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'V,
THE RACE QUESTION
:IN THE:
UNITED STATES
BY
R. P. BRORUP
(Copyrighted 1902 by the Author)
To guard against misconception at the outset, let it
be stated that this discussion is on a broader
principle than the question which per-
tains to the South exclusively.
1 > t > J •
■f ■ ■> . .
North and South Publishing Co.
Fitzgerald, Ga.
THE LI8RAKY OF
CCNGftESS,
Two Gvnu hectivc:
JAN. 311 1902
,C«PVRK3MT Burnt
CUAS3 Ct- XXa No,
COPT a
.Bb-j
THK RACK QUESTION IN THE
UNITED STATES.
V
v^
HERE is an interesting- problem involved in the
'*■ use of the brains of the foremost among- civilized
nations for the multiplication of people of a lower
type. These people of a lower type are often far
ahead of their benefactors in bodily streng-th and
vig-or, in vitality and reproductive power; and
will multiply as rapidly as the brains of a hig-her
civilization makes it possible with its improve-
ments and increased means of subsistance.
Holland has by the brains of her civilization doubled the
number of adherents to Mohammedanism in the island of Java
in less than thirty years. Eng-land has achieved nearly as
much for Eg-ypt in a like space of time. The increase of Mo-
hammedans by the activity of the Christian nations in the
last fifty years is probably not less than fifty millions.
This doubling- of population of various kinds may be con-
ceived of as achievements more splendid in the process than
the final results. The ability to do it may be a matter of
boasting-, but a far-sig-hted policy would rather shrink from
the responsibility, both as a matter of self-preservation, and
in view of the possible effect on the world's best interests.
Would anyone be happier to know that the four hundred
millions in China should double their number in a given
number of years? Or would anyone g-reatly desire to see
the three hundred millions in India increase to that ex-
tent?
Suppose Eng-land should do for the rest of the Moham-
medan world what she has done for Eg-ypt — double the num-
ber of Mohammedans and subjects of the Sultan— would it
further the cause of civil and relig-ious liberty? Would this
cause, or the cause of humanity in g-eneral, g-ain anything- by
the doubling- of any of nine-tenths of the earth's population?
Unless the quality can be improved the quantity may be con-
4 The Race Question in the United States,.
sidered sufficient. If mechanical or material improvements
wroug-ht could work a radical chang-e in the systems that
govern their thoughts and sentiments, or chang-e their ad-
herence to a better system, there would be gain, but this has
never yet been accomplished by the efforts of modern civili-
zation. The net result has always been an enormous increase
of Pag-ans and Mohammedans. Education, and scientific
appliances, they have rather adopted as useful weapons for
the defence of their own system. The appreciation that
improvements and g-ood g-overnment has met with has always
been of a selfish kind: it has never turned their sentiment
in favor either of their masters or of their systems.
Western nations may believe themselves safe in their
civilization, their science and inventions, but the final depend-
ence and final appeal in the strug-gle for predominance, will
most likely be to bulk and numbers. Where a sparse and
unsettled population of low type invites to settlement and ex-
pansion of a hig-her type, there is gain; but Europeans have
never been able to colonize and expand among Asiatics ; on the
contrary, these have shown themselves able to colonize and
expand among Europeans by crowding these aside. The
growth and multiplication of our own kind, with itscivilization
and principles, is our expansion; the expansion in numbers
of those that differ from us, is theirs; truly and substan-
tially, although we may have the honor of directing their
government.
What has been said of th^ activity of the higher civiliza-
tion among the people of a lower type, is applicable to
countries like the United States where different races are
struggling for predominence. The native Americans have
suffered in the struggle with foreigners for numerical
supremacy; physically, their strength and endurance has
proved unequal to the contest. Their superior mental quali-
ties, instead of helping their own race, are at the service of
their competitors for the possession of the country ; they
will invent, plan and direct, and l)y their intellectual activity
give the latter that chance for growth and expansion of
which, with their superior physical endowments, they are
able to take full advantage. Thus wo havi- the sociological
The Race Qiiesliou in the United States. 5
phenomenon of a people of a country, after being- overcome in
a strng-g-le for existence on the g-round of brute endurance,
helping- its competitors by its intellectual activity and accu-
mulation of capital, to complete the conquest.
It is notable in the history of the Catholic Church that she
never so loved her enemies as to belabor herself for the doub-
ling of their number. As the dominant influence in expansion
or conquest by Catholic countries, she has consistingly acted
upon the doctrine that mere ulterior conquest is of little use
while obtaining- no hold on the inner life and sentiment of the
people. The solid mass of Catholics from Kio Grande to
Cape Horn, in the West India island and in the Philipines,
bear witness to her zeal and success as an expansionist in
the truest sense. The bond of union she created by her hold
on the minds and sentiments of the people has remained un-
shaken, even when intolerable abuse made them political
enemies. Nor is this a small matter, for the world struggle
is rather between principles, and the authority inherent in
the g-reat fundamental creeds of the world, than a struggle
of races apart from their systems and creeds. Amalgama-
tion and union of races and nationalities is not impossible,
except where they are kept apart by conflicting- systems and
principles.
For this reason, systems and principles that govern the
various races must not be over-looked in a discussion of the
race question. It would, apart from this, have little meaning.
The masses come because here is room; or because those al-
read}' here are weak enough to be overcome in a struggle for
existence. With them it is but the natural overflowing in
the direction of least resistance. With the Church there are
plans and purposes, deep-rooted and far-reaching-, and the
United States is a g-reat price.
The polic}' adopted in the pursuit of a certain aim is apt
to be modified by the ruling- system or principle. Represen-
tatives of the reformed faith see in advancement of education,
refinement, culture, and whatever belong to what is termed
the higher civilization, the surest guarantee of strength and
final supremacy. The elder faith rests its hope on bulk and
numbers, cemented by sympathy of faith and feeling, being
6 The Race Question in the United States.
assured that in any contest between fundamentally opposed
systems, the final appeal will always be to brute force.
The former policy has engendered a weakness manifested
in a desire to be saved by special privileg-es and advantages,
political, social or otherwise ; proposed or attempted dis-
franchisements are heard of in States, North and South.
Victory in the race conflict is not gained by vilifying and
oppressing other races, you must increase your own strength
and virility. The Constitution of our country requires a
republican form of government in all the States, this imposes
upon the States the duty of educaiing all the people so that
they may have a republican or popular form of government.
Ignorance and disfranchisements create a privileged class,
special privileges and power will furnish in this class a mo-
tive for the perpetuation of ignorance and disfranchisements
that the power may be retained. This is the reason why
education and enlightment is of slow growth where despotism
in an}^ form rules.
