiebant, diem iSelegerunt, ad inimicos ■opprimendos, civitatem- que liberandam, eum, quo maximi magistra- tes simul consueverunt epulari. Magnae sxpe resnonitamagnis copiis thought it better that they should be under a check, than at liberty: For after the Pelnponnesian war, and the conquest of Athens, they supposed they must have to do with the Thebans; and that they were the only fieo- ple who durst make opposi- tion against them. With these sentiments, they had delivered the highest posts to their friends, the leading men of the other faction they had partly killed, and partly turn- ed out into banishment; Amongst whom this Pelopi- das, of whom we have under- taken to write, was banished his country. Chap. II. Almost all these had betaken themselves to Athens, not that they might lead an idle life, but that whatsoever place in the neighbourhood fortune offer- ed them, they might endea- vour from thence to recover their country. Wherefore when it now seemed time to enter upon the busines-s, they pitched upon a day jointly with those who at Thebes had the same sentiments, to fall upon their enemies, and free tUe city, the very day upon which the chief magis- trates were used to feast to- gether. Great things have PELOPIDAS. 179' sunt gestae: seel profectd nunquani ab tarn tenui initio tantas opes sunt profligate. Nam duo- decim adolescentuli coi- erunt, ex his qui exilio erant mulctati, quum omnino non essent am- plius centum, qui tanto se offerrent periculo; qua paucitate perculsa est Laced<3emoniorum potentia. Hi enim non magis adversariorum factioni, quam Spartanis, eo tempore bellum intu- lerunt, qui principes erant totius Grseciae: quorum imperiosa ma- jestas, neque ita muito post, Leuctrica pugna, ab hoc initio perculsa, cecidit. I Hi igitur duo- decimo quorum erat dux Pelopidas, quum Athe- nas interdiu exissent, ut vesperascente coslo The- bas possent pervenire, cum canibus venaticis exierunt, retia ferentes vestitu agresti, quo mi- nore suspicione facerent Iter. Qui quum tempore ipso, quo studuerant, provenissent, domum Charonis devenerunt, a quo et tempus et dies erat daius* been oftentimes performed by no great forces; but in- deed never so great a power was defeated from so small a beginning. For twelve young men, of those who had been punished with banish- ment, agreed, when they were not above an hundred that offered themselves to so great a danger; with which small number the power of the Lacedaemonians was over- thrown. For these made war, not more upon the fac- tion of their adversaries, than upon the Spartans at that time, who were the lords of all Greece: Whose imperi- ous grandeur, shocked from this beginning, fell not long after in the battle of Leuctra. Wherefore those twelve, whose leader was Pelopidas, having gone out of Athens in the day-time, that they might reach Thebes when the hea- vens grew dark, went out with hounds, carrying nets, in a country dress, that they might make their journey with the less suspicion. Who, having come thither at the time which they had intended, went to Charon's house, by whom the (a) day had been fixed» (a) The text seems to be faulty here; there can, I think, be ne- occasion for tempus and dies both. 180 GORNELII NEPOTIS Cap. III. Hoc loco li« bet interponere, etsi se- junctum a re proposita est, nimia fiducia quantae ealamitati soleat esse. Nam magistratuum Thebanorum statim ad aures pervenit, exules in urbem devenisse. Id illi, vino epulisque dediti, usque eo despexerunt, lit ne quaerere quidem de tanta re laborarint. Accessit, etiam, quod magis aperiret eorum dementiam: Allata est enim epistola Athenis, ab Archia Kierophrante, Archiae, qui turn maxi- mum magistratum The- bis obtinebat; in qua om- nia de profectione exu- lum pre scrip ta erant: Quse quum jam accu- banti in convivio esset data, sicut erat signata, in puivinum subjiciens; In crastinum, inquit, differo res severas. At ilii omnes, quum jam nox processisset, vino- lenti, ab exulibus, duce Chap. III. In this place I have a fancy to insert a re« mark, altho' it be foreign to our subject: How great a mischief an excessive assu- rance uses to be. For it im- mediately came to the ears of the Theban magistrates, that some of the exiles were come to town: That, they intent upon their wine and good cheer, so far despised, that they did not truly trou- ble themselves to enquire about so important a matter» There was another thing too, which discovered their mad- ness stili the more. For a letter was brought from Athens, from Archias an (a) Hierophrantes, to Archia», who then had the chief post of authority at Thebes; in which ail things had been written concerning the de- parture of the f xiles from thence: Which Icing given to him as (6) he sat at the feast, putting it as it was seal- ed, under his pillow; I put off, says he, all serious af- fairs till to-morrow: But they (a) Hlerophantes is explained by some to be a keeper of the holy- trinkets belonging to the Gods. {K) The Latin word properly signifies lying at, or oy, which was the posture used by the ancients at tables, about which they com- monly had three beds placed, on the sides of which they lay, with their backs supported by pillows. PELOPIDAS. 181 Pelopida, sunt interfecti. Quibus rebus confectis, vulgo ad arma liberta- temque vocato, non so- lum qui in urbe erant, sed etiam undique ex a- gris concurrerunt; prse- sidium Lacedamonio- rum ex arce pepulerunt; patriam obsidione libe- raverunt: Auctores Cad- mess occupand^ patrim occiderunt, partim in exilio ejecerunt. Cap. IV. Hoc tarn turbido tempore (sicut supra docuimus) Epa- minondas, quoad cum civibus dimicatum est, domi quietus fuit: Ita- que hsec liberandarum Thebarum propria laus est Pelopida: c*ter* fe- re omnes communes cumEpaminonda. Nam- que in Leuctrica pugna, imperatore Epaminon- da, hie fuit dux delectse manus, qua prima pha- langen prostravit Laco- num. Omnibus prate- yea periculis adfuit: si- cut Spartam quum op- pugnayit, aiterum tenuit all, when now the night was pretty far advanced, being drunk, were slain by the ex- iles, under their leader Pe- lopidas. Which things be- ing done, and the common people invited to arms and liberty, not only those who were in the town, but like- wise others from all parts out of the country, flocked in to them; drove the garrison of the Lacedamoniaiis out of the citadel; and delivered their country from that bri- dle. They partly put to death the advisers of seizing the Cadmea, and partly drove them out into banishment. Chap. IV. During this turbulent time (as we have told you before) Epaminon- das, so long as they were en- gaged with their fellow citi- zens, was quiet at home; wherefore the glory of deli- vering Thebes is proper to Pelopidas: Almost ail his other glorious actions were common to him with Epami- nondas. For in the battle of Leuctra, where Epaminondas was general, he was the com- mander of a select body of troops^ which first of all broke the Phalanx of the La- cedamonians. Besides, he was present with him in all his dangers; as, when he at- Q 182 CGRNELX1 NEPOTIS cornu: quoque Messena celerius restitueretur, legatus in Persas est profectus. Denique base fuit altera persona The- bis, -sed tamen secunda, iu ut proxima esset Epaminondas. Cap. V. Conftictatus autem est cum ad versa fortuna; nam et initio (sicut ostendimus) exul patria caruit; et, quum Thessaliam in potesta- tem Thebanorum cupe- ret redigere, legationis- que jure satis tectum se arbitraretur, quod apud omnes gentes sanctum esse con su esset, a tyran- no Alexandre Pheraeo, simul cum Ismenia, comprehensus, in vincu- la conjectus est. Hunc Epaminondas recupera- vit, bello persequens Atexandnim. Post id factum, nunquam is ani- mo placari potuit in eum, a quo erat violatus: Itaque persuasit Theha- nisj ut subsidio Thessa- liam proficiscerentur, ty- rannosque ejus expelle- rent. Cujus belli quum tacked Sparta, he command- ed one wing; and that Mes- sena might be more expedi- tiously restored, he went am- bassador amongst the Persi- ans. Finally this was another considerable actor at Thebes, but yet a second, so that he was next to Epaminondas. Cap. V. Yet he met with adverse fortune; for he was early banished (as we have shewn;) and being desirous to reduce Thessaly under the power of the Thebans, and. thinking himself sufficiently secured by the right of an embassy, which used to be sacred among all nations, he was seized, together with Ismenias, by Alexander the tyrant of {a) Pherx, and thrown into chains. Epami- nondas recovered him. falling upon Alexander in war. Af- ter that fact, he could never be reconciled in his mind to him by whom he had been injured: Wherefore he per- suaded the Thebans to go to the relief of Thessaly, and drive out the tyrants thereof. When the chief command in that war had been given to him, and he was come thither with his army, he did not (a) A city in that part of Thessaly called Pelasgiotis. AGESILAUS. ei summa esset data, eoque cum exercitu pro- fectus essst, non dubita- vit, simul ac conspexit hostem, coniiigere. In quo praelio, Alexandrum ut animadvertit, incen- sus ira, equum in eum concitavit, proculque di- gressus a suis, conjectu telorum confossus ceci- dit. Atque hoc secunda victoria accidit: nam jam inclmata erant ty- rannorum copise. Quo facto, omnes Thessaliae civitates interfectum Pe- lopidam coronis aureis, et statuis aeneis, liberos- que ejus multo agro do* naverunt. delay to engage, as soon as he saw the enemy. In which battle, when he spied Alex- ander, being fired with rage, he spurred on his horse against him, and being gone a good way from his me?i, he fell down killed with the dis- charge of weapons at him: And this happened when vic- tory was favourable to him: For the tyrants' troops were now ready to Bee. After which, all the cities of Thes- saly honoured the slain Pe- lopidas with golden crowns , and brazen statues, and pro** sented his children with a great deal of land» XVII, .VII. AGESILAUS, JLacedi??nonius. AGESILAUS, The Lacedemonian CAP. I. CHAP. I AGESILAUS Lace- dacmonius, cum a cete- ris scriptoribus, turn ex- imie a Xenophonte So- cratico collaudatus est; eo enim usus est famili- arissime. Hie primum de regno cum Leoty- AGESILAUS the Lace- daemonian, has been com- mended as we!! by other writers, as by Xenophon the Socratick fihilosofiher extra- ordinarily; for he was very intimate with him. He fir si of ail had a dispute with 184 ■CORNELII NEPOTI3 chide, fratris filio, habuit contentionem. Mosest enim a majoribus Lace- dsemoniis traditus, ut duos haberent semper reges, nomine magis quam imperio ex duabus familiis Prodis et Eu- risthenis, qui principes ex progenie Herculis SpartcC reges fuerunt. II arum ex altera in al te- rms familix locum fieri non licebat: itaque uter- que suum retinebat ordi- nem. Primum, ratio ha- behatur, qui maximus natu esset ex liberis ejus, qui regnans deces- sisset: Sin is virilem sexum non reiiquisset, tunc eligebatur qui prox- Imus esset propinqui- tate. Mortuus erat Agis rex, frater Agesilai: fili- nm reliquerat Leotychi- dem, quern iile vivens i5on agnorat; eundem, rriorieiis^ suum esse dix- •erat. Is de honore reg- ni cum Agesilao suo pa- truo contendit; neque id quod petivit consecutus est: nam Lysandro suf- fragante, homine, ut os- iendimus supra, factioso, et his temporibus po- tente, Agesilaus antela* tus est. Leotyches, his brother's son, for the kingdom. For it is a custom delivered to the La- cedemonians by their forefa- thers, to have always two kings, in name rather than authority, of the two families of Procles and Eurysthenes, who, first of all the progeny of Hercules, were kings of Sparta. It was not lawful for a king to be made out of one of these, in the room of the other family: Wherefore each kept its rank. First, regard was had to him that was the eldest of the sons of him who died king: But if he left no male issue, then he was chosen that was the next akin. King Agis, the brother of Agesilaus, was dead: He had left a son, Leoty chides by name? whom he, when alive, had not owned for his; bat when dying, he had said that he was his. He con- tended for the honour of the kingdom with his uncle Age- silaus; nor did he get what he sought for; for Agesilaus was preferred before him, Lysan- der making interest for him; a man (as we have shewn above) of considerable sway* and powerful at that time. AGESILAUS. 185 Ca.p. II. Kic, simul atque imperii potius est, persuasit Lacedsemo- niis ut exercitum emitte- rent in Asiam, bellum- que regi facerent, do- cens, satius esse in A- sia, quam in Europa di- micare: namque fama exierat Artaxerxem eomparare classem, pe- destresque exercitus, quos in Gracciam mitte- ret. Data potestate, tanta celeritate usus est, ut prius in Asiam cum copiis pervenerit, quam regii satrapse eum sci- rent profectum; quo fac- tum est, ut omnes impa- ratos imprudentesque offenderet. Id ut cog- novit Tissaphernes, qui sum mum imperium turn inter prsefectos habebai regios, inducias a La- cone petivit, simulans se dare operam, ut Lace- dsemoniis cum rege con- veniret; re autem .vera, ad copias comparandas; easque impetravit tri- inestres. Juravit autem uterque, se sine dolo in- ducias conservaturum: In qua pactione, summa fide mansit Agesilaus. Contra ea, Tissaphernes nihil aliud quam bellum Chap. II. He, as soon as he got the kingdom, per- suaded the Lacedaemonians, that they should send an ar- my into Asia, and make war upon the king, telling them that it was better to fight in Asia than Europe; for a ru- mour was got abroad, that Artaxerxes was fitting out a fleet, and raising land forces to send into Greece. Leave being granted him, he made use of so much expedition, that he came into Asia with his troops, before the king's viceroys knew that he was set forward; from whence it was that he found them all unprovided, and unaware of him. As soon as Tissapher- nes understood it, w r ho hart then the greatest power a- mongstthe king's governors, he desired a truce of the La- cedaemonian, pretending that he would do his endeavours that the Lacedemonians should agree with the king; but indeed to raise troops; and he obtained it for three months. But each of them swore that he would observe the truce without fraud: In which agreement Agesilaus continued with the greatest punctuality. On the other hand, Tissaphernes did noth- ing else but levy war. Aitho* Q2 186 CORNELII KEPOTIS comparavit. Id etsi sen- tiebat Laco, tamen jus- jurandum servahat, mul- tumque in eo consequi se dieebat, quod Tissa- phernes perjurio suo et homines suis rebus aba- lienaret, et deos sibi ira- los redderet: se autem servata religione, confir- mare exercitum, quum animadverteret, deorum numen facere secum, hominesque sibi conciii- ari amiciores, quod his studere consuessent, quos conservare fidem viderent. Cap. III. Postquam induciarum preteriit dies, barbarus non dubi- tans, quod ipsius erant plurima domieilia in Ca- ria, et ea regio his tem- poribus multo putabatur locupletissima, eo potis- simum hostes impeturn facturos, omnes suss co- plas eo contraxerat. At Agesiiaus in Phrygiam se convertit,eamque pri- lls depopulatus est, quam Tissaphernes usquam se moveret. Magna prae- ila militibus locupletatis, Ephesum hyematurn exercitum reduxit; at- que ihi, ohicinis armo- yum in$ikutis> magna the Lacedemonian perceived that, yet he kept his oath, and said that he got much by it, because Tissaphernes both alienated men from his in- terest, and made the gods angry with him by his perju- ry: but that he, by keeping his oath, encouraged his ar- my, since they observed that the power of the gods was for them; and men were made more friends to them, because they were accustom- ed to favour those whom they observed to keep their faith. Chap. III. After the time of the truce was expired, the Barbarian not doubting be- cause he had a great many seats in Caria, and that coun- try was thought to be far the richest at that time, that the enemies would make their inroads there chiefly, had drawn ail his troops thither. But Agesiiaus turns into Phrvgia, and wasted that, be- fore Tissaphernes could stir any whither. Having en- riched his soldiers with abun- dance of plunder, he drew back his army to Ephesus to winter; and there having set up forges for arms, he pre- pared for war with great in- dustry, And that his troops A'GESILAUS. 18? industry bellum appa- ravit. Et quo studiosi- us armarentur, insigni- usque ornarentur, prse- mia proposuit, quibus donarentur, quorum e- greeda in ea re fuisset industria. Fecit idem in exercitationum gene- ribus, ut qui ceteris prsestitissent, eos magnis afficeret muneribus. His might be the more carefully armed, and more finely a- dorned, he proposed rewards, with which they should be presented whose industry was extraordinary in that matter. He did the same in all sorts of exercises, that them w T ho excelled the rest, he honoured with great pre- sents. By these means there- fore he effected that he had igitur rebus effecit, ut et his army both very well fur- ornatissimum et exerci- nished with all things, and- tatissimum haberet ex- ercitum. Huic quum tempus esset visum co- pias extrahere ex hy- bernaculis, vidit si, quo esset iter facturus, pa- lam pronunciasset; hos- tes non credituros, alias- que regiones occupatu- ros, nee dubitaturos, ali- ud esse fcicturum ac pronunciasset; Itaque quum ilie Sardeis se itu- rum dixisset/JTissapher- nes eandem Cariam de- fen den dam putavit. In quo quum eum opinio fefellisset, victumque se vidisset consiiio, sera su- is presidio ;.< n ofectus est. Nanii quum illo venis- set, jam Agesiiaus, mul- tis locis expugnaus^ 3ffiagnS erat prse A nnti- tus. Laco autem, quum very well exercised. As soon as it appeared to him time to draw his troops out of their winter quarters, he saw, that if he declared openly whither he was going to march, the enemies would not believe it, and would take care of other parts, and would not doubt that he would do quite another thing than what he gave out: Wherefore, when he had declared, that he would march for Sardeis, Tissaphern.es thought that the- same country of Caria ought to be defended by him. In which matter when his opinion had deceived him, and he saw himself outwitted, he came too late for the pro- tection of his subjects. For when he was come thither, Agesiiaus, having already taken many places, had got 183 CORNELH NEPOTIS videret hostes equitatu superare, nunquam in campo sui fecit potesta- tem, et his locis manum conseruit, quibiis plus pedestrescopiae valerent. Pepulit ergo, quoties- cunque congressus est, inulto majores adversa- riorum copias; et sic in Asia versatus est, ut omnium opinione victor duceretur. Cap, IV. Hie quum animo meditaretur pro- ficisci in Persas, et ip- sum regem adoriri; nun- cius ei domo venit epho- rorum jussu, bellum Athenienses et Boeotios indixisse Laced«moniis; quarc venire non dubi- taret. In hoc, non mi- nus ejus pietas suscipi- enda est, quam virtus beilica: qui quum victo- ri pr&esset exercitui, maximamque haberet fiduciam regni Persa- rum potiundi; tanta mo- destia dicto audiens fuit jussis absentium magis- tratuum, ut si privatus in comitio esset Sparta. Cujus exemplum uti- nam imperatores nostri sequi voluissent! Sed il- luc redeamus. Agesi- abundance of plunder. But the Lacedemonian, seeing the enemy exceeded him in horse, never gave them an opportunity of fighting him in the plain, and engaged in those places, in which foot- would be of most service. Wherefore he routed a much bigger army of the enemies, as oft as he fought them; and behaved so in Asia, that he was reckoned the conqueror in all -people's opinion. Chap. IV. Whilst he was proposing in his own mind to march into the country q/the Persians, and attack the king himself; a messenger came to him from home, by the order of the ephori, to tell him, that the Athenians and the Boeotians had proclaimed w T ar against the Lacedaemoni- ans; for which reason he should not delay to come home. In this, his regard to his country is no less to be admired, than his w T arlike bravery; who, though he commanded a victorious ar- my, and had a very great as- surance of mastering the kingdom of the Persians, was, with so much modesty obedient to the orders of the absent magistrates, as if he had been a private person in the forum of Sparta. Whose AGESILAUS. 189 laus oppulentissimo reg- no prseposuit bonam ex- istimationem, multoque gloriosius duxit, si insti- tutis patriae paruisset, quam si belio superasset Asiam. Hac igitur men- te Hellespontum copras trajecit, tantaque usus est celeritate, ut quod iter Xerxes anno ver- tente confecerat, hie transient trigintadiebus. Quum jam baud longe abesset a Peloponneso, obsistere ei conati sunt Athenienses et Boeotii, CKterique eorum socii apud Coroneam, quos omnes gravipi2clio\icit. Hujus victorix vel max- ima fuit laus, quod quum pkrique ex fuga sc in templum Mineryae con- jee issent, quae re re tur que ab eo, quid his fieri rel- ict? Etsi aliquot vulnera acceperat eo przelio, et iratus videbatur omni- bus, qui adversus arma tulerant, tamen antetulit ir& religionem, et eos example (a) I wish our ge- nerals would have followed! But let us return to the busi- ness. Agesilaus preferred a good name before the most wealthy kingdom, and thought it much more glori- ous if he obeyed the laws of his country, than if he con- quered Asia in war. With this mind therefore he drew his forces over the Helles- pont, and used so much ex- pedition, that he made in thirty clays a march that Xerxes was a whole year about. When he was now not far from Peloponnesus, the Athenians and Boeotians and the rest of their allies, endeavoured to oppose him at (6) Coronea; all which he conquered in a great battle. It was the most commenda- ble thing in this victory, that when a great many after the rout had thrown themselves into the temple of Minerva, and it was asked him what he would have done with them? Altho' he had receiv- ed some wounds in that bat- (a) In these words our author had a respect to Julius Csesar chiefly, who refused to disband his army at the command of the Senate; which was the occasion of the civil war, that ended in the ruin of the liberty and the glory of Roms together. (£) A city of Bceotia, 190 CORNELII NEPOTIS vetuit violari. Neque hoc solum in Grsecia fe- cit, ut templa deorum sancta haberet; sed eti- am» apuci barbaros, sum- ma religione, omnia si- mulacra- arasque conser- vavit. Itaque pr&dica* batv Mirari se : non sacri- legorum numero haberi, qui supplicibus eorum nocuissent, aut non gra- vioribus poenis aihci, qui religione m minuerent quam qui fana spoliu- rint, Cap. V. Post hoc praelium, collatum est omne bellum circa Co- rinthum, ideoque Corin- thium est appellatum. Hie, quum una pugna decern millia hostium, Agesilao duce, cecidis- sent, eoque facto opes adversariorum debilita- te viderentur; tantum abfuit ab insolentia glo- riae 5 ut commiseratus sit fortunam Grsechs, quod tarn multi a se victi, vi- teo adversariorum, con- fcidissent. Nam que ilia tie, and seemed angry with them all who had born arm* against him., yet hy preferred his religion before the grati- fying his resentment, and for« bade them to be hurt. Nor die! he do this only in Greece, that is, treat the temples of the gods as sacred; but like- wise preserved even amongst the barbarians, all the images of the gods, and a', tars, with the highest veneration. Wherefore he said, he won- dered that those were not ac- counted in the number of sa- crilegious -villains, who hurt their suppliants, ar that they were not punished with more heavy punishments, who pre* judiced religion, than 'those who robbed temples. Chap. V, After this bat- tle the whole of the war was drawn together about Co- rinth, and therefore was called the Corinthian war. Here, when ten thousand of the enemy had been slain in one battle, ivher ein Agesilaus was general, and the strength of the enemy seemed broken by that action; he was so far from the insolence of boast- ing, that he lamented the fortune of Greece, that so many, by the fault of the ene- mies, had been conquered by him, and fallen. For with AGESILAUS. 191 ..Ititudine-. si sana mens esse: Graced», sup- piicium Persas dare po- tuisse. Idem quum ad- versaries intra mcenra vnpulisset, et ut Co- rinthum oppugnaret multi hortarentur, nega- vit id suae virtuti conve- nire: Se enim eum esse dixit, qui ad ofneium peccantes redire coge- ret; non qui urbes no- bilissimas expugnaret Gra&ciae. Nam si (in- quit) extinguere volue- rimus qui nobiscum ad- versus barbaros stete- runt a nosmetipsi nos ex- pugnaverimus, illis qui- tscentibus: quo facto, sine negotio r quum vom- er in t, ik>s oppriment. Cap. VI. Interim ac- it ilia calamitas apud Leuctra Lacedxmoniis; quo ut proficisceretur quum a pie risque ad ex- eundum premeretur, ut si de exitu divinaret, ex- ire noluit. Idem, quum Epaminondas Spar Lam oppugnaret, essetque sine maris oppidum, ta- lem se imperatorem prcebuit, ut eo tempore omnibus, apparuerit, ni- ille fuisset, Spartam futuram non fuisse* In that number of men, the Per- sians might have been pun- ished by Greece, if they had but a right mind. The same mm, after he had forced the enemies within their walls, and many advised him to at- tack Corinth, he denied that was agreeable to his conduct: For he said, he was one who would force offenders to re- turn to their duty: not take the noblest cities of Greece: For if, says he, we have a mind to ruin those who have sided with us against the bar- barians, we shall conquer ourselves whilst they are quiet; after which, they will, without difficulty, subdue us when they please. Chap. VI. In the mean time that calamity at Leuc- tra befel the Lacedemonians; whither tho 5 he wag pressed by a great many to go, as if he had had a divine foresight of the event he would not go. The same man, when Epa- minondas attacked Sparta, and the town was without walla, shewed himself such a general, that at that time it was visible to all fieople t unless he had been there, Sparta would not have been any more. In which danger 192 GORNELII NEPOTIS quo quidem discrimine, celeritas ejus consilii sa- luti fuit universis. Nam quurn quidam adoles- centuli, hostium adven- tu perterriti, ad Theba- nos transfugere vellent, et locum extra urbem the quickness of his con trivance was the preservation of them all- For when cer- tain young men, affrighted with the approach of the ene- my intended to run over to the Thebans, and had seized a high place without the city: editum ctpissent: Age- Agesilaus, who saw that that silaus, qui perniciosissi- would be of the most perni- mum fore videret, si ani- cious consequence, if it should madversum esset quen- be observed, that any one en- deavoured to fly over to the enemy? came with some of his men thither; and as if they had done it with a good intention, commended their thought in that they had quam ad hostes transfu- gere conari, cum suis eo venit, atque, ut si bono animo fecissent, lauda- \it consilium eorum, cuod eum locum cccu- passent, et se id quoque seized that place, and that lie fieri debere animadver- had observed, that ought to tisse. Sic adolescentu- los simulata laudatione recuperavit; et adjunctis de suis comitibus, locum tutum- reliquit: namque Illi, aucto numero eo* rum, qui expertes erant consilii, commovere se be done. Thus he recovered the young fellows by a pre- tended commendation of them; and having joined some of his attendants with them, he left the place safe; for they, (a) their number being encreased with those who uon sunt ausi; edque li- were acquainted with the de- hentius, quod latere ar- sign, durst not stir; and they bitrabantur, quae cogita- staid the more willingly be- rant. cause they thought that what they had intended was not known. (a) Our author has expressed himself here improperly: For it is visible he intended what I have expressed in my translation. But it is as visible to any attentive reader, that his words will not bear that sense, nor, indeed, any good sense at all. AGESILAUS. 