TiUe. .E_S8± Qass Book-#-S ,^8 Imprint M— «oeo»-i ««»o SPEECH ^. BUCHANAN, OF PENNSYLVANIA, i.v scrroRT of Mti. BENTON'S RESOLUTIONS, KESPKCTiXfJ TH* FORTIFICATIONS AND DEFENCE OF THE COUNTRFi/ IN SENATE, FEBRUARY 1 & 2 1836. WASHINGTON : L A IF. t K I V E K, [(.IS '1 l; SPEECH. SPEECH OF MR. BUCHANAN, Ok Pennsylvania. /n Smote, February 1 and 2 — On Mr. Benton's resolutions, ;is modified by the mover on tlie suggestion of Mr. Grundy, for ai=ttinp; apart so much of tlie surphis revenie as may be neces- sary for the defence and pei manenl SiiCurity of the country. Mr. PRtsiDitsT: I am much better pleased with the first resolution oftercd by ihe Senator from Missouri (Mr. Uenion) since he hau modified it upon the suggestion of the Senator from Tennsse (Mr. Grundy.) When individuals have more money than they know how to expend, th y ofien squan- der it foolishly. The rtniark applies, perhaps, with stUl greater force to uitions. Wlun our TreaMiry is werflowing. Congress, who are but mere trustees for the people, ought to be especisl- ly on their guard again-tt wasteful expenditures of the public money. Tlie surplus can be applied to some good and UHeful purpose. I am willing to grant ail that may be necessavy for the public defence: but no mort». I am therefore pleased tliat the resolution lius assumed its present form. The inie quotion involvtd in this dijcussion i»-, on whom o«,t;ht the responsib lily to rest for hav- ing adjourned on the 3(1 of March lubt without providing for the defence r>f the country. There can be no doubt a fearful responsibility rests somewhere. For my own part, I should have been willing to leave the decision of this question I to our constituent!^. 1 am a man of yieaee; and dislike the criminitiwn and recrimination which this discusaion mtist necessarily jjroducc. Hut iti l-^ vain to rcg"."et wh'U c:\niiOt now be avoided. — | The friends of tliT'Auininisiration have been at-j tacked; and we must now defend ourselves. I deem it nece**^r} , therefore, to state the reasons vrhy I voted, on the third of March la.st, in favor | of the appropriation of three millions for the de- j fence of tlie country, and why I glory in that vote. The languages u»ed by Senators in reference to ! this appropriation has been very strong. It has I b^n denounced as a violation of the Coiutitu- 1 lion. It has been decl-«red to be such a mea.sure j as would not h*ve rect ived the support of the mi- nority, had they believed it could prevail, and i they wwikl be lield responsible for il. It hasi been stigmatized as mostmiusual — most astonish- 1 ing — most surprising. And finally, to rap the climax, it has been procUimed tiiat tlie pasfinge of such an approprittion would be virtually to; create a dictator, and to surrender the power of! »he purse and the sword into the hands of the President. I votection are unveiled. But when a man's words and his ac- tions are at variance, — when he promises and d>;es not perform or even attempt t:< perform, — v/hen "he speaks the word of prom'se to the ear and breaks it to the hone" — the whiyie world will at once pronounce him insincere^ If this betrae in the transactions of common life, with h)w much mo; e force does it apply to tUa iniercourse be- tween di:domatisfs'' The de eit.'uiness of diplo- mucy has become almost aproveib. In Etirope the talent of over-reac!iing gives a Minister the glory of diplomatic skill. The Frcich .school has been distinguished in this art. To prove it, I need onlj- mention the name of Talleyrand. The American school teaches far diff.;rent lessons. On this our suecess has, in a g^eat d( gree, de- pended. The skilful diidomatists of Europe are f.-;i!ed by the dov/nright honesty and drectness of purpose which have characterized ail our ne- j gctiations. Even the established forms of diplomacy con- tain much unmeaning- language, v/lnch is perfectly understood by everybody, and deceives nobody,. Ii"«ninisters have avowed then- sincerity, and their ardent desire to execute the treaty; to deny them, on our p«t, would be insulting, and might lead to the most unpleasant consequences. Jn forming an estimate of their inleniions, ther. fore, every wi.-e man will regard their actions, rather ih.an their words. By their deeds shtdl they be known. Let us then ttst the French Government by this touchstone of truth. 'I'he ratifications of liie treaty of the 4th July, 1831, were exchanged at Washington, on the 2d February, 1832. When this treaty arrived in Paris, the French t;hambers were in stssioo, and they continued in session for several week:^. They did not adjourn, until the 19;h of Apil!. No time more propitious for presenting this treaty to the Chambers, could have been selected, than that very moment. Europe then was, as I believe it still is, one vast magaxine of gunpowder. It wife generally believed, that the Folisii revolution was tire spark which would produce the explosion. There was imminent dang-er of a continental war, in which France, to preserve her ex stance, would have to put forth all her energies. Russia, Pru.s- sia, and Austria, were arined and reudy for the battle. It was then the clear policy of France to be at' a good understan ling with the United States. If it had been the ardent desire of the King-'s Go- vernment, to carry into tflect the stipulations of the treaty, they would have presented it to tiie there freely expressed upon all suitable occasJon.s. Chambers bci'bre their adjourn.Tient. This xyould undoiibted'y have been the course pursued by any Preside lit of the United StUea, umler hifnilar cir- cunxstmces Tiut tbe treat)' \v.n in declu-ing it ;',s my opi- nion, th:it, at the present moment, ih se duties would smount to more t'lan the whole indmnity which Fiance ha-! enjjij^ed to pay to cur follow- citizens. Mefore the conc'usion of the I. n year:< mentioned in the treaty, sht- will have been freed from t)ve py the SMme act ofthe 13th July, 1832, a Board of Comnii-^ioncrs was established to recfive, cx- anaine, viiid decide the clairns of our citizens under .the treaty, v ho wert; to meet on the first d ly of the following Ausruat. Thiiact also directed ihe Secretary ofthe Treasurj- o cuise the several in- .stalments, with the interest thereon, p.ayable to the United Stat s in virtiiC'of the conviulion, to be received ♦rum thf^ French G.vernment and transferred to the United Stated in sjch manner as he may deem be.st. In this r. .sp^ ct the provi- sions of ihf act cnrrespond with tlie terms ofthe treaty, whi^h prescribe ihat the mcney shall be paid into the hands of such person or pf-r-ons as shall be autlioized to receive it by the Govern inent of the Unitr d Stntcs. Were the French Government immediately in formed of :dl these procted'ngs? Who can doubt it? Cerainly no one at all acquainted with ti.e vigilance and zeal of their diplomatic agents. The 19th of Nov;.. :._•, .,,.„., ...^ ....■ l\>i- the meedi'g of the Chambers, at length arrived. •- i-'.Miry AiTiencan wa* ;ii'\ious to 1 :it,v v.-'iat il.o King would say in his speech concerning the t e ■.- ly. No one could doubt b'.U that J,e woul 1 .stronj^'ly r. conmeni to die Chambers to mti^n; the .ipi)r<>pr;ation oft- en'y-five millions of franks, l!ie first instlment of which would become due on the second of February following. All, however, Mdiich ^ the speech contiiins in i-ehuif u to the treaty is compri.sed in the f dio xing sentences;— " I have also ordered my ministers to comniuiii- cate to you the tcaty conclmled on the 4th .Iu!v, 1811, between rty Government ar\d that of th.- Unitf.d States of Americi. This arrangem<;iit puts an end to the nciprocal cluims of the two countries." Now, sir. I airi well aware of ih.- brevity and non-commit'rd char.icler of Kini^'s spe^'clies in F.urope. I know tht; n'; ceosity whicli exists th;:re for circumspection and caution. But nriakingf. very-fair allowance fir th;se considera- ti)h'3, I may at least ."-ay, that the speech does not manifest an anxious desire to carry the treaty into tflfect. What might the King have said; wh;it ought he to h-tve said; what wotdd he have said had he felt 'his anxi-us desire' V m'ght all have been embraced in a single additional .