Buteducation aloneisnota sufficientguaranteeforstrength
and stability in our national structure ; it affords no bond of
union and sympathy, such as is furnished by oneness of race
or faith. Already in our industrial centers we have a condi-
tion represented by a wealthy, luxurious, ruling upper class,
with the masses, alien and antagonistic in race and religion,
in practical opposition. The experiment of building a State
with a minority, embodying the wealth, intelligence and power
inherent in it, as the foundation, with the masses in practical
opposition, is not safe, even if we were willing to employ des-
potic measures, such as is represented by restriction of
suffrage, the force inherent in bulk and numbers will sooner
or later assert itself, such measures could but at best put
off the inevitable, and this at the expense of liberty and pro-
gress.
The temptation of cheap alien labor from abroad is obvious
as one of the ways in which a home i)opulation may be dispos-
sessed. AVhen it ceases to iill the rank ami iilc with its own
sons, ceases to supply the fundamental of crude strength,
bulk and numbers, it ceases to be master or possessor of the
country. Our first temptation in this direction was cheap
The Race Question in the United States. 7
negro labor; Southern whites g-ained ease and wealth by the
sweat of others, liut have to divide the country with the
neg-roes — it is theirs in proportion to their numbers and
streng-th. The South was saved from negro domination by
the mountainous regions, the population of which was but
little affected by slavery on the one hand or by the devital-
izing influence of the "higher" civilization of the North on
the other. Yet the negroes are not to be counted a national
danger; they owe allegiance nowhere outside the United
States — know of no other country. They are, upon the whole,
in sympathy with what is fundamental in our civilization, and
could furnish an almost inexhaustible supply of crude streng-th
for its defense, if not finally alienated by indifference on the
one hand and abuse on the other. The negro population, or-
ganized by the anti-American force, and with such head and
leadership as that force could supply, would be as formidable
in another direction. This is fully appreciated by leading
representatives of this force, and they are making strenuous
efforts for its conversion; so, likewise, of the mountain popu-
lation of the South, which is still expanding — dying families
do not engage their attention — could they succeed here, then
with their growing- power in the North they would soon be in
position to dictate the terms on which they would tolerate
competition.
The question at issue has been made to turn too much
upon the term loyalty; as, for instance, the loyalty of Cath-
olics or the Catholic Church, the want of which has in various
ways been imputed to her or her adherents. As a rule, the
Church has dealt patiently with the imputation, instead of
repelling- as absurd the idea of disloyalty, she has produced
the proof and shown exultinglv that Catholics indeed are
loyal. Affection for the country in which we live, and expect
our children to live, is a natural instinct, and need not be
called in question. As to loyalty, it may come to mean one
thing with one class, and another thing with another, and be
equally honest with both. Even with reg-ard to the Catholic
Church, as embodied in its authorities, we need not question
their loyalty to the country, they realize that they have in-
terests here of immense magnitude, being able to fig-ure out
8 The Race Question in the United States.
that at the relative increase of Catholics and Protestants, the
country will ultimately become Catholic; at any rate, they
may be depended on to take an intellig-ent interest in the des-
tinies of the nation. The question, properly speaking-, is not
that of loyalty, it is a question what race, civilization and
principles are to be dominant in the United States.
As for loyalty to a civilization embodying- Protestant prin-
ciples, the question of loyalty on the part of those who pro-
fess adherence to other systems and other principles is
absurd. But even here we may admire the facility with
which they accommodate themselves to it, and the folicy
that strives for peace where this is true policy. But this
accommodation and this policy is not to be confounded with
unity or true affinity. As far as a portion of our population
is estranged from the principles of our Protestant civiliza-
tion, we have to make a discount in the reckoning of our
national strength and vitality. Systems, in their nature an-
tagonistic, cannot create a national structure as solid and
strong- as where the system is one and all adherents of the
same system. The spirit of patriotism will strive for the
supremacy of the best system, and patiently bear with what
cannot be remedied, but never commit the mistake of sup-
posing that mere superficialties can make up for fundamental
differences.
The Catholics do not fall into this error, but it is a mis-
take quite generally made by Protestants. The typical Pro-
testant has become the professed liberalist, theorist and
sentimentalist. His theories are always aside from any prac-
tical issue ; professing to be liberal, it is nevertheless ag-ainst
his faith to defend the principles of liberal thoug-ht, lest he
should be suspected of having settled convictions on any sub-
ject.
If our liberal friends are aroused at all, it is generally to
efforts as futile as their indifference. Spasmodic zeal that
vents itself in petty annoyances, useless demonstration and
noise, is not helpful to the cause. Superficial peace must be
preserved in spite of fundamental differences. Efforts that
disturb the peace, but do nothing to gain ground for substan-
tial advance are worse than useless. Often in the contest
The Race Question in the United States. 9
the Catholics are left with a solid advantagfe, while the con-
cession toprotestant sentiment is quite superficial, as for in-
stance, the floating- of a flag- over a school house, a doubtful
way of honoring the flag for the old adag-e is that "familiarity
breeds contempt." The Protestants should study the policy
of the Catholic Church, and work along- broad lines for actual
g-rowth and advance. Some of these will be indicated.
1. Physical and moral soundness that keeps strong- and
vig-orous the power of reproduction and natural expansion, is
the fundamental. It is certain that no mere expedient could
save a race of people that is physically deg-enerate, or morally
unsound. The question of race supremacy will not be de-
cided by the sword but by the corset, and a few other things.
It is a sociological problem rather than a matter of broken
heads and armaments of war.*
2. Regulation and restriction of immigration in favor of
nationalities kindred to our own race and capable of assimula-
tion, would seem an obvious measure if the interests of our
civilization are an object of any concern. Fully 80 per cent,
of immigrants now incoming are of races and nationalities
with whom the native American has no aflinity nor kinship.
We shall not make them ours, they will make the country
theirs.
The sentiment and policy that rules us is an inheritance
from the earliest times when the country was unsettled, and
practically possessed by savages. It should be understood
by this time that we have grown to be a nation, with rights
and responsibilities as a nation. Foreign countries are not
slow to remind us of our responsibilities ; if their immi-
grants provoke harsh treatment on account of character and
conduct, damages are claimed and war threatened. It is the
right of America to decide what immigrants she will be re-
sponsible for, and carefully exclude those for whom she wiU
not accept the responsibility.