193 Cap. VII. Sine du- bio, post Leuctricam pugnam, Lacedasmonii se nunquam refecerunt neque pristinum imperi- um recuperarunt: quum, interim, Agesiiaus non destitit quibuscunque re- bus posset, patriam ju- vare. Nam quum prae- cipue Lactdae nonii incli- gerent pecunia, ilie om- nibus, qui a rege defece- rant, prae.sidio fuit; a quibus magna donatus pecunia, patriam subie- vavit. Atque in hoc il- lud imprimis fuit admi- rable; quum maxima munera ei ab re gibus, et dynastis, civitatabusque confcrrentur, nihil un- quam in domum suam contuiit, nihil de victu, nihil de vestitu Laco- num mutavit: do mo ca- dem fuit contentus qua Eurysthenes, progenitor majurum suorum, lite- ral usus; quam qui in- tra rat, nullum si gnu m libidinis, nullum iuxurias videre poterat: contra, plurirna patienti^e atque abstiiiendas Sic enim erat instructa, ut nulla in re differret a cujusvis iaopis atque privati. Chap. VII. Without doubt, after the battle of Leuctra, the Lacedemonians never re- covered themselves, nor re- gained their former power; whilst, in the mean time, Agesiiaus did not cease to help his country, by whatso- ever means he could. For when the Lacedaemonians very much wanted money, he was the security of ail those that had revolted from the king; by whom being pre- sented with a great sum of money, he relieved his coun- try. And in this man this was above ail other things to be admired; when very great presents were made him by kings and princes and states, he brought noth- ing ever to bis own home, changed nothing of the diet and dress of the Lacedaemo- nians: He was content with the same house* which Eu- rysthenes, the progenitor of his forefathers, had used; which he that entered, could see no sign of lust, no sign of luxury; but on the other hand, many of hardiness and justice For it was so fur- nished, that it differed in notaing from the ivjiue of any poor and private person. R 194 CORNELII NEPOTIS Cap. VIII. Atque hie tantus vir, ut naturam fautricem habuerat in tribuendis animi virtuti- fous, sic malefictfm nac- tus est in corpore, ex- iguus, et claudus altero pecle. Quas res etiam monnullam afferebat de- formitatem: atque igno- ti, faciem ejus quum in- tuerentur, contemne- bant: qui autem virtu- tem noverant, non pote- rant admirari satis. Quod ei usu venit, quum annorum octoginta sub- sidio Thaco in ^Lgyp- tum ivisset, et in acta cum suis accubuisset, sine ullo tecto, stratum- que haberet tale, ut ter- ra tecta esset stramentis, neque hue amplius quam pellis esset injecta; eo- demque comites omnes accubuissent, vestitu hu- mili, atque obsoleto, ut eorum omatus non mo- do in his regem nemi- nem signilicaret; sed ho- minis non beatissimi suspicionem prae beret. Hujus de ad vent u fama quum ad regios esset perlata, celeriter mune- ra eo cujusque generis Chap. VIII. And this so great a man, as he had h; nature a favourer of him, in bestowing the endowments of the mind on him, so he found her mischievous in his body, being little, and lame of one foot. Which thing occasioned likewise some de- formity; and strangers, when they beheld his person, des- pised him; but they, who knew his ability, could not admire him sufficiently. Which happened to him when he went, at fourscore years of age, into Egypt, to the relief of Thacus, and was laid upon the shore with his men, v/ithout any covering, and had such a convenience for lying on, that the earth was but covered with straw, and nothing more than a skin thrown upon it; and all his attendants likewise laid upon the same, in mean and threadbare cloaths, that their dress did not only set forth, that none amongst them was a king; but gave a suspicion of a person there not very rich. When the news of his coming was brought to the courtiers, presents were quickly brought him of every kind, (a) Scarcely was a (a) This is to my thinking, as pretty a picture, as is any where to be met with in all antiquity, and enough to give a man a distaste AGESILAUS. 195 sunt allata. His quaeren- tibus Agesiiaum, vix fides facta est, unum esse ex his qui turn ac- cubabant. Qui quum regis verbis, quae attule- rant, dedissent, ille pra- ter vituiina et hujusmo- di genera obsonii, quae praesens tempus deside- rabat, nihil accepit; un- guenta, coronas, secun- damque mensam servis dispeniit: extern referri jussit. Quo facto eum barbari magis etiam con- tempserunt, quod eum ignoranua bona?-!!!!! re- rum ilia potisrirnum sumsisse arbitrabant.;r. Hie quum ex iftgypto reverteretur, donatus a rege Nectanebe ducentis viginti talentis, quae ille muneri populo suo da- ret, venissetque in por- tum, qui Menelai voca- persuasion wrought in them, ufion enquiring for Agesi» laus, that he was one of those that then lay there. Who; when they had given him in the king's name what they had brought, took nothing but veal, and such sorts of victuals which the present occasion required; he divided the sweet ointments, crowns, and sweaimeats amongst the slaves, and commanded the rest to be carried back. Up- on which the barbarians des- pised him still the more, be- cause they thought he had made choice of those things out of ignorance of what was good. When he returned from Egypt, being presented by king Nectanebus with two hundred and twenty talents, to give as a present to his people, and was come into the harbour which is called Menelaus, lying betwixt (a) for the vanities and fopperies that human life is so much cumbered and crowded with. Methinks, I see a parcel of empty, gay flutter- ing fops, that had no relish for any thing truly great and good, expressing, by their sneers and scornful air, a contempt for the greatest endowments of the human mind, because not set off with what alone they were capable of admiring; whilst the glorious man, with a sedateness suitable to his grandeur, and a perfect sense of the folly of the sorry animals about him, and as hearty a contempt for their opinion of him, satisfies the necessities of nature in the most proper manner, and leaves them to sneer on. A city of Africa, upon the Mediterranean, west from Egypt. I$6 CORNELII NEPOTIS tur, jacens inter Cyrenas et i£gyptum; in mor- bum implicitus decessit. Ibi eimi amici, quo Spartam facilius per- ferre possent, quod mel non hahebant, cera cir- cumfuderunt, atque ita domum retulerunt. Cyrene and Egypt; fallini into a distemper, he died. There his friends, that they might the more conveniently carry him to Sparta, because they had no (a) honey, wrapped him in wax; and so brought him home. XVIII. XVIII. EUMENES, Carclianus. EUMENESj The Cardian. CAP. I. CHAP. I. EUMENESCardian- us. Hujus si virtuti par data esset fortune, non ille quidem major, sed null to illustrior, atque etiam honoratior: quod Biagnos homines virtute metimur, non fortuna. Nam quum setus ejus incidisset in ea tempora, quibiis Macedones feore- rent, nniltum ei detrax- it, inter eos viventi, quod alien» erat civitatis. JsFeque aliud huic defuit, quam generosa stirps: etsi enim ille domestico EUMENES the Cardian. If fortune had been allotted him equal to his great abili- ties, he would not indeed have been a greater man, but much more illustrious, and, likewise, more honourable; because we measure great- men by their great qualities, and not by their fortune. For his life having fallen in those times, in which the Macedonians flourished* it took from him vtry much, as he lived amongst them, that he was of a foreign na- tion. Nor was any thing {$>) The Spartans made use of honey in embalming dead bodies EUMENES. 19f summo genere erat, ta- in en Macedones eum sibi aliquando anteponi, indigne ferebant. Ne- que tarn en non patieban- tur; vincebat enim o ni- nes cura, vigilantia, pa- tientia, calliditate et ce- leritate ingenii. Hie, peradolescentulus, ad amicitiam accessit Phi» lippi, Amynts filii, bre- vique tempore in inti- mam pervenit familiari- tatem; fulgebat enim jam in adolescentuio in- doles virtutis. Itaque eum habuit ad manum, scribse loco; quod multo apud Graios honorificen- tius est, quam apud Ro- manos: nam apud nos revera, sicut sunt, mer- cenarii scrihacexistiman- tur; at apud illos, con- trario, nemo ad id offici- um admittitur, nisi ho- nesto loco, et fide, et in- dustria cognita; quod necesse est omnium consiliorum eum esse participem.. Hunc lo- cum tenuit amicitiae a- pud Phiiippum an nos septem. Isto interfecto, eodem gradu fuit apud Alexandrum annos tre- decim. Novissimo tem- pore prxfuit etiam alteri else wanting to him, but a noble descent: For though he was of the highest quality at home, yet the Macedoni- ans took it heinously, that he was sometimes preferred be- fore them. Neither yet -did they not bear with it; for he excelled them ail in care, vi- gilance, hardiness, subtil ity, and quickness of parts. He, when a very young man, was admitted to the friendship of Philip, the son of Amyntas, and in a short time came to an intimate familiarity with him: For even then there ap- peared in him, though very- young, an able genius. Wherefore he kept him with him in the place of a secreta- ry; which is much more ho» nourable amongst the Greeks than amongst the Romans; for with us secretaries are accounted in reality, as they are, hirelings: but with them f on the contrary, nobody is admitted to that omee, unless of a good family, and known; integrity and industry; be- cause itisnece ssar y fo r h i a to be a sharer in all counsels* He held this post of friend- ship under Philip seven years. After he was slain? he was in the same place un- der Alexander thirteen years* At last likewise hs- com- R % 195 eORNELII NEPOTIS equitum alse, quae Hetcz- rice appellabatur. Utri- que autem et in concilio semper afiuit, et omni- um re rum habitus est particeps. Cap. II. Alexandro Babylone mortuo, quum regna singulis familiari- bus dispertirentur, et summa rerum tradita esset tuenda eidem, cui Alexander moriens an- nulum suum dederat, Perdiccse: ex quoomnes eonjecerant, eum reg- num ei commendasse, quoad liberi ejus in su- am tutelam pervenis- sent: (aberant enim Cra- terus et Antipater, qui antecedere hunc vide- bantur: mortuus erat Hephaestio, quern unum Alexander, quod facile inteliigi posset, plurimi fecerat) hoc tempore da- ta est Eumeni Cappado- cia, sive potius dicta; nam turn in hostium crat potestate. Hunc sibi Perdiccas adjunx- «rat magno studio, quod manded one wing of horse, which was called (a) hciarice. He was with both of them, always one in the council, and was treated as an associ- ate in all affairs. Chap. II. Alexander dy- ing at Babylon, when king- doms were distributed to each of his friends, and the chief management of affairs was delivered to him to take care of, to whom Alexander, when dying, had given his ring, to Perdiccas: From whence all had conjectured, that he had recommended his kingdom to him, till his children should come to be m their own tuition (for Craterus and Antipater were absent, who seemed to be before him: Hephaestio was dead, whom Alexander, as might be easi- ly understood, had valued very highly;) at this time Cappadocia was given to Eumenes, or rather named for him; for then it was in the power of the enemies. Him Perdiccas had engaged to him with great earnestness, because he saw in the man (a) Ala is used for the wing of an army consisting of horse, •whether more or less; but here it is pat for a certain standing body ©f horse, called Hrtarice, because it was made up of gentlemen that were associates, or companions of the king. EUMENES. in homine fidem et in- dustriam magnam vide- bat; non dubitans, si eum pellexisset, magno usui fore sibi in his rebus, quas apparabat. Cogi- tabat enim (quod fere omnes in niagnis impe- rils concupiscunt) omni- um partes compere at- que amplecti. Neque vero hoc soius fecit, sed cseteri quoque omnes, qui Alexandri fuerant amici. Primus Leon- natus Macedoniam prae- occupare destinaverat: Is multis magnis pollici- tationibus persuadere Eumeni studuit, ut Per- diccam desereret, ac se- cum face ret societatem. Quum perducere eum non posset, interficere conatus est; et fecisset, nisi iile clam noctu ex prassidiis ejus effugisset. Cap. III. Interim conflata sunt ilia bella, quae ad internecionern, post Alexandri mortem, gesta sunt; omnesque concurrerunt ad Perdic- cam opprimendum: Quern etsi in fir mum vi- debat, quod unus omni- bus resistere cogebatur, tamen amicum non de- seruit: neque salutis great integrity and industry; not doubting, if he could but wheedle him over, that he would be of great service to them in those things which he had in agitation. For he intended (what commonly all in great empires covet) to seize and take in the shares of all the rest Nor did he alone do this, but likewise all the rest, who had been Alex- ander's friends. First Leon- natus had intended to seize upon Macedonia; he endea- voured to persuade Eume- nes, by many and great pro- mises, to forsake Perdiccas and to make an alliance with him. When he could not bring him to, he attempted to kill him; and had done it, unless he had privately es- caped in the night-time out of his garrisons. Chap. III. In the mean time those wars broke out, which, after the death of Alexander, were carried on to the utter ruin of the par- ties; and all agreed together to ruin Perdiccas: Whom though he saw bat weak, be- cause he alone was forced to stand against them all, yet he did not forsake his friend; nor was he xpore desirous of 2t>0 CORNELII NEPOTIS quam fidei fuit cupidior. Pisefecerat eum Perdic- cas ei parti Asiae, que inter Taurum montem jacet atque Hellespon- tum: et iilum unum op- posuerat Eiiropaeis sd- versariis: ipse ^Egyptum oppugnatum adversus Ptolemaeum erat profec- tus. Eumenes, quum neque magnas copias, neque firmas haberet, quod inexercitatas, et non multo ante erant contract»; adventare au- tem dicerentur, Helles- pontumque transiisse Antipater et Craterus, magno cum exercitu Macedonum, viri cum claritate, turn usu belli prastantes: (Macedones vero milites ea tunc e- rant fama, qua nunc Romani feruntur: ete- nim semper habiti sunt fortissimi, qui sum ma imperii potirentur) Eu- menes intelligebat, si copiac suae cognoscerent, adversus quos ducereix- tur, non modo non itu- ras, sed simul cum nun- cio dilapsuras: Itaque hoc ejus fuit prudenlissi- mum consilium, ut de- viis itineribus milites duceret, in quibus vera his own security, than oi preserving his honour. Per- diccas had set him over that part of Asia, which lies be- twixt Mount Taurus and the Hellespont; and had posted him alone against all /us Eu- ropean adversaries: He him- self had marched against Ptolemy, to invade Egypt. Eumenes, though he had neither a great army, nor a strong one, because it was unexercised, and raised not long before, and Antipater and Craterus were said to be coming, and to have passed the Hellespont with a great army of Macedonians, men, excelling both in fame and experience in war: (For the Macedonian soldiers were then in that repute in which the Romans now are reck- oned; for they have been al- ways accounted the most va- liant who held the chief sway in the world) Eumenes was sensible, if his troops under- stood against whom they were led, that they would not only not march, but would slip away with the news of it. Wherefore this contrivance of his was very prudent, to lead his soldiers by out-of- the-way marches, in which they could not hear the truth; and to persuade them,, that. EUMENES. 201 audire non possent; et his persuade ret, se con- tra quosdam barbaros proficisci. Itaque tenu- it hoc prcpositum et prius in aciem exerci- tum eduxit. praeliumque cAtnmisit, quam mili- tes sui scirent, cum qui- bus arm a conferrent, EfTecir etiam illud loeo- rum p? fcbccupatlone, ut equftatu patiAs dimica- rer quo plus yaiebat, q\vam ped-itatu, quo erat dete> i Cap. IV. Quorum acerrimo concurs u qu- um magnam partem diei esset pugnatum, cadit Craterus dux* et N'eop- tolemus, qui secundum locum imperii ten-, bat. Cum hoc concurrit ipse Euoienes; qui quum in- ter se cbmplexi. in ter- ram ex equis decidis- sent, ut facile intelligi posset inimica mente contendisse, animoque x s etiam pugnasse, qu'm corpore: non prius distract! sunt, quam ai- terum anima reliquerit. Ab hoc aliquot plagis Eumenes vulneratur: neque ed magis ex prx- lio excessit, sed acrius hostibus institit. Hie, he was marching against some Barbarians. And ac- cordingly he carried his point, and drew his army out into the field, and joined bat- tle, before his soldiers knew with whom they were en- gaged He likewise gained that point, by his timely seizing of places, that he fought more with his horse, in which he was stronger, than with his foot, in which he was but weak. Chap. IV. After they had fought in a very desperate engagement, a great part of the day, Craterus the general fails, and Neptoleihus too> who had the second post of command. V iih him Eu- menes himself engages; who, when grappling one another, they had fallen to the ground from their horses, that it might easily be understood that thev had eneaered with a pernicious intention, and fought more with mind than body, were not separated, be- fore life left one of them, Eumenes is wounded by him with some strokes; nor did he for that go out of the bat- tle, but pressed mo» e briskly upon the enemy. Here, the horse being routed, their ge- 202 CORNELII NEPOTIS equitibus profligatis, in- terfecto ciuce Cratero, multis praeterea £t max- ime nobilibus captis; pe- destris exercitus, quod in ea loca erat deductus, lit invito Eumene elubi non posset, pacem ab eo petit: quam quum impe- trasset, in fide non man- sit, et se simul ac potnit, ad Antipatrum recepit. Eumenes Craterum ex acie semivivum e latum recreare studuit; quum id non potuisset* pro ho- minis digfcitate proque pristina amicitia (narn- •que illo usus erat, Alex- andro vivo familiarher) fcmplo fun ere extulit, os- saque in Macedonian! tfxoi'i ejus ac iiberis re- ttrisit. ~ Cap V. Hxc dum a- pud Hellespontum ge- runtur, Perdiccas apud flumen Nilum interfici- tur a Seleuco et Antigo- no; rerumque summa ad Antipatrum defertur. Hie, qui deseruerant, exercitu suffragium fe- rente, capitis absentes damnantur: in his Eu- menes. Hac ille per- #ulsus- plaga, non suc- neral Craterus slain, many besides, and especially noble- men, being taken: the infan- try, because they were got into those places, fro in whence they could not es- cape without Enmenes's leave, begged peace of him; which when they had obtain- ed, they did not continue in their engagement, and with- drew themselves, as soon as they could, to Antipater* Eumenes endeavoured to re- cover Craterus, being carried half alive out of the fields When he could not do that, he buried him with a noble funeral, according to the dig- nity of a man, and their for- mer friendship (for he had been very familiar with him, whilst Alexander was living;) and ient his bones into Ma- cedonia to his wife and chil- dren. Chap, V. Whilst these things are done at the Helles- pont, Perdiccas was slain at the river Nile, by Seleucus and Antigonus; and the chief direction of affairs is con- ferred upon Antipater. Here, they who had forsaken them, the army giving their votes, are condemned in their ab- sence to the loss of life: Amongst these was Eume- nes. He, being shocked with EUMENES. 203 cubuit, ncque eo secius bellum administravit. Sed exiles res animi magnitudinem etsi non frangebant, tamen im- minuebant. Hunc per- sequens Antigonus, qu- um omni genere copia- vum abundaret, sscpe in itineribus vexabatur, ne- que iinquam ad manum accedere licebat, nisi his iocis, quibus muitis pos- sent pauci resistere. Sed extremo tempore, im consilio capi non posset, multitudine cir- cumventus est: Hinc tamen, muitis suis amis- sis, se expedivit: et in castellum Phrygise, quod Nora appellator, confu--j git: In quo, cum cir- cumsederetur, et vera* retur, ne uno loco raa- nens, equos militares perderet, quod spatium non esset agitandi; calli- dum fuit ejus invenium, quemaclmodum stans jumentum calefieri ex- ercerique posset, quo li- bentius et cibo uteretur, et a corporis motu non remove retur. Substrin- gebat caput loro aFtius, q.uam ut prioribus pedi- bns plane terram posset attingere; deinde Dosfc this stroke, yet did not sink under it, nor ever a whit the less go on with the war. But little things, though they did not break the greatnesss of his mind, yet they lessened it. Antigonus pursuing him, though he abounded in ail sorts of troops, was often sadly plagued by him in his marches, nor could he ever come to strokes, but in those places in which a few might resist many. But at last, when he could not be taken by conduct, he was surround- ed by their vast number; yet he got clear from hence too^ many of his men being lost, and fleuinto a castle of Phry- gvi, which is called Nora: In which, when he was besieged, and afraid, lest, by staying in one place, he should sooil his war horses, because there was no room to exercise them; his invention was cunning, how a horse might be warmed and exercised standing, that he might both eat his provender more free- ly, and not be kept from bo- dily motion. He tied up his head with a leathern strap, higher than he could quite touch the ground with his fore feet; then he forced him, with lashing behind, to bounce, and throw back his 204 CORNELII NEPOTft verberibus coeebat exul- tare, et calces remittere: qui motus non minus suctorem excutiebat, quam si in spatio decur- rerent. Quo faciuni est, quod omnibus mirabile est visum, ut jumenta acque nitida ex casteiio educeret, quum cornpiu- res mentis in obsidione fuisset, ac si in campes- tribus ea locis habuisset. Ea. conclusione,quoties- cunque voluit, et appa- ratum et munitiones Antigoni alias incendit, alias disjecit. Tenuit aut^m se uno loco,quam- diu fuit hyems, quod castra sub dio habere non poterat. Ver appro - pinquabat, sirnulata de- ditione, dum de condiii- onibus tractat, prasfectis Antigoni imposuit, se- que ac suos omnes ex- $raxit incoiurnes. Cap. VL Ad hunc Oiympias, mater qua fuerat Alexandi i, ^qimm literas et nuncios mis- sisset in Asiam, consul- turn utrum repetitum veniret Macedoniam, (nam turn in Epiro ha- bitabat) et eas res occu- paret: huic ille primum suasit, ne se moveret, et heels: which motion fetched the sweat no less, than if they had run in the open field. By which was effected that which seemed wonderful to all, that he drew his horses as neat out of the castle, though he had been several months under a siege, as if he had had them in the open fields. In that siege, as of- ten as he had a mind, he one while set on fire, and another while tore a-pieces, all the works and fortifications of Antigbnus. But he kept himself in one place as long as it was winter, because he could not have a camp in the open air. JVoiv spring ap- proached, pretending to sur- render, whilst he treats upon the terms, lie imposed upon the commanders oi Antigo- nus ; and drew off himself and all his men safe. Chap. VL When Olym- pias, who had been the mo- ther of Alexander, had sent letters and messengers into Asia to him to consult hi?n, whether she should come to recover Macedonia, (for she then lived in Epire) and seize the government there: he first of ail advised her not to stir, and to stay till the EUMENES. expectaret, quoad Alex- andri nlius regnum adi- pisceretur: sin aliqua cupiditate raperetur in Macedonian!, omnium injuriarum obliviscere- tur, et in neminem acer- biore uteretur imperio. Horum nihil ea fecit; nam et in Macedonians profecta est, et ibi cru- delissime se gessit. Pe- tivit autem ab Eumene absente, ne pateretur Philippi dpmus et fami- lies inimicissimos reg- nare, amicissimos inte- tftfij ferret que opem li- beris Alexandria quam veniam, si sibi daret, quam primum exercitus pararet, quos sibi subsi- dio adduceret: id quo faciUus face ret, se omni- bus prefectis, qui in offi- cio manebant, misisse literas, ut ei parerent, vie consiliis uteren- His verbis Eurae- nes permotus, satius duxit, si ita tuiisset for- tuha, peri re bene men- tis referentem gratiam, quam ingratam vivere. Cap. \ II. Itaque co- pias contraxit, behum adversus igonum paravit. Quod una erant Macedones corn- son of Alexander should get the kingdom; but if she was carried by any strong desire for Macedonia, to forget all injuries, and to use a rigid government towards nobody. She did nothing of this: For she both went into Macedo- nia, and there behaved her- self most cruelly. She begged too of Eumenes, though absent, that he would not suiter the bitter enemies of Piiilip's house and family to reign, and his best friends to perish, and bring assistance to the children of Alexander: Which favour, if he would do her, he might raise armies as soon as possible , to bring to their relief: That he might do that the more easily, she had written to ail the govern- ors otfirovlncesi that continu- ed in their duty, to obey him and take his advice, Eume- nes being moved with these words of herfk) thought it better, if fortune would nave it so, to perish in making a return to those thai had de- served well from him, than to live ungrateful. Chap. VII. Wherefore he got together troops, and pre- pared for a war against Anti- gonus. Because there were with him a great many noble S 206 CORNELII NEPOTIS plures nohiles, in his Leucestes, qui corporis custos fuei at Alexandri, turn autem obtinebat Persidem; et Antigen es eujus sub imperio pha- lanx erat Macedonum, invidiam verens (quam tamen effugere non po- tuit) si potiiis ipse alieni- gena summi imperii po- tiretur, quam alii Mace- donum, quorum ibi erat multitudo; in principiis nomine Alexandri sta- tuit tabernaculum, in eoque seliam auream, cum sceptro et diade- mate, jussit poni, eoque omnes quotidie conve- nire, ut ibi de summis rebus consilia eaperen- tur; credens minora se invidia fore, si specie imperii, nominisque si- mulatione Alexandri, bellum videretur admi- mstrare: quod et fecit; nam quum non ad Eu- menis principia, sed ad regia conveniretur, at- qui ibi de rebus delibe- raretur, quodammodo Macedonians, and amongst them Leucestes, who had been a life-guard man of Alexander's, and at that time held Persia; and Antigenes, under whose command the phalanx of the Macedonians was, fearing envy (which yet he could not escape) if he a stranger should rather have the chief command, than others of the Macedonians, of which there was a great number there; he erects a tent in the (a) Principia 5 in the name of Alexander, and ordered a gold chair, with a sceptre and a diadem, to be placed in it, and all to repair thither every day, that there counsel might be taken about important matters; thinking that he should be under less envy, if he appeared to ma- nage the war, under show of the command, and under pre- tence of the name of Alexan- der: which he likewise did; for as they did not meet at the Principia of Eumenes, but at the king's, and there debated about their affairs, he in a manner was conceal- {a) The Principia was that place in the camp where the general's tent was, where the standards were stuck in the earth, during the encampment; there likewise courts, for the cognizance of misde* meanors, and councils of war, were held. EUMENES. 20? latebat, quum tamen per eum unum gererentur omnia. Cap. VIII. Hie in Parse tacis cum Antigo- no conflixit, non acie in- structs, sed in itinere; eumque male acceptum in Mediam hyematum coegit redire. Ipse in finitima regione Persidis hyematum copias divi- sit; non ut voluit, sed ut militum cogebat volun- tas. Namque ilia pha- lanx Alexandri Magni, quae Asiam peragrarat, deviceratque Persas, in- veterata cum gloria, turn etiam licentia, non pa- re re se ducibus, sed im- perare postulabat, ut nunc veterani faciunt nostri. Itaque pericu- lum est ne faciant, quod illi fecerunt sua intern- perantia, nimiaque li- centia, ut omnia per- dant, neque minus eos cum quibus steterint, quam adversus quos fe- cerint. Quod si quis iliorum veteranorum le- gat facta, paria horum cognoscat; neque rem tiliam, nisi tempus, in- ed, though notwithstanding all things were done by him alone. Chap. VIII. He engaged in the country of the (a) Pa- rxtaci, with Antigonus, not with his army regularly drawn up, but upon his march; and forced him, be- ing ill handled, to return into Media to winter. He dis- tributed his troops into win- ter quarters, in the neigh- bouring country of Persia, not as he had a mind, but as the pleasure of the soldiers obliged him. For that pha- lanx of Alexander the-Great, which had overrun all Asia, and overcome the Persians, being grown old both in glo- ry and licentiousness too, ex- pected not to obey their gen- erals, but to command them, as our veterans now do. Wherefore there is some danger, lest they should do what those did, by their dis- orderly behaviour, and extra- vagant licentiousness, ruin all, no less those with whom they have sided, than those against whom they fought. And if any one reads the ac- tions of these veterans, he Mill find the action* of these [a) A people of Persia, :03 eORNELII NEPOTIS teresse judicet Sed ad illos reyertar! Hyberna sumpserant, noji ad u- sum belli, sed ad ipso- rum luxuriarn: longeque inter se discesserant. Hoc Antigonus quum compel isset, intellige- retque se parem non es- se paratis adversaries, statuit aliquid sibi consi- lii no vi esse capiendum. Duae erant viae, qua ex Medis, ubi iile hyerna- bat, ad adversariorum hybernacula posset per- veniri: quarum brevior per loca deserta; quae nemo incolebat, propter aquae inopiam: cacterum die rum erat fere decern. Ilia autem, qua omnes commeahant, altero tan- to longiorum. habebat anfractum: sed erat co- piosa, omniuxjique re- rum abundans. fjac si proficiscere^ir, intelli- gehat prius adversaries rescituros de suo adven- tUj quam ille tertiam partem confecisset iti- neris sui: sin per loca sola contenderet, spera- bat se imprudentem hos- tern oppressurum. Ad banc rem conficien- dam, imperavit quam plurimos utres atque eti- of ours like them; nor will judge there is any thing of difference betwixt them,, but that of time. But I shall re- turn to them, They had taken up their winter quar- ters, not for the convenience of war, but for their own lux- ury; and had separated at a great distance from one another. When Antigonus had found this, and whs sen- sible that he was not a match for his enemy prepared for him, he resolves to take some new course. There were two ways by which they might come from the country of tiie Medes, to the winter quarters of the enemies; the shorter of which was through desart places, which nobody inhabited, by reason of the scarcity of water: but it was only about ten days inarch. But the other, by which all people travelled, had a wind- about as long again; but it was plentiful, and abounding in all things. If he went this way, he was sensible his enemies would know of his coming, before he had made a third part of his march; but if he should go through the desart places, he hoped he should come upon the enemy unawares. For the doing of this matter, he or» EUMENES. 