Si/ 
 
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
 011 899 212 A 
 
 v 
 
 J 
 
 Hollinger 
 
 pH8.5 
 
 Mill Run F3-1955 
 
£" iS3 
 
 Our theory of governnfcnrhas no place for 
 a State except in the Onion. It fa justly 
 taken for granted that the daties and respon- 
 sibilities of B State in federal relations tend 
 to its political health, and to that of the whole 
 
 nation. Even Territories are hastily broughl 
 dm, often before the prescribed conditions are 
 "*■ fulfilled, as if it were dangerous to leave a 
 
 community outside of the great body politic. 
 
 £ Had the loyal Senators and Itepn 
 
 lives of Tennessee been admitted at oi 
 (he assembling of Congress, and, In moderate 
 succession, Arkansas, Georgia, Alabama, 
 North Carolina and Virginia, the public mind 
 of the South would have been tar more 
 healthy than it is, and those States u hich lin- 
 gered on probation to the last would have 
 
 heni Under a more salutary inline:: 
 
 Conduct than if a dozen armies watched over 
 
 them. 
 
 Every month that we delay this healthful 
 
 step complicates the i Tl e excluded po- 
 
 pulation, enough unsettled before.grow 
 irritable ; tlie army become? indispensab 
 local government, and supersedes it; the 
 Government at Wasbiu - tiled to in- 
 
 terfere in one and another difficulty, and this 
 will be done inaptly, and with 
 
 great injustice — for oar Government, wisely 
 adapted to its own proper functions, is utter- 
 ly devoid of those habits and unequipped 
 with the instruments which lit a central 
 Government to exercise authority in r< 
 State- over local affairs. Every attemj 
 perform such duties ha- resulted in misl 
 which have excited the nation. But, what- 
 ever imprudence there may Ik- in the method, 
 the real criticism should he against the re- 
 quisition of such duties of the General i 
 eminent 
 
 The federal ( ;<". i rumenl is unfit to 
 cise minor police and local government, and 
 will inevitably blunder wh in it attempts it. 
 To keep a half score of States under Fi cleral 
 authority, but without national ties and re- 
 sponsibilities; to oblige the central authority 
 to govern half the territory of the Union by 
 Federal civil officers and by the army, is a 
 policy not only uncongenial to our ideas and 
 principle-, but pre-eminently dangerous to 
 the spirit of OUT Government. However hu- 
 mane the ends soughl and the motives, it i.-, 
 iii fact, a course of instruct iring ■ 
 
 our Government to lie despotic, and familiar- 
 izing the people to a stretch of authority 
 which can never be otherwise than 
 oua to liberty. 
 
 I am aware that good men are withheld 
 
 from advocating the prompt and si; 
 admission of the exiled Slate- by the fear, 
 
 chiefly, of its effect upon the partu 
 
 on the lVeedin -n. 
 
 It is said that, if admitted to Congress, the 
 . outhern Senators and Representatives will 
 coalesce with Northern Democrats, and rule 
 
 the country. Is this nation, then, to remain 
 dismembered to serve the ends of parties '; 
 
 Have we learned no wisdom by the history 
 
 of the last ten years, in which just this course 
 of sacrificing the nation to the exigencies of 
 parties plunged us into rebellion and war? 
 
 Even admit that the power would ;■ . 
 to the hands of a party made up ol >oiithern 
 men, and the hitherto dishonored and misled 
 Democracy of the North, that power could 
 not be used Jusl as they pleased. The war 
 has changed, not alone Institutions, but ide is. 
 
 The whole country ha- advanced. I 
 
 sentimenl Is exalted far beyond what it has 
 been at any former period. A. new party 
 
 w ould, like a river, be . 
 
 its channels in the already existing 
 
 and forms of the continent. 
 
 We have entered a new em of liberty. 
 The st vie of thoughl \-< t ■■•■■ r and nee 
 Me. The young men of our tinv i are | 
 
 chool, 
 
 and hundred men are gone 
 
 home io preach a truer and nobler vi 
 human rights. All the Industrial inter 
 society are moving with increasing wisdom 
 iward Intelligence and liberty. Everywhere, 
 
 in churches, in literature, in natlll 
 
 in physical industries, in 9oci i questions, as 
 well as in politics, the Nation i : - that the 
 Winter is over and a new Spring ban 
 the horizon and works through all th 
 mcnt8. In this happily clt id ad- 
 
 i ondition of t ! iarty of the • 
 
 retrograde can maintain itself Everything 
 marches and parties musl march. 
 
 1 bear, w ith wonder and -Cue' and. 
 the fear of a few that lh ace more, hi 
 
 adjustment with the Fed nmenl will 
 
 rule this nation ' The North is rich — ni 
 rich ; the South is poor— n i rer bef< 
 poor. The population i this nearly 
 
 double th it of the South. The industry of 
 the North, in diversity, in 
 
 productiveness, in all the machinery and ed- 
 ucation required for manufacturing, is half ;i 
 century in advance of the S Ch 
 
 in the North cro^v n e\ -r- llil . and - 
 swarm in every neighborhood; while the 
 South has bul si itK n I 
 
 lanci s, like lighth along the 
 
 edge of a continent of dai [n tl 
 
 ■;' a u e. > i mtrast, b ■ nean and cja- 
 ven is the fear that the South will rule the 
 policy of the land ! That, il will have an in- 
 