The much-maligned movement of the "Know-Nothings"
in the early fifties deserves attention as a significant and inter-
esting fact in the history of our country. It would have been
♦For a full discussion see part 2 "The social question in the United States"
10 The Race Question in the United States.
strangle if the race in possession should have relinquished its
supremacy without one grand awakening- or struggle. If
time, or their lack of success, has not justified all their
methods, it has fully justified their apprehensions. If the
brute couragfe that showed itself in excitement and turmoil
had been pitched against an armed invasion, it would have
prevailed, but it was of no avail in the physiological struggle
actually before them. Nor did the awakening result in any
intelligent plan to mitigate the struggle or in any way to
regulate the outcome of it. Baffled and bewildered at the
outset, pride remained ; it now denied a danger against which
it had vainlv excited itself, and took such comfort as it could
of the situation— the population was increasing — the country
being settled, etc. Small matters these; but the population
had actually increased at a greater rate before the period of
heavy immigration than it has done since. If this earlier
rate of increase had continued — and with plenty of room for
expansion, there is no natural reason why it should not — with
an immigration supporting rather than overwhelming or con-
tradictory, we should at present have had a population of
one hundred millions as homogeneous as the people of Eng-
land; instead of that \vc have a heterogeneous population of
three-fourths of that number, in which those of the race that
held the country solidly sixty years ago appear as a remnant,
fragmentary and scattered. That the arrestment of growth
of the native race, and almost immediate abandonment of
fields of competition, was wholly due to the heavy influx of
foreigners is not maintained, but it is seldom that two races
of radically different characteristics are so nearly balanced
in strength and endurance that both will grow and expand
while occupying practically the same ground. Almost always
one or the other will cease the strug-gle for existence, and
consent to— die out. The yearly incoming of a quarter
million Slavs and Latins, with their natural increase, does
not mean an addition to our pt)pulation that could not very
well be ])r»)vi(led without them; it means that the struggle
for existence is in their favor, in sd far as they find room for
growth and expansion.
Some years ago a member of a foreign government openlv
The Race Question in the ihiited States. 11
and officiously advocated the settling- in this country of
foreig-uers /;/ block that would keep them intact and save
them from disintegration, as the surest means by which to
undermine and destroy our institutions. It made a g"reat
stir in this country; we are easily affected by theories, but
facts are studiously overlooked. The facts referred to are
fully understood on the other side of the Atlantic; they are
watching- and wondering. The sociological struggle between
races in the United States is of more interest than any cam-
paig-n of battles and bloody sieg-es. As Americans, we are
little interested ; we are permitted to indulge our vanity and
boast of quantity and numbers, althoug-h it may be the gain
of others at our expense.
Without entering- upon the question of colonies and ex-
pansion by force or conquest, it may nevertheless be sug--
g-ested that our first concern should be to defend and pre-
serve the territory within the United States against aliena-
tion. Why should our native Americans be anxious for for-
eig-n conquest, and think it worth the while to sacrifice the
only boy in the family for the sake of it, while wholly unable
to stem the tide of foreign agg-ression within their own coun-
try. Conquest of impractical people abroad is poor com-
pensation if Americans are loosing- g-round in the strug-g-le
for existence within their own borders. The last named
contest is b\^ far the more important and more decisive. In
so far as portions of the United States territory is occupied
by people, alien in race characteristics and sentiment, incapa-
ble of nationalization and amalg-amation, it is so much United
States territory conquered and lost, irretrievably and perma-
nently : conquest in a far more substantial sense than the
mere imposition of foreign government on an unwilling
people. A nation conquered by force of arms may regain
their liberties, but a people overcome in the struggle for exis-
tence, ceases to be, and the country is forever lost to its race.
If we are tempted to imitate other nations in their iniquitous
attempts of suppressing smaller nationalities, while unable to
defend our own at home, we are not only wicked but con-
temptible.
It is too late for a narrow Anglo-Saxonism. As of old, the
12 The Race Question in the United States.
race destined for possession has been found wanting-. It has
not been proof ag-ainst decay on the one hand, or unbridled
g-reed and brutality on the other. We should further prove
our unworthinessif we reg-retted on the g-round of sentiment;
a sentiment rooted in selfishness, capable of the worst per-
versions of reason and morality, should not be our final aim.
There is no finality but in moral principles. It is still the
principles that had their beg-inning- in the reformation, and
found expression at the birth of the Republic, that are the
dominant issue in the world. Restriction of immig-ration
along- the lines of a narrow Ang-lo-Saxouism, has nothing- to
recommend it, even if practicable, but along- the lines of a
civilization founded on these principles. Measures tomaintain
and defend this civilization should not be shunned to escape
the charg-e of discrimination. To maintain principles, we
must discriminate, we can have no other object in restriction,
for no one opposes immig-ration on g-eneral g-round. Enslaved
minds, enthralled consciences, dominated by a foreign des-
potic power, narrow prejudices, race characteristics, rooted
in centuries of ig-norance and deg-radiug superstition, is a
real dang-er.
3. Some kind of org-anized union on the part of Protes-
tants in the United States would naturally sug-g-est itself in
view of the compact and strong- org-anization of the Catholics.
The power of org-anization is more particularly noticeable in
its influence on the two g-reat forces of our civilization; our
political government and the press, the representatives of
which may feel no particular interest in the contest. In this
case it will be natural for them to yield where pressure is
brought to bear upon them, so much the more as they are
dependent on votes and popular favor. During a late con-
test about an immigration measure, the Catholic Church was
alone sufficient to defeat it, although it was undoubtedly fa-
vored by all the nation excepting. This is due to her organ-
ization. If one wishes to know the strength of an organiza-
tion, and the pressure it is capable of bringing to bear, he has
only to consult the politician. The weakness of Protestant
organizations is evident from the fact that our politicians do
not fear them. They have a cheap way of showing their cour-
The Race Question in the United States. 13
ag-e by openly flaunting- them, and holding them up to ridicule,
in congress and out. This would not be if it really took
courage to do it. It is entirely different with the Catholic
Church, at the mere mention of this organization all voices
are hushed, all faces grow pale ; they know they have here to
do with an organization that has purpose, strength and votes
behind it, and that it is not to be fooled or cajoled in any way.
4. A race of people that is active and strong is only
limited in its increase by a limitation of the means of subsist-
ance. Means of substance is represented by accumulations
of past earnings, and present opportunities to earn a living.
The Catholic Church takes this fully into account. It ex-
ercises authority that prevents shirking of duties on the part
of married people; but this is not enough; the young people
must have chances to marry, and means to make a living.
Here the help of the church is valuable. The priest is on
the alert to find chances and opportunities for them; schemes
of colonization and migration; local aid in every community
to find employment, and at the best possible wages, that will
enable young people to marry early and raise large families,
is a most important function of the priest.
It is doubtful whether the protestant churches have ever
bestowed a thought, or made an effort along this line. It is
their hobby to be liberal, and they give away advantages
recklessly, but they will not win unless they use those they
possess for the furtherance of their own cause.