•sentence-, snch as the fullo-.vin:;: "The Congress of ll>o United Slates luve already provided for the ad- mission of French wines into th; ir ports upon th^r terms of this treat\', and have voluiitHfilv reduced their duties uf;on French s !ks; I mu.st, therefore, requ' St vou to grant me the means < f disch.arging the finst insta'ment whidi wiil become die, under- this treaty, on the second day of February next." The King did not even ask the Chambers for t! = money necessiry to red em the fi.ith of Fnnce. !n this respect he debt due to the United Slates i> placed In striking contrast to the (;reek loan. — immediately after ihetwosi-n^ncc.s<,f thespeecli, winch I have already qtot-d, the King proceeds: " YftU wdl likewise be call, d to examine the trea- ty by *hic!i Prince Oiho of Bavaria in caded to the throne of Greece. /.■,/)«// have to request fr.un. yiu the means tif i;ticrantu'ins;, in ttt} /m v:rth ;?.••/ ff///fs, a liun which is indispe'isnble for the cUu- bliskment of the new h>tule Juundcl ht/ our carcf and ciincuT^ence." The establ'shment of the new Sta'e founded by our cares and concurr nee! Ti issi.i, sir, lias made greater advances by h- r skill in dip'omacv than by her vast physic:d power. Unhss I .-.j-i much mistaken, tlie creation of this new s'ate, with Prince Qtho as its Kin/, will ac oinplsli the very object which it w s the int-rcst and piir- pos; of France to defeit. It will, in the end, virtua ly convert Gi;e;cetntoa Rus-ian provinw a bill of exciiange ai Washing-ton for tlie first instal- ment, until five days after it had become due at Paris. This bdl was not presented to the French Government for payment until the 23d Maich, 183:3. Even at that day, the French Ministry had not presented either the treaty, or a bill to crry it into effect, to the Chambers. The faith of France was thus violated by the neglect of the K ng's Government, long before any bill was presented. They, and not the Chambers, are responsible for this violation. It was even im- possible for the Chambers to prevent it. Had this treaty and bill been hid before them in time to have enabled them to redeem the faith of France, the loyalty of the French character would never have pern^itted them to be ffuilty of a positive violation nf national honor. The faith of the nation was forfeited before they were called upon to act. The responsibility was vo- luntarily assumed by the King s ministers. The Chamb rs are dear of it. Besides, the Minis'ry were all powerful with the Chambers during that session. They carried every thing they urged. Kven the bill providing the means of guaranteeing the Greek h)an, became a law. Can it then for a single moment be believed, that it a bill to carrv into effect our treaty — a treaty securing such im- portant advantages to France —had been"^presente i at an early p riod of the session, and had been pressed by the Ministry, that they would have fdled in the aitempti" At all evpi:ts, it was their imperative duty to pursue this course. The as- pect of the political horizon in Europe was still lowering. There was still imminent dan«,'-er of a general war. Fr?.nce was still in a position to make her dread any serious misunderstanding with the United StUes. Afier all this, on the 26th March, the Dude de Broglie, in a note to Mr. Niles, our Charge d'Af faires at Paris, stated that it w«s " a source of re- gret, and indeed, of asionishm nt, that the Gov- ernment of the United States did not think proper to have an understanding with that of Frarice, be- fore taking this step." What step? The demand of an honest debt, almost two months after it had been due, under a solemn treity. Indeed, the Duke, judging from the tone of his note, appears almost to havo considered the demand an insult. To make a positive engagement to pay a fixed siira on a particular day, and when that sum is demand- nicated their apprehensions to this Goremmcnt, and asked it to suspend the demand of the money. But they had never whispered such a suspicion, after the exchange of the ratifications of the t;eaty; and the first intimation of it on this side ^of the Atlantic, was siccompanicd by the astound- ing fact that the French Government had dishonor- ed our bill. It is true, that before the treaty wa« signed, they hid expressed some apprehensions to Mr. Rives on this subject. These, it would seem, from their subsequent conduct, were merely diplo- matic, and intended to produce delay; because, from the date of the treaty, on the 4th July, 1831, until after our bill of exchiinge was dishonored, in March, 1833, no intimation of danger from that quarter was ever suggested. These circumstance* ed nearly two months after, to express astonish- ment to the creditoi', would, in private life, becoH- sldered trifling and evasive. The excuse made by the French Ministry for their conduct, is altogethir vain. Had they dread- ed the vote of the Chambers — had they been afraid to appear before them with their treaty and their bill, they would, and they ought to have commu- made a great noise throughout Europe, and soon became the subject of general remark. On the 6th of April, 1833, a year and more than two months after the exchange of the ratifications at Washington, the treaty and bill were first pre- sented to the French Chambers. The session closed on the 25th of April, without any further action upon the subject. No attempt was made by the Ministry to press it; and as the session would terminate so soon, perhaps no attempt ought to have been made. But, as a new session was to commence the day after the termination of the old„ and to continue two months, a favorable opportu- nity was thus presented to urge the passage of the Uw upon the Chambers. Was this done? No sir. The ministry still continued to pursue the same course. They sufl'ered the remainder of the month of April to pass, the month of May to pass, and not until the eleventh of June, <^nly fifteen days before the close of the session, did they again present the bill to carry into efl^ect the treaty. It was referred 10 a committee, of which Mr. Benjamin Delessert was the Chairman. On the 18th of June, he made a report. This report contains a severe reprimand of the French Government for not having present- ed the bill at an earlier period of the session; and expresses th6 hope that the treaty may be commu- nicated at the opening of the next session. If we are to judge of the opinion of the Chamber from the tone and character of this report, instead of being hostile to the execution of the treaty, had it been presented to them in proper time, they felt every disposition to regard it in a favorable light I shall read the whole report — it is very short, and is as follows: "Gentlemen: The Committee charged by you, to examine the bill relative to the treaty, concluded on the 4th of July, 1831, between France and the United States, his demanded a number of docu- ments and reports, which must be examined, in order to obtain a complete knowledge of so im- portant a transaction. "The committee was soon convinced, that a con- scientious examination of these papers, woiild re- quire much time; find that, at so advanced a penod of the seesion, its labors would have no definitive result. It rej^reti, that from motives which the Government only can explain, the bill was not pre- sented earlier to the Chamber for discussion. It regrets this so much the more, as it it convinced of the importance of the treaty, which essentially in- terests our maritime commerce, our agriculture, aiid our manufactures. •'Several chambers of commerce, particularly those of Paris and Lyons, have manifested an ar- dent desire that the business should be speedily terminated. '•The committee would be satisfied if, after a deeper study of the question, it could enlighten States, under similar circumstances, had withheld a treaty from Congress requiring ah appropriation for fourteen months after it had been duly rati- fied, and had thus forfeited the national faiih to a foreign Government, what would have been the consecjuence? Sir, he ought to have been, be would have been impeached. No circumstances could ever hive justified such conduct in the eyes of the American Congress or the American Peo- ple. After all the provocation which the President had received, as the Kejiresentative of his coun- try, what was his conduct.' It might have been supposed that this violent man, as the Senitor from New Jersey (Mr. Southard) has designated the Chamber with regard to the justice of the him, would at once have recommended decisive claims alleged by each of the parties to the treaty, and which form the basis of it; bwt as time does not allow a definitive report to be made on the subject, it considers itself as the organ of the Chamber, in expressing the wish that this treaty be communicated, at the opening of the next ses- sion; and that its result may be such, as to strength- en the bonds of friendship, which must ever exist between two nations so long united by common interest and sympathy." After a careful reeview of this whole transac- tion, I am convinced that the Government of France never would have pursued such a course towards us, had they entertained a jusr sense of our power, and our willingness to exert it in bciiulf of our in- jured fellow citizens. Had Russia or Austria been her creditors, in^tsad of ourselves, the debt would have been paid when it became due; or at the least, the Ministers of the King would have exerted them- measures. Judging from his energy, — from his well known devotion to the interests of his coun- try, — and above all, from his f.imoas dcol:tration to ask notliing from foreign nations but what was right, and to submit to nothing wrong, I should have expected from him an indignant mes- sage at the commencement of the next session of Congress. Instead of that, the message of De- cember, 1833, in relation to French affairs, is of the mildest.character. It breathes a spirit of con- fident hope that our ancient ally would do us jus- tice during the ne.