 . that it w ill contribute, in 'inn . 
 important influen 
 
 J d to believe. Hut. il once to the 
 
 will be because 
 
 rth, demoralized 
 
 ■ \ tiling in! to dis- 
 
 charge Its share at politit i luty. In such 
 
 ;!i not. on! 
 vernment, but it ought 
 
 '.'. It is feared, w ith more reas in, th 
 restoration of t 1 e So ill indepen- 
 
 dence will be c.. trimental to the freedm in. 
 miss from our minds the 
 idea thai the freedmen < in i classified and 
 sep irated from the « lation, and 
 
 nursed and def< nded b 
 ter it will be for themselves and us. TJ 
 gro is part and parcel of Southern - 
 
 lb' cannot be p; 
 
 pered. Its evils will reboun I upon him. Its 
 happiness and reinvigoration cannot b 
 
 from his pat 
 
the South to amicable relations with the 
 North the reorganization of its industry, the 
 reiuspiration of its enterprise and thrift, will 
 •til redound to the freedmen's benefit. JSo- 
 tlmw is so dangerous to the ffeedmen as an 
 unsettled state of society in the bouth. On 
 him comes all the spite, and anger, and ca- 
 price, and revenge. He Wll be made the 
 scapeeoat of lawless and heartless men. Un- 
 it- J we turn the Government into a vast mil- 
 itarv machine, there cannot he armies enough 
 to protect the freedmen while Southern soci- 
 ety remains insurrectionary. If Southern so- 
 ciety is calmed, settled, and occupied and 
 soothed with new hopes and Prosperous in- 
 dustries no armies will be needed. foots will 
 subside, lawless hangers on wall he driven ofl 
 or better governed, and a way Will be grad- 
 ually opened up to the freedman, through ed- 
 ucation and industry, to full citizenship? with 
 all its honors and duties. 
 
 Civilization is a growth. None can escape 
 that forty years in the wilderness who travel 
 from the" figyPt ?f ignorance to the gomued 
 land of civilization. The freedmen must 
 take their march. I have full faith in the 
 results If they have the stamina to undergo 
 the hardships which every uncivilized people 
 has undergone in their upward progress, they 
 will in due time take their place among us. 
 That place cannot be bought, nor bequeath- 
 ed, nor gained by sleight of hand. It wi 1 
 come to sobriety, virtue, industry and frugali- 
 ty <Vs the nation cannot be sound until the 
 b,u,th is prosperous, so on ? the other ex 
 
 MR. GREELEY'S REPLY. 
 
 AND 
 
 the 
 
 MAGNANIMITY — BEECIIEK-WISE 
 OTHERWISE. 
 
 "We have been most anxious that, 
 settlement of our great National difference, 
 
 the North should deal generously with the 
 South. Only let Slavery be utterly annihila- 
 ted— root, branch and suckers— and no cost 
 could be too great to insure a perfect recon- 
 cilement of those so lately divided by the 
 maddening strife of Civil War. We labored 
 and dared— not once only but persistently— 
 to have that strife ended by a negotiation or 
 treaty which should define the rights of all 
 parties and preclude the possibility of confis- 
 cations and executions for treason. Indeed, 
 we should have much preferred that the last 
 billion of dollars that the war cost should 
 | have been expended in rebuilding and re- 
 plenishing the homes of the South rather 
 I than in continuing their devastation. So, 
 when at last the Rebellion had utterly col- 
 lapsed and fallen into absolute rum, our first 
 thought was to save those engaged in it from 
 further inflictions, our first utterance a plea 
 that they should be treated with magnani- 
 mity. At the moment when the assassination 
 of President Lincoln had infuriated the lo\ al 
 
 gaS aUnnfrndition of civil society in mill ions, so that their ears were temporarily 
 tl/e outh is indispensable to the welfare of deaf to the pleadings of mercy, when Andrew 
 the freedmen. n , Bm Johnson, The Herald, The Times, and other 
 
 Refusing to admit loyal Senators .and ^ Jolmsoui;m orac les, were declaring that 
 resentatives from the South to Congress wiu i 
 
 not h tip the freedmen 
 them the vote 
 
 It will not secure for 
 
 Treason must be made odious by ven- 
 
 I will not protect them. It geance and bloodshed, we did our best to 
 
 """ fwl calm the popular fury which they were so 
 
 needlessly aggravating, and pleaded for con- 
 
 Will not secure any amendment |of our I on- 
 
 stitution, however jusl and wise. It will on- ^ 
 
 lv increase the dangers and complicate tfie lotion d eace , Thousands of subscribers 
 
 difficulties. Whether we regard the whole cmauo n hundreds 
 
 Ulllieui ica. " '^'"" "- —o . . , 
 
 nation or any section oi it or class m it, tnc 
 
 first demand of OUT time is, entire reunion . „ 
 
 left us, therefore, never to return; hundreds 
 of erieved but forbearing friends wrote us 
 
 • -as it 
 
 a free press and increasing free speech, attack 
 
 each evil and secures every good. 
 
 Meanwhile, the great chasm which Rebel 
 lion made is not filled up. It grows deeper 
 and stretches wider I Oul of ii rise dread 
 spectres and threatening Bounds. Let that 
 rulf be closed, and bury in it Slavery, Bee 
 limial animosity, and all strifes and hatreds 
 It is lit that the brave men who, on sea 
 and land, faced death to save the nation, 
 should now, by their voice and vote, con- 
 summate what their Bwords rendered possi- 
 ble. 
 
 we did not know the fact, or as it that fact 
 mi „ h t influence our course; Even down to a 
 very late day, the fact that we were seeking 
 to have Jefferson Davis either promptly and 
 fairly tried according to the laws of the land 
 or liberated with his fellow insurgents, has 
 been used by Tfu Times and its echoes to ex- 
 cite againsl us the bitterest prejudice through- 
 nut the loyal States. 
 
 Bu( there is just one test of magnanimity 
 thai we cannot abide, and that is the surren- 
 
 ,. I 11,11 >> v > 
 
 p or the sake of the freedman, for the sake der of the Black Unionists to the 
 
 of the South and its milliow ol our fellow- 
 countrymen, lor oui own Bake, and 101 me 
 greal cause of freedom and civilization, J 
 ureethe immediate reunion oi all the parts 
 Which Rebellionand War have shattered. 
 1 am truly yo u 
 
 iluMiv Ward Bebchbb, 
 
 trolled lomination of their White enemies. 
 We cannot, even for magnanimity's sake, be 
 faithless and ungrateful. The Four Millions 
 f Suuthem Blacks were called to her de- 
 fense by the Nation in her hour of mortal 
 peril They were promised their freedom in 
 
rase of her triumph ; and our honor is 
 pledged to the complete fulfillment of that 
 pledge. Whatever of sacrifice, pecuniary or 
 otherwise, may be required, the Blacks must 
 