Grander schemes to secure the accumulations of pro-
testants with which they push their propaganda are continu-
ally in process of execution. Priests, particularly fitted for
the task, are sent out to work among the very rich for their
conversion. It 5s here worth the while to make particular
effort in each individual case, and they have had notable suc-
cesses. Of late, American heiresses have excited great in-
terest, and with reason, for the accumulations of this country
are many, the opportunities are plenty, and there is no
easier way of gaining immense results. The Pope, as well as
other i^otentates in Europe, have it in their power to bestow
titles of nobility; princes and counts may be created by the
wholesale; it is but a matter of a word or ceremony. They
14 The Race Question in the United States.
are sent over to hunt among- American heiresses, with what
results need not be told. It must be acknowledg-ed, how-
ever, that the stratag-em is leg-itimate. Americans have no
cause to complain, if the}' allow themselves to be fooled and
plundered. Rome has never made peace, except on the field
of ph3'sical contest. Ever\' means and ag-enc}^ at her dis-
posal is used for the furtherance of her interests. It is with
her no desultory warfare with haphazard methods and ineffi-
cient leaders, it is a g-rand and constant move all along- the
line, and by the ablest and most experienced leaders.
5. Proselyting-, conversion from one party to another is
a means or ag^ency,the importance of which has been fully re-
cog-nized by both parties. Among- Protestants it has been
relied upon too exclusive!}'. They compass land and sea to
make one i)roselyte, and pay no attention to their loss of
millions throug-h failure in the strug-g-le for existence. How-
ever, it is a factor in the contest.
Catholicism hasstreng-th peculiar to itself. Attempts l)y
Protestants to succeed by imitation will meet with the failure
of all imitators. As a system of ceremonialism or ritualism
of accomodation to liuman nature in the popular sense of the
term, Catholicism is the hig-hest conceivable product, she is
complete and perfect in this respect, and will always have the
advantag-e of those that weakly and meanly try to imitate her.
Ritualism has its purpose and strengfth in the enlistment
of the emotions throug-h appeal to the five senses. The emo-
tions, and their ])owers, when sufficiently aroused may bo
directed for a purpose; the purpose to be served depends on
the g-uiding- hand behind it all. If there is any evidence of
more than human ag-ency in the ritual of Moses, it may be
found in the measures taken to g-uard ag-ainst abuse of the
emotions: quite often it is revolting- to the feelings rather
than "beautiful:" severe, rather than alluring. Distinctions
between "clean and unclean " is the keynote to it all. Ritual-
ism, as a priestly device, is seductive to the understanding
and conscience, its aim is to mystif\ and subordinate these
that perfect control may be g-ainod ovol- tlu' thoughts and
actions of the devotee. Asido t"i-(iiii physical force, it is
always the main doi)endence of i)riestly despotism, and the
g-ravitation is inevitably towards it where this is the tendency.
The Race Question in the United States. 15
There is g^round outside of Catholicism. The Protestant-
ism of Luther, Knox, Calvin, and Wesley was a force, definite
and certain, which no class of enemies would be likely in any
way to discredit. There have been g-enuine reformations in
the world, which prove that appeals on the g-round of reason
and hig-her spirituality is not a hopeless undertaking-. How
far Protestantism in our days is capable of making- appeals
on this ground that are likely to meet with response is a ques-
tion for itself; but on purcl}' relig-ious g-round, she must suc-
ceed here if at all.
Protestantism has the advantag-e of a better history.
There is not even a Catholic country on the face of the earth
but what has had to put down the Catholic Church by force
or threat of force, in order to g-ain civil and relig-ious liberty.
The history of Protestantism is the history of liberty and
deliverance from tyranny and oppression. This should ap-
peal to the instinct of liberty in the masses in behalf of Pro-
testantism. And it is probably true that, except for the
natural tyranny inherent in her, the Catholic Church could
have remained supreme. Her religion takes with the aver-
age of humanity. The few that really sought truth and
righteousness might have gone to the stake to the end of
time, as they did for a thousand years, had her tyranny been
anything less than unbearable. Outward acts compel atten-
tion, principles that underlie them are little studied or under-
stood.
It is probably true that, for the present and for some time
to come, the ground for contest will be civil rather than re-
ligious — the ground of liberty and security. The churches
are in the grip of rationalism; spiritual phenomenon has
ceased. On the sea of speculation, where they have launched,
the inevitable tendency is toward materialism, or an inert
formalism. Theorizing and fadism find their natural reaction
in absolutism. The God-consciousness of the Prophet, that
begets authority and its characteristics, ceases and this is
sought elsewhere; hence we hav'e approaches toward Cath-
licism now as an imitation, now as a professed hope of "union
of all the churches." The weakness that is without the real-
ization of independent resources falls naturally before the
16 The Race Question in the United States.
bold assertion of a successful pretension, and in its helpless-
ness overlooks even the memory of past experience. We
had once church union, one and indivisible — we had union
till life, thoug-ht, lig"ht and liberty were either lost or cor-
rupted; it took centuries of strife and millions of martyr-
doms to break the union and restore to mankind some of its
lost birthrights.
The Church in those ages was but a realization of the fear
now expressed in the word "monopoly," and has in this its
explanation. On the one hand was poor lost humanity, with
the crying- necessities of its soul to be supplied; on the other
hand was the one org-anization that owned and controlled the
whole supply, visible and invisible, that alone had the right
and privilege of its bestowal, to whom alone belonged the
revenue, wealth, honor and pov.'er derived from it. The
popular fear of a monopoly was realized in those days to a
degree that has forever marked that period of time as "the
dark ages."
The ideal of Christ, to which the call for union has refer-
ence, is founded on a distinction between the Church and
"the world," which is not regarded nor understood even as a
theory but by a few sects. The prevailing idea now, as
always, is the carnal one, something of show and circum-
stances, with a central authority to depend on for means of
salvation. Dependence on priestl}' devices and mechanical
ways of salvation is on the increase, and has been a marked
characteristic of our age. A Church founded on this concep-
tion involves worldly power and worldly interests; a union of
these interests would be the old monopoly. The religious
sentiment distracted between fear and selfish desires will
continue to furnish occasion for worldly ambition; with its
virulent passions, there is safety alone in parties fairly bal-
anced together with the restraining power of civil govern-
ment, the means by which safety has been actually secured.
This is also the only guarantee that truth and spirit will not
be wholly obliterated. Here and lliore two or three may be
gathered together in the name of Christ, to whom the spirit
of Christ is revealed, union of such would be safe; but life is
not upon the whole on sufficiently high level to be stereot3'ped
The Social Question in the United States. 17
into an org-auization along- this line, that would not at once
evolve a tyranny dark, damning- and awful, in harmony with
all experience. It does not take a monopoly claiming- prop-
erty rig-ht in the soul and conscience of the whole human
race to stir in human nature all that is malevolent and hateful
in its defence.