\t session of the Chambers. His exposition of this subject is concluded by the following declaration: '• As this subject involves important interests, and has attracted a considerable share of the pub- lic attention, I have deemed it proper to make this explicit statement of its aclu.d condition; and should I be disappointed in the hope now enter- telvcs, in a far different manner, toobtain tiie neces- nained, the subject will be again brought to the sary appropriation from the Chambers. I am again constrained, however reluctantly, to adopt the opinion which 1 had formed at the moment. Our totice of Congress in such a m inner as the occa- sion may require." And thus ends the first act of this astonishing fierce political strife in this country is not under- 1 hi *torical drama. Throiighoutthe wholeofit, begin- stood in Europe; and least of all, perhaps, in I ning, middle, and end, the French Govcrnmint, France. During the autiunn of 1832, and the | and not the French (.'hambers, were exclusively session of 1832, '3, it was believed abroad that we to blame. were on the very eve of a revolution; that our glorious Union was at the point of dissolution. I speak, sir, from actual knowledge. Whilst the advocates of despotism were looking forward, with eager hope, to see the last free republic blotted out from the face of nations, the friends of free- dom throughout the world were disheartened, and drea led tiie result of our experiment. The storm did rage in thiscoun'ry with the utmost violence We have now arrived at the mission of Mr. Livingston. He reached Paris in September, 1833. The Duke de Broglie assured him "that the King's Government would willingly and with- out hesitation promise to direct the deliberations of the Chambers to the projtt de hi relative to the execution of the convention of July 4, 1831, on the day after the Chamber is constituted, and to employ every means to secure the happy condu- it is no wonder thnt tluisc friends of liberty, onision of an affair, the final determination of which the other side of the Atlantic, who did not I the United States cannot desre more ardently know how to appreciate the recuperative ener- than ourselves." After this assurance, and iiflter gies of a free and eidiglittned people, govern- all that had passed, it was confidently expected ed by Federal and State institutions of their own j that the King would, in strong terms, have re- choice, should have been alarmed for the safety of j commended the adoption of the appropriation by the Kepublic. For myselT 1 can say that I never I the Chambers. In this we were again doomed to felt any ssrious apprehension; yet the thrill of de- disappointment. In his opening speech he made light with which I received the news of the pas- no direct allusion to the subject He simply says, sage of the famous compromise law of March, th.at "the financial laws, and those required for 1833, can never be effaced from my memory. I the execution of treaties, will be presented to did not then stop to inquire into the nature of its I you." provisions. It was enough for me to know that The bill wns presented, and debated, and final- the Republic was safe, not only in my own opin- 'j rejected by the Chamber of Deputies on the ion, but in the opinion of the world. 1st day of April, 1834, by a vote of 176 to 168. Suppose, sir, that the President of the United jit is not my present purpose to dw«ll upon the causes of this rejection. No doubt the principal otie was that the French Mir.istcrs wtre s.ur prised Ecar the conclusio;! of the debate, and w^re unatde at the moment to show that the captures at St. Sebasliauj were not included in our treaty -with Spain. I am sorry they were not better prepared upon this point; but I altribute to them no bliime on that account. It has been urged over and over ag-ain, both 011 this fioor and elsewhere, that tiie rejection of the treaty was occasioned by the publication in this country of aif. Rives'.-; letter to Mr. Livingston of the 8th of Juh'-, 1831. Is this the fact? If it be so it ought to be known to the woi Id. If it be not, both the character of this Government and oi' Mc- Rives should be rescued from the imputation. What is the opinion expressed in this letter.' Is it that the American claimants vrould obtain, under the trea- ty, mare than the simount of their just claims? No such thing. Is it that they would obtain the amount of their just claims v.^th interest? Not even this. The negotiator merely expresses the opinion that they would receive everv cent of the principa!. He does not ailege ti>:U' Ihey wcuW receive one cent of interest for a dplay of ne:^rly a quarter of a century. This opinion "is evidently tounacd vpon that expressed by Mr. Ga'la in m a despatch dated on the 14lh Januiirv, 18^2, cited by Mr. Rives, in which the f(;rmer evpnsses hisbelu'f tiiat five millions of dollars would satis- fy ad our just ckirr.s. It ou^ht to be observed o. n™'."^ stipulated to be paid by the treaty is on?y 25,0lJu,0J0 of franks, or about §4,700.000; and taut more than nine years had elapsed between tne date of Mr. Gallatin's despatch and the signing of the treaty. These facts all appear on the face ot the fetter, with the additional fact that the statements of the claimants, which have from time to time been presented to Congress, carry the amou:4 of the claims much higheV. These 'state- ments, however, Mr. Hives did not believe were a safe guide. This is (he amount cf the letter, when r.ilrly analysed, which, it is alleged, destroyed the trea- ty before tlie French Cliambers. If a cripv of It had been placed in the hands of every Deputy, it could not possibly have produced any .such effect. That it did not occasion the rej.'jctson of the treaty is absolutely certain- 1 have'examined the whole debate for the purpose of d scoveiing any allusion to this letter; but I have examined it in vain. Not the slightest trace of the letter can be detected in any of the numerous speeches deliv- ered on that occasion. The topics of opposition were variotis, and several of them of a strano-e character; but the letter is not even once aUuded to tiiroughout the whole debate. If its existence were knovvn at the time in the French Chamber, this letter, written by a Minister to his own Gov- ernment, expressing a favorable opinion of the result of hi.s own negotiations, was a document of a character so natural, so much to be expected, that not one Deputy in opposition to the treaty believed it to be of sulTicient Importance even 10 merit a passing notice. Still, I have often thought it strange it had never been meniioiied in the de- bate. The mystery i> now resolved. The truth j is, this letter, which is alleged to have produced such fatal effects, was entirely unknown to the niv m'-iers of the French Chamber v,h n tliey re- jected the tr. .Vcy. This fact is welt er.tablished by a letter from Mr. Jay, the chairman of the commiitce, appointed by the Chamber of Depu- ties to investigate our claims, addressed to Mr. Gbbe-s, and d^ted at Paris on the 24t!i January, 1835. I shall resd it. Extract of a letter from Mr. Jay to Mr. Gibbes, dated 24//t Junicari/, 1835. ♦* It is asserted in tiie American prints that the rejection of tlie American treaty by the Chamber of Deputies, at their last session, was chiefly ow- ing to th - publication of a letter from Mr. Rives to his own Government. This is an error, which justice to that distingui-shed statesman, and a sense of his unremitting