 be tree BS we arc, and with like guaranties 
 
 that their liberty is do snare and no accident 
 The promise given in the agony of impend- 
 ing National dissolution must be kept in the 
 full sunshine of National deliverance and 
 prosperity. • Two bundred thousand Blacks 
 •who enlisted i" Bght for the Union, of whom 
 Twenty-eight Thousand died in ber service, 
 cannot, in full view of Memphis and New 
 Orleans, be lefl to such treatment a.s those 
 they enlisted to put down shall Bee tit to ac- 
 cord them, without the blackest perfidy and 
 ingratitude. The magnanimity <>f;i guardian 
 who should make a present of bis ward's es- 
 tate to a mistress, trusting that she would 
 deal generously by the rightful owner, must 
 not be imitated bv our rescued country. 
 The trio of G morals who iu\ ite Mr. I 
 er to pray al Cleveland for the sue 
 Johnsonism treat this matter with a most 
 eloquenl Bilence. Knowing how thoroughly 
 their chaplain's honor and fame are bound up 
 in the National recognition of the manhood 
 of the Blacks, they do not even venture to as- 
 sure him that, if Bucb a rare bird as a John- 
 - tnized Black Union found, 
 
 be should be made welcome at their Cleve- 
 land Convention. They talk of "the rights 
 
 of all 8 ction8," bul have never a word to offer 
 
 for the rights of all men. They commend a 
 i ou~ an I magnanimous policy toward 
 f the South;" but they manifestly 
 tail to recognize Four Millions of those peo- 
 ple as people al all. They want the Union 
 reconstructed mi a basis of" Christian broth- 
 el ," hut tin \ plainly fail to ret 
 Blacks as included in that brotherhood, or 
 entitled to any rights but such as the I 
 at once exasperated and chagrined at their 
 overwhelming defeat, see lit to bestow on 
 them. The Generals do not recognize even 
 the overthrow <<( Slavery. OnMr.Beecher 
 is thus imposed a task harder than there was 
 any need of. They might and should have 
 
 offered him some excuse, some palliation, for 
 his betrayal of the rights of the bumble, per- 
 secuted, Buffering millions who have long be- 
 lieved in and trusted him as their advocate 
 and champion. It was ungem rous, b 
 unnecessary, on their part, to render his 
 apostasy so hare, 30 black, BO hateful, SO hid- 
 eous. Iu pity, if not in decency, they should 
 have put something into their letter implying 
 or insinuating that he mighl serve his new 
 masters without betraying God's poor, and 
 
 of ids past 
 year-. lie; mili. ipl to blunt 
 
 the fin Uies. 
 
 Mi. Beecher, thi - wantonlj exposed, does 
 bis vcr;. 1 • 
 
 in'_' notoriety, he woul toned i sue- 
 
 : population," he say.-, 
 
 more irrita . No, M 
 the only populai ountry u> ■ 
 
 from die ri ■ rnment arc 
 
 the Blacks, and tli w more irri- 
 
 The White ex-Rebels I 
 structed their Bevera] S ites, and now rule 
 them with a rod i a . .<,;.■•. (" : , 
 
 ioidsts are fleeing th< dc • by thousaxutei Bit 
 ter, impenitent !.' now ruling most 
 
 of them a- Govern rs; Rebel Generals and 
 
 Colonels fill near!, i drahic oliice, and 
 
 stand ready lo Bb 
 
 your Johnson pat I mph in the loy- 
 
 But the !■' .:. Millions of loyal 
 
 Southerners guilty of b k have 
 
 no vol' I ment they shed their 
 
 to uphold, an 1 DO BhadoW of powi r 
 
 even in i £ ere they constitute a 
 
 ition. And John- 
 
 Bonism is fully re- t, with your help, 
 
 Shall have. That i.- clearly the 
 
 i" of your Cleveland 
 Convention. 
 
 All your talk of danger being ap 
 from the ad 
 
 it ive and misleading. What 
 - the representati »n of Southern 
 acy i nd rebellion to the , 
 South.. id loyalty. Mr. Stewart of 
 
 Nevada last winter ] 
 
 if all our remaining differei 
 the basis of Universal Amnesty and Impar- 
 tial Suffrage. Not ,, ; 
 
 was raised froin the South in its favor. The 
 men whom what you call " the South'' have 
 ior and dread would 
 the controversy on that I 
 but " the South 
 
 And now you excuse I blame 
 
 us! 
 
 military D . . Imr 00 word of 
 
 hope foi Imen, you are constrained 
 
 to drag in the un elcome topic. You scout 
 
 the idea thai [ n> c in 1" 
 
 and separated from the White population." 
 
 .. u done by thi 
 stitutions and laws which you are asked to 
 validate and perpi f those 
 
 ten Stat 
 
 not admitting to i en re- 
 
 constructed expn illy on tha 
 
 assumption that th r.sub- 
 
making or enforcing the laws whereby they 
 are governed. No one of them, though he 
 were as great as Toussaint or as rich as Pur- 
 vis, must ever vote, or sit on a jury, or hold 
 the smallest public trust. Any White man 
 may live in immoral co-habitation with a 
 colored woman; but, if he marries her, he is 
 punished for it as a criminal Blacks are 
 grudgingly allowed to give testitimony in 
 cases where Blacks are parties; but, it' a 
 Black sees a White rob am! murder another 
 White, his testimony cannot lie taken to 
 bring the malefactor to justice. Thus, 
 throughout the South, every coriceivabh 
 device is employed to keep the Black 
 graded and crushed, despised and benighted, 
 and your chief, Andrew Johnson, tells them 
 that they must not be enfranchised, because 
 if they do, the Whites will kill them ! Such 
 are the people, according to the represi 
 tion of your and their head, to whose uncon 
 troliablc disposal you propose to coiisi-n the 
 ■ thern Blacks, just after scores of them 
 were butchered in New-Orleans for claiming 
 the Right of Suffrage. And not Blacks only 
 but Whites as well, were among the victims 
 of that Moody tragedy. The Rev. Mr. Nor- 
 ton, merely for prayin • ening of the 
 Convention, w - basi lv murdered 
 while an unresisting prisoner in the hands of 
 the police. And there are many clergymen 
 whom you honor and who have honored you 
 who would rather be in his place than in" 
 yours. 
 But you coolly suggest that 
 