THE SOCIAL QUESTION IN THE UNITED STATES.
In the first chapter of Exodus we have an account of the
social conditions of the most civilized nation 4,000 years ag-o;
read in the lig-ht of modern experience, it is instructive as
well as sug-gestive.
We have before us in the chapter mentioned, a cultured
and enlig-htened people, but with distinct traces of weak-
nesses, manifesting- itself in a low birth rate, and a frailty
among- their women that made the natural precessesof child-
bearing- a severe ordeal, and abnormally risky. We have this
people contrasted with an immig-rant race, showing- the oppo-
site traits. Their women, we are distinctly told, "are not
like the Eg-yptians," they are "lively "; are able even to dis-
pense with the help of the midwife, without inconvenience.
Moreover, they are multiplying- fast, so fast, indeed, that the
Eg-yptians became alarmed lest they should be outnumbered,
and in the end crowded to the wall by the g-reater expansive
force of the foreig-n race. Means were tried to prevent this,
they are in a measure enslaved, and loaded with heavy bur-
dens, but work does not kill them, they are increasing- even
faster. Then the male babies are slaug-htered outrig-ht, a
heroic measure certainly. We wonder that the Eg-yptians
did not try assimilation; it does not appear to have been
thoug-ht of by either race, perhaps diverg-ence in type, in
race characteristics and relig-ion, did not make assimilation
and amalgamation possible. A clerg^yman, a few years ag-o,
in a widely circulated pamphlet, insisted that our foreig-n
population of alien races, must be "civilized" or they would
18 The Social Question in the United States.
g-o on raising- larg^e families, which would ultimately swamp
the Americans. Here, ag-ain, a means is hinted at which did
not occur to the ancient Eg-\^ptians; the restraining- or de-
vitalizing power of civilization applied to those that were in-
creasing too rapidly. As for our own immigrants, there is
not the least doubt of its operating among them; that is,
those who do not by divergence in type and race character-
istics, keep aloof and maintain their separate quarters in our
cities and settlements in the rural districts. Those kindred
to our own race, capable of assimilation and amalg-amation,
as far as they come in contact with the native race, are
speedily affected. ^J^he disposition on the part of this class
of newcomers to imitate those already here, is natural; the
tendency rather to imitate the worse traits is proverbial.
There is for this reason a double importance in the example
of the older population; they may be continually dragging
down with them those that they have power to assimilate and
that otherwise would strengthen them. In districts where
Seandinavians and (jermaus are interspersed among Ameri-
cans, the orginal charncterestics speedil}- disappear; the
fresh-faced, well developed girls that one sees in the villages
of Scandinavia and Germany are looked for in vain, and we
have a too common type, slim-waisted and delicate, with
mottled, drawn faces, that speak of tension and strain due
to various abuses, and largely to the compression of the body
by corset, belt and other devices for that purpose. Where
they live apart in large settlements they are "civilized " less
rapidly. Where they are wholly kept aloof, centuries may
not effect this change. The French C'anadians, with their
separate communities, are maintaining- a birthrate of thirty-
eight per thousand of population; while in Ontario, which
has been thoroughly Americanized, we have the low rate of
twenty. The extremes in the I'nited States are farther
apart than this; the Inrthrates ol the native race, excepting
the mountainous regions of the South, vary but little, fifteen
in a thousand of population is \\ hat is indicated bv published
statistics and private information. In countries like the
United States and C'anada. where a contest for supremacy
between different races and nationalities exists, the facts con-
The Social Question in the United States. 19
nected with the birthrate and g-eneral vitality of the various
races, have a sig-iiificance which it is necessary only to indi-
cate.
As we study the evolution of society from the earliest
dawn of history, what strikes us most forcibly, is the lack of
it, so to speak. A repetition and similiarity of cause and
effect, producing- the same g-eneral results, is the most dis-
ting-uishing- feature. It may fairly be said to be as much a
problem now as it was four thousand years ago, how to pro-
duce a civilization that will develop manhood and womanhood,
evenly well-balanced, and make the accumulations of wealth,
knowledge and experience subject to this end. The failure
has been conspicuous, and it is larg-ely the failure of human
nature to make anything but a g-rossly, selfish use of advan-
tag-es.
In part, it is a natural tendency to extremes in some par-
ticular direction, of which the danger is less when life
is on a simpler and safer level, as witness our present extra va-
g-ant estimate of book-learning-, from which especially women
suffer. We have come to g-lory in achievements outside of
lines natural to their life and work, rather than fitness for
this, as indispensable to the welfare, or even existence of so-
ciety. We boast of ability to stand the strain and exult in
examples of unusual attainments, and youth will endure
wonderfully, and surprising- results be obtained when every-
thing- is bent in one dii-ection ; but it is no longer necessary
to prove that this straining- after an aim, that for the most
part has no practical purpose, but the mere boast of having
attained, is always at the expense of nerve-force and bodily
vitality that unfits them for the more serious and practical
purposes of life.
The mental strain and confined sedentary life in the
schoolroom, is in too many instances immediately followed
by the equally strained, confined and sedantary life at the
desk in the various capacities in which women are now em-
ployed ; and this, g-enerally, at an age of immaturity, when
growth, strength and development of body must fail, without
exercise of a varied and healthy character. Undeveloped
and unaccustomed, they are unequal to the demand upon
20 The Social Question in the United States.
their physical streng-th to which they must inevitably be sub-
jected, if called upon to perform the functions and work na-
tural to a woman's life ; and we have a cause for the g^eneral
complaint of "overwork" on the part of American women,
althoug-h they do less work than those of any other nation ;
it is not wholly a fault of disposition, when a body is without
streng-th or knowledg-e of work, it is overworked, if required
to work at all. Work, even in a factor3% where modern ma-
chinery has reduced work to a monotonous repetition of the
same motion, is not to be compared with housework, with its
varied occupations, in every attitude of the body, bring-ing-
into play every muscle and exercising- every part. House-
work, interspersed with work in theg-arden, or lig-ht out-of-
door chores, as aforetime was customary, broug-ht women to
a perfection of physical development, now rarely seen.
Lack of nerve force and bodily vigor, due to a variety of
causes, produces a condition of physical inability in which
the instinct of selfpreservation becomes very pronounced,
and will appear as an exag-g-erated form of selfishness and
cowardice. The little life and streng-th possessed is all
needed for mere individual existence ; there is not that over-
flow of health, power and spirit necessary for the production
and maintenance of new lives dependent upon them. Withall,
and even where the physical powers have not been impaired,
self-consciousness, cultivated toau extreme, shrinks from the
hard facts of life, healthy instincts and natural affections are
overborne by cold deliberations of selfishness.