209 am culeos comparari; post base pabulum, prae- terea cibaria cocta, die- rum decern, utque qua in minime fieret ignis in castris. Iter quod ha- bebat, omnes celat. Cap. IX. Sicparatus, qua constituerat, profi- ciscitur. Dimidium fe- re spatium confecerat, quum, ex fumo castro- rum ejus, suspicio allata est ad Eumenem, hos- tem appropinquare. Conveniunt duces; qu#- ritur quid opus sit facto. Intelligebant omnes tarn celeriter copias ipsorum contrahi non posse, quam Antigonus affutu- rus videbatur. Hie om- nibus titubantibus, et de rebus summis desperan- tibus; Eumenes ait, Si celeritatem velint adlii- bere, et imperata facere, quod ante non fecerint, «e rem expediturum; nam quod diebus quin- que hostis traii&ire pos- set, eifecturuin, ut non minus totidem. die rum spatio retardaretur. Quare circumirent, suas quisque copias contra- dered a great many leathern bottles and sacks to be got together; after that forage, besides meat ready dressed for ten days, and that as little fire as possible should be made in the camp. He con- ceals from all people the march which he was about. Chap. IX. Being thus provided, he goes the way he had intended. He had got almost halfway, when, from the smoke of the camp, a suspicion was brought to Eu- menes that the enemy was coming. The generals met: It is debated amongst them, what was necessary to be done. They all knew, that their troops could not so soon be got together, as Antigonus seemed likely to be there. Here all of them hesitating u/ion the matter ', and despair- ing of the main stake: Eu- menes says, If they would but use expedition, and per- form orders, which they had not done before, he would clear the matter: For where- as the enemies might pass in five days, he would take care that they should be retarded not less than as many days time. Wherefore he ordered them to go about, and every man to get together his. troops. H e takes this method S2 210 CORNEL1I NEPOTIS heret. Ad Antigoni au- tem refraenandum impe- turn talecapit consilium: Certos mittit homines ad infimos montes, qui obvii erant itineri adver- sariorum, hisque pr^eci- pit, ut prima nocte quam latissime pcssint, ignes faciant _quam maximos; atque hos secunda vigi- lia minuant,tertia perex- iguos reddant: et, assi- xnulata castrorum con- suetudine, suspicionem injiciant hostibus, his locis esse castra, ac de eorum adventu esse piae- nuntiatum; idemq; pos- ters nocte faciant. Qui- bus imperatum erat, di- ligenter prseceptum cu- rant. Antigonus tene- bris obortis, ignes con- splcatur, credit de suo adventu esse auditum, et adversaries N illuc suas contraxisse copias. Mu- tat consilium, et, quoni- am imprudentes adoriri noil posset, flectit iter suum, et ilium anfrac- timi. longiorem copiosse -vlss capit: ibique diem unum opperitur ad las- situdinem sedandam mi- litxim, ac reficienda mm ali auger igue luxu- riam. Cap II. Eidem quum prope ad annum octa- gesimwm prospers per- maiisisset fortuna, ex- tremis temporibus mag- num in odium pervenit suorum ctvium. Primo, cum Demade de urbe tradenda Antipatro con- at: ejusque coiisi- • Demosthenes, cum ceteris qui bene de re- pubiica mereri existi- always poor, though he might have been very rich because of the frequent offices con- ferred ujion him, and the great posts that were given him by the people. When he refused the present of a great sum of money from king Philip, and the ambas- sadors advised him to receive it, and at the same time told him, that if he could easily want it, yet he ought to pro- vide for his children, foF whom it w r ould be difficult, in the utmost poverty, to main- tain the mighty glory of their father: To these he replied, If they be like me, this zume lie tie estate will maintain them, which has brought me to this dig?iity: But if they shall prove unlike me, I would not have their luxury main- taint d and increased at ?ny charge. Chap- II. After fortune had continued favourable to him, aimost to his eightieth year, at the latter tad of this time he fell under the great hatred of his countrymen. First, he had agreed with Demades about delivering .the city to Antipater; And by his advice, Demosthenes, with the rest, who were thought to deserve well of the commonwealth, had been T ORNELII NEPOTIS mabantur, plebiscito in exiiium erant expulsi* Neque in eo solum of- fenderat, quod patriae male consuiuerat, sed etiam quod amicitise fi- dem non prsestiterat: namque auctus adjutus- que a Demosthene, eum, quem ttnebat, ascende- rat gradum, qnum ad- versus Charctem eum subornaret; ab eodem in judiciis quum capitis causam diceret, defen- sus aliquoties liberatus discesserat: hunc non solum in periculis non defendit, sed etiam pro- didit. Concidit autem maxime uno crimine: quia, quum apud eum surnmum esset imperi- um populi, et Nicano- rem, Cassandri piasfec- turn, insidiari Piraeeo Atheniensiuin, a Der- cyllo moneretur; idem- que postularet, ut pro- videret, ne commeatibus civitas privaretur: hie audiente popuio, Phoci- on negavit esse pericu- lum, seque ejus rei ob- sidem fore pollicitus est; neque ita multo post Nicanor Piraeeo est po- titus* Ad quern recupe- randumj sine quo Athe- forced into banishment, by a decree of the people. Nor had he only offended in this, that he had advised ill for his country, but likewise had not performed the faithful part in friendship: for, being sup- ported and assisted by De- mosthenes, he had mounted to that height which he then held, when he suborned him against Chares; being de- fended by the same in some trials, when he was tried for his life, he had come off se- veral times safe: he not only did not defend him in his dangers, but likewise betray- ed him. But he fell chiefly by one crime; because when the supreme government of the people was in him, and he was told by Dercyllus, that Nicanor, Cassander's governor, had a design upon Pyrxeus; and the same man desired, that he would take care the city was not de- prived of its provisions: Here, in the hearing of the people, Phocion denied there was any danger, and pro- mised that he would be secu- rity for that matter; and not long after Nicanor got Py- raeeus: to recover which when the people ran together in arms, without which A- thens cannot be at all, he not j PHOCION 219 nsc omnino esse non pos- Stttlt, quum populus ar- ro itus concurrisset, ille non in oil o neminem ad arma voeaVit, sect he ar- rnacis quidem prssesse voiuit. . Cap. III. Erat eo tempore Athenis du3e faction es: qua ruin una populi causam agebat, altera optimatum; In hac erat Phocion et De- metrius Phalereus. Ha- rum utraque Macedo- num patrocioiis niteba- tur: nam pop u lares Po- ly perch on ti fa vebant ; optimates cum Cassan- dro sentiebant. Inte- rim, a Polyperchonte Cassander Macedonia pulsus est. Quo facto, populus superior factus, statim duces adversaria; factionis, capitis damna- tos, pats i a pepulit: in his Phocionem et De- metriu m Phalereum : deque ea re legatos ad Poly perchon tern misit, qui ab eo pete rent, ut sua decreta confirm are t. Hue eodem profectus est Phocion: quo ut ve- nit, causam apud Pliilip- pum re gem verbo, re ipsa quidem apud Poly- perciiontem jussus est only called out nobody to arms, but would not so much as command tnose tnat were armed. Chap III, There were at that time two tactions at Athens^ one cf which stood up for the cause of the peo- ple; the other ihat of the quality: In tins was Phocion and • Demetrius Pnalereus, Each of these relied upon the protection of the Macedoni- ans;^ for t , r party favoured Po ; ye rchon; the gentry bided wit,: Cassander. In the mean time, Cassander was driven out of Macedonia by Polyperchon. Upon which, the people becoming superior, immediately forced out of their country the heads of the opposite party, con- demned to the loss of life; among these Phocion and Demetrius Phalereus; and sent ambassadors about that matter to Poly perch on, to desire of him that he would confirm their decrees. To the same went Phocion; whither as soon as he was come, he was obliged to plead his cause before king Philip in pretence, but in reality be- fore Polyperchon; for he at I o? 20 CORNELII NEPOTIS dicere; namque is turn regis rebus prassrat. Hie quum ab Agnonide accu- satus esset quod Pyrss- eum Nicanovi prodidis- set, ex consilii sententia in custodiam conjectus, Athenas deductus est, ut ibi de eo legibus fieret judicium. Cap. IV. Hue ubi perventum est, quum propter aetatem pedibus jam non valeret, vehicu- Joque portaretur, magni concursus sunt facti; qu- um alii, reminiscentes veteris famae, setatis mi- sere re ntur; plurimi ver6 ita exacuerentur propter proditionis suspicion em Pyraeei: maximtque, quod adversus populi commoda in senectute steterat. Qua de re, ne perorandi quidem ei da- ta est facultas, et dicendi causam. Inde judicio, jegitimis quibusdam confectis, damnatus, tra- ditus est Undecimviris; quibus ad suppiicium, more Atheniensium, publice damnati tradi so- lent Hie quum ad mor- tem duceretur, obvius ei fuit Emphyletus, quo familiariter fuerat usus: Is quum lacrymans dix- tliat time directed the king's affairs. Being accused by Agnonides for having betray- ed Pyrseeus to Nicanor, be- ing put under confinement by order of the council, he was carried to Athens, that he might have his trial there according to law. Chap. IV. After he was come hither, being now lame of his feet by reason of his age, and carried in a chariot, great crowds of people gath- ered about him; whilst some, remembering his former fame, pitied his age; but very- many were so exasperated because of the suspicion of his betraying Pyraseus: but chiefly, because he had stood up against the interest of the people in his old age. Wherefore he had not, in- deed, leave given him to speak for himself, and plead his cause. Then some for- malities of law being per- formed, he was condemned, and delivered to the unde- cimviri, to whom, according to the custom of the Atheni- ans, those condemned for of- fences against the stat£ use to be delivered. When he was led to execution, Em- phyletus met him, whom he had been very kind with- TIMOLEON. 221 isset, quam indigna fierfieteris, Phocion! hu- ic ille, At non inofunata, inquit; /tunc enim exi~ turn filerique clari ~viri habuerunt Athenienses. In hot; tantum fuit odium multitudinis, ut nemo ausus sit eum liber sepe- lire: Itaque a servis se- pultus est. When he said, weeping, 0! what unworthy things do you suffer, Phocion! To him he replies, But not unexpected; for most of the famous men of Athens have had this end» So great was the hatred of the people against him, that no free man durst bury him: Wherefore he was buried by slaves. XX. XX, TIMOLEON, Corinthius. TIMOLEON, The Corinthian, CAP. I. CHAP. I. TIMOLEON Corin- thius. Sine dubio mag- nus omnium judicio hie vir extitit: Namque hu- ic uni contigit, quod nes- cio an ulli, ut patriam, in qua erat natus, op- pressam a tyranno, libe- raret; et a Syracusis, quibus auxilio erat mis- sus, inveteratam servitu- tem depeileret; totam- que Siciiiam multos an- nos belio vexatam, a barbarisque oppressam, suo adventu in pristi- num statum restiiueret. Sed in his rebus non TIMOLEON the Corin- thian. Without doubt he was a great man in the judg- ment of every body: For that happened to him alone, which I know not whether ever it happened to any other, that he both delivered his coun- try, in which he was born, oppressed by a tyrant, and removed an inveterate slavery from Syracuse, to the assist- ance of which he was sent; and restored by his coming to its former state all Sicily, that had been harassed with war, many years* and op- pressed by Barbarians. But T 2 222 CORNELII NEPOTIS simplici fortuna con flic - tatus est; et, id quod Dionysius rursus Sy- racusarum potitus est. Cujus adversarii opem a Corinthiis petiverunt, cucemque, quo in hello Uterentur, postularunt. Hue Timoleon missus, incredibiii felicitate Dio- nysium tola Siciiia de- pulit. Quum interficere posset, noiuit, tutoque Ut Corinthum perveni- ret, effecit, quod utro- rumque Dionysiorum opinus Corintiiii sacpe adjuti fuerant; cujus be- nignitatis memoriam volebut exstare; eamque piaedaram victoriam du- cebat in qua. plus esset -ckmeutise qium crudeii- affection had been violated by him, and out of envy endea- voured to lessen the praise of his virtue. But his mother, after that fact, did neither permit her son to come to her, nor would look at him; but cursing him, called him the murderer of his brother, and a wicked villain. With which things he was so much moved, that sometimes he had a mind to put an end to his life, and to withdraw by death out of the sight of un- grateful men. Chap. II. In the mean time Dion being slain at Sy- racuse, Dionysius again got Syracuse; whose enemies begged assistance of the Co- rinthians, and desired a gene- ra) whom they might make use of in the war: Timoleon being sent hither, drove Dio- nysius out of all Sicily, with incredible good fortune: And when he might have killed him, would not, and took care that he should come safe to Corinth, because the Corinthians had been often assisted by the power of both the Dionysiuses; the memo- ry of which kindness he had a mind should continue; and he reckoned that a noble vic- tory, in which there was more of clemency than of 2#4 CORNELII NEPOTIS tatis: postremo, ut non solum auribus accipere- tur, sed etiam occulis cerneretur, qut-ra, et ex quanto regno ad quam fortunam detrusisset. PostDionysii decessum, cum Iceta bellavit, qui adversatus fuerat Diony- sio; quern non odio ty- rannidis dissensisse, sed cupiditate, indicio fuit, quod ipse, expulso Dio- nysio, imperium dimit- tere noluit. Hoc supe- rato, Timoleon maximas copias Carthaginiensi- ura apud Crimissum flu- men fugavit, ac satis habere coegit, si liceret Afiicam obtinere, qui jam complures annos possessionem Sicilias te- nebant. Cepit etiam Mamercum, Italicum ducem, hominem belli- cosum et potentem, qui tyrannos adjutum in Si- cilian* venerat. Cap. III. Quibus re- bus confectis, quum propter diuturnitatem belli non solum regi- ones, sed etiam urbes desertas videret; conqui- sivit quos potuit, pri- mum Siculos, deinde Corintho arcessivit co- lonos, quod ab his initio cruelty. Finally, that it might not only be heard by the ears, but seen by the eyes, whom and from how great a kingdom, to what a fortune he had reduced. Af- ter the departure of Dionysi- us, he made war with Icetas, who had opposed Dionysius; with him, whom that he out of hatred of his tyranny, but out of a desire of it; did not differ 5 this was a proof, that he, after Dionysius was forced away, would not quit his power. He being conquered, Timo- leon overthrew a great army of the Carthaginians, at the river Crimessus, and forced them to be content, if they could but keep Africa, who had now kept possession of Sicily for several years. He likewise took Mamercus, an Italian general, a warlike and a powerful man, who had come into Sicily to help the tyrants. Chap III. Which things being done, when he saw not only the country but the cities likewise forsaken, by reason of the long continu- ance of the war; he sought out first all the Sicilians whom he could, and then sent for planters from Co- rinth) because Syracuse had TIMOLEON. 225 Syracuse erant con&haeu Civibus veteribus sua restiiuit, novis belio va- cueiaotas possessiones di visit; urbium mcenia disjecta, fanaque deleta reftcit; civkatibus leges libertatemque reddidit; ex maximb btilo tantum otium toti insula? conci- liavit, ut hie cenditor ur- bium earum, non illi, qui initio deciuxerafrt, vide- retur. A re em Syracu- sis. quarn muniverat Di- onysius, ad urbem obsi- dendam, a fundamentis dfsjech; csetera tyranni- dih propugnacula demo- litus est, deditque ope- ram, ut quam minime Multa vestigia servitutis numerent Quum tan- tis esset opibus, ut etiam invitis imperare posset, tantum autcrn haberet amorem omnium Sicu- lorum, ut nulio recusan- te re gnu m obtineret; maluit se diiigi, quam metui. Itaque, quum primum potuit, imperi- um deposuit, et privatus Syracutds, quod reliqu- um vitas fuit, vixit. Ne- que vero id imperite fe- cit; nam quod cseteri re- ges imperio vix potue- runt, hie benevolentia been built at first by them. He restored to the old inha- bitants their own, and divided the possessions that were made void <:f owners by the war, to the new ones; he re- paired the walls of cities that had been thrown down, and temples that had been de- stroyed; he restored to the cities their laws and liberty, and procured so much quiet to the whole island after a very great war. that he seem- ed to be the founder of the cities, and not those who at first had brought the colonies thither He demolished to the foundations the citadel at Syracuse, which Dionysius had built to awe the city; he pulled down the other bul- warks of the tyranny, and did his endeavour that as few marks as possible of the for' met servitude should remain. Though he was in so great power, that he might have ruled over them, tho 9 against their wills, and had so much the love of all the Sicilians, that he might have had the sovereignty, nobody refusing him, he chose rather to be beloved than feared. There- fore, as soon as he could, he laid down his commission, and lived a private person at Syracuse, the remaining part 226 CORNELII NEPOTIS tenuit. Null us honos huic defuit; neque pos- tea Syracusis res ulla gesta est public a, de qua prius sil dec return, quam Fimbleoixtis sen- tentia cognita. Nuliius unquam consilium non modo antelatum, sed ne comparatum quid em est: neque id tnagis be- nevoleniia factum est, quam prudentia. Cap. IV. Hie quum setate jam provecta. es- set, sine ulio morbo lu- mina oculorum amisit: quam calamitatem ita moderate tulit, ut neque eum querentem quis- quam audierit, neque eo minus privatis publicis- que rebus interfuit: ve- niebat autem in thea- trum, quum ibi concili- um populi haberetur, propter valetudinem vectus jumentis junctis, atque ita de vehiculo, qua videbantur, dicebat. Neque hoc illi quisquam tribuebat superbiae; ni- hil enirn unquam neque insolens, neque glorio- s.um ex ore ejus exiit: of his life. Nor did he d@ that weakly; for what other kings could scarcely do by their power, he carried by the good will of the profile: He wanted no honour: nor was any public thing done after at Syracuse, concerning which a decree was made, before the opinion of Timo- ledn tvas known Not only no man's counsel was ever preferred before his* but not indeed compared with it: Nor was that occasioned more by their good will for him, than his prudence^ Chap. IV. When he was advanced in age, he lost the sight of his eyes without any distemper to occasion it; which misfortune he bore so meekly, that neither any one heard him complain, neither was he less engaged in pri- vate and public business; But he came into the theatre, when any assembly of the people was held there, riding in a chariot because of his blindness, and so spoke from the chariot what seemed pro- per. Nor did any one im- pute this to his pride; for nothing ever, either insolent or boasting, came out of his mouth: who truly, when he heard his own praises cele- brated, never said any thing TIMOLEON, 227 qui quidem, quum suas iaudes audiret piaedicari, nunciuain aliud dixit, qiulm se in ea re maxi- mas diis gratias age re atque habere, quod qu- um Sicilian! recreare consdtuissent, turn se potissimum ducem esse voluissent. Nihil enim. rerum human arum sine deorum numine agi pu- tahat, Itaque suae domi saceiium avroyuoLnoLs con- stituerat, icique sanctis- sime colebat. Ad hanc hominis excellentem bo- nitatem mirabiies acces- serunt casus: nam prae- lia maxima nataii die suo fecit omnia; quo factum est, ut ejusdem natalem festum haberet universa Siciiia. Hide quidam Lainestius, ho- mo petulans et ingratus, vadimonium^qi! u m vei- let imponere. quod cum iilo se lep;e agere dice- ret; et complures con- currissent, qui procaci- tatem hominis manibus coercere conarentur, Ti- moleon orayit omnes, ne id fact rent; nan. que, id ut Lamestio cseierisque liceret, se maxim os la- bores summaque adiisse pericula: hanc enim spe- else, than that in that case he gave very great thanks to the immortal gods, that since they had resolved to put Si- cily again into a good condi- tion, they had thought fit that he, above all others, should be the conductor of that affair. For he thought that nothing of human affairs was transacted without the providence of the gods. Wherefore he had built a temple to fortune in his own hiyuse, and frequented it most religiously. To this excel- lent goodness of the man, wonderful accidents were su- peradded: for he fought all his greatest battles upon his birth-day; whereby it came to pass that all Sicily kept his birth-day as a festival. When one Lamestius, a sau- cy ungrateful fellow, would needs put bail upon him, be- cause he said he would go to law with him, and several people gathered about him, who endeavoured to correct the sauciness of the fellow by blows, Timoieon begged of them all, that they would not do it; for that he had under- gone the greatest fatigues and hazards, that that might be lawful for Lamestius and others; for this was a visible appearance of freedom, if it 228 CORNELII NEPOTIS ciem libertatis esse, si omnibus, quod quisque velltt, legibus experiri iiceret. Idem, quum quidam Lamestii simi- lis, nomine Deir.serietus, in concione populi, de rebus gestis ejus detra- here ccepisset, ac non- nulla inveheretur in Ti- moleonta; dixit, Nunc, demum se voti esse dara- natum; nam que hoc a diis immortalibus sem- per precatum, ut talem libertatem restituerent Syracusanis, in qua cui- vis, Iiceret, de quo vel- let, impunedicere. Hsc quum diem supremum obiisset, pubiice a Syra- cusanis in gymnasio, quod Timoleonteum ap- pellatur, tota celebrante Sicilia sepultus est. was allowed all people to try at law what every one pleased. The same man, when one like Lamestius, by name Demaenetus, had begun to detract from his actions in an assembly of the people, and inveighed somewhat a- gainst Timoieon; he said? That now he had his wish; for he had always begged this of the immortal gods, that they would restore such freedom to the Syracusans* in which it might be allowed any one, to speak his mind with impunity of whom he would. When he died, he was buried at the public ex- pence by the SyracUsans, in the gymnasium, which is called Timoleonteum, all Si- cily celebrating his funeral. XXI. DE REGIBUS. CAP. I. XXI. OF THE KINGS. CHAP. I. HI fere fuerunt Grae- ci5B gentis duces, qui memoria digni videan- tur> praeter reges: nam- que eos attingere nolui« THESE were nearly all the generals of Greece, that seem worthy of remem- brance, besides the kings; for we would not meddle v DE REGIBUS. 229 mus, quod omnium res gestae separatim sunt re- late: neque tamen hi admodum sunt multi. Lacedaevnonius autem Agesilaus, nomine, non potestate, fuit rex, sicut cseteri Spartani. Ex his vero, qui clominatum im- perio tenuerunt excel- lentissimi fuerunt, (ut nos judicamus) Persa- rum Cyrus, et Darius Hystaspis rllius: quorum uterqut privatus virtute regnum est adeptus. Prior horum apud Mas- sagetas in prselio cecidit: Darius, senectute diem obiit supretnum. Tres sunt prseterea ejusdem generis, Xerxes, et duo Artaxerxes, Macrochir et Mnemon. Xeixi maxime est illustre, quod inaximis post ho- minum memoriam ex- ercid'ous terra marlq; beilum intuiit Gvx:\x. At Macrochir pr^cipu- arn habet laudem am- plissimae pulcherrim<£- ique corporis formae: quam incredibili omavit virtute belli; namque ilio Persarum nemo fuit m an u fe t tio r. Mnemon autem justitise fama flo- ruit. Islam quum raa- them, because the actions of them all are separately re- lated; neither yet are these very many. But the Lace- demonian Agesilaus was a king in name, not in power, as the rest of the Spartan kings. But of those who held the government with an absolute sway, the most ex- cellent were (as we judge) Cyrus king of the Persians, and Darius the son of Hys- taspes; both of whom, being private persons, got the kingdom by their good beha- viour. The former of these fell in battle amongst the Massagetse. Darius died in old age. There are three be- sides of the same nation, Xerxes, and the two Artax- erxes, Macrochir, and Mne- mon. The most illustrious thing of Xerxes, is that he made war upon Greece by land and sea, with the great- est armies that have been known since we have had any history of man kind . But Macrochir has a mighty commendation in story, for the large make of his person, which he adorned with in- credible bravery and conduct in war; for none of the Per- sians were more stout in ac- tion than he. But Mnemon flourished in reputation for U '220 CORNELII NEPOTIS tris suae seel ere amisis- set uxorem, tan turn in- dulsit dolori ut eum pie- tas vinceret. Ex his, duo eodem nomine, mor- bo naturae debitum red- diderunt: Tertius ab Ar- tabano praefecto ferro in- terfectus est. Cap. II. Ex Macedo- num autem gen ere, duo inulto caeteros anteces- sor uiit rerum gestarum gloria, Phiiippus Amyn- tx filius, et Alexander Magnus. Horum alter Babyione morbo con- sumptus est: Phiiippus J&gis a Pausania, quum spectatum ludos iret, iuxta theatrum occisus "est. Unus Epirotes Pyrrhus, qui cum popu- lo Romano bellavit. Is quum Argo oppidum oppugnaret in Pelopon- neso, lapide ictus inte- rilt. Unus item Siculus, Dionysius prior: nam et manu fortis et belli pe- ritus fuit: et, id quod in tyranno non facile repe- ritur, minime iibidino- sus, non luxuriosus, non avarus, nuilius rei deni- que cupidus, nisi singu- laris perpetuique impe- justice. For after he lost his wife by the wicked contrivance of his mother, he so far indulged his sorrow, that his duty to his mother overcame it. Of these the two of the same name paid their debt to nature by a disease The third was slain with the sword by Artabanus, a gov- ernor of his. Chap, II. But, of the na- tion of the Macedonians, two much excelled the rest in the glory of their exploits; Phi- lip the son of Amyntas, and Alexander the great. One of these was taken off by a distemper at Babylon; Philip •was slain at Egse by Pausani- as, as he was going to see Jiublic games, nigh the thea- tre. There was one of Epire, Pyrrhus, who made war upon the Roman people. He died of a stroke with a stone, when he was attacking the town of Argos in Peloponne- sus. There -was one like- wise of Sicily, Dionysius the first; for he was both brave in action, and skilful in war; and, what is not easily found in a tyrant, he was not at ali lustful, not luxurious, not covetous, finally, very desi- rous of nothing but of arbitra- ry power, and for life, and for that reason cruel; For whilst BE REGIBUS, 23! rii, ob eamque rem cru- delis: Nam dum id stu- duit munire,nullius per- percit vitae quern ejus insidiatorem putarct. Hie, quum virtute tyran- nidem sibi peperisset, magna retinuit felicitate, majorque annis sexagin- ta natus, decessit fioren- te regno: neque, in tarn multis annis, cujusquam ex sua stirpe ftmus vi- dit, quum ex tribus uxo- ribus iiberos procreas- set, multique ei nati es- sent nepotes. Cap. III. Fuerunt praeterea multi reges ex amicis Alexandri Mag- ni, qui, post obitum ejus, imperia ceperunt: In his, Antigonus, et hujus filius Demetrius, Lysi- machus, Seleucus, Ptol- emxus. Ex his Anti- gonus, quum adversus Seleucum Lysimachum- que dimicaret, in prae-io oceisus est. Pari letho affectus est Lysiniachus a Seleuco: nam societate dissoluta, bellurn inter se gesserunt. At De- metrius, quum Mara suam Seleuco in raatri- monmm dedisset, neque eo magis fida inter eos amicitia manere potuis- he endeavoured to secure that, he spared no man's life. whom he thought to be in a plot against it. He, after he had got the government by his able management, kept it with great good fortune; and died about sixty years of age, in a flourishing kingdom: nor in so many years, did he see the funeral of any of his issue, tho' he had children by three wives, and had many grandsons born to him. Chap. III. There were besides many kings of the friends of Alexander the great, who, after his death, seized the government: A* mongst these, Antigonus and his son Demetrius, Lysirna- chus, Seleucus, and Ptolemy* Of these, Antigonus was slain in a battle, when he fought against Seleucus and Lysi- machus. Lysimachus was taken off with the like death, by Seleucus: For, upon a breach of the alliance, they carried on a war together. But Demetrius, after he had given his daughter to Seleu- cus in marriage, and the alli- ance betwixt them was never the more faithfully observed for that; the father-in-law be- 232 CORNELII NEPOTIS set, captus bello, in cus- todia socer generi periit mo r b o : n e qu e i ta mul to post, Seleucus a Ptole- mseo Cerauno dolo inter- fectus est; quern, iile, a patre expulsum Alexan- dria, alienarum op urn in- digentem,receperat. Ip- se autem Ptolemaeus, quum vivos, iilio reg- mim traclidisset, ab illo eodem vita privatus di- citur. De quibus quo- mam satis dictum puta- inus, non incommodum videtur, non praeterire Hamilcarem et Hanni- baiem; quos et animi magnitudine, et callidi- tate, omnes in Africa natos prxstitisse constat. ing taken in war, died in cus- tody of his son-in-law; and not long after, Seleucus was treacherously slain by Ptole- my Ceraunus; whom, when driven by his own father out of Alexandria, and in need of others relief, he had enter- tained. But Ptolemy having delivered, whilst living, his kingdom to his son, is said to have been deprived of his life by that same son. Concern- ing whom because we think enough has been said, it does not seem improper, not to pass by Hamilcar and Hanni- bal; who, it is certain, did excel all that were born in Africa, both in greatness of mind, and subtility. XXII. XXIL HAMILCAR, HAMILCAR. CAP. I. CHAP. I. HAMILCAR, Han- nibalis filius, cognomine Barchas, Carthaginien- sis, primo Punico bello, sed temporibus extre- mis, admodum adoles- centulus, in Sicilia prae- esse ccepit exercitui. HAMILCAR, the son of Hannibal, by surname- Bar- chas, the Carthaginian, be- gan, when very young, to command an army in Sicily, in the first Carthaginian war, but about the latter end (if it. And whereas, before his HAMILCAR. 