exertions to promote the inter- ests of liis Government wliile here, induce rae formally to contradict. No such evidence ap- pears in the debates; and in none of my conver- s itions v/ith the menbers have I ever heard his letter alleged as the motive for disputing the amount due. I muc'i question, indeed, if any o'her Deputy than myself ever rearl the letter jjiuded to." We h ivo row arrived at that point of time when a mojoriy of the French Chamber arrayed them- selves against the treaty. This decision was made on the 1st April, 1834. Some apprehen- sions then prevailed among the King and his min- isters. Ti.e business was now becoming serious. New assurances had now become necessary to prevent the President from presenting the whole transaction to Congress, which they knew would stil! be in session, when the information of the re- jection would reach the United States. In his anynial message, at the commencement of the session, it will be recollected, he had declared that should he be disippointed in the hope then entertained, lie would again bring the subject before Congress, in such a manner as the occasion might require. They knew that he was a nvjn who per- formed his promises, and a great eflbrt w.is to be made to induce him to change his purpose. Accordingly a French brig of war, the Cuirassier, is fitted out with despatches to Mr. Sunurier. They reached him on the 3d June. On the 4tb, he has an in'erviev/ .with Mr. M'Lano, and makes explanations which the latter very properly re- quests may be reduced to v/riting. In c^^mpliance with this request, the French Minister, on the .5th addresses a note to Mr. M'Lan-:. After expressing the regrcJs of the French Government at the rejectiont of the bill, he uses the following language. " The King's Government, sir, after this rejection, the object of so much painful disap- pointment to both Governm;nts, has deliberated, and its unanimous determination bm been to make an appeal from the first vote of the present Cham- ber, to the next Choimber, and to .appeyr bf'fore the new legislature with its treaty and its bill in hand. "It flatters itself that the light already thrown upon this serious question, during tl'cse first de- bates, and the expression of the public wishes becoming each day more clear and distinct, and, finally, a more mature examination, will have, in the meaa time, modified the minds of persons, 9 a;i(l that its own conviction will become the con- viction of the Ji2 .ambers. 'I'l c Ki'is^'s (iovevn- n- out, r-ir, will r.ia^c every Joynl nnd r'uiTiitut'o!) .1 'loit to '.hut <.-fr c', and nil! do' all that its p«^r- vcrinfj per.siiisi)n of tlie justice and of the mu- lal lulvAiilajj^es of" llie trcUy antliunzes you to sped from it. Its intention, nnoiv over, is to do 1 that our con^Ututiin ul'ows, to hasten, as mitcli . . possible, the period of tlic iitw presentation of tiie rejecte I Ifiw. Such s'r, a"-* the ^nlimfnts, sucti tlie inten- tions of his M'jesy's (lovein-ncnt. 1 think I may rely that, on il* pa:t, the fiovcrnrjcnt oi the re- public will avoid, with fores'.^ein^ solicit.de, in tliis ti-ansifory state of thing?, all tha'. migl't hi-- come a caise of fresli irriuiion between tiic two countries, compromit tUe treaty, and ndse, up an obstacle pi-rh^ps insumiountahlr, to th- view^ of recoiiciiiation and harmop}' wh - the King's council." Now, sir, cxanr\^ine this letter, e\cn wliiiout any r>4erenre to tho answer of Mr. McLane, and can .r.fve be a doubt as to its true constnictioii? It ■ as not merlc him to present th.ir decision to the C^'njjressofthe UnitsdStitesin his n-xt annual rnesMiije. The assiirauce was m.ide on the 5 h June, anri Congress did not assemble until the be- ginning of Dccenner. Bu'; the leit-rofMr. Mc- Lane, of th ■ 27tli .lune, removes all possib'e doubt from this suhjf ct. He informs Mr. Sfitrurier Ihat "the I'reNident is .still liuable to understand trie causes whirh led to the result of the prcceed- j^ in the CI amber, . especi^ly when he recol- ':ted the assurances which had so often been . ide by the Kinj3^ and his ndnisters, of Ihrip ear- I St d'.sire to ctrryihe convention into tflect, I'ld the support wliich the Chamber had affiirded in all the other measures proposed by tiic King." And ugain: "The assurances which AI. Serurier's letter contains, of tl)e adherence of the King's Govern- ment to tbe treaty, of its unanimous dctcnniiiation tf) appeal from th..- decision of tjie pre-^ent to the .A- ChamScr, and Is conviction that the public . ish, aud a mature examiuaiioi of the suhjecf, will lead to a favorable re-nl% and its iMt'ntih s, will rely upon llv; assurances whieli M Seriurier h .s b en ir.- structt d to oirer, and will therefiU'C awdt with cotifidcn^-cthe promised appeal to the new C'liam ber- "The Prej.i.'ent, in desiring the under.signtd to request that his sentlme-ds on this subject miy he made known tollis Mijesty'a Govcrnm' nt, has inslruc:ed him al-o to state his expectation Ihit the King, se< iiig the greit interests now in- volved in the subject, and tledeep so icitude felt by the people of the United State; respecting it, will enable ?iim, whe»i p'csenting th- .suhjr- t to Congress, as his duty will require liim to do at th.e opening of their nc\t session, to announce at that time the re-u't of tint appeal, and of His Ma- jf'st) 's eflorts for its; success " Had thi^ letter of Mr. M'Lane place ' a difT rent construction upoa the engagement of il)e French Government froni tiiat .wliieh Mr. Serruricr in- tended to communicate, it was his duty to make the necessary explana'ions without delay. He, in jthat c se, woulil have done so instaniiy. It was a subject of ti^o much importance to suffer any loii- pprehension to exist c'ncering it for a single moment. Notwithst mding all which had pas-cd, the Presi- dent, ou the faiib of ti) a ccinsciousness that the convention had given us more than we were entitled to ask." I shall now proceed to show in what manner the French Guvernment performed the engage- ment M hich hat! been made by their Representa- tive in Washington tc hasten the presentation of the rejected law as much as possible. The Chambers met on the 31st July, and the King mid' them a speech. This speech contains no allusion tottie subject of (he treaty except the foUnwing: " Ihc laws necessary for cwrrying trea- ties into effect, and those still required jfor the accomplishment of the promises of the Chamber, will be again presented to you in the course of this s. Sbion.-' 1 he rejected bill was not pre- sented After a session of two weeks, the Cham- bers were prorogued on the 16th August until the 29ia December,— a day, alnfiost a month after the next iTieetir:g of Congress. I admit tliat strong reasons existed for dis- pensing with that part of the obligation which re- quired tJie French GovL-rnnnent to present the bill at this short session. No good reason h:iemt)le the Chambers in time even to present the bill before the meeting of Congress. Their meeting was so long delayed, as to render it almost impossible that their determiration should be known in this country before the close of the ses- sion, notwithstanding the President I^ad agreed not to present the subject to Congress at the pre- vious session, under a firm conviction that he would receive this determination in time to lay it before them at the commencement of their next session. Is there a Senator in this hull, who can believe fo'- a moment, that if the President had been informed the rejected bill would not be laid before the C'nambers until the 29th December, he would have refrained from communicating to Congress, at their previous session, the state of the controversy between the two countries? Upon this construc- tion, the eng'agement of the French Government was mere words, without the slightest meaiung; and the national vessel which brought it in such soletnn form, might much better have remained at home. What was the apology — \vh;it the pretext under which the King's Government refused to assemble the Chambers at an earlier period? It was, that Mr. Serrurier had made no ent^agemenl to that effect, and that the intention which he had expressed in be- half of his Government to do all that the constitu- tion allows, to hasten, as much as possible, the pe- riod of the new presentation of the rejected law, meant no m:)re than that this was their disposition. The word " intention" is thus changed into "dis- position" by the Count de Kigny; and the whole engagement which was presented to the President in such an imposing form, was thus