It may be counted a problem whether " life is worth liv-
ing-;" it may be a question about the world and the human
race, but there can be no question about streng-th and virtue.
We may honor those that stand by a principle, even if it be
false, but vice, weakness, disease and puerility are never so
reg-arded. Our latest development of civilization does not in-
vite judg-ment on the g-round of principles; its aim is too
selfish to include even the amount of care and responsibility
necessary to the hig-hcst enjoyment. The ephemeral pleas-
ures, by which nature beg-uiles the irrational creation into
the propag-ation of the species are lusted after with effeminate
propensity, and it has become an art or science how to in-
The Social Questioji in the United States. 21
dulg^e and evade the end desig-ned. The secrets of nature
are soug-ht out, and the knowledg-e g-ained is used to cheat
her of some of her rewards without fulfilling- her nobler pur-
poses. At what cost, let the nations and civilizations that
have perished in their corruption tell.
One should fairly have hoped that intellectual develop-
ment and culture, by which capacity for hig-her enjoyment is
g-ained, would have resulted in a lessening- of dependents on
the mere passional as a means of enjoyment ; but such does
not appear upon the whole to be the case. In the earlier ag-es
of the world, and in primitive societ}^ we find the fact of life
emphasized, rather that the ev^anescent pleasures connected
with it. The g-lory and joy of having- children was para-
mount, and predominated over the mere sensual pleasures
connected with their propag-ation. Wc find this illustrated
repeatedly in the lives of the patriarchs, in men and women
alike ; examples and utterances are so numerous that quota-
tions are unnecessary. It has been reserved for these latter
days of evolution and progress to reverse the process ; the
means is desired with lustful efifeminency, and the end feared
and evaded by all the resources of scientific and popular
knowledg-e.
The same tendency finds a further illustration in the
means used to g-ain the end of marriag-e. Our boasted "love
matches " are effected by practices that promise as little of
happiness and stability as is generally realized. Is it that
our social life, customs and education tend so little to the
development of the practical, the useful and really beautiful
in life and character that dependence on the passional has
become so dangerous and degrading. One might wish that
the mere business view of marriage was made more promi-
nent for the sake of relieving this abnormal dependence. The
nobler view of marriage, with its grave responsibilities is
lost sight of, so are health, beauty, modesty and usefulness,
that should answer to the higher purposes. As is inevitable,
an inferior quality exaggerated does not produce results as
desired, but failure only increases the tendency, flirtation
becomes more desperate, witchery, for sensual effect, more
heartless, the dress is cut lower, the corset or belt squeezed
22 The Social Question in the United States.
tigfhter. Girls, the offspring- of corset-killed mothers already
diminutive, frail, and delicate, are further reduced, and their
little life squeezed out of them by this practice.
It is not to be supposed that this expression of a woman's
passions — extravag-ant, distorted aad suicidal, is wholly a
matter of depravity ; it is larg-ely due to the fact that our pe-
culiar customs and sentiments repress a frank and honest
expression. The girls are taug-ht they must tease and fool
and flirt; they must deny with their tong-ue, and the conse-
quence is that they express the more extravagantlv bv their
manner.
A woman would not dare to express in words a twentieth
part of what is expressed by such a contrivance as the corset.
If the full sig-nificance of the ing-enuity and zeal exerted was
perceived, could men and women look each other in the face ;
perhaps we may not doubt that, but if the eff router}' is suffici-
ent, why may not an understanding be arrived at without
going these enormous lengths? Why these body and soul-
destroying practices to gain a result so simple and well-
defined? What measure of success is in it has to be attained
on the presumption that men are equally devoid of sense and
g-ood taste ; the presumption is mostly a blunder, the destruc-
tion of health and g-ood looks is too g-reat to work for success,
even from the lowest point of view. The Spartan law-g-iver
emplo3'ed a means far more effective, and it did not destroy
the health and beauty of their women, and likely affected
their modesty no worse; there was a frank avowal of the
purpose, and it was part of a consistent and well-ordered sys-
tem. Our modern civilization should be ashamed of the
clumsiness of its methods, if not of the damage entailed.
As a contrivance for a purpose the corset would discredit the
lowest intellectual t3'pe of mankind ; it does its work badlv,
and does it at an enormous risk and sacrifice. That the idea
of enhanced beauty has nothing- to do with it is easilv proved,
for even in our days a sculptor who should take the wasp-
waisted shape as his model for physical beauty, would be
laug^hcd to scorn, and that by the very ones who practice
tig^ht lacing.
Some two are three centuries agfo the dress of the g-entle-
The Social Question in the United States. 23
men rivaled that of the ladies in extravag^ance, in finery and
foolish display ; there has been g-reat improvement in the
way of simplicity and comfort. If the men should squeeze
themselves into the wasp-waisted shape, the effect would be
less deadly ; it would incapacitate them for serious or sus-
tained exertion as it does the women, but in these latter the
org-ans that are damaged are more complex ; they include
those that belong- to the pre-natal life of the child, as well as
the vital org-ans of the individual. It is not to be expected or
even desired that a woman's dress should attain to the same
deg-ree of simplicity as that of the men ; but it may well be
demanded that health, beauty, modesty, usefulness and
posterity shall not be sacrificed for a mere display of wanton-
ness. It is noticable that the scriptures take cog-nizance of
this weakness in women — a readiness to sacrifice everything-
to what is uppermost in her mind, and make her subject to
what ouofht to be the firmer will and wiser mind of the men.
If patriotic and manly men had obeyed the scriptual injunc-
tion of " ruling- well their own households " could these thiug-s
be ; but it has become true of us as was said in derision of
the Isrealites at one period of their history, "children are
their oppressors and women rule over them;" and as always,
when we try to improve on the sentiments and precepts of
the Bible the result has been in an eminent degree disastrous.
It is the prerogative and duty of men to save woman from
their weakness — if they fail in this, the whole race bears the
penalty.
Sentiment and pride will not avert punishment if the laws
are broken. Far reaching effects, with which we have mostly
to deal, are general deterioration, decadence, extinction.