233 Quum ante ejus adven- tum, et mari et terra male res gererentur Carthaginiensium; ipse ubi affuit, nunquam hos- ti cessit, neque locum nocendi dedit; ssepeque, e contrario, hostem oc- casione data, lacessivit, semperque superior dis- cessit. Quo facto, quura pene crania in Sicilia Posni amisissent, ille Erycem sic defendit, ut bellurn eo loco gestum non videretur. Interim, Carthae;inienses classe apud insulas JEgates a C. Luctatio consule Ro- manorum superati, sta tuerunt belli finem face- re, earn que rem atbitrio permiserunt Hamilcaris. Ille etsi flagrabat belli cupiditate, tamen paci serviendum putavit, quod patriam exhaus- tam sumptions, diutius ealamitatem belli ferre non posse intelligebat; sed ita ut statim mente agitaret, si paululo modo res essent refects bel- lurn renovare, Romanos- que armis persequi, do- nee aut virtute vicissent, aut victi rnanum dedis- sent. Hoc consilio pa- cem conciliavk; in qua coming there, the affairs of the Carthaginians were ill managed, both by sea and by land; when he came there, he never flinched before the enemy, nor gave them any opportunity of hurting him; and oftentimes, on the con- trary, when an opportunity offered, he attacked the ene- my, and always came off su- perior. Upon which, tho' the Carthaginians had almost lost all in Sicily, he so de- fended Eryx, that the war did not seem to have been carried on at all in that place. In the mean time, the Car- thaginians being routed by sea, at the Islands called iEgates, by Caius Luctatius, the consul of the Romans, resolved to make an end of the war, and left that matter to the discretion of HamiJcar. He, altho' he burnt with de- sire of carrying on the war ? yet thought it necessary to endeavour after peace* be- cause he was sensible, that his country, being exhausted by the charges of the war^ was not able to bear the dis- tress of it any longer; but so^ that he immediately pro- posed in his mind, if their affairs should be but a little recruited, to renew the war* and to fall upon the Roiuans U2 CORNELII NEPOTIS tanta fuit ferocia, ut qu- um Catullus negaret se bellum compositurum, tiisi ille cum suis, qui Erycem tenuerant, ar- mis relictis, Sicilia dece- derent; succumbente pa- tria, ipse periturum se potius dixerit, quam cum tanto flagitiodomum re- diret; non enim suae es- se virtutis, arma a pa- tria accepta adversus hostes, adversariis tra- dere Hujus pertinaciae cessit Catullus. Cap. II. At ille, ut Carthaginem venit, mul- to aliter, ac sperabat, yempublicam se haben- iem cognovit Namque diuturnitate externi ma- ii tantum exarsit intesti- num bellum, ut nun- quam pari in periculo fuerit Carthago, nisi quum deleta est. Pri- mo mercenarii milites, qui adversus Romanos fuerunt, desciverunt, quorum numerus erat viginti minium: Hi to- tam abalienarunt Afri- cam, ipsam Carthagi- with arms, till either they conquered by their valour, or, being conquered, gave up the cause. With this design he made a peace, in which so great was his resolution, that when Catullus denied that he would agree upon ending the war, unless he with his men, that held Eryx, quitting their arms, left Sicily; tho* his country was sinking, .he said, he would perish rather than return home, with so great a scandal; for it was not suita- ble to his conduct, to deliver up his arms, received from his country against its ene- mies, to his adversaries. Catullus yielded to his reso- lution . Chap. II But he, as soon as he came to Carthage, found the commonwealth to be quite otherwise than he expected. For so great a civil war had broken out occa- sioned by he long continu- ance of the foreign war, that Carthage was never in the like danger, but when it was destroyed. First of all, the foreign soldiers in their pay, who had been employed against the Romans, revolt- ed, whose number was twen* ty thousand: These drew along with them all Africa, and attacked Carthage itself, HAMILCAR £5$ nem oppugriirunt. Qui- bus malis adeo suntPceni perterrhi, ut auxilia eti- am a Romanis, petive- rint, eaque impetrarint. Sed extremd, quum prope jam ad desperati- onem pervenissent, Ha- mi'carem imperatorem fecerunt. Is non solum hostes a muris Cartha- ginis removit, quum ampiius centum miliia facta essent armatorum: sed etiam eo compulit, ut locorum angustiis clausi, plures fame, quam ferro, internment. Omnia oppida abaliena- ta< in bis Uticam atque Hipponem, valentissi- ma totius .A fries, resti- tuit patriae. Neque eo foil contentus, sed etiam fines imperii propagavit; tota Africa tantum oti- um reddidit, ut nullum in ea belium videretur multis annis fuisse. Cap. III. Rebus bis ex sententia peractis, fi- denti animo, atque in- festo Romanis, quo faci- lius causam bellandi re- periret, effecit, ut iaipe- rator cum exereitu in Hispaniam mitteretur; eoque secum duxit fiii- um Hannibalem, anno- With which misfortune the Carthaginians were so terri- fied, that they begged assist- ance even from the Romans, and obtained it. But at last, when they were come now almost to despair, they made Hamilcar their general. He not only drove the enemies from the walls of Carthage, though they were become above an hundred thousand armed men; but likewise re- duced them to that, that be- ing inclosed within a narrow place, more of them died by famine than by the sword. He restored ail the revolted towns, and amongst these Utica and Hippo, the strong- est of all Africa, to his coun- try. Nor was he content with that, but he likewise extend- ed the bounds of the empire; and restored such a peace throughout all Africa, that there seemed not to have been any war in it for many years. Chap. III. These things being performed according to his wish, with a mind full of expectations, and incensed against the Romans, that he might the more easily find out a pretence for making war, he contrived to be sent general with an army into Spain; and thitner he carried *¥ £36 CORNELII NEPOTIS rum novem. Erat prse- terea cum eo adolescens illustris et formosus, Hasdrubal, quern non- nulli diligi turpius, quam par erat, ab Hamilcare loquebantur; non enim maledici tanto viro dees- se poterant. Quo fac- tum est, ut a praefecto jnorum Hasdrubal cum eo vetaretur esse. Huic ille filiam suam in ma- trimonium dedit, quod moribus eorum non po- terat interdici socero gener. De ht)c ideo mentionem fecimus, quod, Hamilcare occiso, ille exercitui praefuit, resque magnas gessit; et princeps largitione vetustos pervertit mores Carthaginensium; ejus- dernque post mortem, Hannibal ab exercitu ac- cepit imptrium. At Hamilcar, posteaquam mare transilt, in Hispa- niamque venit, magnas res secunda gessit fortu- na: maximas bellicosis- simasque gentes sube- git: equis, armis, viris, pecunia* totam locuple- tavit Africam. Hie qu- um in Italiam bellum inferre meditaretur, no* no anno postquam in along with him his son Han- nibal, nine years old There was besides with him an il- lustrious and beautiful youth, Hasdrubal, who, some said, was beloved more scandal- ously than was fitting, by Ha- milcar: for backbiters could not be wanting to so great a man; from whence it was, that Hasdrubal was forbid to be with him, by the overseer of the public manners, He gave him his daughter in marriage, because according to their fashions, a son-in-law could not be discharged the com/7 any of his father-in-law. We have therefore made mention of him, because, when Hamilcar was slain, he commanded the army, and performed great things; and first of all corrupted the an- cient manners of the Cartha- ginians, by his distributing money to the troojis; and af- ter his death, Hannibal re- ceived the command from the army. But Hamilcar, after he passed the sea and was come into Spain, per- formed great things with great success: He subdued very great and most warlike nations: .He enriched all Africa with horses, arms, men, and money. Whilst he was intending to carry the HANNIBAL. 22T Hispaniam venerat, in praslio pugnans ad versus Vettones occisus est. Hujus perpetuum odi- um erga Romanos max- ime concitasse videtur secundum bellum Puni- cum: namque Hannibal, filius ejus, assiduis pa- tris obtestationihus eo est perductus, ut inter i* ri, quam non Romanos experiri mallet. war into Italy, he was slain fighting in a battle against the Vettones, in the ninth year after he came into Spain. His constant hatred of the Romans seems chiefly to have raised the second Car- thaginian war: For Hannibal his son was brought to that, by the perpetual instances of his father, that he chose rather to perish than not tcf»» make trial of the Romans. XXIII. XXIII. HANNIBAL. HANNIBAL. CAP. I. CHAP. I. HANNIBAL, Ha- milcaris filius, Carthagi- niensis Si verum est, quod nemo dubitat, ut populus Romanus opi- nes gentes virtute supe- rarit, non est infician- HANNIBAL, the son of Hamilcar, the Carthaginian. If it be true, which nobody doubts, (a) that the Roman people have excelled all na- tions in bravery arid conduct, k is not to be denitd, that (a) Our author has here expressed himself after a very unusual manner if the reading be good. When a sentence, that is a posi- affirmation or negation, is the subject or object of a verb, i. e, answers the question, what? before. or after i h . rhe accusative case and infinitive mood, are commonlj used; but sotbe tunes, though very rarely, ptod, with tfc mi native, and indicative, or subjunctive. There are some of opinion, that quod and ut have in tb is period changed places, and that we ought to read thus; Si verum est 3 at nsmo dubitat) quod» 238 CORNELII NEPOTIS dum, Hannibalem tanto prsestitisse cseteros im- peratores prudentia, quanto populus Roma- nus antecedat fortitudine cunctas nationes: Nam quotiescunque cum eo congrcssus est in Italia, semper discessit superi- or. Quod nisi domi ci- vium suorum invidia de- bilitatus esset, Romanos videtur superare potuis- se. Sed multorum ob- trectatio devicit unius virtutem. Hie autem, velut haereditate relic- turn, odium paternum, erga Romanos sic con- firm avit, ut prius ani- mam, quam id deposue- rit: qui quidem quum patria pulsus esstt, et alienarum opum indige- ret, nunquam destiterit animo beliare cum Ro- manis. Cap. II. Nam, ut o- rnittam Philippum, quern absens hostem reddidit Romanis; omnium his temporihus potentissi- mus rex Antiochus fuit. Hune tanta cupiditate incendit bellandi, ut us- que a rubro mari arm a conatus sit inferre Italic: Ad quern quum legati Venissent Romani, qui Hannibal as much exceeded other commanders in pru- dence, as the Roman people exceed all nations in va- lour. For as oft as he en- gaged with them in Italy, he always came off superior. And unless he had been weakened by the envy of his countrymen at home, he seems to have been capable of conquering the Romans. But the detraction of many prevailed against the great abi i iti e s of on e . He so firm- ly xed in his mind his fa- ther's hatred of the Roman», left him, as it were, by inhe- ritance, that he laid down his life before that: Who, even when he was banished his country, and stood in need of other people's relief, never ceased in his mind to make war with the Romans. Chap. II. For to say noth- ing of Philip, whom, though at a distance from hi?n, he made an enemy to the Ro- mans; Antiochus was the most powerful prince of all in those times. He fired him with so strong a passion for making war, that he en- deavoured to bring his arms upon Italy, even as far as from the Red sea: Tb whom HANNIBAL, 239 de ejus voluntate explo- rarent, darentque ope- ram consiliis clandesti- nis, ut Hannibalem in suspicionem regi addu- ce rent tanquam, ab ipsis corruptum alia atque an- tea sentire; neque id frustra fecissent: idque Hannibal comperisset, seque ab interioribus consiliis segregari vidis- set: tempore dato, adiit ad regem, atqe; quum muita de fide sua, et odio in Romanos com- memorasset, hoc ad- junxit: Pater (inquit) meus Hamilcar, puerulo me, utpote non amp Hits novem annos nato, in Hispaniam imp er at or proficiscens, Carthagine Jovi Optimo* Maximo hostias immolavit; qutz divina res cum confide- baiur, qucssivit a me, vellemne sec&n in castra prcficisci? Id quum li- denier accepissem, atque ab co pie t ere capissem, ne diibitaret ducere; turn ille, Faciam, (inquit,) sijidem milii, quani pos- tuio, dederis. Simulque when the Roman ambassa- dors were come to make a discovery of his intention, and did their endeavour, by clandestine contrivances, to bring Hannibal in suspicion with the king, as if, being bribed by them, he had other sentiments than formerly; and had not done that in vain; and Hannibal perceived it, and saw that he was se- cluded from his secret coun- sels: an opportunity being given him, he went to the king; and after he said much to him, about his faithfulness to him, and his hatred of the Romans, he added this: My father Hamilcar, says he, when I was a little boy, as being no more than nine years old j going general into Spain, offered sacrifices at Carthage to Jupiter the (a) best and the greatest; which divine wor* ship whilst it was perform* ing, he enquired of me if I would go along with him ta the camp? As I willingly ac~ cepud of that, and began to beg of him, that he would not scruple to carry me: upon that he says, / will do it, if you will give me the promise (a) These are epithets frequently applied by Heathen authors t« their god Jupiter, 240 CORNELII NEPOTIS ad aram adduxit, afiud quam sacrificare institu- erat; eamque, ceteris re' inqtis 9 tenentem, jurare jussit, JVunguam me in amicitid cum Romanis fore. Id ego jusjuran- dum patri datum, usque ad hanc diem ita conser- vavi, ut nemini dubium esse debeat, quin reliquo tempore eddcm mente sim futurus. Quare, si quid amice de Romanis cogita- bis, non imprudent er fe- cet^is, si me celdris: qu- tim quidem bellum para- bis, teipsumfrustraberis, si non me in eo Jirinci- fiem fiosueris. Cap. III. Hac igitur actate cum patre in His- paniam profectus est. Cujus post obitum, Has- drubale imperatore suf- fecto, equitatui ornni piasfuit. Hoc quoque interfecto, exercitus sum mam imperii ad eum detulit: id Cartha- ginem de latum, pubiice comprobcitum est. Sic Hannibai minor quin- que et viginti annis na- tus, imperator factus, proximo triennio omnes gentes Hispanic beilo which I demand of you. And at the same time he brought me to the altar at which he, had begun to sacrifice, and commanded me, the rest being ordered away, holding that$ to swear, that I would never be at friendship, with the Ro- mans. I have kept that oath sworn to my father, till this day, that it ought to be a doubt with nobody, but that I shall be of the .same mind for the time to come. Wherefore if you design any thing friendly, as to the Romans, you will not do un wisely, if you conceal it from me; but if, indeed, you will prepare for war, you will deceive your- self, if you do not place me the foremost in that affair. Chap. Ill Wherefore he went at this age with his fa- ther into Spain. After whose death Hasdrubal being put in his room a.-- general, he commanded all the horse. He too being slain; the army gave the chief command to him; which being carried to Carthage, was approved of by the government Thus Hannibal, being made gene- ral when less than five and twenty years old, in the fol- lowing three years subdued all the nations of Spain in war: He took by force Sa- HANNIBAL. 241 Subegit. Saguntum fce- deratam civitatem vi ex- pugnavit; tres exercitus maximos comparavit: ex his unum in Africam misit, alterum cum Has- drubale fratre in Hispa- nia reliquit, tertium in Italiam secum duxit: saltum Pyrenxum tran- sits quae an que iter fe- cit, cum omnibus incolis confiixit: neminem nisi victum dimisit. Ad Alpes posteaquam venit, quae Itaiiam ab Gallia sejungunt, quas nemo unquam cum exercitu ante eum, praeter Her- culem Graium, transie- rat, quo facto is hodie saltus Graius appellatur; Alpicos conantes prohi- bere transitum concidit; loca patefecit, itinera muniit, effecitque, ut ea elephantus oneratus ire posset, qua* antea unus homo inermis vix poterat repere. Hac copias traduxit, in Itali- amque pervenit. guntum, a city in alliance with the Romans; He raised three very great armies; He sent one of these into Africa; another he left with Hasdru- bal his brother in Spain; the third he led along with him into Italy. He passed the {a) Pyrensean forest; where- soever he made his march he engaged with all the inha* bitants of the country; he sent none away any other- wise than conquered. After he came to the Alps, which divide Italy from Gaul, which nobody had passed with an army before him, besides Hercules the Grecian, from which fact that forest is called at this day the Grecian fo- rest; he cut to pieces the Alpians endeavouring to hin- der his passage; he opened the places, made roads, and brought it to pass, that a loaded elephant might go, where before a single man unarmed could scarcely creep. This way he drew over his troops, and came into Italy. (a) The Pyrenaean Saltus is a grea' ridge of mountains betwixt France and Spain, reaching from the bay of Biscay to the Mediter- ranean. Our author calls it by the name of Saltus, because it was then almost wholly covered with wood. X 242 GORNELII NEPOTIS Cap. IV. Conflixerat apud Rhodanum cum P. Cornelio Scipione con- sule, eumque pepulerat. Cum hoc eodem deClas- tidio, apud Padum de- cernit, saucium inde ac fugatum dimittit. Ter- tio, idem Scipio, cum collega Tiberio Longo, ad Trehiam, adversus eum venit. , Cum his manum conseruit, u- trumque profligavit. Inde per Ligures Ap- penninum transiit, pe- tens Hetruriam. Hoc itinere adeo gravi morbo amcitur oculorum, ut postea nun quam dextro aeque bene usus sit. Qua vaittudine quum etiam premeretur, lecticaque ferreretur, C. Flamini- ura consulem apud Tra- simenum cum exerciui insidiis circumventum, Chap. IV. He had en- gaged at the (a) Rhone with Publius Cornelius Scipio the consul, and had defeated him. He engages with the same near the Po, not far from Clastidium; he sends him away from thence wounded and routed. The same Sci- pio, with his colleague Tibe- rius Longus, came against him a third time, (h) at Tre- bia. He engaged them, and defeated them both. After that he passed the (c) Ap- pennine mountain through the country of the (d) Ligu- rians, marching for (e) Etru- ria, In this march he was afflicted with such a violent distemper in his eyes, that he never had the use of his right eye so well after: With which malady tho' he was then troubled, and carried in a chair, he killed C. Flamini- us the consul, at the (/) Tra- (a) Our author was, in all likelihood, mistaken here; for Livy, a much better writer in all respects, gives a different account, i. e. that Scipio designed to have engaged him; but finding Hannibal gone from his camp, altered his intention, and put his men on board his ships, to come to Italy. (b) A river falling into the Po, on the south side. (c) The ?'ppennineis a mountain that runs quite through the middle of Italy. ( or nigh the borders of Cajjl- fcania, in Italy. HANNIBAL. 34? ros; captivos non remis- suros, quod Hannibalem, cujus opera susceptum bellum foret, inimicissi- xnum nomini Romano, et nunc cum imperio apud exercitum habe- rent; itemque f rat rem" ejus Magonem. Hoc responso Carthaginien- Ses cognito, Hannibalem donmra Magonemq; re- vocarunt. Hue ut re- diit, pr&tor factus est postquam rex fuerat, anno secundo et viced- xno. Ut enim Romae consults, sic Carthagine quotannis annui bini re- ges creabantur. In eo magistratu pari diiigen- tia se Hannibal pr«cbuit, ac fuerat in belio: Nam- que effecit, ex novis vectigalibus, non solum ut esset pecunia, quae Romanis ex fcedere pen- deretur, sed etiam su- peresset, quae in aerario poneretur. Deinde an- no post praeturam, M. Cijiidio, Lucio Furio Coss Romani legati Carthaginem venerunt; hos Hannibal sui expos- they would not send back the prisoners, because they had Hannibal, by whose means the war had been occasioned, a bitter enemy to the Roman name, even now with a com- mand at the army; and like- wise his brother Mago. The Carthaginians, having heard this answer, sent for Hanni- bal and Mago home. He, as soon as he returned, was made (a) Pretor, in the two and twentieth year after he had been made king. For as consuls are made at Rome, so at Carthage every year two kings were made for a year. In that office Hanni- bal behaved himself with the like diligence as he had done in the war: For he took care not only that there should be money from the new taxes, to be paid the Romans, ac- cording to the treaty, but likewise that there should be an overplus to be laid up in the treasury. Then a year after his prsetorship, when M. Claudius and L. Furius were consuls, Roman ambassadors came to Carthage; Hannibal supposing they were sent upon account of demanding {a) A sort of lord chief justice, or superintendant in their court3 of judicature» S48 CORNELII NEPOTIS cendi gratia missos ra- tus, priusquam his sena- tus daretur, navem con- scendit clam, atque in Sy- riam ad Andochum pro- fugit. Hac re palam facta? Poeni naves duas, quae eum comprehended rent, si possent conse- qui, miserunt; bona ejus publicarunt, domum a fundamentis disjecerunt; ipsum exulem judica- runt. Cap. VIII. At Han- nibal anno tertio post- quam domo profugerat, L- Cornelio, Quinto Mi- liutio Coss. cum quin- que navibus African* accessit, in finibus Cy- renaeorum, si forte Gar- th aginenses ad bellum, Antiochi spe fiduciaque, inducere posset; cul jam persuaserat, ut cum ex- ercitibus in Italia m pro- Jicisceretur Hue Ma- gonem fratrem expivit. Id ubi Peeni resciverunt, Magonem, tadem, qua fratrem absentem, poena affecerunt. Ilii, despt- ratis rebus, quum sol- vissent naves, ac vela Tends dedissent, Hanni- bal id Afrtiochum per venit. Dc la ^911 is in- terim dupiex memoria him, before an audience of the senate was given them, privately goes aboard a ship, and fled into Syria to Anti- ochus. This thing being made public, the Carthagini- ans sent two ships to seize him, if they could overtake him; they confiscated his es- tate, they pulled down his house to the foundations; and declared him an exile. Chap. VIII. But Hanni- bal, in the third year after he fled from home, when L. Cor- nelius and Q. Minutius were consuls, came with five ships to Africa in the country of the Cyrenaeans, if perhaps he might induce the Carthagini- ans to a war, through the hope and confidence of \n~ tiochus's sufifiort; whom he had now persuaded to go with his armies into Italy. Hither he sent for his brother Mago. When the Carthaginians un- derstood that, they punished Mago with the same punish* mt-nt as his absent brother* Their condition being des- perate, after they had loosed their ships, and given their sails to the winds, Hannibal came to Antiochus. There 1- i double account given of Memo's deaths for some have HANNIBAL. 249 prodita est; namque alii naufvagio, alii a servifc ipsius interfectum eum, scriptum reiique- Antiochus autem, si (am in agendo beilo parere voluisset consiiiis ejus, quam in suscipiendo in- stituerat, propius Tiber! n Thermopylis de Tiu imperii dimic&s- set: quern etsi multa : conari ndebatij ta- rn en nulla neseruit in re. fuit paucis navibus, ex Syria jussus erat in A si am ducere, bisque adversus Rhodt- orum classem in Pam- phylio mari confiixit; quo quum multitudine adversariorum sui su- perarentur, ipse, quo cornu rem gessit, fuit superior- Cap. IX, Antiocho fugato, verens ne dede- retur, quod sine dubio accidisset. si sui f^ci-s- set potestatern, Cretam ad Gortynios venit ut ibi, quo se con ferret, consideraret. Vidit au- left upon record, that (a) he fim&hedby shipwreck ; others that he was slain by his slaves. But Antiochus. if he would have obeyed his ad- vice, as well in carrying on the war, as he had resolved in undertaking it, would have fought nearer Tiber than Tnermopylae for the empire of the world: Whom, tho' he saw enterprise many- things foolishly, yet he for- sook in nothing* He com- manded a few ships, which he had been ordered to bring out of Syria into Asia, and with these he engaged a- eainst the fl-et of the Rho- dians in the Pamphylian sea; in which JigAi tho 3 his men were overpowered by the numbers of their enemies, he was however superior in that wing in which he acted. Chap IX After Antio- chus was routed, fearing lest he should be given up, which without doubt would have happened, if he had given an opportunity of snapping hinfe he came to (b) Crete to the Gortynians, (a) There seems to be some word wanting in the text after Kjufragi", such as periisse or hiiertisse; for n ufragio intsrfecttts is, I take it, just as good Latin, as ki'led by a sbipivrec.k, is good English {£) A famous island in the south parts of the iEgean sea. 250 CORNELII NEPOTIS tern vir omnium callidis- simus, magno se fore periculo, nisi quid prae- vidisset, propter avariti- am Cretensium; mag- nam enim secum pecu- niam portabat, de qua sciebat exisse famam. Itaqne capit tale consi- lium; amphoras complu- res complet plumbo, suuunas operit auro et argento: has Gortyniis pracs^ntibus deponit in templo Dianx, simulans se suas fortunas illorum fidei credere. His in errorem ductis, statuas seneas, quas secum por- tabat. omnes sua pecunia complet, easque in pro- patulo domi adjicit. Gortynii templum mag- na cura custouiunt, non tarn a caeteris quam ab Hannibale; ne quid iile insckntibus his tolleretj secumque asportaret. Cap. X. Sic conser- vatis suis rebus, Prenus iilusis Cretensibus om- nibus, ad Prusiam in that there he might consx whither he should betake himself. But this man, the most cunning of all men, saw that he should be in great danger, unless he took some care, by reason of the covet- ousness of the Cretans; for he carried a great deal of money with him, of which he knew a rumour was got abroad. Wherefore he takes this course; he fills several ^pots v h lead, he covers tiie upper parts with gold and silver: He deposits these, iv hi 1st the Gortynians tvere present, in the temple of Diana, pretending he would entrust his fortune to their honesty. These being led into a mistake, he fills all his brazen statues, which he car- ried with him, with his mo- ney, and throws them into an open place at home. The Gortynians guard the temple with great care, not so much against others, as against Hannibal; lest he should take anything away without their knowledge, and carry it off with him. Chap. X. Thus the Car- thaginian, having saved his money, and fooled all the Cre- tans, eame to Prusias into (a) (a) A province of Asia Minor, lying upon the Euxine sea*. HANNIBAL, Pontum pervenit; apud qutm eodem animo fuit erga Italiam; neque ali- ud quicquam egit quam regem armavit, et exci- tavit ad versus Romanos; quern quum videret do- mesticis rebus minus esse robustum, concilia- bat cjeteros reges, ad- jungebatque beilicosas nationes. Dissidebat ab eo Pergamenus rex Eu- menes, Romanisamr' simus; beliumque inier eos gerebatur et mari et terra; quo magis cupie- bat turn Hannibal oppri- rni. Sed utrobique Eu- rnenes plus valebat, propter Romanofum so- cietatem; quern si remo- visset, faciliora sibi cx- tera fore arbilrabatur. Ad hunc interficiendum taiem iniit rationem: classe paucis diebus erant decertaturi: super- abatur navium muititu- dine: dolo erat pugnan- dum. quum par non es- set armis. Imperavit qudm piurimas venena- tas serpentes vivas coili- gi, easque in vasafietilia corijici: harum quum Pontus; with whom he was of the same disposition as to Itaiy: Nor did he do any thing else but arm the king, and animate him against the Romans; whom when he saw to be not at all strong in his own circumstances, he brought over other princes, and join- ed wariike nations to him. Eumenes, king of (a) Per- gam us, was at difference with him, a very great friend to the Romans; and a war was carried on betwixt them both by sea and land; for which reason Hannibal was the more desirous to have him taken off. But Eumenes pre- vailed every where by virtue of the alliance with the Ro- mans; whom if he could but remove, he thought other things would be more easy. He took this method to kill him: They were to engage with their fieet in a few days; he was quite outdone in num- ber of ships: He was there- fore to fight with subtlety, since he was not a matchybr him in arms. He ordered as many poisonous serpents as possible to be got together alive, and to be put in earth- en pots: after he had made (a) A city of Mywa Major in Asia Minor. 