 ,''" land occupied 
 
 with new hopes ami prosperous indust 
 will be needed. Biota will subside ; careless hangers 
 en will be driven off or b , ,| ; and a way 
 
 will In- gradually opened up to the freedman, through 
 education and industry, to lull citizenship, with all 
 its powers and duti 
 
 — I do not see how this differs in 
 from the soft-voiced lullabies which 
 our fathers into all the iniquitous compacts 
 of the past. " Only save the Unio 
 
 7 will gradually die out of itself." That 
 fatal miscalculation ha- just cosl us al leasl 
 Half a Million lives and five Billi( 
 money. 1 thoughl you were i 
 >\ho taught us to " seekfirst the kingdom of 
 'o»d and His righteousness, and all these 
 things shall be added unto V on." But our 
 had made uo covenants with the 
 Blacks guaranteeing their freedom, and 
 i experience that we enjoy. 
 H we fall where they stumbled, ,\ 
 he clearesl light, 
 four talk of the Blacks having a way 
 ually opened up, through Education 
 and Industry, to full citizenship," ei ins vi ry 
 heartless and cruel, in view of tl 
 
 hal there i- not one common or public 
 school in all the Rebel states which a colored 
 child is allowed toenter.and thai every efforl 
 
 ire 3ome 3orl of public system 
 1 ttion lor Blacks has been defeated by the 
 "' ™ ' ■ ■ udency there. ],, New-Orleans 
 the Hlacks pay fifteen per cent, of the 
 ia.v, hut no colore, i child is allowed to share 
 Us. benefits The children of Whites who 
 
 ,. v uuiuuig are scnooieu at the expense of 
 Blacks who pay thousands, but whose chil- 
 dren are never allowed to enter the schools. 
 In the Texas Convention, the few " Radicals " 1 
 struggled in every way to have some sort of 
 provision made for educating the Blacks; 
 finally urging that the school-taxes collected 
 of them be appropriated to the education of ' 
 their own children ; but every Rebel— I mean 
 "Conservative"— united to vote down this 
 and every other proposition looking to any 
 education whatever of Blacks. In full view 
 of such facts, Mr. Beecher's suggestion is a 
 trial to human patience. 
 
 How is it that it is always the North that 
 is required to trust, and forbear, and hope? 
 The South desires repn entation in Con- 
 gress, and we respond, " .Most certainly— to- 
 day, if you choose: only let all your people 
 be represented — those who were nearly 
 I nionists in our late struggle as well as those 
 who were Rebels. Give us Impartial Suf- 
 secured by a Constitutional Amend- 
 ment, and make the other conditions of re- 
 construction yourselves." " O no," says " the 
 South ;" " we will stav out forever rather than 
 ent to that." " Very well ; we can wait," 
 say we. 
 "Ah!" interposes Mi'. Beechcr, " let the 
 Is in now, with the power of double 
 representation, and 1 guess they will educate 
 and enfranchise the Blacks by-and-by. Why 
 should the North be afraid of the South T' 
 -Mr. J}., we are afraid of being faithless to 
 those who in our great need were faithful to 
 us. We are afraid of being unjust. Is this 
 tear ridiculous? 
 But, says Mr. B. : 
 
 ■ Refusing to admit loyal Senators," &c. "will not 
 help tin- freedmen." 
 
 Whal do you mean by '"loyal" Senators, 
 &c. ? Do you consider Gen. Forrest loyal ? 
 i- Mayor .Monroe loyal ? Are his murdering 
 police loyal? Is Capt. Semmes, Sheriff elect 
 of .Mobile, up to the Beechcr stand of loyalty; 
 Al! these say they are loyal, and copy Andrew 
 Johnson in stigmatizing the Radicals as 
 unionists" and " trailers." WJi.it is the 
 standard of loyalty? For our own part 
 knowing well that " the South" will be no- 
 wise calmed, nor pacified, nor benefited in any 
 way, by the admission of representatives who 
 ' ' ! " /■<< choice of her electors, we take 
 mi interest in any sett lenient that shall not be 
 lull and final. When the Southern States 
 1 resume their place in the Nation's coun- 
 cils, 1 trust they will be represented by such 
 
 men as they choose to send ; but 1 protest 
 against their election by Rebels alone. Let all 
 the people rote ! If the Blacks are to be ex- 
 cluded now I sec not how they are ever to be 
 enfranchised. But my first concern is thatthe 
 Nation shall maintain its plighted faith, ami 
 
 DOt 
 
 "keep the word of promise to the ear 
 
 But break it to the liope." 
 
 Mr. Beecher has achieved a sudden and 
 w ide popularity. In the conception of every 
 blackleg, duelist, negro-killer and rowdy 
 from the St. John to the Rio Grande, he has 
 all at once ceased to be a fanatic, a bigot, a 
 
disunionist, and become an enlightened 
 patriot and Btat< sman. His praia - are freeh 
 mingled with the blasphemies of the Boot 
 and the ribaldry of The Sunday Merev/ry. 
 
 There is not in all the land one who con- 
 siders " niggers very well in their place," bul 
 that place under the feet of the Whites, who 
 does do) thank him for his letter. The Thugs 
 of New-Orleans are by this time enjoying it ; 
 and (Jen. Forrest would gladly presi 
 merlin- called expressly to ratify it. Bul 
 there I in m iny hearts where the 
 
 eloquent pastor of Plymouth church bas been 
 loved and honored — a mournful conscious- 
 ness that thej hive trusted too confidingly 
 and loved unwisely. " Little children 
 your hearts from i 
 
 II. Q. 
 
 PLYMOUTH CHURCH TO MR. BEECHER. 
 
 Shortly aft< r the publication of tin 
 ofMr. . expressing his sympathy with 
 
 the Cleveland Convention, an informal meet- 
 ing of a number of the members of 
 Plymouth Church was held, at which it was 
 resolved to prepare a communication to the 
 ". setting forth the feeling ofthe Church 
 in regard to his I Iter and position. The 
 to rapt. Duncan, read 
 rday in the Church, and published else- 
 where, while partially explanatory of his 
 course, does n it obviate the appropj 
 of the able address which had Keen prepared 
 in ao ..ith the above action, nor 
 vitiate its force. 
 
