MEMOIR 
 
 LIFE OF JOSIAH QUINCY JUN. 
 
 MASSACHUSETTS : 
 
 BY HIS SON, 
 
 JOSIAH QUINCY 
 
 • Breve et irreparabile tempus 
 
 Omnibus est vitm ; scd famani extendere factis, 
 Hoc virtutis opus. 
 
 BOSTON : 
 
 PUBLISHED BY CUMMINGS, HILLIARD, Sf COMPANY. 
 
 1825. 
 
A- ^ 
 
 G & 
 
 'M4^q7 
 
 DISTRICT OF MASSACHUSETTS, TO WIT: 
 
 District Clerk's Office. 
 Be it remembered, that on the twenty-first day of May, A. D. 1825, 
 in the nineteentli year of the Itulependence of the United States of Amer- 
 ica, Cummiiigs, Milliard, & Co. of the said district, have deposited in this 
 office the title of a book, the right wiiereof they claim as proprietors, 
 in the words following, to wit : 
 
 " Memoir of the Life of Josiah Quincy Jun. of Massachusetts : by his 
 son, Josiah Quincy. 
 
 Breve ct irreparabile tempus 
 
 Omnibus est vitte ; sed famam e.Kteudere factis, 
 Hoc vJrtutis opus.'' 
 
 In conformity to the Act of the Congress of the United States, enti- 
 tled, '' An Act for the encouragement of learning, by securins; the copies 
 of maps, charts, and books, to the authors and proprietors of such cop- 
 ies, during the times therein mentioned:" and also to an Act, entitled, 
 " An Act, supplementary to an Act, entitled, ' An Aci for the encourage- 
 nient of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts, and books, to 
 the authors and proprietors of such copies, during the times therein 
 mentioned ;' and extending tlie benefits thereof to tiie arts of design- 
 ing, engraving, and etching historical, and other prints." 
 
 .JNO. W. DAVIS, 
 Clerk of the District of Massacfiusells, 
 
 University Press. — Hilliard fy Metcalf, .' ' 
 
•>» 
 
 ■^ 
 
 
 TO THE 
 
 CITIZENS OF BOSTON, 
 
 This Memoir of one, who, in times of great peril 
 and oppression, was among the most strenuous 
 assertors of the riglits of the inhabitants of this 
 metropolis, is respectfully dedicated, 
 
 By their fellow citizen, 
 
 JOSIAH QUINCY. 
 
 Boston, April :2G, 1825. 
 
 ^ 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 By the lapse of half a century, the actors in the 
 scenes immediately preceding the war of the A- 
 merican Revolution, begin to be placed in a light 
 and at a distance, favourable at once to right feel- 
 ing and just criticism. In the possession of free- 
 dom, happiness, and prosperity, seldom if ever be- 
 fore equalled in the history of nations, the hearts 
 of the American people naturally turn tovt^ards the 
 memories of those, who, under Providence, were 
 the instruments of obtaining these blessings. Cu- 
 riosity awakens concerning their characters and 
 motives. The desire grows daily more universal to 
 repay, with a late and distant gratitude, their long 
 neglected, and often forgotten, sacrifices and suf- 
 ferings. 
 
 Among the men, whose character and political 
 conduct had an acknowledged i nfluence on the 
 events of that period, was Josiah Quincy Jun. The 
 unanimous consent of his contemporaries has asso- 
 ciated his name, in an imperishable union, with 
 that of Otis, Adams, Hancock, Warren, and other 
 
VI 
 
 distinguished men, whose talents and intrepidity 
 influenced the events which led to the declaration 
 of Independence. This honour has been grant- 
 ed to him. notwithstanding his political path was, 
 in every period of its short extent, interrupt- 
 ed by intense professional labours, and was termi- 
 nated by death at the early age of thirty-one years. 
 
 The particular features of a life and charac- 
 ter, capable, under such circumstances, of attain- 
 ing so great a distinction, are objects of curiosity 
 and interest. Those who recollect him, speak of 
 his eloquence, his genius, and his capacity for in- 
 tellectual labour ; of the inextinguishable zeal and 
 absorbing ardour of his exertions, whether directed 
 to political or professional objects; of the entireness 
 with which he threw his soul into every cause in 
 which he engaged ; of the intrepidity of his spirit, 
 and of his indignant sense of the wrongs of his 
 country. 
 
 It is certain that he made a deep impression on 
 his contemporaries. Those who remember the ]k>- 
 litical debates in Fanueil Hall, consequent on the 
 Stamp Act, the Boston Massacre, and the Boston 
 Port-Bill, have yet a vivid recollection of the pa- 
 thos of his eloquence, the boldness of his invectives, 
 and the impressive vehemence with which he ar- 
 raigned the measures of the British ministry, inflam- 
 ing the zeal and animating the resentment of an 
 oppressed people. 
 
Ml 
 
 These recollections, however, arc evanescent. 
 The peculiarities of tone, gesture, and turn of 
 thought, which distinguished the orator, jjerish with 
 him, and with those who were witnesses of their 
 effect. It is among written memorials that the his- 
 torian must look for those traits of virtue and tal- 
 ent which fix the destiny of character, and by which 
 the false is detected and the true established. 
 
 The chief memorials of Josiah Quincy Jun. be- 
 longing to this class, were, by his last will, be- 
 queathed to his son, the editor of this work. They 
 have frequently been solicited for publication, but, 
 with the exception of the few extracts which Gordon 
 made and inserted in the first volume of his Histo- 
 ry of the American Revolution, no part has before 
 been submitted to the press. They are now given 
 to the general eye, not so much because they be- 
 long to that individual, as because his memory, 
 from the circumstances of his life, death, character, 
 and labours, is inseparably identified with the 
 limes in which he lived, and with the fortunes of 
 his country. 
 
 A memoir of this kind has been often urged on 
 the editor as a duty. But it is difficult for a son to 
 execute such a task, without being suspected of un- 
 due bias, or of motives different from those which 
 are avowed. Obstacles of this character have de- 
 ferred until the present time, and would have post- 
 
Vlll 
 
 poned until a still more distant period, this pub- 
 lication, had they not been overcome by consid- 
 erations arising from the uncertainty of life, from 
 the accidents to which all manuscripts are ex- 
 posed, and from a sense of duty as well to the indi- 
 vidual as to the public. The few facts known con- 
 cerning his life, extracts from his writings, and orig- 
 inal letters, to and from distinguished men of his 
 time, will be inserted in chronological order, and 
 selected exclusively with reference to the light 
 they throw on character, motives, and principles. 
 
 His pamphlet on the Boston Port-Bill will be 
 subjoined. Although temporary in its object, it is 
 among the best remaining evidences of the spirit 
 and political principle of the period in which it was 
 written. Nor can it fail of permanent interest 
 from its connexion with the history of this metrop- 
 olis, and with that most oppressive measure of the 
 British ministry, which, more than any other, pre- 
 cipitated the crisis of the American Revolution. 
 
 Of all monuments raised to the memory of dis- 
 tinguished men, the most appropriate, and the least 
 exceptionable, are those, whose foundations are 
 laid in their own works, and which are constructed 
 of materials, supplied and wrought by their own 
 labours. 
 
MEMOIR. 
 
 JosiAH QuTNCY Juii. was a descendant from 
 one of those pilgrims, who, in the reign of Charles 
 the First, sought, in these western regions, an asy- 
 lum from civil and religious persecution. His 
 ancestor, Edmund Quincy, came from England 
 with the Rev. John Cotton, and arrived at Boston 
 in the month of September 1633. In November 
 following, his name and that of his wife are men- 
 tioned on the records of the First Church. He 
 was elected the succeeding x.lay, by the town of 
 Boston, one of its first representatives to the 
 first General Court held in the Colony ; and it 
 appears by the records of that town, that " on the 
 tenth day of the ninth month, 1634, Edmund 
 Quincy and others were appointed to make and 
 assess a tax of thirty pounds to Mr Blackstone," 
 to purchase his right and title to the peninsula of 
 " Shawmut," now Boston. 
 1 
 
2 
 
 In 1635, the town of Boston granted lands at 
 Mount Wollaston to William Coddington and 
 Edmund Quincy ; who took possession of them 
 in the following year. Edmund Quincy died soon 
 after, at the age of thirty-three. 
 
 His only son, Edmund Quincy, was born in 
 England, in 1627. He inherited and settled on 
 his father's estate at Mount Wollaston, afterwards 
 Braintree ; was a magistrate of the county, and 
 Lieutenant Colonel of the Suffolk regiment. He 
 died in 1697, having had two sons, Daniel and 
 Edmund. Daniel, the eldest, died before his 
 father, leaving one son, John, born in 1689. 
 
 John Quincy was an inhabitant of the town of 
 Braintree, and was one of the most distinguished 
 public characters of that period. He held the 
 office of Speaker of the House of Representatives, 
 longer than any other person, during the Charter 
 of William and Mary ; and served as representative 
 from the town of Braintree, and as member of the 
 Executive Council of the Province for forty suc- 
 cessive years. His paternal estate (Mount Wol- 
 laston), on which he resided during his whole 
 life, is now the property of his great grandson, 
 John Quincy Adams. 
 
3 
 
 Edmund, the youngest son of Edmund Quincy, 
 was born in Braintree, in October 1681 ; was 
 graduated at Harvard College in 1699 ; and en- 
 tered early into public life, as representative of 
 the town of Braintree, and afterwards as member 
 of the Executive Council. He held the commis- 
 sion of Judge of the Supreme Court of the colony, 
 from the year 1718, to his death. A controversy 
 having occurred between the province of Massa- 
 chusetts Bay and that of New Hampshire, rela- 
 tive to their respective boundary lines, he was 
 appointed by the General Court of Massachusetts, 
 their agent at the Court of Great Britain. In 
 December 1737, he embarked for England, on 
 that mission. Soon after his arrival in London, 
 he died of the smallpox, February 23, 1738, at 
 the age of fifty-seven. His death was deeply 
 lamented by his countrymen. The General 
 Court of Massachusetts, as an acknowledgment 
 of his worth, and considering that his life had 
 fallen a sacrifice in the public service, made a 
 donation to his heirs, of one thousand acres of 
 land, in the town of Lenox, in the county of 
 Berkshire ; and caused a monument to be erected 
 over his grave in Bunhill-fields, London, at the 
 expense of the colony. 
 
This Edmund Qiiiiicy left two sons, Edmund 
 and Josiah. Edmund, the eldest, was born in 
 Braintree, in 1703, was educated at Harvard 
 College, and received his de«ree in 1722. He was 
 many years a merchant in Boston. Afterwards he 
 resided on his paternal estate in Braintree ; was 
 author of "A Treatise on Hemp Husbandry," 
 published in 1765, and died an acting magistrate 
 of the county of Suffolk, in July 1788, at the 
 age of eighty-five. 
 
 Josiah, the youngest son of Edmund Quincy, 
 was born in Braintree, in 1709. He was graduated 
 at Harvard College, in 1728, and entered into 
 business as a merchant in Boston. In 1737, he 
 accompanied his father to England, passed seve- 
 ral years in Europe at different periods of his life, 
 and finally returned to America in 1749. He 
 was appointed in 1755, by Governor Shirley, joint 
 commissioner with Thomas Pownall, afterwards 
 Governor Pownall, to negotiate with the colonies 
 of Pennsylvania and New York, for assistance in 
 erecting a frontier barrier against the French, at 
 Ticonderoga. In this mission he availed himself 
 of the influence of Dr Franklin,* and was success- 
 ful. The particular circumstances of this negotia- 
 
 * Sec vVppendix. 
 
tion are related in the Memoirs of that great 
 man, written by himself. 
 
 Josiah Quincy retired in 1756 from business, 
 and resided in Braintree, on his portion of his 
 paternal estate, until his death, in 1784. His 
 latter years were embittered by the loss of his 
 youngest son, the subject of these memoirs, with 
 whose zeal in the cause of American liberty, he 
 cordially co-operated ; and whose reputation for 
 genius, and rising promise of future usefulness and 
 distinction, he had cherished as the hope and so- 
 lace of his declining years. He was in friend- 
 ship and correspondence with Washington, Adams, 
 Franklin, Bowdoin, and other distinguished char- 
 acters of that period.* His first wife was Hannah 
 Sturgis, daughter of John Sturgis Esq. of Yar- 
 mouth, by whom he had three sons. 
 
 Edmund, the eldest, was born in Braintree, in 
 October 1733. He received his degree at Har- 
 vard College in 1752, entered into business as a 
 merchant in Boston, and visited England in 17G0, 
 and 1763. He was the intimate friend of Dr 
 May hew, and a correspondent of Thomas Hol- 
 
 * As the letters of such men cannot fail of being inteVcst- 
 uig to their countrymen, a few of those, found among the pa- 
 pers of Josiah Quincy, are inserted in tiie Appendix. 
 
lis Esq. of London.* Being a zealous whig and a 
 political writer of that period, he would have 
 probably taken an active part in the American 
 Revolution, had his life been spared. But his 
 health declining under a pulmonary complaint, he 
 sailed, by the advice of his physicians, to the West 
 Indies, and died at sea in March 1768, at the age 
 of thirty-live years. 
 
 Samuel Quincy, the second son, was graduated 
 at Harvard College in 1754 ; engaged in the study 
 of the law, and became eminent in that profession. 
 He was appointed Solicitor General of the prov- 
 ince, under the crown, and held that office until 
 the revolution. Influenced by his official duties 
 and connexions, his political course was opposed 
 to that of the other members of his family. On 
 the termination of the siege of Boston in 1776, 
 he left this country with other loyalists. He 
 was appointed attorney for the crown in the 
 island of Antigua, which office he held until his 
 death in 1789. 
 
 The youngest son of Josiah Quincy, having died 
 in the lifetime of his father, was knoAvn to his 
 contemporaries by the name of Josiah Quincy Jun. 
 
 * A letter from Mr Hollis is inserted in the Appendix t© 
 this Avork. 
 
He was born in Boston February 23, 1744. The 
 delicacy of his constitution, during his infancy 
 and childhood, excited the anxiety of his friends. 
 As he advanced towards manhood their apprehen- 
 sions were increased by the extreme sensibility of 
 his temperament, and the ardour and industry by 
 which, even in youth, he was distinguished. 
 
 These qualities characterized him through life, 
 and being brought into strong activity by the 
 political excitement of the period, caused the early 
 termination of his career. 
 
 Josiah Quincy Jun. acquired the rudiments of 
 a classical education at Braintree, under the tuition 
 of Mr Joseph Marsh, who was for many years 
 master of a highly respected private school in that 
 town. In 1759, he entered Harvard University, 
 where his industry, zeal, and unconquerable thirst 
 for learning, were conspicuous. His taste was 
 refined by an intimate acquaintance with the an- 
 cient classics, and his soul elevated and touched 
 by the spirit of freedom they breathe. His com- 
 positions during this period also prove, that he w as 
 extensively conversant with the best writers of 
 the French and English schools. Above all, the 
 genius of Shakspeare seems to have led captive 
 his youthful imagination. In his writings, quota- 
 
8 
 
 tions, or forms of expression, modelled upon those 
 of that author, ^perpetually recur. There still ex- 
 ists among his papers, a manuscript of the date 
 of 1762, he then being in the junior class of the 
 college, of seventy closely and minutely written 
 quarto pages of extracts from that writer. 
 
 He was graduated in 1763, with unblemished 
 reputation. Three years afterwards, on taking 
 the degree of Master of Arts, he pronounced the 
 English oration, at that time a new thing in the 
 exercises of the University, and considered its 
 highest academic honor. His subject was " pa- 
 triotism," and it appears by the periodical publi- 
 cations of the day, that he acquired, both on 
 account of the composition and delivery, great 
 reputation. 
 
 From the University, he passed in 1763, into 
 the office of Oxenbridge Thacher Esq. in Boston, 
 one of the most eminent lawyers of the period, 
 and entered upon the study of the law with that 
 intense ardour and industry, which were his dis- 
 tinguishing characteristics. Mr Thacher died in 
 July 1765. Mr Quincy remained in the office 
 during the residue of his student's term, took a 
 general oversight of its concerns, and on entering 
 his professional career, succeeded to an extensive 
 
9 
 
 practice, which his talents, diligence, and fidelit}', 
 in a great measure, secured to himself. His in- 
 dustry while a student, and during the first years 
 of his profession is proved by several manuscript 
 volumes, in his own hand, consisting of " Reports 
 of cases, and points of law, solemnly adjudged in 
 the Supreme Court of the Province," part of 
 which are original, and part copied from the min- 
 utes of eminent lawyers. 
 
 The arguments of Auchmuty, Thacher, Grid- 
 ley, Otis, Adams, and other distinguished lawyers, 
 with the cases cited, in various important ques- 
 tions, are here abstracted and preserved. 
 
 On commencing the practice of the law, he 
 early became distinguished for the zeal with which 
 he engaged in the service of his clients, and the 
 learning and eloquence of his arguments both to 
 the court and jury. Otis, Adams, Sewall, and 
 the other great luminaries of the bar at that 
 period, were by many years his seniors. His- 
 practice, however, soon became extensive, and his 
 high rank as a lawyer was acknowledged by his 
 contemporaries. Although his attachment to pro- 
 fessional pursuits was strong, and his attention to 
 his business unremitting, yet the political circum- 
 stances of the times were of a character to call into 
 2 
 
10 
 
 immediate action that love of country, which was 
 the deep-seated passion of his soul. 
 
 Notwithstanding the repeal of the Stamp Act. 
 in March 1766, the avowal contained in that re- 
 peal, " of the absolute right of Parliament to bind 
 the Colonies, in all cases whatsoever," had excit- 
 ed great alarm, and just discontent, among the 
 friends of liberty in America. The course of 
 measures adopted by the British ministry towards 
 the town of Boston, tended to quicken those 
 fears, and extend that discontent. In the autumn 
 of 1766, the companies of Royal Artillery, then 
 stationed at Castle Island in the harbour of this 
 town, were augmented. In the June folloAving, 
 additional reinforcements arrived. In July 1767, 
 the British cabinet resolved upon new restrictions 
 on American commerce. It was determined to 
 raise a farther revenue by imposts, additional to 
 those already existing, and which were, in them- 
 selves, sufficiently obnoxious and oppressive. The 
 number of the officers of the customs was to be 
 multiplied. The governor, judges, and revenue 
 officers, were to be paid by the crown, without 
 resort to the colonial legislature. The military 
 force in the colonies was largely to be increased, 
 and the power of the military commanders to be 
 
11 
 
 augmented, so as to make them more effective in- 
 struments in putting down opposition. 
 
 The knowledge of this revived scheme of op- 
 pression, reached America in the September of 
 that year, accompanied by letters from the friends 
 of American liberty in Europe, stating that it 
 was the intention of the administration to cause 
 the authors of the riots, and the writers of the 
 seditious pieces in America, to be arrested and 
 sent to England to be tried for high treason. 
 This news rekindled the flame which the repeal of 
 the Stamp Act had, in some degree, allayed. The 
 public prints became immediately the vehicles of 
 the boldest language, and the most vivid excite- 
 ment. At this time, Mr Quincy, as far as can 
 be gathered from his papers, first commenced his 
 political animadversions on the times, and their 
 resulting duties. Two pieces, signed Hyperion, 
 were published by him in the Boston Gazette, 
 in the latter end of September, and the beginning 
 of October, 1767. The following extracts will 
 show both the temper of the times, and the spirit 
 of the writer. - . i' 
 
12 
 
 "It cannot be , 
 But we are pigeon-livered, and lack gall 
 To make oppression bitter." 
 
 " When I reflect on the exalted character of 
 the ancient Britons, on the fortitude of our illustri- 
 ous predecessors, on the noble struggles of the late 
 memorable period, and from these reflections, 
 when, bj a natural transition, I contemplate the 
 gloomy aspect of the present day, my heart is 
 alternately torn with doul^t and hope, despond- 
 ency and terror. Can the true, generous magna- 
 nimity of British heroes be entirely lost in their 
 degenerate progeny ? Is the genius of Liberty, 
 which so late inflamed our bosoms, fled forever ? 
 
 " An attentive observer of the deportment of 
 some particular persons in this metropolis, would 
 be apt to imagine that the grand point was gained ; 
 that the spirit of the people was entirely broken 
 to the yoke ; that all America was subjugated to 
 bondage. Already the minions of power, in fancy 
 fatten, and grow wanton on the spoils of the land. 
 They insolently toss the head, and put on the air of 
 contemptuous disdain. In the imaginary possess- 
 ion of lordships and dominions, these potentates 
 and powers dare tell us, that our oidy hope is to 
 crouch, to cow 1 under, and to kiss the iron rod of 
 
13 
 
 oppression. Precious sample of the meek and 
 lowly temper of those, who are destined to be our 
 lords and masters ! 
 
 " Be not deceived, my countrymen. Believe 
 not these venal hirelings when they would cajole 
 you by their subtleties into submission, or frighten 
 you by their vapourings into compliance. When 
 they strive to flatter you by the terms ' modera- 
 tion and prudence,' tell them, that calmness and 
 deliberation are to guide the judgment ; courage 
 and intrepidity command the action. When 
 they endeavour to make us ' perceive our inability 
 to oppose our mother country,' let us boldly an- 
 swer : In defence of our civil and religious rights, 
 we dare oppose the world ; with the God of armies 
 on our side, even the God who fought our fathers' 
 battles, we fear not the hour of trial, though the 
 hosts of our enemies should cover the field like 
 locusts. If this be enthusiasm, we will live and 
 die enthusiasts. n:<^ nu- • »^'' 
 
 "Blandishments will not fascinate tl^,ttor will 
 threats of a ' halter' intimidate. For under God, 
 we are determined, that wheresoever, whenso- 
 ever, or howsoever, we shall be called to make 
 our exit, we will die freemen. Well do we 
 know that all the regalia of this world cannot 
 
14 
 
 dignify the death of a villain, nor diminish the 
 ignominy, with which a slave shall quit his exis- 
 tence. Neither can it taint the unblemished hon- 
 our of a son of freedom, though he should make 
 his departure on the already prepared gibbet, or 
 be dragged to the newly erected scaffold for exe- 
 cution. With the plaudits of his conscience he 
 will go off the stage. A crown of joy and im- 
 mortality shall be his reward. The history of his 
 life his children shall venerate. The virtues of 
 their sire shall excite their emulation." 
 
 Other political essays, breathing the same spirit, 
 and tending to rouse the indignation of his coun- 
 trymen, at the measures of the British cabinet, 
 were published by him in the Boston Gazette, in 
 the course of the ensuing year. A letter written 
 about this time to one of his friends, strongly 
 depicts his feelings, and indicates the absorbing 
 influence, with which the enthusiasm of the period 
 had possessed his heart and und' rstanding. 
 
15 
 
 TO THE REV. JOHN EAGLESON. 
 
 ''Boston, Sept. 15, 1768. 
 " Respected Sir, 
 
 " Your friendly letter came to hartd a few days 
 since, and a leisure moment now presenting, I 
 with pleasure seize the opportunity of writing to 
 you. The rights and liberties of Americans be- 
 come every day more and more the serious object 
 of attention. As political disputation increases, a 
 settlement of the point in question removes far- 
 ther and farther from the design of both parties. 
 Private pique, envy, and personal resentment soon 
 preclude a fair and candid discussion, and in- 
 temperate passions will forever prevent any equit- 
 able decii^ion. 
 
 " The present aspect of the day is gloomy in- 
 deed, yet we are far from despair. Though the 
 clouds, full charged, rise thick and fast, the thun- 
 ders roll, and lightnings play, nay, it is said, are 
 just within striking distance, there are not want- 
 ing those amon^ us, who believe that proper 
 conductors will safely carry off all the political 
 fluid, the clouds disperse, and the sky soon be- 
 come calm and serene. Visionaries, you know, 
 are credulous, enthusiasts are bold and enterpris- 
 ing ; many such, Mr Eagleson is sensible, inhabit 
 these northern regions. 
 
16 
 
 " We Americans have a righteous cause. We 
 know it. The power of Great Britain may op- 
 press, nay, for a time apparently subdue us. But, 
 before all the freeborn sons of the north will 
 yield a general and united submission, to any 
 tyrannic power on earth, fire and sword, famine 
 and slaughter, desolation and ruin, will ravage 
 the land. When thus I venture, without any pre- 
 tence to the spirit of prophecy, at a hasty predic- 
 tion, you will probably smile at my reverie. But 
 you know, political dreamers are the most ob- 
 stinate, and incorrigible, of all sinners. You 
 will see, by our public prints, the late transactions 
 of this town, and the situation that we are in at 
 present. Daily in the expectation of troops ; 
 some say three regiments, and three ships of the 
 line. Opinions differ respecting what ought, and 
 what will be, the deportment of this people. On 
 the one hand, a swarm of court dependants, and 
 a standing army in the bowels of a state, have 
 been in all ages, and nations, thought, and found 
 to be, the bane of civil freedom. On the other, 
 an open rupture with Great Britain (I had like to 
 have said mother state), is a dreadful alternative. 
 
 " But our all is at stake ! The pulse of the 
 people beats high, and it may well be imagined, 
 
17 
 
 that in our present state, all ranks among us are 
 much agitated. This therefore may apologize for 
 my not being in a facetious, and proper frame 
 of mind, to answer some parts of your entertain- 
 ing letter. To see the daily blunders which are 
 committed, and the deep tragedy wiiich is now 
 acting, on the political theatre, and not to be 
 moved, is to be an unfeeling wretch indeed. If 
 the contempt and indignation of every sensible 
 and humane man in Christendom, were sufficient 
 to explode a political system, there would be 
 some hopes of seeing ' Venice Preserved and the 
 Plot Discovered.' " 
 
 About the last of September of this year, two 
 British regiments, the 14th under the command of 
 Colonel Dairy m pie, and the 29th under that of 
 Lieut. Colonel Carr, arrived in Boston from Hali- 
 fax. They were landed from fourteen ships of 
 war, which lay with their broadsides towards the 
 town, with springs on their cables, and their guns 
 ready to fire, in case of the least opposition. With 
 muskets charged, bayonets fixed, drums beating, 
 fifes playing, and a complete train of artillery, the 
 troops took possession of the common, the state- 
 house, the court-house, and Faneuil hall. The 
 3 
 
m 
 
 main-guard, with two pieces of artillery, was sta- 
 tioned at the state-house, with their guns pointed 
 towards it. The town wore the aspect of a gar- 
 rison. Counsellors, as they entered the council- 
 chamber, citizens, as they passed and repassed 
 on their private business, were challenged by sen- 
 tinels, ij,- ,,, jujijn 
 
 It was at this moment, and under such a state 
 of terror and danger, that Mr Quincy published 
 " Hyperion " in the Boston Gazette of the third of 
 October. As it is strongly indicative of the 
 temper of that most eventful moment, as well as 
 eminently characteristic of the mind and feelings 
 of the writer, it will be here published entire. 
 
 ,.,f* ' The aggregated judgment of the common peo- 
 ple,' says an eminent writer, ' discerns most truly 
 the errors of government, forasmuch as they are 
 the first to be sure to smart under them. In this 
 only they come to be shortsighted ; that though 
 they know the diseases, they understand not the 
 remedies, and though good patients, they are ill 
 physicians.' 
 
 " What are the present sentiments of the inhab- 
 itants of North America ? Discern they not most 
 truly, and smart they not most severely under the 
 
19 
 
 errors of government ? The disease is known and 
 felt ; but where is the remedy, — where is the phy- 
 sician ? For the people to ask counsel is deemed 
 treasonable ; to assemble themselves to consult, is 
 denominated rebellion. Thus would some poten- 
 tates terrify mankind with a few sounding, technic- 
 al expressions. It has been found in all ages diffi- 
 cult to persuade men, by the most refined court- 
 chicane, out of their reason ; and tyrants have ever 
 found it impossible to argue, sooth, or frighten the 
 common people out of their feelings. It is truly 
 strange to hear the arguments, and see the parade 
 of some at this day. One would from their con- 
 duct be induced to imagine, they thought it the 
 most likely way of dispiriting the people, to render 
 their case irremediable. Certainly such politicians 
 have little studied the volume of nature. A nation, 
 not as yet entirely enervated by luxury, not wholly 
 depressed by slavery, when reduced to despair, 
 are invincible to a proverb. 
 
 " After what has been said and -wrote on both 
 sides of the Atlantic, upon colony-affairs ; after the 
 most perspicuous demonstration of the illegality 
 and ill-policy of the measures pursued against this 
 continent ; it would be an affront to the under- 
 standing to attempt setting the matter in a clearer 
 
point of view. The meanest capacity must per- 
 ceive, the remotest peasant in the wilds of Ameri- 
 ca must feel, the consequences. 
 
 " British taxations, suspensions of legislatures, 
 and standing armies, are but some of the clouds, 
 which overshadow the northern world. Heaven 
 grant that a grand constellation of virtues may 
 shine forth with redoubled lustre, and enlighten 
 this gloomy hemisphere ! 
 
 " If ever there was a time, this is the hour, for 
 Americans to rouse themselves, and exert every 
 ability. Their all is at a hazard, and the die of 
 fate spins doubtful ! In vain do we talk of mag- 
 nanimity and heroism, in vain do we trace a de- 
 scent from the worthies of the earth, if we inherit 
 not the spirit of our ancestors. Who is he, who 
 boasteth of his patriotism ? Has he vanquished 
 luxury, and subdued the worldly pride of his heart? 
 Is he not yet drinking the poisonous draught, and 
 rolling the sweet morsel under his tongue ? He, 
 who cannot conquer the little vanity of his heart, 
 and deny the delicacy of a debauched palate, let 
 him lay his hand upon his mouth, and his mouth 
 in the dust. 
 
 "Now is the time for this people to summon 
 every aid, human and divine; to exhibit every 
 
21 
 
 moral virtue, and call forth every christian grace. 
 The wisdom of the serpent, the innocence of the 
 dove, and the intrepidity of the lion, with the 
 blessing of God, will yet save us from the jaws 
 of destruction. "*^^'' ^'"' ''^'^ .>'^'rmR TiiLfif>ni;JK hw 
 
 "Where is the boasted liberty of Englishmen, 
 if property may be disposed of, charters suspend- 
 ed, assemblies dissolved, and every valued right 
 annihilated, at the uncontrollable will of an ex- 
 ternal power ? Does not every man, who feels 
 one ethereal spark yet glowing in his bosom, find 
 his indignation kindle, at the bare imagination of 
 such wrongs ? What would be our sentiments, 
 were this imagination realized ? 
 
 " Did the blood of the ancient Britons swell* 
 OUT veins, did the spirit of our forefathers inhabit 
 our breasts, should we hesitate a moment in pre-' 
 ferring death, to a miserable existence in bondage ?" 
 Did we reflect on their toils, their dangers, their 
 iiery trials, the thought would inspire unconquer- 
 able courage. " ' 
 
 '* Who has the front to ask. Wherefore do yoti ' 
 complain ? Who dares assert, every thing worth ' 
 living for is not lost, when a nation is enslaved ? 
 Are not pensioners, stipendiaries, and salary men, 
 (unknown before,) hourly multiplying on us, to 
 
2-2 
 
 riot in the spoils of miserable America ? Does 
 not (Bvery eastern gale waft us some new insect, 
 even of that devouring kind, which eat up every 
 green thing. Is not the bread taken out of the 
 children's mouths and given unto the dogs ? Are 
 not our estates given to corrupt sycophants, with- 
 out a design, or even a pretence of soliciting our 
 assent, and our lives put into the hands of those 
 whose tender mercies are cruelties ? Has not an 
 authority in a distant land, in the most public 
 manner, proclaimed a right of disposing of the all 
 of Americans ? In short, what have we to lose — 
 what have we to fear ? Are not our distresses 
 more than we can bear ; and to finish all, are 
 not our cities, in a time of profound peace, filled 
 with standing armies, to preclude us from that 
 last solace of the wretched — to open their mouths 
 in complaint, and send forth their cries in bitter- 
 ness of heart ? 
 
 " But is there no ray of hope ? Is not Great 
 Britain inhabited by the children of those renown- 
 ed barons, who waded through seas of crimson 
 gore to establish their liberty ; and will they not 
 allow lis, their fellow men, to enjoy that freedom, 
 which we claim from nature, which is confirmed 
 by SAr constitution, and which they pretend ^o 
 
23 
 
 liighly to value ? Were a tyrant to conquer us, 
 the chains of shivery, when opposition should 
 become useless, might be supportable ; but to be 
 shackled by Englishmen, — by our equals, — is 
 not to be borne ! 
 
 ^^ By the sweat of our brow, we earn the little 
 we possess ; from nature we derive the common 
 rights of man ; — and by charter we claim the liber- 
 ties of Britons! Shall we, — dare we, — pusillani- 
 mously surrender our birthright ? Is the obliga- 
 tion to our fathers discharged, is the debt we owe 
 posterity paid ? Answer me, thou coward ! who 
 hidest thyself in the hour of trial ! If there is no 
 reward in this life, no prize of glory in the next, 
 capable of animating thy dastard soul ; think and 
 tremble, thou miscreant ! at the whips and stripes 
 thy master shall lash thee with on earth, — and the 
 flames, and scorpions, thy second master shall 
 torment thee with hereafter ! 
 
 " Oh, my countrymen ! what will our children 
 say, when they read the history of these times, 
 should they find we tamely gave away, without 
 one noble struggle, the most invaluable of earthly 
 blessings ? As they drag the galling chain, will 
 they not execrate us? If we have any respect 
 for things sacred ; any regard to the dearest treas- 
 
lire on earth ; — if we have one tender sentiment 
 for posterity ; if we would not be despised by the 
 whole world ; — let us, in the most open, solemn 
 manner, and with determined fortitude, swear, — 
 we will die, — if we cannot live freemen ! 
 
 " Be not lulled, my countrymen, with vain 
 imaginations, or idle fancies. To hope for the 
 protection of Heaven, without doing our duty, 
 and exerting ourselves as becomes men, is to mock 
 the Deity. Wherefore had man his reason, if it 
 were not to direct him ? Wherefore his strength, 
 if it be not his protection ? To banish folly and 
 luxury, correct vice and immorality, and stand 
 immoveable in the freedom, in which we are free 
 indeed, is eminently the duty of each individual, 
 at this day. When this is done, we may rational- 
 ly hope for an answer to our prayers ; for the 
 whole counsel of God, and the invincible armour 
 of the Almighty. 
 
 " However righteous our cause, we cannot, in 
 this period of the world, expect a miraculous sal- 
 vation. Heaven will undoubtedly assist us, if we 
 act like men ; but to expect protection from above, 
 while we are enervated by luxury, and slothful in 
 the exertion of those abilities with w hich we are 
 endued, is an expectation vain and foolish. With 
 
25 
 
 the smiles of Heaven, virtue, unanimity, and firm- 
 ness will insure success. While we have equity, 
 justice, and God, on our side, Tyranny, spiritual 
 or temporal, shall never ride triumphant in a land 
 inhabited by Englishmen." 
 
 The following extract from a letter, written to 
 his father, in December, 1768, on a subject of 
 personal interest, marks how deeply the love of 
 independence was impressed upon his heart ; and 
 how consistent were the principles of his private 
 and public life. 
 
 " An independency, in the strict sense of the 
 word, I know is not the lot of man ; but to re- 
 strain, to a certain degree, the instability of for- 
 tune, is much in our })ower. So far then, an in- 
 depeudence is attainable. Let those, W'ho will, 
 laugh at the paltry certainty which is to be gained. 
 Surely, it would be some alleviation under the 
 pressure of misfortune, to think, that our own folly 
 and rashness contributed in no part to the heavy 
 burden. Aias ! how few of the sons of men have 
 this happy consolation. Hence, most of those 
 idle and vague declamations, which we so often 
 hear, upon the fickleness and inconstancy of for- 
 4 
 
tune. When thoroughly examined, the grand 
 source is found in the hasty presumption of a fool- 
 ish vanity, or the weak irresolution of a vicious 
 heart. To apply for assistance, where my own 
 foresight might have prevented the necessity, 
 would be to me worse than death. Early in life, 
 I was fixed ; experience has confirmed me, to suf- 
 fer every stroke of adversity, let it be as severe 
 as even imagination can paint, ere 1 would implore 
 any earthly relief from distress, against which my 
 own prudence might have armed me. To ask 
 assistance, where, if it were declined, your re- 
 doubled efforts would supply your exigence, is 
 the daily course of human affairs ; but to seek re- 
 lief, where a denial reduces you to despair, would 
 be torment beyond expression. 
 
 " Through your watchful care of my education 
 and your kind munificence, I am out of a tempta- 
 tion to the meaner vices, and in that state, which 
 to one of my temper, is the happiest human na- 
 ture can boast, an independency, save on God 
 and myself, for a decent support through life, 
 and the hope of quitting the stage with that best 
 human standard of true worth, the general appro- 
 bation of my countrymen. How deeply my heart 
 is affected, by those invaluable favours, is not for 
 
^7 
 
 profession to convince you, but will be, I trust, 
 best manifested by the uniform tenor of my life." 
 
 The political course of Mr Quincy having ren- 
 dered him obnoxious to the Supreme Court of the 
 province, he was omitted in the distribution of 
 the honours of the gown, which was due to his 
 rank and standing at the bar. This circum- 
 stance is thus noticed in the fourth volume of his 
 manuscript Law Reports. 
 
 " August 1769. At the last sitting of the Su- 
 preme Court in Charlestovvn, I argued (for the 
 first time in this Court) to the jury, though not 
 admitted to the gown ; the legality and propriety 
 of which, some have pretended to doubt. But 
 as no scruples of that kind disturbed me, I pro- 
 ceeded (maugre any) to manage all my own busi- 
 ness (for the first time also in this county,) 
 though unsanclified, and uninsj)ired by the pomp 
 and magic of the Long Robe." 
 
 At this period his professional engagements 
 became so extensive, as often to preclude hitii' 
 from any particular oversight of the publication of 
 his political essays. A direction to the printers, 
 
28 
 
 which appears on some of his original manuscripts, 
 ■ — '' Let Samuel Adams Esfj. correct the press," — 
 indicates the mutual respect and intimacy, which 
 subsisted between them, and which continued 
 uninterrupted until his death. Notwithstanding 
 the multiplicity of his professional avocations, and 
 his ardent zeal in exciting and directing the 
 political energies of his countrymen, his literary 
 pursuits were never relinquished. His manu- 
 scripts and common-place books prove how deeply 
 he was imbued with the love of letters. His 
 library, which was extensive for that period, was 
 destroyed by fire, about ten years after his death ; 
 a loss the more to be regretted, as the few volumes 
 which escaped, show that his practice was to 
 read with his pen in his hand, and to record in 
 the margin or blank pages, by way of reference, 
 or remark, either his own thoughts, or the parallel 
 thoughts of other v/riters, which reading recalled 
 to his memory. 
 
 In October 1769, he married the eldest daugh- 
 ter of William Phillips Esq., at tliat time one of 
 the most eminent merchants in New England ; 
 and who, ill the crisis of the country, which 
 succeeded, was distinguished by the readiness, 
 and the amount, with ^vhich, in the most perilous 
 
29 
 
 and dubious periods of the controversy, he con- 
 tributed to its support. In this connexion, the 
 result of an early attachment, Mr Quincy found 
 a companion, possessed of an intellect and spirit, 
 capable of appreciating and supporting his own 
 character and virtues. During his life she was 
 the confidant of his noble views, and entering, 
 with like ardour, into his political course, cheer- 
 fully submitted to the privations it induced, en- 
 couraging him with all her influence to risk the 
 perils to which his open, undisguised zeal in the 
 cause of his country, at that time, were thought to 
 expose him and his family. She survived her 
 husband three and twenty year^ ; his fame and 
 memory being the chief solace of her life ; and 
 the perfect fulfilment of parental duty to their 
 surviving child, its only object. 
 
 Among his original papers for the year 1770, 
 are " An address of the merchants, traders, and 
 freeholders of the town of Boston, assembled at 
 Faneuil Hall, January 23, 1770, for the purpose 
 of enforcing the non-importation act :" two essays, 
 signed, " An Independant," published in the 
 Boston Gazette on the 12th and 26th of Febru- 
 ary 1770 : anotiier signed " An Old Man," 
 published in the Boston Gazette of August 6, 
 
30 
 
 1770 : and the " Report of a committee appointed 
 to draw up instructions, for the represenfatives of 
 the town of Boston, and which was unanimously 
 accepted by the inhabitants, 15th May, 1770." 
 The original draft of this report in the hand 
 writing of Mr Quincy, signed by Richard Dana, 
 and attested by William Cooper, town clerk, 
 exists among his papers. 
 
 The boldness of his political course may be 
 estimated by a single paragraph extracted from 
 one of the above mentioned essays, styled " The 
 Independant," and published on the 12th of Feb- 
 ruary, while Boston was in a state little short of 
 a garrison, and only twenty days previous to the 
 Boston massacre. 
 
 "In answer to the question, ' What end is the 
 non-importation agreement to answer ?' I give the 
 following reply. 
 
 " From a conviction in my own mind, that 
 America is now the slave of Britain ; from a 
 sense that we arc every day more and more in 
 danger of an increase of our burdens, and a fast- 
 ening of our shackles, I wish to see my country- 
 men break off, off forever ! — all social inter- 
 course with those, whose commerce contaminates, 
 
31 
 
 whose luxuries poison, whose avarice is insatiable, 
 and whose unnatural oppressions are not to be 
 borne. That Americans will know their rights, 
 that they will resume, assert, and defend them, are 
 matters of which I harbour no doubt. Whether 
 the arts of policy, or the arts of war will decide 
 the contest, are problems, we will solve at a more 
 convenient season. He, whose heart is enamour- 
 ed with the refinements of political artifice and 
 finesse, will seek one mode of relief ; he whose 
 heart is free, honest, and intrepid, will pursue a- 
 nother, a bolder, and more noble mode of redress. 
 This reply is so intelligible, that it needs no 
 comment, or explanation." 
 
 It was scarcely to be anticipated that one, who 
 could discern thus clearly, and display thus bold- 
 ly, the inevitable crisis which ensued, should be 
 one of the selected judicial defenders of those, 
 who were the instruments in shedding the first 
 blood, that flowed in the contest which terminated 
 in American Independence. 
 
 The tragedy of the 5th of March 1770, de- 
 nominated, in the language of that period, " The 
 Boston Massacre," had wrought the whole people 
 of Massachusetts, and above all the inhabitants of 
 
52 
 
 Boston, to the highest pitch of rage and indigna- 
 tion. The populace breathed only vengeance. 
 Even minds better instructed, and of higher prin- 
 ciples than the multitude, in the excitement of 
 the moment, could not endure the doctrine, that 
 it was possible for an armed soldiery to fire upon 
 and kill unarmed citizens, and commit a crime 
 less than murder. Political animosity and natur- 
 al antipathy to troops stationed in the metropolis, 
 sharpened this vindictive spirit. The friends of 
 the government were either silent, or only ex- 
 pressed regret and lamentation at the event. 
 The friends of freedom were loud in their indig- 
 nation, and clamorous for that justice which 
 declares, that " blood shall be the penalty for 
 blood." 
 
 Among those, who sympathized most deeply 
 with the mass of his fellow-citizens, in their ha- 
 tred of the instruments of their oppressions, and 
 in their detestation of the principles they had been 
 sent hither to maintain, was Josiah Quincy Jun. 
 No one had more openly, or pathetically than he, 
 appealed to his fellow-citizens, or had more studi- 
 ously excited their resentment, both in the ga- 
 zettes, and in Faneuil hall, against the troops and 
 their employers. What then must have been his 
 
33 
 
 surprise, to find that Captain Preston, and the 
 accused soldiers, had selected him as one of their 
 defenders ! On the day of Captain Preston's 
 imprisonment, that officer sent for him to the jail, 
 and solicited his engagement in his own behalf, 
 and in that of the soldiers. To understand the 
 difficulty of Mr Quincy's situation, it is necessary 
 to realize the exasperated state of public feeling. 
 The spirit of revenge glowed with a fervour al- 
 most universal. On the one hand were the obli- 
 gations of humanity, official duty, and the strong 
 desire that justice should not fall a sacrifice in her 
 own temple, to the passions of the moment. On 
 the other hand, the confidence of political friends, 
 popularity, and that general affection which his 
 public course had attained for him, in so remarka- 
 ble a degree, among his fellow-citizens, were to 
 be hazarded. These difficulties and dangers he 
 shared with his intimate friend and copatriot, John 
 Adams, who, being several years his senior, both 
 in age and at the bar, was joined with him as 
 elder counsel. Their mutual friendship, cemented 
 by professional and patriotic labours, terminated 
 only with life. After debberation and consulta- 
 tion with each other, and their friends, both of these 
 patriots yielded all personal considerations to the 
 5 
 
34 
 
 higher obligations of humanity and official duty. 
 They braved the fury of the moment ; and inter- 
 posed their learning, talents, and well-earned in- 
 fluence, to that torrent of passions, which, for a 
 time, threatened to bear down the landmarks of 
 justice. 
 
 Gordon states, that " they oifended several of 
 their own party by undertaking the defence of the 
 prisoners." * This, however, gives but a faint 
 idea of the actual state of feeling which these two 
 gentlemen had to encounter on the occasion. The 
 following extracts from a correspondence, which 
 parental affection and anxiety induced Mr Quincy's 
 father to commence, will indicate the nature and 
 extent of the sentiment prevalent at that period 
 on the subject. 
 
 TO JOSIAH QUINCY JUN., BOSTON. 
 
 ''Braintree, March 22, 1770. 
 " My dear Son, 
 
 " I am under great affliction, at hearing 
 
 the bitterest reproaches uttered against you, for 
 
 having become an advocate for those criminals 
 
 who are charged with the murder of their fellow- 
 
 * History of the American Revolution, vol. i. p. 291. 
 
35 
 
 citizens. Good God ! Is it possible ? I will not 
 believe it. 
 
 *' Just before I returned home from Boston, I 
 knew, indeed, that on the day those criminals 
 were committed to prison, a sergeant had inquired 
 for jou at your brother's house, — but I had no 
 apprehension that it was possible an application 
 would be made to you to undertake their defence. 
 Since then I have been told that you have actual- 
 ly engaged for Captain Preston ; — and I have 
 heard the severest reflections made upon the occa- 
 sion, by men who had just before manifested the 
 highest esteem for you, as one destined to be a 
 saviour of your country. 
 
 " I must own to you, it has filled the bosom of 
 your aged and infirm parent with anxiety and dis- 
 tress, lest it should not only prove true, but de- 
 structive of your reputation and interest ; and I 
 repeat, I will not believe it, unless it be confirmed 
 by your own mouth, or under your own hand. 
 *' Your anxious and distressed parent, 
 
 " JOSIAH QUINCY." 
 
36 
 
 TO JOSIAH QUINCY ESQ., BRAINTREE. 
 
 ''Boston, March 26, 1770. 
 "Honoured Sir, 
 
 " I have little leisure, and less inclination either 
 to know, or to take notice, of those ignorant slan- 
 derers, who have dared to utter their " bitter re- 
 proaches" in your hearing against me, for liaving 
 become an advocate for criminals charged with 
 murder. But the sting of reproach when enven- 
 omed onlj by envy and falsehood, will never 
 prove mortal. Before pouring their reproaches 
 into the ear of the aged and infirm, if tht^y had 
 been friends, they would have surely spared a lit- 
 tle reflection on the nature of an attorney's oath, 
 and duty ; — some trifling scrutiny into the busi- 
 ness and discharge of his office, and some small 
 portion of patience in viewing my past and future 
 conduct. 
 
 " Let such be told, Sir, that these criminals, 
 charged v/ith murder, are not yet legally proved 
 guilty, and therefore, however criminal, are en- 
 titled, by the laws of God and man, to all legal 
 counsel and aid ; that my duty as a man obliged 
 me to undertake ; that my duty as a lawyer 
 strengthened the obligation ; that from abundant 
 caution, I at first declined being engaged ; that 
 
37 
 
 after the best advice, and most mature delibera- 
 tion had determined my judgment, I waited on 
 Captain Preston, and told him that I would afford 
 him my assistance ; but, prior to this, in presence 
 of two of his friends, I made the most explicit 
 declaration to him, of my real opinion, on the 
 contests (as I expressed it to him) of the times, 
 and that my heart and hand were indissolubly 
 attached to the cause of my country ; and final- 
 ly, that I refused all engagement, until advised 
 and urged to undertake it, by an Adams, a Han- 
 cock, a Molineux, a Cushmg, a Henshaw, a 
 Pemberton, a AVarren, a Cooper, and a Phillips. 
 This and much more might be told with great 
 truth, and I dare affirm, that you, and this whole 
 people will one day rejoice, that I became an 
 advocate for the aforesaid " criminals," charged 
 with the murder of our fellow-citizens. 
 
 " I never harboured the expectation, nor any 
 great desire, that all men sliould speak well of 
 me. To inquire my duty, and to do it, is my 
 aim. Being mortal, lam subject to error ; and 
 conscious of this, I wish to be diflident. Being 
 a rational creature, I judge for myself, according 
 to the light afforded me. When a plan of con- 
 duct is formed with an honest deliberation, neither 
 
38 
 
 murmuring, slander, rior reproaches move. For 
 my single self, I consider, judge, and with reason 
 hope to be immutable. 
 
 " There are honest men in all sects, — I wish 
 their approbation ; — there are wicked bigots in al} 
 parties, — I abhor them." 
 
 " I am, truly and affectionately, 
 your son, 
 
 " JOSIAH QuiNCY JUN." 
 
 The trial of Captain Preston commenced on 
 the 24th of October 1770, and was concluded on 
 the 30th of that month, with his acquittal. Of 
 this trial it is not known that any minutes exist. 
 When that of the soldiers commenced, a short- 
 hand writer was employed, from whose notes an 
 account of that trial was published. As this 
 volume has recently been republished, and is of 
 easy access, no other extracts from it will be 
 here inserted, than such as tend to throw a light 
 on the mind and character of the subject of these 
 memoirs. Not only for this purpose, but also as 
 one of the best indexes to the state of the public 
 mind, at that titne, in relation to this trial, — the 
 whole of his argument, so far as it is connected 
 with general topics, and indicative of the particular 
 
39 
 
 excitement existing at that period, will be ex- 
 tracted. What is relative only to the evidence, 
 will be omitted. This course will at once explain 
 and exhibit the nature of the popular passion, 
 against the influence of which, the advocate deem- 
 ed it necessary to guard the jury, and the address 
 with which the topics were selected, and pressed 
 upon their understandings and hearts. 
 
 After the counsel for the crown (Samuel Quin- 
 cy Esq. Solicitor General) had closed the opening 
 of the trial, Josiah Quincy Jun. addressed the 
 court and jury. 
 
 " May it please your Honors, and you, Gentlemen of the Jurj^ 
 
 " The prisoners at the bar stand indicted for 
 the murder of five of his Majesty's liege subjects, 
 as set forth in the several indictments, which 
 have been read to you. The persons slain, those 
 indictments set forth, as ' being in the peace of 
 God, and our lord the king,' at the time of the 
 mortal wounds given. 
 
 " To these indictments, the prisoners have sev- 
 erally pleaded Not Guilty : and for their trial 
 have put themselves on God and their country, 
 which country you are. And by their pleas, thus 
 severally pleaded, they are to stand, or fall, by the 
 evidence which shall respectively apply to them. 
 
40 
 
 " By their plea of not guilty, they throw the 
 burden of proof, as to the fact of killing, upon 
 the crown ; but, upon which being proved, the 
 matter they allege, to justify, excuse, or extenu- 
 ate, must be adduced by them, and supported by 
 legal evidence. The truth of the facts they may 
 thus allege is your sole and undoubted province to 
 determine, but upon a supposition that those facts 
 shall appear to your satisfaction, in the manner 
 we allege, the grand question then to be deter- 
 mined, will be, whether such matters, so proved, 
 do, in law, extenuate, excuse, or justify. The 
 decision of this question belongs to another de- 
 partment, namely, the Court. This is law, so 
 well known, and acknowledged, that I shall not 
 now detain you by a recital of authorities, but on- 
 ly refer you to Judge Foster's Crown Law, where 
 this point is treated with precision, and fixed 
 beyond controversy. It may not be amiss, how- 
 ever, to assure you, that as certain as the cog- 
 nizance of facts is within your jurisdiction, as 
 certain does the law, resulting from these facts, in 
 cases of the present kind, seem to reside solely 
 in the Court: unless cases where juries, under the 
 direction of the Court, give general verdicts, may 
 be denominated exceptions. 
 
41 
 
 *' In the cause now before us, it will not be 
 contested, that five persons were unfortunately 
 killed, at the time the indictments charge ; and 
 this case will naturally enough divide itself into 
 throe main divisions of inquiry. 
 
 First. Whether any homicide was committed ? 
 
 Secondly. By whom was it committed ? 
 
 Thirdly. Is there any thing appearing in evi- 
 dence, which will justify, excuse, or extenuate, 
 such homicide, by reducing it to that species of 
 offence, called manslaughter ? 
 