25$ CORNELII NEPOTIS confecisset magnam multitudinem, die ipso quo facturus erat navaie praelium, classia* ios con- vocat, hisque prxcipit, omnes ut in unam Eu- menis regis concurrent navem, a cseti-ris tantum satis habeant se defende- re; id facile illos serpen - turn muhitudine conse- cuturos: rex autem qua nave veheretur, ut sci- rent, se facturum: qnem si aut cepissent, aut in- terfecissent, magno his poliicetur id przemio fore. Cap. XI. Tali cohor- tatione mijitum facta, classis ab utrisqwe in praelium deducitur: qua- rum acie constitute, pri- usquam signum pugnac dareiur, Hannibal, ut pal am faceret suis, quo loco Eumenes esset, ta- bellarium in scaphacum caduceo mittit. Qui, ubi ad naves adversario- rum pervenit, epistoiam ostendens,se regem pro- fessus est quaerere; sta- tim ad Eumenem deduc- up a good number of them, upon the day whereon he was to fight this battle by sea, he calls his fleet together, and orders them all to gather about the ship of king Eu- menes alone, to be content to defend themselves only a- gainst the rest; that they might easily do, by the great number of serpents: he would take care they should know in what ship the king sailed; whom if they either took or killed, he promises tney should have a good reward for it. Chap. XI. Having made this exhortation to lus soldi- ers, the fleet is drawn out to a battle by both sides: The line of battle in each being formed, before the signal of the fight was given, Hanni- bal, that he might make known to his men in what place Eumenes was, sends a letter-carrier in a boat, with a (a) staff of peace: who, after he came to the enemies ships, showing the ietter, told them he wanted the king: immediately he was brought (a) The Caduceus was a staff with the figure of two serpen*» twisted about it, borne by heralds, or other messengers, sent to an. «nemy, to signify their coming in a peaceable manner. HANNIBAL. tus est, quod nemo du- bitabat aliquid de pace esse scriptum. Tabel- larius, ducis nave decla- rata suis, eddem unde ierat se recepit. At Eu- menes, soluta. epistola, nihil in ea reperit, nisi quod ad irridendum eum pertineret: cujus etsi causam mirabatur, ne- 56 CQRNELII NEPOTIS Cap. XIII. Sic vir fordssimus, muitis va- riisque perfunctus labo- ribus, anno acquievit septuagesimo. Quibus consulibus interierit, non convenit. Nam Atticus, M. Claudio Marcelloj et Q. Labio Labeone Coss. mortuum, in Annali suo scriptum reliquit: Poly- bius, JSmilio Paulo, et Cn. Baebio Tamphilo: Snlpiiiusawtem, P. Cor- nelio Cethego, et M. Baebio Tamphilo. At- one hie tantus vir, tan* visque be! lis di sir ictus, notmihil temporis tribu- it Uteris; namque aliquot ejus iibri sunt Grasco sermone confecti: in Ills ad Rhodios de Cn. Maniii Voisonis in Asia rebus gestis. Hujus belia gesta multi memo- rise prodiderunt: sed ex his duo, qui cum eo in castris fuerunt, simul- que vixerunt, quam ciiu fortuna passa est, Philae- nius, et Sosilus Lacedae- monius. Atque hoc So- silo Hannibal literarum Grcccarum usus est doc- tore. Sed nunc tempus he took poison, which he had been accustomed to carry al- ways about him. Chap. XIII. Thus this most gliant man, after he had run through many and various toils, rested in his se- ventieth year. Under what consuls he died, is not agreed. For Atticus has left it written in his annal, that he died when M. Claudius Marcellus, and Q. Labius Labeo were consuls. But Polyhius says under L. Emilius Paulus, and Cn. Bzebius Tamphiius. But Sulpilius says he died bi the time of P. Cornelius Ce- thegus, and M. Bssbius Tam- phiius. And this great mauj and so prodigiously taken up with the fi rosecuHon of such great wars, employed some part of his time in letters; for there are some books of his written in the Greek tongue: Amongst these one to the Rhodians concerning the actions of Cn. Manlius Vol so in Asia, Many have transmitted to memory his wars which were carried on by him. But two of them were such, who were with him in the camp, and lived with him as long as his cir- cumstances allowed it, Phi- laenius and Sosilus the Lace- demonian. And Hannibal CATC. 257' est hujus librl faeere finem, et Romanorum explicare imperatores; quo facilius, collatis utrorumque factis, qui viri pr*ferendi sint, pos- sit judicari. made use of this Sosilus, as his instructor in the Greek tongue. But now it is time to make an end of this book, and to relate the lives of the Roman commanders, that by comparing the actions of both, it may be the more easily discerned which men are to have the preference. XXIV XXIV, M. PORCIUS CATO, £x libido secundo Come* Hi JVe/iotis. M. PORCIUS CATO. Out of the second book Cornelius Nefios* of CAP. I. CHAP. I. CATO ortus munici- pio Tusculo, adolescen- tulus, priusquam hono- ribus operam daret, ver- satus est in Sabinis, quod ibi 1 acredium a patre re- lic turn habebat Hortatu L. Valerii Flacci, quern in consulatu censuraque habuit collegam, ut M. Perpenna Censorinus narrare solitus est, Ro- mam demigravit, in fo- ro esse coepit. Primum CATO was born in the borough town of (a) Tuscu- lum, and, when a very young man, before he made suit for any public posts in the gov- ernment, lived in the country of the Sabines, because he had an estate there, left hirr\ by his father. By the advice of L. Valerius Flaccus, whom? he had for his colleague in, the consulship and censor- ship, as M. Perpenna Censo- rinus used to say, he removed; (a) A town of Latium, in Italy, nearly twenty miles- from* Rome* 258 CORNELII NEPOTIS stipendium meruit an- norum decern septem- que, Q. Fabio Maximo, M. Claudio Marcello Coss. Tribunus militum in Sicilia fuit. Inde ut rediit, castra secutus est CXlaudiiNeronis,mag- nique opera ejus aestima- ta est in prseiio apud Se- nam, quo cecidit Has- drubal frater Hannibalis. Qusestor obtigit P. Cor- nelio Africano consuli, cum quo non pro sortis necessitudine vixit; namque ab eo perpetua dissen&it vita. JLdiiis plebis factus est cum C. Heivio, Przetor, provin- ciam obtimutSartiiniam, to Rome, and began to ap- pear in the (a) forum. He first entered the service of his country in the wars, when he was seventeen years of age, under the consuls Q. Fabius Maximus and M. Claudius Marcellus. He was a (b) tribune of soldiers in Sicily. As soon as he came from thence, he followed the camp of C. Claudius Nero, and his service was highly valued in the battle of (c) Sena, in which Hasdrubal, the brother of Hannibal, felL He happened to be (d) ques- tor to P. Cornelius Scipio AfVicanus when consul, with whom he lived not according to the (e) obligation his (a) The forum was a large square in the middle of the cities of- Italy and Greece, where the courts and markets were kept, and where the people usually met, for the choice of magistrates, and the enacting of laws. (£) A tribune was a military officer, pretty much like our colo- nels. There were at first six in a legion, winch had the command of it in their turns; but. afterwards they were reduced to the com- mand of one single cohort or regiment, of which there were ten in a legion; and therefore it is supposed there were the like number of tribunes. (c) A city of Italy, in that part of it formerly called Umbria, *nigh the Adriatic sea. (d) The questor in Rome was a sort of lord treasurer. The jeroconsuls and propraetors too, that were sent governors into the provinces of the Roman empire, had their que^tors, who had the charge of the public money, the plunder that was not given to the soldiers, &c. (^) ,The questors y as well as proconsuls and proprietors, had their •provinces assigned them by lot, and usually lived ia a strict friend- iihip with, those under whom thejr lot fell. CATO. 259 ex qua Qu^stor superi- or e tempore ex Africa decedens, Q. Ennium poetam deduxerat; quod non minoris aestimamus, chance had brought him un- der; for he differed with him all his life long. He was made (a) asdile of the com- mons with C. Heivius. quam queinlibet amplis- When (6) praetor, he got the simum Sardiniensem province of Sardinia; out of triumphum. Cap. II. Consulatum gessit cum L. Valerio Fiacco; sorte provinci- aro nactus Hispaniam citeriorem; exque ca tri- umphum deportavit. Ibi quurndiutius moraretur, P. Scipio Africanus, consul iterum, cujus in. priori consulatu Quaestor fuerat, voluit eum de Provincia depellere, et. ipse ei succedere; neque hoc per senatum efncere potuit, quum quidem Scipio in civitate princi- patum obtineret: quod turn non potentia, s<"d jure, respubiiea admin- which, when coming quxstor some tome before out of Africa; he had brought away Q. Ennius the poet; which we value no less, than any the noblest triumph over Sardinia. Chap. II He bore the office of consul with L. Vale- rius Flaccus; he got by lot Hither Spain for his pro- vince, and brought home from thence a triumph. As he staid there long, P. Scipio Africanus, a second time consul, whose questor he had been in the former consulate, designed to out him of his province, and to succeed him himself; but couid not effeGt it by the senate, though Sci- pio ha^Lthe greatest sway in the city; because the govern- ment was then managed not by interest, but justice; For which reason, being angry, (a) An officer whose business it was to take care of the market» and public buildings. (b) The praetor at Rome was superintendant, or director of theis; courts of justice. 260 CORNELII NEPOTIS istrabatur: qua ex re iratus, senatu peracto, privatus in urbe mansit. At Cato, censor cum eo- dem Flacco factus, se- vere prasfuit ei potestati; Ram et in complures no- biles animadvertit, et inultas res novas in edictum addidit, qua re luxuria reprimeretur, quae jam turn incipiebat pulluiare. Circiter an- nos octoginta, usque ad extremam setatem ab adolescentia\ reipublicae causa suscipere inimici- tias non destitit. A mul- tis tentatus, non modo nullum detrimentum existimationis fecit, sed quoad vixit, virtutum laude crevit. In omni- bus rebus singulari fuit prudcntia et in du stria; nam et agricola solers, et reipublicae peritus, et juris consultus, et mag» nus imperator, etproba- bilis orator, et cupklis- simus literarum fuit: quarum studium etsi senior arripuer at, tamen tantum progressum fe- cit, ut non facile reperi- re possis, neque de Gisj- eis, neque.de Italicis re- bus, quod ei fuerit in- cognitum. Ab adoles- when his consulship was ex- pired, he continued a private person in the city. But Cato, being made censor with the same Flaccus, behaved very strictly k that post; for he punished several noblemen, and put a great many new things into his edict, where- by luxury might he restrain- ed, which even then began to bud. He never ceased for about fourscore years, from his youth to the end of his life, to engage in quarrels upon the commonwealth's account. Though he was at- tacked by many, he not only suffered no loss of reputation, but grew in fame for his ex- cellent qualities, as long as he lived. In all things he was a man of excellent pru- dence and industry; for he was both a dexterous husband- man, well skilled in the busi- ness of government, and a lawyer, and a great com- mander, and a plausible ora- rator, and very fond of learn- ing; the study of which though he took up when old, yet he made so great a pro- gress in it, that you cannot easily find any thing, either of the Grecian or the Italian affairs, which was unknown to him. He made speeches from his youth: When old CATO. 251 centivt confecit oratio- nes; senex historias soribere instituit, qua- rum sunt iiuii septem: Primus eontinet res ges- tas regno] populi Roma- ni: Secundus et tertius, ivnde qureque civitas orta sit Italica; ob quam rem oiTiiies Grigines videtur appellasse: In quarto autem, bellum Punic um prim urn: in quia to, se- cundum: atqtte haec om- nia capkulatim sunt dic- ta. Reliquaque beila pa- ri moclo persecutes est usque ad PTaemram Ser. Gaibse, qui dii ipuit Lu- sitanos. Atque horum -on no- riiinavir. sed sine norni- us res notavit. In iisdem exposuit (juas in Itc- icvide- rentin a; in quibus multa industria et diligeatia comparet, multa doctrina. Hujus de vita et morions plura in eo libro prose cuti su- m\is, quern separatim de eo ftcimus, rogatu Titi Pomponii Attici: quare studicsos Catonis ad iilud volumen rele- eamns, he began to write history, of which there are seven books: The first contains the actions of the kings of the Roman people: The second and third contain an account, from whom every city of Italy had its rise; for which reason he seems to have called the^n all Grigines: In the fourth is the first Carthaginian war: In the fifth the second: And all these things are summa- rily related. And he has gone through the other wars, . in the like manner, unto the prcstorship of Ser. Galba,who rifled the Lubitanians. And he has not named the gene- rals in these wars, but has set down the actions without names, in the same books he has given an account of what seemed remarkable in Italy and Spain; in which there appears much industry and diligence, and much learning We have said more of his life and manners, in that book which we made separately about him, at the request of T. Pomponius At- ticus; wherefore we send those that are desirous of knowing Gato to that v 262 CORNELII NEPOTIS XXV. T. POMPONII AT- T1CI VITA, Ex Comelio jYtfiote» CAP. I. THE LIFE OF T. POM- PONIUS ATTICUS, Out of Cornelius »Y< CHAP. I. POMPONIUS Ani- ens, ab origin^ ultima stir pis Romance genera- tus* perpetuo a majori- bus acceptam equestrem obtinuit dignitatem. Pa- tre usus est diligente, indulgente et ut turn erant tempora, diti, im- primisque studioso lite- rarun: Hie, prout ipse amabat literas, omnibus doctrinis, quibus piieri- lis atas imperii ri debet, iilium erudivit. Erat autem in puero piaster dociiitatem in genii, sum ma suavitas oris ac vocis, ut non solum ce- 2eriter arriperet quce tr-a- ciebantur-, sed etiam ex- cellenter pronunciaret; qua ex re in pueritia no- POMPCNIUS Atticus, descended of an ancient Ro- man family, kept the (a) equestrian dignity, received by uninterrupted succession from his ancestors. He had a diligent and indulgent fa- then, and, as the times were then, rich, and above all things, a lover of learning: As he loved learning himself^ he instructed his son in all that sort of literature that youth ought to be acquainted with. There was in him when a boy, besides a docili- ty of wit, a mighty sweetness of mouth and voice, that he not only quickly took in what v/as taught him, but also pro- nounced excellently; upon which account he was reck- oned famous amongst his (a) The Roman people were divided into three orders, the ple- beian, equestrian, and senatorian: Those, whose estates were 400,000 sesterces (upwards of 300 pounds) were reckoned of the equestrian order, till they were chosen into the senate, and then they were of the senatorian. Atticus's ancestors had never any of them been in the senate, and he, treading in their steps, declined all preferment. T. P. ATTICUS. 263 t)ilis inter xquales fere- batur, ' clariusque ex- plendescebat, quam ge- nerosi condiscipuli ani- mo sequo ferre possent: itaque incitabat omnes suo studio; quo in nu- ruero fuerunt L. Tor- quatus, C. Marius fiiius, Cicero, quos con- suetudine sua sic sibi .inxit, ut nemo iis perpetuo fuerit carior. Cap II. Pater matu- re decessit. Ipse ado- lescentuius propter am- nitatem P. Sulpicii, qui Tribunus pi. interfectus est, non experts fuit illius pericttli: namque Anicia, Pomponii consobrina, mipserat M. Servio fra- til P. Sulpicii. Itaque interfecto Sulpicio, pos- teaquam vidit Cinnano tivmuitu civitatem esse perturhatam, neque sibi dari facuitatem pro dig- nitate Vivendi, quin alte- rutram partem offende- ret, dissociatis animis civiu ra; cum alii Sylia- nis, alii, Cinnanis fave- rent partibus; idoneum tern pus ratus studiis ob- sequendi suis, Athenas se contuiit: neque eo se- ci us ad o l e s ce n te m M a ri- um hostem judicatum, fellows in his childhood, and shone out more brightly than his noble school-fellows were able to bear with a, patient mind: wherefore he pushed them all forward by his great application; in which number were L Torquatus, C. Mari- us the son, M. Cicero, whom he so engaged to him by his acquaintance with them, that nobody was all along more dear to them Chap II. His father died early. He being a very young man, by reason of his affinity with P. Sulpicius, who was slain when tribune of the commons, was not clear of that danger; for Anicia, the cousin of Pomponius, had married M. Servius, the bro- ther of Sulpicius: Where- fore P. Sulpicius being slain, after he found the city migh- tily disturbed with the bustle raised by Cinna, and that there was no possibility for him to live suitably to his dignity, but he must offend one party or the other, the minds of his countrymen be- ing divided; whilst some fa- voured Sylla's party, and others Cinna' s; thinking it a proper time to follow his stu- dies, he withdrew himself to Athens; but nevertheless he assisted young Marius, de- mmmmmm 264 CORNELII NEPOTIS juvit opibus 'suis; cujus fugam pecunia subleva- vit. Ac, ne iila pene- grinatio detrimentum aiiquod afferret rei fami- liari, eodem magnam partem fortunarum tra- jecit suarum. Hie ita vixit, ut universis Athe- niensibus meritd esset carissimus: Nam, pra- ter gratiam, qure jam adolescentulo magna e- rat, saepe suis opibus inopiam eorum publi- cam levavit: Cum enim versuram facere publice necesse esset, neque ejus conditionem aequam ha- be rent, semper se inter- posuit, atque ita, uti ne- que usuram unquam ab iis acctperit, neque lon- gius, quam dictum esset, eos debere passus sit; quod utrumque erat iis salutare: nam neque in- dulgendo inveterascere eorum ses alienum patie- batur, neque multipii* candis usuris crescere. Auxit hoc omcium alia quoque liberalitate; nam clared an enemy, with his estate; and relieved him in his banishment with money. And, lest that his living abroad should prove a detri- ment to his estate, he carried over to the same place a great part of his substance. Here he lived so, that he was deservedly very dear to all the Athenians: For, besides his (a) interest, which was already considerable in him, tho 9 a very young man, he often relieved their public want out of his own estate: For when the government was obliged to (b) borrow money to pay off a public debt, and could have no fair offer for it, he always inter- posed, and so, that he neither ever received any use of them, nor suffered them to owe him the money longer than had been agreed; both which things were very good for them: for he neither suf- fered their debts to grow old upon them, by forbearing thcm % nor to increase by the multiplying of use. He added to this kindness by (a) By Gratia is here meant the interest he had amongst several of the leading men at Rome, by which he was in a condition of serving the Athenians several ways. (b) Versura signifies borrowing from one to pay another; which has no word to answer it in our language. T. P. ATTICUS, 265 universos frumento do- navit, ita ut singulis VI. modii tritici darentur, qui modus mensurae Medimnus Athenis ap- pellatur. Cap. III. Hie autem sic se ^erebat, ut com- munis infimis, par prin- cipibus videretur; quo Factum est, ut huic om- nes honores, quos po=s- sent, pubiice haberent, civemque face re stude- rent: quo beneficio ilie uti noluit: quod nonnul- li ita interpret antur, amitti civitatem Roma- nam alia adscita. Quam- diu a fruit, ne qua sibi statua poneretur, resti- tit, absens, prohibere, non potuit: Itaque ali- quot ipsi et Piiiae, locis sanctissimis posutrunt; hunc enim in omni pro- curatione Reip. acto- rem, auctoremque ha- bebant. Igitur primum illud munus fortune, quod in ea potissimum another piece of generosity too; for he presented them (a) all with corn, so that six (?) modii of wheat were given to every man, which kind of measure is called Afedimnus at Athens. Chap. III. He likewise behaved so, that he seemed upon a level with the lowest, and yet equal to the greatest; from whence it was, that they publicly conferred upon him all the honours which they could, and endeavoured to make him a freeman of their city; which kindness he would not accept; because some construe the matter so, that the freedom of Rome is lost by taking another. As long as he was there, he made such opposition, that no statute was erected for him; when absent, he could not hinder it: Wherefore they set up some both for him and Pilia, in the most sacred places, for in the whole ma- nagement of their govern- ment, they had him for their adviser and agent. Where- (a) Our author has here expressed himself very carelessly; tote sure, he did not present them all uni-ocrs**, but only the poorer sort; it would have been so far from a kindness, that it would have been a most stupid affront, to have offered a largess of a few pecks of corn, to people of quality, or any tolerable fashion. lb) A msdius is reckoned by some to be about two pecks, 266 CORNELII NEPOTIS urbe natus est, in qua domicilii! m orbis terra- rum esset imperii, ut earvdem et patriam ha- beret, et domum. Hoc specimen prudentias, quod cum in earn se civitatem contulisset, quae antiquitate, huma- nitate, doctrina prsesta- ret omnes; ei unus ante alios fuerit carissimus. Cap. IV. Hue ex A- &ia SyJla decedens cum venisset; quamdiu ibi foil, secum habuit Pom- ponium, captus-, adoles- centis et humanitate et doctrina; sic enim Grse- ce loquebatur, ut Athe- nis natus videretur: tan- la autem erat suavitas sermonis Latini, ut ap- pareret in eo nativum quendam leporem esse, rion adscitum. Idem poem a la pronun ciabat et Greece et Latine sic, ut supra nihil posset. Quibus rebus factum est, ut Sylla nunquam eum a se dimitteret, cuperetque secum de- ducere; cuicum persua- dere tentaret, Noli oro te (inquit Pomponius) ad- versum eos me velle du- fore that was an especial fa- vour of fortune, that he was born in that city, above others, in which was the seat of the empire of the world, that he had the same both for his native place, and his home. This was a specimen of his prudence, that when he withdrew himself into that city, which excelled all others in antiquity, politeness, and learning, he was singly very dear to it above all others. Chap. IV. When Sylla was come hither in his de- parture from Asia, so long as he was there, he kept Pom- ponius with him, charmed with the politeness and learn- ing of the youth; for he spoke Greek so, that he seemed to have been born at Athens: But such was the sweetness of his Latin dialect, that it appeared there was a certain natural pleasantness in him, not acquired. The same man pronounced poems both in Greek and Latin so, that nothing could be beyond it. For which things it was, that Sylla would never part with him from him, and was desi- rous to take him along with him to Rome; whom when he endeavoured to persuade to tliat, do not* I beseech you (says Pomponius) desire to T. P. ATTICUS, 267 cere, cum quibus ne con» tra te arma f err em, Ita* Ham relifui. At Sylla, adolescentis officio col- laudato, omnia munera ei, quae Athenis accepe- rat, proficiscens jussit deferri. Hie complures annos moratus, cum et rei f amiliari tantum ope- rae daret, quantum non indiligens deberet pater- familias, et omnia reli- qua tempora aut Uteris, aut Atheniensium Reip. tribueret; niniiominus a- micis urbana officia pi ae- lead me against those, with whom that I might not bear arms against you, I left Italy. But Sylla, commending; the behaviour of the young man, upon his departure, ordered all the presents, -which he had received at Athens, to - be carried to him. Having staid here several years, whilst he employed as much care upon his estate as a di- ligent master oi a family ought to do and bestowed all the rest of his time either upon books, or the govern- ment of the Athenians; (a) (a) I am somewhat surprised to find this passage thus translated by major Pack, " He found many opportunities to perform very important services to his friends on the suffering side; he frequently assisted at their private rendezvous. 1 " Our author is nor here talking of his friends on the suffering side, i. e. on the side of Marias; but of his friends in general, or rather those on the con- quering side; for such alone, during the tyranny of Sylla, were per- mitted to sue for the great offices of the government, and such he hete means, as is plain from what follows, Adeomitia eorem wniit which is not to be rendered, " Assisted at their private rendezvous. n . Words hardly intelligible; but in the same manner, or to the same purpose, as I have done; comifta never signifying any thing else than the meetings of the people for the choice of magistrates, enacting laws, or public trials. The relative pronoun, eorum seems to restrain it to the first kind, meetings of the people for the choice of magistrates or elections. The major has mistaken too the sense of Urbana efficia, which signifies here such services or good offices, as were confined to the city of Rome, and could not. elsewhere be performed at all, or so effectually, such as waiting upon the candi- dates to the forum, or in their rounds about the town, making of inte.est among the citizens for them: These and the like are the Urbana ojfficu here spoken of. I make not this remark to depreciate Mr. Pack's performance, which is as good, at least, if not betur . IM» S&8 CORNELII NEPOTIS stitit: nam et ad comitia corum ventitavit; et si qua res major acta est, non defuit; sicut Cicero- ni in omnibus ejus peri- culis singularem fidem prxbuit; cui ex patria fugienti LL.S. CC. et quinquaginta millia do- navit. Tranquillatis au- tem rebus Romanis, re- migravit Romam, ut opinor, L. Cotta, et L. Torquato COSS. quern diem sic uni versa civi- tas Atheniensium pro- secuta est, ut lacrymis desiderii futuri dolorem indicaret. notwithstanding he perform- ed all manner of good offices in the city of Rome to his friends: for he both came frequently to their elections, and, if any important matter of theirs was transacted, was not wanting; as he shewed a singular faithfulness to Cice- ro in all his dangers; to whom when (a) banished his coun- try, he presented two hun- dred and fifty thousand (h) sesterces. But after the Ro- man affairs were pretty well settled, he returned to Rome, as I think, when L. Cotta, and L Torquatus were con- suls; which day the whole city of the Athenians did so observe, that they discovered by their tears their sorrow for their future loss. than any thing of the kind I ever read; but to do justice to Corne- lius Nepos, and myself too, who might otherwise be condemned, upon the authority of Mr. Pack, as having here grossly mistaken the sense of my author. (a) I chose to render fugienti ex fiat rid, being ban- ished out of his country: Major Pack's translation, being obliged tojly his country, is, to my thinking, too general to convey the author's meaning to such as are unacquainted with Cicero's story; he uses the word f agio here, as the Greeks do their verb Qtvw* which is com- monly put for being banished, sometimes with the accusative zrxr^Jot, but oftener, I think, without (6) A sesterce was" the fourth part of a denarius, which was about %d, our money; the whole sum therefore here mentioned fs near upon 3000 pounds. T. P. ATTICUS. 