 As to the sentiment of Plymouth Church, 
 
 which has always BtOOd " Without Tear and 
 
 withoul r< proach " in the cause of liberty and 
 right, we publish this address, below : 
 
 lb the ii 0. Mi.miv W \;;d BeE< hi.::, 
 
 of Tfymoiith ' v 
 
 Ukvkijk.nd Sik and Di:\i: Friend : We, 
 the undersigned members of Plymouth 
 Church, while we havealwaj . vindicated the 
 freedom of thoughl and liberty of Bpecch on 
 all occasions and all subjects, feel called upon, 
 I''-: our Bilence should be construed hum 
 acquiescence, to state that wehave lead, with 
 ipest pain and regret, the sentiments 
 enunciated in your letter in reply to an invi- 
 tation to attend the i lonvention about to be 
 held at Cleveland, Ohio, as chaplain "to in- 
 voke the Divine blessing upon the Conven- 
 tion of the soldiers and sailors of the United 
 Slates who served during the late Rebellion, 
 
 and who approve- the restoration policj of 
 
 President Johnson and the princip] 
 nounced by the recent National Convention 
 
 at Philadelphia." 
 
 To us those sentiments seem so obviously 
 at variance with all your former teachings, 
 and such a wide departure from tin; doctrine 
 of equal rights to all men which you have 
 
 hitherto so earnestly and effectively labored 
 to inculcate, that we are unable to construe 
 them into a recognition "f the just rights of 
 the loyal citizens of the Booth, and there- 
 wards due to the freedmen lor the effective 
 Mows which they struck lor our country 
 win n in peril, and the can e of humam 
 
 liberty when it «:i- at -lake. 
 
 Nor can we reconcile our feelings to the 
 
 conclusion that the .-land which \oii have 
 
 taken i- predicated on a basis w hich will bring 
 
 concord and happiness to Southern society, 
 
 peace to the Government, or a npeedj 
 
 tion ofthe Union ofthe Btat< w e I elieve 
 
 that, in the of fa constitutional 
 
 the right, 
 
 i traitors, to determine, not only 
 
 • ei represent, but a ,.dl be 
 
 represented in their councils, and th( 
 
 cannot assent to the proposition that the 
 action of the late Co .•, as despotic in its 
 
 tendencies or dang the liberties of otu 
 
 country. 
 
 ^ We are apprehensive alac thai your new 
 alliance will bring you into association with, 
 and till mr inlluei 
 
 position in favor of the political doctrines 
 which are now being maintained and dis- 
 seminated by those who have always been 
 mimical to the best interests of the poor and 
 oppressed of our land— a class who have 
 bithevto In en permitted to turn to you a: all 
 times tor the broadest sympathy and en- 
 couragement, and to honor you as their jjreat- 
 • ader and the especial champ 
 I ami political rights. 
 Plymouth Church, a- die world knoM -, has 
 heretofore occupied no doubtful position in 
 the great ■ liberate and elevate the 
 
 enslaved. Instead of adopting the question- 
 er of turning them over fir re 
 lief and protection to tin society of theii 
 
 bas Shown that she felt it to 
 
 i be her il i remain inactive or to 
 
 el mdiffereuce, 'out earnestly to itrive to 
 subdue uuchristianlike and unjust prejudii 
 to educate public sentiment in their favor, and' 
 
 lo hasten tin- day of their i omplete and final 
 
 deliveranc ■. 
 
 \. e are anxious that our church shall stand 
 i: > die futt has Btood in the past, 
 
 foremost annum- th" fling for the 
 
 right; and that all may know, and none have 
 reason to doubt, whei to he found ; 
 
 thus desiring, as ruemb • - of Ply- 
 mouth Church, to dissent from the views and 
 sentiments expressed in your letter, we, at 
 the same time, would take occasion to renew 
 our assurances that we entertain for you the 
 sincerest affection and regard a.-, our pastor 
 and friend. 
 
 -May we yet be brought to think and act 
 
 together in this y other movement 
 
 ned tor the promotion and perpetuation 
 of human libertj the elevation ofthe human 
 mind, and the advancement of God's glory. 
 
 We humbly subscribe ourseh Ifec- 
 
 tionate friends and fellow-laborers in Ply- 
 mouth Church. 
 
ANOTHER LETTER FROM MR. 
 BEECHER. 
 
 THE BEV. BENEY WARD BEEOHEB DE- 
 FINES BIS POSITION — His DEFENSE 
 OF THE CLEVELAND LETTER. 
 
 At Plymouth Church yesterday the pulpit 
 was occupied by the Rev. Mr. Burton, of 
 Hartford, Conn. After the services were 
 
 concluded, Mr. Burton stated that a letter had 
 been received from Mr. Beecher, which 
 
 would be read by ('apt. Duncan, a member 
 of the congregation. 
 
 Capt. Duncan came forward and said that 
 .1 letter had been forwarded to him 1,, ."!;. 
 Beecher, with a request that itdt was tl 
 advisable or judicious by his friends it should 
 be read, lie then read the following letter : 
 Pkkkskill. Saturday, Aug. 8, 18G6. 
 
 My Dear FniEND : 1 am obliged to you 
 for your letter. 1 am sorry that my friends 
 and my congregation are grieved 1>\ my 
 Cleveland letter. 
 
 This feeling, however, has no just grounds, 
 whatever may he the seeming. 1 have not 
 left, and do not propose to leave or to be put 
 out of the Republican party. 1 am in sym- 
 pathy with its aims, its ureal principles 
 army of noble men. But 1 took the liberty 
 of criticising its policy in a single respect, ; ud 
 io do what 1 could to secure what 1 believed 
 and still believe to be a better one. 
 
 I am, and from the first have been, fully of 
 opinion that the Amendment of the Constitu- 
 tion, proposed by Congress, equalizing repre.- 
 
 . m in Nor. hern and Southern 
 was intrinsically jusl and reasonable, and that 
 it should lie sought by a wholesome and per- 
 moral agitation. 
 
 But, from the presenl condition of the 
 mind and from the President's atti- 
 tude, I deemed such a change to be practi- 
 cally impossible in any near period by p 
 action. And a plan of reconstruction, 
 
 ei ms to me far more like a plan 
 of adjourning reconstruction for years at 
 lea.-,!, with all the liabilities of mischief which 
 are always to be expected in the fluctuations 
 of politics in a free nation. 
 