 *' Before we enter upon these inquiries, permit 
 me, gentlemen, to remind you of the importance of 
 this trial, as it relates to the prisoners. It is for 
 their lives ! — If we consider the number of persons, 
 now on trial, joined with many other circumstances 
 which might be mentioned, it is by far the most im- 
 portant, this country ever saw. Remember the ties 
 you are under to the prisoners, and even to your- 
 selves. The eyes of all are upon you. Patience 
 in hearing this cause is an essential requisite, can- 
 dour and caution are no less essential. It is tedi- 
 ous and painful to attend a trial of such length ; 
 but remember the time which has been taken up 
 by the Crown in the opening. By every bond of 
 humanity and justice, we claim an equal indul- 
 6 
 
42 
 
 gence ; nay, it is of high importance to your 
 country, that nothing should appear on this trial 
 to impeach our justice, or stain our humanity. 
 
 " And here let me remind you of a notion, 
 which has certainly been too prevalent, and guard 
 you against its baneful influence. An opinion 
 has been entertained by many among us, that the 
 life of a soldier was of very little value : of much 
 less value than others of the community. The 
 law, gentlemen, knows no such distinction ; the 
 life of a soldier is viewed, by the equal eye of the 
 law, as estimable, as the life of any other citizen. 
 
 " I cannot any other way account for what I 
 mention, but by supposing that the indigence and 
 poverty of a soldier, — the toils of his life, — the 
 severity of discipline to which he is exposed, — the 
 precarious tenure by which he is generally thought 
 to hold his life, in the summary decisions of a 
 court-martial, have conspired to propagate a sen- 
 timent of this kind ; but a little attention to the 
 human heart, will dissipate this notion. 
 
 " The soldier takes his choice, like all others, 
 of his course of life : he has an equal right, with 
 you, or me, so to do. It is best we should not all 
 think alike. Habit makes all things agreeable ; 
 what at first was irksome, soon becomes pleasing. 
 
43 
 
 But does experience teach, that misery begets in 
 general a hatred of life ! By no means : we all 
 reluct at death ; we long for one short space 
 more ; we grasp with anxious solicitude, even 
 after a wretched existence. God, and nature, 
 have implanted this love of life. Expel therefore 
 from your breasts an opinion so unwarrantable 
 by any law, human or divine ; let not any thing 
 so injurious to the prisoners, who value life as 
 much as you ; let not any thing so repugnant to 
 all justice, have influence in this trial. The rep- 
 utation of the country depends much on your 
 conduct, gentlemen ; and, may I not add, justice 
 calls aloud for candour in hearing, and impar- 
 tiality in deciding, this cause, which has, perhaps, 
 too much engrossed our aftections ; and, I speak 
 for one, too much excited our passions. 
 
 " The law, by which the prisoners are to be 
 tried, is a law of mercy, — a law applying to us 
 all, — a law. Judge Blackstone will tell us, ' found- 
 ed in principles that are permanent, uniform, and 
 universal, always conformable to the feelings of 
 humanity, and the indelible rights of mankind.' 
 Sec. 4, 13. Cap. 3. 
 
 " How ought we all, who are to bear a part in 
 this day, to aim at a strict adherence to the prin- 
 
44 
 
 ciples of this law : liow ought we all to aim 
 at utterly eradicating every undue bias of the 
 judgment : a bias subversive of all justice and 
 humanity. 
 
 " Another opinion, equally foreign to truth and 
 law, has been adopted by many. It has been 
 thought, that no possible case could happen, in 
 which a soldier could fire, without the aid of a 
 civil magistrate. This is a great mistake, — a 
 very unhappy mistake indeed ! one, I am afraid, 
 that had its influence on the fatal night, which 
 we all lament. The law, as to the present point, 
 puts the citizen and soldier under equal restraint. 
 What will justify and mitigate the action of the 
 one, will do the same to the other. Let us bear 
 this invariably in mind, in examining the evidence. 
 But before we proceed to this examination, let 
 us take a transient view of some occurrences, 
 preceding, and subsequent to, the melancholy 
 fifth of Mart:h. 
 
 " About some five or six years ago, it is well 
 known, certain measures were adopted by the 
 British Parliament, which gave a general alarm 
 to this continent. Measures were alternately 
 taken in Great Britain, that awakened jealousy, 
 resentment, fortitude, and vigilance. Affairs con- 
 
45 
 
 tinned long fluctuating. A sentiment universally 
 prevailed, that our dearest rights were invaded. 
 It is not our business here to inquire touching 
 these delicate points. These are concernments, 
 which, however interesting or important in them- 
 selves, we must keep far away from us, when in 
 a court of law. It poisons justice, when politics 
 tincture its current. 
 
 " I need not inform you, how the tide rose, as 
 we were advancing towards the present times. 
 The general attention became more and more 
 roused, — people became more and more alike in 
 opinion and practice. A vast majority thought 
 all that is dear was at stake, — sentiments of lib- 
 erty, — property, — ignominious bondage, — all con- 
 spire to increase the ferment. At this period the 
 troops land. Let us here pause, and view the 
 citizen, and the soldier. 
 
 "The causes of grievance being thus 'spread 
 far and wide, the inhabitants viewed the soldiery 
 as called in, foreign from their prime institution, 
 to force obedience to acts, which were, in general, 
 deemed subversive of natural, as well as consti- 
 tutional freedom. With regard to the universal 
 prevalence of ideas of this kind, it does not fall 
 within our present plan, to give you direct, posi- 
 
46 
 
 tive evidence. It would be too foreign to the 
 present issue, though pertinent enough, when con- 
 sidered as a clue to springs and motives of action, 
 and as an additional aid, to form a just judgment 
 in our present inquiry. You, gentlemen, who 
 come from the body of tlie country, are presumed 
 to know these facts, if they are true ; nay, their 
 notoriety must be such, provided I am not mistaken 
 in my conjecture, that the justness of my obser- 
 vation on this matter must be certainly confirmed 
 by your own experience. I presume not in this, 
 or any other matter of fact to prescribe to you : 
 if these sentiments are wrong, they have no influ- 
 ence : if right, they ought certainly to have their 
 due weight. 
 
 " I say, gentlemen, and appeal to you for the 
 truth of what I say, that many on this continent 
 viewed their chains as already forged ; they saw 
 fetters as prepared ; they beheld the soldiers as 
 fastening, and rivetting for ages, the shackles of 
 their bondage. With the justness of these appre- 
 hensions, you and I have nothing to do in this 
 place. Disquisitions of this sort are for the »Sen- 
 ate, and the chamber of Council, — they are for 
 statesmen and politicians, who take a latitude in 
 thoughts and action ; but we, gentlemen, are con- 
 
47 
 
 fined in our excursions, hy the rigid rules of law. 
 Upon the real, actual existence of these appre- 
 hensions, in the community, we may judge ; they 
 are facts falling properly within our cognizance, 
 and hitherto may we go, but no farther. It is 
 my duty, and I ought to impress it on your minds, 
 and you, gentlemen, ought to retain the impression. 
 You are to determine on the facts coming to your 
 knowledge ; you are to think, judge, and act, as 
 jurymen, and not as statesmen. 
 
 "Matters being thus circumstanced, what might 
 be expected ? No room was left for cordiality 
 and friendship. Discontent was seated on almost 
 every brow. Instead of that hospitality, which 
 the soldier thought himself entitled to, scorn, con- 
 tempt, and silent murmurs were his reception. Al- 
 most every countenance lowered with a discontent- 
 ed gloom, and scarce an eye, but flashed indignant 
 fire. Turn and contemplate the camp. Do we 
 find a more favourable appearance ? The soldier 
 had his feelings, his sentiments, and his charac- 
 teristic passions also. The constitution of our 
 government has provided a stimulus for his affec- 
 tions: — the pride of conscious virtue, the sense 
 of valour, the point of honour. The law had 
 taught him to think favourably of himself; — had 
 
48 
 
 taught him to consider himself as peculiarly ap- 
 pointed for the safeguard and defence of his coun- 
 try. He had heard, that he put not off the citi- 
 zen, when he entered the camp ; but because he 
 was a citizen, and wished to continue so, he 
 made himself, for a while, a soldier. How sting- 
 ing was it to be stigmatized, as the instrument of 
 tyranny and oppression ? How exasperating to be 
 viewed, as aiding to inthrall his country ? He felt 
 his heart glow with an ardour, which he took for 
 a love of liberty and his country, and had formed 
 to himself no design fatal to its privileges. He 
 recollected, no doubt, that he had heretofore ex- 
 posed himself for its service. He had bared his 
 bosom in defence of his native soil, and yet felt 
 the smart of wounds, received in conflict for his 
 king and country. Could that spirit, which had 
 braved the shafts of foreign battle, brook the 
 keener wounds of civil contest ? The arrows 
 which now pierced him, pierced as deep and 
 rankled more, than those of former times. 
 
 " Is it rational to imagine much harmony could 
 long subsist ? We must take human nature as 
 we find it, and not vainly imagine, that all things 
 are to become new, at such a crisis. There 
 are an order of men in ev ery commonwealth, who 
 
49 
 
 never reason, but always act from feeling. That 
 their rights and liberties were filched away one 
 after another, they had often been told. They 
 had been taught by those whom they believed, 
 that the axe was now laid to the root of the tree, 
 and one more stroke completed its fall. It was 
 in vain to expect to silence or subdue these emo- 
 tions by reasons, soothings, or dangers. A belief 
 that nothing could be worse than the calaaiities, 
 which seemed inevitable, had extended itself on 
 all sides, and arguments drawn from such sources 
 had little influence. Each day gave rise to new 
 occurrences, which increased animosities. Heart- 
 burnings, heats, and bickerings became more and 
 more extensive. Reciprocal insults soured the 
 temper, mutual injuries imbittered the passions. 
 Can we wonder, that when every thing tended to 
 some important action, the period so soon arrived ? 
 Will not our wonder be increased to find the crisis 
 no sooner taking place, when so many circumstan- 
 ces united to hasten its approach ? To use an al- 
 lusion somewhat hoinely, may we not wonder that 
 the acid and the alkali did not sooner ferment ? 
 
 " A thought here imperceptibly forces itself on 
 our minds, and we are led to be astonished that 
 persous so discordant in opinion, so opposite 
 7 
 
m 
 
 in views, attachments, and connexions, should be 
 stationed together. But here, gentlemen, we 
 must stop. If we pursue this inquiry, at this 
 time, and in this place, we shall be in danger of 
 doing great injustice. We shall get beyond our 
 limits. The right of quartering troops in this 
 province must be discussed at a different tribunal. 
 The constitutional legality, the propriety, the ex- 
 pediency of their appointment, are questions of 
 state, not to be determined, or even agitated by us, 
 in this court. It is enough for us, if the law 
 takes notice of them when thus stationed, if it 
 warrants their continuance, if it protects them in 
 their quarters. They were sent here by that 
 authority, which our laws know ; they were 
 quartered here, as I take it, agreeably to an act 
 of the British parliament; they were ordered here 
 by your sovereign and mine. 
 
 " Let me here take a method very common 
 with another order of men. Let mc remind you 
 of Avhat is not your duty. 
 
 " Gentlemen, great pains have been taken by 
 different men, with different views, to involve the 
 character, the conduct, and reputation of the town 
 of Boston, in the present issue. Boston and its 
 inhabitants have no more to do with this cause, 
 
51 
 
 than you, or any other members of the commu- 
 nity. You are, therefore, by no means to blend 
 two things, so essentially different, as the guilt, 
 or iiinocencp, of this town and the prisoners 
 together. The inhabitants of Boston, by no rules 
 of law, justice, or common sense, can be supposed 
 answerable, for the unjustifiable conduct of a tew 
 individuals, hastily assembled in the streets. Every 
 populous city, in like circumstances, would be 
 liable to similar commotions, if not worse. No 
 rational or honest man will form any worse opin- 
 ion of this metropolis, for the transactions of 
 that melancholy night. Who can, who will, 
 unnecessarily interest themselves to justify the 
 rude behaviour of a mixt and ungovernable mul- 
 titude ? May I not appeal to you, and all who 
 have heard this trial thus far, that things already 
 wear a different aspect from what we have been 
 heretofore taught to expect ? Had any one told 
 you, some weeks ago, that the evidence on the 
 crown- side would have appeared in the present 
 light, would you have believed it ? Can any one 
 think it his duty, to espouse the part acted by 
 those assembled in King street ? I think not ; 
 but lest my opinion should not have any weight, 
 let me remind vou of an author, who, I could 
 
52 
 
 wish, were in the hands of all of you ; one whom 
 I trust you will credit. I am sure you ought to 
 love and revere him. I Avish his sentiments were 
 engraven in indelible characters on your hearts. 
 You will not suspect him of being unfriendly to 
 liberty ; if this cause and its events must be inter- 
 woven with a matter so foreign to it. I allude to 
 the third letter of the 'Farmer of Pennsylvania,' 
 to his countrymen. 
 
 " ' The cause of liberty,' says that great and 
 good writer, ' is a cause of too much dignity to 
 be sullied by turbulence and tumult ; it ought to 
 be maintained in a manner suitable to her nature. 
 Those who engage in it, should breathe a sedate, 
 yet fervent spirit, animating them to actions of 
 prudence, justice, modesty, bravery, humanity, 
 and magnanimity.' What has there transpired 
 on this trial, savouring of any of these virtues ? 
 Was it justice, or humanity, to attack, insult, ridi- 
 cule, and abuse a single sentinel on his post? Was 
 it either modest, brave, or magnanimous, to rush up- 
 on the points of fixed bayonets, and trifle, vapour, 
 and provoke, at the very mouths of loaded mus- 
 kets? It may be brutal rage, or wanton rashness, 
 but not, surely, any true magnanimity. 
 '*^' ' I hope,' says the same eminent writer, ' my 
 
53 
 
 dear countrymen, that you will in every colony 
 be upon your guard against tlwse, who at any 
 time endeavour to stir you up, under pretence of 
 patriotism, to any measures disrespectful to your 
 sovereign, and our mother country.' By this it 
 should seem, as though the ' Farmer' never expect- 
 ed any period would arrive, when such measures 
 would be warrantable. Now what more disre- 
 spectful to our parent country, than to treat with 
 contempt a body of men, stationed, most certainly, 
 by the consent of her supreme legislature, the 
 parliament of Britain ? What more disrespectful 
 to our common sovereign, than to assume the 
 sword of justice, and become the avengers of 
 either public or private wrongs ? Though the 
 soldiers who appeared in the earlier part of the 
 evening, in Cornhill, acted like barbarians and 
 savages, they had now retired, and were now 
 confined in their barracks ; what though an im- 
 pertinent boy had received unjustifiable correction 
 from the sentinel ; the boy, and the persons in 
 Cornhill, must have recourse only to the law for 
 their redress. Courts of law are styled ' vindices 
 injuriarum,' the avengers of injuries, and none 
 others are to assume this prerogative. The law 
 erects itself as the supreme, dernier resort, in all 
 
54 
 
 complaints of wrong ; and nothing could more 
 essentially sap our most important interests, than 
 any countenance to such dangerous encroach- 
 ments on the domains of municipal Justice. 
 
 " But finally, to finish with the justly celebrated 
 * Farmer.' — 'Hot, rash, disorderly proceedings in- 
 jure the reputation of a people, as to wisdom, 
 valour, and virtue, without procuring the least 
 benefit.' Thus have you the sense of this great 
 authority, with us. And let me ask all those, 
 who have thought the cause of this country con- 
 nected with the agents of the assembly in King 
 street, whether the proceedings of that unhappy 
 night were hot, rash, or disorderly ? If they were, 
 have they not, in the opinion of this great friend 
 of liberty, injured our reputation, as to wisdom, 
 valour, and virtue ; and that too, without procuring 
 the least benefit ? Who then would sacrifice his 
 judgment, and his integrity, to vindicate such 
 proceedings ? 
 
 " To what purposes the soldiers were sent ; 
 whether it was a step warranted by sound policy, 
 or not, we shall not inquire ; we arc to consider 
 the troops, not as the instruments for wresting 
 our rights, but as fellow citizens, who being to 
 be tried by a law, extending to every individual, 
 
55 
 
 claim a part in its benefits, — its privileges, — ^^its 
 mercy. We must steel ourselves against passions 
 which contaminate the fountain of justice. We 
 ought to recollect, that our present decisions will 
 be scanned, perhaps through all Europe. We 
 must not forget, that we ourselves will have a 
 reflective hour, — an hour, in which we shall vievir 
 thino;s throusfh a different medium, — when the 
 pulse will no longer beat with the tumults of the 
 day, — when the conscious pang of having betray- 
 ed truth, justice, and integrity, shall bite like a 
 serpent, and sting like an adder. 
 
 " Consider, gentlemen, the danger which you, 
 and all of us are in, of being led away by our 
 affections and attachments. We have seen the 
 blood of our fellow men flowing in the streets. 
 We have been told that this blood was wrongfully 
 shed. That is now the point in issue. But let 
 it be borne deep upon our minds, that the prison- 
 ers are to be condemned by the evidence here in 
 court produced against them, and by nothing else. 
 Matters heard or seen abroad, are to have no 
 weight : in general they undermine the pillars of 
 justice and truth. It has been our misfortune, 
 that a system of evidence has appeared in the 
 world against us. It is not our business to blame 
 
56 
 
 any one for this. It is our misfortune, I say. It 
 should be remembered, that we were not present 
 to cross-examine ; and the danger which results 
 from having this publication in the hands of those, 
 who are to pass upon our lives, ought to be 
 guarded against. We say we are innocent, by 
 our plea, and are not to be denounced guilty by 
 a new species of evidence, — unknown in the 
 English system of criminal law. 
 
 "But as though a series of ex parte evidence 
 was not enough, all the colours of the canvass 
 have been touched, in order to freshen the wounds, 
 and by a transport of imagination, we are made 
 present at the scene of action. The prints ex- 
 hibited in our houses, have added wings to fancy, 
 and in the fervour of our zeal, reason is in hazard 
 of being lost. For as was elegantly expressed, 
 by a learned gentleman at the late trial, * The 
 passions of man, nay, his very imaginations are 
 contagious.' The pomp of funeral, the horrors 
 of death have been so delineated, as to give a 
 spring to our ideas, and inspire a glow incompati- 
 ble with sound deliberative judgment. In this 
 situation every passion has been alternately pre- 
 dominant. They have each in its turn, subsid- 
 ed, in degree, and then have sometimes given 
 
57 
 
 place to despondence, grief, and sorrow. How 
 careful should we be, that we do not mistake the 
 impressions of gloom and melancholy for the dic- 
 tates of reason and truth. How careful, lest, 
 borne away by a torrent of passion, we make 
 shipwreck of conscience. 
 
 " Perhaps you may be told, gentlemen, as I 
 remember it was said, at the late trial, that pas- 
 sions were like the flux and reflux of the sea, 
 the highest tides always producing the lowest 
 ebbs. But let it be noticed, that the tide, in 
 our political ocean, has yet never turned ; cer- 
 tainly the current has never set towards the op- 
 posite quarter. However similes may illustrate, 
 they never go for proof. Though I believe, that 
 it will be found, that if the tide of resentment 
 has not risen of late, it has been because it had 
 reached the summit. In the same mode of 
 phraseology, if so homely an expression may be 
 used ; perhaps, as the seamen say, it has been 
 high-water slack, — but I am satisfied the current 
 has not yet altered its course, in favour of the 
 prisoners at the bar. 
 
 " Many things yet exist sufficient to keep alive 
 the glow of indignation. I have aimed at secur- 
 ing you against the catching flame; I have en- 
 
58 
 
 deavoured to discharge my duty in this respect. 
 What success will follow those endeavours, de- 
 pends on you, gentlemen. If being told of your 
 danger will not produce caution, nothing will. If 
 you are determined in opinion, it is vain to say 
 more ; but if you are zealous inquirers after truth, 
 if you are willing to hear with impartiality, to 
 examine and judge for yourselves, — enough has 
 been said to apprize you of those avenues, at 
 which the enemies of truth and justice are most 
 likely to enter, and most easily to beset you. 
 
 " Gentlemen of the Jury, 
 
 " I shall now, for argument's sake only, take it 
 for granted, that the fact of killhig had been 
 proved upon all the prisoners : you are sensible 
 this is not really true, for as to this point, there 
 are several of the prisoners upon whom this fact 
 is not fixed. But as I shall hereafter take occa- 
 sion to consider the distinct case of each prisoner, 
 as he is affected by the evidence, I at present 
 choose to avoid confusion, and apply myself to 
 the full strength of the crown ; and, upon a sup- 
 position, that all the prisoners were answerable 
 for the act of any one, see how the prisoners are 
 chargeable, by the evidence already offered, with 
 
59 
 
 the crime of murder : — or rather endeavour to 
 point out to you those facts, appearing by the 
 evidence on the crown side, which will amount, 
 in law, to a justification, an excuse, or at least, 
 an extenuation of their offence. For we say, 
 that give the evidence for the king its full scope 
 and force, and our offence is reduced, at least to 
 manslaughter : in which case, we claim the priv- 
 ilege of that law, by the sentence of which, if 
 guilty, we must suffer the pains of death ; a 
 privilege, we can never again claim, a privilege, 
 that by no means implies exemption from all pun- 
 ishment : the offender becomes liable to imprison- 
 ment for a year, incurs a forfeiture of all goods and 
 chattels, and, till he receives the judgment of law, 
 is to all intents a felon, subject to all the disabilities 
 and other incidents of a felon. Without taking up 
 time, in attending and discussing points, no way 
 pertinent to the present issue ; without a tedious 
 recapitulation of circumstances with Avhich, 1 take 
 it, we have no more concern, than ehher of you, 
 gentlemen ; I say, passing over all these matters 
 as foreign to this trial, let us state evidence ap- 
 pearing even from the crown witnesses." 
 
60 
 
 Mr Quincy then proceeded to examine the evi- 
 dence for the crown, and afterwards adduced the 
 witnesses for the prisoners. This examination, 
 with his comments, occupied four days, when he 
 concluded his argument for the prisoners, as 
 follows. 
 
 " May it please your Hononrs, and you, Gentlemen of the Jury. 
 
 " I have now gone through those authorities 
 in law, which I thought pertinent to this trial. 
 I have spoken at so much length, not for the in- 
 formation of the court, but to satisfy you, gentle- 
 men, and all who may chance to hear me, of that 
 law, which is well known to those of us, who are 
 conversant in courts, but not so generally known, 
 or attended to, by many, as it ought to be. A 
 law which extends to each of us, as well as to 
 any of the prisoners ; for it knows no distinction 
 of persons. 
 
 " The doctrines, which have been thus laid 
 down, are for the safeguard of us all ; — doctrines 
 which are founded in the wisdom and policy of 
 ages ; which the greatest men who ever lived, 
 have adopted and contended for. Nay, the matter 
 has been carried by very wise men, much further 
 than we have contended for. And that you may 
 
61 
 
 not think the purport of the authorities read, are 
 the rigid notions of a dry system, and the con- 
 tracted decisions of municipal law, I beg leave to 
 read you a passage from a very great theoretic 
 writer, a man whose praises have resounded 
 through all the known world, and probably will, 
 through all ages ; whose sentiments are as free as 
 air, and who has done as much for learning, liber- 
 ty, and mankind, as any of the sons of men. I 
 mean the sagacious Mr Locke. He will tell 
 you, gentlemen, in his Essay on Government, 
 p. 2, c. iii, ' That all manner of force, without 
 right, puts man in a state of war with the ag- 
 gressor : and of consequence, that, being in such a 
 state of war, he may lawfully kill him, Avho puts 
 him under this unnatural restraint.' According 
 to this doctrine, we should have nothing to do, 
 but inquire whether here was ' force without 
 right ; ' if so, we were in such a state as rendered 
 it lawful to kill the aggressor, who ' put us under 
 so unnatural a restraint.' Few, I believe, will 
 say, after hearing all this evidence, that we were 
 under no unnatural restraint. But we do not 
 wish to extend matters so far. Wc cite this au- 
 thor to show the world, that the greatest friends 
 10 their country, to universal liberty, and the 
 
62 
 
 immutable rights of all men, have held tenets, and 
 advanced maxims favourable to the prisoners at 
 the bar. And although we should not adopt the 
 sentiments of Mr Locke, in their most extensive 
 latitude, yet there seems to be something very 
 analogous to this opinion, which is countenanced 
 in our laws. 
 
 " There is a spirit, which pervades the whole 
 system of English jurisprudence, which inspires 
 a freedom of thought, speech, and behaviour. 
 Under a form of government like ours, it would 
 be in vain to expect that pacific, timid, obsequious, 
 and servile temper, so predominant in more des- 
 potic governments. From our happy constitution 
 then results its very natural effects, — an impa- 
 tience of injuries, and a strong resentment of 
 insults : — (and a very wise man has said, ' He 
 who tamely beareth insults, inviteth injuries.') 
 Hence, I take it, that attention to the ' feelings of 
 humanity,' — to ' humanity and imperfection,' — 
 ' the infirmities of flesh and blood,' — that attention 
 to the ' indelible rights of mankind,' — that lenity 
 to 'the passions of man,' — that 'benignity and 
 condescension of the law,' — so often repeated in 
 our books. And, indeed, if this were not the 
 case, the genius of our civil constitution, and the 
 spirit of our municipal law would be repugnant ; 
 
63 
 
 that prime defect in any political system, — that 
 grand solecism in state policy. 
 
 *' Gentlemen of the Jury, 
 
 " This cause has taken up much of your time, 
 and is likely to take so much more, that I 
 must hasten to a close : indeed I should not have 
 troubled you thus long, but from a sense of duty 
 to the prisoners ; they, who in some sense may 
 be said to have put their lives in my hands ; 
 they, whose situation was so peculiar, that we 
 have necessarily taken up more time, than or- 
 dinary cases require ; they, under all these cir- 
 cumstances, placed a confidence, it was my duty 
 not to disappoint ; and which I have aimed at 
 discharging with fidelity. I trust, you, gentle- 
 men, will do the like ; that you will examine, 
 and judge with a becoming temper of mind ; 
 remembering that they, who are under oath to 
 declare the whole truth, think and act very differ- 
 ently from bystanders, who, being under no ties 
 of this kind, take a latitude, which is by no means 
 admissible in a court of law. 
 
 " I cannot close this cause better, than by de- 
 siring you to consider well the genius and spirit 
 of the law, which will be laid down, and to 
 
G4 
 
 govern yourselves by this great standard of truth. 
 To some purposes, you may be said, gentlemen, 
 to be ministers of justice ; and ' ministers, ' says 
 a learned judge, ' appointed for the ends of public 
 justice, should have written on their hearts the 
 solemn engagements of his Majesty (at his coro- 
 nation), to cause law, and justice, in mercy, to be 
 executed in all his judgments. 
 
 ' The quality of mercy is not strained ; 
 It droppeth like the gentle rain from heaven — 
 
 ■ It is twice blessed ; 
 
 It blesses him that gives, and him that takes.' 
 
 " I leave you, gentlemen, hoping you will be 
 directed in your inquiry and judgment, to a right 
 discharge of your duty. We shall all of us, 
 gentlemen, have an hour of cool reflection, when 
 the feelings and agitations of the day shall have 
 subsided ; when we shall view things through a 
 different and much juster medium. It is then, 
 we all wish an absolving conscience. May you, 
 gentlemen, now act such a part, as will hereafter 
 insure it ; such a part as may occasion the prison- 
 ers to rejoice. May the blessing of those, who 
 were in jeopardy of life, come upon you, — may 
 the blessing of him who is not faulty to die, de- 
 scend and rest upon you and your posterity." 
 
65 
 
 John Adams Esq. then closed the defence, in 
 an argument admiiable for its learning, acuteness, 
 and strength. The result of their exertions was 
 the complete acquittal of six of the soldiers, and 
 the conviction of the remaining two of the crime 
 of manslaughter onljc 
 
 Thus terminated, in a manner forever honoura- 
 ble to the character of the American people, this 
 most solemn and eventful trial. In other coun- 
 tries, soldiers, who, in subduing popular tumults, 
 have killed unarmed citizens, have been sacrificed 
 at the instant, to the public indignation. Trial, 
 in such cases, has been often only a mockery ; 
 the sovereign himself having been compelled to 
 yield his own instruments, as victims to appease 
 the rage of the people. Even the walls of pris- 
 ons have been no security against the vengeance 
 of an excited multitude ; but amidst the most 
 violent effervescence of the American revolution, 
 respect for the ancient institutions of the country 
 maintained, at all times, the ascendency of the 
 judicial tribunal. Notwithstanding the metropolis 
 of Massachusetts had witnessed five of its citi- 
 zens publicly slaughtered in its streets by the mil- 
 itary arm, and notwithstanding curses, "and execra- 
 tions, and clamours for vengcahcfe were loud, and 
 
66 
 
 deep, and almost universal, yet justice maintained 
 the strength and integrity of her temple. The 
 passions of the moment, restrained in her courts, 
 waited patiently for her decision, and submitted 
 to a judgment, in which neither the feelings nor 
 the sentiments of the time acquiesced. The mul- 
 titude was silent, though not satisfied, under the 
 authority of the laws. 
 
 These are triumphs of principle, worthy of 
 record, both for the honour of the fact and the 
 influence of the example. In the language of 
 the subject of this memoir, for the result, — " this 
 ■whole people have reason to rejoice." 
 
 During the years 1771 and 1772, Mr Quincy 
 was actively engaged in the labours of his pro- 
 fession. He now entered upon an extensive field 
 of business, which his singular powers of elo- 
 quence opened for him, and which his unwearied 
 diligence and fidelity secured. Although his pro- 
 fessional occupations were of the most constant 
 and engrossing character, he found time to em- 
 ploy his pen in the cause of his country. 
 
 Among his original manuscripts there still 
 remain many essays published in the Gazette of 
 this period. In one signed " Mentor," published 
 February 11th, 1771, he laments " hearing so lit- 
 
67 
 
 tie discourse relative to a decent, manly, and 
 instructive commemoration of the melancholy 
 tragedy of the 5th of March, 1770," and urges 
 the discreet, as well as zealous friends of liber- 
 ty and mankind to form a regular plan for that 
 purpose, to the end that there may be an annual 
 development of the " fatal effects of the pol- 
 icy of standing armies, and the natural tendency 
 of quartering regular troops in populous cities 
 in time of peace." His labours in the papers of 
 those years appear to have been incessant, and on 
 various topics. His manuscripts, which remain, 
 show that during these years he wrote, among oth- 
 er essays, those under the signature of " Callis- 
 thenes," " Tertius in nubibus," " Edward Sex- 
 by," and " Marchmont Nedham," " Draught of 
 instructions to the Boston representatives in May 
 1770," and a " Report of a Committee chosen by 
 the Inhabitants of Petersham, in the county of 
 Worcester, 4th of January 1773." These all 
 breathe that bold, ardent, and vehement spirit, 
 which characterized his life, speeches, and writ- 
 tings. For the most part they relate to tempora- 
 ry topics, and are directed to expose the character 
 or to unmask the design of the British ministry, 
 or their agents. An extract from the essay signed 
 
68 
 
 " Cnllisthenes," published in Edes and GilPs Ga- 
 zette, September 28th, 1772, on the subject of 
 the grant of sahu'ies to the judges, from the crown, 
 will show the current and temperature of his 
 mind. 
 
 " In your Gazette of the tenth of February 
 last, I took occasion to deliver my sentiments on 
 the imprisonment of Ebenezer Richardson. A 
 truth, I there delivered, give me leave to repeat. 
 * No tyranny so secure, — none so intolerable, — 
 none so dangerous, — none so remediless, as that 
 of Executive Courts.' 
 
 " This is a truth all nations bear witness to, — 
 all history confirms. So sensible are all tyrants 
 of the importance of such courts, that to advance 
 and establish their system of oppression, they 
 never rest until they have completely corrupted, 
 or bought, the judges of the land. I could easily 
 show that the most deep laid and daring attacks 
 upon the rights of a peo])le, might in some meas- 
 ure be defeated, or evaded, by upright judicato- 
 ries, — that bad laws, with good judges, make 
 little^ progress. ' Let me make the judges,' said 
 the pedant King James, ' I care not who makes 
 the laws.' And this was very far from being 
 
69 
 
 the worst speech of that vainglori^^us monarch. 
 How would that silly tyrant have hugged hunself, 
 in fancied bliss, if he had been gratified with 
 making laws, judges, lawyers, sheriffs, &c. ; and 
 with paying and displacing them at pleasure ! 
 Could a Nero wish more ? The people then 
 would iiave no more real life, than might be 
 extinguished with one single stroke. 
 
 " My countrymen, Great Britain, with legisla- 
 tive solemnity, has told you, she can bind you 
 and yours, by her laws, when the parliament 
 please. The parliament have so bound, and are 
 still so binding you. Who appoints, — who dis- 
 places our judges, — we all know. But who 
 pays them ? The last vessels from England tell 
 us, — the judges, and the subalterns, have got 
 salaries from Great Britian ! 
 
 *' Is it possible this last movement should not 
 rouse us, — and drive us — not to desperation — 
 but to our duty ? 
 
 " The blind may see, — the callous must feel, — 
 the spirited will act." 
 
 For the two last years, Mr Quincy's constitu- 
 tion, naturally feeble, and susceptible to a very 
 extraordinary degree, began to yield to the contin- 
 
70 
 
 ued current of his professional and political occu- 
 pations. It was his nature to eng;age, in whatever 
 he undertook, with an earnest, indefatigable en- 
 deavour, which absorbed his whole mind, and 
 exhausted his entire strength. In the latter end of 
 1772, his complaints assumed a decided pulmo- 
 nary character, and it became necessary for him, 
 according to the opinion of his physician, to lay 
 aside all cares, except those which had for their 
 object his life and health. The following letter 
 written by him to his father, about this time, is in 
 reply to his parental inquiries on this subject. 
 
 TO JOSIAH QUINCY ESQ., BRAINTREE. 
 
 " Boston, Thursday, 2 o^clock. 
 " Honoured Sir, 
 
 " I thank you very sincerely for your solici- 
 tude and good wishes. My fever the last two 
 days and nights seems almost wholly to have 
 left me ; my slumbers are sound and undisturbed, 
 and the light of the morning finds me refreshed. 
 I find my bodily health less impaired than I could 
 expect. Indeed I have perceived of late no 
 propensity to that fainting and languor, which 
 the last year troubled me so much. Dr Warren 
 thinks that my symptoms are favourable, and my 
 
71 
 
 prospect of health (humanly speaking) certain. * * 
 * * * * Thus much to gratify you, sir, with 
 particulars, and to do it, has been as much my 
 pleasure, as my duty. A little now to gratify 
 myself. The science of giving advice is one of 
 the most difficult of any ; yet both the male and 
 female world think themselves adepts in it. But 
 of the few who are any way skilled in this nice 
 art, how few know the mode of application, and 
 the time to administer. But of the empirics in 
 this mystery, with which the world swarms, how 
 few are truly solicitous about the real welfare of 
 the pretended object. How many are actuated 
 by the felicity they feel, from gratifying the pride 
 of their own hearts ? This may not be any jus- 
 tification of an obstinate mule, but it may serve 
 as some palliation for the conduct of those who 
 feel, and those who can see. There are those 
 who have the gift of prophecy, and many who 
 have the gift of tongues, but alas, how few have 
 the gift of persuasion. 
 
 " W^ith my best wishes for the family, and a 
 grateful remembrance of your attachment and 
 goodness to me, 
 
 " I am your very affectionate son, 
 
 " J. QUINCY JuN." 
 
72 
 
 The encouragement thus given him by his 
 physician, however, proved delusive, and in Feb- 
 ruary ] 773, it was decided that his only hope of 
 life depended upon an immediate change to a 
 more southern climate. He accordingly on the 
 eighth of that month took passage from Boston 
 for Charleston, South Carolina, with the inten- 
 tion of returning from thence by land, to Massa- 
 chusetts. This journey, in the state of inter- 
 course which then subsisted between the colonies, 
 was considered in the 'light of a visit to foreign 
 lands, concerning which it was becoming the ad- 
 venturous traveller to bring home, for his own ben- 
 efit, or for the instruction of others, whatever 
 knowledge his rare opportunities permitted him 
 to collect. His journal, although written under 
 great disadvantages from ill health, and composed 
 of sketches made necessarily in haste for the pur- 
 pose of aiding his own recollections, rather than 
 of being subservient to the information of others, 
 contains many important facts and interesting 
 anecdotes. It throws also a strong light upon 
 the state of manners and political sentiment, 
 which at that period existed among the colonies. 
 
 Some of his particular observations, from the 
 familiarity of our present intercourse, might ap- 
 
73 
 
 pear trite and uninteresting, and will be omitted, 
 as also will be, for the most part, all those partieu- 
 ular strictures on the nattu'e and effect of that 
 portion of the population of the southern col- 
 onies, which was most likely to make the deepest 
 impression on an inhabitant of the northern, and by 
 which a stranger, of his turn .of mind, could not 
 fail to be peculiarly affected. With these excep- 
 tions the journal will be published entire. 
 
 JOURNAL OF A VOYAGE TO SOUTH CAROLINA, &C. 
 
 " The design of the ensuing Journal is, among 
 other things, to gratify one, who has a right to a 
 very large share of my thoughts and reflections, 
 as well as to participate, as far as possible, in all 
 my amusements and vicissitudes. To be a memo- 
 rial of my thoughts as they rise, and to remain a 
 future witness to myself of the changes of my 
 own sentiments and opinions. 
 
 " To record those kindnesses, and little civili- 
 ties, which might otherwise imperceptibly fleet 
 from the memory, but which ought nevertheless 
 to be held in remembrance, till we shall em- 
 brace an opportunity fully to return them. 
 10 
 
74 
 
 " To those therefore, into whose hands this 
 Journal, either before or after my death, may 
 chance to fall, the foregoing considerations may 
 serve as some excuse for those trifles, I foresee it 
 will contain, and shall not strive to avoid. 
 
 " JOSIAH QuiNCY JUN. 
 
 ^'Boston, February Sth, 1773." 
 
 " 1773. February 8th. Sailed in the Bristol 
 Packet, John Skimmer commander, for South 
 Carolina, with the design of taking the tour of 
 the southern provinces for my health. The 'Nos 
 patriae fines, et dulcia linquimus arva,' of Virgil 
 was uppermost in my mind, and when 1 came in 
 sight of my father's dwelling, ' Tu, Tityre, lentus 
 in umbra,' seemed the sweetest harmony 1 ever 
 carolled. * * * 
 
 *' A more disagreeable time can hardly be con- 
 ceived, than the season of my first days and 
 nights. Exhausted to the last degree, I was too 
 weak to rise, and in too exquisite pain to lie in 
 bed. Unable to take any manner of food, I re- 
 mained wholly confined to my state-room, till 
 pain forced me to make one efibrt to get fresh air. 
 Assisted by two people, I reached the foot of the 
 companion stairs, but was not able to proceed 
 
75 
 
 further. The fresh air, instead of refreshing, at 
 first overcame me, and after several fainting turns, 
 I was Carrie i back to bed. My sickness came on 
 with redoubled violence, the night passed heavily 
 away, and my cabin was so sultry and hot, that 
 to rise or perish seemed the only alternative. I 
 knocked for the watch upon deck, and with the 
 assistance of two of them, was seated on a hen- 
 coop, by the side of the binacle. Scenes alto- 
 gether new and surprising presented themselves 
 to my view. I had not been on deck, since pass- 
 ing the light-house, and had never before been 
 out of sight of land. The heavens were overcast 
 with black and heavy clouds, with here and there 
 a light, flying, wild cloud, interspersed. A hard 
 northeast wind, the weather extremely close, — 
 and distant flashes of lightning gleamed all around 
 the horizon. The waves seemed to curl with 
 flames, just sufficient to make the darkness visible ; 
 and successive peals of distant thunder — all con- 
 spired to make deep impressions and fit the mind 
 for meditation. To know how all this affected 
 me, a person must consider my weakness, my 
 situation, and cast of mind. 
 
 " What a transition have I made, and am still 
 making ! was the exclamation of my heart. In- 
 
76 
 
 stead of stable eartli, tlie fleeting waters, — the 
 little hall of right and wrong is changed for the 
 wide, expanding immeasurable ocean. Instead 
 of petty jars and waspish disputations, waves con- 
 tend with waves, and billow^s war with billows ; 
 seas rise in wrath, and mountains combat heaven ; 
 clouds engage with clouds, and lightnings dart 
 their vengeful coruscations ; thunders roll, and 
 oceans roar : — all ether flames, and distant shores, 
 sea, air, and heaven reverberate the mighty war, 
 and echo awful sounds. 
 
 * The sky it seems would pour down livid flames, 
 But that the sea, mounting to the welkin's cheek, 
 Dashes the fire out.' 
 
 Vast field for contemplation ! riches for mind and 
 fancy ! astonishing monuments of wisdom ! mag- 
 nificent productions of power ! The ingenuity, 
 the adventurous spirit, the vast enterprise of man, 
 next succeed to employ reflection. A little skifl', 
 scarce a speck in this wide expanse, flew through 
 the waves, and plycd this angry flood ; — braved 
 the threatening dangers, this world of night and 
 chaos. 
 
 " While thus surprised and gratified, I rejoiced 
 to think of my undertaking ; and was pleased 
 with the hopes of being wiser and better for mj 
 
77 
 
 eccentric motion. Suddenly the weather chang- 
 ed, became doubly inclement, and cold, rain, and 
 sleet threatened my health, if I remained longer 
 upon deck. But to go, in my enfeebled state, to 
 a hot cabin, was intolerable. Rain and cold 
 appeared less dreadlul than heat and bad air. I 
 sent for my cloak, which, with my surtout, was 
 to fit me for a companion to the sailor at the helm 
 till sunrise. The weather increased in badness ; 
 I became fretful ; — 'twas death almost to retire 
 to my cabin, — an exclamation escaped me, — I re- 
 pined, I murmured, — I exclaimed again, — when 
 (I shall never forget the sensation) the seaman at 
 the helm carolled, with his marine pipe, 
 
 ' How little do these landmen know, 
 What we, jioor sailors, undergo ! ' 
 
 " The best divine, moralist, or philosopher 
 could not have devised a better cure for my spleen 
 and vexation. Upon comparison, how little rea- 
 son had I for complaint ! How much ground of 
 gratitude to Heaven ! The honest tar continued 
 his carols, and his notes were truly music to my 
 ears, — 
 
 * A concord of sweet sounds.' 
 
 I was persuaded the fellow chanted his naval 
 June to divert me, but whether he expected to do 
 
78 
 
 it by the harmony of sounds and numbers, or by 
 the sentiment of his song to alleviate my afflictions, 
 in calling me to consider those of others, I doubt- 
 ed. But it was wholly immaterial to me ; either 
 way, I was equally obliged to him. My hand 
 mechanically went to my pocket, but searched in 
 vain for my purse. This was deposited in my 
 sea-chest the day before I sailed. Luckily a 
 small remnant of my last fee was in the lining of 
 my pocket. — I threw it to the helmsman, who, 
 in endeavourins; to catch it, struck it half through 
 one of the scupper holes. It was now out of his 
 reach ; he could not leave his helm to get it ; I 
 could not rise from my seat without help, and no 
 one was on deck but us two. The witty, care- 
 less, good-humoured fellow looked a little cha- 
 grined at first (for every roll of the sea threaten- 
 ed its loss), but with great ease and indifference, 
 turning upon his heel, he warbled with ineffable 
 harmony, 
 
 ' All ! why should we quarrel for riches, 
 Or any such glittering toys ; ' &c. 
 
 To know how this turn of the sailor was relished, 
 to realize the pleasure it gave me, one must know 
 every circumstance of my situation, and every 
 feeling of my heart. * * * 
 
79 
 
 " Days of heat, cold, wind, and rain now rolled 
 on. Confined to my cabin almost wholly, I be- 
 came pale, wan, and spiritless ; and, as I have 
 since learned from my servant, every person 
 on shi])board gave me over, and concluded I should 
 never reach land. I was perfectly sensible of my 
 danger, but by being carried upon deck, night and 
 day, when it did not storm violently, my spirits re- 
 vived, but my appetite never. My second week 
 at sea was now passing, with only little incidents, 
 perhaps no more worthy of recording, than those, 
 which, for want of better materials, have en- 
 gaged my idle time, and found a place in the pre- 
 ceding pages. With us, came passenger, one 
 
 Mr , late a purser on board his Majesty's 
 
 twenty-gun ship of war, lying in Boston har- 
 bour ; — a gentleman lately obli2;ed to ask leave 
 to quit the service, for following the practices and 
 examples of his superiors, which in them escaped 
 with impunity. ' See little villains hung by 
 great.' 
 
 " Mr was one day uttering his com- 
 plaints, when, among other things, an expression 
 escaped him, remarkable as coming from one, who 
 had been fifteen years in the crown service, and 
 i'etaiued much of the peculiar sentiments and man- 
 
80 
 
 ners of such an employ. He was speaking of 
 the partiality of a court of inquiry, which had sat 
 upon him, and the little reason to hope for justice 
 in a court martial, with which he was threatened, 
 unless he would ask leave to quit his birth. 
 
 *' ' Good God ! ' cried he, * why do I com- 
 plain? What reason had I to expect any thing 
 better. A government that is arbitrary is always 
 unjust. A tyranny in one, or more, is always 
 cruel and u?irighteous.^ Such sentiments from 
 him surprised me. I was impatient to know 
 whether these reflections were founded in his 
 heart, or were only the overflowings of spleen, 
 disappointment, and revenge. For great is the 
 sense of wrong, when oppression touches our- 
 selves ; weak, weak indeed, when we are ex- 
 empted from all apparent danger of a like mis- 
 fortune. 
 
 " Mr was a man of good natural pow- 
 ers, considerably acquainted with essays and the 
 belles-lettres, though not learned, or conversant 
 with the severer studies. I took this opportunity 
 to start the controversy between Great Britain 
 and the colonics. I spoke of the conduct of both, 
 of present measures, and of the prol^able conse- 
 quences. I hoped hence to draw the general 
 
81 
 
 opinions of his corps, and also, what must have 
 frequently transpired in his company, for the 
 hist seven years. ' Very true,' said he, ' Mr 
 Quincy, we all know this. Great Britain has no 
 right to tax you. The ministry know it as well 
 as you, but money must be had somewhere. 
 Every thing is strained to the utmost at home. 
 The people of England see as well as you, that 
 North America must one day be independent, and 
 it is her interest, and most certainly that of the 
 present administration, to prevent this, as much as 
 possible ; and they will prevent it, for a much 
 longer time than you imagine. For you can't 
 contend with the power of Britain, whose navy 
 conquers the world ; and your first men are all 
 bought off, and will be more and more so, in 
 proportion as the ministry are wise and well in- 
 formed. Who can blame them for it ? They are 
 hi the right of it to do it, and you are in the right 
 of it, to make opposition ; but all will not do ; you 
 must submit for a great while yet to come. Why, 
 all the world are slaves, and North America can- 
 not hope to be free. ' 
 
 " A train of conversation of this kind, pleased 
 and exasperated. I reasoned, spoke of facts, of 
 history, of human nature, of glorious sacrifices — 
 11 
 
82 
 
 till from inveighing, I almost stormed. The agi- 
 tation did my health good, if nothing more ; for I 
 wanted my blood to circulate. Upon my telling 
 him, that the present steps of the British govern- 
 ment were to the last degree iniquitous, repugnant 
 to the first notions of right and wrong, — ' Oh, Mr 
 Quincy,' he replied, ' what do you tell of that for ? 
 there can be no government without fraud and in- 
 justice. All government is founded in corruption. 
 The British government is so. There is no doing 
 without it in state affairs.' This was a clencher. 
 
 ' Well, I hope, Mr , you will never more 
 
 complain of arbitrary proceedings, and wrong, and 
 cruelty, seeing such is the government you have 
 served, and are now raging to be employed by.' 
 ' Yes, yes, when it touches one^s self, we have a 
 right to complain. Was any one ever served as I 
 
 have been ? Admiral has himself, to my 
 
 knowledge, done ten times as bad, and yet the 
 scoundrel persecuted me with unrelenting, brutal 
 cruelty.' Here I let matters drop, making only a 
 few natural reflections on the character of man. 
 * * * * In the course of this time I had a 
 good opportunity of discovering the great corrup- 
 tion of administration, and the gross frauds of the 
 servants of the crown. Mr frequently 
 
83 
 
 owned to me, that his salary and birth were only 
 worth £45 sterling a year, but that the year be- 
 fore last he made £300, and the last six months, 
 at the rate of £400 sterling a year. And this 
 will not seem at all incredible to those who are 
 informed of the ways and means of doing it, and 
 the sharers and connivers at it, 
 
 " February 21, 1773. This morning we were 
 within thirty leagues of our port, which We should 
 hav'e probably reached the preceding day, had we 
 not been becalmed twenty-four hours. At about 
 seven o'clock, A. M. a black cloud hung over the 
 northeastern part of the horizon, and at ten, the 
 winds rose extremely high, at N. N. E. Before 
 night, the Avind blew a hurricane. Every thing 
 threatened a terrible tempest. We were in the lati- 
 tude of the Bermudas ; a latitude remarkable for 
 storms and whirlwinds. The hurry, noise, and con- 
 fusion of preparing for the storm, was astonishing 
 to one, never in a like situation. Rain, hail, snow, 
 and sleet descended with great violence, and the 
 winds and waves rajred all niirlit. About four in the 
 morning Captain Skimmer called to me, saying, 
 ' Mr Quincy, come and see here : you may now 
 say you have seen a storm at sea. I never saw 
 so dismal a time in my life.' The scene beggars 
 
84 
 
 all description. As the clay advanced, at times 
 light openings in the clouds gave a view of the 
 horrors all around us ; such apertures were ever 
 attended by a tenfold gust of wind. The waves 
 rose in mountains on each side, and we were alter- 
 nately elevated to the clouds, and sunk in the 
 deep. I frequently saw the yards plunged in the 
 waves, and was often sent by force of the mo- 
 tion, across the cabin. I used to keep myself in 
 bed, by throwing my left arm over my right 
 shoulder, and then twisting a cord, fastened to the 
 side of the vessel, round my wrist ; I thus pre- 
 vented my being pitched out of bed. It was so 
 dark, by reason of thick fogs, that at mid-day 
 you could not see the end of the bowsprit, and 
 often scarce discern the yards. The exhalations 
 from the water resembled, in density, and much 
 in smell, the vapour from a burning lime kiln. 
 In short, horror was all around us. Our Captain 
 
 had been thirty years a seaman ; Mr had 
 
 been on all the coasts of Europe and America ; 
 and the mariners had, one or other of them, visit- 
 ed most parts of the ocean, but none of them had 
 seen so terrible a time. Seas struck us repeatedly, 
 with terrible concussions, and all seemed to ex- 
 pect instant death. In this manner day succeeded 
 
85 
 
 day, and night closed upon night ; here a gleam 
 of hope, and then anon a bitter disappointment. 
 In vain did we look for change ; tempest and 
 whirlwinds seemed to have attained stability. 
 
 ' In every place 
 
 ' Flamed amazement. Not a soul 
 
 ' But felt a fever of the mind.' 
 
 " On Wednesday night (February 24th), the 
 rain much abated, but the clouds did not disperse, 
 nor the winds lull. I put my head out of the 
 companion-door, in order to take a view, and 
 could not help repeating those beautiful lines of 
 our poet : 
 
 ' Unmuffle, ye faint stars ; and thou, fair Moon, 
 That wont'st to love the traveller's benison. 
 Stoop thy pale visage through an amber cloud, 
 And disinherit Chaos, that reigns here.' 
 
 " February 25th. On Thursday things re- 
 mained much as they were ; towards night the 
 clouds were dispelled, stars were here and there 
 to be seen, and every thing seemed to promise 
 better times ; but our hope was ' as the morning 
 cloud, and evening dew.' Before daylight, seas, 
 w iiids, snow and rain, raged more than ever. All 
 matters had, previous to this, been disposed to 
 encounter the worst. Every thing was either 
 
86 
 
 lashed upon deck, or removed from it. Axes had 
 been delivered out, and all was prepared for cutting 
 away the masts ; which we expected to be obli- 
 ged to do, every minute. We had long lain 
 under bare poles, except what is called a balanced 
 mainsail, to keep her head to the winds and seas 
 as far as possible. All now retired to the steer- 
 age or cabin ; none remained upon deck. We 
 drew towards the shore with incredible swiftness, 
 considering we carried no sail. Seas broke over 
 us often ; now and then one woidd strike with 
 enormous force. The whole of this night (after 
 eight o'clock), I believe every soul on board 
 expected to perish. We were now in that lati- 
 tude, in which the remains of my elder brother 
 were deposited in the ocean, and probably very 
 near the spot where the ship, with Mr John 
 Apthorp and lady on board, foundered. It was 
 impossible at this season to exclude this from 
 remembrance. The mind dwelt upon it. Es- 
 pecially, as in case of our loss, there would 
 have been a like ignorance of our fate, and length 
 of expectation of friends, as in the unhappy case 
 of Mr Apthorp and his lady. To consider, to 
 ruminate, to waver, to despond, to hope, and 
 ponder anew, was natural to tlie scene. 
 
87 
 
 ' A thousand fantasies 
 Begin to throng into the memory, 
 Of calling shapes, and beckoning shadows dire, 
 And aery tongues, that syllable men's names 
 On sands, and shores, and desert wildernesses.' 
 