converted into a mere unmeaning profession of their desire to hasten this presentation as much a» possible- Sir, a* the commencement of the session of Con- gress, it became the duty of the President to speak, and what could any Americ-in expect that he would say? The treaty hud been violated in the first instance, by the Ministers of the French King, in neglecting to lay it before the Chmbr rs until after the first instalment w.'iS due. It was then twice submitted, at so late a periwl of the session, th:it it was impossible for the Chambers to exa- mine and decide the question before their ad' journment. On the last of these occasions, the chairman of the committee, to which the subject was referred, had reported a severe reprimand against the Government, for not having sooner presented the bill, and expressed a hope that it might be presented at an early period of the next session. It was then rejected by the Chamber of Deputies; and when the French Government had solemnly engaged to hasten the presentation of the rejected law, as soon as their Constitution would permit, they prorogue the Ciiambers to the latest period which custom sanctions, in the very face of the remonstrances of the Minister of the United States. I ask again, sir, before such an array of circumstances, what could any man, what could any American expect the President would say in his message? The cup of forbearance had been drained by him to the very dreg^. It was then his duty to speak so as to be heard and to be regarded on the other side of the Atlantic. If the same spirit which dictated the message, or any thing like it, had been manifested by Con- gress, the money, in my opinion, would ere this have been paid. The question was then reduced to a sin.^le point WS demanded the execution of a sob mn treaty; it had been refused. France had promised again to bring the question before the Chambers as soon as possible. The Chambers were prorogued until the latest day. The President had everj reason to believe that France was trifling with us, and that the treaty would again be rejected. Is there a Senator, within the sound of my voice, who, If France had finally determined not to pay the money, would have tamely submitted to this violation of national faith* Not one! The late war with Great Britain elevated us in the estimation of the whole world. In everjr portion of Europe, we have reason to be proud that we are American citizens. We have paid 11 dearly for the exalted character we now enjoy amonff the nations, an'' we ought to preserve ilnnd transmit it unimpaired to future peiieia'ions. To tlieni it V ill be a most precious inlieritance. If, after having compelled the weaker na'ions of the world to p«y us indemnities for captures made from our citizens, we shoidd cower bufon- the power of France, and abandon our rights against her, when they had be^n secure 1 by :< Roiemn treaty, we should be regirded us a mere HectMr amon;r the nations. Tlie same course Executive, both by public opinion and by the wrongs which we had so long patiently endured. Who can suppose that the Kx-f utive intentled to mesiace France, or to oi>uiu iVom her fears what would be denied by her sense o!" justice? The President, in tiiis very message, expressly dis- claims such an idea. Mer lii^tory places her far above any such imputation, 'I he wonder is, how- she could have ever .upposed the President, .)gtin-.t his own soiemn declaration, intended to do her any such injustice. She ought to h ,ve consid- try message? Let it be scanned with eagle eyef=, «nd there is nothing in its language at which tl^e most fas' idious critic can take oOencc. it contains an enumeration of our wrongs in mild and dignified langti'ge, and a contingent recominendution of reprisals, in c;ise the indemnity should again be after. We have now arrived at the special message of the President to Congress of the 26lh February last; a document which has a moU important bearing on the appropriation of the three milions which was reject, d by the Senate. I have given " ■ " with rejected bv the Chambers. But in thi.*, and in aU | this historical sketch of our controver.sy other respecLs. it defers en irelv to the judgment! France, for the pvirpose ot bringing Senators to ofCon?rJs.s. Every idea of an intended menace the very point of time, and to the precne condi- \s excluded by the I'resident'.. express declaration. <1'tion of this question, when the Senate negativea He says: "Such a measure ought not to be consi-} that approprmtHMi dered by France as a menace. Her jiride and power are too well known to expect any thing from her fears, and prechide the necessity of the dpclaration, that nothing partaking of the cha- racter of in'imidation is intended by us." I a.sk ag.iin, is it not forbearing in it« language' Is there a single statement in, it not founded upon truth? Does it even state the whole truth against France? Are there not strong points omitted? All these questions must be answered in the af- firma'ive. Ou this subject we hare strong evi- What had Congress done m realion X.) tnc Fr.-nch que'tion when this messige was pre-ented to \\s> Nothing, sir, nothing. The Senate had unanimouslv pas^-ed » resolution on the 15th Jan- uary, thit it was inexpedient, at present, to adopt any legislative measure, in regard to the State of affairs between the United States and Fcance. This unanimity was obtained by two considera- tions. The one was, that the French Chambers had been convened, though not f .r the purpose of acting upon our treaty, on the fir.^t, instead of dencc from the Duke dc Kroglie himself In the 29th of December a f*ct unknown to the his fa:r,ous letter to Mr. Pageot of June 17th, President at the date of his m( s.sage. 1 '^ <'«^r. 1835, — the :u*row of the Parthian as he flew, — this facl is admitted. He savs tint this clrcumsttinrc afforded a reasonable ground of hope, that we might learn their final determi- «If we examine in detail the message of the "lation before the clo.se of our session on the 3d '^ March. But whatever may have been the causes, the Senate had determined that, for the present, nothing should be done. President of the Un ted Stute.s, (I mean thnt part of it which concerns the relntioi s between the Uniled Stales and France,) it will possibly be found, that pas.sing successively from phrase to phrase, none will he met that cannot bear an in- In the House of Representatives, at the date of ,„, „ - the Special message, on the 26!h February, no terprctation more or less plausible, nor of which, measure whatever, had been i.dop'e.l. The Pre- strict y speaking, it cannot be said that it is a .sim- sident h«d just cans, to believe that the scm.meiits pie expose of such a fact, true in itself, or the as .sertioii of such or such a right which no one con- tests, or the performance of s'ich or such an obligation imposed on the President by the very nature of his functions. There will certainly be found several in which the idea of impeaching the good faitli of the French Government, or of act- ing upon it through menace or intimidation, is more or less distvowed." It was the whole message, and not any of the detached parts, at which the French Government chose to take oflence. It is not my present purpose to discuss the pro- priety of the recommendation of reprisals, or whether that was the best mode of redress which contained in his message to Congress, at the com- mencement of their session, were not m unison with the feelings of either br:inch of the legislature. He, therefore, determined to lay all the informa- tion in his possession before Congress, and leave it for them to decide whether any or what measures should be adopted for the defence ot the country. 1 shrdl read this message. It is as f .Hows : «'I transmit to Congress a n port fri-m the Se- cretary of State, with copies of all tlie letters re- ceived from Mr. Livingston since the message to the House of Representatives of the 6th instant, of the instructions given to th-,.t Minister, and of all the late correspondence with tlie Fiench Got- ernment in Paris, or in Washinston, except a note could kave been suggested. Some decided re- of Mr. Serrur.er, which, for the reasons ttiited m commendaUon, however, was required from the' the report, is not now communicaiea. 