 Itisnol the. North that chiefly needs the 
 .don of Government to' its normal 
 sphere and regular action. Either the ad\ an- 
 tages of Union are fallacious or the con- 
 tinuous exclusion of the South from it will 
 breed make the future reunion 
 
 mon; difficult, and especially subject the 
 
 freedman to the very worst conditions of so- 
 ciety which can well exist. No army, no 
 Government and uo earthly power can com- 
 pel the South to treat four million menjustiy 
 n aether rightly or wrongly) 
 regard these men a.-, the cause, or even the 
 a, of their unhappiness and dis- 
 franchisi me il But no army, or Government, 
 or power will he required when Southern 
 
 society in restored, occupied and prospering 
 in the renewed Union. Then the negro mi 
 be felt to be necessary to Southern industry, 
 and interest will join with conscience and 
 
 kindness in securing lor him favorable treat- 
 ment from his fellow-citizens. 
 
 We that live at a distance may think that 
 the social reconstruction involved in the 
 emancipation of four million slaves is as 
 simple and easy as it is to discourse about it. 
 a a change is itself one of the most 
 tremendous teste to which industry and so- 
 ciety can lie subjected; and to il-* favorable 
 issue is required every advantage possible. 
 'Ilie longer, therefore,' the South is left in 
 turmoil, the worse it will be for the negro. 
 If there were no other reason; if the white 
 population were not our fellow-citizens; if 
 we Lad lost all kindness and regard for them, 
 and all pride for the Union, as in part repre- 
 sented by the Southern Slates, and confined 
 our attention exclusively to the negro, the 
 case would be strong, beyond my power of 
 expression, for an early resumption of Federal 
 relations with all the Slates. If this is to 
 ■ id the negro, then all social and natu- 
 ral laws have been studied in vain. 
 
 Neither am 1 a " Johnson man " in any 
 received meaning of that term. I accept 
 thai part of the policy which he favors; but 
 with modification. 1 have never thought 
 that it would he wise to bring back all the 
 States in a body, and at once ; any more than 
 it would be to keep them all together. One 
 by one, in due succession, under a practical 
 i nt, rather than by a wholesale theore- 
 tic rule, 1 would have them readmitted. I 
 s'ill think a middle course between the 
 President's and that of Congress would be 
 Wiser than either. But with this my agree- 
 ment with the President ends. I have long 
 regretted his ignorance of Northern ideas 
 and sentiments, and 1 have been astonished 
 and pained at his increasing indiscretions. 
 isciously, the President is the chief 
 obstacle to the readmission of Southern States. 
 It is enough that he is known to favor a 
 measure to set the public mind against it. 
 to be deplored. But, it is largely 
 owing to his increasing imprudent, conduct. 
 1 believe him to be honest, sincere in desir- 
 ing what lie regards as the public good, but 
 slow and unapt in receiving help from other 
 minds. Proud and sensitive, firm to obstinacy, 
 to fierceness, intelligent in his own 
 Sphere (which is narrow), he holds his opin- 
 ions inflexibly, lie often mistakes the in- 
 tensity of his own cunvietions for strength of 
 evidence. 
 
 Such a mar. litis a true sphere in periods of 
 peril, when audacious firmness and rude 
 ire needed. But in the delicate tasks 
 of adjustment which follow civil war, such a 
 nature lacks that tact and delicacy and moral 
 intuition which constitutes the true states- 
 man. 
 
 .Mr. Johnson's haste to take the wrong side 
 at the atrocious massacre at Xcw-Orleans, 
 was shocking. The perversion and mutila- 
 tion of Sheridan's dispatches need no charac- 
 terization. 1 do not attribute this act to him. 
 Yet il was of Mich a criminal and disgraceful 
 nature that not to clear himself of it by the 
 exposure and rebuke of the offending party, 
 amounted to collusion with crime after the 
 
9 
 
 fact. "What shall I Bay of the Bpeoches made 
 in the wide recent circuit of the Executive I 
 Are these the waj a of reconciliation ( 
 
 Yet Mr. Johnson Lb to be oar President for 
 nearly three years to come; clothed with a 
 power which belongs to few thrones, 
 the honor which a people owe to him as tin- 
 Chief Magistrate, we must, as Christian citi- 
 zens, credit him with his real excellencies— 
 his original horror of Secession, his bold re- 
 sistance i" treachery, his persistent and Belfr 
 denying heroism in the long dark days of 
 Tenm --■■■-. We must not forgcl that he has 
 jealously resisted a centralization of power 
 in the Federal Government; that he has 
 Bought to dignify and Bocure a true 
 Rights; that he has maintained a simplicity 
 of manners and a true love of the comm >n 
 pe iple. It if our duty, likewise, to fi - 
 and pn i mu h as possible, by kind 
 
 but faithful i r ticism i -.' his errors on I 
 b ind, and by sympathy and ki idness on the 
 other, those dangers to which he is liable 
 under attacks which he is peculiarly unable 
 to bear with calmness, and those d ing i- ol 
 evil counselors, which more and moi 
 itate toward him. So long as it waspo sible, 
 1 have hern silent upon Mr. Johnson's faults, 
 and now speak bo plainly, only l< . I 
 
 approve or cloak them. 
 
 And now allow me to exp - irpriae 
 
 at the turn which the public Uliu I ha 
 
 on my letter. It 1 h id uevnr before 
 my sentiments I can s e how frisrids might 
 now mis apprehend my p »sil on. Bui I >r ■■■ 
 year past I have been advocating the very 
 'principles of the CleveLind letter m all the 
 chief Eastern cities — in Boston, Portland, 
 Springfield, Albany, Utica, R ichester, Buffalo, 
 Philadelphia, Barrisburgh, Pittsburgh and 
 Brooklyn fat the Academy of Music, last 
 Winter). 'These views were reported, dis- 
 cussed, agreed to or differed from, | 
 and blamed abundantly. Hat no one thought, 
 or at leasl Baid, that 1 remember, that 1 had 
 forsaken the Republican party, or had turned 
 my back upon the free Im in. My recent let- 
 ter hut condenses those views winch for 
 
 twelve months 1 have been can, Stly I ; 
 
 in urging upon the attention of the commu- 
 nity. 1 am not surprised thai men dissent. 
 Bat this sadden consternation, and this late 
 discovery of the nature of my opinions, aeem 
 sufficiently surprising. 1 could a >i ask a bet- 
 ter s in ice than the reprinting of thai - arm >n 
 of last October, which Ural brought upon me 
 the criticism of Tin. TRIBl m. an 
 pendent. 
 