 " Providence now gratified a frequent desire of 
 my heart, — that I might be in a situation, so 
 circumstanced, as to be fully convinced of a 
 speedy departure to that ' bourn,' from which 'no 
 traveller returns ;' — that I might have the exer- 
 cise of my understanding, — time to examine my 
 heart, — to reflect upon the past, — look forward 
 to the future, — weigh and consider whether I 
 leaned upon ' the pillared firmament,' — or ' rot- 
 tenness.' 
 
 " To notice the operations of the mind, and 
 observe the emotions of the spirits at such seasons, 
 is certainly a duty, and a very profitable employ. 
 The justness of our sentiments, opinions, and 
 judgments concerning all subjects, is here brought 
 to the test ; and the propriety, right, and equity 
 of our past lives, must stand an audit. We hence 
 are powerfully taught, what is folly, what wis- 
 dom, — what right, and what wrong ; — the duties 
 we have omitted, and those we have performed ; 
 — a reflection upon the one is pungent, a review 
 of the other exquisitely joyous. 
 
88 
 
 *' Experience gives weight and energy to what 
 before was fluctuating and feeble. 
 
 "I had often in past life expressed my creed, 
 that every man died a hater of tyrants, an abhor- 
 rer of oppression, a lover of his country, and a 
 friend to mankind. My conviction upon this 
 head now received confirmation. I hope I shall 
 never forget the resolutions I then formed, the 
 sentiments I then entertained. I make this min- 
 ute I am now writing, as a memorial of the past, 
 and a memento for the future ; to aid me in 
 engraving them on the tablet of my heart. At the 
 making of this minute I have not yet reached the 
 land ; the da}^ is more cheerful, but dangers not 
 at an end. I pray God to seal instruction at this 
 instant ; — that every thought and sentiment which 
 is just and true, — that every resolution which is 
 good and noble, may not be shipwrecked in the 
 future whirl or tempest of tumultuous passions, — 
 become the fleetings of a bird of passage, — ' the 
 baseless fabrick of a vision,' — but stable as the 
 'pillared firmament,' and influential as the mid- 
 day sun. 
 
 " February 26th. Upwards of an hundred 
 hours had now passed without sight of the sun ; 
 the wind had set almost wholly from N. N. E. ; 
 
89 
 
 the gulf-stream (said to run along the Carolina 
 shore upwards of five knots an hour) directly 
 opposite. All of a sudden the water chanjied 
 colour ; we threw the lead and found soundings ; 
 — the terror and confusion on shipboard was now 
 great indeed. Whether the land was off the bar 
 of Carolina, Roman shoals, or the Bahama sands, 
 was altogether uncertain to every person on board. 
 New dangers now stared us in the face. Neces- 
 sity compelled us to venture upon deck, and to 
 hoist a reefed fore-sail ; for the wind set violently 
 on the shore. At this time it was about eight in 
 the morning. In the afternoon the clouds seemed 
 again to scatter, and though we flattered ourselves 
 less than before, yet the signs of better w-eather 
 worked forcibly on our hopes. At night how- 
 ever, new clouds arose, with redoubled heaviness 
 and blackness, and our captain said he believed 
 we should have a harder time than ever. The 
 winds changed almost every minute, and what 
 is very extraordinary considering their violence, 
 these variations were to directly opposite points of 
 compass. We had the greatest reason to fear the 
 consequence ; but the rain falling in incredible 
 floods imperceptibly allayed the seas, and assuag- 
 ed the storm. 
 12 
 
90 
 
 "After a very trying night to those sailors who 
 kept the deck, the morning broke with signs of 
 fair weather. At twelve o'clock (February 27th), 
 we had a tolerably good observation, and found 
 ourselves to the southward of our port. Our 
 crew were spent, pale, and spiritless. The pleas- 
 ures of a returning sun are not to be conceived 
 but by those who have been in like jeopardies 
 and trials. 
 
 " We had once during the storm discovered a 
 ship near us ; we now again saw her. Each 
 made a signal to speak together, and each bearing 
 down upon the other, we met just at twelve 
 o'clock. It proved to be a ship from St Croix. 
 She had scarce a rag of sail standing ; most of 
 her running rigging gone ; her hands alternately 
 at the pump. She looked distressfully enough. 
 
 " Each one on board our brig began now to 
 compare our own case with that of our fellow 
 voyager, who appeared bound to the same port 
 with us ; — all were moralizing on the scene ; — 
 for we had comparatively suffered no such dam- 
 age in the storm. Extreme precaution, Avatchful- 
 ness, and steadiness in our master, great activity 
 and courage in our crew, all knowing and 
 willing to do their duty : with extremely fine 
 
91 
 
 sails, rigging, &c., had saved us from much 
 injury, which we should otherwise certainly have 
 suffered. The captain of the ship told us that he 
 had been a seaman twenty-one years, and never 
 had seen ' such a time in his days.' No person on 
 board our vessel had ever been to Carolina, which 
 occasioned our captain to ask the master of the 
 ship, whether he had ever been the like voyage be- 
 fore ; to which he answered, ' Yes, about twenty- 
 one years ago.' On our replying that we had 
 never been there, the hearty fellow commanding 
 the ship cheerfully said, — ' Give us this sun, and 
 this breeze, and we '11 soon be better acquainted 
 with the way.' I could not help being surprized 
 with this sort of ease and jollity, immediately 
 after such hair-breadth 'scapes, and in such a 
 shattered condition. Our crew were mightily 
 pleased with his courage, — and a horse laugh, 
 ' brave fellow,' &c. re-echoed through our bark. 
 
 *' This interview, also, was one of those we 
 must experience, before we can form a true idea 
 of its pleasure. It was far beyond what a mere 
 landsman would suppose. We soon outsailed the 
 ship, but before we had gone far, our captain on a 
 sudden seemed very angry with himself. No one 
 knew the cause of his agitation, when he ordered 
 
92 
 
 the peak of the mainsail dropped, and to bear 
 down again on the ship ; which being done, we 
 all waited to know the cause of it. Every coun- 
 tenance seemed to express wonder, at what it 
 could mean, and the hurry of executing the 
 orders of the master prevented us from asking 
 questions. While we were thus waiting with ex- 
 pectation, the speaking trumpet resounded, ' Do 
 you want any thing that I have got ; — provisions, 
 water, canvass, or rigging ? ' What were the 
 sensations of my heart at this question ? and how 
 were my spirits moved, when the hoarse reply 
 was ; — ' No, no, plenty, plenty here yet, thank 
 God ! Who is the commander of that brig ? ' 
 'John Skimmer.' ' God send you well in ! ' 
 
 " This scene almost overcame me, for I was 
 weak and feeble. Here was a most beautiful 
 assemblage of sympathies and virtues, and my 
 mind was so softened by disease and misfortune, 
 that it was well fitted to feel the energy of such 
 an union. Humanity and benevolence, gratitude 
 and thankfulness, were shown reciprocally in the 
 offer and return, and vied in lustre ; — a similitude 
 of calamity had inspired friendship and charity. 
 It has been said, that ' necessity is the mother 
 of invention,' — may we not also say, that misfor- 
 tune is the parent of virtue ? 
 
93 
 
 ' What sorrow is, thou bid'st us know, 
 And from our own, we learn to melt at others' woe.' 
 
 " February 28th. We now were off Charles- 
 ton Bar, and the wind being in our teeth, we 
 were the whole day beating up. Just before 
 sunset we passed the fort. Charleston appeared 
 situated between two large, spacious rivers. The 
 number of shipping far surpassed any thing I had 
 ever seen in Boston. On landing on Sunday 
 evening, the town struck me very agreeably ; the 
 number of inhabitants, and the appearance of the 
 buildings far exceeded my expectations." 
 
 * * * 
 
 The following letter of this date is found among 
 Mr Quincy's papers. 
 
 TO MRS QUINCY, BOSTON. 
 
 Charleston, S. C. March 1, 1773. 
 
 The first emotion of my heart is gratitude to 
 Heaven ; — the second, love to my friend nearer 
 than a brother. How much we owe to God, can 
 only be known by reflection on the imminent dan- 
 gers, from which I have been delivered, A 
 voyage more disagreeable, dangerous, and terrible, 
 perhaps was never passed, than that which landed 
 me upon this distant shore. ****** 
 
94 
 
 * * * * I omit lesser hardships, disappoint- 
 ments, and afflictions. I cannot say that I was 
 ever well at sea, although I was not always very 
 ill. What cause have we for thankfulness. I 
 had not the least expectation of ever seeing you, 
 or my dear boy, again ; I was fully convinced 
 that we must perish. Heaven has gratified a 
 frequent desire of my heart, — that I might once 
 see death before my eyes, as if striking his dart ; 
 — that I might know, if possible, the stability of 
 what I lean on ; — whether ' the pillared firma- 
 ment,' or ' rottenness.' How often did I rejoice 
 that ignorance freed my first and best friends from 
 pain on my account ; and that long expectation 
 of hearing from me, would lessen the weight of 
 what length of time must convince them of. 
 How often did I feel the pang of separation, and 
 look forward to that ' bourn,' from whence ' no 
 traveller returns.' How frequently clasp my 
 dear boy, and view him in a wide, corrupt world ; 
 — destitute of the instruction, vigilance, care, and 
 protection of a father. 
 
 " You will doubtless wish to know what real 
 damage our vessel sustained, and when I tell you 
 but a very trifle to her rigging, you may be sur- 
 prised. But the wonder will cease when I in- 
 
95 
 
 form you, that our brig was remarkably well 
 found : new sails, rigging, and in very fine order, 
 active and good seamen, and a most incompara- 
 ble commander. Such precaution before dan- 
 ger, such vigilance, activity, and firmness in it, 
 were truly astonishing ; we passengers almost 
 idolized him. But before the storm was over, all 
 were nearly beat out, — master and mariners, as 
 good as ever stepped between stem and stern of 
 a ship. But I must have done. Last evenin^^' at x 
 dusk I landed here, in better health than could 
 be expected, especially when you are told, that 
 the wet of the cabin, and dampness of my bed, 
 were so great, that the one was flowing, and the 
 other might have been wrung. This town makes 
 a most beautiful appearance as you come up to it, 
 and in many respects a magnificent one. Al- 
 though I have not beeu here twenty hours, I have 
 traversed the most populous parts of it. I can 
 only say in general, that hi grandeur, splendour 
 of buildings, decorations, equipages, numbers, 
 commerce, shipping, and indeed in almost every 
 thing, it far surpasses all I ever saw, or ever 
 expected to see in America. Of their manners, 
 literature, understanding, spirit of true liberty, 
 policy and government, I can form no adequate 
 
96 
 
 judgment. All seems at present to be trade, 
 riches, magnificence, and great state in every 
 thing ; much gaiety, and dissipation. * "^ * 
 vns" There are such a multitude of ghosts and 
 shadows here, that I make not so bad a figure on 
 comparison. I shall give you an account of my 
 health, when I can with certainty ; every thing 
 looks favourable at present that way." * * * 
 
 JOURNAL CONTINUED. 
 
 "February 28th, 1773. On landing on Sun- 
 day evening I proceeded to the coffee-house, where 
 was a great resort of company, busy and noisy. 
 I here met with Mr Lavinus Clarkson, to whom 
 I had letters, who much befriended me in getting 
 lodgings, which we were put to great difficulty to 
 obtain. By ten o'clock, however, we procured 
 one near the statehouse, and this night I had the 
 most refreshing slumber I ever enjoyed. In the 
 morning the same gentleman politely attended me 
 to introduce me to those to whom I had letters of 
 recommendation. 
 
 "March 1st. This and the next day, I 
 spent in traversing the town and viewing the 
 public buildings and the most elegant mansion 
 houses. 
 
97 
 
 " March 2d. This day I was visited by several 
 gentlemen, to whom yesterday I had delivered 
 letters. Received a ticket from David Deis Esq. 
 for the St Cecilia concert, and now quit my 
 journal to go. 
 
 March 3d. The concert-house is a lar2;e, inele- 
 gant building, situated down a yard, at the en- 
 trance of wiiich I was met by a constable, with 
 his staff. I offered him my ticket, which was 
 subscribed by the name of the person giving it, 
 and directing admission of me by name. The of- 
 ficer told me to proceed. I did, and was next 
 met by a white waiter, who directed me to a third, 
 to whom I delivered my ticket, and was conduct- 
 ed in. The music was good, — the two base viols 
 and French horns were grand. One Abercrombie, 
 a Frenchman just arrived, played the first violin, 
 and a solo incomparably better than any one I 
 ever heard. He cannot speak a word of English, 
 and has a salary of five hundred guineas a year 
 from the St Cecilia Society. There were up- 
 wards of two hundred and fifty ladies present, 
 and it was called no great number. In lofti- 
 ness of headdress, these ladies stoop to the 
 daughters of the north, — in richness of dress, sur- 
 pass them, — in health and floridity of countenance. 
 13 
 
98 
 
 vail to them. In taciturnity during the perform- 
 ances, greatly before our ladies ; in noise and flirta- 
 tion after the music is over, pretty much on a par. 
 If our ladies have any advantage, it is in white 
 and red, vivacity and spirit. The gentlemen 
 many of them dressed with richness and elegance, 
 uncommon with us : many with swords on. We 
 had two macaronis present, just arrived from 
 London. This character I found real, and not 
 fictitious. ' See the macaroni ! ' was a common 
 phrase in the hall. One may be styled the bag, 
 the other the queue macaroni. Mr Deis was very 
 polite, and introduced me to most of the first 
 characters : — among the rest to Lord Charles G. 
 Montague, the Governor, who was to sail next day 
 for London, — to the chief justice and two of the 
 assistant judges, and several of the council. 
 Spent this day, March 3d, in viewing horses, rid- 
 ing over the town, and into the vicinity, and re- 
 ceiving formal compliments. 
 
 " March 4th, Thursday. Dined with David 
 Deis Esq. with four other gentlemen, — good 
 wines, and festivity. The first toast, ' The King;' 
 the second, a lady ; the third, ' Our friends at 
 Boston, and your (meaning my) fireside.' The 
 master of the feast then called to the gentleman on 
 
99 
 
 his right hand for a lady. This was done to 
 every one at table, except the ladies, who were 
 called on for a gentleman, and gave one with ease. 
 No compulsion in drinking, except that a bumper 
 was called for at the third toast. Politics an un- 
 interesting topic. 
 
 March 5th, Friday. Dined at a very elegantly 
 disposed, and plentiful table at the house of John 
 Mathews Esq. in company with the chief justice 
 of St Augustine, and several other gentlemen. 
 No political conversation. 
 
 March Gth. This day was to have been spent 
 witli T. L. Smith Esq. at his country scat. Bad 
 weather prevented, and I took what is called a 
 family dinner with him in town. Before dinner 
 a short account of the late disputes with the 
 Governor, Lord Charles G. Montague, and the 
 state of matters at present. No politics after 
 dinner. 
 
 " Sunday, March 7th. Went to St Philip's 
 church — very few present, though the first part 
 of the day is the most full. A young clergy- 
 man read prayers, with the most gay, indif- 
 ferent, and gallant air imaginable. A very ele- 
 gant piece of modern declamatory composition 
 was delivered by another clergyman by way of 
 
100 
 
 sermon from these words in Job: — ' Acquaint now 
 thjseir with God : that good may come of it.' 
 Having heard a young church clergyman very 
 coxcomically advance a few days before, that no 
 sermon ought to exceed twenty-five minutes, I 
 had the curiosity to see by my watch, whether 
 our clerical instructer was of tlie same sentiments, 
 and found that he shortened the space above seven 
 minutes and a half. This divine, after showing 
 that avocations, business, &c. precluded a certain 
 species of acquaintance with God, very sagely 
 said, * I come now to show that there is a cer- 
 tain allowable acquaintance with God.' Qu. 
 What kind of acquaintance can the creature have 
 with the Creator which is not allowable ? This 
 church is the most decorated within, though not 
 the most splendid without, of any in the place. 
 I find that in the several places of public worship 
 which I have visited, a much greater taste for 
 marble monuments prevails here, than with us to 
 the northward. A majority of both sexes at pub- 
 lic assemblies appear in mourning, and I have 
 been told, that mourning apparel at funerals is 
 greatly in fashion. 
 
 " March,. {Jth., Dined with a large company at 
 Miles Brevvton's Esq. a gentleman of very large 
 
101 
 
 fortune, — a most superb hoiise, saT^ fo have cost 
 hiin 8000£. sterling. Politics started before din- 
 ner: a hot, sensible, flaming tory, one Mr , 
 
 a native of Britain, advanced, that ' Great Britain 
 had better be without any of the colonies : that 
 she committed a most capital political blunder 
 in not ceding Canada to France : that all the 
 northern colonies to the colony of New York, 
 and even New York also, were now ^^'orking 
 the bane of Great Britain : that Great Britain 
 would do wisely to renounce the colonies to the 
 north, and leave them a prey to their continental 
 neighbours, or foreign powers : that none of the 
 political writings or conduct of the colonies would 
 bear any examination but Virginia, and none 
 could lay any claim to encomium but that prov- 
 ince:' — strongly urged, 'that the Massachusetts 
 were aiming at sovereignty over the other prov- 
 inces, that they now took the lead, were assum- 
 ing, dictatorial," &c. &c. ' You may depend up- 
 on it,' added he, ' that if Great Britain should 
 renounce the sovereignty of this continent, or if 
 the colonies shake themselves clear of her au- 
 thority, that you all (meaning the Carolinas and 
 the other provinces) will have governors sfen't you 
 from Boston- Boston aims at nothing less than 
 
102 
 
 the sovereignty of this whole continent — I know 
 it.' It was easy to see the drift of this discourse. 
 I remarked that all this was new to me; that if 
 it was true, it was a great and good ground of 
 distrust and disunion between the colonies ; 
 that I could not say what the other provinces had 
 in view, or thought, but I was sure that the in- 
 habitants of Massachusetts paid a very great re- 
 spect to all the sister provinces ; that she revered 
 almost, the leaders in Virginia, and much respect- 
 ed those of Carolina. Mr replied, ' When 
 
 it comes to the test, Boston will give the other 
 provinces the shell, and the shadow, and keep the 
 substance. Take away the power and superin- 
 tendence of Britain, and the colonies must submit 
 to the next power. Boston would soon have that. 
 Power rules all things; they miglit allow the 
 others a paltry representation, but that would be 
 all.' The company seemed attentive, and in- 
 credulous, — were taking sides, when the call of 
 
 dinner turned the subject of attention. 
 
 seemed well bred and learned, but very warm 
 and irascible. From his singular looks and beha- 
 viour, I suspected he knew my political path. A 
 most elegant table, three courses, &c. &c. 
 
103 
 
 At Mr Brewton's side-board was very magnifi- 
 ceiit plate. A very fine bird kept familiarly 
 playing about the room, under our chairs and the 
 table, picking up the crumbs, and perching on 
 the window and side-board. 
 
 " March 8th. Received complimentary visits 
 from Charles Cotesworth Pinckney Esq., Messrs 
 Bee, Parsons, Simpson, Scott, — all gentlemen of 
 the bar. I was much entertained with Mr Pinck- 
 ney 's conversation, who appeared a man of bril- 
 liant natural powers, and improved by a British 
 education at the Temple. This gentleman pre- 
 sented me with the only digest of the laws of the 
 province, made some years since by Mr Simpson, 
 late Attorney General (in the absence of Sir 
 Eagerton Leigh). This present was the more 
 acceptable, as there is no collection of the laws 
 of this province in a book, to be had. 
 
 " March 9th. Spent all the morning in view- 
 ing the public library, state-house, public offices, 
 &c. Was accompanied bj^ Messrs Pinckney and 
 Rutledge, two young gentlemen lately from the 
 Temple, where they took the degree of Barris- 
 ter at law. The public library is a handsome, 
 square, spacious room, containing a large collec- 
 tion of very valuable books, prints, globes, &c. 
 
104 
 
 I received much information and entertainment 
 from the above gentlemen. Mr in- 
 formed me of an anecdote to which he was 
 personally knowing, which I desired him several 
 times to repeat, that I might be the better able 
 to relate it. He said, that two gentlemen playing 
 at a tavern, one of them gave the pretender's 
 health, the other refused to drink it : upon which 
 he who gave the toast threw his glass of wine in 
 the refuser's face. For this an action of trespass 
 was brought, and Sir Fletcher Norton closed the 
 cause in behalf of the plaintiff, before Lord 
 Mansfield, at Nisi prius. His lordship, in sum-'i 
 ming up the case, told the jury it was a most'^ 
 trifling affair, that the action ought never to have''^ 
 been brought, and they ought to find the offender 
 not guilty. Sir Fletcher, after his lordship had 
 sat down, rose immediately in some heat, and ^^ 
 asked his lordship, ' if he did not intend to say 
 any thing more to the jury.' Lord Mansfield.* 
 ' No, Sir Fletcher, I did not.' Sir Fletcher. ' I 
 pray to be heard then, and I do publicly aver 
 it to be law, that if one man throws wine out of 
 a glass at another in anger, it is an assault and 
 battery ; this I declare for law, and I do here 
 pawn my reputation as a lawyer upon it.' Lord 
 
105 
 
 Mansfield. ' Poo, poo, poo ! Sir Fletcher, it is a 
 most trifling affair.' Sir Fletcher. ' Poo, poo, 
 poo, my lord ! I don't intend to be poo, poo, 
 poo'd out of it neither. 1 renew my declaration, 
 and afiirm it to be law ; and if the jury don't 
 hear law from the court, they shall from the bar. 
 I afiirm again, that it is an assault and battery.' 
 
 *' Here Sir Fletcher sat down and spoke so loud 
 as that the whole court, bar, and jury heard him ; 
 — ' He had as good retract his opinion now, as 
 do it another time.' Meaning on a motion for a 
 new trial, for mis-direction of the judge on a 
 point of law. Lord Mansfield did not think fit 
 
 to take any notice of all this. Compare this 
 
 with some manoeuvres of the little gods at the 
 north. 
 
 :*.* March 10th. Dined with Thomas Smith 
 Esq. with several gentlemen and ladies. Excel- 
 lent wines and no politics. Spent the evening 
 at the assembly. Bad music, good dancing, and 
 elegantly disposed supper, i., < ,i „] .(f>ii uo 
 
 "March 11th. Dined with Roger Smith Esq. 
 — good deal of company — elegant table ; — one 
 cloth removed, a handsome dessert, good wines, 
 and much festivity. The ladies were called on 
 for toasts. 
 
 14 
 
106 
 
 "In company were two of the late appointed 
 assistant justices from Great Britain. Their be- 
 haviour by no means abated my zeal agauist 
 British appointments. In company dined Thomas 
 Bee Esq., a planter of considerable opulence, 
 a gentleman of good sense, improvement, and 
 
 politeness. From Mr I received assurance 
 
 of the truth of what I had before heard, that a 
 few years ago, the assistant judges of the Su- 
 preme Court of the province, being natives, men 
 of abilities, fortune, and good fame, an act of 
 assembly passed, to settle £300 sterling a year 
 upon them, whenever the king should grant them 
 commissions, quam din se bene gesserint. The 
 act being sent home for concurrence, was disr 
 allowed, and the reason assigned was the above 
 
 clause. 1 am promised by Mr a transcript 
 
 of the reasons of disallowance, with the Attorney 
 and Solicitor General's opinions relative to the 
 a,ct. Upon this, the assembly passed an act, 
 to establish the like salary, payable out of any 
 monies that shall be in the treasury: — not re- 
 strictipg it to any alteration in the tenure of their 
 commission. , r .r-^ , 
 
 " Mark the sequel. No assistant judges had 
 ever before been nominated in England. Imme- 
 
107 
 
 diatoly upon the king's approving this last act, 
 Lord Hillsborough, in his zeal for American good, 
 forthwith sends over one chief justice, an Irish- 
 man, and two assistant justices ; the one a 
 Scotchman, and the other a Welshman. How 
 long will the simple love their simplicity ? and 
 ye, who assume the guileful name, the venerable 
 pretext of friends to government, how long will 
 ye deceive and be deceived ? Surely in a politi- 
 cal sense, the Americans ' are lighted the way 
 to study wisdom.' 
 
 " 1 have conversed with upwards of one half 
 the members of the general assembly, and many 
 other ranks of men on this matter. They see 
 their error and confess it ; — they own it a rash,' 
 imprudent, hasty step, and bitterly repent "ii^.'^^^ii' 
 committee of the house have ranked it in th'^it 
 list of grievances. The only solamert is,*^^^ ti 
 is done, we w ill take care never' to do thfe hkb 
 again;' — the only apology i^, tliat the assistant 
 judges of the province were unw'illihg' i6 Tiave 
 circuit courts, without a fixed salary ; the remote 
 parts of the province complained of being obliged 
 to attend all causes at Charleston ; they' had 
 great reason of complaint. The regulators of 
 this province wfeYe Wp,''as'ivMf as' t¥6se of North 
 
108 
 
 Carolina. .Sncli was the influence of some, that 
 upon the disallowance of the first act, no act for 
 creating circuit courts could be got through, till 
 the salaries were fixed. May Heaven forgive, but 
 the people never forget them. Think you that 
 they who eyed the fleece, have got it ? — No ! as 
 in like cases, American fools, thirsting for honours 
 and riches — beat the bush ; — British harpies seize 
 the poor bird. 
 
 " March 12th. Dined with Thomas Lynch 
 Esq.,* a very sensible, honest man. Spent the 
 evening with the Friday-night club, consisting 
 of the more elderly, substantial gentlemen. About 
 twenty or thirty in company. Conversation on 
 uegroes, rice, and the necessity of British regular 
 troops being quartered in Charleston. There 
 were not wanting men of fortune, sense, and at- 
 tachment to their country, who were zealous for 
 the establishing such troops here. I took some 
 share in the conversation, and cannot but hope 
 I spoke conviction to some sensible minds. At 
 the close of the evening, plans were agitated for 
 making a certain part of the inilitia of the 
 
 * See au interesting account of this centleman in the life 
 oi his son, Thomas Lynch Jr, in ihe Biography of the Sign- 
 ers of the Declaration of Independence. 
 
109 
 
 province, taken in rotation, answer instead of 
 foreign aid. I here learned in a side conversation 
 with Mr , that two of the late assist- 
 ant judges (gentlemen now in high and popular 
 repute, men too of great opulence), who were in 
 the general assembly at the time of the act men- 
 tioned some pages back, were the very means of 
 getting it passed. ,j^ud -)nJ tKjd- 
 
 ' Quid non mortalia pectora cogis, ■ 
 Auri sacra fames j'lii'.j 
 
 That they, hoping to enjoy the emoluments of 
 the grant, were hot, zealous, and perpetually per- 
 severing, till they got it through. He informed 
 me also of the specious arguments they used, and 
 the advantages, that they took of the popular 
 commotions. Good heavens, how much more 
 noble a part might they have taken ! 
 
 " March 13th. Spent all the morning trans- 
 cribing Mr E. Rutledge's MS. law reports ; — at 
 eleven set off for the retreat of T. L. Smith 
 Esq. ; — dined there, and spent the remainder of 
 the day most agreeably : — a delightful place in- 
 deed. ! fifrr jiiiMt-i; 
 
 "March 14th. Bad weather. Spent the day 
 at my lodgings ; visited by Mr Lynch, Deis, and 
 others. 
 
110 
 
 i- " March ] 5th. Dined with Mr Lynch. — Spent 
 the morning and afternoon in transcribing law re- 
 ports of E. Rutledge Esq. — Spent the evening 
 with the Monday-night club. 
 <rt *' March 16th. Spent the morning, ever since 
 five o'clock, in perusing public records of the 
 province ; — have marked many to be copied for 
 me ; — am now going to the famous races. 
 
 *' The races were well performed — but Flim- 
 nap beat Little David (who had won the sixteen 
 last races) out and out. The last heat the form- 
 er distanced the latter. The first four-mile heat 
 was performed in eight minutes and seventeen 
 seconds, being four miles. Two thousand pounds 
 sterling were won and lost at this race, and 
 Flimnap sold at public vendue the same day for 
 300£ sterling ! 
 
 " Took a family dinner with Miles Brewton 
 Esq.— had a fine dish of politics, — had farther 
 light from one of the company, a prerogative man, 
 into the arts used to disunite the colonies ; — 
 sounded Mr Brewton, when alone, with regard to 
 a general, permanent, continental literary corres- 
 pondence; — the matter takes mightily. 
 
 i* At the races I saw a fine collection of ex- 
 cellent, though very high-priced horses, and was 
 
11] 
 
 let a little into the singular art aud mystery of 
 tlie turf! : •. : ■■■-.'. nil 
 
 "March 17th. Spent all the morning in the 
 copying Mr Rutl edge's reports. Dined with the 
 sous of St Patrick. While at dinner six violins, 
 two hautboys, &.c. After dinner six French 
 horns in concert : — most surpassing music. Two 
 solos on the French horn, by one who is said 
 to blow the finest horn in the world. He has 
 fifty guineas for the season from the St Cecilia 
 society. 
 
 March 18th. Spent in reading farther reports 
 of Mr Rutledge, paying complimentary visits of 
 departure, and in preparation for my journey 
 northward. SfidiaJe 
 
 " March 19th. Spent all the morning in hear-: 
 ing the debates of the house ; — had an opportu- 
 nity of hearing the best speakers in the province. 
 
 The first thing done at the meeting of the 
 house, is to bring the mace, a very superb and 
 elegant one, which cost ninety guineas, and lay 
 it on the table before the speaker^, i ,jF,h(^r. next 
 thing is for the clerk to read over in a vepcy. audi- 
 ble voice, the doings of the preceding day. The 
 speaker is robed in black, and has a vef;y,Jarge 
 wig of state, when he goes to attend the chair 
 
112 
 
 (with the mace borne before him), on delivery of 
 speeches &c. T. Lynch Esq. spoke like a man 
 of sense, and a patriot ; with dignity, fire, and 
 laconism. Mr Gadsden was plain, blunt, hot, 
 and incorrect ; though very sensible. In the 
 course of the debate, he used these very singular 
 expressions, for a member of parliament : — ' And, 
 Mr Speaker, if the governor and council don't see 
 fit to fall in with us, I say, let the general duty 
 law, and all, go to the devil, sir; and we go 
 about our business.' Parsons, J. Rutledge, and 
 Charles Pinckney Sen. (the three first lawyers 
 in the province), spoke on the occasion ; — the 
 two last, very good speakers. The members of 
 the house all sit with their hats on, and uncover 
 when they rise to speak. They are not confined 
 (at least they do not confine themselves) to any 
 one place to speak in. The members conversed, 
 lolled, and chatted, much like a friendly, jovial 
 society, when nothing of importance was before 
 the house ; — nay, once or twice, while the 
 speaker and clerk were busy in writing, the 
 members spoke quite loud across the room to 
 one another — a very unparliamentary appearance. 
 The speaker put the question sitting ; the mem- 
 bers gave their votes by rising from their seats ; 
 the dissentients did not rise. 
 
118 
 
 *' March 20th. Set out with Mr Lynch for 
 his plantation on Santee river, on my way to the 
 northwartl. Had a most agreeable ride, and re- 
 ceived much information from Mr Lynch of the 
 manoeuvres at the Congress in 1765. 
 
 "March 21st. Mr Lynch's plantation is very 
 pleasantly situated, and is very valuable. Took 
 leave of Mr Lynch, and had a three hours' tedious 
 passage up Santee river. Crossed Sampit or 
 Georgetown river just at dusk, — lodged in town, 
 and am now held in durance by a very high 
 equinoctial gale, which prevents me from crossing 
 Winyaw Bay, formed by the junction of Wacca- 
 maw, Pedee, and Black rivers. It is very fine 
 travelling weather, and requires no small share 
 of philosophy to be contented with my situation. 
 
 " March 22d. Spent the night at Mr J. All- 
 ston's, a gentleman of immense income, all of his 
 own acquisition. His plantations, negroes, gar- 
 dens, &c. are in the best order I have seen. He 
 has propagated the Lisbon and Wine Island grapes 
 with great success. I was entertained with true 
 hospitality and benevolence by this family. His 
 good lady filled a wallet with bread, biscuit, wine, 
 fowl, and tongue, and presented it to me next 
 morning. The wine I declined, but gladly re- 
 15 
 
114 
 
 ceivcd the rest. At 1 2 o'clock, in a sandy pine 
 desert, I enjoyed a fine repast, and having met 
 with a refreshing- spring, I remembered my worthy 
 host, Mr Allston, and his lady, with warmth of 
 affection and hearty benisons. Mr Allston sent 
 his servant as our guide between thirty and forty 
 miles, much to our preservation from many vexa- 
 tious difficulties. 
 
 " March 24th. Lodged the last night at the 
 plantation of Mr Johnston, (who is now absent 
 at Charleston.) A gentleman came with us as 
 our guide, about ten miles. A most barren, 
 dreary road ; — nine cows, and oxen, had perished 
 within a week, for want of" sustenance ; — great 
 difficulty to get food for either man or beast. 
 
 " March 25th. This day left the province of 
 South Carolina and entered that of North. 
 
 " The constitution of South Carolina is in very 
 many respects defective, and in an equal number 
 extremely bad. The whole body of this people 
 seem averse to the claims and assumptions of the 
 British legislature over the colonies ; but you will 
 seldom hear, even in political conversation, any 
 warm or animated expressions against the measures 
 of administration. A general doubt of the firmness 
 and integrity of the northern colonies is prevalent; 
 
115 
 
 they say ' the Massachusetts Bay can talk, vote, 
 and resolve, but then- doings are not correspondent.' 
 Sentiments and expressions of this kind arc com- 
 mon and fashionable. They arise from various 
 causes, from envy and jealousy in some, and from 
 artifice in others. The very remarkable difference 
 in their manners, religious tenets, and principles, 
 contributes to the same effect. It may well be 
 questioned whether there is, in reality, any third 
 branch in the constitution of this government. It 
 is true they have a house of Assembly, but whom 
 do they represent ? The labourer, the mechanic, 
 the tradesman, the farmer, or yeoman ? No, — the 
 representatives are almost wholly rich planters. 
 The planting interest is therefore represented, 
 but I conceive nothing else, as it ought to be. 
 Non-residents may be chosen to represent any 
 town, if they have lands in the county, and hence 
 a great majority of the House live in Charleston, 
 where the body of the planters reside during the 
 sickly months. A fatal kind of policy ! — At 
 present the house of Assembly are staun "h col- 
 onists. The council, judges, and other great of- 
 ficers are all appointed by mandamus from Great 
 Britain. Nay, even the clerk of the board, and 
 assembly ! — Who are, and have been thus ap- 
 
116 
 
 pointed? Persons disconnected with the people 
 and obnoxious to them. I heard several planters 
 say, ' Wo none of us can expect the honours of 
 the state; they are all given away, to worthless, 
 poor sycophants. 
 
 i *' State and mafjinificence, the natural attend- 
 ants on great riches, are conspicuous among this 
 people ; the number and subjection of their slaves 
 tend this way. The yeomanry and husbandmen 
 make a very different figure from those of New 
 England. 
 
 " There being but one chief place of trade, its 
 increase is amazingly rapid. The stories you 
 are every where told of the rise in the value of 
 lands seem romantic ; but I was assured that they 
 were fact. There is a colossal statue of Mr Pitt 
 at Charleston, much praised by many. The 
 drapery was exquisitely well done ; but to me, the 
 attitude, air, and expression of the piece was bad. 
 The staple commodities are rice, indigo, hemp, 
 tobacco, &.C. &c. ; the two first are the capital. 
 "A few years ago it is allowed that the blacks 
 exceeded the whites, as seventeen to one. There 
 arc those who now tell you that the slaves are 
 not more than three to one, — some say not so 
 many. I took great pains, finding sucli contra- 
 
117 
 
 riety of opinion, to find out the true proportion ; 
 the best information I could obtain, fixes it at 
 about seven to one. My own observation leads 
 me to think it much greater. ****** 
 
 ***** These are but a small part of 
 the mischiefs of slavery, — new ones are every day 
 arising ; — futurity will produce more and greater. 
 
 " Lodged the last night in Brunswick, N. C. at 
 the house of William Hill Esq., a most sensible, 
 polite gentleman, and though a crown officer, a 
 man replete with sentiments of general liberty, 
 and warmly attached to the cause of American 
 freedom. 
 
 "March 27th. Breakfasted with Col. Dry, 
 the collector of the customs, and one of the coun- 
 cil, who furnished me with the following instruc- 
 tions given Gov. Martin, and as Col. Dry told 
 me. Gov. Martin said, to all the colony governors 
 likewise. 
 
 " Copy. } Additional instruction to our trus- 
 Geor^e R C *^ ^"^^ ^^ ^'^^ beloved Josiah Martin 
 ^ Esq., our captain general and gover- 
 nor in chief, in and over our province of North 
 Carolina, in America. Given at our court at St 
 James' the fourth day of February 1772, in the 
 twelfth of our reign. 
 
118 
 
 '" Whereas laws have been passed in some of 
 our colonies and plantations in America, by 
 which the lands, tenements, goods, chattels, rights, 
 and credits of persons, who have never resided 
 within the colonies where such laws have been 
 passed, have been made liable to be attached for 
 the recovery of debts, in a manner different from 
 that allowed by the laws of England in like cases : 
 and whereas it hath been represented unto us, 
 that such laws may have the consequence to 
 prejudice and obstruct the commerce between 
 this kingdom and our said colonies, and to affect 
 public credit : — It is therefore our will and pleas- 
 ure, that you do not, on any pretence whatever, 
 give your assent to, or pass any bill or bills in 
 our province under your government, by which 
 the lands, tenements, goods, chattels, rights, and 
 credits of persons who have never resided within 
 our said province, shall be made liable to be 
 attached by the recovery of debts due from such 
 persons, otherwise than is allowed by law in cases 
 of the like nature within our kingdom of Great 
 Britain, until you sluill first have transmitted to 
 us, by one of our principal secretaries of state, 
 the drafts of each bill or bills, and shall have re- 
 ceived our royal pleasure thereupon, unless you 
 
119 
 
 take care in the passing of such bill or bills, that 
 a clause or clauses be inserted therein suspending 
 and deferring the execution thereof, until our ro)al 
 will and pleasure shall be known thereupon. 
 
 *G. R.' 
 
 "March 27th. Col. Dry is a friend to the 
 regulators, and seemingly warm against the mea- 
 sures of British and continental administrations. 
 He gave me an entire different account of things 
 from what I had heard from others. I am now 
 left to form my own opinion, — and am preparing 
 for a water tour to Fort Johnston. Yesterday 
 was a most delightful day, — Fort Johnston is as 
 delightful a situation. 
 
 "March 28th. I go to church this day at 
 Brunswick — hear W. Hill read prayers, — dine 
 with Col. Dry, — proceed tomorrow to Wilming- 
 ton, and dine with Dr Cobham, with a select 
 company. Col. Dry's mansion is justly called 
 the house of universal hospitality. ■ ' '' (-'tx ^^i '^ 
 
 "March 29th. Dined at Dr Thomas "'CoB- 
 ham's in company with Harnett, Hooper, Burg- 
 win, Dr Tucker, &c. in Wilmington, — lodged 
 also at Dr Cobham's who has treated me with 
 great politeness, though an utter stranger, and 
 
120 
 
 one to whom 1 had no letters. Spent the evenhig 
 with the best company of the place. 
 
 " March 30th. Dined with about twenty at Mr 
 William Hooper's — find him apparently in the whig 
 interest, — has taken their side in the House — 
 is caressed by the whigs, and is now passing his 
 election through the influence of that party. 
 Spent the night at Mr Harnett's, the Samuel 
 Adams of North Carolina (except in point of for- 
 tune.) Robert Howe Esq., Harnett, and myself 
 made the social triumvirate of the evening. The 
 plan of continental correspondence highly relished, 
 much wished for, and resolved upon, as proper to 
 be pursued. 
 
 " April 1st. Set out from Mr Harnett's for 
 Newbern. 
 
 " April 2d. Reached Newbern about eleven 
 o'clock A. M. Waited upon Judge Howard, and 
 spent about an hour with him. Did not present 
 the rest of my letters, because of the fine weather 
 for travelling, and no court of any kind sitting, 
 or even in being in the province. Judge How- 
 ard waited upon me in the evening w ith recom- 
 mendatory letters to Col. Palmer of Bath, and 
 Col Buncombe of Tyrrell county. 
 
121 
 
 " April 4th. Reached Bath in the eveninir — did 
 not deliver my letters, biit proceeded next morn- 
 ing to Mr Wingiield's parish, where I spent the 
 Sabbath. 
 
 " April 5th. Breakfasted with Col. Buncombe, 
 who waited upon me to Edenton Sound, and gave 
 me letters to his friends there. Spent this and 
 the next day in crosshig Albermarle Sound, and 
 in dining and conversing in company with the 
 most celebrated lawyers of Edenton. From them 
 I learned that Dr Samuel Cooper, of Boston, was 
 generally (they said, universally,) esteemed the au- 
 thor of * Leonidas,' who, together with ' Mucius 
 Scaevola,' was burnt in effigy under the gallows 
 by the common hangman. There being no courts 
 of any kind in this province, and no laws in force 
 by which any could be held, I found little inclina- 
 tion or incitement to stay long in Edenton, though 
 a pleasant town. Accordingly, a guide offering 
 his directions about evening, I left the place and 
 proceeded just into the bounds of Virginia, Avhere 
 I lodged the nigiit. 
 
 " The soils and climates of the Carolinas 
 
 differ, but not so much as their inhabitants. The 
 
 number of negroes and slaves is much less iu 
 
 North than in South Carolina. Their staple 
 
 16 
 
122 
 
 commodity is not so valuable, being not in so great 
 demand, as the rice, indigo, &c. of the South. 
 Hence labour becomes more necessary, and he 
 who has an interest of his own to serve, is a 
 labourer in the field. Husbandmen and agricul- 
 ture increase in number and improvement. In- 
 dustry is up in the woods, at tar, pitch, and 
 turpentine ; — in the fields, ploughing, planting, 
 clearing, or fencing the land. Herds and flocks 
 become more numerous. You see husbandmen, 
 yeomen, and white labourers scattered through 
 the country, instead of herds of negroes and 
 slaves. Healthful countenances and numerous 
 families become more common as you advance 
 north. Property is much more equally diffused 
 in one province than in the other, and this may 
 account for some, if not all the differences of 
 ^h^racter in the inhabitants. However, in one 
 respect, I find a pretty near resemblance between 
 the two colonies ; — I mean the state of religion. 
 It is certainly high time to repeal the laws relative 
 to religion, and the observation of the Sabbath, 
 or to see them better executed. Avowed impu- 
 nity to all offenders, is one sign at least, that the 
 laws want amendment, or abrogation. Alike as 
 the Carolinas are in this respect, they certainly 
 
123 
 
 vary much as to their general sentiments, opin- 
 ions, and judgments. The staple commodities of 
 North Carolina are all kinds of naval stores, 
 Indian corn, hemp, flax-seed, some tobacco, which 
 they generally send into Virginia, &c. &c. The 
 culture of wheat and rice is making quick pro- 
 igress, as a spirit of agriculture is rising fast. 
 The favourite liquors of the Carolinas are Claret, 
 and Port wines, in preference to Madeira or 
 Lisbon. The commerce of North Carolina is 
 much diffused through the several parts of the 
 province. They in some respects may be said to 
 have no metropolis, though Newbern is called the 
 capital, as there is the seat of government. It is 
 made a question which carries on the most trade, 
 whether Edenton, Newbern, Wilmington, or 
 Brunswick, — it seems to be one of the two first. 
 There is very little intercourse between the north- 
 ern and southern provinces of Carolina. The 
 present state of North Carolina is really curious ; 
 — there arc but five provincial laws in force 
 through the colony, and no courts at all in being. 
 No one can recover a debt, except before a single 
 magistrate, where the sums are within his juris- 
 diction, and offenders escape with impunity. The 
 people are in great consternation about the matter ; 
 what will be the consequence is problematical. 
 
124 
 
 " April 6th. Lodged at Suffolk. — April 7th. 
 Dined at Sinithlield, two considerable towns in 
 Virginia. As I verge northward, tlie lands, and 
 the culture of them, have gradually changed for 
 the better. Excellent farms, and large cleared 
 tracts of land, well fenced and tilled, are all 
 around me. Peach trees seem to be of sponta- 
 neous growth in these provinces, and 1 saw them 
 all along in the finest bloom. Whole fields of 
 them looked beautiful. I saw about six acres, 
 all in high bloom, and very regularly planted, 
 every other row being trees of the apple and pear 
 kind, not yet in blossom. An extent of about 
 twelve or fifteen acres of peach-trees regularly set 
 in equidistant rows, intermixed all about with 
 many small pine trees of exquisite verdure, form- 
 ed a prospect to the eye, most delightful and 
 charming. 
 
 " April 9th. I arrived this morning at about 
 ten o'clock at Williamsburg, the capital of Vir- 
 ginia. It is a place of no trade, and its im- 
 portance depends altogether on its being the seat 
 of government, and the place of the college. 
 I have just l)een takiiiii a view of the whole 
 town. It is inferior to my expectations. Nothing 
 of the population of the north, or of the splendour 
 
125 
 
 and magnificence of the south. The college 
 makes a very agreeable appearance, and the large 
 garden before it, is of ornament and use. There 
 are but two private buildings of note, the Gover- 
 nor's and the Attorney General's. The college 
 is in a very declining state. The statehouse is 
 more commodious inside, than ornamental with- 
 out. The council chamber is furnished with a 
 large, well chosen, valuable collection of books, 
 chiefly of law. The court of justice is ill con- 
 trived. This day I purchased a very handsome 
 edition of the Virginia laws. I was present at 
 their General Court, vvhi(di is the supreme court 
 of justice, and the court of chancery, of this 
 province. I had only an opportunity of hearing 
 short motions made by their most eminent coun- 
 sel at the bar ; the chancery business being 
 always the employment of the first week, and 
 that of the crown or civil business of the second, 
 and succeeding weeks. The constitution of the 
 courts of justice and equity in this province is 
 amazingly defective, inconv'enient, and dangerous, 
 not to say absurd and mischievous. This motley 
 kind of court, called the General Court, is com- 
 posed of the governor and council, who are 
 appointed and created by mandamus from the 
 
126 
 
 crown, and hold bene placito. I am told it is 
 no uncommon thing for this court to sit one hour 
 and hear a cause as a court of law, and the next 
 hour, perhaps minute, to sit and audit the same 
 cause as a court of chancery and equity, — and if 
 my information is good, very often give directly 
 contrary decisions. 
 
 " It was a matter of speculation with me, how 
 such a constitution and form of judicial adminis- 
 tration, could be tolerable. I conversed with 
 many who seemed to have experienced no incon- 
 venience, and of course to apprehend no danger 
 from this quarter ; yet they readily gave in to 
 my sentiments upon this subject, when I endeav- 
 oured to show the political defects and solecism 
 of this constitution. However, I saw none who 
 gave me any satisfactory account of the true 
 reason, that more mischievous consequences had 
 not flowed from this source. Perhaps it was 
 owing to ni}^ misfortune in not having letters to 
 any of the bar, and but one to any gentleman 
 within many miles of Williamsburg, although I 
 had many to persons of distinction expected in 
 town next week. I can only regret many cir- 
 cumstances, which deprive me of the means of 
 remedying this inconvenience. ^ 
 
127 
 
 " April 11th. I spent the evening with two of 
 the council of the province, and our conversation 
 was wholly political. They invited me to dine 
 with the council next day, and offered to intro- 
 duce me to the governor, the Earl of Dunmore, — 
 but I was unfortunately obliged to wave the 
 invitation. . . 
 
 " April 12th. Upon farther inquiry, I find that 
 the Council of this province, hitherto have been, 
 and now are (one instance excepted) generally 
 appointed from among the most opulent persons 
 and landed men of the province, whose views, 
 connexions, interests, or inclinations, have gener- 
 ally been such, as to keep them from baser be- 
 tray ments of their trust, and the more atrocious 
 prostitution of their enormous power and authori- 
 ty. This may account in some measure for the 
 ^matter I just now mentioned, — but surely it is 
 not in these latter times any security or proper 
 safeguard, from future invasions, and oppressions. 
 ^^I am mistaken in my conjecture, if in some ap- 
 iproaching day Virginia does not fully see the 
 „ capital defects of her constitution of government. 
 " An aristocratical spirit and principle are vexy 
 j^prevalent in the laws and policy of this colony ; 
 and the law ordaining that entailed estates shall 
 
128 
 
 not be barred by common recoveries, is not the 
 only instance thereof. 
 
 f, \ij April 16th. Crossed the Potomac river, and 
 arrived in Maryland. Through Virginia we 
 iind agriculture carried to great perfection, and 
 large fields, from ten to tvsenty acres in extent, 
 planted with peach trees, which being all in bloom, 
 made my journey vastly agreeable. TJie purpose 
 of raising these trees, is the making of brandy, a 
 very favourite liquor. The melody of the fields 
 and woods through Virginia is greatly beyond 
 that of the Carolinas. The culture of corn and 
 wheat is supplanting very fast that of tobacco 
 in this province. 
 
 ^^jjf The soils through Virginia and Maryland 
 are mostly of a reddish colour, and sandy sub- 
 stance. Maryland is very hilly, and abounds with 
 oak trees. To the South of Virginia, the public 
 roads are through a level, sandy, pitch-pine bar- 
 ren. When we enter Virginia, and in proportion 
 as we come North, we change the plain, for hills, 
 and pitch-pines for oaks ; — and the goodness, 
 value, and improvement of the soil is correspon- 
 dent to this alteration of appearances. The to- 
 bacco of Maryland, as I was uniformly told, both 
 there and in Virginia, bears a preference in all 
 
129 
 
 foreign markets, and carries a proportionable ad- 
 vance of price. The Maryland tobacco goes un- 
 der the name of coloured tobacco, and is of a 
 bright yellow. This colour arises chiefly from the 
 nature of the soil, but in some measure also from 
 the mode of curing it ; the Marylander in this re- 
 spect taking more pains than the Virginian. The 
 culture of tobacco is declining, and that of grain 
 rising fast in this province. St George's county 
 and Elk Ridge tobacco, is deemed here to be of 
 the best quality. Maryland is a fine wheat 
 country. These extensive fields of wheat and 
 other grain afford great pleasure to the lover of 
 mankind and the useful arts; and the exquisite 
 verdure which at this season covers their fields, 
 presents a prospect highly gratifying to the lover 
 of nature. 
 
 *' April 22d. I spent about three hours in 
 company with the celebrated Daniel Dulany Esq., 
 the Attorney General of the province, and several 
 others of the bar, — and gentlemen of the province. 
 A most bitter and important dispute is subsisting, 
 and has long subsisted in this province touching the 
 fees of the officers of this colony, and the Gov- 
 ernor's proclamation relative thereto. At the 
 conference of the two houses, the dispute was 
 17 
 
130 
 
 conducted with good sense and spirit, but with 
 great acrimony, by Daniel Dulany of the council, 
 and the speaker, Tillingham, of the lower house. 
 ^Jjf" I attended the Supreme (called the Provin- 
 cial) Court, two days ; but one cause or motion 
 was argued, and I had therefore no opportunity 
 to judge of the talents of the bar. The common- 
 alty seem in general through this province to be 
 friendly towards strangers, and tolerably industri- 
 ous ; — but I saw nothing to lead me to suppose 
 that they in any measure surpassed the New 
 Englanders in either of these respects. Balti- 
 more is the largest, most populous and trading 
 town in this province. Annapolis is the metropo^ 
 lis, or seat of government, and the residence of 
 many of the most wealthy citizens, 
 ^jj" April 23d. As soon as we enter Pennsylva- 
 nia, the regularity, goodness, and the straight, ad- 
 vantageous position of the public roads, are evi- 
 dences of the good policy and laws of this well 
 regulated province. Pennsylvania is said to be 
 not so fine a wheat country as Maryland, but a 
 better grazing country. Cattle cover the pastures 
 in great abundance. Very fine streams of water 
 are every where dispersed through the land, and 
 as you approach the capital, a prospect of the 
 
131 
 
 river Delaware, on which Philadelphia is situated, 
 affords a most delightful scene. My journey for 
 these several days has not only been delightful 
 from the gratification of the eye, but the exquisite 
 scent from blooming orchards gave a rich perfume, 
 while sweetest melody of birds was truly charming 
 to the ear. ^m^lcJ 3d J to -^-^bui o • 
 
 *' April 24th. Went to public worship at St 
 Peter's church, and heard the celebrated orator, 
 the Rev. Mr Coombs, an Episcopalian. He la- 
 boured to speak with propriety, and was therefore 
 not altogether natural : — he was a little affected, 
 but spoke well. This may seem a paradox, but 
 I cannot better convey my idea of him. In prayer, 
 he had the faults of most clergymen who use es- 
 tablished forms ; his emphasis, look, accent, and 
 gesture, were not conformable to his subject, 
 station, and language. He made an extempore 
 prayer before sermon, which, in point of senti- 
 ment, propriety of expression, and true sublimity, 
 exceeded any thing of the kind I ever heard. 
 This prayer he uttered with singular grace. His 
 sermon was twenty minutes in length, and was 
 an extremely fine, moral, elegant declamation — 
 decorated with all the beauties of style, language, 
 and rhetorical utterance. 
 