Local or immediate effects are diseases, distressing and
loathsome, ordinarily common to a class of persons not to be
named. The reference is not to the grosser forms of con-
tagious, venereal diseases, but to ailments, generally desig-
ted "feminine weaknesses" "female complaints" etc., which
furnish the medical peofession of this country, regular and
irregular, with more than half of its practice. These ail-
ments do not often kill, although cancer, a natural termina-
tion, is becoming alarmingly prevalent. But more generally
24 The Social Question in the U)iited States.
the subject, always a ph3'sical wreck, drag-s out a long- exist-
ence, a burden to herself and those on whom she is depend-
ent. The org-ans peculiar to the female sex are so much the
center of her physical being-, that the effect of any abuse or
irreg^ularity is apt to center here, from whence it reacts on
the whole body. Some of the abuses bear directly upon
these org-ans; compression of the waist causes abnormal
g-rowths and deformities, obstructs circulation, causes con-
g-estion and laceration of vessels that hold blood, lymph and
serum, which overflow, inflame, and finally escape as un-
natural issues or discharg-es. Abuses of other kinds will pro-
duce similar effects and ag-g-ravate the trouble. Social dissi-
pation, late hours, irreg-ular habits, overstudy, mental and
emotional strain etc., scatter nerve force and vitality,
and make resistanee to disease and recupsration hopeless.
It may be considered part of the scheme of divine retribu-
tion, as it is the idea of sexuality, in a deg-raded form, that
for the most part hovers around these perversions, so it is.
the sexual org-ans that principall}' are struck by these dis-
eases, which make a woman— and a man for that matter in a
like case — at once incapable and disg-usting to the other sex.
And so they fail in the very respect for which they are inclined
to sacrifice everything-.
The somewhat exclusive attention paid to one sex in this
discussion of a subject that pertains to both, is not due toauy
preconceived arrang-ement, but to the plain circumstance that
the young- men are not nearly as much a factor in the problem.
In the North, where the condition is mDre g-eneral, the young
men are mostly of foreig-n importation or extraction. Few
bovs are found in native American families, and of these
a larg^e percentag-e are "submerg-ed " in the process of their
career. But the typical American g-irl is not only found in
American families, she reproduces her type in g-irls among:
immio-rants kindred to her own race. The example of the
native American boy, whatever it maybe, has no g-reat effect
upon young- men of foreign extraction, but women are imita-
tive, and the example of the native American g-irl dominates
her sex, except among races and nationalities that keep aloof.
The Social Question in the United States. 25
The purposes of a nation are mostly of a practical nature,
what may be viewed otherwise has its root in the practical,
and cannot long- exist without it. There must be physical
development and streug-th, and moral earnestness to answer
the purposes. Mental and emotional culture, intensive and
exclusive, may produce interesting-specimens, curiosities and
oddities, which may satisfy the superficial sentiment larg-ely
responsible for the product; but a nation cannot live and sub-
sist on mere whimsicalities and oddities. In the economy of
nature, woman is a necessit3s the vitality and streng-th of a
race depends on her even more than the man, for she is meant
to furnish the physical basis for g-rowth and development to
a g-reater extent. In the animal world, the human species
included, the female is abundantly supplied with streng-th and
energ-y for all the functions pertaining- to her sex; nig-gardli-
ness and precariousuess, even to a deg-ree of total inability,
is the product of civilization. Where society is natural and
vig-orous, woman takes the place that naturally belong-s to
her, she fits it and fills it, excites no distinctive interest or
concern, and there is no "woman's question." As the deeper
sentiments, decay, rant and extravag-ance increase, as leg-iti-
mate uses become impracticable, wag-g-eries of all sorts
flourish; the tribute of weak manhood becomes the nourish-
ment of unworthy womanhood. We may be content to look
at woman from a mere sentimental point of view, and if facts
are shown or objections made, quote poetry and talk senti-
ment, but the incense of adoration with which we involve her
will not save her from the discriminating- process of the laws
of nature. The slim-waisted, delicate, type of woman is the
death of any race that depends upon her in the strug-g-le for
existence. Much attention has been paid to this subject as a
theory; it is surprising- that no attention is being- paid to its
actual operation among- us as a fact. As a race, what does it •
profit it us that we have wealth, learning-, g-enius, ambition,
aspirations, when notwithstanding- all this we are in a dying
condition for want of sufi&cient physical basis, or moral stam-
ana to maintain it.
Gallantry would save its divinity from the imputation of
flaws or faults, but it is not a question of flaws or faults,
26 The Social Question in the United States.
more is at stake than a flimsy sentiment. Our foreig-ners
possess the true sentiment of patriotism ; it is not with them
a mere matter of self-g^ratification or self-g-lorification, they
raise larg^e families and take an iutellig-eut interest in the fu-
ture of the country ; it is a serious question with them— what
is to be the future of a population of which their offspring-
is to form an important part. Our native Americans care
for their country only as it ministers to their pride; they
boast of its g-reatness and g^lory, but what is the United States
to them if it be g-iven over into the hands of alien races, with
whom they have no affinity or kinship. It is often asserted
as though a matter to be taken for g-ranted that the Northern
races of people will out live and out do those of a Southern
clime ; but nature is no respecter of preconceived notions,
the migration of the nations at present is from the South
towards the North, three-fourths of the immig-rants arriv-
ing- in this country are from Southern and Central Europe.
Their spread is due to a hig-her birthrate and g-reater vitality;
the final settlement of population in this country will, if the
present tendency continues, find them in possession. They
will keep apart and be saved from the damag-ing- example of
the native race, while those kindred to that race will follow
it.
The reform forces have gathered against the liquor traffic,
and the agitation against th2 drink-hibit has b2conia popular.
But there are evils that strike more directly and effectually
at the root of the tree of life. The native population of Maine,
notwithstanding prohibition, is in a state of decrepitude,
the birth rate lower than that of any community of which we
have record; French Canadians fast taking possession of the
State. The early Americans, although by no means teetotal-
ers, were wonderfully strong and virile, in spite of massacres
and lurking savages everywhere, they multiplied amazingly;
filled the Eastern States from Maine to Florida; spread their
homes through the dark forests of the South to the Missis-
sippi and beyond ; crossed the northern mountains and filled
the Ohio valley. But a change came, like a forest suddenly
stricken by a blight, the branches began to drop, the leaves
to wither, growth was arrested.
The Social Question in the United States. 27
The facts in the foreg-oing- teathcs that a people may
stand a great deal in the way of disorders and irreg-ularities
as lousr as the women do not become seriously involved; for
the dependence on them as mothers, there is no compensa-
tion or substitute. Whims and weaknesses of women, seem-
ing- trifles, may destroy a race as war, famine and pestilence
tog-ether could not do. In many communities throug-hout the
country there are practically nothing but elderly people and
old maids left of the native population, the mountainous re-
gions of the South alone being- exempt, and how long- will it
be before this reserve of early streng-th and vig-or too will fall
before the advance of civilization? There have been
cases like ours in the history of the world, but for rapidity of
process nothing- that quite equals it. In France, where a
like condition has obtained, thoug-h less agg-ravated, the peo-
ple have risen with a noble patriotism to combat the evil, and
have accomplished much in that direction. Our national
characteristic prevents any such consummation of zeal ; a con-
dition, that in any other country would arouse to earnest
effords, both on the part of Church and State, is here viewed
helplessly; if attention is called to it, the only answer is a cry
of pain, and earnest attempts to cover up defects. Of former
strength and glory we have left our pride, supersensitive as
any disease, the desperate question with us is not about race
or country, but to save — our feelings. We have nourished
our vanity till there is no heart to look facts in the face.