 1 foresaw tint, in the probable condition 
 of parties and the country, we could not carry 
 suffrage for the freedman by immediate polit- 
 ical action. When the ablest and moel radi- 
 cal Congress Of our history came together, 
 they refused to _ r i\e suffrage to negrot s, even 
 in the District of Columbia; and only in an 
 
 indirect way— not as a political right, but 09 
 
 the hoped-for result of political selfishness-— 
 
 did they provide for it by an amendment of 
 the Constitution. "What was prophesy with 
 me, Congress has made history. Relinquish- 
 ing political instrument* for gaining the full 
 
 enfranchisement of men, I instantly turned 
 to moral means, and, enunciating the broadest 
 doctrine of Manhood Suffrage, 1 gave the 
 wi lest latitude to that, advocating the rights 
 
 Ck and white, of men and women, to 
 VOtft It' any man has labored UlOre Openly, 
 
 on a broader principle, and with more 
 uity, I do not know him. More ability may 
 have been shown, hut no; more directni 
 purpose nor un levi iting consistency. 
 
 1 attribute the recent misunderstanding, in 
 part, to the greater excitement which aow 
 exists, to the narrowing of the Issues, and t«> 
 :treme exacerbation which Mr. John- 
 exit :y am! injudicio i 
 iroduced. To this may he added my 
 known i m to join in criticism upon 
 Qie President, and the fact that 1 m 
 led form ol that policy which he, 
 tuna;- iccess, holds. 
 
 Upon Mr. Johnson's I was su- 
 
 premely Impressed with the conviction 
 whoU problem of reconstruction would 
 practka ■ • ny of Mr../ 
 
 an i ( ongrtse. With that we could have se- 
 
 mtee and e\ ery amendment 
 
 of the Constitution. Bad a united Govern- 
 iid to the 8 .a tii. promptly hacked up, 
 as it would have been, by the united North, 
 '• With Slavery un must take out of Vu ConeUtu- 
 • in, and put in what- 
 '■■, ry for - pport left out " — 
 
 in Bcarccly be a doubt tli it long be- 
 fore this, the question would have been Bet- 
 tied, the basis of representation in the South 
 c inform d to th it in the North, and the prin- 
 ciple, the mosl fun laniental and important of 
 all, luighl have been established in the Con- 
 stitution, viz: tii&tManJtood and full citizen- 
 rt identical. 
 Such gre it changes require two things, viz : 
 Promptness and Unity of Counsels. To 
 secure these 1 bent my whole strength. 1 
 urged the purgation of the Constitution. I 
 ■ 1 against mutual distrust, and pleaded 
 f >r unit rn mental action. 1 did all 
 
 th a 1 knew how to do to confirm the Preei- 
 dcnl in his war-begotten zeal against slavery; 
 to prevent such suspicions and criminations 
 aa would tend to revise in his inind old pre- 
 judices, and living on a relapse into his 
 former hatred of Northern fanatics. 1 thought 
 1 understood ins nature, and the extrem< 
 dangers, at such a critical time, of Irritating 
 
 a proud, sensitive and p JguacioUS man, of 
 
 Southern sympathies, little in Bympathy 
 with Northern feelings or idea-, and brought 
 into the very leadership of those men, and 
 that train of principles which he had aQ his 
 lite hated and di uounced. Thai lie was Bin- 
 cere and tenaci i, i would make the case ail 
 the in e,e difficult. 1 thought I foresaw that 
 a division between him and Congress would 
 be the worst disaster that could befall as; 
 that tie t at of ti mship 
 
 just then was UOl to he f'Und in theories or 
 philosophies, however sound, hut in securing 
 and confirming Mr. Johnson in hit then ditpo- 
 titione. 
 
 Upon the assembling of Congress I went to 
 Washington. I foun 1 Southern ineu lying 
 
prostrate before Mr. Johnson, and appealing 
 to his tender-heartedness (for he is a man of 
 
 kind and tender heart i, disarming his war 
 rage l>y otter submission. 
 
 I found Northern men already uttering 
 suspicions of Ins fidelity, and, conscious of 
 power, thre lening impeachment The men 
 who seemed alive to this danger, were, unfor- 
 tunately, not those who had the management 
 of affairs. Bad counsels prevailed. The 
 North denounced and the South sued ; we see 
 the consequences. 
 
 Long after I despaired of seeing the Presi- 
 dent and Congress harmonious, I felt it to be 
 the duty of all good men to leave no influence 
 untried to lessen the danger, and to diminish 
 the evils which are sure io come, should the 
 President, rebounding from the Republicans, 
 be caught by those men who were in sym- 
 pathy and counsel with the South throughout 
 the war. I shall not attempt to apportion 
 blame where both sides erred. It is enough 
 to say that unity secured at the seat of Gov- 
 ernment would have been a noble achieve- 
 ment of leadership. 
 
 ^ Deeming the speedy admission of Hie 
 Southern States as necessary to their own 
 health, as indirectly the best policy for the 
 freedmen, as peculiarly needful to the safety 
 of our Government, which, for the sake of 
 accomplishing a good end, incautious men 
 are in danger of perverting, I favored and do 
 still favor the election to Congress of Repub- 
 licans who will seek the early admission of 
 the recusant States. J laving urged it for a 
 year past, 1 was more than ready to urge it 
 again upon the various conventions which 
 preceded the nomination of Representatives 
 to Congress this Fall. In this spirit and for 
 this end I drew up my Cleveland letter. 1 
 deem its views sound ; 1 am not sorry that 1 
 wrote it. 1 regret, the misapprehension v\ hich 
 it has caused, and yet more any sorrow which 
 it may have needle-sly imposed upon dear 
 friends. As I look back upon my course I see 
 
 no deviation from that straight line which 1 
 have male, without wavering, for now thirty 
 years of public life, in favor of justice, liberty, 
 and the elevation of the poor and ignorant/ 
 
 The attempt to class me with men whose 
 course I have opposed all my life long will 
 utterly fail. I shall choose my own place, 
 and Bhall nol 6e moved from it. 1 have been, 
 from my youth, a firm, unwavering, avowed 
 and active friend of all that were oppn ed 
 
 I have done nothing to forfeit that good name 
 
 which I have earned. 1 am not going weakly 
 
 to turn away troin my settled convictions of 
 
 the public weal for tear that bad men may 
 praise me or good men blame. There is a 
 serious difference of judgment between men 
 as to the best policy. We must all remit to 
 
 the future the decision of the question. Pact 
 will soon judge us. 
 