132 
 
 '" The church is bcautifullv nciit : — there is no 
 Lord's Prayer, Commandments, or Creed, over 
 the communion table. ' ' '' ' 
 
 " x\pril 25. This morning at sunrise took a 
 delightful ride of about fourteen miles into the 
 country, — it is a perfect garden, I had almost said 
 an Eden ; — however, I saw it at the highest ad- 
 vantage. On my return, was visited by young 
 Dr Shippen, Mr Thomas Smith, a merchant, and 
 Mr Arodi Thayer. Dined with the Superior 
 Court judges, and all the bar, on turtle, &c. &c. 
 Had much conversation with " The Farmer," 
 J. Dickinson Esq., Mr Galloway, the Speaker of 
 the House, and others, on politics. Introduced 
 by Mr Feed, an eminent lawyer, to whom I had 
 letters from the Hon. Thomas Cushing Esq. 
 
 " April 28th. This forenoon John Dickinson 
 Esq., '' The Farmer," visited me at my lodgings — 
 spent an hour with me, and engaged me to dine 
 w^ith him on the third of Ma} , at his country seat. 
 Dihed with Mr Jonathan Smith, a very worthy 
 and sensible merchant; with several very eminent 
 lawyers. 
 
 ^'^''« April 29th. Dined Avith Mr Thomas Smith, 
 merchant, in Philadelphia, and a select company — 
 was visited in the morning by the Rev. Mr Ew- 
 
133 
 
 ing, who spent two hours with me, and with 
 whom I dine on the 5th of May. He appears 
 quite the man of sense, breeding, and Catholicism, 
 and he gave me much insight into the present 
 state of the college in this place. 
 
 " April 30th. Visited this morning for an hour 
 by Chief Justice Allen and his sons. Dined at the 
 house of that very sensible, polite, and excellent 
 lawyer, J. Reed Esq., in company with "The 
 Farmer," Judge Jared Ingersoll, and several other 
 lawyers and merchants. Toa^ ards evening Judge 
 Ingersoll and Mr Reed went with me round the 
 town to show me the environs and public buildings. 
 
 "May 1st. Took a three hours' ride jwjttb 
 J. Reed Esq. round the vicinity of Philadelphia. 
 
 "May 3d. The morning of this day spent in 
 reading, and amusements of the itinerary kind. 
 Dined with John Dickinson Esq., the celebrated 
 Pennsylvanian " Farmer," at his country seat 
 about two miles and a half from town. A large 
 company were very elegantly entertained. This 
 worthy and able politician (for such he is, though 
 his views and disposition lead him to re/use the 
 latter appellation) here enjoys " otiun^ ,ci^m dig- 
 nitate" as much as any man. ff.fS nf .tnrrf'^iom 
 
 i-yy 
 
134 
 
 " May 6th. This afternoon went with a num- 
 ber of gentlemen to see the hospital, and hear a 
 lecture from joung Dr Shippen. The curiosities 
 of this hospital are far beyond any thing of the 
 kind in North America. Dr Shippen gave a very 
 learned, intelligible, elegant, and concise discourse, 
 which did him honor as a physician and orator. 
 
 " May 9th. This day I was to have dined 
 with Mr Peter WycofF, merchant, but having met 
 Thomas Oliver Esq. of Cambridge, who was re- 
 turning home, I embraced the opportunity of such 
 agreeable company, and set out for New England 
 ten days earlier than I intended. I was also 
 obliged to decline the invitation of Chief Justice 
 Allen to dine with him, on the same account. 
 Our tour through Pennsylvania, on the borders of 
 the river Delaware, was variegated by those en- 
 chanting prospects of navigation, industry, and 
 plenty, which serve to delight the senses and ele- 
 vate the mind. vrPtrtr 
 
 The Pennsylvanians, as a body of people, may 
 be justly characterized as industrious, sensible, 
 and wealthy. The Philadelphians, as commercial, 
 keen, and frugal. Their economy and reserve 
 have sometimes been censured as incivility and 
 avarice ; but all that we saw in this excellent 
 
135 
 
 city, was replete with benevolence, hospitality, 
 sociability, and politeness, joined with that pru- 
 dence and caution, natural to an understanding 
 people, who are alternately visited by a variety of 
 strangers, differing in rank, fortune, and charac- 
 ter. The legislative body of this province is com- 
 posed of the governor, and the representatives of the 
 people ; and the style of their acts is in the name 
 of ' The Governor, by and with the consent and 
 advice of the Freemen of the Province of Penn- 
 sylvania.' I attended three several days the sit- 
 ting of the Superior Court. The bar are a very 
 respectable body. The alms-house, hospital, and 
 statehouse are the public buildings of this city, 
 but are better calculated for use, than elegance or 
 show. All sects of religionists compose this city. 
 There is a proprietary influence in this pro- 
 vince, destructive of a liberal conduct in the leg- 
 islative branch, and in the executive authority, 
 here. The house of representatives are but thir- 
 ty-six in number ; as a body, held in great and 
 remarkable contempt ; — much despised for their 
 acquiescence with the views and measures of the 
 proprietary party, and singularly odious for cer- 
 tain provincial manoeuvres, too circumstantial to 
 relate. Their debates are not public, which is 
 
136 
 
 said now to be the case of only this house of 
 commons, tlnoughout the continent. Many have 
 been the attempts to procure an alteration in this 
 respect, but all to no purpose. The influence 
 which governs this house is equal if not superior 
 to any thing we hear of, but that which governs 
 the British Parliament ; and the proprietor is said 
 to have as dead a set, in a Pennsylvanian assem- 
 bly, as Lord Bute, or North, in the English house 
 of commons. This province is in great danger 
 from this quarter. ******** 
 
 Notwithstanding the proprietary influence here 
 spoken of, there is a certain Quaker interest which 
 operates much against the proprietor in land causes, 
 in the courts of common law, where the jury fre- 
 quently give verdicts against the opinion of the 
 judges. In the house of representatives, the 
 leaders of the Quaker party, are often of the pro- 
 prietary likewise. 
 
 All general questions and points are carried by 
 the Quakers ; — that is, by their union they defeat 
 the operations of all other sects, in questions 
 which any way relate to, or may in the end aflect 
 religious concerns. But they are very public- 
 spirited in all matters of public edifices, and char- 
 itable institutions. There is also throughout the 
 
137 
 
 whole province among the husbandmen, a spirit ol' 
 industry, and of useful improvement. There is 
 no militia in the. province, and of course no seek- 
 ing after petty commissions, &c. &:c. 
 
 " The advantages and disadvantages of this, is a 
 topic of doubtful disputation ; — we shall never all 
 think alike on this head. Many of the Quakers, 
 and all the Moravians, hold defensive war lawful, 
 offensive, otherwise. The streets of Philadelphia 
 intersect each other at right angles ; and it is 
 probably the most regular, best laid out city in 
 the world. r - :< '" 
 
 Hotfl This city and province are in a most flourish- 
 ing state, and if numbers of buildings, inhabitants, 
 artificers, and trade, are to settle the point, Phil- 
 adelphia, is the metropolis of this northern region. 
 
 " The Philadelphians boast of their market, — it 
 is undoubtedly the best regulated on the continent. 
 
 " The political state of Pennsylvania is at this 
 time the calmest of any on the continent. 
 
 " May 10th. Owing to the company with 
 which I was now associated, I passed through 
 New Jersey with unusual, and comparatively 
 unprofitable speed. Burlington, which I saw at a 
 small distance, and Trenton, which I passed 
 hastily through, are pleasantly situated and ap- 
 18 
 
138 
 
 pear flourishing. Princeton, where we staid one 
 night, is a delightful and healthy situation. The 
 college is charmingly situated, and is a commodi- 
 ous and handsome edifice. It is said to be in a 
 flourishing state. The soil and culture of the 
 Jerseys are equal if not superior to any yet settled 
 in America. It is indeed a fine countr}^ Having 
 passed rapidly through this province, and for that 
 reason declined delivering any of my letters, I am 
 quite an incompetent judge of the constitution, 
 laws, policy, and manners of the people. In the 
 evening we reached Powles Hook ferry, and next 
 morning crossed to New York. In the afternoon 
 and evening we traversed the whole city, and 
 spent the night at our lodgings, in company with 
 Major R. Bayard and Mr Hyde. 
 
 " May 11th. Breakfasted with Major Bayard, 
 — received a few complimentary visits, and an 
 invitation to dine with Col. Wm Bayard, at his 
 seat in the country. Went to the theatre in the 
 evening, — saw the Gamester and the Padlock 
 performed. The actors make but an indifferent 
 figure in tragedy, — a much better in comedy. 
 Hallam has merit in every character he acts. I 
 was however, upon the whole, much amused ; 
 — but as a citizen and friend to the morals 
 
139 
 
 and happiness of society, I should strive hard 
 against the admission, and much more the es- 
 tablishment of a theatre, in any state of which I 
 was a member. 
 
 "May 12th. Spent the morning in writing 
 and roving, and dined with Col. Wm Bayard at 
 his seat on the North river. Attended a public 
 concert, which was very full, — the music indiffer- 
 ent, — the ladies sprightly and beautiful. 
 
 "May 13th. Spent the day in riding and 
 rambling. 
 
 "May 14th. Prepared for departure. 
 
 " May 15th. By the desire of Col. Oliver 
 and some other gentlemen, I took passage down 
 the Sound to Newport. I was the rather induced 
 to this tour by water than through Connecticut, 
 having before been through that colony, and my 
 horses being so fatigued by their journey, as to 
 render it doubtful whether they could reach home 
 by land. Excepting a storm which occasioned 
 our lying at anchor one day, our passage was 
 pleasant, and we reached Newport safely this 
 day about noon. 
 
 " The equestrian statue of his Majesty, near 
 the fort, is a very great ornament to the city of 
 New York. The statue of Mr Pitt has all the 
 
140 
 
 defects of that at Charleston. Being now so 
 near the place of my birth and residence, my 
 sentiments and opinions may be presnmed to be 
 too much affected by former impressions and in- 
 fluences, to make me an impartial judge or 
 whblly indifferent relator. I therefore wave a 
 detail of my observations and Judgments upon the 
 two colonies of New York and Rhode Island. 
 
 " Thus airrente calamo, have I given some 
 idea of the impressions made upon my own mind 
 in this agreeable tour. Opinions and sentiments 
 formed in haste, and (as Lord Bacon says) ' upon 
 the spur of the occasion,' are liable to many 
 exceptions ; and may probably be erroneous. 
 However, they are evidences of one's own judg- 
 ment, and may serve the valuable purpose of 
 bringing past scenes into present and future view, 
 and be a landmark of our own errors. Some of 
 the most durable pleasures are of the retrospective 
 kind ; some of the best preservatives from present 
 mistakes, are written transcripts of past errors. 
 What I have set down will be chiefly useful to 
 myself. A bird of passage may easily collect, 
 peradventure bear away, food for itself ; but can 
 transport on its fleeting tour very little if any 
 
141 
 
 thing, of sufficient soliditj foy tl)p, nqurishment 
 of others. iJ ^ * , »f;!o ,,h 
 
 " Were I to lament any thing, it would be the 
 prevalent and extended ignorance of one colony, 
 of the concerns of another ; — were I to breathe a 
 wish, it wouid be, that the numerous and surpris- 
 ingly increasing inhabitants of this e;xtensive and 
 fertile continent, may be thoroughly attentive to, 
 and suitably actuated by the blessings of Provi- 
 dence, the dangers which surround them, and the 
 duties they owe to God, themselves, and pos- 
 terity." 
 
 On the return of Mr Quincy to his native 
 town, he resumed his professional and political 
 labours, with characteristic ardour. The new 
 and intimate intercourse, which during his tour he 
 had laboured to establish, resulted in a correspond- 
 ence with several of the eminent men of that 
 period, who are mentioned in the preceding jour- 
 nal. The ensuing letter from Jonathan B. Smith 
 Esq. has reference to a question much agitated 
 at that time, and maintained with great firmness 
 by the friends of American freedom, ' that the 
 original purpose of the early emigrants to this 
 country was, to escape, absolutely, from the juris- 
 
142 
 
 diction of the parent state ; and, that this inten- 
 tion was fairly to be deduced from the early char- 
 ters.'' In the letter from Mr Clymer will be seen 
 the different degree of ardour which at that time 
 existed among the various colonies, touching the 
 great question of resistance to Great Britain. 
 
 Doubts concerning the firmness or patriotism 
 of one or the other of the colonies were common, 
 and were not unfrequently expressed to each 
 other, by those ardent spirits, whose boldness 
 and sagacity would not permit them to follow 
 tracks, which seemed to them timid or time- 
 serving. 
 
 The reply of Mr Quincy is a short exposition 
 of the principles and means by which union 
 might be effected amono; the colonies, and resist- 
 ance against foreig^n oppression organized. 
 
 The ultimate union and faithfuhiess of those 
 colonies, whose firmness was at that time ques- 
 tioned, soon dispelled all such patriotic appre- 
 hensions. It was to be expected, in the great 
 diversity of interests, habits, knowledge, and con- 
 nexion with the parent state, vi'hich existed in the 
 several colonics, that the impressions made on 
 each by the same acts of the British ministry 
 should be different ; and that the necessity of re- 
 
143 
 
 sistance, and the degree to which it oiii^ht to 
 extend, should be in each differently estimated. 
 Hesitation, doubt, and want of concord, under 
 such circumstances, cannot be a matter of sur- 
 prise. The real cause of wonder is, that a har- 
 mony so perfect, and an union, as it respected the 
 end and means of opposition, so general, should 
 have been effected at such an early period. A 
 knowledge of the nature and extent of these fears, 
 existing in the colonies in relation to each other, 
 is, however, necessary, in order to a perfect under- 
 standing of the difficulties by which those were 
 surrounded, who saw the necessity of independ- 
 ence, and whose courage permitted them to stop 
 at nothing short of its complete achievement. 
 
 TO JOSIAH QUINCY JUN. ESQ., BOSTON. 
 
 ''Philadelphia, May 12, 1773. 
 "Sir, 
 
 *' Agreeably to my promise I now enclose you 
 
 a copy of one of the first American charters. It 
 
 is made out from an impression of (A. D. 1600) 
 
 ' Hackluit's Voyages,' which is now out of print, 
 
 and perhaps the copy, from which it is taken, is 
 
 the only one in America. Had your Governor 
 
 Hutchinson a copy within his reach, it might 
 
144 
 
 have furnished him with perhaps not the least 
 curious, and it may be important paper in his col- 
 lection. How far this and the other papers of 
 those early times may discover the intentions of 
 the adventurers to America, and of government, 
 with respect to the unlimited authority of Great 
 Britain over the colonies to be planted, is a ques- 
 tion that may admit of a quick decision, especial- 
 ly if the approving act of Parliament, some time 
 after passed, be attended to. As for the enclosed, 
 I think you may depend upon it as exact and 
 correct. I hope this may meet you happy in the 
 enjoyment of your family and friends. 
 "I am, Sir, very respectfully yours, 
 
 "Jonathan B. Smith." 
 
 to josiah quincy jun. 
 
 " Philadelphia, July 29, 1773. 
 " Dear Sir, 
 
 "I returned home a few weeks ago, considera- 
 bly better for my eastern journey, and have al- 
 ready let too long a time slip, without acknowledg- 
 ing the obligations your many civilities have laid 
 me under. I have thanks to return to many gen- 
 tlemen of Boston on that score, and could wish 
 my own countrymen were not justly accused of 
 
145 
 
 falling so far short of yours, in the great virtue of 
 hospitality. But hos})itality was not the only 
 virtue I had reason to admire there — your patriot- 
 ism is the great support of the common cause, 
 and I trust will in time diffuse itself so universal- 
 ly as to make all attempts against American lib- 
 erty as vain as they are wicked. At present in- 
 deed it seems to have taken but shallow root in 
 some places, particularly at New York, where all 
 political principles are truly as unfixed as the wind. 
 One year sees the New-Yorkers champions for lib- 
 erty, and the next hugging their chains. Our 
 Pennsylvanians I take to be in the mean betwixt 
 both. I cannot call it the golden mean, for sure- 
 ly it is not alone sufficient when our liberties are 
 so greatly threatened, to think justly of the dan- 
 ger, or to have the principles of freemen. These 
 principles should direct the conduct of every in- 
 dividual, and of the public. 
 
 "I beg you will make my particular compli- 
 ments to Mr Hancock and Mr S. Adams, There 
 are no men more worthy of general esteem ; — the 
 latter I cannot sufficiently respect for his integri- 
 ty and abilities. All good Americans should erect 
 a statue to him in their hearts. Our actj^uaint- 
 ance has yet been but short, but, believe me. it 
 19 
 
146 
 
 will leave an impression on me of longer date, 
 and a strong desire with it of cultivating your 
 friendship. I sincerely wish you and yours every 
 possible happiness, and am, dear Sir, 
 
 your most obedient servant, 
 
 George Clymer. 
 
 TO GEORGE CLYMER ESQ. 
 
 " Boston, August, 1773. 
 
 " Dear Sir, 
 
 " It gives me great pleasure to hear of your 
 safe return to your family. The reflection of 
 having contributed to Mr Clymer's happiness, 
 gives his friends a real satisfaction. I hope your 
 confidence in the universal diffusion of public 
 virtue will not be frustrated. Force is not all 
 we have to fear ; fraud is a more concealed, and 
 therefore a more dangerous enemy. Political 
 artifice is used to divide, while ministerial ma- 
 noeuvres destroy us. Instability is not peculiar 
 to the New-Yorkers ; it is the characteristic of 
 men in all ages and nations. Let us forgive 
 each other's follies, and unite while we may. 
 * To think justly, is [certainly] not sufficient' — 
 but we must think alike, before we shall form a 
 union ; — -that truly formed, we are invincible. 
 
147 
 
 Tliey who have the principles of freemen, feel 
 them ; — the sensation once felt, it directs ' the 
 band of the undividcid and free.' A spark of fire 
 inflames a compact building, a spark of spirit 
 will as soon enkindle a united people. Our hem- 
 isphere is calm, but the diviners of our political 
 sky see a cloud at the horizon, though not bigger 
 than a hand. They who have reason to fear a 
 storm, will seek a shelter. The impression of 
 our short acquaintance was most certainly mutual, 
 and a cultivation of future friendship, as cor- 
 dially embraced as it is offered. A mutual 
 exchange of sentiments will give us, as men, a 
 knowledge of each other ; that knowledge natur- 
 ally creates esteem, and that esteem will, in the 
 end, cement us as colonists. As men, and as 
 brethren then, in one common cause, let us think, 
 converse, and act. When the guilty combine, let 
 the virtuous unite ; else individuals and commu- 
 nities will fall a sacrifice, one by one, in an 
 inglorious, despicable struggle. Present me, in 
 terms expressive of great affection and respect, 
 to Mr Dickinson and Mr Reed, and believe me 
 with sincere regard, and warm wishes, your most 
 humble, obedient servant, 
 
 " JOSIAH QUINCY JUN." 
 
148 
 
 The controversy between the colonies and the 
 parent state, now became daily more alarming 
 and critical. Lieutenant Governor Hutchinson 
 had succeeded to the chair of state in Massachu- 
 setts, on the embarkation of Governor Bernard 
 for England in the autumn of 1769. His convo- 
 cation of the General Assembly at Cambridge 
 instead of Boston, in 1770 ; — his acquiescence in 
 the dismissal of the troops at Castle Island, which 
 had formerly been in the pay of the province, and 
 suficring that fortress to be placed in the hands 
 of a regular British force ; — his refusal to approve 
 a bill which had passed both branches of the legis- 
 lature for the more frequent inspection and disci- 
 pline of the militia ;— the duplicity with which 
 he had acted on that occasion ; — the misrepresent- 
 ations which he had made to the British ministry, 
 both as to the conduct of the council, and that of 
 the metropolis ; — his accepting a salary from the 
 crown in April 1771 ; — objecting to the general 
 tax-bill, unless the officers of the crown were 
 exempted ; — refusing his assent to the resolve of 
 the legislature for the payment of their agent in 
 England ; — openly advocating the doctrine that 
 the liberties of the province depended on the 
 grant of the crown, and that the colonies were 
 
149 
 
 bound to obey all laws of the parent state ; — his 
 refusal to answer the inhabitants of Boston, when 
 they inquired by a committee, ' whether the sala- 
 ries of the judges were also to be paid by the 
 crown,' and negativing their application for a 
 convocation of the General Assembly, for the 
 purpose of adopting measures to prevent so great 
 an evil ; — had ibrmed an aggregate of offensive 
 acts, the effect of which, on his character and 
 influence, no talents could uphold, no popularity 
 support, no artifice either palliate or evade. 
 
 From beino; a man of the greatest influence 
 and popularity, he became the most obnoxious of 
 all the tools of the British ministry. No man 
 had obeyed their mandate with more boldness. 
 No man had advocated their principles with more 
 effrontery. He had not merely acted on the de- 
 fensive, he had sought opportunities to show his 
 zeal and forwardness in the cause of his employ- 
 ers. At this time, June 1773, the letters of Ber- 
 nard, Hutchinson, and several commissioners of 
 the revenue, were discovered and transmitted 
 from England by Franklin, and communicated by 
 Samuel Adams to the House of Representatives 
 in Massachusetts. 
 
150 
 
 Their effect was convulsive. The legislative 
 hall and the press teemed with resolves and re- 
 proaches. Among others, Mr Quincy recom- 
 menced a series of essays under the title of 
 " Marchmont P'Jedham," in atone of bold invective 
 against those whom he considered as the authors 
 and instigators of the oppressive measures of the 
 British ministry. The spirit of the writer will 
 appear from a single paragraph. " If to appear 
 for my country is treason, and to arm for her de- 
 fence is rebellion, — like my fathers, I will glory 
 in the name of rebel and traitor, — as they did in 
 that of puritan and enthusiast." 
 
 In May 1774, he published his chief political 
 work, entitled " Observations on the act of Par- 
 liament, commonly called ' The Boston Port Bill,' 
 with Thoughts on Civil Society and Standing 
 Armies." After this work was advertised as be- 
 ing in the press, he received the following anon- 
 ymous letter, from the British coffee-house. 
 
 TO JOSIAH QUINCY JUN. 
 
 '* Sir, 
 
 " 1 am compelled by the common principles of 
 humanity to warn you of the imminent hazard 
 which I consider you to be in, of the loss of life, 
 
151 
 
 and confiscation of your estate. It is now be- 
 come very apparent that the supreme power of 
 Great Britain, viz. King, Lords, and Commons, 
 which you some time since, as I am informed, were 
 pleased to term, ' a transmarine poiver, to ivliich 
 ive were not amenable,^ hath taken a resolution 
 to assert its sovereignty over this his Majesty's 
 colony of Massachusetts Bay, a sovereignty, which 
 has never been disputed by any of the other col- 
 onies, except in the article of taxation, and not by 
 this but a very short time since. Every measure 
 necessary to carry this resolution into execution, 
 hath been taken. A force is employed for this 
 purpose, to oppose which in our weak, forlorn con- 
 dition, it would be madness to attempt. This be- 
 ing the case, it cannot be supposed, that if there 
 should be a continuance of these insults and indig- 
 nities, which for some years past have been put 
 upon the government, and the servants of it, that 
 the leading promoters of such insults and indigni- 
 ties will escape witn impunity. Those actions 
 and words, which by the laws of Great Britain are 
 there determined to be treasonable and rebellious, 
 will be considered as such here ; and the authors 
 of them suffer the pains and penalties, which 
 are inflicted on traitors and rebels in Great Britain 
 
152 
 
 or any other part of the realm. 01" all this you 
 seem to me to be altogether insensible, at which I 
 cannot but express the greatest surprise, as I 
 consider you to be a person of quick discernment, 
 to be well versed in the knowledge of government, 
 law in general, and more particularly of the laws 
 and constitution of the parent state. Your political 
 enthusiasm and popular attachment must certainly 
 have totally blinded the eyes of your understand- 
 ing ; otherwise, I cannot conceive it to be possi- 
 ble that a man of your good sense, instead of 
 promoiing such measures at our late town meet- 
 ing, which in our most calamitous condition might 
 have a tendency to soften the resentment of gov- 
 ernment, and to induce his Majesty and his privy 
 council to remove those evils, which are justly 
 brought upon us for our past crimes, should en- 
 deavour by inflammatory harangues to keep up the 
 phrenzy of the poor, deluded people of this town ; 
 to persuade them, that they have resources suffi- 
 cient within themselves, if they were united and 
 firm, to extricate themselves out of these difficul- 
 ties, and to obtain a complete conquest over Great 
 Britain, even without the assistance of the neigh- 
 bouring towns of this province, and of the sister 
 colonies ; but if they should join us, that our vie- 
 
153 
 
 tory would be beyond a doubt ; that some Crom- 
 well would soon rise, and trample under liis feet 
 our enemies, viz. King, Lords, and Commons of 
 Great Britain, for you could mean no other, they 
 being the only enemies you were speaking of. 
 You did indeed, in express terms, charge them 
 with ignorance and effrontery (in another word, 
 with impudence), for passing the late act, which 
 will shut up our port. Not content with these 
 bold speeches, you were the principal mover of 
 sundry votes, passed at this meeting, which can 
 be considered in no other light by Great Britain, 
 than as an hostile attack upon her ; as by those 
 votes, the neighbouring towns of this province, 
 and all the colonies from the Floridas to New- 
 foundland, are to be stimulated by committees of 
 correspondence to put a force upon her trade. 
 
 " Reflect a moment upon this conduct ; con- 
 sider the present strength of administration, who 
 have carried their measures against you without 
 the least opposition ; consider the power they 
 have at present in their hands (hov^ever weak 
 they may be, when your formidable Cromwell 
 steps forth,) to bring to condign punishment all 
 offenders against the state ; and I am sure you 
 will think with me, that your situation is truly 
 20 
 
154 
 
 ulartning. You will vciy probably get into the 
 hands of a power, from which no power you can 
 look to will be able to deliver you. You have 
 gone such lengths that I am fearful nothing can 
 save you. I know but of one expedient left you, 
 which is that of acknowledging on Wednesday 
 next to this distressed people, that you have been 
 in an error, — that you have deceived yourself, — 
 that you have deceived them. Employ, for God's 
 sake, those rare talents with which he has bless- 
 ed you, in convincing them that they have nothing 
 to do, but to submit, and make their peace 
 with tliat government, which they have, under 
 the influence of you and other factious dema- 
 gogues, so long offended. You may by these 
 means probably make your own peace, and ward 
 off the punishment that hangs over your head. 
 "It is barely possible that government may 
 still continue its great lenity, and overlook your 
 offenceg. If this should be the case, permit me 
 tt^ 'bbi^rve, there is another danger to which you 
 av^' (exposed. dJ iud 
 
 '^mtti Tbe* inhabitants of this wretched town woidd, 
 if' 'Jjtbpi^r'* measures were taken, be saved from 
 total destruction ; — but if, by the mad pursuits of 
 ydU and others, their ruin should be completed, — 
 
155 
 
 if thousands of the poor, who depend upon their 
 daily labour for their daily bread, should be in a 
 starving condition, — if those who can now calcu- 
 late upon such incomes from their real estates, 
 as to be able to live in affluence, should find th^ir 
 estates to yield them not sufficient to subsist 
 them, they will begin to look round for the real 
 authors of their ruin, and wreak their vengeance 
 upon them. They will no longer consider Ber- 
 nard, Hutchinson, Oliver, commissioners of the 
 customs, &LC. &c. as their enemies; they will put 
 the saddle on the right horse. We shall see an 
 Adams, a Young, a Cooper, a Warren, a Quincy, 
 with certain learned doctors of divinity, either 
 destroyed by, or fleeing in their turn from their 
 rage, and applying to that power, Avliich they 
 have so long insulted, for protection-. uujq arit iio 
 *' I have conversed Avith many of the thinking 
 part of this community, and find very few who 
 do not condemn your proceedings. Nothing has 
 prevented a public protest apj>earing against you, 
 but the fear of that most formidable tyranny 
 which the ruling part of tjiis town, have so long, 
 by having the conuuand of an heated populace, 
 exercised over it. Upon the appcarancei^of , ^ly 
 power that Avill be sufficient to emancipate them 
 
15^ 
 
 from this tenible hydra, yon will find that spirit 
 which now vents itself irt secret curses, break out 
 irit^' open violence. I can hear you in almost all 
 company I go into, styled villains, scoundrels, 
 rascals ; and many wish that the vengeance of 
 gdverriment had been pointed at the authors of 
 all our misery,— meaning your particular junto, 
 where, it is said, it ought to have fallen,— and 
 not upon the whole community, a large portion 
 of whom are mnocent. ' "' '^ 
 
 "Let me conjure you to weigh well what I 
 have offered to your consideration, and believe 
 
 me to be ^t«^ i^^ '■^' ""'^ ^'' 
 
 Diiami ,\m Ik ni <' Your Wellwisher." 
 
 ^-'Tfie reply of Mr Quincy to the preceding 
 anonymous letter was published in the Massa- 
 chusetts Okzette, No. 3685. 
 
 r: JiiiiUOl'ff 06 «'/!) •'•■^ ;'.■:.' ^0119 
 
 .fI£a8B88fc JIB to bopf? '"U '<TfR ^f{l 
 
 b9Jr>aimjmmo3 ,, ^^^^^^^^ ^^^^^ ^774. 
 
 ^lolouibda bfiB fimiin ivdfU In'i <<no8'if)q vd 
 
 " Mr Draper, 
 
 ^^" Having this day received from the British 
 coffee-house an anonymous letter, in which the 
 author'''\^i^ me of the imminent hazard which 
 he considers me to be in, of the loss of life, and 
 
157 
 
 confiscation of my estate,' I desire, through tj^/t; 
 medium of your paper, to acknowledge the ri?-?^. 
 ceipt of it, and, in turn, communicate my oy^fc^i^^ 
 sentiments to the author. ^nr ot» [ vnR«tmo:v 
 
 " The good or ill design of the writer being 
 problematical, I suspend my censure, and ,]}£V- 
 surely v*'ill not expect my thanks, , jtji^^ ^P? ^^r^ 
 stead of concealing himself beyond the power of 
 discovery, desired a conversation with me ia 
 person, his frankness would have been an evidence 
 of his sincerity, and my cordiality on the occa- 
 sion should have testified my gratitude.^. ..j.-j-),^ ..^ .^, 
 
 " The danger and the wrongs of my country 
 are to me equally apparent. In all my public 
 exertions, I feel a sense of riglit atid duty, that 
 not only satisfies my conscience, but inspires my 
 zeal. While I have this sentiment, I shall petr 
 severe, till my understanding is convinced of it^. 
 error ; a conviction that will not be wrought by 
 the arm of power, or the hand of an assassin. 
 
 ^*-;Threats of impending danger, communicated 
 by persons who conceal their name and character, 
 ought never to det(M- from the path of duty : but 
 e^vcitmg contetnpt rather than fear, 'they will 
 determine a man ot spnit to proceed with new 
 vigour and energy, in his public conduct. 
 
158 
 
 " My place of abode is well known, and I am 
 easily found. The author of the letter referred 
 to, if he will favour me with a visit, shall receive 
 the best civilities of my house ; and if he will 
 appoint a meeting, I will give him my presence, 
 either alone, or in company ; till which time he 
 surely will not expect that I shall endeavour to 
 point out his mistakes, or flatter himself that 
 anonymous papers will answer the end he pro- 
 fesses to have in view. "^"j'T' ? =' -!• jd '^^ 
 
 v/«;f' ^tnw " JOSIAH QuiNCY JuN.'' 
 
 n Notwithstanding these threats, the pamphlet 
 was immediately published. Although temporary 
 in its nature, yet its connexion with the charac- 
 ter of the times and that of the writer, as well 
 as with one of the most important periods in the 
 history of the metropolis of Massachusetts, gives 
 it a permanent interest. It is therefore repub- 
 lished in this volume. It is impossible for any 
 citizen of the United States, now in the enjoy- 
 ment of all the blessings, which have been con- 
 sequent on the strug2;le and the excitement of 
 that! 'period, to read the eloquent anticipations 
 with which that pamphlet closes, and not exclaim, 
 in the language of the writer. — " What was then 
 
159 
 
 prophecy, is now history ! " To him, indeed, 
 the great men whom the scenes of our revolution 
 were so soon to develop, were without a name 
 or reputation. The fame of Washington himself 
 was heard only among the broken and uncertain 
 rumours of a distant Indian warfare. That noble 
 band of heroes and of statesmen, whose deeds 
 now cast a glorious light upon our age and coun- 
 try, were hidden in that impenetrable cloud, 
 which rests, as it respects man, on every thing 
 future. Yet the brightness of the coming day 
 was apparent to his intellectual vision. Provi- 
 dence permitted him to see in prospect, what it 
 did not permit him to witness in person, and to 
 utter the suggestions of his foresight with a glow 
 of language, which reality itself scarcely exceeded. 
 
 " Spirits and genii like these rose 
 
 in Rome, and have since adorned Britain. Such, 
 also, w ill one day make glorious this more western 
 world. America hath in store her Bruti and 
 Cassii, — her Hampdens and Sydneys ; — patriots 
 and heroes, who will form a band of brothers : 
 — men, who will have memories and feelings, 
 courage and swords ; — courage, that shall inflame 
 their ardent bosoms, till their hands cleave to their 
 swords, — and their swords to their enemies" 
 hearts." 
 
160 
 
 The following letter from Samuel Quincy, to 
 his brother, on receiving a copy of his " Observa- 
 tions on the Boston Port Bill," shows that, not- 
 withstanding they were opposed in political senti- 
 ments, their affection for each other remained un- 
 altered. Such evidences of the mutual attach- 
 ment of these brothers will be read with interest, 
 when it is remembered, that by a singular and 
 hard destiny, the one sacrificed his health and 
 prematurely terminated his existence by his efforts 
 in a cause, the success of which exiled the other 
 for life, from his home and his country. 
 
 TO JOSIAH QUINCY JUN. 
 
 ^^ Boston, June 1, 1774. 
 " Dear Brother, 
 
 " The pamphlet you presented me yesterday 
 was doubly acceptable, as the billet that accom- 
 panied it assures me of your desire to live in 
 amity with an only brother. Such a testimony of 
 your respect I cannot fail of remembering with 
 pleasure. The convulsions of the times are in 
 nothing more to be lamented, than in the interrup- 
 tion of domestic harmony. We have hitherto, I 
 trust, happily seconded the friendship of blood, by 
 the friendship of the heart and affections ; and 
 
-161 
 
 though our intercourse is not so free, or Irequent, 
 as it could be wished, yet tlie caution we Imve 
 preserved when togctlier, in conversing on the 
 subject of politics, will continue to prevent a 
 clashing of the fiercer passions. .sin'^m 
 
 *' Our natural frame and constitution, are not 
 in all respects alike, nor is a difference in the turn 
 of mind among branches of the same family an 
 uncommon appearance. A love of ease and re- 
 tirement, though not idle, nor unemployed in the 
 valuable purposes of life, may be the predominant 
 passion in one ; while another, carried out by the 
 zeal and fervour of imagination, strength of genius, 
 and love of glory, shall snatch at the wreaths of 
 fame, through the turmoils of public action. 
 
 " Both of these, nevertheless, may be actuated 
 by the purest principles of virtue and integrity ; 
 nay more, may be equally serviceable in that 
 community wherc^in Providence has assigned them 
 a being. A state of inaction, among philosophers 
 the ' Vis inertise,' is in some degree a state of 
 criminality : but innocence ought never to be con- 
 demned, whether the gem lies uncultivated, or is 
 found polished in the courts of princes. Igno- 
 miny cannot sully virtue, which is the same in all 
 conditions, and must ever challenge respect. A 
 21 
 
162 
 
 consciousness, therefore, of having done his duty, 
 will support every man against the attacks of ob- 
 loquy, and reproach, even though he should meet 
 with the trowns and contempt of the world, at a 
 time when he ought to inhabit its praise and ad- 
 miration. 
 
 "Our notions, both of government and religion, 
 may be variant, — but perhaps are not altogether 
 discordant. The complexion of our external 
 conduct, as men and citizens, may have its cast 
 from such variance ; but 1 hope cannot be fairly 
 imputed to either of us, as a defect of conscience, 
 or uprightness of intention. Want of communi- 
 cation often produces a contrariety of opinion, 
 and is sometimes a source of disquietude and di- 
 vision. Should we at any time disagree upon 
 matters that require an explanation, it will be my 
 study to obviate the effect of such an infelicity. 
 
 " God preserve you in health and longevity, 
 the friend and patron, and at length the father of 
 your country, and the eclat of your own times 
 record you with honour to the memory of the 
 latest ages, and especially, the prayer nearest my 
 heart, may you continue, and have reason to con- 
 tinue, the friend and companion of your most 
 cordially affectionate brother. 
 
 " Samuel Quincy." 
 
163 
 
 The following letters indicate, not only the 
 general jealousies and fears which existed at the 
 period in which they were written, but also, the 
 particular apprehensions prevalent in some of the 
 other colonies, in relation to the conduct of the 
 inhabitants of Boston, under the oppressions, to 
 which they were subjected. Among the adherents 
 of the British ministry, the indignant sense enter- 
 tained and exhibited by the people of Massachu- 
 setts, and particularly by the inhabitants of Bos- 
 ton, of their sufferings and wrongs, was denomi- 
 nated " impatience of good order and just authori- 
 ty," and was censured, as " irregularities and ex- 
 travagancies" not to be countenanced or justified. 
 The best friends of Auierican freedom were 
 also not without very natural fears, lest Massa- 
 chusetts should be quickened into measures of 
 open resistance, before the public opinion of the 
 other colonies would justify them in uniting their 
 fate with hers. 
 
 In all tlie colonies, however, prescient and 
 noble spirits, like those of Clymer and Dick'.n- 
 sou, were found, who could appi*e«iate both the 
 nature of the wrongs, and the just spirit, which 
 characterized the leaders of opposition in Boston 
 and its vicinity : and who were chiefly anxious 
 
164 
 
 that the course of measures in Massachusetts, 
 should so be regulated as most surely and easily 
 to bring all the colonies into one indissoluble 
 phalanx for effectual resistance. The ensuing 
 letters of Mr Clynier and Mr Dickinson are full 
 upon this point. The reply of Mr Quincy to the 
 latter gentleman, shows how little he could brook 
 that the patriotism of the metropolis of Massa- 
 chusetts should be questioned, in a matter of pru- 
 dence, any more than of duty ; and how deeply 
 he deprecated " timid or lukewarm counsels," in 
 the crisis which then impended over the colonies. 
 These, as w^ell as all letters published in this 
 work, are from originals, found among Mr Quin- 
 cy's papers. His replies also are taken from 
 copies he was in the practice of preserving. 
 
 TO JOSIAH QUINCY JUN. 
 
 ^^ Philculelphia, June 13, 1774. 
 " Dear Sir, 
 
 " The business I have been engaged in, almost 
 ever since I had the pleasure of seeing you, has 
 in a great measure prevented me from improving 
 a friendship and a correspondence, in which I ex- 
 pected the greatest satisfaction. 
 
165 
 
 " Knowing how much jou have at heart the 
 welfare of your country, — the character you sus- 
 tain, and your circle of connexions, any informa- 
 tion from you respecting the true springs and 
 motives of action in your people on many late 
 occasions, w^ould have been extremely agreeable 
 to me ; feeling myself much interested in every 
 thing that can affect them. 
 
 " I have ever been an advocate for the political 
 conduct of the people of Boston, wherever it has 
 been made the subject of conversation ; but man- 
 ners dissimilar to those of many of the more 
 southern colonies, and perhaps some other causes, 
 have most undoubtedly contributed to lix preju- 
 dices, which nothing but a clear knowledge of 
 circumstances can possibly remove. 
 
 " I sincerely believe, that fair representations 
 of things would always liave freed them from any 
 suspicions of an impatience of good order, and 
 of just authority. Those among us of the most 
 enlarged sentiments and who have elevated ideas 
 of liberty, are unwilling to censure any irregular- 
 ities, or even extravagancies, which a zeal for her 
 cause may have produced ; but narrow minds can 
 scarcely, in any case, be brought to approve, 
 where domestic economy and good order seem to 
 
166 
 
 be disturbed. I would willingly hope that the 
 number of such shortsighted censurers is dimin- 
 ished, and that the distress now so unjustly in- 
 flicted upon the town of Boston, has fixed their 
 attention more upon the danger which so fatal a 
 precedent has made common to all the Ameri- 
 cans. At present, I believe this to be the case, 
 and that almost every one amongst us sees the 
 necessity of checking the progress that arbitrary 
 power is making. 
 
 " Would to God your relief could be speedily 
 effected by the means pointed out by the vote of 
 your town ; but the minds of men, at least in two 
 of the principal colonies, cannot yet be brought 
 to combat with the most powerful principle in 
 human nature ; I mean self-interest, which must 
 be so generally renounced during a suspension of 
 trade. Many nideed, who are not swayed by 
 selfishness are for offering the olive branch to the 
 mother country, unaccompanied by the threats 
 and menaces implied in that measure ; and pror! 
 posing through a general congress such terms of 
 accommodation, as will leave us the essential 
 rights of Englishmen, and suffering her at the 
 same time, to reap those advantages in trade, 
 which some suppose she had in contemplation in 
 
167 
 
 first settling these colonies, — notwithstanding the 
 opinion which old charters in many early trans- 
 actions justify, that the absolute independence of 
 the colonies was intended. If these two ideas 
 are not to be fairly reconciled in theory, tliey 
 think, perhaps, a temporary compromise, which 
 should leave any determinate principles out of the 
 question, may be effected. Our people seem bent 
 upon first trying this experiment ; the necessity 
 of harmony and perfect unanimity, which all seem 
 sensible of, has reconciled very different interests 
 among us, and by yielding to each other, the 
 Quakers and Presbyterians and other contending 
 sects have met in this point. 
 
 " A measure of this kind seems calculated 
 rather as a general barrier against the encroaching 
 power of Parliament, than to give immediate relief 
 to people in your situation. We all wish, how- 
 ever, that your firmness should remain unshaken, 
 until the remedy, to be applied, shall have had its 
 operation ; but this seems hardly possible. Patri- 
 otism, assailed by poverty and want, has seldom 
 stood its ground. The general subscription to 
 be opened here, which I hope will be followed 
 in other places, will show that your neighbours 
 have not absolutely forsaken you in the day of 
 
108 
 
 distress ; it w ill in some measure alleviate the 
 wretchedness of the poor, and stifle their clamours 
 for bread. Would to heaven this proposed charity 
 may be in the least adequate to the occasion, 
 that the hard necessity of complying with danger- 
 ous and disgraceful terms, might be utterly taken 
 away. 
 
 " It is said there is a crisis in political, as well 
 as in natural disorders ; this may be, when the ap- 
 prehensions of any great evils shall have made 
 such progress as to incline men to make the 
 strongest and most decisive efforts to avoid them. 
 I believe we are not yet ripe for these efforts, — 
 the two bills before Parliament for taking away 
 the peculiar privileges of your province, and mak- 
 ing the soldiery masters of your lives, will proba- 
 bly quicken and mature our resentments, and give 
 us a greater certainty of approaching tyranny. 
 
 "But I have to ask your pardon for this tedious 
 letter. I expect in a few weeks to see you at 
 Boston with a brother of Mr Dickinson's. * * 
 " I am, dear Sir, 
 
 " Your most obedient servant, 
 
 "George Clymer." 
 
169 
 
 TO JOSIAH QUINCY JUN. 
 
 " Fairhill, June 20, 1774. 
 " Dear Sir, 
 
 " I sincerely thank you for your kind letter, 
 and the present attending it. This, without flat- 
 tery, I think highly valuable, and it gives me in- 
 expressible pleasure to find myself addressed in 
 so friendly a manner, by a gentleman I so hearti- 
 ly wish to call a friend. 
 
 " As far as I have been able to collect the 
 sense of the colonies, they are very unanimous in 
 the measure you mention of a congress. You 
 and your worthy fellow-sufferers would receive a 
 glimpse of joy, amid your distresses, to know 
 with what sympathy the inhabitants of this prov- 
 ince consider your case. What never happened 
 before, has happened now. The country-people 
 have so exact a knowledge of facts, and of 
 the consequences attending a surrender of the 
 points now in question, that they are, if possible, 
 more zealous than the citizens, who lie in the di- 
 rect line of information. Doubt not that every 
 thing bears a most favourable aspect. Nothing 
 can throw us into a pernicious confusion but one 
 colony's breaking the line of opposition, by ad- 
 vancing too hastily before the rest. The one 
 22 
 
170 
 
 which dares to betray the common cause, by rush- 
 ing forward, contrary to the maxima of discipline 
 established by comn on sense, and the experience 
 of ages, will inevitably and utterly perish. 
 
 " May God Almighty bless you, and my be- 
 loved brethren of Boston and Massachusetts Bay. 
 My heart is full ; the time will come, I hope, 
 when I may congratulate them on a more stable 
 security of their liberty than they ever yet have 
 enjoyed. 
 
 '* 1 am. Sir, with truth, 
 
 *' your very affectionate 
 
 " and very humble servant, 
 
 " John Dickinson. 
 
 *' Our country-people appear to me to be very 
 firm. They look to the last extremity with 
 spirit. It is right they should, if they will sub- 
 mit their resentment to the guidance of reason." 
 
 TO JOHN DICKINSON ESQ, 
 
 " Boston, August 20, 1774. 
 "Much respected and dear Sir, 
 
 '' Your cordial approbation of my poor 
 work communicates a happiness, surpassed only 
 by your kind invitation of me into the circle of 
 
171 
 
 your friends. Believe me, sir, that I recollect 
 no feelins; which would give me more solid, heart- 
 felt satisfaction, than being considered by you as 
 an honest friend, unless I except a consciousness 
 of deserving that rank and confidence. 
 
 " Your sentiments relative to that ' colony 
 which shall advance too hastily before the rest, 
 contrary to the maxims of discipline,' &c. are no 
 doubt just. Yet permit me, sir, to use a freedom, 
 which your partiality seems to invite, and observe, 
 that those maxims of discipline are not universally 
 known in this early period of continental warfare ; 
 and are with great difficulty practised, by a 
 people under the scourge of public oppression. 
 When time shall have taught wisdom, and past 
 experience have fixed boundaries to the move- 
 ments of a single colony, its intemperate and 
 over-hasty strides will be more unpardonable. But 
 if we should unfortunately see one colony under a 
 treble pressure of public oppression, rendered 
 impatient by the refinements, delays, and ex- 
 periments of the Philadelphians ; of their less 
 o})pressed, and therefore more deliberate brethren ; 
 — I say, if a colony thus insulted, galled from 
 without, and vexed within, should seem to ad- 
 vance, and ' break the line of opposition,' ought 
 
172 
 
 it to incur the heavy censure of ' betraying the 
 common cause?' Though not to be justified, 
 may not its fault be considered venial? Believe 
 me, dear sir, you know not all our patriotic trials 
 an this province. Corruption (which delay gives 
 time to operate) is the destroying angel we have 
 most to fear. Our enemies wish for nothing so 
 much, as our tampering with the fatal disease. 
 I fear much that timid or lukewarm counsels will 
 be considered by our congress as prudent and 
 politic. Such counsels will inevitably enslave 
 us ; — we subjugated, — how rapid and certain the 
 fall of the rest. Excuse my freedom of telling 
 what I dread, though seeming to differ from those 
 I honor and revere. We are at this time calm 
 and temperate ; and, partiality to my countrymen 
 aside, I question whether any ancient or modern 
 state can give an instance of a whole people 
 suffering so severely, with such dignity, fortitude, 
 and true spirit. Our very enemies are dismayed, 
 and though they affect to sneer at our enthusiasm, 
 yet they so far catch the noble infirmity, as to 
 give an involuntary applause. 
 
 "I see no reason to apprehend our advancing 
 before our brethren, unless the plans they should 
 ado})t should very evidently be too languid and 
 
173 
 
 spiritless to give any rational hopes of safety to us 
 in our adherence to them. Sobrius esto is our 
 present motto. At the urgent solicitation of a 
 great number of warm friends to my country and 
 myself, I have agreed to relinquish business, and 
 embark for London, and shall sail in eighteen 
 days certainly. I am flattered by those who 
 perhaps place too great confidence in me, that I 
 may do some good the ensuing winter, at the 
 court of Great Britain. Hence I have taken this 
 unexpected resolution. My design is to be kept 
 as long secret as possible, — I hope till I get to 
 Europe. Should it transpire that I was going 
 home, our public enemies here would be as inde- 
 fatigable and persevering to my injury, as they 
 have been to the cause in which I am engaged, 
 heart and hand ; perhaps more so, as personal 
 pique would be added to public malevolence. 
 
 "^I would solicit, earnestly, intelligence from 
 you, sir, while in London. I shall endeavour to 
 procure the earliest information from all parts of 
 the continent. As I propose dedicating myself 
 wholly to the service of my country, I shall stand 
 in need of the aid of every friend of' America ; 
 and believe me, when I say, that I esteem none 
 more capable of affording me that aid, than those 
 >^ ho inhabit the fertile banks of the Delaware. 
 
174 
 
 " If you can lead me into any channel of do- 
 ing real service to the common cause, I flatter 
 myself you are not disinclined, and though it 
 should never be in my power to cancel the obliga- 
 tion, it will ever be my study to remember it. 
 " I am your most humble, 
 
 " obedient servant, 
 
 " JOSIAH QUINCY JUN.'^ 
 
 TO JOSIAH QUINCY JUN. 
 
 " Charleston, July 12, 1774. 
 '' Dear Sir, 
 
 " I this day received your polite favour of 
 the 29th of May, and can only say I wish it had 
 been in my power to show more civility to a gen- 
 tleman I so much esteem as I do Mr Quincy. 
 You have my best thanks for your pamphlet. Too 
 many cannot step forth at this alarming crisis, in 
 defence of the much injured rights of America ; 
 and those that do, should, and no doubt have, the 
 united thanks of the friends of America. * * * 
 " Your situation at this time is truly hazardous 
 and alarming, but you will not fall for want of 
 friends, because all British America are your 
 
175 
 
 friends. For God's sake be firm and discreet, 
 at this time. Tiie good people of this colony 
 have sent for your port one sloop-load of rice, 
 and we sliall send more sooiir 
 
 " The 6th, 7th, and 8th instant, we had the 
 greatest assembly of the inhabitants of this colony 
 I ever saw. After much debate it was determin- 
 ed, that Henry Middleton, John Rutledge, Thomas 
 Lynch, Christopher Gadsden, and Edward Rut- 
 ledge, should, on the 1st of September, meet the 
 General Congress at Philadelphia. Their powers 
 are unlimited, and I hope the other colonies will 
 do the same, and place entire confidence in their 
 deputies ; — they can do nothing effectual without 
 such powers. I should suppose the first step 
 taken by Congress would be to remonstrate, and 
 petition King, Lords, and Commons. Our griev- 
 ances should be all stated in the way of a Bill of 
 Rights, and some of the deputies should go to 
 England with the petition. If redress does not 
 come, then all to enter into a non-import and non- 
 export agreement. I think this seems to be the 
 sense of almost all the colonies. ^ ^^Mmi^ ..*i.ii«e 
 Our fears are only about you, that you may 
 despond and give up ; for I am sorry to see you 
 have so many adders In your own bosom, who 
 
176 
 
 may sting you to death. We have our share also 
 of internal foes. Pity it was that Hutchinson 
 should have gone home with so many names to 
 petitions ; it will do you no good, but much harm, 
 I fear ******** **** 
 
 '* I beg to hear as often from you as business 
 permits. It is not trifling to write or speak upon 
 public affairs at this time of imminent danger. 
 Politics should be the theme of the day ; and our 
 dreams at night should be of the hapless situation 
 of our country. However, bad as it is, if Boston 
 does but persevere, and be prudent, her sisters 
 and neighbours will work out her salvation, with- 
 out taking the musket. Unanimity must be our 
 leading star. 
 
 " 1 am, with great regard^ 
 *' Your most obedient and obliged servant, 
 "Miles Brewton." 
 
 It will be seen by Mr Quincy's letter to Mr 
 Dickinson, that in August 1774, at the urgent 
 solicitation of his political friends, he had deter- 
 mined to relinquish business and embark for Eng- 
 land. The circumstances of the times, and the 
 singular boldness of his political course, rendered 
 it necessary that his intention should be kept 
 
177 
 
 secret, lest the enemies of the patriotic cause 
 should take measures to counteract the effect of 
 his presence and represejitations in England. It 
 was accordingly concealed from all but his near- 
 est relations, and those political friends, who had 
 proposed tlie measure. 
 
 The ensuing letters, from three of the most 
 distinguished patriots of that period, will show 
 the concurrence of their opinions upon the subject 
 of his voyage, and in favour of its probable utility. 
 
 TO DR AMORY, IN LONDON. 
 