269 Cap. V- Habebat a- vuncuium, Q. Caecuium, equitem Romanum, fa- miliarem L. Luculli, di- vitum, dimcillima natu- ral; cujus sic asperitatem veritus est, ut quern ne- mo ferre posset, hujus sine often sione ad sum- mam senectutem retinu- erit benevolentiam; quo facto, tuiit pietatis fruc- tum. Cheilitis enim moriens testamento a- doptavit eum, hseredem- que fecit ex dodrante; ex qua haereditate acce- pit circiter centies LSS. Erat nupta soror Attici Q. Tuliio Ciceroni, eas- que nuptias M. Cicero Chap. V. He had an un- cle, Q. Cecilius, a Roman knight, a Mend of L. Lueul- lus, rich, but of a very rugged temper; whose peevishness he bore so meekly, that he kept in his favour, without any offence given, to an ex- treme age, whom nobody else was able to bear with; for which he reaped the fruit of his (a) dutiful behaviour towards him. For Ceciiius, when dying, adopted him by his will, and made him heir to (b) three-fourths of his estate; by which inheritance he got about a hundred times a hundred thousand (c) sesterces. The sister of At- ticus was married to Q. Tul~ {a) Pietas I render dutiful behaviour. Piety, which is major Pack's translation of the word, has nothing at all to do here. See note the first, on the first chapter of Dion's life. (b) Dcdrans is nine unci* or twelfths of the Roman as, which was originally a large brass coin, almost an English pound; but by several reductions brought at last to one four and twentieth part of that weight. An estate was likewise termed as, and divided into twelve parts called uncia, and accordingly hares ex asse, was heir to the whole estate, hares ex dodrante was heir to nine uncia or twelfths^ i. e. three fourths of the estate (c-) Sestertius, as I have already remarked, is near upon two- pence of our money; Sesiertium signifies a thousand Sestertii: Ac- cording to the Roman way of reckoning, after a numeral adverb is always to be understood a hundred thousand; so that centies LSS. is a hundred times a hundred thousand sesterces, or ten millions, /. e. 70,000 rounds of our money nearly. It seems strange the Romans should use no higher a denomination, than that of a two-penny piece, in their reckoning of money; it must have rendered cheir. ac- counts high, and troublesome enough- Z 2 270 CORNELII NEPOTIS conciliarat; cum quo a condiscipulatu vivebat conjunctissime, multo etiam familiarius, quam cum Quinto: ut judicari possit, plus in amicitia valere similitudinem morum, quam affinita- tem Utebatur autem intime Q. Hortensio, qui lis temporibus principa- tum eloquentiae tenebat, ut inteiligi non posset, uter eum plus diligeret, Cicero an Hortensius; et id, quod erat difhcilli- mum, efficiebat, ut inter quos tantae laudis esset scmulatio, nulla interce- deret obtrectatio; esset- que talium virorum co- pula. Cap. VI. In Repub, ita est versatus, ut sem- per optimaruai parti urn et esset, et existimare- tur; neque tamen se ci- lius Cicero, and M. Cicerc? had made up the match;, with whom he lived in a very close friendship from the time of their being school- fellows, and much more fa- miliarly than with Quintus; that it may be thereby judged* that a similitude of manners does more in friendship, than affinity. He was likewise intimate with Q Hortensius-, who in those times had the highest reputation for elo- quence, that it could not be understood whether of them loved him more, Cicero or Hortensius; and he effected that which was very difficult,, that there was no endeavour to lessen one another passed beHvixt those betwixt whom there was a rivalry for so considerable a prize c/farne; and he was the instrument of union betwixt those great men» Chap. VI. He behaved himself so in the common- wealth, that he both always was and was reckoned of the (a) party of the quality, and {a) Major Pack renders Optlmarum partium, by right side; but, in jny opinion, those words can signify nothing but the best or a very good side or party; which would iroply ; that there were more par- ties than two in Rome, which is false. Optimarum is undoubtedly a wrong reading for Qptmatum, See note the first, on the sixth chapter of Dion's life. T. P. ATTICUS, 271 vilibus fluctibus com- roitteret, quod non ma- gis eos in sua. potestate existimabat esse, qui se iis dedissent, quam qui maritimis jactarentur. Honores non petiit, cum ei paterent propter vel gratiam, vei dignitatem; quod neque peti more majorum, neque capi possent, conservatis ie^i- bus, in tarn effusis am- bitus largitionibus; ne- que geri e republica sine periculo, corruptis civi- tatis moribus. Ad has- tam publicam nunquam accessit: Nuliius rei neque praes, neque man- ceps factus est. Ncmi- nsra neque suo nomine, neque subscribens accu- savit. In jus de sua re nunquam iii; judicium nullum habuit. Muito- rum Consulum Prasto- yet he would net engage himself in civil broils, be- cause he did not think them to be more in their own pow- er, who trusted themselves upon those waves, than those who were tossed about by the waves of the sea. He did not sue for any preferment in the state, though it lay ready for him, by reason either of his interest or quali- ty; because it could ncicher be sued for after the manner of our ancestors, nor be at- tained, if the laws were ob- served, in so prodigious an extravagance of corruption^ nor be managed to the ser- vice of the commonwealth without danger, the morals of the city being so much de- praved. He never came to a public (a) sale. He never became (£) surety for, nor a farmer of, any part of the public revenue. He never (a) He means ch efly the sale of the estatesof such as were taken off in the proscription of that barbarous butcher Sylla. Atricus in that acted the part of a generous man, and a iover of his- country, that scorned to emrease his estate out of the spoils taken from his innocent fellow-citizens. In those sales it was usual for the prsco, or the person that superintended and managed the sale, to fix down a spear by him, which is the reason of our author's wording himself as he does. (o ) \ properly signifies a farmer of the public revenue, as the customs, taxes, &c. and Mr*s a person bound to the government fox the farmer's due performance of his bargain, 272 GORNELII NEPOTIS rumque praefecturas de- latas sit accepit, ut ne- minem in provinciam sic secutus; honore me- rit contentus, rei famili- aris despexerk fructum; qui lie cum Q, quidem Cicerone voluerit ire in Asiam, cum apud turn legati locum obtinere posset; non enim decere se arbitrabatur, cum Prseturam gerere noiu- isset, asseclam esse Praetoris: qua in re non solum dignitati servie- batj sed etiam tranquilli- (a) accused any one in his own name, nor in the quality of a subscriber or assistant. He never went to law about any thing of his own; had no trial. He so accepted of the commissions of several con- suls and praetors, when offer- ed hi in, that he followed none of them into his province; was content with the hoiiour, he despised the improve- ment of his estate; who would not indeed go along with Q. Cicero into Asia, though he might have had the post of {b) lieutenant- (a) When any person of figure was impeached of any crime, there were usually several managers of the trial against him; but yet the burden lay chiefly upon one person, who preferred the bill> of indictment, or impeachment, to the praetor or lord chief justice, with his name to it, and was called accusator. Others, that had a mind to countenance the matter, and give their assistance for the management of the cause, subscribed their names, but either spoke but very little, or not at all, in the court; the business of speaking there belonged chiefly, if not solely, to the accusator. What major pack means by translating this passage, " He never openly or pri- vately accused any man," I cannot tell. Was 1 as much at liberty in my translation as the major was, I should have turned it thus; "He never was concerned in the prosecution of an indictment against any person, either as principal manager of the trial, or assistant ** (o) Mr. Pack translates Legatus by legate or general officer, as if those were words of the same import in our language. How far the title of a general officer may extend, the major knows mnch better than I; and because I am somewhat uncertain about it, I choose to make use of the word lieutenant-general; because that, I take it, the word Legatus signifies here, and that only; a L. in the Roman armies was next to the general in power, and used tg command, by the general's appointment, borne part of the. T. P. ATTICUS. 273 tati, cum suspiciones quoque vitaret cri mi- lium: quo fiebat, ut ejus observantia omnibus es- se tcarior, cum earn offi- cio, non timori, neque spei tribui viderent. Cap. VII. InciditCae- sarianum civile belium, cum haberet annos cir- citer sexaginta. Usus est xtatis vacatione, ne- que se quoquam movit ex urbe. Quae amicis suis opus fuerant ad Pompeium proficiscen- tibus, omnia ex sua re familiari dedit. Ipsum Pompeium conjunctum non offendit, nullum e- nim ab eo habebat orna- mentum, ut casteri, qui per eum aut honores, aut divitias ceperant; quorum parti m invitis- simi castra sunt secuti, parti m sum ma cum ejus general under him; for he did not think it became him, since he would not bear the office of prxtor, to be an at- tendant upon a prastor. la which thing he not only con- sulted his dignity, but like- wise his quiet, since he avoid- ed even the suspicions of crimes: From whence it was, that his respect was the more dear to ail people, when they saw that it proceeded from kindness, not fear or hope. Chap. VII. Csesar's civil war fell out, when he was about sixty years old He made use of the privilege of his age, nor did he stir any whither out of the town. He gave all things that were ne- cessary for his friends, upon their going to Pompey, out of his own estate. He did not offend Tompey, tho 9 a friend; for he had no obliga- tion from him, as others, who by him had got either great posts or riches; part of which followed his camp very unwillingly, part staid at home, to the great offence of him. But Atticus's keeping quiet was so agreeable to army in the day of battle, and likewise the whole in the general'* absence. There were several of them in an army, 74 CORNELII NEPOTIS ofFensione domi reman- serunt. Attici autem quies tantopere Caesari fuit grata, ut victor, cum privatis pecunias per epistolas imperaret, huic non solum moles- tus non fuerit, sed etiam sororis et Q. Ciceronis filium ex Pompeii cas- tris concesserit. Sic ve- tere institute vitae, effu- git nova pericula. Cap. VIII. Secutum estiHud. Occiso Caesa- re, cum Respub. penes Brutos viderttur esse et Cassium, ac tota civitas se ad eum convex ;iisse videretur; *ic M. Bruto usus est, ut nullo iUe a- Caesar, that after he %vas con- queror, when he commanded several private gentlemen by letters to furnhh him with money, he was not only not troublesome to him, but like- wise gave him. out of Fo ra- pe y's camp the son of his sister and Quintus Cicero. Thus by his old way of life. he avoided new dangers. Chap. VIII Then follow- ed this. Jfer Caesar was slain, when the government seemed to be in the hands of the Brutus 5 s and Cassius, and the whole city was seen to turn themselves towards '{s) them; he was so kind with dolescens oequali familia- M.Brutus, that that young ft hoc sene; ne- V nu< que solum eum pnnci- pt .m consiiii habefet, sed etiam in convictu. Ex- cogitatum est a quibus- dam, ut privatum &Fari- um Cae saris interfec tori- bus ab equitibus Roma- nis constitueretur: id fa- gentleman had more intima- cy with none of his own age, than' with that old gentle- man; and not only used him as his principal counsellor) but had him pretty constant- ly at his table. It was pro- jected by some, that a s&rt of private fund should be settled (a) The reading here is eum; but I think it should be eos, and have translated it accordingly; for no good reason, I think, can be given why the eyes of the whole city should be turned upon Atticus, u private gentleman; but a very good one> why they should be turned upon the Brutus' s and Cassius, because they seemed to be now men of the greatest power and interest in the whole common wealth. T. P. ATTICUS. 275 ici posse arbitrati sunt, si et principes illi- us ordinis pecunias con- tulissent. Itaque ap- pellatus est a C. Flavio, Bruti familiari, Atticus, tit ejus rei princeps esse vellet: at ille, qui cfficia amicis pisestanda sine factione existimaret, semperqne a talibus se consiliis removisset, res- pondit, Si quid Brutus de suis facultatibus uti vol ins set, usurum quan- tum ea paterentur: sed neque cum quoquam de ea re collocuturum, De- que coiturum. Sic ille consensionis globus hu- jus unius dissensione c^us est. Neque rnultd post superior esse ccepit Antonius; ita ut Brutus et Cassius, pr: - vinciarum, qux dicis iis causa, data erant a con- sulibus,desperatis rebus, by the Roman knights for the assassinators of Csssar: They thought that might easily be effected, if the lead- ing persons of that order would contribute money to* wards it. Wherefore Ami- cus was spoken to by C. Fla- vins, Brutus's friend, that he would be the beginner of that matter: but he, who thought good offices were to be per- formed to his friends without regard to party, and had al- ways kept himself at a dis- tance from such cabals, re- plied, that if Brutus had a mind to make any use of his estate, he might use it, as far as it would bear; but that he would neither confer, nor have a meeting with any one upon that affair. Thus this bail of agreement was dashed in pieces, by the dissent of him alone. And not long after Antony began to be up- permost; so (a) that Brutus (a) The text is here most vilely corrupted: i?t, Pro-jlncl-rum should, 1 think, be in Prcvineias, as some clitics wculd have it, for thither it is certain th^y did go; that is, into Macedonia end Syria; , can signify nothing, in my mind, but the case ov f the provinces being looked upon as desperate, I. e. by ..:ch hid it been true, as it was not, would be a strange en lor dieir going into banish- ment, and into those the p.ovinces were in no danger; they found, a «id r . rable armies there; enough, any one would have then thought to have chased the three 276 CORNELII NEPGTIS in exilium proficisce- and Cassius, their case being rentur. Atticus, qui pe- desperate, went into the pro- cuniam simul cum cas- vinces which had been given teris conferre noiuerat, them by the consuls, as it florenti iili parti, abjecto were into banishment. Atti- Bruto, Italiaque cedenti, cus, who would not contri- LJLS. cen/.um millia bute money, together with xnuneri misit; eidem in the rest, to that party, when Epiroabsens, CCC. jus- flourishing, sent as a present sit dari: nequ-e ed magis a hundred thousand sester-- potenti adulatus est An- ces to Brutus, in distress, tonio, neque desperates and retiring out of Italy; and reliquit. ordered three hundred thou- sand more to be given him in Epire: nor did he therefore flatter Antony now in power, nor leave those that were ia a desperate condition. tyrants, Antony, Lepidus, and Czesar, out of the Roman empire, adly Dicis Causa, for form's sake, cannot stand, because not true. Those provinces had been given them by Caesar, and confirmed to them by the senate, not in formal empty ceremony, or compli- ment, whilst they were at bottom never intended for them, but seriously, and out of regax'd to the public interest; which required that two of the richest provinces of the Roman empire, and the best provided with troops should be in able and trusty hands, well affected to the public liberty., and such as the honest party couid depend upon, at so dangerous a juncture. This our author knew as well as any body, and therefore could not be guilty of "saying, the provinces were given them Diets Causa. Nor will the other reading Neds do, without the word Casaris, though I somewhat ■question even the propriety of that expression; however, without that addition, the word Neds can relate to none but the persons mentioned, according to the constant usage of the Latin tongue; and then the sense will be ridiculous, viz. that those provinces were given them upon account of their own death. 3dly, The words ab Consulibtis look very much like the gloss of some ignoramus in the Roman customs; for provinces were never disposed of by the consuls, but either by lot, by the senate, or by the votes of the people. T. P. ATTICUS. 277 Cap. IX. Secutum est belium gestum apud Mutinam; in quo si tan turn eum prudentem dicam, minus quam de- beam pnedicem, cum ille potius-xlivinus fuerit, si divinatio appellanda est perpetua naturalis bonitas, quae nullis casi- bus augetur, neque mi- Buitur. Hostis Antoni- us judicatus Italia ces- serat: spes restituendi nulla erat: non solum ejus inimici, qui turn erant potentissimi et plurimi, sed etiam amici adversariis ejus se da- bant, et in eo laedendo se aliquam consecuturos sperabant commodita- Chap. IX. After this fol- lowed the war carried on at Mntina; (a) in which, if I only style him prudent, I shall commend him less than I ought, since he was rather divine, if an uninterrupted natural goodness, which is neither encreased nor di- minished by any events of fortune^ is to be called divi- nity. Antony, being declared an enemy, had quitted Italy; there was no hope of re- storing him; not only his enemies, who then were very- powerful and very many, but likewise his quondam friends, joined themselves with his enemies, and hoped they should make their advantage by doing him a mischief; {a) Compare this passage with another in the close of the 1 6th chaptei, where our author, in commending Cicero's foresight, says, Prudeniiam quodam modo esse divinationen* i am very inclinable to think that Dhlnatio here is a false reading for DivinUcsy which is the only salvo I believe can be found for our author. Perhaps some ignorant person, finding the two passages something alike, has pre- tended to correct the former by the latter, which correction at last got into ail the copies. It is plain the text, according to the pre- sent reading, is nonsense. There is no manner of affinity or simi- litude betwixt D;at quenquam, ne- que, si quam injuriam acceperat, malebat u sci, quam obiivkci. >rtali memo- Tik recepta retinebat be- ia; qua autem ipse tribuerat, tamdiu me- iriinerat, quoad ille gra- tus e i acceperat: ut vere dictum videatur, s ui cui- •es Jinguni for- necessaries to be carried to them from Epirus lo [a) Sa- mothrace. {&} fiutit is aiffi- cult to run tfa &U the ticulars and not (c) necessary: We would have this one thing under- stood, that his generosity was neither temporary nor slily intended; that may be dis- cerned by the things and es themselves; because he did not make his court to those that were in a flourish- ing condition, but always succoured the distressed; who treated with honour Ser- vilia the mother cf Brutus no less after his death, I when in a flourishing coi tion. Thus employing his generosity, he a quar- rel- :?iy bo^y^ because he neither injured any one, nor if he had received any injury, did he qhuse rather to revenge i:- than forget j& The same man kept in per- petual remembrance kind- nesses received; but what he himself bestowed, he remem,- (c) Samothracc is an island of the JEgean sea, nigh the coast df Thrace. Enim seems to have been put here hy the heedlesoeas of p for (r) This fl for else I see not how it is possible to nuke sense of this pa=5age. --J Jk -^— -M. ~ .... M - 284 CORNELII NEPOTIS tunam. Neque tamen prius ille fortunam, quam se, ipse finxit, qui cavit, ne qua in re jure plecteretur. Cap. XII. His igitur rebus effeclt, ut M. Vip- sanius Agrippa, intima familiaritate conjunctus adolescent! Csesari, cum propter suam gratiam, et Csesans potentiam, nullius conditionis non haberet potestatem, po- tissimum ejus diligeret affinitatem, praeoptaret- que equitis R. filiam ge- nerosam nuptiis: atque harum nuptiarum con- ciliator fuit (non enim bered so long as he was grateful that had received them; wherefore this he ef- fected by his behaviour: that it seems to have been truly said, every one's manners make his fortune, (a) Neither yet did he form his fortune before he formed himself, who took care that he' should not be justly punished in any case. Chap- XII. By these things therefore he brought it about, that M. Vipsanius Agrippa, united with the youth Ccesar in a close fami- liarity, who, by reason of his own interest and Caesar's power, had a possibility of attaining any match what' ever^ chose his affinity above all others, and preferred the daughter of a Roman knight before the matches of the {b) most noble ladies: And the maker up of this match (a) What our author here says, is, in my opinion, very silly; tamen always intimates some seeming opposition betwixt what goes before, and what follows, but there is so far from being any such seeming opposition here, that there is a very manifest agreement, it following very evidently from the maxim aforegoing, if true, that Atticus, to form his fortune, must form himself first. (6) G.-nGrosam, should be, in my opinion, Generosarum\ for though the lady was of an equestrian family, yet since none of the family had ever arrived at tYie senatorian order, she could not be called generosa, in comparison of many other ladies in Rome that were far leyond her in point of quality. T. P. ATTICUS. 285 est celandum) M. An- tonius, Triumvir Reip. constituency cujus gra- tia cum augere posses- sion's posset suas, tan- tum abfuit a cupiditate pecuniae, ut nulla in re usus sic ea, nisi in depre- canciis amicorum aut periculis, aut incommo- dis: quod quidem sub ipsam proscriptionem peril! us tre fuit: nam cum L, Saufeii equitis R. aequalis sui, qui com- plures annos, studio ductus philosophise, A- thenis habitabat, habe- batque in Italia pretio- sas possessiones, Tri- umviri bona vendiuis- sent;' consuetudine ea, qua turn res bantur; Attici labore atque in- dustrial factum est, ut eodem nuntio Saultius fieret certior, -se patri- menium amisisse, et re* cuoerasse. Idem L. Ju- lium Caiidium, quern post Luc reti i Catullique mortem, multo elegan- tissimum poetam, nos- tram tulisse astatem, ve- re videor posse conten- dere; neque minus vi- rum bonum, optimis- que artibus eruditum; was (for we must not conceal it) M. Antony, the triumvir for settling the common- wealth; by whose interest when he might have in- creased his possessions, he was so far from a greedy de- sire of money, that he made use of that interest in noth- ing, but begging off the dangers and troubles of his friends; which was very re- • markabie in the time of the proscription: For when the Triumviri, according to the way in which things were then managed, haci sold the estate of L. Saufeius a Ro- man knight, his friend, who moved by his fancy, for phi- losophy, lived several years at Athens, and had in Italy valuable possessions; it was brought about by the pains and industry of Atticus, that Saufeius was made acquaint- ed by the same message* that he had lost his estate and recovered it. The same person likewise brought off L. Julius Calidius, whom methinks I may truly affirm our age has produced much the finest poet, since the death of Lucretius and Ca- tullus; and no less a good man, and skilled in the best arts; after the proscription of RNELII NEPOTIS post proscriptions m e- pter ma ipto- rum numerum a P Vo- lumnio, pisefecto fat :em rela- . it; qu . utrum ei labo- riosius an ^loriosius fue- qucd in coram periculis lion secus at s amicos turn est. Cap. XIII. Neque ve- rd minus iiie vir bonus paterfair quam cms. Nam cum cuniosus, nemo ilio minus fait em ax, s aedificator; neque tamen non in iptimis rebus usus b domum habuit in eoHe Qiirinaii I nam, : hsreditate relictam a const. un enim tec tiqui cc .m, salis, quam sump- commutavk. quid tins nun F the p ? Volumnius, tor of Anton ; time to judge; bec~ served in : Chap. XIII. Neil this gentleman reckoned a less good master of a he s a monied man. yet no- body v I tO and yet he conve- ,d had all things : L For he ■ Tamphilan house on an es- e left him by his un ing itself, but in a for the h built, had mo rat- ness than expence it; in v othing, by 5 of it He had T. P. ATTICUS, 287 Usus est faaiilia, si uti- litate judicandum est, optima; si forma, vix mediocri; namque in ea erant pueri iiteratissimi, anagnostae optimi, et plurimi librarii; ut ne pedissequus quidem quisquam esset, qui non utrumque horum pul- chre facere posset. Pari modo artifices caeteri, quos cultus domesticus desiderat, apprime boni; neque tamen horum *iuenquam, nisi domi natum, domique factum, habuit; quod est signum non solum continentise, sed etiam diiigentiac: nam et non intemperan- ter concupiscere, quod a plurimis videas, conti- nentis debet duci; et potius diligentia, quam pretio, parare, non me- diocris est industrial. Elegans, non magniii- cus; splendidus, non sumptuosus: omni dili- gentia munditiem non aifluentem affectabat: suppellex modica, non multa, ut in neutram (a) family of servants, if we are to judge by convenience very good; if by outward ap- pearance scarcely indiffer- ent; for in it were very learn- ed boys, very good readers, and many transcribers of books; that there was not in- deed any footman, that could not do both these very well. In like manner other artists, which domestic use requires, were extremely good; neither yet had he any of those, but what was born in his house; and instructed in his house: which is a sign not only of moderation, but diligence. For not extravagantly to de- sire, whai you see to be so desired by many, ought to be accounted the part of a mo- derate man; and to procure things by diligence, rather than purchase, is a matter of no small industry. He was elegant, not magnificent; splendid, not prodigal: He affected, with all possible care, a neatness that was not extravagant: His furniture was moderate, not much; so as to be remarkable neither way. Nor shall I pass this (a) Famtlia is often, as here, put for the servants of a family only; and good reason why, since the word seems plainly derived from famulus , or else the latter from the former. 288 CORNELII NEPOTIS partem conspici posset. Nee hoc praeteribo, quanquam nonnuilis le- ve visum iri put em: cum in primis lautus es- set eques Rem. et non parum liberaiiter do- mum suam omnium or- dinum homines invita- ret; scimus non amplius quam terna millia seris peraeque, in singulos menses, ex ephemeride eum expensum sumptui ferre soiitum; atque hoc non auditum, sed co?