12 It will DC seen that I have deemed it my tluty to instruct Mr. L vii'g'slon to quit France with his )egF.t'or n: d rt»nr.! to i!ie United Stales, if an ap- propriation tor the {'uif.lment of the convention shall be lefused by the Chambers. The subject bt-ing now, in ail its present as- pects, bi.i"i;re Corg'iess, whose right it is to de- cide Wiiat measures are to be pursued on that event, I de. m it unnecessary to make fuither re- comnnoridyt on, being coniiden; that, on their p rilliancy of some gran I and striking (t-xploit.? Glory is thei- passi( 13, and th-ir great Empsnor, who ktiew thtm best, iiften acted upon this principle. To anticipHte their enemy, and commenct" the war with sonf.e bold stroke, v,'ould be in pcifect iiccordance with their character. Every Senator, when he vo',ed upon the appro- priation, must have known, or at least might have known, all the information which was contained in the documents accompanying the President's mes.sage. It has been objected, that if the President de- sired this appiopiiation «f three millioms, he ought to have recommended it in his mess'ge. I protest ag inst this principle. He acted wisely, discreetly, and with a becoming respect for Con- gress, to leave the whnle q.iest on to their deci- sion. Th's was especially proper, as we had not thought j)roper to adopt any measure in relation to the subject. Siipposr the President bar!, in his special mes- sage, recommended this ap|--ropriation, what wou'd have been s.id, and justly said, upon the subject'' Denunciations the most eloquent wotdd have resoundtd against him throughout the wh'.Ie country, from Georgia to Miine. It would have every wl^ere been proclaim, d as an act of Execa- tive dict:iti m. In our then existing relations with France, it would have been said, and said •with much f re?, that such a recommendttion from tlie Kxccutive might have had a tendency to exasperate her people, and produce war. Besides, I shall never consent to adopt the prin- ciple that we ought to take no measures to deu nd the country, witliout the reccmmeii' a'ion of the Executive. This would be to subn.il to ihat very dictation, against wiiich, on other occa-ions, gen- tle -Tien themselves have to loud y protested. No sir, I shnil always assert the perlect right of eoi.i- gress to act upon such subjects, independently cf : any Executive recommendation. This special message w;-.s referred to th.e Com- ipi.tee on Foreign Relations, in the llquse of Re- presenta'ives, on the 26th February. On the next day they reported three resolutions, one of which was, "that ccntipgent preparation ou,qht to be made,to meet any emerge ncy growing (yu' of our re- hitions with France." 1 he session was rwpidly draw- ing to a close. But a few days of it then remained. It would have been vain to act upon this resolution. It wass mere absUa'jtion. Had it been adopted, it could have produced no eflect; the money was wanted to place the country in astate of def, nce,and not a mere opinion that it ought to be granted. The Chaimian of the Committee on Foreign rela- tiojis, therefore, on the 28th February, had this resolution laid upon the table, a td gave notice that he would move an amendment to the fortifi- cation bill, appropriating three millions of dollars, one mill. on to the army, and two millions to the navy, to provide ior the contingent defence of the country. It Kss been urged, that because the President, in his last annual message, lias sai-l that this con- tingent appropriation was inserted accoixling to his views, that some blam.e altaches to him from the mode of its introduction. Witliout pretending to know the fact, V v. ill venture the assertion, that he never requested any member, either of this or the other branch of the Legislature, to make such a motion- He had taken his stand — he had left the vvh(.le subject to Congress. I'rom this he never departed. If the Chairman of any committee, or any other member of the Senate or the House, called upon him to know his views upon the sub- ject, he no doubt communicated them freely and frankly. This is his nature. Surely no hi inie can attach to him for having expre.'-sed his opinion upon this subject to any member who ni'ght ask it. It has been tiie uniform course pursued on such oc- casions. On the 2d of March, the House cf Representa- tives, by a unanimous vote, resolved that, in their opinion, the treaty with France, of the 4th July, 1831, should be maintained, and its execution in- sisted on. This was no party vote. It was dicta- ted by a common American feelinc, which rose su- perior to party. After this solemn declaration of the House, m^de in the face of the world, how could it be supposed they would adjourn, widiout endeavoriFig to place the countr}^ in an a'titude of defence.'' What, sir! the Representatives of the People, with an overflowing treasur\ , to leave the country naked and exposed to hostile invasion, and to make no provision for our navy, after h.aving declared unanimously that the treaty should be maintamed! Who could have supposed it? On the th rd of March, upon the moton of the Chuirman of the Committee on Foreign Relations (Mr. Cambreleng,) and in pursuance of the notice 13 which he had g-iven on t'^e 2f!th of pL^bruaiy, this appropriation of 'hree nfiilhons was annexed as an amendment to th.; fortifi-ation bill The vote lip m the q'lfstion was 109 in tlie adirmuive, and 77 in th"- neg'^tiv^. Tliis vote, ;''M(0 i^-irli not 'irirui- imnus, like the forintr, was n;) [i;irly vote. 'I'he bill, (lius amcndrd, was brouj^ht to the Senate. Now sir, let me ask, if this appropriation liad pro- ceeded from die House alone, without any mcs sag-e or any .siurgjestion from the Executive, would not this have b en a legitimate i^ource? Ought sucti an approprlaiion to be opnnsed in the Senat-, hec.iuse it had not received Krtecntive sanction' n-.ve the ISeprcsfntatives of the People no rcjht to orig'U.ate a bill fur the d -fen :e and security of their c-wisiituents and t'.cir country, without first consulting the will of tli^ President? For one, I sliull n-v-r s ibmit to any s'lch a slavish princ |)le. It would m ike the Executive every thing': and Congress nothing. Hal t'lr- i'demnity b«;en absohitely rejected by the.Chimbers, he two nations woidd have been pliced in a s'nte of defiance towards each other, j In sirch a coiidi i>n it was the right — na>, m-.rf, it was the imperative duty of the House of Hepre- seni'.itlves to make contingent piep.-.iation for tlie worst, 'fhc urgency of the case was still more strik'ng, bc-cMuse in ten or eleven of the States riejiiesent .ti es could not be elected until months after tlie adjou'nment, and therefore Congress ' 1 .lot have been assembled to meet any emer- ,' whicii might occur. , i5iit, sir, does it require a recommentlation of the Executive, or a vote of the House of Repre- sent.uives, loah a million' How did the amfiidm'nts osed by the Suv^tor from .Massachusetts (Mr. '*. V ijster) to the foi tificntion bill of the la.-t ^e.^- . sion originate? I presume from tlie Committee of Finance, of which he was the Chairman. No doibt he conf.-rred witii the He.id of t!ic proper Executive dtpartment, accor'ling to tlip custom ii> such cases; but ttill these appropriations of more than four hundred thousand dollai'S had tlicir ori- giu in tliat comTiittc". It was a proper, a /tgit'- mate source, 's then the ancient practice to be ch»nged, and nmst it become a standing rii !e that j we are t<' appropriate no mo. ley witliout the or- ders or tii expiessed wish of the Executive? 11 ^ trust not. I \ The form of ttii-! appropriation has been object- 1 fed to. I -shall read it, j i I *l ■" ^liid he it fa'thcr ennded. That the sum ofi three millions ot dollars be, and the s\m<- is here- 1 by, appropriated out of any money in the 'F'rt-a- j sury not olhtr'.vi^e appropriated, to be expended, iu whoU- or in part, ui'der the direction of the President of th« United Sta'es, for the military ] aii'^ nivil service, inchiiiing fortifications and ord- nance, and increase of the Navy: Provided, ^uch | expenditui es shall be rendtred necessary, for I'je ' defence of the countrj', prior to the next meeting of Congress." It has bren urged, that to grant the mnney in such gpner!>! terms wouli have been a violation of the Cons'ilution. I do not un^'crstand that pria- tion in our annals. They granted to the President the sum of two millions of dollars •* for the pur- pose of defraying any eXlrsordinary expenses which may be incurred in the intercourse between tliC United States and foreign nations." Here, sir, was a grant almost without any limit. It Wits co- extensive with the whole world. Every nation on the face of the earth was witliin the sphere of its operation. The President might have used this money to subsidise foreign nations to destroy our liberties. That he was utterly incapable of such conduct it is scarcely necessary to observe. I do not know that I should have voted for such an unlimi'ed grant. Still, however, there was a responsibility to be found in his obligation under the constitution to account for its| expenditure- Mr. Jefferson never used nny part of thi« appro- printion. It had been intended for the purcliasc of the sovereignty of New Orleans and of other possessions in that quart< r; but our treaty with Fraiicd of the 30 h Ajiri! 