 " Boston, September 13, 1774. 
 " Rev. Sir, , i 
 
 "The bearer of this, Mr Josiah Quinc/, is a 
 gentleman of good powers, a fine genius, and 
 thorough acquaintance with the constitution of 
 the American colonies ; nor has any one a more 
 perfect knowledge of wliat has happened in this 
 part of the Avorld, both jjrevious to, and in conse- 
 quence of the late acts of the British Parliament 
 respecting Boston, and the Massachusetts prov- 
 ince, of which it is the metropolis. You may 
 from him, if you desire it, be let into a clear and 
 23 
 
178 
 
 full idea of the true situation of our political 
 affairs. He goes to England, strongly disposed 
 to serve his country wherein he may he able, and 
 he will be the better able to do tliis, if he may, by 
 the help of gentlemen of character at home, have 
 opportunity of conversing with those, either in or 
 out of administration, who may have been led 
 into wrong sentiments of the people of Boston 
 and the Massachusetts province in these trouble- 
 some times. 
 
 " The favour I would ask of you is only this, 
 that you would take so much notice of him, as to 
 introduce him either yourself, or by one or anoth- 
 er of your friends, into the company of those who 
 may have it in their power to be serviceable to 
 the colonies in general, and this province in par- 
 ticular, which is the first in the intention of the 
 administration to be reduced to a state of slavery. 
 
 " We groan under the oppressive burdens that 
 lie heavy on us. I could easily enlarge on them, 
 and the expedients in contemplation in order to 
 a deliverance from them, — but I purposely avoid 
 it, as you may have it done much better viva voce 
 by Mr Quincy. 
 
 "Be pleased to accept the enclosed pamphlets ; 
 one of which was written by Mr Quincy, and 
 
179 
 
 will give you an idea of him as a truly sensible 
 man, as well as a fast friend to the cause of liberty. 
 " I am, dear Sir, your assured friend, 
 
 " Charles Ciiauncy." 
 
 TO JO SI AH QUINCY .TUN. 
 
 ''Philadelphia, Sept. 18, 1774. 
 " Dear Sir, 
 
 *' I am to acknowledge the receipt of your 
 kind letter, and to thank you for it, and then seal 
 my letter. 
 
 " Business, ceremony, visits, and a thousand 
 et-ceieras, take up my time so entirely that I can 
 scarce find half enough for sleep. I have spoken 
 to several gentlemen concerning you, and shall to 
 more. 
 
 " I wish you a prosperous voyage, and much 
 of the exalted pleasure of serving your country. 
 You are surrounded with active scenes in our 
 province at present. We are not idle here ; but 
 how long it will be before the world will know 
 our meditations, I cannot say. 
 
 " Our country is in the post of honour and 
 danger, and she behaves in character. The con- 
 
180 
 
 gress is sensible of it, and will act in character 
 too, I hope and believe. 
 
 " Adieu. 
 
 " John Adams." 
 
 TO DR CHARLES CHAUNCY. 
 
 " Philadelphia, Sept. 19, 1774. 
 "Rev. Sir, 
 
 , "I have had the pleasure of receiving a let- 
 tqr from jou since my arrival in this city. Our 
 friend, Mr Quincy, informed me before I left Bos- 
 ton, of his intention to take a passage for Eng- 
 land. I am persuaded he may do great service to 
 our country there. Agreeably to his and your 
 requests I have desired gentlemen here, to make 
 him known to their friends and correspondents. 
 "Last Friday, Mr Revere, brought us the 
 spirited and patriotic resolves of our county of 
 Suffolk. We laid them before the congress. 
 They yyere read with great applause, and the en- 
 closed resolutions were unanimously passed, which 
 give you a faint idea of the spirit of the congress. 
 I think I may assure you, that America will make 
 a point of supporting Boston to the utmost. I 
 
 • fil <{ ii" UiOJrjTrj i\:niiff 
 
181 
 
 have not time to enlarge, and must therefore con- 
 clude with assuring you, tliat 
 " I am, with great regard, 
 
 " Your affectionate and humble servant, 
 
 Samuel Adams. 
 
 Mr Quincy embarked privately at Salem on 
 the 28th of September, 1774. The motives of 
 this voyage, and the sensation occasioned by his 
 sudden and secret departure, when it was public- 
 ly avowed, may be farther gathered from the fol- 
 lowing letters, which are published in the order 
 of their dates, that his English journal and letters 
 may be afterwards presented in an unbroken 
 series. They all eminently characterize the 
 state and spirit of the times, and the patriotic ar- 
 dour of the respective writers. 
 
 The letter from Dr (afterwards Major General) 
 Joseph Warren, is peculiarly interesting, because 
 few similar records of his mind remain, and as it 
 evidences, that the life he sacrificed on Bunker's 
 Hill was offered, not under the excitement of the 
 moment, but with a fixed and deliberate purpose. 
 No language can be more decisive of the spirit, 
 which predominated in his bosom. "It is the 
 
182 
 
 united voice of America to preserve their freedom 
 or lose their lives in defence of it." 
 
 TO JOSIAH QUINCY JUN. 
 
 " Braintree, October, 1774. 
 " My dear Son, 
 
 " It is now four weeks since jou sailed, and 
 if my prayers are heard and the petition of them 
 granted, your health is restored, your voyage com- 
 fortable, and your arrival safe. News, that would 
 be almost as joyful and reviving to your aged 
 father, as to hear that, through your mediation, 
 peace and harmony were restored between the 
 parent state and her injured and oppressed chil- 
 dren upon this continent. I have not, nor 
 shall forget to inform you of facts as they have 
 taken, or may take place, since you left us ; but 
 my retired situation will not permit my gratifying 
 you so much as I should otherwise be glad to do. 
 " All the tories and some of the whigs, resent 
 your clandestine departure. Many of the former 
 say, that as soon as your arrival is known, you 
 will be apprehended and secured. Some say you 
 are gone to Holland, and from thence to the south 
 of France. Others ''s'aj?';^' the general congress 
 have appointed and commissioned you their agent 
 
183 
 
 at the court of Great Britain, and that you had 
 your credentials and instructions from them, before 
 you went away. Your friends say, your princi- 
 pal motive is the recovery of your health, which 
 if Providence should please to restore, they rest 
 assured of your best endeavours to procure a 
 redress of the grievances, and a speedy removal 
 of the intolerable burdens, with which your native 
 country is and has been long oppressed. 
 
 " God Almighty grant, if your life and health 
 are spared, that you may succeed in every respect. 
 
 " When in town I found two political produc- 
 tions, — ' An Essay on the Constitutional Power 
 of Great Britain over the Colonies in America ;' 
 — and ' A Letter from Lord Lyttleton to Lord 
 Chatham, on the Quebec Bill.' They are each 
 of them esteemed masterly productions by their 
 respective partizans. Before this reaches you, I 
 doubt not you will have received the former from 
 its author. I regret his allowing Great Britain a 
 revenue from the colonies, w^hilst she persists in 
 her claim of an exclusive trade with them, which 
 appears to me to be an overbalance for all the 
 protection she has, or can afford them, especially 
 when it is considered that all the profits resulting 
 from the immense extent of territory ceded to 
 
18*- 
 
 her at the treaty of Paris, remains solely to her. 
 At the same time, we are restrained from the 
 profitable whale and cod fisheries in the bay of 
 St Lawrence, and the straits of Belle Isle, which 
 we formerly enjoyed without interruption. If I 
 am not greatly mistaken, there is not a single 
 argument in Lord Lyttleton's letter, whereby he 
 endeavours to prove the justice, wisdom, benevo- 
 lence, and policy of Parliament in indulging the 
 Canadians with the French laws, which will not 
 much more forcibly conclude in behalf of the 
 colonies, that their respective constitutions and 
 laws should remain inviolate, and the rights and 
 privileges secured by them, upon no pretence 
 whatever to be abridged. Where then is the wis- 
 dom, benevolence, and justice of Parliament ? 
 What besides low cunning and left-handed poli- 
 cy, could induce them to their past and present 
 violent measures, wliich must ultimately be as 
 injurious to them as they are, or can be, to us. 
 But his lordship in the close of his letter tells us, 
 'It is necessary to conciliate the affections of the 
 Canadians, and thereby induce them to assist 
 administration in coercing America ! ' Read this 
 passage, attend to the meaning of it, and then, if 
 you can, suppress your indignation. What! have 
 
185 
 
 we Americans spent so much of our blood and 
 treasure in aiding Britain to conquer Canada^ 
 that Britons and Canadians may now subjugate 
 us ? Forbid it, Heaven ! 
 
 " Is this the ' policy,' which he recommends as 
 ' best calculated to unite natural-born, and adopt- 
 ed subjects, in one common bond of interest, 
 affection, and duty ?' But I must quit the sub- 
 ject * ** **** ** * ^ ^ 
 
 " I have filled my paper, and have only room 
 to add the affectionate regards of your family, 
 joined to those of ^inoloa 
 
 ** Your unalterably fond parent, 
 
 " JosiAH QUINCY." 
 
 TO J. QUINCY JUN. 
 
 ''MostoHj October 2S.y 117^, 
 "My dear Sir, r - ,r !; o? 
 
 " You will see by the papers that immediate- 
 ly after you sailed, a proclamation was issued, 
 to discharge the members from attendance upon 
 that general court, for which precepts, you know, 
 had been given out. They judiciously slighted 
 this, sticking to charter-rule ; and upon finding 
 24 
 
186 
 
 Mr Gage did not attend to liis proper duty, they 
 resolved themseh'Tes into a provincial congress, to 
 meet at Concord tomorrow. They will be stren- 
 uous, I expect, in pressing the General to desist 
 from his fortifications. Yet what can he do f 
 He cannot declare in plain English, that he is on- 
 ly striving to make the minds of his officers and 
 men easy ; and yet I believe that to be the truth, 
 and the whole truth. 
 
 '"" I told you at parting, that if I was deceived 
 in my countrymen, and found they turned out 
 poltrons, I would not inform you of it, though 
 such was your request. Let not that speech de- 
 tract from my credit, when I tell you they rise 
 every day in character. It is become a down- 
 right task for the warmest patriots of our town 
 and county, to confine the spirit of the other 
 'counties to an attention to the causes, rather than 
 % the executors, of our wrongs. J am really 
 *^Wed at finding that the wickedness of minis- 
 ^terial conduct has brought the province so gen- 
 erally to make the idea of an engagement between 
 '■felWW 'Subjects so familiar to their minds. How 
 would such a thought have shocked us all, a few 
 years ago ! But the insolent appearance of the 
 works on the neck has roused the inclinations of 
 
187 
 
 the vigorous country youth to phiy over again 
 the Nia2:ara ffame of fiUinii trenches with round 
 bundles of hay, under which they advanced se- 
 curely. The folly and weakness of the works 
 may easily be proved to be fully equal to the in- 
 solence. Our besiegers, sensible how much na- 
 ture is against them, talk of employing constant- 
 ly great numbers of their soldiery to break the 
 ice of the two bays, little knowing, however, 
 what mighty reparation will be made in only one 
 of our freezing nights ; and little coasideriog also, 
 the non-importance of its being broken in bays, 
 which are a dead flat upon every ebb. I wish 
 again and again, that the temptations to chastise 
 the insult were not so glaring ; as the provincial 
 congress, with all their efforts to confine the in- 
 land spirits solely to the defensive, will surely 
 fail upon notice of ministerial determination to 
 continue hostile. Nothing, I think, but a speedy 
 knowledge of a change of measures in England, 
 can prevent a capital v\ inter stroke. They pvess 
 us to leave the town in the strongest manner. 
 Many are for doing it, and others for sending off 
 their most valuable articles, to be in readiness. 
 Our friend, Molineux, overplied in,,,t,he^ good 
 cause, was last evening laid to rest,, v^^here the 
 
188 
 
 incomparable Majhew, and the brother patriots, 
 Dana and Thatcher, await the morning of a glo- 
 rious resurrection ! and where jou and I had 
 nearly gone to rest before him. May it not prove 
 unimportant to ourselves, and to the public, that a 
 gracious Providence has been pleased to mark 
 down for us some later date. 
 
 " J am informed that a letter was yesterday read 
 in provincial congress from Mr S. Adams, pur- 
 porting that things went in the continental con- 
 gress, without any motion of our members, as 
 perfectly to his liking, as if he were sole director, 
 and that in a very few days he doubted not his 
 friends here would receive the most satisfactory 
 intelligence. Though the ' Kingfisher ' has orders to 
 sail, yet, the weather being bad, I had thoughts of 
 risking the chance, that I may gain some further 
 light concerning this matter, but finding a general 
 suspicion of the insecurity of conveyance by a 
 king's ship, I am led to think most of your friends 
 will wait other opportunity. I therefore close for 
 the present, that you may not think yourself neg- 
 lected, in consequence of what, I think, an ill 
 grounded suspicion. We have London news so 
 late as Sept. 2d. If the people of England, our 
 fellow subjects, will cease obstinately to shut their 
 
189 
 
 eyes to the justice of our cause, we ask no more. 
 Conviction must be the consequence of a bare 
 admission of the light. God preserve you, my 
 friend. naa 
 
 " I remain your friend, 
 
 '' and obliged, humble servant, uig 
 "James Lovell." 
 
 JOSEPH REED ESQ. TO JOSIAH QUINCY JUN. i 
 
 " Philadelphia^ October 25, 1774»),j 
 «'Dear Sir, ,m t»?r]t i.mp 
 
 " I hope this will find you safely arrived in 
 Great Britain, a country, wherein I have spent 
 many happy hours, before she began to play the 
 tyrant over America. The cloud which hung 
 over the colonies, at the time of your departure, 
 begins to disperse. Instead of divided counsels, 
 and feeble measures, which at one time there 
 was too much reason to apprehend, all now is 
 union and firmness, and, I trust, we shall exhibit 
 such a proof of public virtue and enlightened 
 zeal, in the most glorious of all causes, as will 
 hand down the present age, with the most illus- 
 trious characters of antiquity. I have with great 
 
190 
 
 difficulty procured you the proceedings of the gen- 
 eral congress, which is now rising, but your dele* 
 gates, from whom T received it, beg you will not 
 make any public use of it, as the copy is incor- 
 rect. Your friend, Mr John Adams, has written 
 something to this effect, in the first page. As 
 the proceedings of this great assembly are so im- 
 portant and interesting, I could not think of this 
 vessel's going, without carrying them to you. 
 Another ship will sail in a few days, by which I 
 shall send you what remains, being the list of 
 grievances, and claim of rights. The congress 
 would not adjourn, but have recommended an- 
 other to be held, the tenth of May, at this place. 
 They part with each other on terms of the utmost 
 friendship : it will have the most happy effect in 
 cementing the union of the colonies, not only by 
 the ties of public interest, but of private friendship. 
 This ship will carry you the account of the 
 destruction by fire, of both ship and cargo, which 
 arrived at Annapolis. The owners of both, to 
 avoid a more dreadful punishment for their pre- 
 sumption and folly, ofi'ered to set fire with their 
 own hands, which they did. These proofs of the 
 spirit of the people will, I trust, be of some ser- 
 vice to Boston. The people of England must see 
 
191 
 
 that opposition to parliamentary tyranny, is not 
 local or partial. It will also have a happy effect 
 on the non-importation agreement resolved by the 
 congress, as the owners of ships will not choose 
 to hazard them with forbidden wares. 
 
 I congratulate you, my dear sir, upon the ris- 
 ing glory of America : our operations have been 
 almost too slow for the accumulated sufferings of 
 Boston, but I trust they will prove effectual for 
 their relief. Should this bloodless war fail of its 
 effect, an infinite majority of all the colonies will 
 make the last appeal, before they resign their lib- 
 erties into the hands of any ministerial tyrant. 
 
 I shall be always happy in hearing from you, 
 by every opportunity ; and you may rely on my 
 sending you a faithful and speedy account of ev- 
 ery transaction here. I have w ritten to an old 
 correspondent of mine, Mr Hugh Baillie, a true 
 friend to liberty, and the cause of America, that if 
 he will call and see you, you will show him the 
 proceedings of the congress, which I failed in 
 procuring for him. I salute you with much 
 esteem, and wishing you health and happiness, 
 edi ' "I am, dear Sir, i^ ,?.hnjsfi nv/o 
 
 198 9m<*' Your most obedient, humble servant, kj? 
 998 JgUffl bn >9q aiii .iioJaotfJ- R*" 
 
192 
 
 .ioV P. S. I only put the initials of my name, as 
 I believe you remember the handwriting ; if not, 
 you will recollect to whom you wrote in this 
 place, just before you embarked. 
 
 .-HJiiu; ^^ October 27, 1774. 
 
 <}ut wrjien I wrote you yesterday, the captain of 
 tlie vessel, which carries this, had resolved to sail 
 immediately, but having been induced to wait, in 
 order to carry the address of the congress to the 
 king, gives me an opportunity of sending you 
 the addition, which we have since had from the 
 press, of their proceedings. 
 
 I congratulate you, my dear sir, on the spirit, 
 and firmness, and unanimity of this great assem- 
 bly, the most respectable ever known in this 
 country, and am, with real regard, " 
 
 ■•" '*' Your affectionate, humble s^H^nt. ' *' 
 
 (ifi^qoiuS 5 ii J. R.'> 
 
 ,'ui8 ?S stood 8B jtiO " tl .^lOWOf} 
 
 FbHw ,3011 blliOrfi^ Y,yi»t-44 T^i ifiJflS Ir-J 
 
 /j-miiJgib ^gslim biJHsiiodJ ytJiilJ J£ .J:)'.»Ma otU fiBo 
 
 ^ , TO JOSIAH QUINCY JUN. . 
 
 " Fairhill, October 28, 1774. 
 "My dear Sir, -- n.iniii'j • 
 
 il! I should have answered your last liett^r'before 
 you left Boston, if I had not imagined from what 
 
193 
 
 you said in it, that you must have sailed, bcrorc; 
 it ooukl liave reached that placeisn^i uo 
 
 " I now congratulate you on the hearty union 
 of all America, from Nova Scotia, to Georgia, in 
 the common cause. The particulars, you are no 
 doubt acquainted with. The congress broke up, 
 the day before yesterday ; and if it be possible, 
 the return of the members into the several colonies 
 will make the people still more firm. The most 
 peaceable provinces, are now animated ; and a 
 civil war is unavoidable, unless there be a quick 
 change of British measures. The usual events, 
 no question, will take place, if that happens ; — 
 victories and defeats. But what will be the final 
 consequence ? If she fails, immediate distress, if 
 not ruin. If she conquers, destruction at last. 
 But from the best judgment I can form, she will 
 not wait long for her fate. Several European 
 powers, it is probable, will fall on, as soon as she 
 is entangled with us. If they should not, what 
 can she effect, at three thousand miles' distance, 
 against at least four hundred thousand Freemen 
 fighting 'pro aris ct focis ?' s 
 
 " I cannot but pity a brave and generous na- 
 tion, thus plunged iu misfortune by a few worth- 
 less persons. But it may be said, how can she 
 25 
 
194 
 
 retract with dignitj in the present position of 
 affairs ? I answer, her dignity is not at all con- 
 cerned, unless it be to punish those, who have 
 abused and betrayed her into measures inconsistent 
 with her welfare. Is a nation bound in honour to 
 support every mad, or villanous, step of a minis- 
 try ? It is mean to persLst in errors because w^e 
 have committed them : but what is to be said of 
 those, who talk of asserting their own dignity, by 
 vindicating the errors of others ? 
 
 The present cause is that of Bute, Mansfield, 
 North, Bernard, Hutchinson, &c., not of Great 
 Britain. Let her renounce their detestable pro- 
 jects, which point at her, as their ultimate object; 
 and reconcile herself to her children, while their 
 minds are capable of reconciliation. 
 
 " ' Oh ! for a warning voice,' to rouse them to 
 conviction of this important truth, that the recon- 
 ciliation depends upon the passing moment, and 
 that the opportunity will, in a short time, be irre- 
 coverably past, as the days beyond the flood. 
 
 Every thing may yet be attributed to the mis- 
 representations and mistakes of ministers, and 
 universal peace be established throughout the 
 British world, only by a general acknowledg- 
 ment of tliis truth, that half a dozen men are 
 
195 
 
 fools, or knaves. If their character for ability and 
 integrity is to be maintained by wrecking the 
 whole empire, Monsieur Voltaire may write an 
 addition to the chapter on the subject of ' little 
 things producing great events.' 
 
 *' As to your complaint against an expression of 
 mine in a late letter, know, dear sir, I wrote in 
 agonies of mind for my brethren in Boston. 1 
 trembled lest something might have happened 
 which I could not only forgive, but applaud, but 
 which might have been eagerlj'^ and basely seized 
 by others, as a pretence for deserting them. This 
 wa^ the sense of men in Philadelphia, the most 
 devoted to them, and under this apprehension we 
 agreed to make use of the strongest expressions. 
 
 *' May the Father of mercies bestow every bless- 
 ing upon you, is the fervent prayer, of 
 " My dear Sir, 
 
 ^' Your faithful and affectionate friend, 
 "John Pickinson." 
 
 am ^liub V 
 
 'lO ^bli' rjcl 
 
 J ,il3ufir aiiij lo Jiwai 
 
196, 
 
 ro .JOSIAH QUJiMCY .(VI^. 
 
 ''Boston, November's, 1774. 
 " Dear Sir, 
 
 " Th(3 enclosed letter I wrote with a view to 
 its going bj the first vessel that went from us 
 since you embarked for London, but the vessel 
 unhappily sailed before it got to Marblehead. 
 The special reason of my writing was, that you 
 mighj; ^ee a few resolves of our continental con- 
 gress ;,, as ; I supposed this would give you the 
 first sight of them. 
 
 " The fortifications at the neck are nearly 
 finished ; the troops sent for from Philadelphia, 
 New York, and Canada, are mostly, if not wholly, 
 arrived. The grand congress, it is supposed, are 
 broke up either by dissolution or adjournment. 
 Our delegates are expected in town next week. 
 Our provincial congress is likewise adjourned, to 
 th,e ti^iiteenth of this month, — November. You 
 will, ^ee,,jy^)i^t<j has been done by both the con- 
 gress^, jj^o^'a^;, as what they have done is known 
 by t^J^^ne>^^spapcrs. Poor Molineux is dead, and 
 died suddenly. Our sufferings in the town in- 
 crease ^fjjj|;|]^.jVKinter comes on ; and our situa- 
 tion becomes more distressingly difficult, as we 
 are guarded, both by sea and land, that we may 
 
be restrained from going out of town, and may 
 lie at the mercy of those, who are sent on pur- 
 pose to distress us. 
 
 " Would our circumstances permit it, the town 
 would be immediately evacuated of its proper in- 
 habitants, and this will certainly be the case, 
 should administration determine to proceed in ah 
 hostile manner against us. It may be depended 
 upon, that the colonies are marvellously united, 
 and determined to act as one in the defence of 
 this town and province, which they esteem the 
 same thing with defending themselves. We are 
 impatient to hear what is likely to be the resolu- 
 tion of administration ; upon their knowing, as 
 they do by this time, the union of the colonies in 
 their resolution to defend their rights and liberties 
 even to the utmost. The spirit in the colonies, 
 especially the four New England ones, instead of 
 being lowered since you went from us, is raised 
 to a still greater h(;ight ; insomucli that there may 
 be danger of rashness and precipitancy in their 
 conduct. I hope all prudent care will be taken 
 to govern its operations by the rules of wisdom. 
 It is the wish of every sober, understanding man 
 amongst us, that harmony, love, and peace may 
 be restored between Great Britain, and the colo- 
 
198 
 
 nies. They dread nothing more, slavery only 
 excepted, than a bloody conflict for the security 
 of their liberties ; and yet this, so far as I am 
 able to judge, they will readily and universally go 
 into, rather than submit to such cruelly hard 
 and tyrannical measures as are imposed on them. 
 I hope you are by this time in London. The 
 weather has been uncommonly clear and mild, 
 since your departure. 
 
 " Wishing you prosperity in all your affairs, 
 especially in your endeavours to serve your 
 country, 
 
 " I am your assured friend, 
 
 " and humble servant, 
 
 " Charles Chauncy." 
 
 JOSEPH REED ESQ. TO JOSIAH QUINCY JUN. 
 
 " Philadephia, Nov. 6, 1774. 
 /ȴ Dear Sir, 
 
 '' I wrote you the latter end of last month, 
 expecting it would be the first advice you would 
 receive of the proceedings of the American con- 
 gress ; but by a delay of the vessel, and her being 
 obliged to put into New York in distress, it is 
 
199 
 
 probable that my well intended efforts will fail. 
 The congress broke up soon after, and jour Bos- 
 ton brethren returned in high spirits at the happy 
 and harmonious issue of this important business. 
 Since that time, there has been a stagnation of 
 public intelligence and advices. 
 
 " On Saturday next, agreeably to the directions 
 of the congress, a great committee is to be chosen 
 in this city to carry the association of the congress 
 into execution. The Quakers, who you know 
 form a considerable part of this city, act their 
 usual part. They have directed their members 
 not to serve on the committee, and mean to con- 
 tinue the same undecisive, neutral conduct, until 
 they see how the scale is like to preponderate ; 
 then I doubt not they will contribute to the relief 
 of Boston, and appear forward in their cause. 
 But American liberty, mean time, must take her 
 chance for them. However, there is no danger 
 of the enemy being let in through this city ; — 
 there is a band of staunch, chosen sons of liberty 
 among some of our best families, who are backed 
 by the body of the people in such a manner, that 
 no discontented spirit dares oppose the measures 
 necessary for the public safety. I am more 
 lafraid of New York, — there has been a strange 
 
w 
 
 delinquency and backwardness during the whole 
 summer. If you have any correspondence there, 
 I wish you would endeavour to animate them. 
 While they are attending to the little paltry dis- 
 putes, which their own parties have produced, the 
 great cause is suifering in their hands. 
 
 " There is too much reason to fear the power- 
 ful rhetoric of corruption, in which the present 
 administration is too well versed, has not been 
 used in vain. Their public papers are the vilest 
 collection of invectives upon the cause, and every 
 private character that appears in support of it, 
 and are so replete with falsehoods, invented to 
 mislead, and deceive, that we have little doubt 
 they are bought by some agent of administration, 
 and applied to promote their infamous purposes. 
 You must therefore hear and read from these, 
 with some caution. You see by the example I 
 set you of writing by every vessel, that you 
 cannot oblige me more than by letting me hear 
 often from you. I heartily wish you health, and 
 as much happiness as the situation of your suffer- 
 ing country will allow you to take, and am with 
 much esteem, 
 
 ** Dear Sir, your very obedient '^^^ 
 
 *' and affectionate, humble servant,'*"* 
 
 ".T. R. 
 
2bi 
 
 " The villanous tricks of the post office, against 
 which we are cautioned from your side the water, 
 induce me only to put the initials of my name ; 
 but I trust you will be at no loss to determine 
 who this letter is from.'' ; " " 
 
 vJi. 
 
 
 ,1. 
 
 TO JOSIAH QUINCY JUN. 
 
 ''Boston, Nov. 15, 3774. 
 
 jj 1*^ When 1 parted from you, I fully intended 
 to have written you before this time ; be as- 
 sured 1 have not been unmindful of you, but 
 public and private business has entirely engrossed 
 my time. 
 
 " Your leaving this country so privately has 
 been matter of general speculation. Some say 
 you went away through fear ; others that you 
 went to make your peace ; others that you went 
 charged with important papers from the continent- 
 al congress ; many conjectured you were gone to 
 Holland ; upon the whole it was a nine days' 
 wonder. Since you left us, there has been a 
 provincial congress, which consisted of about two 
 hundred and fifty members, in which matters of 
 26 
 
202 
 
 the greatest inijiortance were debated. All their 
 proceedings, which I have liberty to communicate, 
 you will see in the prints. 
 
 " The town continues to meet from time to 
 time, without molestation. There have been 
 frequent affrays between the inhabitants and 
 soldiers, which have generally ended to the mor- 
 tification of the latter. The selectmen and town 
 committees have frequent interviews with the 
 General ; he declares he has no expectations that 
 this people will ever submit to the late acts ; he 
 converses more freely with the inhabitants than 
 Hutchinson did, on matters of a public nature, 
 though we are not off our guard, knowing that 
 it is the part of a General to deceive. The in- 
 habitants persisted in refusing to build barracks 
 for the soldiers, but have in some measure assist- 
 ed them in refitting old houses and stores. The 
 autumn has been remarkably moderate, so that 
 the soldiers are but now entering their winter 
 quarters. The main guard is kept at George 
 Erving's warehouse, in King street. Almost the 
 whole soldiery in America are now collected in 
 this town. The new erected fortifications on the 
 Neck are laughed at by our old Louisburgh sol- 
 diers, as mud-walls, in comparison with what 
 
203 
 
 tliey have subdued, — and were it necessary, they 
 would regard them no more than a beaver-dam. 
 
 " The spirit of the inhabitants both in town 
 and country is as firm as ever ; determined to 
 defend their rights to the utmost. The continental 
 congress broke up the 26th ult. and our members 
 all returned safe last Wednesday evening. The 
 bells rang the whole evening. An extract of 
 their proceedings you will doubtless have, before 
 this reaches you. It is the universal voice of this 
 people, that they will sacredly observe the injunc- 
 tions and recommendations of the grand con- 
 gress. The provincial congress meet by adjourn- 
 ment the 28th inst. The neighbouring towns 
 and colonies continue to send in their generous 
 donations to the poor of this town. We have 
 our w^oollcn manufactory in good forwardness, 
 having completed a considerable quantity of baiz- 
 es ; and should it be necessary, we see that we 
 could easily carry on any branch of woollen or 
 linen manufacture. kj, 
 
 " We have great expectations from your abili- 
 ties and attachment to the rights and liberties of 
 your country. We are sure you will not be an 
 idle spectator, but will, with your usual spirit, be 
 an active advocate for truth and justice, which is 
 
204 
 
 all we wish to take place in our present unhappy 
 disputes with Great Britain. 
 
 "It is said the ministry cannot recede, now 
 they have gone so far. I wish they would con- 
 sult the good bishop of St Asaph, who I am sure 
 could put them into an honorable way. 
 
 " Mr Molineux died after a short illness, 
 about three weeks past. All friends that I 
 recollect are well. I presume you will receive 
 several letters from your friends by this oppor- 
 tunity, which will doubtless be more entertaining 
 than I can be. Depending upon a line from you 
 as soon as your leisure will permit, I conclude at 
 present. 
 
 " With great respect, 
 
 " Your sincere friend, 
 
 *' and humble servant, 
 "Nathaniel Appleton." 
 
 TO JOSIAH QUINCY JUN. 
 
 " Boston, November 21, 1774. 
 " Dear Sir, 
 
 " As nothing interesting, which I am at lib- 
 erty to communicate, has taken place since your 
 
Am 
 
 uorv 
 

 
 I 
 
 ^ VNi >i~^ \v ^\) 
 
 ^ \^ 
 
 
 ^ \ jJ . ^ ^ 
 
 v^ 
 
 vs 
 
 
 V. 
 
 
 
 4-i i 
 
 
 ^ 
 
205 
 
 departure from home, except such matters as you 
 could not fail of being informed of by the public 
 papers, I have deferred writing to you, knowing 
 that upon your first arrival in London, you would 
 be greatly engaged in forming your connexions 
 with the friends of this country, to whom you 
 have been recommended. Our friends who have 
 been at the continental congress, are in high spirits 
 on account of the union which prevails throughout 
 the colonies. It is the united voice of America, to 
 preserve their freedom, or lose their lives in de- 
 fence of it. Their resolutions are not the effect 
 of inconsiderate rashness, but the sound result of 
 sober enquiry and deliberation. I am convinced 
 that the true spirit of liberty was never so univer- 
 sally diffused through all ranks and orders of 
 people, in any country on the face of the earth, 
 as it now is through all North America. The 
 provincial congress met at Concord at the time 
 appointed. About two hundred and sixty members 
 were present. You would have thought yourself 
 in an assembly of Spartans, or ancient Romans, 
 had you been a witness to the ardour which in- 
 spired those who spoke upon the important busi- 
 ness they were transacting. An injunction of 
 secrecy prevents my giving any particulars of 
 
206 
 
 their transactions, except such as by their express 
 order were published in the papers ; but in gen- 
 eral you may be assured that they approved them- 
 selves the true representatives of a wise and brave 
 people, determined at all events to be free. I 
 know I might be indulged in giving you an account 
 of our transactions, were I sure this would get 
 safe to you, but I dare not, as the times are, risk 
 so important intelligence. 
 
 " Next Wednesday, the 23d instant, we shall 
 meet again according to adjournment. All that 1 
 can safely communicate to you shall be speedily 
 transmitted. I am of opinion that the dissolution 
 of the British Parliament, which we were ac- 
 quainted with last week, together with some fa- 
 vourable letters received from England, will in- 
 duce us to bear the inconvenience of living without 
 government until we have some farther intelligence 
 of what may be expected from England. It will 
 require, however, a very masterly policy to keep 
 the province, for any considerable time longer, 
 in its present state. The town of Boston is by 
 far the most moderate part of the province; thej 
 are silent and inflexible. They hope for relief, 
 but they have found from experience that they 
 can bear to suffer more than their oppressors or 
 
207 
 
 themselves thought possible. They feel the 
 injuries they receive, — they nre the frequent sub- 
 ject of conversation ; but they take an honest 
 pride in being singled out by a tyrannical admin- 
 istration, as the most determined enemies to ar- 
 bitrary power. They know that their merits, 
 not their crimes, have made them the objects 
 of ministerial vengeance. We endeavour to live 
 as peaceably as possible Avith the soldiery, but 
 disputes and quarrels often arise between the 
 troops and the inhabitants. 
 
 " General Gage has made very few new ma- 
 noeuvres since you left us. He has indeed render- 
 ed the entrenchments at the entrance of the town 
 as formidable as he possibly could. I have fre- 
 quently been sent to him on committees, and 
 have several times had private conversations with 
 him. I have thought him a man of honest, 
 upright principles, and one desirous of acconmio- 
 dating the difference between Great Britain and 
 her colonies in a just and honourable way. He 
 did not appear to be desirous of continuing the 
 quarrel in order to make himself necessary, w hich 
 is too often tlie case with persons employed in 
 public aifairs, — but a copy of a letter via Phila- 
 delphia, said to be written from him to Lord 
 
208 
 
 North, gives a very different cast to his character. 
 His answer to the provincial congress, w^hich was 
 certainly ill judged, I suppose was the work of 
 some of that malicious group of harpies, whose 
 disappointments make them desirous to urge the 
 governor to drive every thing to extremes ; but 
 in this letter (if it be genuine) he seems to court 
 the office of a destroyer of the liberties and mur- 
 derer of the people of this province. But you 
 have doubtless read the paper, and thought with 
 indignation on its contents. 
 
 " I wish to know of you how^ affairs stand in 
 Great Britain, and what was the principal motive 
 of the dissolution of Parliament. If the late acts 
 of Parliament are not to be repealed, the wisest 
 step for both countries is fairly to separate, and 
 not spend their blood and treasure in destroying 
 each other. It is barely possible that Britain may 
 depopulate North America, but I trust in God, 
 she never can conquer the inhabitants ; — and if the 
 cruel experiment is made, I am sure, whatever 
 fortunes may attend America, that Britain will 
 curse the wretch, who, to stop the mouths of his 
 ravenous pack of dependants, bartered away the 
 wealth and glory of her empire. 
 
269 
 
 *' 1 have not time to say more at present than 
 to assure you that from this time you may expect 
 to hear from me, news or no ne\^ s, by every 
 vessel, and that n y earnest wish is that your 
 abilities and integrity may be of eminent service 
 to your country. 
 
 " 1 am, dear Sir, 
 
 *' Your most obedient servant, 
 
 "Joseph Warren." 
 
 CJi '■■(■* WO['" 
 
 TO JOSIAH QUINCY JUN. 
 
 " Boston^ December 30, 1774. 
 <* Dear Sir, 
 
 While at Philadelphia, I received your fa- 
 vours of the twentieth and twenty-fifth of August 
 last, and agreeably to your request I spoke to 
 divers gentlemen to favour you with letters and 
 with intelligence. I should have written you from 
 Philadelphia, but I was so engaged that I had not 
 a moment's time ; and as Mr John Adams and 
 Mr Reed told me they should write you bv the 
 same conveyance that I wrote Dr Franklin, I 
 knew you would by them be favoured with the 
 27 
 
210 
 
 proceedings of the congress, and the necessary 
 hitelligencc, and therefore tliat my writing would 
 at that time be needless. Since I have returned 
 home, I have had nothing of importance to com- 
 municate. 
 
 " The proceedings of the continental congress 
 are universally approved, and will be sacredly 
 adhered to. The inhabitants of Canada are 
 much dissatisfied with the late acts relative to that 
 province, and instead of aiding administration in 
 carrying the late acts relative to this province into 
 execution, they will unite with the continent in 
 measures to obtain their repeal. When you left 
 the province, it was in a convulsed state ; they had 
 a complication of difficulties and distresses to en- 
 counter. Under these circumstances it was ne- 
 cessary to have a provincial congress to consult up- 
 on measures to save themselves from impending 
 ruin, and to preserve their inestimable liberty. 
 They met in October last. If in any of their 
 proceedings they have gone beyond the true line 
 marked out by the constitution, certainly people 
 of candour and consideration will excuse it, and 
 make all due allowance for a people in such aii 
 alarming, perplexed, and critical situation, and un- 
 der the dreadful apprehension of having their dear- 
 
211 
 
 est rights and liberties torn from them ])y the 
 hand of violence. You are fully acquainted with 
 our distressed situation, — jou doubtless have been 
 furnished with the proceedings of the provincial 
 congress in October last, and as you are capable, 
 so, I doubt not, you will be disposed to make the 
 most favourable representation of our conduct dur- 
 ing this time of perplexity. 
 
 The provincial congress adjourned from Octo- 
 ber '29th to November 23d, when they met at 
 Can)bridge, and dissolved on the lOtli inst. Their 
 proceedings, or most of them, you have in the pub- 
 lic papers. The late order of the king in council, 
 prohibiting the exportation of powder, or any sort 
 of arms or ammunition, from Great Britain, unless 
 by special license, has alarmed the people in 
 America ; it forebodes the most vigorous exertions 
 of martial force. They are therefore adopting 
 the most effectual methods to defend themselves 
 against any hostile invasion of the enemies to 
 America. The people of Rhode-Island have used 
 the precaution to remove the powder, cannon, and 
 other military stores from the fort at Newport, into 
 the country. The people at Portsmouth, in New 
 Hampshire, have done the like by their cannon 
 
212 
 
 and other military stores at the fort at New 
 Castle, at the entrance of their harbour. 
 " I rennain, with strict truth, 
 
 " Your friend and humble servant, 
 
 "Thomas Gushing. 
 
 " Pray let me hear from you how it is like to 
 fare with my dear country.' 
 
 75 
 
 TO JOSIAH QUINCY JUN. 
 
 ^^ Braintree, January 3, 1775. 
 " Dear Son, 
 
 " I have written two long letters to you, 
 since your departure, the last of which, for want 
 of a safe conveyance, is, I suppose, now in Boston. 
 " Yesterday presented me with the most valua- 
 ble, the most welcome New Year's gift I ever re- 
 ceived, — the doubly joyful news of your safe ar- 
 rival in England, and your health restored. May 
 that all-perfect Being, who has bestowed such in- 
 estimable blessings upon us, impress our minds 
 with a correspondent grateful sense of them, man- 
 ifested by a constant exertion of our rational powers 
 in pursuit of their proper objects. * * * * 
 
213 
 
 *'No sooner were the results of the continental 
 and provincial congress published to the world, 
 than the presses, from north to south, have been 
 delivered of innumerable productions in opposition 
 to, and defence of them, all which will doubtless 
 be transmitted to you in newspapers and single 
 pamphlets. However, I cannot deny myself the 
 pleasure of noticing one, said to be Avritten by 
 
 your friend G 1 L , which has afforded 
 
 great relief to the minds of those who entertained 
 most fearful apprehensions of an open rupture 
 with the parent state. ******* 
 
 " I should have told you before, that we were 
 no sooner relieved from our anxiety about your 
 safe arrival, and the recovery of your health, than 
 our concern commenced, or rather revived, to 
 know whether you were safe arrived in London, 
 and what reception you met with from the court 
 and city ; — whether your enemies are to be grati- 
 fied by ministerial persecution, or your friends by 
 the esteem and honour with which they hope to 
 hear you are received and entertained, not only 
 by those friends to whom you have been recom- 
 mended, but all those friends to liberty, and the 
 rights of mankind, who may honour you with 
 their acquaintance and friendship. 
 
214 
 
 " You will readily believe me when 1 tell you 
 we are all, whether whigs or tories, quite solicit- 
 ous to hear how the new parliament opens ; — 
 what the king's sentiments are relative to Ameri- 
 can affairs ; — how many new members have ob- 
 tained seats in the house of commons, because 
 they are esteemed enemies to despotism, and 
 friends to liberty ; — whether they are likely to gain 
 a majority by being above corruption ; — or wheth- 
 er, for want of a sufficient number of inflexible 
 patriots, the public affairs of the nation are, as has 
 been often foretold, running headlong to ruin, and 
 the enemies of the British constitution in its puri- 
 ty, are likely to succeed in their endeavours for 
 its subversion. ********* 
 
 " You must excuse my jambling from one thing 
 
 to another. Mr W brings intelligence from 
 
 Boston, that the seamen on board the fleet are 
 grown mutinous ; — that one of the navy offi- 
 cers, meeting with a land officer at K x's 
 
 shop, told him that on board all the ships their 
 men were grown so uneasy and tumultuous, that 
 it was with great difliculty they could govern 
 them. Upon which the land officer observed, that 
 the uneasiness among the soldiers was full as 
 great, if not greater, than among the seamen. 
 
215 
 
 " If it was certainly known that a rupture was 
 to take place in the spring, there could not be 
 more diligence, or greater application in studying 
 the science of war, than there is at present through- 
 out New England, and I believe through the 
 continent ; which surely must convince the minis- 
 try that not only an immense treasure, but rivers 
 of blood must be expended before the spirits of 
 freeborn Americans can be made to submit to 
 parliamentary legislation, and submissively bow 
 their necks to the yoke of bondage, their fellow 
 subjects in power have prepared for them. 
 
 *' Pra}'^ make my affectionate and friendly regards 
 acceptable to good Dr Franklin, and any other 
 friends who are kind enough to remember and 
 ask after me. 
 
 " I cannot express how near your interest, your 
 health, and your happiness lie to my heart, nor 
 how ardently 1 A^ish my longing eyes may be 
 blessed with the sight of you before they are clos- 
 ed in everlasting darkness, and the dear relation 
 is annihilated between you and 
 
 " Your unalterably affectionate parent, 
 
 " JOSIAH QuiNCY." 
 
216 
 
 The Journal and letters of IMr Quincy, dur- 
 ing his voyage and short residence in England, 
 will present all that is known of this last period 
 of his life. Much of the information they con- 
 tain respecting the men and transactions of that 
 time, are to be derived from no other source. 
 
 This Journal cannot be read without leaving a 
 deep impression on the mind, of the exclusive and 
 entire devotion of the writer's soul to the great 
 purpose of his voyage, — the service of his country. 
 Possessed of an exquisite sensibility to the beauties 
 of nature and art, in a land, which constantly 
 presented to him, on every side, objects calculated 
 to excite and detain his imagination, and gratify 
 his taste, his notices of them are of the most cur- 
 sory kind. A single word, indicating either his 
 satisfaction, or his surprise, occasionally escapes 
 from his pen. Even this is often immediately 
 followed by an expression of regret and self-re- 
 proach, at permitting any thing to occupy his 
 mind, except thoughts concerning his country. 
 
 As the best mode of preserving the continuity 
 of events, and impressions, the letters of Mr 
 Quincy from England will be published according 
 to their dates, in connexion with those parts of 
 the journal, in which they are noticed as having 
 been written. 
 
217 
 
 JOURNAL OF A VOYAGE TO ENGLAND, &C. 
 
 " September 28, 1774. Wednesday morning 
 ten o'clock, embarked on board the ship Boston 
 Packet, Nathaniel By field Lyde, master, and sail- 
 ed for London. With us went passengers Messrs 
 W. Hyslop and son, Dr Paine, and Rufus Chand- 
 ler Esq. of Worcester, Mr Higginson of Salem, 
 and Mr Sylvester Oliver, son of the late Lieuten- 
 ant Governor. Some of us might say, 'Nos dulcia 
 linquimus arva,' while others were obliged to 
 mourn, 'Nos patriam fugimus.' 
 
 " Though in low health when I entered on 
 ship-board, the salutary effects of the sea air soon 
 contributed to relieve my complaints, and in less 
 than twenty days, gave me confirmed health. 
 
 " November 5th. Latitude 49° 45', wrote a 
 letter to Mrs Quincy. 
 
 5 At sea, Nov. 5, 1774, tico in 
 \ the morning. Lat. 49° 45' JV. 
 
 " We generally estimate the value of our pos- 
 sessions by their loss, and the worth of our 
 friends is seldom better realized, than in their 
 absence. ************ 
 *************** 
 * * * * Believe me, you cannot think with 
 how much tender solicitude I look towards you 
 
218 
 
 and my children. My country, my friends, and 
 my family, occupy my whole thoughts, and while 
 I see myself blessed with a promising prospect of 
 doing some little service to the one, and of being 
 returned in safety to the other, it inspires me with 
 sensations 1 must leave you to realize. Why 
 should I detain you with reflections, while to a 
 friend who is absent, nothing can be more grate- 
 ful than to tell you how I have been, and where 
 I am. After an agreeable and very refreshing 
 ride to Salem, we sailed from thence at ten in 
 the morning, and were clear of the land about 
 two in the afternoon. Though the weather was 
 fine, yet in less than an hour I was confined to 
 my cabin, but was happy in finding my sickness 
 neither so violent nor unremitting as in my former 
 voyage. Five and twenty days rolled away with 
 much of the uninteresting vacuity and sameness 
 of a sea life. I had, however, the pleasure of 
 perceiving a gradual daily advantage from my 
 voyage, and my retired moments were grateful 
 in reflecting upon the many prayers and benisons 
 which were breathed towards me by my American 
 friends. 
 
 " Such was the unremitted favour of the winds 
 during the whole of the preceding period, as that 
 
219 
 
 we never failed of being able to lay our course, 
 which was a circumstance no one on board had 
 ever known for so long a time, except in the 
 latitude of the trade winds. But this felicity was 
 in a great measure destroyed by the poor im- 
 provement we were able to make of it ; our 
 ship was deep laden, and as bad a sailer as was 
 ever navigated by a Dutch commander ; not a 
 sail on the ocean but what passed by us as if we 
 had been at anchor. Had we been only in a 
 tolerably going ship, we should in all probability 
 have been at Land's End in one or two and 
 twenty days ; instead of which, at the end of 
 about eight and twenty, the winds set in strong 
 at the southeast, where they have continued ever 
 since, and seem at this time as likely to continue 
 as ever. These circumstances, at sea, are a little 
 more vexatious than those on land easily imagine. 
 But as for myself, I had less reason than any one 
 on board to be uneasy. Every day has surpris- 
 ingly added to my health ; the benefit from the 
 sea is far beyond any thing experienced in my voy- 
 age to South Carolina. Ever since the day I left 
 land, I have never had one symptom of my former 
 complaints ; they did not leave me by degrees, 
 but entirely and at once ; so that while w riting 
 
220 
 
 this, no one on board appears freer from disorder, 
 and none most certainly in better spirits. Indeed, 
 if it were not for my concern about America, and 
 my friends there, 1 shoukl not feel one uneasy 
 sensation. 
 
 " Tell my American friends, that I see more 
 reason than ever, that they should write me mi- 
 nute statements of facts. Tell them the period 
 to false representations of American affairs is not 
 yet come. I shall probably enlarge on this head 
 in another letter, and if I should write under a 
 new signature, you must not be surprised. I 
 know not by what opportunity I shall send this. 
 The season is so far advanced, and the winds 
 have of late been so favourable for the departure 
 of American bound ships, it is probable I shall 
 have no very speedy conveyance. However, as 
 there is a possibility of meeting some vessel bound 
 to one of the colonies, either in the Channel, or 
 Downs, I write at this time, so as to be able to 
 embrace the opportunity on the shortest notice. 
 
 "November 8, 1774. Ten o'clock in the 
 morning. Just stepping aboard a pilot-boat, and 
 going up to Falmouth. In very great haste, 
 " Yours, 
 
 " JOSIAH QuiNCY JUN." 
 
221 
 
 JOURNAL CONTINUED. 
 
 "November 8, 1774. Tuesday morning, (six 
 weeks, wanting a day, since leaving Salem,) land- 
 ed at Falmouth. 
 
 " Having reached the famous island of Great 
 Britain, I am prone to contemplate the glorious 
 deeds that have made it immortal, — but alas ! my 
 affections, and my duty, call me to consider the 
 state of my native country. 
 
 " I found considerable advantage by attending 
 to my companions, and often collected much in- 
 formation of men and things, that from the polit- 
 ical jealousies and cautions prevalent in America, 
 I could not there so readily attain. One of the 
 first convictions I received, was touching the 
 source of many American injuries, and one of my 
 first emotions was indignation against public con- 
 spirators. I find that there was very great doubt 
 whether I was going to embark for Europe ; but 
 certain Americans were very sure I should never 
 dare to go up to London. 
 
 " November 8th. Wrote another letter to Mrs 
 Quincy. 
 
222 
 
 Fahnouth, Great Britain, Nov. 8, 1774, 
 " My dear Friend, 
 
 " I have already written to you this day ; I 
 shall therefore write nothing very material at this 
 time. I am now on shore, every thing around 
 me happy and agreeable as to myself. The peo- 
 ple crowd round me, eager to hear about American 
 affairs, — I gratify them. This place is in situa- 
 tion delightful ; the country and cultivation sur- 
 pass description. I long to paint the scenes around 
 me. All things are heightened by my uncommon 
 health and spirits. I am almost afraid I shall 
 meet with a damper, but I was never better pre 
 pared to conflict with adversity. 
 
 " Since writing the above, I have been regaled 
 with the profusions of Great Britain to — those 
 who have money. I have read also about twenty 
 of the late London papers. I would have sent 
 them, but could not procure them. They contain 
 the resolves of the congress relative to the late 
 Suffolk proceedings. They also seem to breathe 
 a spirit favourable to America. I am in some 
 pain on finding that six men-of-war sailed for 
 Boston, on the twenty-sixth of October. I have 
 conversed with several sensible people here. I 
 
223 
 
 have not yet met one, but what wishes well to the 
 Americans. And one or two expressed great ven- 
 eration for the brave Bostonians. 
 
 " We have a report that the congress have 
 agreed upon a non-importation agreement ; and 
 also upon a non-exportation agreement, to com- 
 mence the first of August next. I have also been 
 informed that Lord North had desired leave of 
 his Majesty to resign ; to which the King replied, 
 — ' Your Lordship's policy hath made an Amer- 
 ican snarl, and your Lordship's dexterity must 
 untie it, or it must he cut ; and when Englishmen 
 once begin that work, they will probably go much 
 further. ' 
 
 " I have no room for more, except that to-mor- 
 row I proceed towards Plymouth by land. 
 " Adieu. 
 
 " JOSIAH QuiNCY JuN." 
 
 JOURNAL CONTINUED. 
 
 '' November 8th. Took a two hours' walk 
 over the town of Falmouth. A delightful situa- 
 tion. * * * * Ju iiiy yie^ of Pendennis 
 Castle, and indeed of every thing about me, I am 
 struck with the great appearance of antiquity. 
 
224 
 
 " November 9th. Proceeded from Falmouth 
 to Bod my n, twenty-two miles. Passed through 
 the town of Pendryn, and several small villages. 
 The roads hilly and good, affording agreeable 
 riding, and delightful land prospects. The cul- 
 tivation of the land can scarcely be realized by 
 a mere American ; it is to a wonderful perfection. 
 The first reflection upon the immense labour that 
 must be bestowed on these fields was, where the 
 men lived, who did the work. Extensive fields, 
 highly tilled, without a house. This was an 
 object, which occurred almost every hour. The 
 villages in which the labourers and peasantry 
 chiefly reside, are built of small stones and clay, 
 generally miserable accommodations for honest 
 labour. The lower orders of people are servile 
 in their obeisance, and despondent in their appear- 
 ance. 
 
 " I could not help remarking, that if the little 
 liberty diffused through Britain, could give such 
 a beautiful face to nature, what would be the ap- 
 pearance, if there was as much general liberty, 
 as was consistent with that fundamental principle 
 of socicU policy, ' the greatest happiness, of the 
 greatest number.' * * * * 
 
225 
 
 *' The Briton says, ' See France, Spain, and 
 Italy, — the calamities of slavery ! ' The liberal- 
 minded, who use a larger scale, will think it not 
 needful to go so far. Nothing is more common 
 than to hear in America, both north and south 
 Britons declaim against the hypocritical duplicity 
 and fraud of New-Englandmen ; but certain it is, 
 that Great Britain, in variety and abundance of 
 frauds and deceits, far surpasses any part of North 
 America. 
 
 " November 10th. From Bodmyn, a very con- 
 siderable manuf^icturing town, I rode through 
 several villages to Plymouth Docks, about thirty- 
 three miles. Saw the elegant seat of Lord 
 Edgecombe, a most delightful situation. 
 