<- iritum praedicamus: sae- pe enim, propter famili- aritatem, domesticis re- bus interfuimus. Cap. XIV. Nemo in convivio ejus aliud ax£9-x/xa audivit, quam anagnosten; quod nos quidem jucundissimum arbitramur: neque un- by, although I suppose it may seem a slight matter to some: Though he was a genteel Roman knight, and invited, not a little generous» ly, men of all ranks to his house; we know that he did not use to reckon from his (a) day-book expended more than three thousand (6) asses a month, one with another: And this we amrm, not as a thing heard, but a certainty: because we w 7 ere often, by reason of our inti- macy, actually present at the management of his domestic affairs. Chap. XIV. Nobody ever heard any other (a) enter* tain men t for the ears at his meals than a reader; which we truly think very pleasant: nor was there ever a supper (a) It was usual with the Romans to keep an exact account of their daily disbursements, and receipts too, as appears from many passages in the Roman writers; the book, in which these accounts were ■ ept, was called Epbemeris. (b) The A, was nearly a penny of our money, and so the whole sum almost eleven pounds. Things must have been very cheap at Rome, in comparison to what they are now-a-days with us, otherwise Atticus could not have frequently entertained, and that handsomely and genttely. persons of the best quality at his table, at so small an expcBce monthly (r) It was tsual at the tables of persons of quality in Rome, to entertain the guests with music, farces. &c. T. P. ATTICUS 289 quam sine aliqua lecti- one apud eum coenatum est; ut non minus ani- mo, quam ventre, convi- \x delectarentur; nam- que eos vocabat, quo- rum mores a suis non abhorrertnt. Cum tan- ta pecuniae facta esset acctssio, nihil de quoti- dian o cultu mutavit; ni- hil de vitas consuetudine: tantaque usus est mode- rations ut neque in ses- tertio vicies, quod a pa- trt acceperat, parum se splendide gesserit; ne- que in sestertio centies, affiuentius vixerit, quam instituerat:parique fasti- gio steterit in utraque fortuna. Nullos habuit hortos, nullam suburban nam aut maritimam sumptuosam villam; neq; in Italia, prseter Ardeatinum, et Nomen- tanurn, rusticum praxli- um: omhisque ejus pe- cuniae reditus constabat in Epiroticis, et urbanis possessionibus; ex quo cognosci potest, eum usum pecunice non mag- at his house, without some reading; that his guests might be entertained in their minds, as well as their sto- machs; for he invited those, whose manners were not dif- ferent from his own. And after so great an addition was made to his estate, he changed, nothing of his daily- way of life; nothing of his usual method of living; and used so much moderation, that neither in an estate of twenty times a hundred thousand sesterces, which he had received from his father, did he behave himself ungen- teely; nor in an estate of a hundred times a hundred thousand sesterces, did he live more plentifully than he had been used to do; and stood upon an equal height in both fortunes. He had no gardens, no magnificent seat nigh the city, or upon the sea: nor any land estate in Italy, besides that at (a) Ardea, and at (b) N omen- tum: and his whole income of money consisted in his possessions in Epire, and the city of Rome; from whence (a) Ardea was a city of Latium, nigh the sea, about twenty mikb from Rome. (£) Nomentum, a town in the country of the Sabines. Bb 290 CORNELI1 NEPOTIS niiucline, seel ratione inetiii solitum. Cap. XV. Mendaci- um neque dicebat, neque pati poterat; itaque ejus comitas-non sine sever!- erat, neque gra vitas sine facilitate; ut diffi- cile esset inteliectu, u- trum eum amici magis vererentur, an' amarent. Quidquid rogahatur, re- ligiose promittebat; quod non liberalis, sed levis arbitrahatur, poili- ceri quod piasstare non posset. Idem in niten- do quod semei admisis- set, tanta erat cura, ut non mandatam, sed su- am rem videretur agere. Kunquam suscepti ne- gotii eum pertaesum est; suam enim existimatio- iiem in ea re agi puta- bat, qua nihil habebat carius; quo iiebat, ut om- nia Marci et Quinti Ci- ceronum, Catonis, Hor- teusii, A.Torquati, mul- it may be understood, that he measured the use of money* not by its quantity, but by the manner of using it. i Chap. XV. He neither told a lie himself, nor could he endure it: Wherefore his (a) complaisance was not without a strict regard to truth, nor bis gravity without a good degree of compliance; that it was hard to be under- stood, whether his friends reverenced or loved him more. Whatsoever he was asked, he promised (&) scru- pulously; because he thought it the part not of a generous but an inconsiderate man, to promise what he could not perform. The same man was a person of so much ap- plication in endeavouring to effect what he had once pro- mised, that he did not seem to manage an affair recom- mended to him by another, but his own. He was never weary of a business he had undertaken; for he thought his credit concerned in that matter, than which he ac- (a) Comltas signifies complaisance or civility, in the expression of which it has always been but too customary to have small regard to truth (£) He was not very forward in his promises, lest the perform- ance should not be in his power. T. P. ATTICUS, 291 torum prseterea equitum Romanorum negotia procuraret: ex quo jucil- cari poterat, non inertia sed judicio fugisse Rei- pub. procurationem. Cap, XVI. Humani- tatis ver6 nullum afferre majus testimonium pos- sum, quarn quod adoles- cens, idem seni Syllae fuerit jucundissimus: senex, adolescenli M. JBrutOJ CUm asqvialibus autem suisQ, Hortensio, et M. Cicerone, sic vix- erit, ut juclicare difficile Sit cui setati fuerit aptis- simus; quanquam eum pfr£cipue diiexit Cicero, ut ne frater quidem ei Quintus carior fuerit, aut famrliarior. Ei rei sunt inclicio, piaster eos libros, in quibus de eo facit mentionem, qui in valgus jam sunt editi, sexdecim voluminaepis- tolarum, ab consuiatu ejus usque ad extrernum tern pus ad Atticum mis- sarum; qua qui legat, non multum desideret hisforiam contextam eo- counted nothing more valua- ble; from whence it was, that he managed all the affairs of the Ciceros, Marcus 'and Quintus, of Cato, Hortensi- us, A. Torquatus, and many Roman knights besides; from which it might be judg- ed, that he declined the busi- ness of government, not out of laziness, but judgment. Chap XVI. But I can produce no greater proof of his politeness, than that the same man when young, v/as very agreeable to Sylla an old man; and when o'icU was the same to M. Brutus, a younr man; but he so lived with his friends of the same age with himself, Q. Horten- shis and M. Cicero, that it is hard to judge to what age he was most suited; tho 3 lcved him in a partiafclar manner, so that his bvtk Quintus was not more dear to him, or more familiar with him. And sixteen volumes of epistles sail to Atticas, from the time of his consul- ship, to the latter end of life, are a proof of that thing; besides those books, wherein he makes mention of him, which are published to. the world; which he that reads won't much want a continued history of those limes: For ™ 92 CORNELII NEPOTIS rum temporum: sic enim omnia de studiis principum, vitiis ducum, ac mutationibus Reip. perscripta sunt, ut nihil in iis non appareat: et facile existimari possit, prudentiam quodam mo- do esse divinationem: ?ion enim Cicero ea so- lum, qu& vivo se accide- runt, futura prsedixit; sed etiam, quae nunc usu veniunt, cecinit vates. Cap. XVII. Depie- tate autem Attici quid plura commemorem; cum hoc ipsum vere gloriantem audierim, in fun ere matris suae, quam extulit annorum nona- ginta, cum esset septem et sexaginta; se nun- quam cum matre in gra- liam rediisse; nunquam cum so'rore fuisse in simultate, quam prope aequalem habebat; quod est signum, aut nuliain unquarn inter eos queri- moniam intercessisse, aut hunc ea fuisse in suos indulgentia, ut quos am are deberet, irasci eis, nefas duceret. Neque id fecit natura solum, quanquam omnes ei pa- re mus, sed etiam doc- so all particulars are put down, relating to the designs of the leading men, the faults of the commanders, and the revolutions or the govern- ment, that every thing ap- pears in them; and it may be easily thought, that prudence is in some measure a divine foresight: for Cicero did not only foretel those things would be, which happened whilst he was alive; but like- wise predicted, as a prophet, what now comes to pass. Chap. XVII. As to Atti- cus's affection for his rela- tions, why should I say much? having heard him boast of this, and truly too at the fu- neral of his mother, whom he buried at ninety years of age, when he was sixty-se- ven; that he never returned to a good understanding with his mother, never was at any difference with his sister; which he had nearly of the same age; which is a sign, either that no complaint had passed betwixt them, or that he was a. man of so much in- dulgence for his relations, that he reckoned it a crime to be angry with those whom he ought to love. Nor did he do this from nature only, altho' we all obey her, but likewise out of principle, for T. P. ATTICUS. 293 tnna: nam et principum philosophorum ita per- cepta habuit praecepta, ut iis ad vitam agendam, non ad ostentationem uteretur. Ckk XVIII. Moris etiam majorum summiis imitator fuit, antiqnita- tisque amator; quam a- deo diiigenter habuit cognitam, ut earn totam in eo volumine exposue- rit, quo magistratus or- Davit* Nulla enim lex, neque pax, neque bel- lum, neque res iilustris est popuii Rom. quae non, in eo, suo tempore, sit notata: et, quod diffi- ciilimum fuit, sic familia- rum originem subtexuit, ut ex eo clarorum viro- rum propagines possi- mus cognoscere. Fecit hoc idem separating in aliis iibris: ut M. Bruti rogatu, Juniam famili- am a stirpe ad banc asta- tem ordine enumeravit, notans qui, aquoortus, quos honores, quibus- que temporibus cepis- he had so learned the pre- cepts of the greatest philoso- phers, that he made use of them for the conduct of Sis life, and not for ostentation. Chap. XVIII. He was likewise a great imitator of the custom of our ancestors, and a lover of antiquity; which he had so diligently enquired into, that he eave an account of it thoroughly in that volume, in which (a) he has put down, in order of time, the several magistrates of Rome: There is no law,. nor peace, nor war, nor illus~ trious affair of the Roman people, which is not set down in its proper time: And* what was very difficult, he has so interwoven the origin- al of families, that we may learn from thence the de- scents of famous men. He did this same tiling apart in other books; as, at the re- quest of M. Brutus, he reck- oned up in order the Jui iati family from their original (p this age ? taking notice of what offices, and at what time, every one, and from (a) I am of the opinion of those who think that for ornavti. we" ought to read ondinavit. Qrnare Mag stratus is indeed a Latil* expression, but bears a sense quite foreign to any purpose of our author. B h % ■ 294 CORNELII NEPOTIS set. Pari modo, Mar- celli Claudii, de Marcel- lorum; Scipionis Corne- lii, et Fabii Maximi, de Corneliorum, et Fabio- rum, et iEmiliorum: quibus libris nihil potest esse dulcius iis, qui ali- quam cupiditatem ha- bent notitise clarorum vi- rorum. Attigit quoque poeticen, credimus, ne ejus expers esset suavi- tatis. Namque versi- bus, qui honore, rerum- que gestarum amplitu- dine csteros Romani Tpopuli praestiterunt, ex- posuit; ita ut sub singu- lorum imaginibus, facta rnagistratusque eorum rion amplius quaternis, quinisve versibus de- scripserit; quod vix cre- dendum sit, tantas res tarn breviter potuisse declarari. Est etiam li ber, Graece confectus, de eonsulatu Cieeronis. Hactenus, Attico vivo, edita hac a nobis sunt. whom descended, had borne* In like manner, at the re- quest of Marcellus Claudius, he enumerated that (a) of the Marcelli. At the request of Scipio Cornelius and, Fabius Maximus, that of the Corne- lii, and the Fabii, and the ^Emilii: than which books nothing can be more pleasant to those, who have any fancy for the knowledge of famous men He likewise had a touch at poetry, that he might not be unacquainted with that pleasure, we sup- pose. For he has related in verses, the lives of those who excelled the rest of the Ro- man people in honour, and the greatness of their ex- ploits; so that he has de- scribed, under each of their images, their actions and offices, in no more than four or five verses: which is scarcely to be believed, that such great things could be so briefly delivered. There is likewise a book of his written in Greek, concerning the consulship of Cicero. Thus far was published by us, whilst Atticus was liv- ing. (a) The preposition De should certainly be out, and accordingly some manuscripts have it not. T. P. ATTICUS. 293 Cap. XIX. Nunc, quoniarn fortuna nos su- perstates ei esse voluit, relk-ua persequemur; et, quantum poterimus rerum exemplis lectores docebimus, sicut supra fignificavimus, Suos cui- que mores p lei unique eonciliare fortimam. Namque hie contentus ordine Equestri, quo crat ortus, in affinitatem pervenit imperatoris, Divi Julii filii, cum jam ante famiiiaritatem ejus esset consecutus nulla alia re, quam elegantia vitae, quu. caeteros cepe- rat principes civitatis, dignitate pari, fortuna humiliore. Tanta enim prosperitasCsesarem est consecuta, ut nihil ei non tribuerit fortuna, quod cuiquam ante de- tulerit; et coociUarit Chap. XIX. Now, since fortune had a mind that we should be the survivors of him, we will go thro' the re- mainder of his life; and, as far as we can, will inform our readers by instances of fact as we have signified above, That every maris manner o for the most part make his fortune. For he being con- tent with the Equestrian or- der, from whence he was de- scended, came into the alli- ance of the (a) Emperor Ju- lius's son, after he had be- fore gained a familiarity with him, by nothing else but the elegance of his life, by which (£>) he had charmed the other great men of the city, of equal quality, but a lower fortune than Cxsar. For so much prosperity attended Caesar, that Fortune gave him every thing that she had bestowed upon any one be- (#) I have not thought it worth while to translate Dhu s ; it would sound very oddly in our language to give the stile of a god to such an ambitious wicked mortal as Julius Caesar was. It was a profane stupid practice amongst the Romans, not to be outdone by any thing amongst the most barbarous nations ro rank their em- perors, (unless they were devils indeed) after their decease, amongst the gods; which continued even some time after the emperors became christians, if Eutropius may be trusted. (b) Here I have the misfortune again to differ very widely from major Pack. Which of us is mistaken, must be referred to the judgment of the intelligent reader that shad think it worthwhile to compare our translations with the original. 296 CORNELII NEPOTIS quod civis Romanus quivit consequi. Nata autem est Attico neptis ex Agrippa, cui virgi- nem filiam collocarat: Plane Caesar, vix anni- culam, Tiberio Claudio Neroni, Brasilia nato, priyigno suo, despondit; quae conjunctio necessi- tudinem eorum sanxit, familiaritatem reddidit frequentiorem. . Cap. XX. Quamvis ante hssc sponsalia, non solum, cum ab urbe abesset, nunquam ad su- orum quenquam literas misit, quin Attico mit- teret, quid ageret; im- primis, quid legeret, quibusque in locis, et quamdiu esset moratu- rus; sed et cum esset in urbe, et propter suas in- finitas occupationes, mi- nus saspe, quam vellet, Attico frueretur, nullus dies tamen teniere in- tercessit, quo non ad eum scribe ret, quo non aliquid de antiquitate ab eo requireret: modo ali- quam quaestionem poeti- cam ei p.opont-ret; in- terdum jocans ejus ver- bosiores eiiceret episto- las: ex quo accidit, cum fore; and procured him all that a Roman citizen could accomplish. Now Atticus had a grand-daughter born of Agrippa, to whom he had disposed of his daughter when a virgin: C^sar con- tracted her, when scarcely a year old, to T. Claudius Nero, born of Drusilla, his step-son; which match es- tablished their friendship^ and rendered their familiar converse more frequent. Chap. XX. Altho' before this match, not only when he was absent from town, he ne- ver sent a letter to ^v\y of his friends, but he sent one to Atticus, to acquaint him what he was doing; especially what he was reading, and in what places, and how long he~would stay; but also, when he was in town, and because of his infinite business, en- joyed Atticus not so oft as he had a mind, yet no day scarcely passed in which he did not write to him, in which he did not make some enquiry relating to antiquity: some-? times he would propose some poetical question to him; sometimes jesting would draw from him a long letter;; from whence it happened*, when the temple of Jupiter Feretrius, built in the capitoj T. P. ATTICUS. 29:? axles* Jo vis Feretrii in Capitolio, ab RomuJo constituta, vetustate at- que incuria detecta pro- lab ere tur, ut Attici ad- monitu Caesar earn reft- ciendam curaret. Ne- que vero a M. Antonio minus, absens, Uteris colebatur, adeo ut accu- rate ille, ex ultimis terns, quid ageret quid curae sibi haberet,certiorem fa- ce ret Atticum. Hoc quale sit, faciJius existing abat is, qui judicare poterit, qnantae sit sapientise 5 eo- rum re tine re usum be- ne volentiamqne, inter quos maximarum re- rum non solum aeinuia- tio, sed obtrectatio tanta intercedebat, quantum fuit incidere necesse inter Caesarem atque Antonium; cum se liter- que principem non so- lum urbis Romanae, sed orbis terrarum esse cu- peret. Cap. XXI. Tali mo- do, cum septem et sep^ tuaginta annos comples- set, atque ad extremam senectutem non minus dignitatem quam gratia fortunaque crevisset, (muhas enim Lasredita- tes nulla alia re> quam by Romulus, being uncover- ed thro' age and neglect, was coming down, that upon the admonition of Atticus, Cxsar took care that it was repair- ed. Nor was he less civilly- applied to in letters by M. Antony, when absent. So that he made Atticus ac- quainted particularly, from the remotest parts of the earth, with what he was do- ing» w r hat care he had upon him. How considerable this is, he will more easily ima- gine, who can judge how great a point of wisdom it is to keep the friendship and favour of those, betwixt whom there passed not only so great an emulation upon account of matters of the utmost im- portance, but a mutual strug- gle to lessen one another, as was necessary to happen be- twixt Caesar and Antony; whilst each of them desired to be the prince, not only of the city of Rome, but of the world. Chap. XXI, After he had completed, in this manner, seventy-seven years, and had advanced no less in dignity, than in favour and fortune, to an extreme old age, (for he had got several inheritances by no other thing than his goodness) and had sxich & 293 CORNELII NEPOTIS bonitate, esse! consecu- tus) tantaque prosperi- tate usus esset vaietudi- nis, ut annis triginta medecina non indiguis- set; nactus est morbum, quem initio et ipse et roedici contempserunt: nam putarunt esse T6VE<7^oy, cui remedia ce- leria faciliaque propone- bantur. In hoc cum tres menses sine ullis drlori- bus, pr-aeterquam, quos ex curatione capiebat, consumpsisset; subito tanta vis mbrl i in unum intestiuum prorupit, ut extremo tempore, per lumbos .sun a putrls e- ruperit: atque hoc pri- usquam ei acbideret, postquam in dies doio- res accrescere, febrem- que accessisse sensit; Agrippam generum ad se accersi jussit, et cum eo L. Cornelium Bal- bum, Sextumque Pedu- cacum. Hos ut venisse vidit, in cubitum innix- us, Qtiantam, inquit, cu- r a m dilig e n tiara qu e i n valetudine m e& turn da hoc tempore adhihuerim^ a happy state of health, that he stood not in need of any physic for thirty years to- gether; he contracted a dis- temper, which at first both he and his physicians des- pised; for they thought it to be (a) a tenesrnos; for which speedy and easy remedies were proposed. After he had passed three months in this distemper without any pains, besides what he received from the method taken for his cure; on a sudden so great a violence of the distemper broke out upon one of his in- testines, that at length, a putrid fistula brake thro' loins: And before this hap- pened to him, after he found that his pains grew upon him every day. and that a fever was superadded to them; he ordered his son-in-law Agrip- pa to be called to him, and with him L. Cornelius Baf- bus, and Sextus Peducaeus. When he saw they were come, leaning upon his el- bow, he said, how much care and diligence J. have emploij- ed to restore my healthy since I have you Jer my nvitn esses , there is no need to recount in (a) A Tenesrnos is a violent motion, without a power of going to stool. T. P. ATTXCUS. '^stcs habeam, nihil ?8€ pluvious verbis commemorare: quibus iam, ut epero, satis - lihilque reliqidfeciy ' ad sanandum me pertineret, reliquum est, lit e.gc?net mi hi consulam. Id vos ignorare notui; nam mihi si at alere mor- hum desinere: JVamque his diebus qiacquid cibi sjimfisi) iia firoduxi vi- tam, ut auxerim doiores^ sine 8 fie salutis. Quare a vobis fteto, primiun ut probetis meum; \°, ne frustra de- li or Ux n do con emini. Cap. XXII. Hicora- ibita, tanta con- stantly vocis atque vul- ut non ex vita sed )ino in domain vi- deretur migrare: cum quidem Agrippa cum, Hens, atque oscuians, oraret, atque obsecraret, Ne id quod Natura co- geret, ipse quoque sibi acceleraret; niam many words. Whom since I have satisfied, as I hope, and have left notlnng undone that was proper in the judgment of the doctors to cure me, it remains that I provide for myself I had no mind you should be ignorant of it; for my resolution is fixed, to give over feeding the distemper: For whatsoever meat I have taken for some days, I have so prolonged my life, that I encr eased my pains, without any hopes of recovery. Wherefore I beg of you, in the first place, that you would approve my r olution; if not ^ that then you would not la- hour in vain by dissuading me. Chap. XXI I. Having: made this speech, with such a steadiness of voice and countenance, that he seemed not to be removing out of life, but out of one house into another; when Agrippa, weeping and kissing, begged and entreated him, that he would not hasten that which nature would oblige him to; (a) and since he might live (a) I hive translated the words temporibus superesse by." live some time longer;" because it seems pretty plain by the context, the author intended io say seme such thing; but I look upon the reading to be ie words will not bear that senje, nor in my opinion any sense at all. ■^"— 300 CORNELII NEPOTIS turn quoque posset tem- poribus superesse, se sibi suisque reservaret: preces ejus taciturn a sua obstinatione depressit Sic, cum biduum cibo se abslinuisset, subito fe- bris decessit, leviorque morbus esse coepit: ta- Hien proposuum nihilo secius peregit. Itaque die quinto postquam id consilium inierat, pridie Kal. April. Cn. Domi- tio, C. Sosio COS3. de- cessit. Elatus est in lecticula, ut ipse prse- scripserat, sine ulla pompa funeris, comi- tantibus omnibus bonis, maxima vulgi frequen- tia» Sepultus est juxta viam Appiam, ad quin- tum lapidem, in monu- mento Q. Cseciiii avun- culi sui. for some time longer, that he would save himself for himself, and his friends; he put a stop to his entreaties, by a silent obstinacy. Thus, after he had abstained from all food for two days, on a sudden his fever went off, and the distemper began to be more easy; yet notwith- standing he executed his pur- pose. Wherefore upon the fifth day after he had entered upon that resolution, (a) the day before the calends of April, when Cn, Domitius, and C. Sosius were consuls, he died. He was carried to his funeral upon a little couch, as he himself had or- dered, without any pomp of funeral, all good people at- tending him, with a great crowd of the populace. He was buried near the Appian way, (A) at the fifth mile- stone, in the monument of Q. Cseciiius his uncle. (a) The last of March, for the first day of every month wag called the Calends. (£) There was in all the great roads from Rome, set up at every mile's end, a stone. FRAGMENTA. !01 VERBA CORNELIA GRACCHORUM MATRIS EX CORNELL! NEFOTIS LIBRO EXCERPTA. DICIS, Pulchrum esse inimicos ulcisci: Id cieque majus neque pulchrius cuiquam atque miiii esse vide* tur: sed si liceat rep. salva eos persequi: sed quatenus id fieri non potest, multo tempore, multisque partibus, inimici nostri non peribunt, atque uti nunc sunt, erunt, potius quam resp. profligetur atque pereat. Verbis conceptis dejerare ausim, prseterquam qui Tiherium Gracchum necarunt, neminem inimicum tan- tum moles Use, tan turn que laboris, quantum te ob has res mihi tradidisse; quern oportebat omnium eoruni quos antehac habui liberus, partes eorum tolerare, atque curare, ut quam minimum solicitudinis in senecta habe- rem, ulique qusecumque ageres, ea velies maxime mihi placere, atque uti nefas haberes rerum majorum adver- sum meam sententiam quicquam facere; praesertim mihi, cui parva pars vitae superest. Ne id quidem tarn breve spatium potest opituiari, quin et mihi adverseris, et remp. profliges. Denique quae pausa erit, et quando desinet famiiia nostra insanire? et quando modus ei rei haberi poterit? et quando desinemus et habentes et prx- bentes, molestiis desistere? et quando perpudescet mis- Cc wma S02 CORNELII NEPOTIS cenda atque perturbanda rep.? Sed si omnino id non fieri potest, ubi ego mortua ero, petito tribunatum, facito quod lubebit, cum ego non sentiam: ubi mortua ero parentabis mihi, et invocabis Deum parentem in eo tempore. Nee pudet te eorum Deum preces expetere, quos vivos atque praesentes, relictos atque desertos ha- bueris? Ne i!Ie sinat Jupiter, te ea perseverare, nee tibi lantam dementiam venire in animo; et si perseveras, vereor ne omnem vitam tantum laboris culpa tua reci* pias, uti, in nullo tempore tute tibi placere possis. Ex I. Chronicorum Libro. , Homerus et Hesiodus vixerunt ante Romara condL- tarn ann. circiter centum et quinquaginta. Gellius) lib. 17. cap. 21. Ex I. librorum de vita Ciceronis. M. Tullius Cicero tres et viginti annos natus, primum wampum judicii pubiici egit, Sextumque Roscium par- ricidii reum defendit. GeUius, lib. 25. cap. 28. Ex II. libro de viribus Illustribus . Carisius, lib. 2 citat vocem subinde. Et ex 15. idem^ lib. I. citat ilium modum dicendi, Harum partium. Et ex 16 ilia verba, A fratre patruele rem necessitudinis, sed personam ostendat. Ex incerto libro de viris illustribus. Juste venusteque admodum reprehendisse dicitur A* Albinum M. Cato. Albinus, qui cum L. Lucullo con» sul fait, res Romanas oratione Graeca scriptitavit: In ejus historic principio scriptum est ad hanc sententiam: Neminem succensere sibi convenire, si quid in his libris parum composite, aut minus eleganter scriptum foret. Nam sum, inquit, homo Romanus, natus in Latio: Graeca oratio a nobis alienissima est. Ideoque "veniam, gratiamque malae existimationis, si quid esset erratum, postuiavit. Ea cum Iegisset M. Cato, Nae tu, inquk, Aule, nimium nugator es, cum maluisti culpam FRAGMENTA. 303 deprecari, quam culpa vacare. Nam petere veniam solemuS) aut cum imprudentes erravimus, aut cum compulsi peccavimus. Tibi, inquit, oro te, quis per- puiit, ut id commkieres, quod priusquam faceres, pete- res ut ignosceretur? GcHius, lib. 11. cap. 8. Archilochus Tullo Ho&tilio Rom* regnant e jam tunc fait po'ematis clarus et nobilis. Idem, lib. 17. cap. 2L Ex libris Exemfdorum. A virgine Vestali. Hoc citat Carisius, lib. \.ex.2. Exemfdorum libro. Muitis in senatu placuit, ut h\ qui redire nollent, datis custodibus, ad Annibalem deducerentur, sed ea sententia numero plurium, quibus id non videbatur, sup^rata est; ii tamen, qui ad Annibalem non redierunt, usque adeo intestabiles, invisique fuenmt, ut tedium vitas ceperint\necemque sibi consciverint. Gellius, lib, 7, cap. 18. ex 5. Exemfdorum libro. Ex incerto libro. JEdes Martis est in circo Flaminio architectata ab Hermodoro SaiairJ lie Priscianiu^ lib. 8. Eudoxus quidam mea oei.ate, cum Lathyrem Regem fugeret, Arabico siaii ^gressus, Gades usque pervectus est Funius, lib. 11. cap. 67. Latudinis ubi minimum, septem millia passuum; ubi verb piurimumj- decern miiiia. Plinius, in Proamioj lib. 3. Melpum, opulentia praecipuum, ab Insubribus, et Boiis, et Senonibus, deletum est eo die quo Camillus Veios. cepit. Idem PHnius, libri ejusdem^ cap.. 17. Istro in Adrian» effluenti e Danubio arnne ex adverso Padi fauces, contrario eorum percussu, mari interjecto* dulcescente. Plinius libri ejusdem, cap. 18. Alpes m latitudinem C. M.. Idem, lib. ejusdem, cap. 19. Cerne insula abest ex adverso maxime Carthaginis a continente passus rnille, non amplior circuitu duobus millibus. Idem, lib, 6. cap. 31. 304 CORNELII NEPOTIS, &d Post accipenserem, praccipua auctoritas fuit Iupo 5 aseilis, Idem, lib. 9. cap. 18. Me juvene violacea purpura vigebat, cujus libra dena- riis C. veniebat, nee multd post rubra Tarendna. Huic successit dibapha Tyria? quae in libras denariis miile non poterat emi. Hac P. Lentuius-Spinther, jEdiiis Curulis primus, in pretexta usus, improbatur. Qua purpura, quis non jam triclinaria fecit? Idem, lib. 19. ca/i. 19. Turdi pauid ante Augusti principatum coepti saginari. Ciconise magis placent, quam grues. Idem, lib. 10. cap. 23. Magnitudo Loti arboris brevit. Idem, lib. 23. cap. 17. Y inum exprimitur illi simile mulso, quod ultra denos dies non durat, beccaeque contusse cum aiica ad cibo-s doliis conduntur. Idem Plinius, ibidem. Scandula contecta fuit Roma ad Pyrrhi usque bellum, annis quadrigentis septuaginta. Idem, lib. 16. cap. 10. Ante Syll* victoriam duo tantum triclinia Romas fuerunt argentea. Idem, lib. 33. cafi. 11. Cleophantus Corinthis secutus est in Italiam Deina- ratum Tarquinii Prisci Romani Regis patrem, fugien- tern a Corintho injurias Cypsellii tyranni. Idem, lib, 35. cafi. 3. Primus Romas parietes crusta marmoris operuit ton- us domus suas in Coelio monte Mamurra. Formiis natus, eques Romanus, praefectus fabrorum C. Cassaris in Gallia. Idem, lib. 36. cap. 6. Mamurra primus totis aedibusnullam nisi e marmore columnam habuit, omnes solidas e Carystio, aut Lu- nensi. Idem Plinius, ibidem. Fuit magno miraculo, cum P. Lentulus Spinther amphoras ex onyche Chiorum magnitudine cadorura ostendisset; post quinquennium deinde triginta duorum pedum longitudine vidi. Idem, libri ejicsdem, cap. 7. INDEX IN CORN. NEPOTEM SELECTISSIMUS, in quo primus Humerus notat Vitam: Sccundus, Caput. A FUNDAMENTIS dis- jicere, ex S^eX/wv fundi' tus, 20. 