1803, by whicli Louisiana was ceded to us, rendered it unneceeeary for him to draw any part of this money from tlie Trea- sury, under the act of Congress, by v/isivh it had been granted. Before the c!os« of Mr. Jefferson's second terra, it was found that specific appropriations in the ex- tent to whicli they had been carried, hnd become inconvenient. Congress often granted too much for one object, and too little for another. This must nece.«sarily be the c:i:;e, becsiuse wc cannot say b: forehand p'-ecis ly how much shall be re- quired for any one purpose. On the 3d of M^rch, 1809, an act whs passed, which was approved by Mr. Jefferson, containing the fo lowing provision: " Frovided, neverthekss, That, durir.g liie recess of Congress, the "resident of the United States nmy, and he is hereby authorized, on the applica- tion of the Secretary of the projjer department, and not otherwise, to direct, if in his opinion ne- ccss'jiry fur the public service, tli.at a portion of the moneys appropriated ibr a particular bianch of expenditure in that department, be applied t» anotl)er branch of expenditure in the same depart- ment; in which case, a soecial account of the mo- neys thus transferreoney destined for any one purpos* by an appropriation bill, may be diverted from that p4, nrrived in that city o.'i the Slii of January — a day propi- tious in our annals. The attack upon the U.itish troops on the night of tlve '2'3d of December did not surprise them more than this MeH.sage e French ministem. After the most jniitent eivlu- rance of wrongs for »o many years, ther seenisd to be astounde' man- ner. That Message, sir, will eventually produce the payment of the indemnity. What cflVct hiKi it upon the character of our country abroad? Let Mr. Livingnton answer this question' In writing to the Secretary of State, on the 11th January, 1835, he says: " It baa •ert.iiBly raised om !« the estimation of other Powers, if I nuiy judgt- from the dem«anor of their repretjentativt-^ here; and my opinion is, that as soon as the first excitement 3ubside«, it will operate favorably on the councils of France." There was not an American in Psiris, on that day, who upon the peruf-al of this Mes- sage, did not feel the flush of hontat pride of country mantling in his countenance. 16 On the 22(1 of November previous, Mr. Living- ston was conviiicefl that the Kin.e^ was sincere in his intention of urging tlie execution of the trea- ty, and then had no lioubt of the sincerity ot hi-* r;!:i)in,.t. yj;e 01'.-=i"-'>er.-i asserrib'ed on t'le first of Decemncr; aa:i after au arduous stiUj^^le for two days a?»inst the opposition, victory perched upon the banner of 'he ministers. Thc-y were thns securely seaU'd in tln-ir places. On tlie 6tii of December Mr. Liviiigst n aguin writes, that ♦'The convers-tions I have had wi'.h the Kin^^ ai;d alltbc m'ri'Bter.*, cc!v. ince me tliat now they are perfectly in earnest, and uni'ed on tlie question ofths treaty, and that it will be u ged with zeal and ability." In a fc-w short days, however, a change came over their spirit. On the 22.1 De- cember Mr. Livingston uses the f ;11 ^wing lan- .e:uage in writing tn the Depv.rtment of State: — "My 1 st despatch (6tii Uecernber) was wiitten imme.'liately after the vote ot the Chamber of De- puties had, as it was thought, secured a majority to the Ad:Ti nistratio'1; und it naturally excited hopes whicii fhat yupppsiti'in was c-dcuUted to in- spire. I soon found, however, b'>t i from the tone of the Adminis' ration press, and from the language the test en our question; it will net be made one on tl,c de- terminr.tion of which the ministers are willing to I'isk their portfolios, 'i'he very next day, after tlie debate, the ministerial gazette fDts Dehah ) de- clared that, satisfied with the approbation tlie Chamber had given to their systetr, it was at perfect; liberty lo exercise its discretion as to par- icuhii measures which do not furm an essenlinl part of that system; and tlie communications 1 sub- sequently had With the King and the ministers confirnie at first, determined to pursue. The re.-ison why they abandoned it, I shall endeavor to explain here- after. Mr. Livingston, in his letter to Mr. Fcr.n-th of the 14th Januaiy, 1835, says: "The lav*.-, it is said, will be presented to ield this position tw France or 1 to any other nation. I need not labor this ques- tion. The subject has been placed in the clear- est and strongest light by Mr. Livingston, in his letter to the Duke de Broglie of the 25th of April. If any possible exception to the rule could be tolerated, surely this would not present the case. The Duke de Brog^lie himself, in his letter to Mr. Pa,?eoT, is constrained to admit, th.it there is not a singk- offensive sentence re-pecting France in the message; but yet he complains of the gentral ef- fect of the whole. With a full knowledge then that the President could not, would not, dare not explain his mv-.s- sage, on the demand of any Foreign Government, the Duke de Broglie addresses his famous letter to the Charge de Afiaires of France, wt Wa.shing- ton. It bears date at Paris, on the 17lii June, 18.35. Before I proceed to make any remarks upon this letter, I wish to biing its ch.iracter dis- tinctly into the view of the SefU'te. It commen- ces by declaring, in oppo.Vition to the pi-incipie that the President of tlie Uniccd States cannot be called upon bv a foreign vernment to make explanations of a message to Congre.s^; that, "by virtue of a clause insetted in tlit- articie first, by the ChamberofDeputiei--, the French Gov rnment must defer making the payaients agreed upon, until thai of f he Untted Slates ahull hao- ixplaimd the true meanin3;,(indreMl purport of diver." passa- ges inserfid bij the President oj iht Uitiun in hu 19 message at Ihc opcnivg of the last session of Con- greas, anH at which alt Fratice, at ihc first aspect, was justly offended " It proceeds still further, an! nnnoiinces that, "the Governmtnt, Ijivinjc dscovered nothing- in that clause at variance witii its own sf ntiments, or the coui-se it had intended to pursue, tiie project of law thus amended on the 18th April, by tlie Chamber of Deputies, was carried on the 27th, to the Cl>Hnil)er of Peers." The Duke, after havin(^ thus distinctly stated,ihat an explanation of the message was required as a condition of the payment of the money, and after presenting a liistorlcal sketch of the controversy, thrn controverts, it considerable length, the posi- tion which had been maintained by Mr. I.ivinu'ston, that the President could not b^" questioned by a Fore gn Government for anything' contained in a messig-e to Congress. He afterwards asserts, in the broades* terms, that the explanations which had been voluntarily made by Mr. Living-ston, and sanctioned by the President, were not sufficient. In suggesting what would satisfy France, he &ays, "we do not here contend about this or tha'^^ phrase, this or that ullcgation, this or that expres- sion; we c- mend about the intention itself, which has dictated that part of the messnge." And again, speaking of Mr. I/uingston's letters of the 29th January, and 25'h April, he adds: "You will easily 'conceive, sir, and the Cabinet of Washington will, we think, nnderstiand it also, that such phrases incidentally inserted in docu- mf nts, the j)urport «nd tenor of which are purely polem cal, surrounded, in some measure, by de- tails of a controversy, which is besides not always free from bitterness, cannot dispel sufficiently the iniprtsxecutive. On the same day, the late message of the President of the United States, which had been expected with so much impa- tience and anxiety, arrived at New York. To this document are annexed many letters of the Duke de Brog-lie, of Mr. Forsyth, and of Mr. Pa- geot, which will be read with great interest. We give a simple analysis of the least important, and an exrtd copy of those which havt been written originalli/ in French. " The public attention was first occupied wifli this letter uf the Minister of Foreig-n