 "November 11th. Though a very cold and 
 stormy day, I viewed Plymouth Docks, and went 
 on board and all over the Royal George, a first- 
 rate, pierced for two hundred and ten, and carry- 
 ing two hundred guns. The rope-walks, build- 
 ings, armory, arsenal, naval and warlike stores, 
 exceed the power of the human mind to conceive, 
 that doth not actually behold. 
 
 " I will not attempt to describe what I could 
 scarcely realize to be true, while I was actually 
 viewing. My ideas of the riches and powers of 
 29 
 
226 
 
 this great nation are increased to a degree I 
 should not have believed, if it had been predicted 
 to me. 
 
 '' I also saw many 64, 74, 80, and 100 gun 
 ships ; and went on board a loaded Indiaman 
 just arrived ; but this, being after viewing the pre- 
 ceding magnificence, did not much move me. 
 The various materials, and the several degrees of 
 building, from the laying of the keel, to the finish- 
 ing an hundred gun ship, which were very care- 
 fully viewed by me, in several instances, excited 
 an astonishment I never before experienced. 
 
 "November 12th. Proceeded farther to view 
 Plymouth and its environs ; saw the beautiful as- 
 sembly room at Bath, and the baths for the nobil- 
 ity and gentry ; — elegance and splendour. Pro- 
 ceeded to Plymouth, viewed the town and castle 
 of Plymouth , — incredible strength, natural and 
 artificial. The statue of George the First is very 
 elegant and beautiful. 
 
 " November 13th. Having arrived at the great 
 and ancient city of Exeter, I viewed the city, 
 cathedral, and bishop's palace. The cathedral 
 surprisingly grand and antique ; — amazing work 
 of superstition ! Went to church and saw the 
 procession of the Mayor and Aldermen, the 
 
227 
 parade of the bishops, archdeacons, deans, &;c. 
 
 " The North walk in this city is beyond ex- 
 pression beautiful. 
 
 "November 14tli. Went from Exminister, to 
 the city of Salisbuiy. ,iw ..., 
 
 " November 15th. Viewed the famous Druid 
 Temple at Stonehenge, which the learned and 
 the virtuosi call one of the greatest wonders of 
 the island. It is a wonderful piece of antiquity. 
 
 " Went to the seat of the Earl of Pembroke* 
 His statuary and paintings are said to surpass those 
 of any nobleman in the kingdom. There is no 
 such thing as describing what authors have written 
 whole volumes upon. 
 
 " Viewed the cathedral, which is called (and 
 perhaps justly) one of the finest in the kingdom. 
 
 " November 16th. Proceeded, and lodged at 
 Staines, on the Thames. The number of delight- 
 ful seats &c. increases very much ; among others 
 that of the Earl of Portsmouth, very superb. 
 
 " November 17th. Proceeded to London, 
 where I arrived about eleven o'clock, A. M. 
 The extent, numbers, opulence, &c. of this great 
 city, far surpass all I had imagined. I was visit- 
 ed by Messrs Thomas Bromlield, C. Dilly, and 
 
228 
 
 J. Williams, from all of whom I received many 
 civilities. Waited upon Dr Franklin, and drank 
 tea with him. He appears in good health and 
 spirits, and seems warm in our cause, and con- 
 fident in our ultimate success. I find many friends 
 to liberty and America, rejoiced on notice of my 
 arrival. 
 
 " I find among a certain set of Americans it 
 was a matter of great wonder at the New Eng- 
 land coffee-house, what brought me to London. 
 My ' Observations' have been reprinted here, I un- 
 derstand. Wrote a long letter to Mrs Quincy. 
 
 " London, November 17,17Z4iiK 
 *'My dear Friend, - hnnu: 
 
 " About ten hours ago, I arrived in this great 
 city, and am now at my lodgings, near the Hay- 
 market. With you, and my friends, the first ob- 
 ject and inquiry will be about my health and 
 spirits. In one Avord (for just now I am a man 
 of too much business to use many) they are both 
 surprisingly fine, — rather bordering upon extrava- 
 gance, than under par. Indeed, how could they 
 be otherwise ? From sea, I landed in fine health, 
 and have now finished a most delightful journey of 
 
229 
 
 three hundred miles. The scenes of Plymouth 
 Docks, Stonehenge, Wilton House (containing 
 the statues and paintings of the Earl of Pem- 
 broke), exceed all description : nay, I will venture 
 to say, that the imagination stretched to its ut- 
 most limits, cannot form any idea of their grand- 
 eur, without a view. The same may be said of 
 Exeter and Salisbury cathedrals. — But why do I 
 waste time upon any other subject, than my coun- 
 try ? 
 
 n*' I have spent about two hours to-day with Dr 
 Franklin. He appears the stanch friend of 
 America, and confident of the ultimate success of 
 its friends. He has promised me his patronage, 
 and I have reason to believe him sincere. He in- 
 quired particularly after ' bis qUI friend^.' my 
 father. '* -:- «,--?--; ] ,^-J: :--:n!w' .,:*; t:M,<!A - 
 
 " Mr Jonathan Williams Jun. has waited up- 
 on me and treated me with great civility and po- 
 liteness. He lives with Dr Franklin, and he told 
 me, that upon his W'aiting on him with intelligence 
 of my arrival, he asked, if it was the author of 
 the 'Observations' &,c., and being answered in 
 the affirmative, he replied, — ' I am very glad of 
 it.' 
 
230 
 
 " Mr Bromfiekl has shown me every mark of 
 respect. He tokl me that when it was known 
 to-day at the New England coffee-house that I 
 had arrived, certuin Americans made a great won- 
 der — ' what I had come for.' One of the friends 
 of liberty in this city came to him also, and told 
 him that a certain gentleman in the coffee-room, 
 said, — ' Yes, Quincy has been blowing up the 
 seeds of sedition in America, and has now come 
 to do the same here.' I returned my compliments, 
 and sent word, that, ' if I had done nothing but 
 blow up seeds, they would probably be very 
 harmless, as they would never take root ; but if I 
 should have the good fortune to sow any here, 
 and they should afterwards ripen, he, or the min- 
 istry might blow them about at their leisure.' 
 
 " I am well informed that the friends of America 
 increase here every day. In the west of England, 
 a very considerable manufacturer told me, " If the 
 Americans stand out, we must come to their 
 terms.' I find our friends here dread nothing so 
 much as lest the congress should petition. Should 
 they adopt that mode, it will be injurious to our 
 cause. The ministry have carried their men at a 
 late election, but the people seem to be rousing. 
 You see J have been a short time in London. I 
 
231 
 
 can as yet communicate but little intelligence. A 
 large field is opening to me. I am preparing for 
 the course with feelings, which render me careless, 
 whether I shall be pursuing, or pursued. Tell my 
 political friends, I shall soon write to them, and 
 that when I informed Dr Franklin of the pains 
 I had taken to establish an extensive correspon- 
 dence, he rejoiced at it much. Let their intel- 
 ligence be as frequent, and as minute as possible. 
 Let them all direct to Mr Brom field, or Mr 
 Dilly. This is my third letter to you. Not 
 a line yet from America. Salute all my friends 
 with due respect. 
 
 JOURNAL CONTINUED. 
 
 " November 18th. This morning, J. Williams 
 Esq , inspector of the customs in the Massachusetts 
 Bay, waited upon me, and we had more than an 
 hour's private conversation together. He inform- 
 ed me, that Governor Hutchinson had repeatedly 
 assured the ministry that a union of the colonies 
 was utterly impracticable ; that the people were 
 greatly divided among themselves, in every colony ; 
 and that there could be no doubt, that all America 
 
232 
 
 would submit, and that they must, and moreover 
 would, soon. It is now not five minutes, since 
 Mr Williams left me, and these I think were his 
 very words ; he added, also, that Governor Hutch- 
 inson had not only repeatedly told the ministry so, 
 as several Lords had informed him, but that Gov- 
 ernor Hutchinson had more than once said the 
 same to persons in the ministry, in his presence. 
 Mr Williams desired to wait on me to see Lord 
 North and Lord Dartmouth, — but as it was not 
 at their Lordships' desire he made the request, I 
 declined going for the present. Mr Williams also 
 presented the compliments of Corbin Morris Esq. 
 (one of the commissioners of the customs, and a 
 gentleman high in the sentiments of administration) 
 with a request, that I would come and dine with 
 him to-day ; but being engaged to dine out this, 
 and several succeeding days, I was obliged to de- 
 cline the invitation. 
 
 *' Dined with Dr Franklin, in company with 
 Dr Bancroft and Mr Williams. Dr Franklin 
 confirmed the account given by Mr Williams rela- 
 tive to Governor Hutchinson, so far as that several 
 of the nobility, and ministry, had assured him of 
 the same facts. 
 
233 
 
 '* Went this evening to Covent Garden Thea- 
 tre ; saw the ' Beggar's Opera,' with the farce of 
 * Cross Purposes.' Shuter acted well the part of 
 Peacham, and the actresses in several striking 
 elegancies of gesture, voice, and action, convinced 
 me that women equal men in the powers of elo- 
 quence. I am still further satisfied in my opinion, 
 that the stage is the nursery of vice, and dissemi- 
 nates the seeds of it far and wide, with an amaz- 
 ing and baneful success. * ' " 
 
 " November 19th. Early this morning J. Wil- 
 liams Esq. waited upon me with the compliments 
 of Lord North, and his request to see me this 
 morning. I went about half past nine o'clock, 
 and found Sir George Savil (as Mr W^illiams in- 
 formed me) in the levee room. After a short 
 time his lordship sent for Mr Williams and my- 
 self into his apartment. His reception was po- 
 lite, and with a cheerful affability his Lordship 
 soon inquired into the state, in which I had left 
 American affairs. I gave him my sentiments up- 
 on them, together with what I took to be the 
 causes of most of our political evils ; — gross mis- 
 representation and falsehood. His lordship repli- 
 ed, he did not doubt tjicre had been much, but 
 added, that very honest men frequently gave a 
 30 
 
234 
 
 wrong statement of matters through mistake, pre- 
 judice, prepossessions, and biases, of one kind or 
 other. I conceded the possibihty of this, but fur- 
 ther added, that it a\ ould be iiappy, if none of 
 those who had given accounts relative to America 
 had varied from known truth, from worse motives. 
 " We entered largely into the propriety and 
 policy of the Boston Port Bill. In the conversa- 
 tion upon this subject I received much pleasure. 
 His lordship several times smiled, and once seem- 
 ed touched. We spoke considerably upon the 
 sentiments of Americans, of the right claimed by 
 Parliament to tax, — of the destruction of the tea, — 
 and the justice of payment for it. His lordship 
 went largely and repeatedly into an exculpation of 
 the ministry. He said they were obliged to do 
 what they did ; that it was the most lenient measure 
 that was proposed ; that if administration had not 
 adopted it, they would have been called to an ac- 
 count ; that the nation were highly incensed, &c. 
 " Upon this topic I made many remarks with 
 much freedom and explicitness, and should have 
 said more, had not his lordship's propensity to 
 converse been incompatible with my own loquac- 
 ity. His lordship more than thrice spoke of the 
 power of Great Britain, of their determination to 
 
235 
 
 exert it to the utmost, in order to effect the siil)- 
 mission of the Colonies. He said repeatedly, ' We 
 must try Avhat we can do to support the authority 
 we have claimed over America. If we are defec- 
 tive in power, we must sit down contented, and 
 make the best terms we can, and nobody tlwn can 
 blame us, after we have done our utmost ; but till 
 we have tried what we can do, we can never be 
 justified in receding. We ought, and we shall be 
 very careful not to judge a thing impossible, be- 
 cause it may be difficult ; nay, we ought to try 
 what we can effect, before we determine upon its 
 impracticability.' This last sentiment, and very 
 nearly in the same words, was often repeated, 
 — I thought I knew for what purpose. 
 
 *' His lordship spoke also upon the destruction 
 of the Gaspee, and in direct terms twice said, 
 that the commissioners were appointed to try that 
 matter, and had transmitted accounts that they 
 could obtain no evidence. This declaration being 
 in flat contradiction to what I had several times 
 heard Chief Justice Oliver declare to be the case 
 from the bench, when giving his charges to the 
 grand jury, was particularly noticed by me. His 
 Honor ever most solemnly declared, in public 
 and private, that the commission was to inquire 
 
236 
 
 whether any such event had happened, in order 
 to send word to England, that so a trial might, 
 or might not be ordered, as the evidence might 
 be ; and in the most express terms declared the 
 commissioners had no power to try. 
 
 " In the course of near two hours' conversation, 
 many things more passed between us. As many 
 letters and messages were delivered to his lord- 
 ship while I was present, I several times rose to 
 depart, telling his lordship I was afraid I should 
 trespass on his patience, or the concerns of 
 others ; but being requested to stay, I remained 
 about two hours and then rose to go, but his 
 lordship kept standing, while he continued his 
 conversation with his usual spirit. Upon my 
 departure he asked me when I should leave 
 England. I told him it was uncertain, — but 
 imagined not this twelvemonth. He hoped the 
 air of the island would contribute to my health, 
 and said he thought the most unhealthy months 
 were past ; and then saying, ' I am much obliged 
 to you for calling on me,' we left each other to 
 our meditations. 
 
 " Mr Williams the same morning presented the 
 compliments of Mr Commissioner Morris, before 
 
237 
 
 mentioned, and requested my dining with him on 
 Tuesday next. 
 
 " Traversed St James' Park, and then went to 
 Islington to dine with Mr Bromfield, where I 
 met three or four high, sensible whigs, whose 
 conversation and politeness enlivened and gratified 
 me. Mr Welsh, one of the company with whom 
 I dined, desired me to be upon my guard against 
 the temptations and bribery of administration. 
 ' If you are corruptible, sir,' added he, ' the min- 
 istry will corrupt you.' This sentiment was con- 
 firmed by all present. They further informed me, 
 that as all the morning papers mentioned me by 
 name, as the author of the ' Observations,' and 
 as having arrived in town ; — several at the coffee- 
 houses wondered how ' I dared to come.' 
 
 " I am often told, that many rejoice that I am 
 come over ; and have many evidences hourly 
 given me, to induce me to think I have some, 
 and reason to hope that in time I shall have more, 
 friends. 
 
 " It is whispered that orders are gone to Amer- 
 ica to apprehend General Lee. But I do not 
 believe it. 
 
 " November 20th. Went to hear divine ser- 
 vice at Westminster Abbey ; — cursorily viewed 
 
238 
 
 that astonishing work, which I intend shortly to 
 give more attention to. 
 
 " Dined with Messrs Dilly in company with 
 Dr Franklin, Mr Sheriff Lee, Dr Davis, and 
 others ; with whom I spent the afternoon and 
 evening. Mr Lee said he had long thought of, 
 and would soon set on foot, a subscription for the 
 Americans. I find every day more reason to 
 think that multitudes of fervent friends to Amer- 
 ica reside in this island. 
 
 " November 21st. Went to Westminster Hall, 
 and attended the Court of Chancery, King's 
 Bench, and Common Pleas. 
 
 *' Waited on Governor Pownall, and had two 
 hours' conversation with him. Dined with Sher- 
 iff Lee with several friends of liberty. 
 
 " November 22d. Dined with Corbin Morris 
 Esq., one of the commissioners of the customs 
 (supposed framer of the annual ministerial budget, 
 being a choice friend of the ministry), in company 
 with one of the officers of the treasury, and J. 
 Williams Esq. Mr Morris was sensible, intelli- 
 gent, and very conversable. The whole conver- 
 sation was on American affairs. He entered 
 largely into the claims, the rights, and the duty 
 of Parliament. He spoke as might be expected. 
 
239 
 
 I observed a remarkable conformity of sentiment 
 between him and Lord North ; and an equally 
 observable similarity of language. Mr Morris 
 expatiated largely upon the infinite resources of 
 commerce, wealth, and power of the English 
 nation. I heard him. 
 
 *' The following address to me was not a little 
 singular. 
 
 " ' Mr Quincy, you area man' &c. (flummery.) 
 ' You have seen some of the ministry, and have 
 heard more of the dispositions of administration. 
 You find that they have no inclination to injure, 
 much less to oppress the colonies. They have no 
 wish but that of seeing the Americans free and 
 happy. You must be sensible of the right of 
 Parliament to legislate for the colonies, and of 
 the power of the nation to enforce their laws. No 
 power in Europe ever provoked the resentment, 
 or bade defiance to the power of this island, but 
 they were made to repent of it. You must know 
 your countrymen must fail in a contest with this 
 great and powerful people. Now as you find 
 how inclined administration are to lenity and 
 mildness, you should, you ought, to write to 
 your friends this intelligence, and endeavour to 
 influence them to their duty. I do not doubt 
 
240 
 
 jour influence would be very great with them, 
 and you would by this means be doing a lasting 
 service to your country.' 
 
 " November 23d. Dined witli Messrs Dilly, 
 and a few friends of liberty, and spent the residue 
 of the day in delivering letters. At night Mr 
 Inspector Williams waited on me, with the 
 compliments of Lord Dartmouth, and requested 
 my waiting on him tomorrow at ten o'clock. 
 Mr Williams gave me a curious account of a 
 conversation with his lordship relative to my 
 ' Observations.' Received the compliments of 
 Governor Pownall to breakfast with him. 
 
 " November 24th. Waited upon Lord Dart- 
 mouth, and had about an hour and a half conver- 
 sation with him. I was convinced that the 
 American and British controversy would be much 
 sooner, and much more equitably settled, if it 
 were not for the malevolent influence of a certain 
 Northern personage now in Great Britain. 
 
 " Lord Dartmouth being called out for a few 
 minutes to attend the physicians of his lady, made 
 his apology, and taking up a pamphlet that lay on 
 his table said, ' I would entertain you with a 
 pamphlet ("Observations on the Port Bill"), dur- 
 ing my absence, but I fancy you have seen this. 
 
241 
 
 I think you know the author of it.' His lordship 
 bowed with a smile, which I returned, and he re- 
 tired for a few minutes. * ****** 
 
 " Was introduced by Dr Franklin and Dr 
 Price, and spent part ot the afternoon and even- 
 ing with the Royal Society. Spent the residue of 
 the evening with a club of friends of liberty at 
 the London coffee-house. Was there introduced, 
 by Dr Franklin and Dr Price, to Mr Alderman 
 Oliver, Mr Vaughan, eight or nine dissenting 
 clergymen, and several other gentlemen. 
 
 " I find the most sanguine hopes of good from 
 the spirit of the Americans, and the most ardent 
 wishes for their success. Dr Franklin acknowl- 
 edged to me, that he was the author of ' The Way 
 to make a great Empire a little one ;' — and ' The 
 Edicts of the king of Prussia.' 
 
 " November 25th. Received complimentary 
 visits from Governor Pownall, Mr Wcntworth, 
 and others. Went and viewed the inside of St 
 Paul's. 
 
 " November 2Gth. Breakfasted with Governor 
 Pownall, and spent three hours with him in con- 
 versation upon American affairs. Governor Pow- 
 nall said to me, ' Mr Quincy, I do assure you, all 
 the measures against America were planned and 
 31 
 
242 
 
 pushed on by Berntird and Hutchinson. They 
 were incessant in their application to administra- 
 tion, and gave the most positive assurances of 
 success; and I do assure you, America has not a 
 more determined, insidious, and inveterate enemy 
 than Governor Hutchinson. He is now doing, 
 and will continue to do, all he can against you.' 
 
 " Dined with Mr Rogers (a banker), at New- 
 ington Green, in company with many of the 
 friends of liberty. 
 
 " November 27th. Dined with Dr Franklin, 
 and spent the evening with him and his friends. 
 
 " Wrote a letter to Mrs. Quincy, and another 
 to Josiah Quincy Esq. by the December packet. 
 
 TO MRS. QUINCY. 
 
 London, November 24, 1774. 
 *' My very dear Friend, 
 
 " Having written you many letters since my 
 arrival in this island, as my bosom friend, I now 
 address you as my political confidant. Finding it 
 impossible to write to all my political friends, they 
 must consider my letters to you as intended for 
 them. 
 
243 
 
 " Ever since my arrival here, I have been an 
 object of much more attention and respect than I 
 had any right to claim. However, these circum- 
 stances have not flattered my vanity, because I 
 know that it was not my merits that procured 
 this distinction. 
 
 " The principle I laid down to regulate my 
 conduct, was to make no appearance in any noted 
 coffee-houses, and no very conspicuous figure in 
 any public place. The next rule I observed was, 
 to wait upon no public characters, though ever so 
 much solicited, till the compliment of a request to 
 see me was first paid. 
 
 " Lord North was the first who desired my at- 
 tendance, Mr Commissioner Morris next requested 
 my dining with him, and Lord Dartmouth, as soon 
 as he arrived in town, appointed an hour for my 
 attending him. With neither of these gentlemen 
 had I less than two hours' conversation. 
 
 " I long to communicate the substance of these 
 interviews, but I have not time to transcribe it 
 from my Journal. Indeed I have not an hour's 
 time to myself : — the friends of liberty, and the 
 friends of the ministry, engross my whole time. 
 I am in a delicate situation. I have a very diffi- 
 cult task. Each party makes great professions of 
 
244 
 
 friendship ; witli what views or sincerity you may 
 conjecture. Governor Pownall has detained me 
 several hours in conversation on American affairs, 
 and is now writing on that subject, Dr Franklin 
 and Mr Sheriff Lee, with very many others, ap- 
 pear my stanch friends. With these I spend, 
 and shall spend, almost every day, considerable 
 portions of time. 
 
 " Critical as my situation is, yet (save the con- 
 cern [ feel for my country) I have high pleasure. 
 My health is good beyond example, and my 
 spirits are truly American. In all companies I 
 have endeavoured to give a true state of the affairs 
 of the continent, and the genuine sentiments of 
 its inhabitants. I find many things I advance are 
 said to be new, — but I have openly and repeatedly 
 declared (even to the characters before mentioned) 
 my willingness to meet, and controvert, face to 
 face, any who dispute the justice of my opinions, 
 or the truth of what I relate. Whether it be 
 a good or ill omen, my friends may judge ; but 
 certain it is, that all (even the highest) with 
 whom I have conversed, declare, they have no 
 doubt but that my coming over will be of great 
 service to both countries. To a great officer of 
 state who expressed this sentiment, my reply was 
 
245 
 
 ' There is a certain injluence which will counter- 
 act all I can possibly do.' I was understood not 
 to mean a British influence, and the reply was, — 
 * Perhaps not.' 
 
 " America hath none to fear so much as her 
 own children. Some of these are inveterate and 
 persevering beyond example or conception. See- 
 ing I have not time to gi\e you a regular detail 
 of all I have heard and seen, you will probably 
 inquire — What is the substance of what you col- 
 lect ? What is your own private opinion ? To 
 gratify my friends on these heads was the cause 
 of my snatching this hasty moment, and transmit- 
 ting my opinion. 
 
 " The minds of people are strangely altered in 
 this island : — the many are now as prone to 
 justify and applaud the Americans, as, but a little 
 while ago, they were ready to condemn and 
 punish. I have conversed with almost all ranks 
 of people for these fifteen days past, and having 
 been in very large circles of the sensible part of 
 the community during that time, my opportunity 
 for information was the more fortunate. I came 
 among a people, I was told, that breathed nothing 
 but punishment and destruction against Boston, 
 and all America. I found a people, many of whom 
 
246 
 
 revere, love, and heartily wish well to us. Now 
 is it strange that it should be so ? for abstracted 
 from the pleasure that a good mind takes in see- 
 ing truth and justice prevail — it is the interest, the 
 highest private interest of this whole nation, to be 
 our fast friends : — and strange as it may seem 
 when you consider the conduct of tlie nation as 
 represented in Parliament, the people know it. 
 The following language has been reiterated to 
 me in various companies, with approbation and 
 warmth. 
 
 " ' We are afraid of nothing but your division, 
 and your want of perseverance. Unite and per- 
 severe. You must prevail, — you must triumph.' 
 
 " This and similar language hath been held to 
 me with a zeal that bespoke it came from the 
 heart, — with a frequency that proved such senti- 
 ments dwelt upon the mind. I could name you 
 the first characters for understanding, integrity, 
 and spirit, who have held such language ; — but it 
 would be improper to name those who might 
 perhaps be discovered through the indiscretion 
 of American friends, or the prying villany of 
 public conspirators. Bowdoin, Winthrop, Chaun- 
 cy. Cooper, Warren, &:c., can recollect whom 
 they introduced me to, and thence conjecture a 
 
247 
 
 few of those, whose British hearts are thus in 
 America. 
 
 " Great is the anxiety here, hest the congress 
 should petition or remonstrate. In the arts of 
 negotiation, jour adversaries are infinitely your 
 superiors. If that mode of proceeding is adopted 
 by the congress, many, very many friends will 
 sink, — they will desert your cause from despond- 
 ency. At present (as I am assured and as I verily 
 believe), could the voices of this nation be collect- 
 ed by any fair method, twenty to one would be 
 in favour of the Americans. You wonder and 
 say, ' Then whence is it that they do not exert 
 themselves ? ' One American phrase will give 
 you the true reason. The people are * cowed' 
 by oppression. It is amazing, — it is incredible 
 how much this is the case. Corruption, baseness, 
 fraud, exorbitant oppression never so abounded as 
 in this island. And will you believe me when 1 
 say, that Englishmen, — that boasted race of free- 
 men, — are sunk in abject submission. 
 
 " From Parliament, therefore, expect no fa- 
 vour, but what proceeds from fear, — from the 
 people here, expect no aid. It is yourselves, it is 
 yourselves must save you ; and you are equal to 
 the task. Your friends know this, and your very 
 
248 
 
 enemies acknowledge it. But they believe you 
 are as corrupt and as corruptible as themselves ; 
 and as destitute of union, spirit, and perseverance, 
 as the friends of freedom are in this country. For 
 your country's sake, depend not upon commercial 
 plans alone for your safety. The manufacturers 
 begin to feel, — they know, they acknowledge, 
 they must feel severely ; and if you persevere, 
 they must be ruined. But what are these men, — 
 what are the body of this people ? The servants 
 of their masters. How easy it is for the ministry 
 to frown or flatter them into silence. How 
 easy to take the spoils of the nation, and, for a 
 season, fill the mouths of the clamorous. It is 
 true, your perseverance will occasion, in time, that 
 hunger which will break through stone walls. 
 But how difficult is it, how impracticable is it, 
 for mere commercial virtue (if indeed it have any 
 existence) to persevere. I repeat, therefore, — 
 depend not upon this scheme for your deliverance. 
 I do not say renounce it, — I say continue it ; but 
 look towards it in vast subordination to those 
 noble, generous, and glorious exertions which 
 alone can save you. Before I came among this 
 people, the friends of liberty desponded ; because 
 they believed the Americans would give up. 
 
249 
 
 They saw the irretrievable ruin of the whole 
 cause, lost in that fatal yielding. I feel no des- 
 pondence myself, — I am sanguine my country 
 must prevail. I feel the ardour of an American ; 
 — I have lighted up the countenances of many » 
 — I am speaking conviction every day to more. 
 In short, I am infected with an enthusiasm which 
 I know to be contagious. Whether I have caught 
 or spread the infection here, is no matter need- 
 ful to determine. 
 
 " November 21th. 
 
 " Since writing the above I have spent three 
 hours in private conversation with Governor 
 Pownall. He confirmed me that the people of 
 Boston are not mistaken in the man whom they 
 have most reason to curse of all others. I have 
 his very words down in my journal, but they are 
 too many here to transcribe. 
 
 " Tomorrow I am to see Lord Chatham. In 
 the afternocm I am to dine with Lady Hunting- 
 don. On Tuesday I am to go to the House of 
 Lords, at the opening of Parliament, and on the 
 same day shall converse with Sir George Saville. 
 My whole time is dedicated to the common cause. 
 My heart and soul are engaged in it. 
 32 
 
250 
 
 '" Be careful what parts of this letter you pub- 
 lish ; without absolute necessity, do not publish 
 any. Dr Franklin and others complain much 
 of their letters being made public. It is a fear of 
 that, that prevents him and many more from 
 writing to you. 
 
 " Dr Franklin is an American in heart and soul. 
 You may trust him ; — his ideas are not contracted 
 within the narrow limits of exemption from taxes, 
 but are extended upon the broad scale of total 
 emancipation. He is explicit and bold upon the 
 subject, and his hopes are as sanguine as my 
 own, of the triumph of liberty in America. It 
 would entertain you, if I could spare time to relate 
 all that is said of me and my designs ; but I have 
 no leisure for amusements of this kind. 
 
 Not a line yet from America ; — ^judge of my 
 impatience to hear of your welfare. Collect all 
 the intelligence possible, and transmit accounts 
 by every conveyance. This is my sixth letter. 
 My last went enclosed to Mr Mason ; — this I 
 shall convey to Mr Benjamin Clarke, but without 
 signature. Don't forget to pay the postage to 
 him. I have not time to correct or peruse this 
 letter. Adieu ! The support and blessing of 
 heaven be with you, and 
 
 " Your assured friend. 
 
251 
 
 " P. S. You are desired to let no part of this 
 letter be printed, but what Mr Phillips shall ad- 
 vise to. You may communicate a sight of it to 
 all candid friends, and if it should fortunately 
 happen that a whole circle should be present, 
 desire them to let one of the company sit down, 
 and in their presence give me their joint senti- 
 ments and counsels. 
 
 " I yesterday heard two eminent bankers and 
 three very wealthy merchants say, — that as soon 
 as America shall free herself from the tyranny of 
 this country, they would take their all and remove 
 to New England ; and they affirmed that they 
 knew many more resolved to do the same. 
 
 "In the last ships there sailed for Pennsylvania, 
 under the auspices of the great Dr Franklin, two 
 very wealthy farmers, from the county of Norfolk, 
 with their families to settle. If these should 
 succeed, hundreds will follow from that fertile 
 county, which contains the best husbandmen 
 on the island." ^> , ,! c^ ' • 
 
 JOURNAL CONTINUED. 
 
 *' November 28, 1774. Went to Westminster 
 Hall and heard Lord Chief Justice IMansfield 
 
252 
 
 deliver the opinion of the court, in Campbell's 
 case of the 4-^ per cent. duty. He was perspicu- 
 ous and eloquent. Dined with Mr Keen, and 
 spent the afternoon and evening with Lady Hunt- 
 ingdon. 
 
 " November 29th. Went to the House of 
 Peers, saw the grand procession of the king, his re- 
 ception of the new house of commons, in his robes 
 and diadem, surrounded with his nobles and great 
 officers. I was not avi^e-struck by the pomp. 
 ' The trappings of a monarchy will set up a com- 
 monwealth,' (John Milton, Robert Howard.) 
 
 " Went to Drury Lane Theatre ; saw Garrick 
 in the 'Beaux' Stratagem.' He is a most sur- 
 prising actor. 
 
 "November 30th. Went to the House of 
 Peers ; got to the foot of the throne, and saw the 
 formality of presenting a new speaker by the Com- 
 mons. Heard the king deliver his speech from the 
 throne. Heard the Bishop of Litchfield and Cov 
 entry read prayers, as most bishops do — * * * 
 Spent the afternoon and evening with Mr Pearson 
 and his friends. 
 
 " December 1st. Dined with Mr Rogers of 
 the treasury, in company with a commissioner of 
 the treasury, two members of Parliament, and 
 
253 
 
 others. Went at six o'clock with Dr Franklin tov 
 the seat of Samuel Vaughan Esq. at Wanstead, 
 where we spent our time very happily till Satur- 
 day night. 
 
 " December 4th'. Dined with Sheriff Lee, 
 and Mr Arthur Lee. aju j^.^r^ 
 
 " December 5th. Breakfasted with Sir George ' 
 Saville, in company with Mr Hartley, a member > 
 of Parliament, and had two hours' conversation' 
 on American affairs. Dined with Colonel Boyd 
 at the Edinburgh coffee-house. 
 
 " The exertion of my lungs for a number of 
 days past has brought on my raising of blood 
 again. 
 
 "December 6th. About 10 this mornino; Mr> 
 Commissioner Morris waited on me, and staid 
 an hour and a half. His conversation was much 
 on the propriety of my laying down some line 
 of conduct to which the colonics would accede, 
 and by which the present controversy might be 
 amicably adjusted. He urged much my waiting 
 again upon Lord North and Lord Dartmouth, and 
 insisted upon the propriety and expediency of this 
 step. I thought I could discern the origin and drift 
 of this curious discourse. He also in the course, 
 of conversation said, ' Mr Quincy, you can have no 
 
254 
 
 idea of the taxes of this kingdom, and the distress 
 of our poor. I do not mean our manufacturers, 
 but our hedgers, ditchers, and threshers. They 
 have not now their twelve pence, ten pence, or 
 eight pence a day, but they are glad to get six 
 pence a day for their labour, and may be once 
 a week they may have a little kind of something 
 given them by way of charity, for dinner. They 
 are extremely poor, and wretched indeed ; every 
 thins; here is taxed to the utmost. The colonies 
 must relieve us. They must ease us of our taxes,' 
 &c. &c. He also affirmed to me that Governors 
 Hutchinson and Bernard were principally attend- 
 ed to, in the late measures against the colonies. 
 But he added, that government had found that 
 many things had turned out different from Mr 
 Hutchinson's representation, and that things had 
 not been at all conformable to what he foretold. 
 " December 7th. Mr Inspector Williams called 
 on me this morning, and again renewed to me his 
 assurances that Governor Hutchinson was the 
 sole cause and presser-on of the measures against 
 Boston and all America. ' It is his advice that 
 dictated the steps of administration, and it is his 
 present opinion and assurances that keep up the 
 
255 
 
 spirits and measures of the ministry,' were his 
 very words. 
 
 " Wrote a long political letter to Mrs Quincy." 
 
 ^^ London, December 1, 1774. 
 " My very dear Friend, 
 
 " There never was a time in which I wished 
 more ' to speak without a tongue,' and ' to be 
 heard without ears:' then, as Shakspeare express- 
 es it, ' in despite of broad-eyed, watchful day,' 
 *I would into thy bosom pour my thoughts.' 
 This kingdom never saw a time in which the 
 minds of all ranks were more upon the rack with 
 expectation ; and when I tell you that yesterday 
 in the coffee-room adjoining the House of Com- 
 mons, one of the ministerial members offered to 
 lay a wager of seventy-five guineas to twenty- 
 five, THAT BOSTON WAS NOW IN ASHES, yOU will 
 
 not think my own bosom free from anxiety ! It is 
 now more than two months since any advices have 
 been received from America, of the state of things 
 in your province. The subalterns of the minis- 
 try give out that the most peremptory orders went 
 to General Gage last October, to proceed to ex- 
 tremities, with vigour ; they therefore vapour with 
 
256 
 
 much vaunting upon the expectation of hearing, 
 in a few days, that you are all subdued, and in 
 deep humiliation. Should the reverse of this 
 prove true, as God grant it may ! your enemies 
 will sink, and sink forever. Let me here tell you 
 a great truth. The people of this country have 
 too generally got an idea that Americans are all 
 cowards and poltrons. This sentiment is propa- 
 gated and diffused with great industry and suc- 
 cess. 
 
 "Now it is agreed on all hands, that your 
 courage — your courage, I repeat it — will be 
 brought to the test. Should it prove answerable 
 to your ostentations, — worthy your ancestors, 
 your friends will amazingly increase. Your hearty 
 friends will be in raptures, and your very ene- 
 mies will applaud you. I could easily explain to 
 you the reason of all this, but 1 must leave you 
 to consider of that yourselves. Read the para- 
 graph again, and make your own reflections. 
 
 *' Will you believe me, when I tell you, that 
 your letting a certain character escape from your 
 justice is imputed to you on all hands as a fault. 
 Your enemies impute it to your cowardice ; your 
 friends to your want of political sagacity. Certain 
 it is, that from one man, — from one man, I say, 
 
257 
 
 and he neither a Bute, a Mansfield, a North, 
 or a Bernard, are all your miseries supposed to 
 flow. This supposition is not made by those 
 alone who are sanguine in your common cause ; 
 it is the general sentiment of all parties, and were 
 I to show you my journal, in which I enter the 
 sentiments and expressions of those with whom 
 from time to time I converse, you would find un- 
 expected characters, intimating, or speaking out, 
 the same idea. ' It was his advice that dictated the 
 steps of administration, and it is his present opin- 
 ion and assurances, that keep up the spirits and 
 measures of the ministry,' — were the very words 
 uttered to me, not twenty minutes ago, by a gen- 
 tleman in office in the customs. I should take a 
 satisfaction in naming to you those who are my 
 informants ; but a fear lest your indiscretion in 
 publishing what I write, should discover the author 
 of your intelligence, denies me that indulgence. 
 Remember, in whatever you pul)lish, to beware 
 you do not print any thing that may betray the 
 writer. Not that I am conscious of any wrong, 
 but I am here surrounded by great villains, who 
 have will and power to injure, but want a pretext. 
 " Apropos, — this leads me to speak of your 
 friend, Mr Quincy, who lately arrived in this city. 
 33 
 
258 
 
 hi the House of Lords, last week, when the ad- 
 dress to the king was in debate. Lord Hillsborough 
 said, that ' there were then me7i walking in the 
 streets of London, who ought to be in Newgate, 
 or at Tyburn.' Upon which the Duke of Rich- 
 mond rose and said, that ' he was surprised that 
 his Lordship should cast such a heavy reflection 
 on his Majesty's ministers, by suggesting a 
 matter, which, if true, proved they were guilty of 
 a gross neglect of duty,' and called upon his 
 Lordship for aii explanation of whom, and what, 
 he meant. Upon which Lord Hillsborough rose, 
 and pointed out, though not by name, yet so as 
 every body knew whom he meant, — Dr Franklin 
 and Mr Quincy. The latter gentleman he men- 
 tioned as author of a late publication, called 
 ' Observations on the Boston Port Bill and 
 Standing Armies.' 
 
 " The character of your Mr Samuel Adams 
 runs very high here. I find many who consider 
 him the first politician in the world. I have 
 found more reason every day to convince me 
 that he has been right, when others supposed 
 him wrong. 
 
 " But why should we spend time in looking 
 l)ack. Look forward ! God grant you penetra- 
 
259 
 
 tion that jou may see the great duties which lie 
 before you. May you have fortitude to suffer, — 
 courage to encounter, — activity and perseverance 
 to press forward. 
 
 " Prepare, prepare, I say, for the ivorst. I 
 fear your delays have been your ruin. I know 
 that your energies may already, or in future, 
 bring upon you many and great calamities ; but I 
 am, from my own observation, and the judgment 
 of very many others, most sure, that your for- 
 bearance, your delays, your indecision, — in short, 
 what your enemies call your ' arrant cowardice ' 
 — halh brought or will bring upon you many 
 more, and greater evils. 
 
 '• These are important truths. Weigh, com- 
 mune, consider, and act, as becomes your former 
 professions, and your highest duty. 
 
 " You see my heart gets the better of my head ; 
 my feelings rise paramount to my discretion. 
 Thus it will always be with those who are warm 
 in the cause of their country, — their zeal banishes 
 caution ; — you see however I still retain some 
 discretion, but even that I had rather lose than be 
 * unpregnant of my cause, or lack gall to make 
 oppression bitter.' God knows whether this let- 
 ter will ever reach you ; were I sure it would, I 
 should write a volume. 
 
260 
 
 " I have lately written largely to you on political 
 matters. Tell me what my enemies write of 
 me from this side the water ; write me what my 
 friends think of me on your side the ocean. 
 
 " My whole time is taken up in my duty. I 
 never was more busy. I never was more talk- 
 ative. I wrote you fully relative to my health in 
 former letters ; — I have as yet had no symptom of 
 taking cold since I have been in London, but in- 
 cessant application, — incessant talking with several 
 members of Parliament, and others, these four 
 days past, has brought on a little fever, and some 
 raising of blood. But otherwise I was never bet- 
 ter in my life, — certaiidy I never was in better 
 spirits. Do not be concerned about this circum- 
 stance. I would not have mentioned it but in 
 fidelity to one, from whom I cannot conceal any 
 thing which concerns my welfare. 
 
 '• I am urged by Dr Franklin to go down with 
 him and spend Christmas with the Bishop of St 
 Asaph. I have not yet given my answer. On 
 Friday I expect to see Lord Shelburne, and have 
 very lately conversed several hours with Sir George 
 Saville. 
 
 " You must know that many of your friends 
 here in both houses Will not take a decisive part, 
 
261 
 
 till they see how you act in America. For should 
 they take a determined part now, in favour of that 
 country, and in a short time America should give 
 hack, their hopes of rise into power and office 
 (which is the hope of all British statesmen) would 
 be forever at an end. Therefore, till the colonists 
 discover that union and spirit, which all parties 
 here agree must force success, you are not to 
 expect any great exertions in your favour. But 
 when once there is a conviction that the Ameri- 
 cans are in earnest, — that they are resolved to 
 endure all hazards with a spirit worthy the prize 
 for which they contend, then, and not till then, 
 will you have many firm, active, persevering, and 
 powerful friends, in both houses of Parliament. 
 For, let me again tell you, that strange as it may 
 seem, there is great doubt here among many, 
 whether you are really in earnest, in the full force 
 and extent of those words. I am called out. Peace 
 be with you. Salute my friends, and remember, 
 in ancient love, 
 
 " Your most affectionate and fast friend.* 
 
 * This letter, in which Mr Quincy speaks of himself, as 
 of another person, like many others written to his wife 
 
262 
 
 " London^ December 7, 1774. 
 " My dear Wife, 
 
 " You will form a poor idea of my feelings 
 for you, and for my country, if you do not con- 
 sider that I have had no tidings of you since I 
 sailed. Not only my breast, but the breasts of 
 ministers and kings, — nations and empires, are 
 big with expectations of American events. That 
 ' tide ' but I forbear. 
 
 " I this day wrote you very largely, and prior 
 to that again very full. These letters were sign- 
 ed with a new political signature. The chief de- 
 sign of my now writing is to let you know this, 
 by sending the present letter by some other ship. 
 I would have transcribed my letters, but have not 
 time to write duplicates, and I have yet found 
 nobody whom I dare trust to copy for me. 
 
 '' My whole heart is with you ; my whole time 
 is employed in endeavouring to serve my country. 
 It is now three weeks since I came to this city ; 
 yet I have never dedicated but two evenings to 
 the entertainments of the town ; and although 
 
 from England, was with an assumed signature ; in conse- 
 quence of the danger, to which correspondence with Boston 
 was at that period exposed. 
 
263 
 
 Garrick has acted four nights, I have seen him but 
 once. You will wonder how I spend my nights 
 and days in serving my country ; but in one word 
 I find every body eager to hear, most people 
 willing to be set aright, and almost all grossly 
 ignorant of the American world. I have been 
 taught to believe that I have spoken convic- 
 tion to many sensible minds. My friends are 
 many, my spirits excellent, and my health as I 
 mentioned in my last. Make it your business to 
 inquire out the December packet, and do not rest 
 till you get the letters I sent by it. 
 
 " Believe me, I know not when to leave writing, 
 and were I sure of a safe conveyance, I should 
 write a volume. My heart feels for you all very 
 exquisitely when I think of you, which is eighteen 
 hours out of the twenty-four. 
 
 " Adieu, my best friend. 
 
 " Give me the earliest intelligence of the dates 
 of those letters which you receive." 
 
 JOURNAL CONTINUED. 
 
 " December 8th. Spent the day and night at 
 Mr Thornton's elegant seat at Clapham. 
 
264 
 
 " December 9th. Returned from Mr Thorn- 
 ton's, dined at home, and spent the afternoon 
 and evening with Dr Franklin alone. 
 
 '' December lOth. Dined with Mr Allyne, an 
 eminent counsellor at law, and spent the evening 
 with him, Dr Franklin, Messrs Lees, Galloway (a 
 member of Parliament), and others. 
 
 " December 11th. Spent the day and evening 
 at books. 
 
 " December 12th. At the desire of Lord Shel- 
 burne (transmitted by Dr Price) I waited on his 
 Lordship, and spent two hours in conversation on 
 American affairs. His Lordship appeared a very 
 warm friend to the Americans, approved much of 
 their conduct and spirit, and said if they continued 
 united they must have all they ask. He said the 
 ministry would not be able to carry on a civil war 
 against America ; that they began to hesitate and 
 would be obliged to give way. 
 
 *' His Lordship confirmed my former intelligence 
 of Governor Hutchinson's assiduity, assurance, 
 and influence, but in the end observed that the 
 eyes of the nation and ministry must soon be open- 
 ed. He particularly said that Lord Mansfield, last 
 session, assured the House of Lords, that the plan 
 they had laid would go down in America, sine 
 
265 
 
 clade ; and affirmed that he had the best intelli- 
 gence what might be carried through there. Lord 
 Shelburne intimated that he had no doubt Lord 
 Mansfield's opinion was grounded on Governor 
 Hutchinson's information. I had before had a 
 very similar account of Lord Mansfield's declar- 
 ations in the House, from Mr Counsellor AUyne 
 and Mr Arthur Lee. 
 
 " Went to Drury Lane theatre, and saw Gar- 
 rick in Hamlet. He is certainly the prince of 
 players ; but also, most certainly, not without his 
 faults as an orator. Received letters from W. 
 Phillips Esq., and Mrs Quincy. 
 
 "December I3th. Dined with Mr Hollis, 
 brother to the late benefactor of Harvard College, 
 with a large circle of friends to liberty, and spent 
 the evening with Dr Franklin. 
 
 " 14th. Wrote to Mrs Quincy. 
 
 " London, December 14, 1774. 
 
 " My dear Friend, 
 
 " I have lately written to you, by the packet, 
 
 two very long letters, and, by some other ships, 
 
 three or four more, upon politics. I therefore shall 
 34 
 
266 
 
 not now resume the subject, any farther than to 
 say, — Be true to yourselves. 
 
 " There is not a sensible man of either party 
 here, but acknowk^dges your ability to save your 
 country, if you have but union, courage, and per- 
 severance. But your enemies pretend to be san- 
 guine, that your avarice of commercial riches will 
 dissolve your union and mutual confidence, that 
 your boasted courage is but vapour, and that your 
 perseverance will be as the morning cloud. 
 
 " Let me tell you one very serious truth, in 
 which we are all agreed, your countrymeti must 
 seal their cause with their blood. You know how 
 often, and how long ago I said this. I see every 
 day more and more reason to confirm my opinion. 
 I every day find characters dignified by science, 
 rank, and station, of the same sentiment. Lord 
 
 said to me yesterday, — ' It is idle, it is 
 
 idle, Mr ; this country will never carry on 
 
 a civil war against America, we cannot, but the 
 ministry hope to carry all by a single stroke.' 
 I should be glad to name the Lord, but think it not 
 best. Surely my countrymen will recollect the 
 words I held to them this time twelvemonth. ' It 
 is not, Mr Moderator, the spirit that vapours with- 
 in these walls that must stand us in stead. The 
 
267 
 
 exertions of this day will call forth events which 
 will make a very different spirit necessary for our 
 salvation. Look to the end. Whoever supposes 
 that shouts and hosannas will terminate the trials 
 of the day, entertains a childish fancy. We must 
 be grossly ignorant of the importance and value of 
 the prize for which we contend ; — we must be 
 equally ignorant of the powers of those who have 
 combined against us ; — we must be blind to that 
 malice, inveteracy, and insatiable revenge, which 
 actuate our enemies, public and private, abroad and 
 in our bosom, to hope we shall end this contro- 
 versy without the sharpest — the sharpest conflicts ; 
 to flatter ourselves that popular resolves, popular 
 harangues, popular acclamations, and popular 
 vapour, will vanquish our foes. Let us consider 
 the issue. Let us look to the end. Let us weigh 
 and consider, before we advance to those measures 
 which must bring on the most trying and terrible 
 struggle, this country ever saw.' 
 
 " Hundreds, I believe, will call these words, 
 and many more of the same import, to remem- 
 brance. Hundreds, who heretofore doubted, are 
 long ere this convinced I w^as right. The popu- 
 lar sentiments of the day prevailed ; they advanced 
 with * resolutions ' to hazard and abide the conse- 
 
268 
 
 quences. They must now stand the issue, — they 
 must preserve a consistency of character, — they 
 
 MUST NOT DELAY, — they must 
 
 or be trodden into the vilest vassalage, the scorn, 
 the spurn of their enemies, a by-word of infamy 
 among all men. 
 
 " In the sight of God, and all just men, the 
 cause is good ; — we have the wishes of the wise and 
 humane, we have the prayers of the pious, and 
 the universal benison of all who seek to God for 
 direction, aid, and blessing. I own I feel for the 
 miseries of my country ; I own I feel much de- 
 sire for the happiness of my brethren in trouble ; 
 but why should I disguise, I feel, ineffably, for the 
 honour, — the honour, I repeat it, — the honour of 
 my country. Need I explain myself farther ? 
 When you shall act agreeably to your past osten- 
 tations, when you have shown that you are, what 
 Englishmen once were, — whether successful or not, 
 your foes will diminish, your friends amazingly in- 
 crease, and you will be happy in the peaceful en- 
 joyment of your inheritance ; or at least, your 
 enemies will, in some measure, stay their intempe- 
 rate fury from a reverence of your virtue, and a 
 fear of reanimating your courage. But if in the 
 trial, you prove, as your enemies say, arrant pol- 
 
269 
 
 trons and cowards, how ineffably contemptible 
 will you appear ; how wantonly and superlatively 
 will you be abused and insulted by your triumph- 
 ing oppressors ! 
 
 " Will you believe it ? I took up my pen with 
 a design only of saying that the mail for the 
 December packet was staid from Wednesday 
 to Saturday, for no apparent reason, because 
 Parliament had not the affairs of America under 
 consideration ; therefore it is generally believed that 
 it was to inspect all letters. If so, two of mine 
 are in the hands of the ministry. I have received 
 your letter of the 1 7th of October, and your father's 
 of the same date. Lord North has, I hear, given 
 out that I have my price. Tell my father that Dr 
 Franklin is my great friend and daily companion. 
 
 " Adieu." 
 
 JOURNAL CONTINUED. 
 
 " December 14th. Spent the evening with 
 Mr Sayre, in company with Dr Franklin and 
 others. In the course of conversation Dr Frank- 
 lin said, that more than sixteen years ago, long 
 before any dispute with America, the present 
 Lord Camden, then Mr Pratt, said to him, ' For 
 
1270 
 
 all what jou Americans say of jour loyalty, and 
 all that, I know you will one day throw off your 
 dependence on tliis country ; and notwithstanding 
 your boasted affection for it, you will set up for 
 independence.' Dr Franklin said, that he assured 
 him no such idea was entertained by the Ameri- 
 cans, nor will any such ever enter their heads, 
 unless you grossly abuse them. ' Very true,' re- 
 plied Mr Pratt, ' that is one of the main causes I 
 see will happen, and will produce the event.' 
 
 " December 15th. Breakfasted with Sir George 
 Saville, and spent three hours with him, and two 
 other members of Parliament. 
 
 " Dined with Mr Towgood, with a large circle 
 of warm friends to America. 
 
 " December 16th. Attended the House of 
 Commons, and heard a debate on American affairs. 
 Heard Lord North explain what he meant, when 
 he said, 'he would have America at his feet.' 
 Heard also Lord Clare, Governor Johnson, Mr 
 Rigby, Charles Fox, Mr Hartley, Mr Cruger (his 
 first essay), and others, in the course of the debate. 
 
 " Supped, at the request of Alderman Oliver, 
 with Mr Rose Fuller,* and several members of 
 
 * Mr Rose Fuller. — See Burke's speech on '' Conciliation 
 with America," page 3. 
 
271 
 
 Parliament, at the King's Arms tavern, where I 
 spent the evening in conversation on political sub- 
 jects, affecting the colonies. 
 
 "N. B. Mr Rose Fuller told me his late 
 election cost him ten thousand pounds sterling, and 
 more ! 
 
 " Wrote a letter to Mrs Quincy. 
 
 ''^London, December 16, 1774. 
 *' My very dear Friend, 
 
 " Permit me to congratulate my countrymen 
 on the integrity and wisdom with which the con- 
 gress have conducted. Their policy, spirit, and 
 union have confounded their foes, and inspired 
 their friends. All parties agree in giving them a 
 tribute of honor and applause. I have this mo- 
 ment attended a desultory, despicable, because 
 trifling, debate, in the House of Commons, relative 
 to America. My Lord North apologized for, and 
 endeavoured to explain away, his expression, * I 
 will have America at my feet.' The important 
 questions relative to America will not be agitated 
 till after the holidays are over. There is great 
 talk, and much hope and fear about you, and your 
 friends seem to intend pressing a suspension for 
 
272 
 
 three years, of all acts made since 1764 relative to 
 the colonies. Your stanch friends say, ' If they 
 are unjust, repeal them ; we then shall treat with 
 you as friends. At all hai'ards recall your troops, 
 for we will not treat with the sword at our breast.' 
 " Be the event as it may, continue true to your- 
 selves, and the day is your own. If they only 
 suspend — do not, for heaven's sake, think of relax- 
 ing your agreements, while you are treating. Be- 
 ware of the arts of negotiation ; the ministry are 
 adepts in them ; at least they are skilled in the 
 science of corruption. By the way, there is no 
 doubt but the ministry sent large sums to New 
 lork, in order to bribe the continental delegates. 
 It wa^ openly avowed and vindicated, and great 
 boast was made of ministerial success. It was 
 said that they had effected a disunion which 
 would be fatal to the cause of all America. You 
 cannot well imagine the chagrin with which the 
 ministry received the result of that glorious body. 
 They are viewed as the northern constellation of 
 glorious worthies, illuminating and warming the 
 new world. I feel a pride in being an American. 
 Neither my affection nor zeal, in any degree, abates 
 in the cause of my injured country. I have just 
 supped, and spent the evening with a circle of 
 
273 
 
 about a dozen influential members of the House of 
 Commons. But whether I see them in the house, 
 or out of it, they appear ****** 
 not fit to represent the inliabitants of North 
 America. 
 