Accustomed to the assertion of proud superiority of taking
things for granted in our own favor, the task of rising to the
occasion of honest investig-ation, frank confession and earn-
est reformation, is an arduous one ; and even now, after the
long and fatal delay, it would scarcely be more than a "dying
repentance," but it would go far to save that portion of the
newer population, kindred to our own race, that is following
in our footsteps, and perhaps the final subversion of our civ-
ilization.
For more than a generation, while this condition has ob-
tained, it has been left for individuals now and then to lift up
a voice of indignation, protest and warning. Of organized
efforts there has been none, nor upon the whole has there
28 The Social Qiiesiio)i in the United Stales.
been any improvement. There have been secret knowledg-e
and eag-er catching- at reassuring- flatteries, squirming-s and
titf 111 outbursts, but there has never been the abihtv to as-
sume a frank and practical attitude with reg-ard to the condi-
tion. It will take combined and determined efforts bv all the
leading- forces of our civilization to save it. Among these
the church should be foremost when it is a question to deal
with a moral evil; but the church people have been leaders in
demoralization, and the churches are implicated bv their
example and silence. The principal Protestant denomina-
tions come tog-ether at their yearly conferences, and have to
face the fact that membership and Sunday School children
not only fail to keep pace with the growing- population but are
actuall}' dwindling- in numbers where they have to depend
on the native race exclusively, the fig-ures of the g-eneral whole
being- kept up alone by work among- foreig-ners. They cast
about for causes seeming-ly, and are careful not to mention
the cause. There is neither courage nor honesty to state the
plain truth that there are not enough children raised among
them to keep up the Sunday Schools; that the membership in
the churches is growing old, and no new generation, worthy
the name, has been provided to take its place. The meeting
proceed with a pathetic repetition of old platitudes about
"renewed zeal," '" work for the Lord," and "building up the
church;" of vices that are destroying the foundation forgrowth
and development, nothing is said. They wind up by passing
their sterotypcd resolution about Sabbath observance, of their
own lack of observance of the most vital laws of God and na-
ture, we hear nothing. These representatives of a dyioag
remnant in our g-reat cities feel authorized to instruct the
great growing mass of foreigners that, with vigor of mind
and body, are crowding them aside, and taking- their places.
Let them first realize the situation, and have the courage to
face it, and after that they may be able to take measures to
arrest decay, and "to strengthen the tilings which remain."
On the surface, we have church rcspectab;lity, ambitious
plans, zeal for work, and everything apparently in working
order; at the bottom is this dark flood of iniquity, under-
mining the very foundation of our race and civilization, so we
PB 1.0.4
The Social Question in the United States. 29
may actually see it sink and disappear. What wonder we
now hear that the churches have "ceased to believe in the
Bible." Faith in the Bible is not a comfortable matter, con-
sidering" the facts in the case. Nor is there any flattering-
comparison between the grand heroes of the Bible and clergy-
men who look at the disintegration of the church and their
race, and dare do nothing-, for there would be a flutter of
hysteria and excitement is the nests of evil were stirred. Yet
we are informed that our liberal Christians have discarded
faith and theolog-y in order to attend to practical questions;
but the condition among- our heterodox, or extreme liberal
churches, is as bad as anywhere, and as little attended to.
On the other hand we know of a very orthodox, and by no
means liberal church, that does attend to the subject in a
practical manner, and attends to it very effectually too within
her own fold. If the Roman inquisition, with its rack and
thumb-screw, had been to work among- us these many years,
they could scarcely have reduced the native Protestant popu-
lation as it has been by its own demoralized condition, As
was said bv a Roman ecclesiastic in England "it is not neces-
sary for us to do anything-, they (the Ritualists), are doing it
for us far more effectually than we could do," so it may be
said here, although the way it is done is different.
As the church has failed, so has science.
A condition that in the course of two g-enerations has low-
ered the birth rate among- our native American race from 40
to 15 in a thousand of population would make an interesting
study for our sociologists. It is never a mere accident, but
a process due to causes that touch life on many points, in-
tellectually, morally and physically. How much the shrink-
ing in our native population is due to the pressure of an
enormous immigration ; or whether or not the heavv influx of
foreigners is rather an account of a vacuum or voluntary con-
traction of our home population ; or at least, a lack of as lamina
to compete in the struggle for existence. The cause of this :
its beginning perhaps the evolution of- some sentiment or
new mode of thought ; how much may have been contributed
to it by the spread of a mere notion, with accompanying
changes in habits and customs. Causes and effects, acting
and reacting hastening the process down to our day. Its final
30 The Social Question in the United States.
result, its effect upon the destines of the nation and the
world at larg-e. But our sociologists are busy with their
theories, there is not even a hint of anything- practical in
their efforts with reference to the conditions that threaten our
race and civilization.
The papers are not always neutral, A Southern daily
speaks feelingly in an editorial about the glory of the
Anglo-Saxon race, and its prospects in the contest with
the negro for possession of the South; in another column it
advertises means and medicines for killing of the white
babies before they are born. If all are not thus guilty, next
the deadliest thing is advertised generally. Nearly all have
their fashion department, the standard is always the ultra
fashionable, wasp-waisted shape. These papers go into even
the humblest homes, and what girl does not love to be in the
fashion, she may not be able to get the richer material out of
which tomake dresses, but it costs uothingtosqueeze the waist
an inch or two tighter even than her more favored sisters. A
nation may afford toa allow a limited number, styled "sociey"
to kill themselves with fashion and folly, but when it perme-
nates all classes, — and the poor will do worse as imitators,—
It may be questioned how far our popular form of gov-
ernment is in its nature fitted to deal with questions of this
sort; but there is no question, on general principles, that it
comes within the province of government to deal with them.
The leading aim of our party government and secular press,
both leading forces in our civilization, is $itcrc<.s in the popular
and material sense. However, it is only up to a certain point
that our professed materialist can ignore moral issues. The
moral or social question at a certain stage becomes political
and personal, it becomes a question of self-preservation and
patriotism, and the dictates of self-interest and natural in-
stinct will demand interference. The question of country is
not identical with that of population and the ground we tread
upon; all races and nationalities of the earth stand ready to
fill the vacant places, to make up a population, and they will
think the ground worth occupying. The sui)ply from north-
ern Europe has failed, but that of the Slavs and Latins is
inexhaustible. It is not a question of population, it is our
race, civilization, life and principles that aro at stake.
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