Affair^, which was known here some hours before the Message of the President of the United States; and if some journals of the Government have found this publication unseasonable, rttade bi/ the Les^a- tion of France according to the orders which it had received, nobody, at least, has been able to deny the talent, the moderation, and the force of rea- soning which have presided at its preparation " By whom was the Legation of France ordered to publish this despatch? Who alone had the power of issuing such an order? The French Government. Against this positive language, I can still scarcely believe that the Duke de Broglle has given an order so highly reprehensible. The publication of this despatch was an outrage upon all diplomatic usage. It ought to have been intended »s the harbinger of peace, and not of renewed controversy. From its very nature it was secret and confidential. If not received, it ought to have been as if it never had existed. Upon any other principle, it would aggravate the controversy which such communications are al- ways intended to prevent. It has now been diverted fron» its natural purpose by the French Legation, and has been made the subject of an ap- peal by France to the American people against their own Government. It has thus greatly in- creased the difficulties between the two countries. It has proclaimed to the world that France re- quires, from the President of the United States, an apnlogy of his message as an indispensable condition of the execution of our treaty. It has, therefore, rendered it much more difficult for her to retract. The true meaning of this despatch is now ren- dered manifest to the most sceptical. The Duke de Rroglie, in his interview with Mr. Barton, on the 12th October last, has placed his own con- struction upon it. The apology which he then required from the President, contains his own oommentary upon this despatch. I need n"t read the history of that interview to the Senate, to prove that I am correct in this assertion. It must be fresh in the recollection of every Senator. Considered as an appeal to the American peo- ple Kgainst their own Government, the publication of this despatch deserves still more serious con- sideration. Foreign influence, in ail ages, h.is been the bane of republics. It has destroyed nearly all of them which have ever existed. We ougtit to resist its approsches on every occasion. In the very infancy of our existence as a nation, a simi- lar attempt was made by France. It was then repulsed as became a nation of freemen. The present attempt will have the same effect on the American people. It will render them still more firm and still more united in the cause of their country. Of Mr. Barton's recall, I need say but htile. It was the direct consequence of the refus;d of France to execute the treaty, without an apology from the President of his message. Diplomatic relations between the two countries- had been first interrupted by France. On this sub, ject hear what the Count de Uigny s*id in his expose Ve:ul to the Chamber of Peers, on the 27t\\ April last, on presenting the bill for the execution oi our treaty. 1 give my^ own translation: "You know^ the measure which the Govern- metit of the King adopted at the very instant when the message, ])resentcd by the President of the Union, at the opening of the la-it Congress, arrived in Europe. You know that since that time, a similar measure has been adopted by Pre- 81 rident Jackson hinaself. The two ministers, ac- credited near the two Governments, are recipro- cally recalled; the effect of this double recall is at this moment, if not to interrupt, in all respects, the diplomatic communications between the two States, at least to interrupt them in wiiat regards the treaty of the 4lh July. If these relations ought to be renewed, and we doubt not that they ought, it is not for us hereafter to take the initiative-" On the 5th of June, tiie President had officially sanctioned the explanations which had been made to the French Government by Mr. Livingston, in bis letter of the 25thof April, ashe had previously sanctioned those which had been made by the same gentleman, in his note of the 29th of January These were considered by the President, amply sufficient to satisfy the swsceptible feelings of France. In order to give them full time to pro duce their effect, and to aff'ord the French Minis try an ample opportunity for reflection, he delay- ed sending any orders to demand the money se cured by the treaty, until the middle of Septem ber. On the 14th of that month, Mr. Barton was instructed to call upon the Duke de Broglie, and request to be informed, what were the intentions of the French Government, in relation to the pay- ment of tlie money secured by the treaty. He executed these instructions on the 20th of October. The special message has commimicated to us the result. " VVc will pay the money," says the Duke de Broglie, "when ihe Government of the Unitfd State.'! is ready on its part, to drclare to tn; by addressing its claim to us officially in writing, that it relets the misunderstanding which has arisen between the two countries; that this misun- derntanding is founded on a mistake; that it never entered into its intention to call in question the good faith of the French Gmienimenf, nor to take a me- nacing attitude towards France;" and he adds, "if the Government of tlte United States does not give this assurance, we shall be obliged to think that this misunderstanding is not the result of an error." Is there any American so utterly lost to those generous feelings, which love of country should inspire, as to purchase five millions with the loss of national honor' Who, for these or any num- ber of millions, would see the venerable man, now at the head of our Government, l)owing at the footstool of tiie throne of Louis Phillippe, and iike a child, prepared to s.iy its lesson, repeating this degrnding apolog_\ ? First, perish the five mil- lions; — perish a thousand times the amount. The man, whose bosom has been so often bared in the defence of his country, will never submit to such degrading terms. Ilis motto has always been, death before dishonor. Why then, it may be asked, have I expressed a hope, a belief) that tliis unfortunate controversy will be amicably terminaied, when the two nations are now directly at issue? I will tell you why. This has been called a mere question of etiquette; and such it is, so far as France is concerned. She has already received every explanation which the most jealous susceptibility ought to demand. These have been voluntarily tendered to her. Since the date of the Duke de Broglie's letter to Mr. Pageot of the 17th June, wc have receivetl from the President of the United Slates, his gcner- al message at the commencement of the session, and his special message on French affairs. Both these documents disclaim, in the strongest terms, any intentio.n to menace France, or to impute ba'irtually destroyed. We must remember that France may yield with honor; ive never can, without disgrace. Will she yield' That is the question. I confess I should have entertained a stronger belief that she would, had she not published the Duke's letter to Mr. Pageot as an appeal lo the American people. She must still believe that the people of this country are divided in opinion in regard to the firm main- tenmce of their rights. In this she will find her- self entirely mistaken. But should Congress, at the present session, refuse to sustain the President by adopting measures of defence; should tiie pre- cedent of the last session be followed for the pres- ent year, then I shall entertain the most gloomy forebodings. The Father of his country has in- formed us that the best mode of preserving peace is to be prepared for war. 1 firmly believe, therefore, that a unanimous vote of the Senate in favor of the resolutions now before them, to follow to Kurope the acceptance of the mediation, would, almost to acertainty, render it successful. It would be an act of the soundest policy as well as of ^e highest patriotism. It would prove, not that we intend to menace France, because such an attempt would be ridiculous; but that the American peo- ple are unanimous in the assertion of their rights, and have resolved to prepare for the worst. — A Frtnch fleet is now hovering upon our coasts; and sIihII we iit still, with an overflowing Treasu- ry, and leave our country defenceless' This will never be said with truth of the American Con- gress. 22 Magistrate,— we may appeal to Heaven for the I nations.