 " I should be glad to be informed, whether, in 
 case a suspension of the acts takes place, my 
 friends would choose my continuance on this side 
 the water. If they choose me to be with them, I 
 will repair to my standard, w hen they shall com- 
 mand. 
 
 " The watchmen remind me that it is morning. 
 
 ********* 
 
 " Yours. 
 
 " Dr Price desires his very v. arm thanks to Dr 
 Winthrop for his letter, which has been read in 
 Parliament, and did much good. Dr Winthrop's 
 name was concealed. Dr Price says, Dr Chauncy 
 is in his debt. Few, if any, are better men than 
 Dr Price." 
 
 JOURNAL CONTINUED. 
 
 *' December 17th. Wrote to Mr McDougall at 
 New York. Inclosed to him my two last letters. 
 Received Mr Reed's letter from Philadelphia. 
 35 
 
274 
 
 Spent the morning and afternoon in writing : and 
 the evening with Dr Franklin, Arthur Lee, and 
 Dr Bancroft. Wrote a very long letter to Joseph 
 Reed Esq. 
 
 " December 18th. Spent the Sabbath at 
 Islington, with Mr Bromfiekl. 
 
 " December 19th. Wrote a letter to Mrs 
 Quincy and enclosed tiie rough draft of my letter 
 to Joseph Reed Esq. of Philadelphia. 
 
 TO JOSPEH REED ESQ. PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 " London, December ] 7, 1774. 
 " Respected and dear Sir, 
 
 " Your favour of the 4th of November came 
 to hand this moment, and to show my sense of 
 the obligation without any delay, I transmit an 
 answer with my thanks. 
 
 " The importance of a great cause, and the 
 rising events of every day, demand a mutual and 
 unremitting intercourse of intelligence, sentiments, 
 and counsels, among the friends of America and 
 mankind. Believe me, sir, there is a very culpa- 
 ble negligence in this regard on both sides the 
 water ; and I know of no excuse but what betrays 
 a want of zeal, and a timidity, unworthy of men 
 engaged in so glorious a contest. 
 
275 
 
 *' The information you give relative to the New 
 York deputies was the least we expected. The 
 ministry, it is confidently said, and universally be- 
 lieved, had heenlavish of monies in that quarter 
 to foment discord. Nay, their setters and tools 
 have made great vaunts of unexampled success 
 with the great men of that city. Our coffee- 
 houses were lately filled with scoffs at American 
 virtue, and they boasted of success in creating a 
 fatal disunion in our great sanhedrim, with a con- 
 fidence that gained much credit. Did you but 
 know the chagrin that took place on the arrival of 
 the result of the congress, it would gratify your 
 keenest sensations. Be assured that august body 
 have done a lasting service to their country, and 
 that they are paid the well earned tribute of hon- 
 our and applause, even by their rankest enemies. 
 They are considered as a constellation of the 
 first worthies of our hemisphere : their influence 
 is not confined to the circle of an American world, 
 but they burn with a splendour, that illuminates 
 and warms the continent of Europe. God grant, 
 that many sucli glorious luminaries may shine in 
 everlasting splendour, the honour and blessing of 
 their country, and of mankind ! 
 
276 
 
 " Did the inhabitants of New York, and es- 
 pecially their delegates, know of what easy virtue 
 they have been rej)resented in this city, they 
 would become patriots from indignation, if not 
 from virtue. 
 
 " What greater blast could be thrown on the 
 reputation, than to suggest that a little gold had 
 made Americans sacrifice their country to the 
 worst men, in the worst of times ? But when 
 you hear this suggestion extended to the elevated 
 character of men appointed guardians of the 
 people, — good God ! how hateful the idea ! 
 
 " Did our worthy brethren of New York know 
 all that is daily said of them in this great world, 
 and the confidence with which the tale is told, 
 they would be singularly touched ; they would 
 be careful to have all party spirit cease, and let 
 their conduct give the lie to their defamers. 
 Sure I am, that the ministry have no where such 
 sanguine hopes of a defection as from that quar- 
 ter ; — their influence is no where so forcibly ex- 
 tended, and it is certain they will be astonishingly 
 disappointed if they do not find a sensibility to 
 their touch. Our brethren of New York have an 
 opportunity to display more virtue, and do more 
 real service to the great cause of liberty, than 
 
277 
 
 perhaps any Americans, on that side of New 
 England. But New England in my opinion is 
 the great field for the first and most heroic 
 virtues. Should administration be disappointed 
 in exciting discord and defection in New York, 
 they will sink with shame and despondency. 
 
 " There was last Friday, a little play in the 
 House upon American subjects. I attended to 
 see the actors, and was confirmed in nothing 
 more, than that English players are no represent- 
 atives of American heroes. However, this might 
 be only the rehearsal, and at the exhibition soon 
 after the holy-days, the actors may display their 
 talents to more advantage. But brilliant as im- 
 agination can figure the splendid actors on this 
 august theatre, I shall not substantially alter my 
 opinion of the heroes of the drama. 
 
 " The ministry had never so difficult a task 
 before, — they are plunged. The emotions of 
 chagrin and resentment most conspicuously mark 
 their countenance and conduct. The nation are 
 viewing the present crisis, with equal anxiety as 
 the Americans. All Europe have their eyes fixed 
 on the important conflict. 
 
 " How elevated then must be the feelings of 
 an American, who sees his countrymen distinguish 
 
278 
 
 themselves as wise and virtuous, calm and 
 brave ; rising in the estimation of all mankind, as 
 the illustrious remnant of the sons of freedom. 
 You see, my worthy friend, that the glitter of a 
 court hath not yet fascinated me with its splen- 
 dour, — nor the corruption of Britain made me an 
 apostate from the cause of my country. 
 
 " The pageantry I see here makes me every 
 day more attached to the simplicity of my native 
 soil ; and while 1 hourly survey the extended 
 miseries of enormous wealth and power, I warm 
 with more enthusiastic fervour in the cause of 
 freedom and my country ; — and in what cause 
 ought the pulse of man to beat with a more full 
 and genial current ? If intemperance is at any 
 time a venial fault, it must be when mighty op- 
 pressors, shielded with the forms of law, and 
 defended by the arm of power, spread misery 
 over a happy land, with wantonness and insult. 
 But I desist from the contemplation of this hate- 
 ful subject, lest the contagion of intemperance 
 prove infectious to my friend. 
 
 " Lord North, on Friday last, had hard work 
 to apologize for, and explain away, his vapouring 
 expression, — ' I will have America at my feet.' 
 Lord Camden, in the House of Lords, on the 
 
279 
 
 day before, said, ' Were I an American, I would 
 resist to the last drop of my blood." 
 
 " Let me tell you a great truth, Avhich ought 
 at this, and every future day, to have much 
 weiirht and influence in America. Few men are 
 more ill-disposed towards that continent, than 
 those who are under the greatest obligations to it. 
 Thus the commercial world, like the political, 
 gives us striking instances of favourites of Amer- 
 ica, who have among them the most sanguine 
 conspirators against her public happiness. Nay, 
 some who ouglit to have America inscribed on 
 their furniture and e(j[uipages, and gratitude to 
 that country written on their hearts, have uttered 
 the bitterest things against it, with licensed free- 
 dom and insidious industry. It is true they now 
 are about calling a meeting to petition Parlia- 
 ment in favour of the colonies ; but is an ideot at 
 a loss to discern the motive ? The manufactur- 
 ers also are on the move. If Americans continue 
 firm to themselves, they will not only have the hon- 
 our and reward of emancipating themselves ; but 
 even a whole kingdom, roused by their example, — 
 brought to feel, by American economy, and fired 
 by a thousand wrongs, may, peradventure, be 
 brought once more to think a little of those great 
 subjects, national justice, freedom, and happiness. 
 
280 
 
 " But by no means entertain an idea that com- 
 mercial plans, founded on commercial principles, 
 are to be engines of your freedom, or the security 
 of your felicity. Far different are the weapons 
 with which oppression is repelled ; far more noble 
 the sentiments and actions, which secure liberty 
 and happiness to man. 
 
 " The friends of America in the House of Com- 
 mons are now concerting a plan for carrying a 
 suspension of all acts made since the year 1764 
 relative to America, for three years, in which 
 time, it is said, both sides may cool, and they may 
 then think seriously of negotiation and compro- 
 mise. I think it was Hannibal who said, ' We 
 treat with arms in our hands.' Now whether the 
 weapons of our warfare be commercial, or mar- 
 tial, methinks we should not suddenly lay them 
 down, lest we not only lose the use of them, but 
 become so broken for want of daily discipline, as 
 that we shall not easily embody again, in so unit- 
 ed and formidable a band. Besides, the arts of 
 negotiation are much better understood in Europe 
 than America, and great statesmen sometimes pre- 
 tend to negotiate, when they onl}' mean to corrupt. 
 The economy or religion of British ministers 
 will not restrain them from an essay upon those 
 
281 
 
 colony virtues, which, should they prove of easy 
 impression, might hazard mighty blessings. 
 
 " Let our countrymen therefore well consider 
 how much a British ministry, as well as them- 
 selves, have at stake. No arms, no arts, no plots, 
 or conspiracies will be thought unlawful weapons. 
 Let them look all around (hem, and be on their 
 guard at every point. The blessings of the 
 wise, and the prayers of the pious, universally at- 
 tend you ; even throughout this nation. 
 
 *' My dear sir, before I close, I cannot forbear 
 telling you that I look to my countrymen with the 
 feelings of one, who verily believes they must yet 
 seal their fai^ and constancy to their liberties, 
 with bloody ^i^This is a distressing witness indeed ! 
 But hath not this ever been the lot of humanity ? 
 Hath not blood and treasure in all ages been the 
 price of civil. liberty ? Can Americans hope a re- 
 versal of. the laws^of our nature, and that the best 
 of blessings will, be obtained and secured with- 
 out the sharpest trials ? 
 
 " Adieu, my friend, — my heart is with you, and 
 whenever my countrymen command, my person 
 shall be also. 
 
 " Tell your worthy friend, Mr Dickinson, I 
 flattered myself with hopes of his counsels while 
 36 
 
282 
 
 in this world of trial. Tell that good man, 
 George Cljmer, if I did not love him too much, I 
 should call him an apostate from his professions 
 and promises. Believe me with great truth and 
 equal esteem jour affectionate friend. 
 
 " JOSIAH QuiNCY JUN." 
 
 TO MRS QUINCY. 
 
 London, December 19, 1774. 
 " My very dear Friend, 
 
 " I have so much to do, that instead of writ- 
 ing to you, or any of my friends, I transmit the 
 rough draft of my letter to Mr Reed. It contains 
 all I wish to say to you at this time on political 
 subjects. 
 
 " Gratitude, love, and affection fill my heart 
 towards my country, and so many of my personal 
 friends, that I must transmit my whole soul to 
 them, before I can do justice to myself. There- 
 fore, in one word, to all my friends say, — that I 
 love, honour, and revere them as much as ever, 
 that I am the same man as when I abode with 
 them beyond the great waters. 
 
283 
 
 " As to you, my dear friend, I trust that 
 nothing will ever be more acceptable to you than 
 to be assured that I am still the same. * * * 
 X ******* TO 
 
 JOURNAL CONTINUKD. 
 
 "December 19, 1774. Wrote a letter to Al- 
 exander McDougall of New York, enclosing to 
 him my six last letters. Dined with colonel 
 Boyd, in company with three members of Parlia- 
 ment, two or three of the bar, and several other 
 gentlemen. 
 
 " Spent the evening with Dr Franklin. This 
 evening received a letter from John Dickinson 
 Esq. of Philadelphia.* 
 
 " December 20th. Wrote an answer to Mr 
 Dickinson and sent it to Mr McDougall by the 
 same conveyance. 
 
 " Dined with Mr Dilly, in a large circle of 
 friends. 
 
 " December 21st. Spent the morning at home, 
 — visited by Mr Hartley, member of Parliament. 
 Dined at the Cecil coffee-house. 
 
 * See page 192. 
 
284 
 
 " Spent the evening at Covent Garden theatre, 
 where was presented ' Jane Shore,' and Milton's 
 'Masque of Comus.' Mr and Mrs Barry per- 
 formed well; — Mrs Hartley better. 'Comus' 
 was altered much for the worse, and no part was 
 performed well, but the part by Miss Catley. 
 
 " December 22d. Breakfasted with Mr Hart- 
 ley above named, — spent about two hours in 
 conversation on American affairs, and afterwards 
 a like space of time with Rose Fuller Esq., an- 
 other member of the House. Spent the residue of 
 the day and evening at the London coffee-house, 
 with the Wednesday-night club of ' Friends to 
 Liberty and Science.' A question was debated, 
 by assignment, ' Whether capital punishments are, 
 in any case, warrantable or right.' 
 
 " Mr Inspector Williams called on me, and 
 assured me that Governor Hutchinson was a most 
 inveterate and indefatigable enemy against me, 
 with the ministry ,• and very broadly intimated 
 that Lord Dartmouth and Lord North had both 
 told him so. 
 
 " Received two letters of the 25th and 27th of 
 October last, from my good friend Joseph Reed 
 Esq. of Philadelphia.* Wrote to Mrs Quincy." 
 
 * See page 189. 
 
285 
 " London, December 22, 1774. 
 
 " M_y very dear Friend, 
 
 " I have lately written to you so many 
 letters, that there is less need of my now resum- 
 ing the pen. Cat the ship by which I have 
 written several letters being unexpectedly delayed, 
 I embrace the opportunity of saying a few words 
 more. I this day have spent six hours with four 
 very influential members of the House of Com- 
 mons. I have as yet heard or seen nothing to 
 alter my sentiments of the duty of my country- 
 men, since I so fully wrote my opinion of the 
 part they ought to act. But the facts which the 
 before mentioned gentlemen assured me of, were, 
 the infinite perplexities of the ministry, and the 
 general commotion now beginning to take place 
 among the merchants and manufacturers. Indeed 
 if it was not for the treachery and base designs 
 of certain merchants trading to the colonies, the 
 manufacturers would long ago have been clamor- 
 ous in your favour. I was shown two letters to 
 two of the first manufacturing towns, written by 
 their member now in Parliament, which I have 
 his promise to give me a copy of in a few days. 
 As soon as I receive these copies, I shall transmit 
 them, and they will give you great insight into 
 
286 
 
 the commotions now beginning to take place. 
 Only be men of common integrity and common 
 sense, and you will do wonders. People here 
 have no idea that any body of men can be 
 virtuous, — but surely you have common sense, 
 and if you have, pride will keep you from any 
 infraction of your agreements. 
 
 " You see I write in so much haste, that I can 
 only hint a sentiment ; and must leave you to col- 
 lect the full import of what, if I had time and 
 leisure, I should be glad to say. But I should be 
 glad that my friends would be deliberating, and 
 corresponding upon what part to take, in case 
 Parliament suspend all the acts enumerated by 
 the Congress, or repeal the Tea Act and the 
 three acts relative to the Massachusetts Bay and 
 Boston. 
 
 " Your Parliamentary friends say, ' Snatch the 
 opportunity for peace and reconcil'ation.' Your 
 sanguine and warm partizans say, you ' are united 
 and inspired now ; circumstances that may never 
 happen again.' Seize the glorious, happy oppor- 
 tunity, for establishing the freedom and social 
 felicity of all America! ' There is a tide in the 
 affairs of men.' God direct youj 
 
287 
 
 JOURNAL CONTINUED. 
 
 *' December 23d. Passed the evening with 
 Dr Franklin. 
 
 " December 24th. Dined with Mr Vaughan, 
 and went to Wanstead and kept Christmas. 
 
 " December 27th. Returned from Mr 
 Vaughan's, and dined in company with a circle 
 of friends at Mr Dillj's. This evening went to 
 Cox's museum, which exhibits the most superb 
 piece of mechanism in the world. 
 
 " December 28th. Visited by Governor Pow- 
 nall, Mr Thornton, &lc. &:c. Spent the afternoon 
 and evening in preparing for a tour to Bath, with 
 Mr Arthur Lee and Mr Williams. 
 
 *' December 29th. Set off with Mr Williams 
 and Mr Arthur Lee for Bath. 
 
 " December 30th. Visited Dr Priestley at 
 Calne, and was received very politely. Visited 
 Lord Shelburne at his superb seat at Bow-\A'ood. 
 i was very much urged to spend the day and night 
 by his Lordship, but declined the invitation, and 
 proceeded to Bath, where I arrived at five o'clock, 
 and then went to a grand ball at the lower rooms. 
 
 " December 31st. Visited the celebrated Mrs 
 Macaulay ; — delivered my letters to her, and was 
 favoured with a conversation of about an hour 
 
288 
 
 and a half, in which I was much pleased with 
 her o:ood sense and liberal turn of mind. 
 
 " Was attended by Hon. J. Temple to see the 
 Circus, the Crescent, and other places of public 
 resort at Bath. Then I took a walk of about 
 two hours, round at a distance from the town ; 
 where, on the hills encircling this splendid city, 
 I had a most enchanting prospect. 
 
 "January 1, 1775. Had half an hour's con- 
 versation, at the pump-room, with the celebrated 
 Col. Barre, on American affairs. Went to hear 
 divine service performed at the Abbey church in 
 this city. Went also to the several coffee-houses 
 of public resort, where I had an opportunity of 
 seeing much of the manners of people at Bath. 
 Dined with Mr Temple, and spent the evening 
 with him. Received a very polite billet from 
 Mrs Macaulay to spend a few hours with her on 
 the morrow, or Wednesday. 
 
 " January 2d. W^as visited by the Hon. Mr 
 Temple, who spent an hour with me. Went 
 again over Bath, in order to review the buildings. 
 Spent the afternoon with Mrs Macaulay, and 
 went in the evening to a ball at the new rooms, 
 which was full and very splendid. _ The rooms 
 are very elegant, and the paintings which cover 
 
289 
 
 the windows, taken from the draughts of the 
 figures found at the ruins of Herculaneum, have 
 a fine effect. This evening I had two hours' 
 conversation with Colonel Barre, and from him I 
 learned that he was once the friend of Mr Hutch- 
 inson in opposition to Governor Pownall, but that 
 he had for a long time, and especially since his 
 last arrival in England, wholly deserted him. 
 Col. Barre, while we were viewing the pictures 
 taken from ruins found at Herculaneum, said, ' I 
 hope you have not tlie books containing the 
 draughts of those ruins with you.' I replied, 
 there was one set, I believed, in the public library 
 at our college. ' Keep them there,' said he, ' and 
 they may be of some service as a matter of curi- 
 osity for the speculative, but let them get abroad, 
 and you are ruined. They will infuse a taste for 
 buildings and sculpture, and when a people get a 
 taste for the fine arts, they are ruined. 'T is taste 
 that ruins whole kingdoms ; — 't is taste that de- 
 populates whole nations. I could not help weep- 
 ing when I surveyed the ruins of Rome. All 
 the remains of Roman grandeur are of works, 
 which were finished when Rome and the spirit of 
 Romans were no more, — unless I except the ruins 
 of the Emilian baths. Mr Quincy, let your 
 37 
 
290 
 
 countrymen beware of taste in their buildings, 
 equipage, and dress, as a deadly poison.' 
 
 " Col. Barre also added in the course of con- 
 versation, ' About fifteen years ago, I was through 
 a considerable part of your country ; — for in the 
 expedition against Canada, my business called 
 me to pass by land through Pennsylvania, New 
 Jersey, New York, and Albany. When I return- 
 ed again to this country, I was often speaking 
 of America, and could not help speaking well 
 of its climate, soil, and inhabitants ; for you 
 must know, sir, America was always a favourite 
 with me ; but will you believe it, sir, yet I assure 
 you it is true, more than two thirds of this island 
 at that time thought the Americans were all 
 negroes ! ' 
 
 " I replied I did not in the least doubt it, for 
 that if I was to judge by the late acts of Parlia- 
 ment, I should suppose that a majority of the 
 people of Great Britain still thought so ; — for I 
 found that their representatives still treated them 
 as such. He smiled, and the discourse dropped. 
 — Col. Barre was among those who voted for the 
 Boston Port Bill. 
 
 " January 3d. Agreeably to the polite invita- 
 tion of Lord Shelburne, I took a post-chaise, and 
 
291 
 
 went from Bath to his lordship's magnificent seat 
 at Bow- wood. 
 
 " I met Lord Shelburne walking alone, at a 
 considerable distance from his mansion-house, and 
 alighted to walk with him over his grounds. His 
 lordship politely walked into the fields to show 
 me several newly invented ploughs, and other like 
 curiosities. He next called his shepherd, and we 
 viewed his flock of a thousand sheep ; and then 
 proceeded to a place where were found many 
 remains of Roman art ; such as paved ways, gold 
 and copper coins, medals, ruins of their baths, 
 &:c. &c. We tiicn viewed the artificial lake, &c. 
 &:c. When wo arrived at the house, we were 
 regaled with a very sumptuous table and very 
 fine wines. His lordship's two only children 
 are very promising sons, the one about eleven, 
 the other seven years of age. They are educated 
 in the best manner, and seem very sprightly 
 geniuses. They took leave of the company, on 
 departing for bed, with much grace and propriety. 
 With his lordship I went over his splendid build- 
 ings, gardens, &c. &c. Every thing is great 
 and truly noble ; surpassing any idea that I can 
 convey by my description. 
 
292 
 
 " Lord Shelbarne repeatedly assured me, he 
 should take the tour of America with his two 
 sons as soon as they were a little older. He 
 seemed to be very much in earnest about the 
 matter. 
 
 " January 4th. Although much pressed by 
 Lord Shelburne to spend another night with him, 
 I set off for Bath, after having taken a review of 
 his lordship's fine paintings, library, &c. Lord 
 Shelburne's politeness and hospitality deserve my 
 gratitude and applause. 
 
 " Arrived at Bath towards evening, went to 
 see Mr Temple, and afterwards concluded the 
 evening by attending the lecture of the celebrated 
 George Alexander Stevens. 
 
 "January 5th. Set off from Bath, and arrived 
 at Bristol, about twelve o'clock. Went to view 
 the exchange and other public edifices ; after 
 which I drank tea and spent the evening with 
 Mr Joseph Waldo, who received me with much 
 cordial hospitality. 
 
 " January 6th. Went over to Clifton, and view- 
 ed the celebrated grotto and water-works of Mr 
 Goldney. The view from Clifton Hill is one of 
 the finest I ever saw. Went to the Hot Wells, 
 and drank the waters, and then returned through 
 
293 
 
 the Park to Bristol. Dined with Mr Waldo, and 
 spent the evening in company with Mr Cruger, 
 and Colonel Gorham, at the American coffee- 
 house. 
 
 " January 7th. Went to view the several glass 
 manufactories, and also a shalloon manufactory, in 
 Bristol. Viewed also Radcliffe church, built by 
 the Knights Templars, and its three famous paint- 
 ings. After which I took another tour round this 
 second commercial city in the kingdom. Wrote 
 to John Dickinson Esq. Wrote to Mrs Quincy 
 by Captain Caldwell, who engages to deliver my 
 letter with his own hand. 
 
 TO MRS QUINCY. 
 
 ^^ Bristol, January 7, 1775. 
 " My very dear Friend, 
 
 " The holy -days have been improved by me in 
 visiting Bath, Bristol, and some manufacturing 
 towns in the vicinity. Did Americans realize 
 their commercial powers, spirit and obstinacy 
 would characterize their future measures. Had 
 the non-exportation agreement been appointed to 
 commence on the first of March, Britain would 
 
294 
 
 ere this have been in popular convulsions. This 
 is the sentiment even of adversaries. 
 
 *' The manufacturing towns are now in motion, 
 and petitions to Parliament to repeal the late acts 
 on commercial principles, will flow from all quar- 
 ters. London is setting the example, which this 
 city and other manufacturing towns are preparing 
 to follow. 
 
 " The commonalty of this kingdom are grossly 
 ignorant ; the tools of the ministry, for their re- 
 ward, are incessantly retailing the same stale 
 falsehoods, and the same weak reasonings every 
 day. The consequences are easily conceived. 
 The people of this country must be made to feel 
 the importance of their American brethren. If 
 the colonies have one spark of virtue, in less than 
 a twelvemonth Britain must feel at every nerve. 
 Believe me, the commonalty of America are 
 statesmen, philosophers, and heroes, compared 
 with the ' many ' of Great Britain. With the 
 former you may reason, — the latter you must 
 drive. I have endeavoured to study the character 
 of both countries ; this sentiment is the result of 
 my observations. 
 
 " I have lately read various letters from several 
 inland manufacturers to their mercantile corres- 
 
295 
 
 pondents, and I find that the ' address ' to the 
 people of this country, hath wrought, and is still 
 working wonders. 
 
 " Oh ! my dear friend ! my heart beats high 
 in the cause of my country. Their safety, their 
 honour, their all is at stake ! I see America 
 placed in that great * tide in the affairs of men, 
 which, taken at the flood, leads on to fortune.' 
 Oh ! snatch the glorious opportunity. Oh ! for 
 a ' warning voice,' — or our lives are bound in 
 vassalage and misery. 
 
 " The ministry, I am well satisfied, are quite 
 undetermined as to the course they must take 
 with regard to America. They will put off the 
 final resolutions to the last moment. I know not, 
 and, any further than mere humanity dictates, / 
 care not, what part they take. If my own coun- 
 trymen deserve to be free — they will be free. If, 
 born free, they are contented to be slaves, e'en 
 let them bear their burdens. 
 
 *' You must know that 1 am a perfect infidel, in 
 matters of mercantile virtue. It will not therefore 
 be sufficient, when we find a commercial apostate, 
 to mouth ' perdition catch the villain.' The pa- 
 tience, the lenity, the humanity of Americans to- 
 wards public conspirators and public traitors, hath 
 
296 
 
 been the source of infinite mischief. From this 
 circumstance our friends have become despondent, 
 and our foes have taken courage. I have a thou- 
 sand things to say, which I would wish to ' speak 
 without a tongue, and to be heard without ears.' 
 For this reason therefore, if the three acts relative 
 to the Massachusetts Bay are not repealed, I in- 
 tend to be in Philadelphia, in May next. 
 
 *' 1 am sure, if you knew all that I could tell 
 you, it would strengthen your hands, and inspire 
 your hearts. I have this day written very similar 
 sentiments to my friend, Mr Dickinson, at Phila- 
 delphia. You will perceive part of this letter 
 copied by my friend .Williams, from mine, to that 
 great and good man. We are both now writing 
 in the midst of a coffee-house, surrounded by the 
 intolerable racket of dice boxes, and the noise of 
 party cabal. If therefore you make public any 
 part of this letter, print that which relates to the 
 cause of my transcribing part of my letter to Mr 
 Dickinson, which will carry an apology to that 
 gentleman, who may otherwise be displeased at 
 seeing the same sentiments to different persons. 
 
 " Last Tuesday and Wednesday I spent with 
 Lord Shelburne at his magnificent seat at Bow- 
 wood. His politeness would have prevailed with 
 
297 
 
 me to stay a few days longer, if my other engage- 
 ments had permitted that indulgence. 
 
 " Once, since I arrived, I raised a small quan- 
 tity of blood ; owing to some exertions of my 
 lungs that brought on that old disorder. Since 
 that time I have had no symptom of it, and at 
 this time, and indeed ever since I have been in 
 Britain, I never enjoyed greater health and spirits. 
 This climate undoubtedly agrees with me much 
 better than my own. Neither colds nor fevers 
 have molested me, since sojourning in this land of 
 my fathers. 
 
 " Captain Caldwell, who engages to deliver 
 this with his own hand, calls on me to finish. 
 
 " Adieu ! The blessings of my heart rest upon 
 you. 
 
 ''J. Q. 
 
 " Let our friend, Samuel Adams, be among the 
 first to whom you show my letters." 
 
 TO MRS QUINCY. 
 
 London J January 11, 1775. 
 " My very dear Friend, 
 
 *' Last night I returned from Bath and Bris- 
 tol, where I have been to spend a few of the 
 38 
 
298 
 
 holy-days. From the last of these places I wrote 
 to my friend Mr Dickinson, and yourself. The 
 letter to you, together witli several others, the 
 captain engaged to deliver with his own hand. 
 Last evening I was regaled with yours of the 3d 
 and 14th of November ; — James Lovell's of the 
 10th, 25th, and 28th of October ; — Dr Chaun- 
 cy's of the 21st of October, and 3d of Novem- 
 ber, and Oliver Wendell's of the 15th of Novem- 
 ber. To all these, my remembering friends, 
 present my acknowledgments and thanks. Inform 
 them I shall write answers, if the time limited for 
 the sailing of this vessel is extended. 
 
 " Since writing the above, I have received 
 another letter from Dr Chauncy of the 4th of 
 November, but have not yet received the two 
 pamphlets. Let him be the first to whom you 
 transmit this letter. I have also received a very 
 useful letter from my friend, Nathaniel Apple- 
 ton ; let him be the next. 
 
 " If the many letters I have sent, come safe to 
 your hands, my friends will see that I am neither 
 less idle nor less earnest in the cause, than when 
 I sojourned with them beyond Jordan. My avo- 
 cations are so many and incessant, that I find 
 but little time which I cannot employ more to the 
 
299 
 
 service of my country by attending to men and 
 things here, than by writing my sentiments to 
 those on the other side of the water. That little 
 time, whenever it does occur, is sacredly dedicated 
 to my correspondence with my brethren in 
 America, which is a substantial pleasure of my 
 life. 
 
 " But let my friends in Boston and Massachu- 
 setts be reminded, that my literary connexions 
 are extended through the southern colonies, and 
 that therefore, when they think themselves forgot- 
 ten or neglected, my time has been so wholly 
 employed with occurrences here, or in transmit- 
 ting advices to our southern friends, that I have 
 been denied any opportunity of paying that tribute 
 of gratitude, respect, and applause, that my Mas- 
 sachusetts friends may justly claim. 
 
 " As I have written to you very constantly and 
 largely, upon the subject of our great concerns, I 
 must entreat that those confidential friends to 
 whom you may show my letters, would consider 
 them as information sent the brotherhood in gen- 
 eral ; and in consequence, by way of return, 
 favour me with their advice and counsels, for 
 which, as I shall ever stand much in need, so I 
 shall be accordingly grateful. 
 
300 
 
 " The cause of the colonies every day grows 
 more popular; that of the ministry, more desperate. 
 The merchants are alarmed, the manufacturers 
 are in motion, the artificers and handicraftsmen 
 are in amaze, and the lower ranks of the com- 
 munity are suffering. Petitions are framing in 
 all parts of the kingdom in favour of their own 
 dear selves, and if America reap any advantage 
 by this movement, be assured her tribute of grati- 
 tude is not due either to merchants or manufac- 
 turers. America might sink in bondage, and long 
 drag the load of misery and shame, before either 
 of these orders, as a body of men, would feel one 
 generous sentiment, or make one feeble effort, 
 unless their own immediate and obvious interest 
 prompted the exertion. I say, immediate and 
 obvious^ for all know that if the distance is beyond 
 their own nostrils, or clouded by any thing deeper 
 than a cobweb shade, they will neither see nor 
 understand. I speak here of the governing ma- 
 jority ; individuals are among them who have 
 knowledge, sentiment, and spirit ; but Heaven 
 knows, how little, how incredibly little, these 
 noble qualities have influence here. 
 
 *' There can be no doubt that the peaceful, 
 spiritless, and self-denying warfare, in which the 
 
301 
 
 colonies are now engaged, would yield an ample 
 victory ; to be sure, not the most glorious or 
 splendid of any on record, but the tinsel of splen- 
 dour and the parade of glory may be dispensed 
 with, if we can obtain the object of our wishes by 
 attacks which are truly mock heroic, and weap- 
 ons which are most certainly not spiritual. 
 
 <« My great doubt is, whether frugal virtue is a 
 quality deeply ingrafted in the human mind, and 
 whether it contains a spirit sharp and active 
 enough to cement and animate any large popular 
 body, for any length of time. 
 
 " However, if my countrymen, after deliberat- 
 ing, are convinced, that they can sacredly keep the 
 pure faith of economy ; that they can follow the 
 simplicity of their fathers, and what is more, can 
 compel and keep to the ordinances of self-denial, 
 their whole household, I will venture to assure 
 them, that they shall obtain a bloodless victory, 
 and be crowned with success. 
 
 "I am so certain of the truth of what I now 
 say, and that my words are indeed the words of 
 soberness, that I would put my life and my all on 
 the hazard of the trial. These are not the hasty 
 opinions of a moment ; they are sentiments found- 
 ed upon inquiry and reflection, and I am con- 
 
302 
 
 vinced of no one truth more strongly, and I have 
 no one judgment in my own opinion better found- 
 ed, than wliat is above transmitted. 
 
 " I am thus explicit, because you very well 
 know that I not only wish the safety, but the 
 glory of my country. I have heard its valour 
 questioned, I have seen its honour touched ; of 
 that valour, I have an elevated idea ; of that hon- 
 our, I am jealous. As I wish therefore the peace, 
 the welfare, and the bloodless deliverance of my 
 native land, I hope to see my countrymen prudent, 
 frugal, saving economists ; but when I shall wish 
 to se^ them great and glorious, 
 
 * I sure must view them in a nobler field ! ' 
 
 Permanent slavery, or a full deliverance from their 
 present burdens, is the alternative now before 
 America. No other country hath ever yet had 
 any choice but that of the sword for their eman- 
 cipation from bondage. America, favoured above 
 the nations of antiquity, hath an alternative. If 
 her children can withstand the blandishments of 
 luxury, and the delusions of false pride, they may 
 purchase liberty without its price ; but if attach- 
 ment to commercial leeks and onions, an idolatry 
 equally degrading, and in the present case almost 
 as impious as that of Egypt, have debauched the 
 
 4\ 
 
303 
 
 appetite and blinded all sense, they must soon 
 make their election of the load of slavery, or the 
 sword of blood. 
 
 " The ministry are evidently plunged. Every 
 thing bears the mark of distraction. Bute and 
 Mansfield are not less your enemies, and Hutch- 
 inson is still the same man. Lord Dartmouth 
 
 is ; but America can at this day want no 
 
 information as to his character ; when hypocrisy 
 throws aw^ay her mask, credulity must renounce 
 her faith. No measures are yet determined upon 
 in the cabinet. Every thing will be done at the 
 meeting of Parliament on the spur of the occasion. 
 
 " In the nation you have many friends and 
 hearty well-wishers to your cause. The lords and 
 commons are — ivhat they are; but ANOTHER 
 CHARACTER, is in principle your adversary, 
 and will never be reconciled to your deliverance 
 till he sees, what, peradventure, he will not wait 
 long for, a spirit going forth, which compels rulers 
 to their duty. I shall take care to keep you con- 
 stantly informed of events as they rise. Very im- 
 portant ones must occur in a short time. The 
 stanch friends of our country are here in high 
 spirits. I should flatter your national vanity if I 
 told you all that is said and thouglit of Americans 
 
304 
 
 at this day ; but the sentiments of this people are 
 as fluctuating, and sometimes as boisterous as the 
 ocean. 
 
 " I find I shall have no time to write to the 
 friends I mentioned above. Send them therefore 
 this letter to peruse by way of apology. My best 
 wishes attend you. Present me to my friends 
 and relatives in the bonds of respect and love. In 
 the same bonds continue to hold 
 
 "Yours, &c." 
 
 TO MRS QUINCY. 
 
 London, January 12, 1775. 
 " My very dear Friend, 
 
 " Yesterday I finished a long letter to you, 
 which will accompany the present ; by a consider- 
 tion of both, my friends will see how difficult the 
 task would be to write severally to them all. I 
 have just come from spending three hours in pri- 
 vate conversation with Governor Pownall ; and 
 without a moment's delay sit down to transmit 
 some parts of what passed between us. 
 
 " After having given him some general account 
 of my intelligence from America, he said, ' Now, 
 sir, I will give you some news also. A king's 
 
305 
 
 ship has arrived from Boston with despatches 
 from General Gage ; she sailed the 16th of De- 
 cember from that place. She brings certain ac- 
 counts that notwithstanding the non-importation 
 agreement was to take place the first of Decem- 
 ber, jet since that day, by connivance, a consider- 
 able quantity of pimento, and other articles forbid- 
 den by that agreement, have been imported and 
 stored in the city of New York.' I replied, ' I 
 don't believe that what you have heard is true.' 
 ' You may depend upon it, sir ; I am satisfied of 
 it, perfectly, myself,' was his answer. 
 
 " This matter ought to be inquired into. Do 
 not entertain ill-grounded jealousies of each other, 
 yet watch over one another for good.* 
 
 " ' I will tell you more. Sir,' added Governor 
 Pownall ; ' the provincial congress have chosen 
 
 * The following letter from Alexander McDougall Esq. 
 (afterwards General McDougall) will explain the state of 
 things, which then existed in New York. The friends of lib- 
 erty in that city had difficulties of a very peculiar character 
 to encounter ; which they met with a corresponding spirit and 
 vigilance ; as this letter evidences. In none of the other col- 
 onies had the patriots of the revolution so many and so pow- 
 erful internal enemies to contend with as in this. Their sit- 
 uation, in this respect, exposed them to suspicious and mis- 
 
 39 
 
306 
 
 their general officers ; two of them are Colonel 
 Preble and Colonel Pomeroy ; I have foroot the 
 third. They have also chosen a committee to 
 
 representations, which their subsequent sacrifices and exer- 
 tions in the cause proved to be unfounded and unjust. 
 
 TO JOSIAH QUINCY JUN. 
 
 " New York, April 6, 1775. 
 « Dear Sir, 
 
 "Your favours of the I7th and 19th of December last, 
 enclosing letters for the friends of the common cause in Bos- 
 ton and Philadelphia, arrived here the 10th ultimo, but they 
 were not handed to me before the 25th, owing to their being 
 in a package belonging to a gentleman who was absent when 
 they arrived. Your directions respecting them were strictly 
 observed, and they were forwarded the 27th by safe convey- 
 ances. I shall take great pleasure in transmitting your future 
 communications to your friends. 
 
 " I wrote \'ou by the March packet under cover to Mr 
 Thomas Bromfield, in which I informed you of the progress 
 then made by our House of Assembly on American griev- 
 ances. The assurances 1 gave you, that what remained of the 
 ' Report of the Committee of Grievances,' not then consider- 
 ed by the ' Committee of tlie House,' would rather be more 
 in favour of liberty than the ' Report,' has since been confirm- 
 ed ; the particulars of which you have in the enclosed printed 
 proceedings of the House. After the ' Statement of Griev- 
 
307 
 
 manage the office of Governor, and another that 
 
 of the Supreme Court of justice of the province.' 
 
 " I shall suspend a comment on this matter. 
 
 ances was agreed to, and approved of by the House, several 
 of the members who were warm friends to the cause of liber- 
 ty, having attended the Assembly two months, and their fam- 
 ilies being very remote from the capitol, and urgent business 
 demanding their return, and considering the most important 
 transactions of the sessions finished, went home. This gave 
 an opportunity to the wicked and designing members of the 
 House, contrary to all order, to depart from the spirit of the 
 ' List of Grievances,' in a '■ Petition to the King,' ' Memorial 
 to tiio Lords,' and ' Remonstrance to the Commons.' But the 
 ' Statement of Grievances ' agreed to by the fullest House dur- 
 ing the sessions must be considered as the basis of all their 
 proceedings on the American controversy. If any regard is 
 to be paid to the sense of the Legal Representatives, that 
 sense is, the ' Statement of Grievances' agreed to in a full 
 House ; and therefore, whatever difference appears in the 
 ' Petition,' &c., from that ' Statement of Grievances,' is a mere 
 nullity. If the ministry make any dependence on the ' Peti- 
 tion,' &c., as declarative of the sense of this colony, they will 
 find themselves most egregiously mistaken. This city will 
 publicly disavow the vile, slavish sentiments, contained in 
 the ^ Petition,' &c., the moment they make their appearance. 
 So far as they are now known, they are condemned, and the 
 patrons of them despised. And if the Provincial Convention, 
 who are to meet here on the 20th instant to elect Delegates 
 for the continental congress, do not disavow the '■ Petition,' &c. 
 
308 
 
 " After a long conversation with him on the 
 subjects which grew naturally out of our conver- 
 sation, I asked him (he being now a member of 
 
 which I have reason to conchide they will, they will certainly 
 join with the continental Congress in doing it. 
 
 " During the ship 's stay in our ba}' she was continu- 
 ally watched by a sub-committee, and did not enter. But while 
 she lay at the Hook waiting for a fair wind, the night before 
 she departed threatened a storm ; and as the boat, on board 
 of which the sub-committee attended, was not so well provided 
 with ground tackling as the ship, the boat was obliged to go 
 into a cove of safety, at some distance from the ship. The 
 owners, who had some goods on board, having previously 
 meditated a plan to land them, availed themselves of this op- 
 portunity, and effected it in the night. Of this they were 
 suspected, and our sub-committee of observation, and the com- 
 mittee of Elizabeth Town, having got a clue to a discovery, 
 the owners confessed the matter upon oath. Our citizens 
 were so enraged at them for the horrid deed, that it was with 
 great difficulty they were prevailed upon not to banish them. 
 The fearful apprehensions of these persons and the terms on 
 which they are suffered to abide here, are fully expressed in 
 the printed papers which you have herewith. This is the 
 only violation of the Association we have had since it took 
 place. The punishment they now, and will endure, is suffi- 
 cient to deter any man, however base, from another breach. 
 
 " The friends of the Association, and the great cai.se, are 
 daily increasing; so that you have no reason to fear a defec- 
 tion of this colony. Time will not permit me to be more 
 particular. I shall continue to enclose you all the printed 
 
309 
 
 Parliament) what he thought the ministry would 
 do at the approaching sessions. 
 
 " He answered, ' They will not repeal the Bos- 
 ton Port Bill, because it executes itself. They 
 will not repeal the acts altering your form of 
 government, because these late advices show that 
 you have taken that matter out of their hands. 
 They will not repeal the Quebec Bill, because it 
 is the sense of all parties here, that that is a mat- 
 ter with which no other colony but Quebec hath 
 any thing to do. If they do not complain, the 
 other colonies have no right to intermeddle.' 
 
 " I replied to Governor Pownall, I wished I 
 could be satisfied that what he now said would 
 be true ; 'It will ease my mind,' added I, ' and 
 would determine my conduct, to sail to America 
 in four-and-twenty hours. I should then be in 
 
 papers which T may judge of importance to you, regardless of 
 the postage until you direct me to the contrary. 
 " I am, dear Sir, in great haste, 
 " But with great respect, 
 
 " Your humble servant, 
 
 "Alexander McDougall. 
 " P. S. As my political character may tempt the tools of 
 government to open letters to me, please to cover your fa- 
 vours to me to Samuel Broome & Co. merchants in New 
 York." 
 
310 
 
 no doubt what the colonies ought to do, and' 
 (with a little elevation of voice) ' 1 am sure I 
 should not hesitate what part to take myself.' 
 " ' I tell you, Mr Quincy,' continued Governor 
 Pownall, ' what I now say I do not deliver as 
 what I am informed of by the ministry, but as 
 what I have not the least doubt of ; it is my solid 
 judgment founded upon facts on which I have 
 reflected, and laid together again and again.' 
 My answer was, ' I have lately been in the west- 
 ern parts of this kingdom. I have conversed 
 ever since I have been here, with all ranks of 
 people who think or converse at all upon these 
 subjects. I am a stranger in this country, I do 
 not pretend to be thoroughly acquainted with 
 their genius, temper, or character ; but this I 
 will venture to say, that if the actions of this 
 country are as correspondent with the sense, 
 words, and declarations of its inhabitants, as the 
 words and doings of my American countrymen, I 
 am sure this country will be convulsed, — I am 
 sure there will be very astonishing commotions, 
 if those acts are not repealed, and that very 
 speedily too, after the Parliament have got well 
 together. But, as I said before, I do not pretend 
 to know this people as well as those who were 
 
311 
 
 bred, and have always dwelt among them. In- 
 deed, 1 have been confirmed more and more every 
 day, that the commonalty in this country are no 
 more like the commonalty in America, than if 
 they were two utterly distinct and unconnected 
 people.' 
 
 " ' Very true, Mr Quincy,' replied Governor 
 Pownall ; 'your observation is certainly just. You 
 have formed a right judgment, and you will see 
 more reason to strengthen your opinion every day 
 you live in the island.' 
 
 " Governor Pownall presented me with two 
 of his late productions, one to be sent to Dr 
 Cooper, which I shall do, if I am able, by this 
 opportunity. I have written you that I shall be 
 in Philadelphia in May next, if the acts are not 
 repealed. I have made that determination, be- 
 cause I think I shall be able to do some good 
 there. In conversation we can say and do more 
 than by whole folios of writing. But my being 
 there at that time is so uncertain, that I would not 
 upon any account have my friends omit sending 
 their letters of intelligence to me here. Such 
 letters are of amazing service ; with them I can 
 do more good than you would think possible if 
 you had never experienced the effect. 
 
312 
 
 *' Adieu. May the great Father of spirits 
 inspire jou ! Act worthy of yourselves, and you 
 must be successful and happy. 
 
 " P. S. I intend to send you Burke's Speech 
 published this day. It will be read in America 
 with avidity and applause. I am well informed 
 that Mr Hayley, on receiving a large parcel of 
 letters from America without one order enclosed, 
 merely said, — ' I find there is not even an incli- 
 nation in Boston to smuggle now.' 
 
 *' A certain Mr , lately arrived from 
 
 Boston, said, ' A few more troops will be suffi- 
 cient to enforce all the measures of the min- 
 istry.' 
 
 "I have neither room nor time for comment." 
 
 TO MRS QUINCY. 
 
 5 London, January 12, 1775, 
 \ Twelve at night. 
 
 " My very dear Friend, 
 
 " I have been all this day toiling for my op- 
 pressed country. I have just closed my advices 
 to the southward. I should not now resume the 
 pen, having written you very largely to-day and 
 
313 
 
 yesterday, had I not been just gratified with 
 yours and my good friend James Lovell's favours 
 of November and December. Yours, dated 18th 
 of November and 9th of December ; his, Novem- 
 ber 25th and December 7th. Thank him most 
 heartily for his zeal and industry in the cause of 
 his country, and his affection and good wishes for 
 me. Show him my letters ; tell him to consider 
 them as addressed to him, — and command him to 
 persevere in his way of well-doing. 
 
 " If you are satisfied that what you wrote me 
 relative to the speeches of Major Paddock and 
 is really true, in fact, please to con- 
 vey word to Major P , and assure him in my 
 
 name, that I have ' dared to show my head in 
 London ; ' — that I have dared to enter into the 
 presence of Lord North and Lord Mansfield, — 
 and what he may think more, on two days suc- 
 cessively to stand before the throne of a king ; 
 literally within the reach of his royal sceptre, and 
 the sword of justice ; neither one nor the other 
 dazzled or terrified me. Even the eloquence of a 
 sovereign did not so confound my judgment, but 
 that before the royal charm was over, I was able 
 to recollect and remind a friend who stood near 
 me, of the memorable saying of Henry Marten to 
 40 
 
J314 
 
 Edward Hjde ; — ' / do not think one man ivise 
 enough to govern us all.'' 
 
 " Nay, the splendour of royal robes, the pomp 
 of state attendants, or the glitter of a diadem, 
 never once so fascinated my understanding, or 
 beguiled my heart, as that I did not realize the 
 solemn and eternal truth, delivered by the illus- 
 trious Milton ; — ' The trappings of a monarchy 
 will set up a commonwealth.' 
 
 " You may tell , that I am not yet 
 
 * hanged,' and whether he or I shall first ' dangle 
 on a gibbet,' is a matter altogether problematical. 
 But whether he or I deserve it most, I am willing 
 to submit to a jury of freeholders in his own 
 vicinity ; and if he will move for sentence upon 
 their verdict, I will agree not to move in arrest 
 of judgment. 
 
 " Politics, you see, so wholly engross my time, 
 that I have no time to write about those affections 
 that are very deep in my heart. I know you 
 will excuse the indulgence. Write by every pos- 
 sible way some little memorandum of the dates of 
 letters received. It will gratify me much to hear 
 of the safe arrival of any of my letters. * * * 
 Tell my friends that my health and spirits still 
 continue high. As to my sentiments and opinions, 
 
i315 
 
 my integrity and firmness, — they must judge of 
 those by my conduct. 
 
 " Yours &c. 
 
 " Do not think I forget my children because I 
 do not speak of them. ****** * 
 
 ^^ January 13/^. Since writing the above last 
 night, Governor Pownall hath this morning called 
 upon me, and, I having Mr Brand HoUis with me, 
 he had only time to say, — ' You will have terrible 
 news from Boston soon ; the matter is decided 
 before this time ! ' 
 
 " This day Mr George Green informed me 
 that Governor Hutchinson carried Messrs Blowers, 
 Bliss, and Ingersol, the morning after their arri- 
 val, to Lord North. He also informed me that 
 
 Mr had said in the coffee-house, that ' if 
 
 administration did not enforce the present meas- 
 ures, it was all over with them.' Another person, 
 lately from America, said, that ' a iew more regi- 
 ments would do the business.' Mr Inspector 
 Williams also told me this moment, that he had 
 seen Mr Peters's representation to the Privy Coun- 
 cil, 'and it is,' added Mr Williams, 'the most 
 bitter, abominable thing I ever saw ; — the bishops 
 have talccn it up, and the Connecticut charter 
 will be snapped this session.' Mr Williams has 
 
316 
 
 promised to j)rocure me a copy of the above 
 paper, and if he does, I shall send it by this 
 opportunity. I have every moment something I 
 want to communicate. My attention is ever 
 awake, and my time employed." 
 
 JOURNAL CONTINUED. 
 
 " January loth. Received visits from Gover- 
 nor Pownall, Mr Brand Hollis, and others. Re- 
 ceived letters from Mrs Quincy and my father. 
 Wrote to Mrs Quincy, and to J. Lee Esq. Sent 
 the above letters, as well as those of Sheriff Lee 
 and Dr Baillie enclosed, by Captain Gordon, 
 who sails in Col. Lee's employ. 
 
 TO MRS QUINCY. 
 
 London., January 14, 1775. 
 "My best Friend, 
 
 " I was this moment closing my advices to 
 you, when I received from Mr Blowers your 
 letter of October 15th, November 3d and 18th, — 
 and my father's of November 3d. 1 am so fa- 
 tigued with writing &c., that I can ivrite no more. 
 The person by whom I send this, goes in ten 
 
minutes. Thank my friends most heartily for 
 their letters. Don't let them think I neglect 
 their favours ; they must consider my letters to 
 you as addressed to them all. I am so hurried I 
 have no other way. ***** 
 
 " I have acknowledged to you the receipt of all 
 the letters I have received. I have told you all 
 that 1 most wish you to know, excepting how 
 much I am yours. ****** 
 
 " My health was never better. I have as yet 
 had no symptom of a seasoning." 
 
 JOURNAL CONTINUED. 
 
 " January 15th. Dined with Mr Edward 
 Dilly. 
 
 " January 16th. Received Dr Warren's letter* 
 of November 21, 1774, by Mr Williams Jun. 
 Dined \^ith Mr Brand Hollis, in company with 
 Dr Priestley, Dr Franklin, Dr Price, and others. 
 
 " January 17th. Dined with Mrs Stevenson, 
 with a number of ladies and gentlemen, in cel- 
 ebration of Dr Franklin's birthday, who made 
 one of the festive company, although he this day 
 enters the seventieth year of his age. 
 
 * See page 204. 
 
318 
 
 " January 18th. Spent this day and evening 
 at St James's in attending the celebration of the 
 Queen's birthday at the drawing and ball room. 
 The dresses were splendid and magnificent, much 
 beyond any thing I had ever before seen. The 
 Queen appears amiable and is very affable. The 
 young Prince of Wales resembles his mother in 
 countenance and air very much. The Bishop 
 of Osnaburgh is a very handsome boy. The lit- 
 tle princes are comely enough. 
 
 " January 19th. Attended the House of Com- 
 mons and heard debates between North, Burke, 
 and Mr Eden, &c. Spent the evening at the 
 London coffee-house with Dr Franklin, Priestley, 
 Price, Calder, and many others. 
 
 " January 20th. Attended the debates in the 
 House of Lords. Good fortune gave me one of 
 the best places for hearing, and taking a few 
 minutes. 
 