3. A puero, inde fiueritid. 5. 2. A stirpe, ab initio familia et origine, 25. 18. Ab tenui initio, occasione et ofie rei tarn fiarvx, 16. 2. Abdere se in Thraciam, 7. 9. Veluti in sinum secu- ritatis. De eo qui suam Jbrtunam occulere stu- det. Abest a persona Principis, non decet, non convenit, 15. 1. ab invidia, remo- turn esse ab obtrectaiio* nibus invidia, 12. 3. ab Urbe, fieregre esse, 25 20, C Abripere, zntercifiere, 14. 4. Abripi, de iis qui ex solo fiatrio in aliud trajiciun» tur, 1. 4. Accedere ad manum, coU I at is signis dimicare, 18. 5. Accedere ad Remp. cafies- sere rem fiubli cam, 9. 1. Accipere conditioner^ id quod off ertur, 14. 8. Acceptus male, qui firoelio fusus, 18. 8. Acer, o%vQv^os irritabilis, 13. 3. Acerba mors, luctuosa, tan» quam prematura, 5. 4. Acerbitas, rigor, 10. 6. Acerbitas temporis pristi» ni, indigna firist. t, illa~ ta, 7 6. Acerbius imperium; cru*- delitQS) 1&, 6. c 2 306 INDEX. Acheruns, ab Acherunte redimere, ab inferis et sefiulchro, 10. 10. Acquiescere, signifi canter de morte, vitam laborio- sam sequutd, 23. 13. Adducere aliquem alicui in suspicion em, suspec- tum redder e, 23 2. ad- cluci precibus alicujus, jiermoveri, 10. 2. Adhibere memoriam con- tumelios, ea ad ultionem uti, 15. 7. in convivium, secum due ere, praef. Adimantus, 7. 7. Adire ad, 2. 7. Adjungere, adder e iis qu& dicta, 15. 10. Adjutum venire, 20. 2. Adjutor datus, Collega ge- rendi belli, 9. 4. Admetus Rex Moloss. 2. 8. Administrare bellum, de duce qui gerit bellum, 12. 2. Legationes, 10. I. 4. Admirari quem, venera- tionem not. ;0. 2. sic ad- miratio, pro reverentia, II. 3. admirabile fuit in CO, insigne ad gloriam, 17. 17 " Admiranda in Italia His- paniisque, 24. 3. Admittere ad se domum, 20 1. admittere quid, zgendum susci/iere, 25. 15. admittere scelus 5 fierfietrave, 15 16. Admitti, propria vox de admissionibus princi- fium, 14. 9. hinc de ma- gistro admissionu?n apud Persas mentio, 18. 1. in numerum prccfectoruw^ 6. 1. Adolescens, de quadrage- nario, 25. 8. ita solebant Romani, apud Suet. Aug. 20. de triginta an- nos habente, admodum adolescentulus, 22. 1. adolescentia miens, 7. 2. adolescentix initium, 5, 1. Adorior oppugnare, 8. 2. ut alias: ^Aggrcdior hoc facere, conatum cum of- fectu no tat. Adoriri Do- donam, de conatu cor- rumpendi sacerdotes Do- donaos, 6. 3. Adrumetum, 23. 6. Adscitus lepor, opponitur nativo, 25. 4. Adversum tenere proficis- centibus, de vento qui projiciacentibus Jlatu est contrarius, qui contra spirat, 1. 1. adversum Athenas, e regione, 2. 3. ex adverso. Adversus arma ferre, 1 7. 4. ad versus resistere, 16. 1. Adversaria alicui, de dis~ s en si one, 20. 2. INDEX, 307 Adversarius, de eo qui /ac- tionem comfiarat, 10. 7. Adversarius popu- lus, hac voce notatur to QiXxiriov, sive adver- sandi fircmendique sufie- riores fibido, 13. 3. Ad- versarii, obtrectatores, cumuli, 15. 7. qui accu- sant in judicio, 2.4, ad- versaria factio. 6. 1. Advocare concionem, 7.6. -fides Jovis Feretrn\ 25. 20. Minervae, 4. 5. Proser- pinae, 10. 8. iEdium locus primus, srgoTEgov praef. -Ediiicare classem, 2. 2. delineator j qui studio icdz/icandi ducitur, 25. 13. jEdilis-plebis, ad differ en- tiam JEcUlium Curulium, et Cereal. 24. 1. i£gse, plur. Maced. oppid. 21. 2. JEgates insula, 22. 1. JEger vulneribus, 1. 7. Mgos,jluv. 6. 1. et 7 3. JEgyptus, 18. 3. i£gyptia Classis, 12. 2. i&gyptio- rum munera Agesilao missa, 17. 8. f miliusj L. Paulus, occi- sus, 23 4. ^.mulari aliquem, CG?iten- dere de gloria cum aliquo 15. 5. iEneas statux, 23., 9. iEolia, 9. 5. ^Eolis, 1.3. JEqualis alicui, vel alicujus * r o i Gviyfovos, o- 1. jEque bene, 23. 4. jEquiparare quern labore, corporis viribus, 7, 11. jEquus locus, non sequus aliqui, inconvnodus, 1. 5. -Equitas, de civil i for mat o statu, 1. 2. animi, mo- dicis sciU honor ibus cotv- tenti, 8. 4. iEris terna millia, scutati triginta, 25. 13. atria terna millia sunt, 300Q as slum. Si arnittas aeris, subaudi nummum, ut sint 90 scutati, que verisimilior summa, Ma- nut. iEstimare, -Estimata lis ejus tot talentis, 1.7 5. 1. Damn at us tot talen- tis; intelligitur enim ip- sa ficcunia mulct at itia, ccstimatione delicti de- er eta. Nine addit nos- ter, 1. 7. tot talentis . 2. Citharizare, canere cithara^ 15. 2. Citiuni oppid. 5. 3. Civilis victoria omnis fu- nesta, 15. 10. civiles Ductus, cle bellis civil. 15. 6. Civitas aliena, de eo usurp, qui alienigena, 18. I. Clandestina consiiia occul- ta moliiio, 23. 2. Claritas, celebritas, 18. 3. Classiarii, milites class. 1. 7. Clastidiuro, opfiid. 23. 4, Ciava, in venatorio habitu ponilur, 14. 3. Claudere hostem angustiis, 14. 8. Claudius, M. Coss. 23. 7. Clementiam violare,/acas qu^run r , 4. 1. Concurrere ad o;^primen-^ d u m , cert a : i /; i op e ra m corf errs, 13,3. in n a vein regis, velut agmine facto adoriri, 23. 10. Co^curh>us, de conflict u prte 1 . 11. 4. concursus, studio spectandi, 14. 3. Concutere opes cujus, la hefa ci ere pot en t iam y 15. 6. Condiscfpulatus, 25. 5. Conditio aequa veVsurae, co- pia, aqua fac ul fas, 2 5. 2. Conducting cater vae, de m ercenarii i m Hit ibus y qui dom'e : tico opponun- tur de.eciui, 12. 1. Confer re facta ciar. viro- rum, comparare, 23. 3, Conficere aliquem, debel- lare, 6. 1. Confidere, plhsquam spe- rare, 1. 1. Confirmurc quid, fi dem rei facere, 14. 11. connrma- re regnum, stabiitre, 1. 3. Congruere sententise Deo- rum, ad i'lam acco?7imo- daris 6. 3. Conjicere, divinare de fu- turis\ 2. l. conjicere se in sacrarium, Hike con- fugere^securitatis gratia, 2. 8. Conon egregius niari bel- 16 INDEX, I^or, 9. F. Conscript! patres, 23. 12. de Senaiu Romano usur- fiatur, qui tanquam so- lemni titulo, it a compel- lari solebat. Consectari, cum studio et labor e fir ox equ en do con- quire 're, 2. 4. Consentire, conspirare, 14. 5. globus consensionis, cons ptr ant ium, 25. 8. Consequi quid, perficere, 24. 10. consequuta est eum magna prosperitas, h. e. magnam adefitus prosper it at em, 25. i9. Conservare simulacra, a- ras, honor em ear urn, et jus tuendi sup/dices non imminuere, 17. 4. Consilii mei non est, lu e. judicii et arbitrii in eli- gendo,9. 4. in consili- um dari, de adjutoribus datis, 13. 3. Consistere, de acie instruc- td, 11. 2. Consti tuere urbem, deser- t&m eversamque de inte- gro condere, incolis et rep.formare,15» 8. Constituere quantum quis- que darct, de arbitrio,ju* dicio, cons Hi o, 3. 3. Consuevit hoc sanctum es- se apud, consuetudine quddam religio rei apud omnes servata est y 16* 5 . Consuetudo rcgum, ihge* nium, 14. 5. Consulere male patriae, uti- litates ejus negligere, 15. 10. noxam ajfe.rre, 19. % consultum mittere, sc. ad Appolinem, 2. 2. Consul quinquies, sc. quintum, 23. 5. Consumere tot menses in morbo. tarn diu negro* tare, 25. 21. consumi morbo, interire, 21. 2. Contendere, affirmare, 15. 8. quo contenderat, h. e. quo cursum direxerat, 13. 3. Contineri hospitio cu- jus, esse inter eos, qui foedere hospicii cum ali- quo sunt conjunctly 6. 1. Continens, opponicur aquis, 1. 6. Ewgxrr,?, 15. 3. Contrahere classem, com* parare, 9. 4. Convenit hoc inter illos, pacti sunt de hoc, 4. 4. Convivse, quales vocandi, 25. 14. convivio uxores Romani adhibebant, Grseci non item, fir of. ~ Corcyrxum bellum, 2. 2. Corinthus a Tyranno libe- rata, 20. 1. Cornelius, L. Cobs. 23. 8. Corona aurea Romanis a Carthag. legatis dona- tur. 23. 7. INDEX. 317 Coronexa, urbs. Boeoti 17. 4, Compere partes omnium, omnium fiotentzam ad se trahere, 18. 2. Corrumpere Delphos, sa- cerdotes OracuU Delphi- ci, 6. 3. Cotta, L. Coss. 25. 4. Cotus, Rex Thracias, 11. 3, Craterus, 18. 2. Crimessus>./faT>. 20. 2. Culleus, saccus inter vasa militaria, trajiciendo am- ni, 18. 8. Cultus domesticus, usus familiar is, 15. 13. Cupiditas, vehementior im- petus an'tmi cupientis, 18. 6. cupide elaboro, vehement cr studeo, 3. 1. Curare praeceptunv, ejfi- cere, 18. 9. Cyclades insulx, 1. 2. Cyme, 7. 7. Cyprii victi, 5. 2. Cyprus, ins. 4. 2. Cyrens, urbs Lybix, 17. 8. Cyrus, 7. 9. Cyzicum, 13. 1. D, DAMNARI hoc timore, ob eum populi timorem, 2. 8. Damon, musicus, 15. 2. Dare fidem, jurare, 23. 1. D fidem de re, sup err e f 14. 10. manus, victum se confiteri, 22. 1. ope- rand honoribus, capes - sere honores, 24. 1. vela vends, de navibus in al- tumprovectzs, 23. 8. ve- niam, annuere postula* tis, 2. 10. crimini, argu- ere, 15. 8. se, in gratiam alicujus facer e, 25. 9„ soporem, pro medica- ments soporiferoy 10. 2. Darius, Pers. R. contra Scythas, 1. 3. Ochus, 7^ 5. Hystaspis filius, 21. 1. Datames, 14. 1. Datis, 1. 4.. Dea Pax, 13. 2. Debitum naturae reddere> mori, 21. 1. Decedere, mori, 3. 3.dece* dere morte ex conspec- tu hominum, de morte voluntarid, 2o. 1* Decelia oppid. 7. 4„. Dec erne re cum aliquo, di- mi care, configtre, 23. 4. decernere alicui statuas, decreto publico conjerre^ 1. 6. 'Dec\axaxe,docu?nentum da- re, 11. 3. Decurrere in spatio, de equis exerceri cursu so- li'k, 18. 5. Deducere secum aliquem r sibi advcissere comitan r A 2. 318 INDEX, 25. 4. deducere quern a victu pristino, dtmo- vere y abstrahere y 10. 4. Deesse cui, in judkio. non defender e, 13, 4. nullus honor huic defu- it, circumlocutio honor a- tissimi, 20. 3. Deferre Senatui, exponere, referred 3, 12. Degredi a suis, longihspro- ve/iij 16. 5. Delectus novi, de militibus recenter lectis, 23. 6. Deleri, dicuniur hostes pe- nitus fugati) 4. 1. Deliberare, oraculum con- sulere, 2. 2. Delphi, urbs. 1. l.pro Ora- culo Delphko, 6. 3. Del- phicus Deus, Apollo^ 4. 5. Delus, ins. commune Grse- cias serarium, 3« 3. Demades Athenas tradi cupit Antipatro, 19. 2. Demsenetus, petulans ho- mo, 20. 4. Demergere, de for tuna de- primente, 10. 6. Demetrius» Antig. Ftl. pe- rit in custodia, 21« 3. Phalerius, 1. 6, Deprecari pericula amico- rum, tie illos affligant^ 25. 12. Deprimere naves, demer- ger e^ 9. 4. Depugnare, prglium com- mitter e, 2. 4. Dercyllus, Antipatri pra< fee ins. 19. 2. Desperatis rebus provinci- arum, cum diffis essent pi "ovinciisj 25. 8. Destitui ab aliquo, de re- ject is precibu.3) negato- que auxilio, 7.5. Deterior peditatu, inferior j 11. 3. Detestans compellabat im- pium, detestabatur et -vocabat imp. 20. I. Detrahere de aliquo, de in- vidiosd et obtrartatorid depression e, 12. & Detrahere aliquid mulcts, minuere mule tarn, 13. 4. Devia itinera, occulta et in- sueta, 18. 3. Deuincere virtutem cu- jus, deprimere^ inutilem reddere, 23. 1. Devocare, 5. 4. est vocare ad canam. Devovere quern, de pub- lico devotionis ritu^ 7.4. D extra, fidd pignus, 2. 8. Dianas templum apud Gor* tyrdos, 23. 9. Dicere causam capitis, in judkio cap i tali pro se re- spon der e et ve r ba facer e, 7. 4. dicere pro se, sc. in judkio) 1. 7 . dicendo valere, huec vox froprie eloqucntiam no tat et ar~ tern. U INDEX, 319 Dictator Fabius, 23. 5. quia dicendo creabatur^ Dictator) summa potes- tas, et a regno non nisi tempore differ ens. Dictum, dicto audiens ali- cui, obediendi dgnif. 6. 1. Dies supremus, mors, 7. 10. dies induciarum, scih ultimus, 17. 3. in diem emere, ut solvas post aliquod tempus^ 25. 9. Difterre in crastinum, re* jicere, 16. 3. Diner* r rumor, dispergz» iur> 10. 10. Dignus memoria 5 celebrari dignus ad posteros y 13. 4. Dignitas Regia, nonautho- ritatem ?nodo y sed et po- testatem regiam notat, I. 2. dignitas equestris, de or dine et nobilitaie equitum, 25. l. dignitati servire, consul ere existi- mationi et honori suoj 25.6. dignitas corporis, augusta corporis for ma, 10. I. dignitas vita cum splendor e jungiiur, 7. I I . pro dignitate vivere, 25. 2. i telligiiur hie e&gmtas vitcz exacts, qua sciL virum bonum decet. Diligere affinitateni cu- jus, eligerc, 25. 22. Dimicare adversus quern, resist ere, in aciem cxire advers, 1. 4. di- micare de fama,^ causa injudicio disceptand, 13, 4. Dimittere imperium, de» ponere* 20. 2. vitam, amittere^ negligere, 23, 12. dimisit eum nus- quam ab se, retinuit in convictu assiduo. Dinon historicus, 9.5. Dion Syracusanus descri- bitur,'lO. 1. Discedere pari praelio, ut neuter vicerit, csquis ma» nibus ab seeder e, 2. 3. discedere a pugnti, re infectd abire^ 1.7. Disjicere copias alicujusj dissipare*) 1.2. Dispaiata multitude, pala~ bundi et dispersi passim^ vagantesque^ 23. 5. Dispositi, scii. milites in a- cie stantes.) 11. 2. Disputare de rep. disserere^ ' 15.3. Dissociati civium animi, de civili dLcordia y 25. 2. Di ssolu t us sign \ n t gleet u m legits boni maris exisli* mationisque, 7. 1. Distineri litibus, vexari ac distrahi. L 25. 9. Distrahi, divelli^ de pug* nantibus: et inter &e com» 32<* INDEX. p lexis, 18. 4. Diversi decedunt, in di- versas partes, 14. 11. Dividere copias hiematum, in hiber?ia dispartiri, U8. 8. Divinus, qui ed fiarte firu- dentin, qua divinatio, si- ve providentia dicitur y -valet, 25. 9. Divitiae orbis terrarum, vwEgXoXtKZJs, de summo pretio, 15. 4. Dium, sub dio, aere, 4. 5* Docere, exponere, nar- rare, 1. 6. Dodona, pro Oraculo Do- doncdo, sive potius sacer~ dotibus Oraculi, 6. 3. Dodrans, ex dodrante hae- res, novem partes here- ditaria intellige: dodrans sunt novem partes assis, sc. totius hareditatis, 25. 5. Dolopes sacrum obtinent, 5. 2. Dolor desiderii, ex deside- rio, conceptus, 25. 4. Domicilium, sedes, 17. 3. domicilium imperii or- bis terrarum, Urbs Ro- ma, 25. 3. Domitius, Cn. Cos. 25. 22. Drusiila, T Claudii JVirro- tiis conjiix, 25. 19. Dubito an ponam, el eg an- $er, pro dubito an non ponam, 8. l.nondubita» vit committere prseiium* de Jiducid et conandl pro mp tit u dine, 23. 11. Ducere aliquem in erro- r em, falsa of intone delu- dere, 13. 9. ducere se- cum, de contubemio, 22. 3. ducere, existimare^ credere, 7,7. ducere bel- lum, mora protrahere, 7. 8. ducere tempus, cunctari, 2. 7. Duci adversus aliquem, signifcat militari, 18. 3. duci amore, impelH, 5. 1. Ductu ejus res gestae, '4. 1. Differt ab auspiciis, quod hsec ad sum-mam fati et fortunes; ilia formula ad operant ac administratic- ne??i belli pertinet. In- ter dam corijunguntur. Dux mantis, qui parti co- piarum pr&est % 16. 4. Dynastes Paphlagoniae, 14. 2. EDERE in vulgus, vulgd rumorem sparger e, 14. 6. Editus locus, altior, 17. 6. Lfferre \a\idihus,extGl lere, 7, 11. efferre matrem, propria vox de sepuU chris, 25. 17. efferri vic- toria, insolescer e, 4. 1. Effiare auimam, ?nori 7 4, & INDEX 21 se largitiones, immodi- 6. se gerere, hisclen. *. 2. .re epistolas a scr: 20. Elis. A 7. 4. Eioc it inno- 1. /lice Cimonis soror, 5. Elucescere virtutibus, in- 1. elucet ex .12. 1. eluxit eloquentia ejus, illustri art 15. 6. J? Emittere exercitum in Ashm, £c. 17 Emphyletus, 10. 4. 24. 1. Enumerare, per seriem narrare, 6. 2. riciare, revel a secrete Epaminondas Theban. 15. 1. Ephebus factus est, ad ber ,15.2. Ephemeris, 25. 13. diur- nam JLaii?:i Significat qu o tidiar* a xfi ensa - diurni COI& DIE :i€t w 54. JSUS, I " ion Lac. riorum* 2 r imaj i -:■-: : ipiioy tf- ibdntj 4. 1 . Epirotic* pc es, a. 1. 4. ■ 14. 10, a bacq contume- lia, /i. e. ad c ' . 2. 1. Sc not* Crithc 5. 1. E \y 2 1 . 1 . Esse r, CS 12. set, ut, £. - . I . T . Esse c p.vrtium optimatum, & 25. 3. inipetum in aiiquem, adoriri, 14. 9. insidias f struere, 7. 9. magnam multitudinem, colligere exercitum^ 23. 10. sum- mam, scil. pecunia^ 15. 3. mentionem, in ser- mon e, 7. 5. pecunias ex rnetallis, reditus fodina» rum metallicarum inteU lig. 5. 1. aiiquem mis- sum, dimittere ex cafiti- -vitate 1 8. 1 1 . potestatem sui, sc. ad pu^nam, i7. 3. progressum instudiis, proJicere> 24. 2. reum, accusare, 7. 4. verba* orationem habere } 2, 10. 24 INDEX, facere aliquid pulchre posse, de opera prompt e obeundd,25. 13. aliquem pluris, astimandi signifi- catione, 11. 3. facere lu- en aliquid, de gloria caji- td, qua alteri debebatur, 8. 1. facere naufragium, de clade navaliy 2.7. Face, profac, 4. 2. Fio, fit ctsdes civium, ca- dimtur, 15. 10. sumptus in classem, impenditur, 1.7. fieri pluris, testima- ri, 14. 5. quid his fieri vellet, de his, 17 4. Factum est equhate ejus, ut, effectum^ impetratum, res eb deduct a, 3. 2. eo facto, per id, hdc ration e, 15. 5. quo facto, qua causa, qua ex re, 14. 5. Factio adversaria, pro vi- ris advers. fact, ocvtito.- woptvci, 16. 1. sine facti- one amicis officia prae- standa, intelligitur, offi- cia amicitia non extendi ad societatem rer, ?wv. /actionem, 25. 8. Tacultas ita vivendi non da- tur, copia, pot est as, oc- casion 25. 2. facultates ingenii^ opes, 15. 1. Falernus ager, 25. 5. Fallere verbo, falsi tituli specie, 15.5. fefellit eum hscc res, contra opinio- nem cecidit, 10, 3. Fastigio pari stare in utra- que foituna, par cultus ac 77io dus vita intelligU tur, 25. 14. Fautrix, de natiird propi* tid, 1 7. 8. Ferocior, bellicosior, 2. 2. ferocius loqui, elatius y 18. II. ferocia, ani7tiosa eiatio, 22. I. Ferre calamitatem mode» rate, tolerare, sustinere, 20. 4 sequo animo ferre, sine invidid, et emulati* one* 25. i. ferre expen- sum sumptui, expensos sumptus in commentari- wn referre, 25. 13. si tulisset ita fortuna, si ita accidisset, 18. 6. ferre suffragium, sententiam per calculos, 15. 8. ferri magno odio in aliquem, de studio animi, con ten» tione, affectu, 25. 10. Ferrum, pro gladio, 14. li, pro sfiiculo, quod hastili prafixum est, 15. 9. Festum habere hunc diem, solennis inscituta festivi* tas intelligitur, 20. 4. Fidere pecunia, spent confi- ciendi inde sumere, 6. 3, victoria, fduciam victo- ria habere tanqua7n cer- ta, 12. 1. Fidenti animo, ex successit animositas intell. 22. 3. Fides vix facta est, vix INDEX. fiersuasit ut crederenty 1 7. 8. fidei alicujus ali- quid credere, commit t ere alicui quid tamquam ho- mini bond fide, aut bond fide servandum, 23. 9. dare, accipere fidem, fiolliceri, et vicissim al- terius fioilcitis crederey 14. 10. Fiducia nimia magnas ca- lamitati solet esse, in tell, sec ur it as ex confidential 1 6. 3. fiduciam habere rei potiundx, sfies certa, et fi In s quam sfies , 17. 4 . Figura venusta, de tonus corporis habit u congruoy 18. 11. Filius a patre acceptam gloriam auxit, 13. 1. ejus recens gloria vete- reni patris renovate 13. 2. filio regnum a vivo patre non tradendumy 2 1 . r* O. Fingere fortunam sibi, con- ciliarey 25. 11* fingere se, effing ere suos mores in rtciitudinem offcio- rum vita, ibid. Firmae copiae, retfiectu fie- ritits bellandi indurate be l(o manus, 18. 3. fir- mae vires ad laborem fe- rendum, de eo qui invic- tus iaboris et ofieris, 18. 11. Firmissimi amici, conjunc- E tissimi, 6. 2. Flaccus, L. Valerius y 24. 1. Flagitium, de armis relic- tis, 22. 1. ac dedecore, ibid. Flaminius, C. Coss. occi- ditur, 23. 4. Flaminius, Z. Quint us. Cos. 23. 12. Flectere suum iter, de alia via tentanddy 18. 9. Florere, de fiotentid et ex- cellentid imperii) 18. 1. rebus quibusdam, ges to- rum gloria, 5. 3. florens, adhuc vivensy sufierstesy S5. 11. Fluctus civiles, turb solutionem debit i non urgent ibus, 25. 2. in- dulgere, de dissolutd e- ducatione, 10. 4. dolori, ejus hnfietum sequi, ob- sequi dolori^ 21. 1. sibi, licentia, 6. 1. sibi libe- raliter, sfilendidius vive- re, 12. 3. Industria summa, de stu- dio actus chilis et offi- ciorum vita, 2.1. Infamis per Jlagitia, 15. 10. Infamatus, a plerisque, vi- tuperatus, 7. 1 1. Infectis rebus, non effectis, 1. 7. Inferior copiis,*/c superior, de major e et minore nu- mero, 14. 8. Ihferre bellum in Italiam, hello Italiam fictere, vel cam sedem be Ho I eg ere, 22. 3. inferre signa, in host em ire, 14. 6. mala in domum alicujus, vex- ure, detrimentis afficere domum, 2. 9. inferri eo, tlicitur corpus mortui, sep eliendum scilicet, 4. 5. Infestus Romanis animus, de host Hi odio, 22. 3. Inficias ire aliquid, negare, 15. 10. Xnfirmus, sciL viribus ar- morum, 18. 3. infirmis- sirni, sciL potentid, 2. 6. Infodere, de sepulturd, 4. 5. Ingratiis, v client nolleni^ 2. 4. Injicere ad miration em sui excitare, 11. 3. non am- plius quam pellis est in- jecta, de strati tegianen- to, 17. 8, Inimica patriae consilia, se~ ditiosa molitiones, 4. 3. inimicissimum suum, vocant Romani Hanniba<* tern, 23. 12. Inire consilia, de proposito, et molitionibus sediiiosis, 6. 3. inire gratiam ab aliquo, mereri ajiud all- quern, 7. 9. talem ratio» nem ad interfic. ca/iere tale consilium, 23, 10. Iniens adolescentia, incipi* ens prima, 2. 1. Initium tenue, occasione tenuis rei oblat. 16. 2. Inopinatse re$,felicitas spe uberior, 10. 6. Insciente, inscio, 18. inscientia belli, imperi- tia, 15. 7. Insequi, vexare, %5. 9. Inservire studiis gentis, hnitari mores et consue- tudinem, 7. 1 1.. Insolens quid, de elato ser~ mone, 20. 4. Instare hosti audacius, ur- gere, 15. 9. Instat tempus proficiscen* di, adest, 7. 4 instans periculum, i?nminens ? INDEX. 331 impendent, 4. 3» Institutum vitse ; . ratio, con- suetudo, 25. 7. instituta patriae, res/iectu habit o ad for mam reip. 17. 4. Insuetus male audiendi, de eo, qui sinistre de se opi- nantes ?c Ca/r- ■ daces, J 4. 1. Leuctra, x'icz^ Besot. 17. 6. Levis armatura, /?ro militi- bus levis armatur^ 14. 8 . I e v } s , ex/i e di t us* 11. 1. ievis non liberalis, gw plura promiuit quam ■jeHat, non .amfacili- ta ', quam temert- iaie lingua; leviora sunt mihi, apud me, duco le- viora, 15. 1. Libenter detrahunt de iis, vitium anim'z ad dcira- hend. proni notaiur, 12. 3. Liberalitas temporaria,cal- lida, qua temp oris et spei causa Jit) 25. li. liberaliter poiiicere, //re- ft r ibendis et cu- randii li&rtB veleres ute- bantur y 2 5 13. Lignea moema. aragmatich navtbuS) 2, 2. Liguves. 23. 4. Lite; is coli ab antiquo, de familiari;aie eptstblarii corn mere ii. 2 5. 20, Litevae, pro stttkiis^ 23. 13. Iiieioe Gixcx./iro li.igudj ibid. Locus non requus, iniquus, hrenmmodus, 1. 5. locus pro occasioned 22. 1. Longum est enumerare przelia, formula est pre- cision!-. 23. 5. Longus. Tic. 23. 4. Loqui, ferre rumoribus, 22. 3. L X ■ c ni , ft ro regione Lucan . 23. 5. Lucretius, 25, 12. L. Lucullus, 25. 5. Lumina oculoi um,/*ro ocu~ lis, 20« 4. Lutatiiis, C. fud. Kartha- gin 22. 1. LycGS, Pater Thrasybuliy '8. 1. Lyco, Syracusanus, 10. 9, Lydl, 14. 8. Lydia, 9. 2, 334 INDEX, Lysander Laced;em. 6. 1. Lysimachus, 3. 1. Lysis Tarentinus, 15. 2. LLS. 25.4. Sestertium an- iiqui his modis exprvne- bant, IIS. HS. LLS. du- arum librarum et semis- sis charactere, superfio- sita lineola, millenarii index, sestertium in neu- tro signify Vid. Budcsurn et Glarean. M. MACROCHIR (longi- manus) Artaxerxes, 2i. 1. Magistratus, imp rium, firgtura belli, 1.8. Magnesia, urbs As. afiud Mean-drum fl. 2. 10. Majores res appetere, de ambitiosis novisque con- siliis, 4. 2. Malefica natura, 17. 8. . nancisci naturam male- ficam in corpore, nihil a Hud j quam in corpore nature aliquem errorem ac deformitatem pra- ferre. Malum externum, bellum cum ext. gest. 22. 2. Malitiose facere, cum quis culpa sua et de in- dustrid rem male gerit, Z. 7. Mamercus Italicus capi- tui > 20. 2. Mago frater Hannibalis, 23. 7. Manceps, qui a fiopulo all- quid emit conducitve, ejus rei quoniam sublatd manu indicium full se~ que auctorem projitetur % manceps, dicitur. vid„ Sigon. 25« 6. Manere, ex/iectare has tern., 2. 4. in officio obsequii sc. et fidei, 9. 3. Manere, ratum esse, 7, 10. Manubiae, fir&dam sive lie- cuniam ex ftracia redac~ tarn intelligit, 5. 2. Manus, ad manura habere* ministerio alic.jus uii, 18. L Manns, exercitus et copi_. : •- ; i 2Ct£. 16. 1. : m a c has, custodu DA prefect us, 18. 11. Onustus praeda i di- c: Ope: i*i«, ta- 4. opera ejus acciderunt res adve. 5. _-rire, oblegere, 23. $. Opcr r . 15. 6, opes : ne- • i ac nurad qu I Opt Opi nta fue- fit opinio eorum, . I Opulentes, 12. 3. Opus, -. Ora As; Ordinals copiae, qux in acie Mtant 7 U. 2. Ordiri reliquos» x 40 INDEX. liquor u?n exfionere, 7. 11. Ordo equestris, dignitas ordinis equestris, 25. 19. ordo, locus in agmine, 14. 9. Orestes matricida, 15. 6. Origines Catonis, 24. 3. Ornamentum habere ab aliquo, honor es et opes intelliguntur, 25. 7. Ornatus , elephantus, in- structs ad pugnam, 23. 3. Orote, inter positum ser- mani, ut alias, qua^o, amabo, 25. 4, Ostendere, pr 14. 6. Ferorare de, causam dicere^. 19. 4.. Perpetua vita, tot a, 24. %. or atio, c on tinua, 15,5. Persequi, scil*. narralione r 24. 2. Persequi aliquem, conarfc e medio toller e, 7. 10*. Perseverare, de const-antia*. conficiendi belli y 14». 2«, 342 INDEX. Persona, significant er fir o- viro, cut administrattones publico innituntur, 16.4. Pertinacia, non recedentis, scil. a sentential 22. 1. Pertinere, pertinet ad remp. respicit, refer tur, 7. 3. Pervulgata sunt nomina eorum, fiublice et vulgo nota celebrataque, 15. 2. Peucestes corporis custos Aleqandri, 18. 7- Phalanx, 12. 1. Phalereus portus, 2. 6. Pharse, 9. 1. Pharnabazus satrapes regi- us, 6. 4. Philenius, res Hannibalis sc? ipsit, 23. 13. Philippense prselium, quo •Augustus sciL Brutum et Cassium devicit, 25. 11. Pbilippides cursor, 1. 4. Phiiippus Alex, pater, 11. 3. Philistus Historicus Syra- cusas ptrducitur, 10. 3. Philocles, 7. 8. Philocrates, 10. 9. Phocion, 19. 1. Pheebidas Lacedaem. 16. 1. Phoenices victi, 5. 2. Phryges, U. 8. Phylfc, castellum Attics, 8. 2. Pietas, de affectu In neces" situdinesy 25. 17. Pila Iapidea, in qua incka devotio Alcibiadis, mos infamies conciscenda u~ sur fiatus, 7 . 4. Piraeei portus triplex, 2. 6. Pisander, 7. 5. Pisidae, 14. 8, Pisistrati tyrannis, 1. 8. Pittacus, 8. 4, Placare aliquem, reconct- liare, 4, 5. Plaga, pro caiamitate, 18, 5. plagss, vulnera, 18. 4. Plataeae, 4, 1. Plagiarise pnsiium, apud .Plat&as commissum, 3. 2. Plato Tarentum venit, 10. 2. Plebiscitum, quod filebs sciscit,jubet* 7.5. Poecile, zsoikiXvi nomen fior~ ticus Atheniensis fiict patrocinium, 2. 8. Referre mores alienos ad suos, comparare. 15. 1» INDEX. ;45 Refringere, dominationem, obsistere ei, debilitare, 6. 1. E Regione, ex adver^o, 1'. 5. Religiose promittere, mag- na Jide certdque, 25. 15. Relinquere, v transfugrre, 14, 6. reiinqui, sufter es- se, 1. 3. Repentina vis, tumultus, 7. 3. Reprehendere se ipsum, damnare consilium su- um, 14. 5. Res divina, de sacris el im- molatione hostiarum, 23. 2. Rebus Laconum studere, par lib us, 16, 1. Respiceie, considerare, 1. 8. Rhetor Atticus, de legato, 15. 6. Rhodanus^wx>. 23. 4. Rhodii confiigunt cnm An- tiochi coniis, 23. 8. Robur libertatis, vires ad re/iarandam liber tat em, 8. 2. Romanum nomen, fiofiu- ttt*j 23. 7. Romulus, 25. 20. SABINI, 24. 1. Sagiintus expugnata, 23.3. Salis plus, quam sumptus habebat tectum tedium, hoc est, gratify 25. 1 3. Samothracia, 25. 11. Samus deficit ab Athen, 13. 3. Sanctum habere, inviola* bile, 17. 4. Sardes//. urbs Lyd. 17. 3. Sardinia, 24. 1. Satius, utilius, melius, 16. 1. Scapha, 23. 11. Scipio /\ Cornelius, ter ■vincitur ab Hannibale, 23. 4. Scismas, 14. 7. Scribss apud Romanes mer- cenary apudGraecos ho- norati, 18. 1. Scytale, 4. 3. clandestine Uteres, ijznbuG ad duces suos Lu,ced 11. 3. Thrasybulus, 8. 1. Thucydides, 2. 1. Thurii,/?/. wrfo, 7. 4.. Thyas Dynastes Paphlag. 14. 2. Timseus histor. 7. 11. Timokon, 20. 1. Timoleontium Gymnasi- um Syrac. 20. 5. Timophanes frater Timo- leontis, 20. 1. Timotheus Athen. 13. 1. Tiribazus Sardib. praeest. 9. 5. Tisagoras, 1. 3. Tissaphernes, 9. 2. Tithraustes,Chiliarch. 9.3, Titubare, animi pendere, incertum esse quid agen- dum, 18. 9. Transcurrerc Hellespont INDEX. 34? turn, pr&ter navigare, pratervehi, 18. 3. Trasimasnus^w. 23. 4. Troas ager. 4.3. Troicum, bellum, 14. 2. Trophxurn, structd ar?no- rum congerie adornari soli turn /lost victoriam, in loco prcelii, 14. 8. Tunica hirta, 14. 3. Tusculum municipium, 24. 1. V. VACATIO setatis, usus est vacatione aetatis, de sexagenario, qui ne civi- libus belli s et partvbus se misceret, excusatza- nem a! at is habuit^ 25. 7„ Vacuefacere insulam, ejec- tis sc. incolis, 5. 2. Va- cuefact» possessiones, desert &, vastatce be!lo } 20. 3. Vadimonium, est sponsio ad certum diem se sis- tendi in judicioy vel per se } vel procurator em, 25, a, Valerius, L* Flaccus, 24. 2. Varro, C. Terentius, 23.4. Venusia, urbs, 23. 5. Versuram facere, 25. 2. Vertens annus, totus in*> telligitur, 17 '. 4. Vesperascente coelo, 16. 2, Vestis Medica, serica, 4.3. Via Appia, 25. 22. Vicinitas, />ro vicinis^ 7. 10. Virtus, pro fortitudine bel- licdj 1. 4, Vitulina, missa muneri, 17, 8. Volumnius, 25. 9. XENOPHON Socraticus, It l. Xerxes mari et terra bel- lum infert Europae, 2. 2, ZACYNTHII adolesce* tes, 10. 9. Zama, urbs rffr, 2. 6. /?/.Y/^.