 1 feel now profoundly how imperfect my 
 services have been to my country, compared 
 with its desert of noble servicea But I am 
 conscious that I have given all that I had to 
 give, without fear or favor. Above all 
 earthly things is my country den to inc. The 
 lips that, taught me to say " Our Father," | 
 
 10 
 
 I taught me to say "Fatherland." I have 
 aimed to conceive of that land in the light of 
 Christianity. God is my witness that with 
 ! singleness "of heart I have given all my time, 
 strength and service to that which" shall 
 make our whole nation truly prosperous and 
 glorious. Not by the luster of arms, even in 
 a just cause, would I seek her glory, but by a 
 civilization that should carry its blessings 
 down to the lowest classes, and nourish the 
 very roots of society by her moral power and 
 purity, by her public conscience, her political 
 justice, and by her intelligent homes, filling 
 up a continent and rearing a virtuous and 
 nobler citizenship. 
 
 By night and by day this is the vision and 
 dream of my life, and inspires me as no per- 
 sonal ambition ever could. 1 am not discour- 
 aged at the failure to do the good 1 meant, at 
 the misapprehension of my church, nor the 
 severity of former friends". Just now those 
 angry voices come to me as rude winds roai 
 through the trees. The winds will die, the 
 trees will live. As soon as my health is again 
 restored, 1 shall go right on in the very course 
 1 have hitherto pursued. Who will follow or 
 accompany, it is for others to decide. I shall 
 labor lor the education of the whole people; 
 for the enfranchisement of men without re- 
 gard to class, caste or color; for full develop- 
 ment among all nations of the liberty where- 
 with Christ makes men tree. In doing this I 
 will cheerfully work with others, with parties 
 —any and all men that seek the same glorious 
 ends. But 1 will not become a partisan. I 
 will reserve my right to differ and dissent, 
 and respect the same right in others. Seek- 
 ing others' full manhood and true personal 
 liberty, I do not mean to forfeit my own. 
 
 Better days are coming. These throes of 
 our days are labor-pains. God will bring 
 forth ere long great blessings. In some mo- 
 ments which it pleases God to give me, I 
 think I discern arising beyond the present 
 troubles, and over the other side of this abyss 
 in which the nation wallows, the fair form" of 
 liberty—God's dear child— whose whole 
 beauty was never yet disclosed. I know her 
 solemn \'u-q. That she is Divine I know by 
 her girdle of purity, by her scepter of justice, 
 and by that atmosphere of Love, that, issuing 
 from her, as light from a star, moves with 
 her, more royal than a king's apparel. In 
 this too, 1 know her divinity, that she shall 
 bless both friends and enemies, and yield the 
 fullest fruition of liberty to those who would 
 have slain her; as, once, her Master gave his 
 lite tor the salvation of those who slew him. 
 I am your true friend and pastor, 
 
 Henry Wakd Beecher. 
 
 The Rev. Henry Ward Beecher has written 
 a second and longer letter explanatory of that 
 published a week before. It contains a great 
 many words, and would seem to require a 
 much longer Idler of explanation than that 
 it explains. We can speak of it but briefly. 
 
The great party wherewith Mr. I'< 
 hae acted tolerates a very wide diversity of 
 views among its members; but, when 
 goes over to the enemy, they understand thai 
 he is no longer of its household. Now the 
 Cleveland Soldiers' Convention Is a move- 
 ment aimed at the life of tin: Republican 
 party. It lean attempt to enlist those who 
 put down the Rebellion by arm- in the ser- 
 vice of those who mean that it shall still 
 triumph in essence and In spirit It is a 
 movement pervaded and animated by the 
 devilish spirit of Caste, whose parents are 
 Shivery and inhumanity. Whoever Intelli- 
 gently favors that Convention favors the 
 crushing out of thy Republican party and the 
 fixing of the Rebel's beel on the .' 
 neck. Be virtually say-, "Give the Rebels 
 all they ask now, and perhaps they will he 
 kind to the Blacks by-and-by." The Reb I 
 take all power of right, and Mr. Beecher says 
 for them, what they will not -ay tor them- 
 Belves, that perhaps they will educate and 
 enfranchise the Negro sometime or other. 
 We prefer to let the Rebels speak for them- 
 
 V 
 
 11 
 
 Belves. Memphis and New-Orleans are no 
 work. 
 Mr. Bc< i not charge 
 
 Andrew Johnson with garbling Gen. Sheri- 
 
 dan's N' .\ < Orleans dispatch. Who did garble 
 it? T/u Timet knows from whom its Wash- 
 ington correspondent received the forged 
 copy: If Mr, Johnson can lie cleared of the 
 
 crime, why is it not done? We know that 
 neither Gen. Gram nor Secretary Stanton is 
 the culprit. Who it, then, if not Andrew 
 Johnson ?" 
 
 Ten millions of people have probably read 
 Mr. Beccher's letter to Slo.iim, Halpinc & 
 Co. At leasl 999 of every 1,000 of them have 
 
 undersl 1 that letter as a manifesto in favor 
 
 of the Johnson-Copperhead-Rebel coalition 
 
 to put the Republicans out of power, keep 
 the Blacks in serfdom, and let the Rebels 
 have their own way in all things. It now 
 seems that we all totally misunderstood it. 
 We trust Mr. 15. will write one more letter — 
 a very short one — to say which of the two 
 Philadelphia Conventions commands hi- 
 sympathy. — The Iribune. 
 
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