 " Lord Chatham rose like Marcellus, — ' Viros 
 supereminet omnes.'' He seemed to feel himself 
 superior to those around him. His language, 
 voice, and gesture were more pathetic, than I 
 ever saw or heard before, at the bar or senate. 
 He seemed like an old Roman senator, rising with 
 the dignity of age, yet speaking with the fire of 
 
319 
 
 youth. The illustrious sage stretched forth his 
 hand with the decent solemnity of a Paul, and ris- 
 ing with his subject, he smote his breast with the 
 ener^'jy and grace of a Demosthenes. 
 
 " This great and astonishing character opened 
 w ith some general observations on the importance 
 and magnitude of the present American quarrel 
 (as he called it). He enlarged upon the danger- 
 ous and ruinous events that were coming upon the 
 nation in consequence of the present dispute, and 
 the measures, already begun and now carrying on 
 by His Majesty's ministers. He arraigned their 
 conduct with great severity and freedom. He 
 then proceeded — 
 
 " ' My Lords, these papers from America, now 
 laid by administration for the first time before 
 your lordships, have been, to my knowledge, five 
 or six WTeks in the pocket of the minister. And 
 notwithstanding the fate of this kingdom hangs 
 upon the event of this great controversy, we arc 
 but this moment called to a consideration of this 
 important subject. My Lords, I do not wish to 
 look into one of these papers. I know their con- 
 tents well enough already, I know that there is 
 not a member in this house but is acquainted with 
 their purport also. There ought therefore to be 
 
32a 
 
 no delay in entering upon this matter. We ought 
 to proceed to it immediately. We ought to seize 
 the first moment to open the door of reconciliation. 
 The Americans will never be in a temper or state 
 to be reconciled — they ought not to be — till the 
 troops are withdrawn. The troops are a perpetual 
 irritation to these people ; they are a bar to all con- 
 fidence, and all cordial reconcilement. I therefore, 
 my Lords, move, ' That an humble address be pre- 
 sented to His Majesty, most humbly to advise and 
 beseech His Majesty, that in order to open the 
 way towards an happy settlement of the danger- 
 ous troubles in America, by beginning to allay fer- 
 ments and soften animosities there, and above all, 
 for preventing in the mean time any sudden and 
 fatal catastrophe at Boston, now suffering under 
 the daily irritation of an army before their eyes, 
 posted in their town, it may graciously please His 
 Majesty that immediate orders may be despatched 
 to General Gage for removing His Majesty's forces 
 from the town of Boston, as soon as the rigour 
 of the season, and other circumstances indispensa- 
 ble to the safety and accommodation of the said 
 troops, may render the same practicable. 
 
 " ' The way must be immediately opened for 
 reconciliation. It will soon be too late. I know 
 
321 
 
 not who advised the present measures : I know 
 not who advises to a perseverance and enforce- 
 ment of them ; but this I will say, that w hoever 
 advises them, ought to answer for it at his utmost 
 peril. 
 
 " ' I know that no one will avow that he ad- 
 vised, or that he was the author of these meas- 
 ures ; every one shrinks from the charge. But 
 somebody has advised His Majesty to these meas- 
 ures, and if His Majesty continues to hear such 
 evil counsellors. His Majesty will be undone. 
 His Majesty may indeed wear his crown, but, the 
 American jewel out of it, it will not be w orth the 
 wearing. 
 
 " ' What more shall I say ? I must not say the 
 king is betrayed ; but this I will say, the nation is 
 ruined. What foundation have w^e for our claims 
 over America ? What is our right to persist in 
 such cruel and vindictive measures against that 
 loyal, respectable people ? They say, you have no 
 right to tax them without their consent. They 
 say truly. Representation and taxation must go 
 together ; they are inseparable. Yet there is 
 scarcely a man in our streets, though so poor as 
 scarcely to be able to get his daily bread, but 
 thinks he is the legislator of America. 
 41 
 
322 
 
 " ' " Our American subjects,''^ is a common 
 phrase in the mouths of the lowest orders of our citi- 
 zens ; but proi)erty, my Lords, is the sole and entire 
 dominion of the owner : it excludes all the world 
 besides the owner. None can intermeddle with 
 it. It is a unity, a mathematical point. It is an 
 atom ; untangible by any but the proprietor. 
 Touch it, and the owner loses his whole property. 
 The touch contaminates the whole mass, the 
 whole property vanishes. The touch of another 
 annihilates it ; for whatever is a man's own, is 
 absolutely and exclusively his own. 
 
 " ' In the last Parliament, all was anger — all was 
 rage. Administration did not consider what was 
 practicable, but what was revenge. Sine clade 
 victoria was the language of the ministry last ses- 
 sions, but every body knew, an ideot might know, 
 that such would not be the issue. But the ruin 
 of the nation was a matter of no concern, if ad- 
 ministration might be revenged. The Americans 
 were abused, misrepresented, and traduced, in the 
 most atrocious manner, in order to give a colour, 
 and urge on the most precipitate, unjust, cruel, 
 and vindictive measures that ever disgraced a 
 nation. 
 
 " Gnossius lisec Rhadamanthus habet durissima regna ; 
 Castigatque, auditquc dolog." 
 
323 
 
 *' ' My Lords, the very infernal spirits — they 
 chastise, castigatque : sed audltque — my Lords — 
 the very spirits of the infernal regions hear, be- 
 fore they punish. 
 
 " 'But how have this respectable people behaved 
 under all their grievances ? With unexampled 
 patience, with unparalleled wisdom. They chose 
 delegates by their free suffrages ; no bribery, no 
 corruption, no influence there, my Lords. Their 
 representatives meet, with the sentiments and 
 temper, and speak the sense of the continent. 
 For genuine sagacity, for singular moderation, for 
 solid wisdom, manly spirit, sublime sentiments, 
 and simplicity of hinguage, for every thing res- 
 pectable and honourable, tlie congress of Philadel- 
 phia shine unrivalled. This \vise people speak 
 out. They do not hold the language of slaves ; 
 they tell you what they mean. They do not ask 
 you to repeal your laws as a favour ; they claim it 
 as a right — they demand it. They tell you they 
 will not submit to them ; and I tell you, the acts 
 must be repealed ; they will bie repealed ; you can- 
 not enforce them. The ministry are checkmated ; 
 they have a move to make on the board ; yet not 
 a move, but they are ruined. 
 
324 
 
 " ' Repeal, therefore, my Lords, I say. But 
 bare repeal will not satisfy this enlightened and 
 spirited people. What ! repeal a bit of paper ! 
 repeal a piece of parchment ! That alone will 
 not do, my Lords. You must go throu2;h the 
 work — you must declare you have no ri<j;ht to 
 tax — then they may trust you ; then they will have 
 some confidence in you. 
 
 " ' 1 have heard a noble Lord speak, who seem- 
 ed to lay some blame on General Gage. I think 
 that honourable gentleman has behaved with great 
 prudence and becoming caution. He has en- 
 trenched himself, and strengthened his fortifications. 
 I do not know what he could do more. His situa- 
 tion puts me in mind of a similar transaction in 
 the civil wars of France, when the great Conde, 
 on one side, and Marshall Turenne, on the other, 
 with large armies, lay many weeks very near each 
 other. Turenne, conscious of the terrible conse- 
 quences of victory to himself and country, though 
 the armies were several days in sight of each 
 other, never came to a battle. On his return to 
 the court of France the Queen asked him, " Why, 
 Marshall, I think you lay several days in sight of 
 your enemy, and yuu might have been up with 
 him at any time ; pray why did you not take 
 
825 
 
 him?" The General very shrewdly replied, 
 " Should I have taken him, please your majesty, 
 I was afraid all Paris would have taken me." 
 My Lords, there arc three millions of vvhigs ; — 
 three millions of whigs, my Lords, with arms in 
 their hands, are a very formidable body. It was 
 the whigs, my Lords, that set His Majesty's royal 
 ancestors on the throne of England. I hope, my 
 Lords, there are yet double the number of whigs 
 in England that there are in America. I hope 
 the whigs of both countries will join, and make 
 a common cause. Ireland is with the Americans 
 to a man. The whigs of that country will, and 
 those of this country ought to think the American 
 cause their own. They are allied to each other 
 in sentiment and interest, united in one great 
 principle of defence and resistance, against tyran- 
 ny and oppression. They ought therefore, and 
 they will, run to embrace and support their breth- 
 ren. The cause of ship-money was the cause of 
 all the whigs of England. You shall not take my 
 money, without my consent, is the doctrine and 
 the language of whigs ; it is the doctrine and 
 voice of whigs in America, and whigs here. It is 
 the doctrine, in support of which I do not know 
 how many names I could — I may call in this 
 
326 
 
 House, — among the living, I cannot say how many 
 I could — to join with me, and maintain these doc- 
 trines with their blood ; — but among the dead, I 
 could raise an host innumerable ! And, my Lords, 
 at this day there are very many sound, substantial, 
 honest whigs, who ought and who will consider 
 this American controversy, as a great common 
 cause. 
 
 " * My Lords, consistent with the preceding 
 doctrines, and with what I ever have, and shall 
 continue to maintain, I say, I shall oppose 
 America whenever I see her aiming at throwing 
 off the navigation act, and other regulatory acts 
 of trade, made bond fide for that purpose, and 
 wisely framed, and calculated for reciprocity of 
 interest and the general extended welfare and 
 security of the whole empire. It is suggested 
 such is their design ; I see no evidence of it. But 
 to come at a certain knowledge of their sentiments 
 and designs on this head, it would be proper first 
 to do them justice. Treat them as subjects, be- 
 fore you treat them as aliens, rebels, and traitors. 
 
 " ' My Lords, deeply impressed with the impor- 
 tance of taking some healing measures at this most 
 alarming, distracted state of our affairs, though 
 bowed down with a cruel disease, I have crawl- 
 
327 
 
 ed to this House to give you my best counsel, and 
 experience, and my advice is "to beseech His 
 Majesty &c. &c." This is the best I can think 
 of. It will convince America that you mean to 
 try her cause in the spirit, and by the laws of 
 freedom and fair inquiry, and not by codes of 
 blood. How can she now trust you, with the 
 bayonet at her breast ? She has all the reason 
 in the world now to believe you mean to her 
 death or bondage. Thus entered on the thresh- 
 old of this business, I will knock at your gates 
 for justice without ceasing, unless inveterate in- 
 firmities stay my hand. My Lords, I pledge my- 
 self never to leave this business. I will pursue it 
 to the end in every shape. I will never fail of 
 my attendance on it at every step and period of 
 this great matter, unless nailed down to my bed 
 by the severity of disease. My Lords, there is 
 no time to be lost ; every moment is big with 
 dangers. Nay, while I am now speaking, the 
 decisive blow may be struck, and millions involv- 
 ed in the consequence. The very first drop of 
 blood will make a wound, that will not easily be 
 skinned over. Years, perhaps ages, may not heal 
 it. It will be immedicabile vulnus : a wound of 
 that rancorous, malignant, corroding, festering 
 
328 
 
 nature, that in all probability it will mortify the 
 whole body. Let us then, my Lords, set to this 
 business in earnest ! not take it up by bits and 
 scraps, as formerly, just as exigencies pressed, 
 without any regard to general relations, connex- 
 ions, and dependencies. I would not by any 
 thing I have said, my Lords, be thought to en- 
 courage America to proceed beyond the right line. 
 I reprobate all acts of violence by her mobility. 
 But when her inherent constitutional rights are 
 invaded, those rights she has an equitable claim 
 to enjoy, by the fundamental laws of the Eng- 
 lish constitution, and which are engrafted thereon 
 by the unalterable laws of nature ; then I own 
 myself an American, and feeling myself such, 
 shall, to the verge of my life, vindicate those rights 
 against all men who strive to trample upon or 
 oppose them.' " 
 
 " It surpasses all description how such wisdom 
 and such eloquence affected a right honourable 
 and right reverend senate of modern Britain ! 
 But we may conjecture how such an union would 
 have touched, — to what deeds it would have 
 moved, and to what noble darings it would have 
 
329 
 
 inspired a senate of ancient Sparta, or an assembly 
 of old Romans. Indeed, from the effects of this 
 speech on the great audience without the bar, and 
 from my own emotions and feelings, the miracles 
 of ancient eloquence, the blaze of genius, and the 
 burst of thought, with which Grecian and Roman 
 orators have been said to work wonders in the 
 senate and the field, no longer appeared fabulous. 
 
 " Lord Camden (undoubtedly the first common 
 lawyer in England) spoke next on the side of 
 America, and in support of the motion. He 
 equalled Lord Chatham in every thing but that 
 fire and pathos, which are the forte of his lord- 
 ship. In learning, perspicuity, and pure eloquence, 
 probably no one ever surpassed Lord Camden. 
 
 " His lordship opened briefly upon the nature 
 of property, the right of taxation, and its insepa- 
 rability from representation. 
 
 " ' My Lords, I will not enter into the large 
 field of collateral reasoning applicable to the ab- 
 struse distinctions touching the omnipotence of 
 Parliament. The declaratory law sealed my lips, 
 and 1 have been silent. But this I will say, not 
 only as a statesman, politician, and philosopher, 
 but as a common lawyer, — my Lords, you have no 
 rijrht to tax America. I have searched the mat- 
 42 
 
330 
 
 tev ; — I repeat it, vny Lords, you have no right to 
 tax America ; — the natural rights of man, and the 
 immutable laws of nature, are all with that people. 
 Much stress is laid upon the suj)reme legislative 
 authority of Great Britain, and so far as the 
 doctrine is directed to its proper object, I accede 
 to it. But it is equally true, according to all 
 approved writers on government, that no man, 
 agreeably to the principles of natural or civil 
 liberty, could be divested of any part of his prop- 
 erty without his consent. Every thing has been 
 staked on the single position that the authority of 
 Parliament must be obeyed ; but this general, 
 unconditional, unlimited assertion, I am far from 
 thinking applicable to every possible case that 
 may arise in the turn of times. For my part, I 
 imagine, that a power resulting from a trust 
 arbitrarily exercised, may be lawfully resisted ; 
 ^\ hether the power is lodged in a collective body, 
 or single person ; in the few, or the many. How- 
 ever modified, makes no difference ; whenever 
 the trust is wrested to the injury of the people, — 
 whenever oppression begins, all is unlawful and 
 unjust ; and resistance, of course, becomes lawful 
 and right. But some lords tell us seriously that 
 administration must reduce the Americans to obe- 
 
33 L 
 
 dience and submission ; that is, jou must make 
 them absolute and infamous slaves, and then — 
 what ? — we will, say they, give them full liberty. 
 Aye ! — is this the nature of man ? No, my 
 Lords ; I would not trust myself, American as I 
 am, in this situation ; I do not think I should, in 
 that case, be myself for giving them their liberty. 
 No, if they submitted to such unjust, such cruel, 
 such degrading slavery, — I should think they 
 were made for slaves, that servility was suited to 
 their nature and genius. I should think they 
 would best serve this country as their slaves, — that 
 their servility would be for the benefit of Great 
 Britain ; and I should be for keeping such Cappa- 
 docians in a state of servitude, such as was suited 
 to their constitution, and might redound much to 
 our advantage. 
 
 " ' My Lords, — some noble lords talk much of 
 resistance to acts of Parliament. King, Lords, and 
 Commons, are fine sounding names ; — but, my 
 Lords, acts of Parliament have been resisted in all 
 ages. King, Lords, and Commons may become 
 tyrants as well as others ; — tyranny in one or 
 more, is the same ; — it is as lawful to resist the 
 tyranny of many as of one. Somebody once ask- 
 ed the great Mr Selden in what law book, in 
 
352 
 
 what records, or archives of state, you might find 
 the law for resisting tyranny. " I don't know," 
 said Mr Selden, " whether it is worth your while 
 to look deeply into the books upon this matter ; 
 but I '11 tell you what is most certain, that it has 
 always been the ' custom of England,' and the 
 ' custom of England' is the law of the land." 
 
 " ' There is a gentleman, whom I need not 
 name, his works are well received, and well 
 known, who avoids stating any rules when resist- 
 ance is lawful, and he lays down the revolution 
 as the only precedent. He says, that the various 
 circumstances, events, and incidents, that may 
 justify, cannot be defined ; but the people at large 
 will judge of their welfare and happiness, and 
 act accordingly. The same writer says, that 
 whenever a case, exactly similar in all its parts 
 and circumstances occurs, when a case shall run 
 upon all fours with that, then the law seems to 
 be settled that resistance is lawful. I do not 
 pretend to quote his words ; I think his meaning 
 is very much as I have stated it. But, undoubt- 
 edly, in cases in many respects dissimilar, but in 
 equal degree tyrannical and oppressive, resistance 
 may be lawful, and the people in all ages, coun- 
 tries, and climes, have at times known these 
 
333 
 
 things, and they have, and they will for ever act 
 accordingly.' 
 
 " Lord Shelburne in the course of his argu- 
 ment said, ' My Lords, we know, — we all know, 
 that justice and injustice, right and wrong, are 
 not at all considered in the course of our Parlia- 
 mentary proceedings. We all know, that nothing 
 is debated in Parliament for information or con- 
 viction, but for mere form. Every thing is con- 
 sidt red in the cabinet, and brought into Parlia- 
 ment not for consideration, but for the sanction of 
 the legislature, and the screening the counsellors 
 of the king. The measures of the Parliament 
 are the measures of the minister, and the meas- 
 ures of this minister are very often those of his 
 commissioner.' 
 
 " The Marquis of Rockingham also supported 
 the motion. Lords Littleton, Suffolk, Gower, 
 Townsend, Rochford, and Weymouth, spoke in 
 opposition. 1 omit stating what their lordships 
 said, lest I should be suspected by any who may 
 see this journal, of an unfair report of their 
 speeches. But a very remarkable saying of Lord 
 Gower I cannot omit. His Lordship said, ' My 
 Lords, 1 am for enforcing these measures, — 
 and ' (with great sneer and contempt) ' let the 
 
334 
 
 Americans sit talking about their natural and di- 
 vine rights ! their rights as men and citizens ! 
 their rights from God and nature ! ' 
 
 " The Duke of Richmond, in the course of his 
 speech, said, ' Some nobles seem to think that 
 regular troops can easily vanquish raw soldiers. 
 But, my Lords, discipline was intended only as a 
 substitute for what the Americans have already, — 
 attachment to their cause, — virtue to inspire, — a 
 common cause, — their all, to keep them to their 
 duty. Americans will keep to their duty, with- 
 out discipline. They will keep to their standard 
 without fear of discipline in case they desert it. 
 My Lords, Americans have the substance of what 
 discipline is only the shadow. Discipline is only 
 the substitute for a common cause, to attach 
 through fear, and keep to their ranks and standard 
 those who would otherwise desert them. But, 
 my Lords, suppose you succeed, you cannot en- 
 force these acts ; you cannot force a form of gov- 
 ernment upon any people. You may spread fire, 
 sword, and desolation, but that will not be gov- 
 ernment. You must change your places as you 
 make your march of destruction. When you 
 leave one place to subdue another, your govern- 
 ment is gone.' 
 
335 
 
 " ' You cannot force men to serve in office. 
 You cannot force men to be counsellors, judges, 
 or sheriffs. You cannot compel jurors to sit on 
 trial. You cannot force juries to present offen- 
 ces ; — in short, no people can ever be made to sub- 
 mit to a form of government they say they will 
 not receive.' 
 
 " The house divided on the question about ten, 
 after the preceding debates. 
 
 " Contents, eighteen ; non-contents, seventy- 
 seven, including proxies. 
 
 " The Duke of Richmond, Lord Shelburne, 
 and Lord Camden, pledged themselves to attend 
 at all hazards, and at all times, as Lord Chatham 
 had done. 
 
 " Went from the debates to visit Hugh Baillie 
 LL. D., a Scotch gentleman, of very liberal sen- 
 timents, and a most zealous partizan of America. 
 I supped, and returned to my lodgings, and spent 
 most of the night and morning in entering the 
 preceding speeches. 
 
 " January 21st. Spent the morning with Dr 
 Franklin. Dined at the exchange coffee-house 
 with Messrs Bromficld and Williams, and went 
 for the first time to the serious opera of Armida in 
 the evening. Some parts of the music exquisitely 
 
336 
 
 line, the dancing elegant indeed, but in general a 
 poor entertainment for an Englishman. 
 
 *' January 22d. Wrote to William Phillips 
 Esq. — to Mrs Quincy (a very lono; letter contain- 
 ing Chatham's s})eech),— and to Josiah Quincy 
 Esq. Dined and spent the evening with Dr 
 Franklin. 
 
 TO JOSIAH QUINCY ESQ. 
 
 " London^ January 22, 1775. 
 "Honoured and dear Sir, * - ■ i'^- 
 
 " I intend to say nothing more in this letter 
 than that I am in health and spirits, having never 
 had an ill day since my arrival in this island. I 
 am here doing my duty. Last Friday was a day 
 of great happiness to me ; I heard a Chatham, 
 and a Camden speak, for hours, on the concerns 
 of my country. 
 
 " This lett(;r is intended to contain nothing but 
 what the spies of the ministry may be willing to 
 let pass ; and having gratified their own curiosity, I 
 wish they may be candid and generous enough to 
 let my friends gratify theirs also. 
 
 " Your affectionate and obliged 
 
 " JosiAH Quincy Jun." 
 
337 
 
 JOURNAL CONTINUED. 
 
 " January 23d. Attended a long debate in the 
 House of Commons on American affairs. Speak- 
 ers for the x\mericans : Burke, Johnston, Charles 
 Fox, T. Tovvnsend, Lord J. Cavendish, Captain 
 Lutterell, Alderman Sawbridge, &c. — eighty-two. 
 Against the Americans : Sir William Mere- 
 dith, Lord North, Lord Clare, Sir George 
 Macartney, Sir G. Eliot, Lord Stanley, &;c. — total 
 one hundred and ninety-seven. 
 
 " This debate and division, show that if King, 
 Lords, and Commons can subdue America into 
 bondage against the almost universal sentiment, 
 opinion, wish, and hope of the Englishmen of this 
 island, the deed will be done. 
 
 *' This night, for the first time since my arrival, 
 I was taken very ill with a fever and spasms. 
 
 *' January 24th. Visited by Dr Fothergill, who 
 prescribed for my disorder. Was this day to have 
 dined at Mr Towgood's with Dr Price, Dr Frank- 
 lin, Dr Jeffries, and Dr Priestley, but my illness 
 prevented that pleasure. 
 
 *' January 25th. Visited by Dr Fothergill, 
 who peremptorily refused his fee. 
 43 
 
338 
 
 *' Received invitations to dine on Friday at Mrs 
 Huron's, Kensington, &c. and on Sunday with Mr 
 Hollis. Ill health obliged me to decline both. 
 
 " Dined with Lord Shelburne, in company with 
 Lord Tankerville, Drs Franklin, Price, Priestley, 
 Counsellors Dunning, Lee, Leigh, and several 
 others. After a very elegant entertainment, his 
 Lordship laid before us copies of the papers from 
 America, now lying before the two Houses for 
 their consideration. 
 
 " January 26th. Visited by Dr Fothergill, 
 and confined to my home all day. Mr Williams 
 watched with me this night. 
 
 " .January 2Tth. Visited by Dr Fothergill, 
 who again refused his fee, saying, ' I consider 
 this as a public cause, to which we must all con- 
 tribute.' Waited upon by Mr Alderman Saw- 
 bridge, who spent an hour and a half Avith me in 
 conversation on American and Parliamentary con- 
 cerns. Went out to reside with Mr Bromfield, 
 at Islington, while in my present feeble state of 
 health. Received by this amiable family, and 
 treated with the greatest hospitality and kindness. 
 It is now the third of February, during which 
 time I have been treated in the most friendly and 
 hospitable manner. 
 
339 
 
 " February 3d. This day Dr Fothergill visited 
 me, and gave me new prescriptions. 
 
 " February 6th. Every day since I have been 
 at Islington, I have received the greatest evidences 
 of the number and attachment of my friends — 
 who are many and affectionate. 
 
 " February 9th. Visited by Dr Fothergill, 
 who again absolutely refused his fees. Ever}' day 
 visited by more or less of my many friends, and 
 great numbers send daily to inquire after my 
 health, whom I never saw. 
 
 " February 24th. This day the celebrated 
 Dr Burgh (author of 'Political Disquisitions'), 
 who has seen none but his own family for many 
 months, took a double dose of opium to allay the 
 pain of his disease, and sent for me in, and I 
 spent about an hour with him. 
 
 " February 2Gth. Rode out for the fourth 
 time on horseback about twelve or fourteen miles. 
 Evidently better when I am in the open air, and 
 the motion of the horse not fatiguing. My friends 
 redouble in the number and frequency of their 
 visits, as the time for my departure for America 
 draws nigh. Among many others this past week, 
 I have been visited by Drs Price, Priestley, Frank- 
 lin, Messrs Rogers, Towgood, Sheriff Lee, Ar- 
 thur Lee, &c. &c. 
 
340 
 
 " It is a good deal against my own private 
 opinion and inclination, that I now sail for Amer- 
 ica. I have had no letter from there since they 
 knew of my arrival. I know not what my next 
 letters may contain. Besides the fine season is 
 now coming on here, and Dr Fothergill thinks 
 Bristol air and water would give me perfect 
 health. 
 
 " On the other hand, my most intimate friends 
 (except Mr Bromfield) insist upon my going 
 directly to Boston. They say, no letters can go 
 with safety, and that I can deliver more informa- 
 tion and advice vivu voce^ than could or ought 
 to be written. They say, my going now must be 
 (if I arrive safe) of great advantage to the Amer- 
 ican cause. 
 
 «' February 27th. Went to London * * * 
 
 * February 28th. Went to Fulham in a post 
 chaise with Mr Bromfield, and dined with Mr 
 Abraham Dupuis, partner with Mr Thomas Brom- 
 field, a very amiable, sensible friend of liberty. 
 
 "March 1st. On this day I had about an 
 hour and a half of private conversation with Dr 
 Franklin, on the subject of the present situation of 
 American affairs, and what course America, and 
 especially New England, ought now and during 
 the spring and summer to hold. 
 
341 
 
 " I wish I might with propriety enter his dis- 
 course. 
 
 " March 2d. William Lee Esq., late Sheriff, 
 came and spent three hours with me in conversa- 
 tion on American affairs. N. B, Gen. Con. — 
 
 Vote of credit for the raising and supporting 
 
 for the defence of the liberties of America, in 
 whatever part attacked. A proper person to 
 
 France and Spain. 
 
 " Supposes Boston ought to be abandoned — 
 urges me much to attend tiie congress at Philadel- 
 phia. 
 
 " This day, Thomas Rogers Esq., banker near 
 the Exchange, politely presented me with all 
 Dr Price's works, in three volumes, elegantly 
 bound. 
 
 " March 3d. This day being the day before 
 my departure, I dined with Dr Franklin, and had 
 three hour's private conversation with him. Dis- 
 suades from France or Spain. Intimate with both 
 the Spanish and French ambassador, the latter a 
 shrewd, great man. By no means take any step 
 of great consequence, unless on a sudden emerg- 
 ency, without advice of the continental congress. 
 Explicitly, and in so many words, said, that only 
 New England could hold out for ages against this 
 
342 
 
 country, and if they were firm and united, in sev- 
 en years would conquer them. 
 
 *' Said, he had the best intelligence that the 
 manufacturers were bitterly feeling, and loudly 
 complaining of the loss of the American trade. 
 Let your adherence be to the non-importation and 
 non-exportation agreement a year from next Sep- 
 tember, or to the next session of Parliament, and 
 the day is won. 
 
 " Received this day from my friend, Thomas 
 Brand Hollis Esq., a present of eight valuable 
 books, and eight pamphlets. 
 
 " Received also two books and two pamphlets 
 from that most worthy and extraordinary charac- 
 ter, the Reverend Theophilus Lindsey, being the 
 whole of his works. 
 
 " Had great satisfaction in reading my reports 
 of the debates of the House of Lords, to one or 
 two friends who heard them. They thought them 
 exceedingly correct, and were amazed at the 
 blunders, omissions, and misrepresentations of the 
 printed accounts." 
 
 At this date, the Journal abruptly terminates. 
 During: the remainder of his residence in London 
 the habitual activity of his pen ceased, either 
 
343 
 
 ihroiif^h inability consequent on sickness, or oc- 
 cupation while preparing for his homeward voyage. 
 In obedience to the wishes of his political friends, 
 contrary to the advice of his physician, and 
 in opposition to his own declared opinion that his 
 recovery depended upon his remaining in England, 
 he embarked for Boston, on the sixteenth of 
 March 1775. 
 
 The follo\v ing extracts from a letter written by 
 him while in the English channel describe the state 
 of his health and his feelings, at the commencement 
 of this voyage. 
 
 TO THOMAS BROMFIELD ESQ., LONDON. 
 
 ''March 16, 1775. 
 
 *' March 18. Going into Plymouth Harbour. 
 
 " Dear Bromfield, 
 
 " Paper being scarce, I am obliged to take 
 
 the remains of a letter I was beginning to you 
 two days since, when the boat put off and left the 
 ship. The sea runs high and I can scarcely 
 write legibly. ********** 
 A word as to my health. My cough is far 
 from better, though in the day time I am troubled 
 a very trifle with it. 
 
344 
 
 ** I wrote you I had been ill-used and deceived. 
 I discover every day more instances of it. 
 
 " If we reach into Plymouth to night, I shall 
 have a thousand minds to go to Bristol. I am 
 perplexed much what I ought to do. The sea 
 runs so high, I must only wish you and yours, 
 what my heart does every day, as its duty and 
 delight, the best of blessings. 
 
 JOSIAH QUINCY JUN. 
 
 This letter, the last he ever wrote, was found 
 among his papers ; the ship not having touched at 
 Plymouth, or any other British port. The full 
 import of these expressions — " I have been ill-used, 
 and deceived," — cannot now be known. They 
 probably referred to the want of comfortable 
 arrangements, and suitable preparations for his 
 accommodation on board the vessel. The only 
 information his friends could obtain on this sub- 
 ject, was derived from one of the inferior officers 
 of the ship, to whom they were indebted for all 
 that is known of the incidents of a voyage full of 
 privation and suffering. After being five weeks 
 at sea, the wished-for shore yet at a distance, he 
 became convinced that his fate was inevitable, — 
 and prepared to submit himself to the will of 
 
345 
 
 Heaven with heroic calmness and christian resig- 
 nation. 
 
 Under the oppression of disease and amidst 
 the daily sinking of nature, his friends, his family, 
 and above all, his country, predominated in his 
 affections. He repeatedly said to the seaman, on 
 whose attentions he was chiefly dependant, that 
 he had but one desire and one prayer, which was, 
 that he might live long enough to have an inter- 
 view with Samuel Adams, or Joseph Warren ; — 
 that granted, he should die content. This wi-;h 
 of the patriot's heart, Heaven, in its inscrutable 
 wisdom, did not grant. 
 
 As he drew towards his native shore, the 
 crisis he had so long foreseen arrived. The bat- 
 tle of Lexington was fought. According to his 
 prediction, " his countrymen sealed their faith and 
 constancy to their liberties with their blood." 
 But he lived not to hear the event of that glori- 
 ous day. 
 
 While yet the ship was three days' sail from 
 land, exhausted by disease, and perceiving his last 
 hour approach, he called the seaman to the side of 
 his birth, and being himself too weak to write, 
 dictated to him a letter full of the most interesting 
 and affecting communications to his family and 
 44 
 
346 
 
 nearest friends. This letter still exists among his 
 papers, in the rude hand writing of an illiterate 
 sailor. 
 
 The following extracts, being of a general na- 
 ture, are here inserted, in the language which he 
 dictated. 
 
 " At Sea, April 21, 1775. 
 
 " Foreseeing that there will be many inexplica- 
 ble circumstances in the way of my friends, to 
 account for many things relating to my conduct, 
 I should have been glad, if God had spared my 
 life, to converse with them once more. But this, 
 his holy Providence seems fully settled to deny. 
 Some few matters I have prevailed with a friend 
 on board to minute for their information. 
 
 My going to America at this time was very 
 considerably against my inclinations, especially as 
 Doctor Fothergill was of opinion that Bristol 
 waters would be of great advantage to me. But 
 he did not dissuade me from going to America, 
 but advised it very strongly in preference to my 
 staying in London, or its environs. 
 
 " The most Weighty motive of all that deter- 
 mined my conduct, was the extreme urgency of 
 about fifteen or twenty most stanch friends to 
 America, and many of them the most learned and 
 
317 
 
 respectable characters in tlie kingdom, ior my 
 immediately proceeding; to Boston. Their senti- 
 ments what ought to be the conduct of Boston, 
 and of the continent, at this, and the approaching 
 season, I had heard very often in the social cir- 
 cle; and in what things they differed I perfectly 
 knew. It appeared of high importance that the 
 sentiments of such persons should be known in 
 America. To commit their sentiments to writ- 
 ing, was neither })racticable nor prudent at this 
 time. To the bosom of a friend they could in- 
 trust what migiit be of great advantage to my 
 country. To me that trust was committed, and 
 I was, immediately upon my arrival, to assemble 
 certain persons, to whom I was to communicate 
 my trust, and had God spared my life, it seems 
 
 it would have been of great service to my country. 
 
 *** ** ****** **** 
 
 *** ** ** ***** ** 
 
 * * * * Ever since I have been out, almost 
 every thing has been different from what I ex- 
 pected. Instead of pleasant weather, the most 
 inclement and damp, u hich removes me entirely 
 from the deck, and when I was flattered with the 
 hope of getting into port six days ago, I am yet 
 here, as distant from it as when the encourage- 
 
348 
 
 ment was given me. Had Providence been pleas- 
 ed that I slioiild have reached America six days 
 ago, I should have been able to converse with my 
 friends. J am persuaded that this vo_yage and 
 passage are the instruments to put an end to my 
 being. His holy will be done ! " 
 
 " Mr Quincy is so low, that he probably will 
 not be able to read a word of the foregoing, but 
 it is to be hoped it will be intelligible with a little 
 
 pains." 
 
 Such is the last notice of the close of the life 
 of Josiah Quincy Jun. On the twenty-sixth of 
 April 1775, within sight of that beloved country 
 which he was not permitted to reach ; neither 
 supported by tlie kindness of friendship, nor 
 cheered by the voice of affection, he expired ; — 
 not, indeed, as, a few weeks afterwards, did his 
 friend and co-patriot, Warren, in battle, on a field 
 ever memorable and ever glorious ; but in solitude, 
 amidst suffering, without associate, and without 
 witness ; yet breathing forth a dying wish for his 
 country, desiring to live only to perform towards 
 her a lust and signal service. 
 
349 
 
 A few hours after his death, tlie ship with his 
 lifeless remains, entered the harbour of Gloucester, 
 Cape Ann. 
 
 His arrival had been anticipated with anxious 
 solicitude, and the intelligence of his death was 
 received with an universal sorrow. By his fam- 
 ily and immediate friends, the event was mourned 
 as the extinction of their brightest hope. His 
 contemporaries, faithful to his virtues, and deep- 
 ly sensible of his services, early associated his 
 name with those most honoured and most beloved 
 of the period in which he lived. It was his lot 
 to compress events and exertions, sufficient for 
 a long life, within the compass of a few short 
 years. To live forever in the hearts of his coun- 
 trymen, and by labour and virtue to become 
 immortal in the memory of future times, were the 
 strong passions of his soul. That he was prohib- 
 ited from filling the great sphere of usefulness for 
 which his intellectual powers seemed adapted 
 and destined, is less a subject of regret, than it 
 is of joy and gratitude that he was permitted, in 
 so short a time, to perform so noble a part, and 
 that to his desire has been granted so large a 
 portion of " that imperishable meed," which, be- 
 yond all earthly reward, was the object of his 
 search and solicitude. 
 
350 
 
 The distracted state of the country, and the 
 military force concentrated within and about Bos- 
 ton, immediately after the battle of Lexington, in- 
 terrupted communication and denied to his family 
 the consolation of paying the last sad tribute to 
 his remains. Many of his nearest connexions 
 were dispersed by the siege of Boston. His wife 
 had been detained in the town by the dangerous 
 illness of both their children. Their only daugh- 
 ter died on the thirteenth of April, 1775. 'After 
 this event, with her only remaining child, she had 
 sought the protection of her parents at their place 
 of refuge at Norwich in Connecticut. 
 
 The inhabitants of Gloucester, upon whom 
 devolved the melancholy duty, in performing his 
 funeral rites, testified at once their own respect 
 for his memory, and the public sympathy for his 
 loss. 
 
 In his will dated " February 28, 1774," after 
 enumerating various legacies and tokens of re- 
 membrance to his friends and relations, the follow- 
 ing clause occurs : — " I give to my son, when he 
 shall arrive to the age of fifteen years, Algernon 
 Sidney's works, — John Locke's works, — Lord 
 Bacon's works, — Gordon's Tacitus, — and Cato's 
 Letters. May the spirit of liberty rest upon 
 him!" 
 
351 
 
 His literary and political manuscripts were 
 entrusted to his wife, during the minority of his 
 son, and through her careful execution of the trust 
 they remain in perfect preservation. In case of 
 his son's dying a minor, he bequeathed two thou- 
 sand pounds sterling to Harvard University, for 
 the purpose of founding a professorship of Moral 
 Philosophy, Law, and Oratory. 
 
 The executors named in this will are Francis 
 Dana, Jonathan Jackson, John Adams, William 
 Phillips Jun., and John Lowell. The selection 
 of these individuals not only shows the high 
 place they held in his esteem, but the judgment 
 with which he discriminated ability and worth. 
 The general voice of society has long since con- 
 firmed his opinion, and these names in the pro- 
 gress of years have become synonymous with 
 whatever is upright and honourable. The trust 
 was fulfilled Avith characteristic judgment and in- 
 tegrity by his brother-in-law, William Phillips jun. 
 
 The letter dictated by Mr Quincy in the last 
 moments of his life, contained a direction that his 
 remains should be deposited in a tomb which he 
 ordered to be built at Braintrec. 
 
 As soon as the theatre of the war had been trans- 
 ferred to the other colonies, and Massachusetts 
 
352 
 
 was left in comparative tranquillity, that request 
 was complied with by his father, and his remains 
 were removed from Gloucester to the burial 
 ground of Brainlree, (now Quincy.) 
 
 After the death of his widow in 1798, a monu- 
 ment was erected to their memory, on which is 
 the following inscription, written by John Quincy 
 Adams. 
 
353 
 
 Sacred 
 
 To the memory 
 
 of 
 
 JOSIAH QUINCY Jun. 
 
 Of Boston, Barrister at Law. 
 
 Brilliant talents, uncommon eloquence, 
 
 And indefatigable application, 
 
 Raised him to the highest eminence in his profession. 
 
 His early, enlightened, inflexible attachment 
 
 To the Cause of his Country, 
 
 Is attested by monuments more durable than this, 
 
 And transmitted to posterity 
 
 By well known productions of his genius. 
 
 He was born, the 23d of February, 1744; 
 
 And died the 26th of April 1775, 
 
 His mortal remains are here deposited, with 
 
 Those of Abigail, his wife, daughter of William Phillips Esq. 
 
 of Boston, 
 Born the 14th of April 1745. Died the 25th of March 1798. 
 
 STRANGER, 
 
 In contemplating this monument, the frail tribute 
 Of filial gratitude, and affection. 
 
 Glows thy bold breast with patriotic flame ? 
 Let his example point the paths of fame ! 
 Or seeks thy heai't, averse from public strife, 
 The milder graces of domestic life ? 
 Her kindred virtues let thy soul revere. 
 And o'er the best of mothers drop a tear. 
 
 45 
 
OBSERVATIONS 
 
 ON THE 
 
 ACT OF PARLIAMENT 
 
 COMMONLY CALLED 
 THE 
 
 BOSTON PORT-BILL ; 
 
 WITH 
 
 THOUGHTS 
 
 o N 
 
 CIVIL SOCIETY 
 
 AND 
 
 STANDING ARMIES. 
 By JOSIAH QUINCY, Jun'r. 
 
 Britons arise ! •... 
 
 And show you have the Virtue to be mov'd. 
 
 Pope. 
 
 NuM.A FIDES, pietasq; viris, qui CASTRA sequuntur, 
 VENALEStiuE MANUS : ibi fas, ubi maxima merces. 
 
 L0CAN. 
 
 Our necks are under persecution. 
 
 Lam. v. 5. 
 
 What MAN can do against them, not afraid, 
 
 Thvvgh to THE DEATH ; against such CRUELTIES 
 
 With inivard consolation rccompenc'd : 
 
 And oft supported so, as shall amaze 
 
 1 heir proudest persecutors. Milton. 
 
 They that be slain by the sword are better than they 
 that be slain with hunger. Lam. iv. 9. 
 
 BOSTON: N. E. 
 
 Printed for and sold by E D E S and GILL, in 
 Queen-Street, 1774. 
 
To THE Freeholders and Yeomanry of my 
 Country. 
 
 The virtue, strength, and fortitude of a state 
 generally reside in the Freeholders of the nation. 
 In you, gentlemen, as the landed interest of the 
 country, do I place my confidence, under God, at 
 this day. 
 
 To you, gentlemen, therefore, I dedicate this 
 temporary work, as a testimony of that great re- 
 spect and warm affection, with which 
 I am 
 
 Your friend and countryman, 
 
 JOSIAH QuiNCY JUN. 
 
 Boston, May 14, 1774. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 The statute of the 14tli George 3d, received in 
 the last ships from London, (entitled " An Act to 
 discontinue, in such manner, and for such time, 
 as are therein mentioned, the landing and dis- 
 charging, the lading or shipping of goods, wares, 
 merchandize, at the town, and within the har- 
 bour of Boston, in the Province of Massachusetts 
 Bay, in North America,") gave rise to the fol- 
 lowing Observations. They will appear thrown 
 together in haste ; and as the writer was out of 
 town on business, almost every day the sheets 
 were printing off, no doubt many errors of the 
 press escaped correction. 
 
 The inaccuracies of a sudden production from 
 one of infirm health, perplexed with various 
 avocations, will receive a mild censure : more 
 material faults, friends may be prone to forgive ; 
 but from enemies — public or private — we are 
 never to expect indulgence or favour. 
 
OBSERVATIONS. 
 
 In times of public calamity, it is the duty of a 
 good citizen to consider. If his opportunities or 
 advantages, for knowledge and reflection, are 
 greater than those of mankind in general, his 
 whole duty will remain undischarged, while he 
 confines his thoughts to the compass of his own 
 mind. But if danger is added to the calamity of 
 the times, he who shall communicate his senti- 
 ments on public affairs with decency and frank- 
 ness, merits attention and indulgence, if he may 
 not aspire to approbation and praise. 
 
 Whoev er attends to the tenor and design of the 
 late act of the British Parliament for the block- 
 ade of this harbour, and duly considers the exten- 
 sive confusion and distress this measure must 
 inevitably produce ; whoever shall reflect upon 
 the justice, policy, and humanity of legislators, 
 who could deliberately give their sanction to such 
 a procedure, — must be satisfied, that the man, 
 who shall openly dare to expose their conduct, 
 hazards fatal consequences. Legislators, who 
 46 
 
362 
 
 could condemn a whole toAvn unheard, nay uncit- 
 ed to answer ; who could involve thousands in 
 ruin and misery, without suggestion of any crime 
 by them committed ; and who could so construct 
 their law, as that enormous pains and penalties 
 would inevitably ensue, notwithstanding the most 
 perfect obedience to its injunctions ; I say, that 
 legislators, thus formed as men, thus principled as 
 statesmen, would undoubtedly imagine the attain- 
 der and death of a private individual, for his pub- 
 lic animadversions, a less extraordinary act of 
 power.* But all exertions of duty have their 
 
 * Since this treatise was advertised in the public papers, 
 as being in the press, the author hath received, from the Brit- 
 ish coffee-house, an anonymous letter, in which he is repre- 
 sented as being " in imminent hazard of the loss of life and 
 confiscation of estate." "You will, " says the writer, " very 
 probably get into the hands of a power, from which no power 
 you can look to, will be able to deliver you." There is, says 
 the writer, " but one expedient left to save you : " " Era- 
 ploy, for God's sake, those rare talents, with which," saith the 
 artful flatterer, " he hath blessed you, in convincing the people 
 that they have nothing to do, but to submit, and make their 
 peace with government : — You niay,''c ontinues he, " by this 
 means probably make your peace, and ward off the punish- 
 ment that hangs over your head. It is barely possible, that 
 government may still continue its great lenity, and over- 
 look your offences." The reader is left to his own reflections. 
 
S63 
 
 hazard : — if dread of parliamentary extravagance 
 is to deter from public energies, the safety of the 
 commonwealth will soon be despaired of; and 
 when once a sentiment of that kind prevails, 
 the excesses of present enormities so rapidly in- 
 crease, that strides, at first appearance exorbi- 
 tant, will soon be found — but the beginning of 
 evils. We therefore consider it as a just observa- 
 tion, that the weight and velocity of public op- 
 pressions are ever in a ratio proportionate to pri- 
 vate despondency and public despair. 
 
 He who shall go about to treat of important 
 and perilous concerns, and conceals himself be- 
 hind the curtain of a feigned signature, gives an 
 advantage to his adversaries ; who will not fail 
 to stigmatize his thoughts, as the notions of an 
 unknown writer, afraid or ashamed to avow his 
 sentiments ; and hence they are deemed unworthy 
 of notice and refutation. Therefore I give to the 
 world both my sentiments and name upon the 
 present occasion, and shall hear with patience 
 him, wlio will decently refute what is advanced, 
 and shall submit with temper to that correction 
 and chastisement which my errors deserve. 
 
 The act now under consideration opens with 
 a recital, that " dangerous commotions and insur- 
 
364 
 
 rections have been fomented and raised in Boston 
 — by divers ill-affected persons, to the subversion 
 of His Majesty's government, and to the utter 
 destruction of the public peace, and good order of 
 the said town ; in which commotions and insur- 
 rections certain valuable cargoes of teas, being 
 the property of the East India Company, and on 
 board certain vessels lying vvitliin the bay or har- 
 bour of Boston, were seized and destroyed ; and 
 in the present condition of said town and harbour, 
 the commerce of His Majesty's subjects cannot 
 be safely carried on there, nor the customs pay- 
 able to His Majesty be duly collected." 
 
 Two questions naturally arise out of this pre- 
 amble : the first, whether the facts set forth are 
 true ; and secondly, whether upon a supposition 
 of their truth, they are a sufficient foundation 
 for the subsequent parts of the statute, or will 
 warrant the disabilities, forfeitures, pains, and 
 penalties, enacted and inflicted on the subject ? — 
 Both inquiries seem intimately to concern the 
 honour and justice of the British legislature. 
 And however unimportant the judgment of Amer- 
 icans may now appear to that august body, yet 
 surely the judgment of Europe and future ages is 
 not unworthy their high consideration. Removed 
 
365 
 
 from the eye of- royalty, the piety of a sovereign 
 may cease to pity miseries it doth not beliold ; 
 remote from the cries of public justice, and the 
 efforts of popular despair, lords and commons 
 may remain unaffected, for a season, with Amer- 
 ican convulsions ; yet justice and humanity must 
 soon excite those operations in America and 
 Europe, which hereafter will move even the sen- 
 ate of Britain. True knowledire and real virtue 
 perhaps were never more diffused than on this 
 northern continent ; refined humanity (it is boast- 
 ed) was never more predominant than in Europe 
 at this day. Can it be supposed, that this virtue 
 will be discordant and inactive ; that this knowl- 
 edge will omit to unfold public wrongs, or that 
 such humanity will cease to interpose ? 
 
 That co'.Dmotions were in Boston ; that East 
 India tea was destroyed, are facts not controvert- 
 ed. But that such commotions were naturally to 
 be expected ; that they were such as statesmen 
 must have foreseen, and a father of his country, 
 who foresaw, would prevent, rather than punish, 
 is equally true. The sentiments of all Americans 
 relative to the tea act are no secret, their fervor 
 in the common cause equally known ; and their 
 probable intemperance in consequence of the arri- 
 
366 
 
 val of India teas, it required no profound skill in 
 men and politics to predict. Naj the British 
 papers were full, and the senate echoed, with 
 predictions similar to those which are now ful- 
 filhnl. It was not difficult for Englishmen in 
 Britain to tell how Englishmen in America would 
 conduct on such occasions. What shall we then 
 say ? Shall we impute to those, who are digni- 
 fied as " the wisest and most august, " the barba- 
 rous project — deliberately to ensnare, that they 
 might superlatively punish ? The calm delibera- 
 tion of premeditated malice seems rather more 
 characteristic of a private bosom, than a public 
 body. But Governor Hutchinson (the represent- 
 ative of His Majesty in this province), when 
 treating upon an act of the Massachusetts govern- 
 ment imposing a tax or duty upon goods of the 
 inhabitants of other colonies, hath assured us, 
 that " in all ages and countries, by bodies and 
 communities of men such deeds have been done 
 as most of the individuals of which such commu- 
 nities consisted, acting separately, would have 
 been ashamed of:"* — an observation that his Ex- 
 cellency might have imbibed from that prince of 
 
 *Mass. Hist. Vol. ii. p. 156. 
 
367 
 
 historians, Dr Robertson. *' To abandon usurped 
 power, to renounce lucrative error, are sacrifices, 
 which the virtue of individuals has, on some 
 occasions, offered to truth ; but from any society 
 of men, no such effort can be expected. The 
 corruptions of society, recommended by common 
 utility, and justified by universal practice, are 
 viewed by its members, without shame or horror ; 
 and reformation never proceeds from themselves, 
 but is always forced upon them by some foreign 
 hand."* " Caesar, Lepidus, and Antony," says 
 Plutarch, " show, that no beast is more savage 
 than man, when possessed of power equal to his 
 passion." If the sentiments of Dr Robertson are 
 just, have we not cause to fear from very powerful 
 states and legislators an equal ferocity ? And it 
 is an observation of the illustrious Lord Claren- 
 don, that it is the nature of man, rather to commit 
 two errors, than to retract one. When elevated 
 characters commit a second error, it carries the 
 air of an intended discovery, how little they feel 
 for the first, how much they despise the people, 
 how much they are above shame, fear, and amend- 
 meat. But to heighten cruelty by wantonness, 
 
 * Hist. Scotland, Vol. i, p. iGf. 
 
368 
 
 to render it more pungent by insult, are such ex- 
 orbitances, as seldom disgrace the records of man- 
 kind. But whenever such instances occur, they 
 strikingly verify that eternal truth recorded in 
 the House of Lords, — " It is much easier to res- 
 train liberty from running into licentiousness than 
 power from swelling into tyranny and oppress- 
 ion."* Can it add dignit}'^ to this noble senti- 
 ment, or weight to this important truth, to say, 
 that among the illustrious personages who sub- 
 scribed it with their hands and transmitted it to 
 posterity, we find a " Chesterfield" and " Cob- 
 ham," a " Strafford" and a "Bathurst," a" Hav- 
 ersham" and "Gower?" 
 
 But to return. Are popular commotions pecu- 
 liar to Boston ? Hath not every maritime town 
 in England been repeatedly affected by them ? 
 Are they not incident to every commercial and 
 populous city ? Whence then is it, that Boston 
 is devoted to such unexampled treatment? But 
 it may be said, Boston, as a town, hath aided, 
 abetted, and participated in these tumults. Where 
 is the evidence of it ? I presume the Lords and 
 Commons of Great Britain had none ; for they 
 
 * Lord's Plot. Edit. 1767. Vol. ii. p. 141. Anno 1736. 
 
369 
 
 do not suggest it ; I presume they did not believe 
 it, because they have not intimated it. And had 
 they been furnished with such evidence, had they 
 believed the fact, surely it is an imputation un- 
 worthy of their dignity, to say, that they would 
 not have given that matter in the preamble of the 
 statute, as the ground of their extraordinary pro- 
 cedure. But the records of Boston, and known 
 facts, prove that the inhabitants discountenanced 
 and disavowed all riot and disorder. I am thus 
 warranted in saying, that the mere occurrences 
 expressed in the act, is that matter which the 
 British legislature have judged worthy the most 
 unparalleled penal severities. Whether this judg- 
 ment be right, is a subject interesting to a citizen 
 of the town to inquire ; it is a subject on which 
 a man will speak feelingly ; on which an English- 
 man will speak freely and openly. 
 
 Previous to further observations, it may be 
 necessary to say, tiiat the town of Boston had, as 
 a town, cautiously and wisely conducted itself; 
 not only without tumult, but with studied regard 
 to established law. This the rolls of the town 
 verify, and a hundred witnesses can confirm. 
 
 At the last town-meeting relative to the East 
 India tea and its consignees, it was largely debat- 
 47 
 
370 
 
 ed whether it should be an instruction to the 
 committee, who were appointed to wait on those 
 gentlemen, to insist on their peremptory answer, 
 — whether they would send back the tea ; and 
 after long debate on the question, it passed by a 
 very large majority in the negative. And the 
 greatest enemy of the country cannot point out 
 any one step of the town of Boston, in the pro- 
 gress of this matter, that was lumultuous, disorder- 
 ly, and against law. This also is an additional 
 reason, why we must conclude that the mere 
 temporary events which took place in Boston, 
 without any illegal procedure of the town, in the 
 matter of the tea, are, in the judgment of the Brit- 
 ish senate, an adequate foundation for the last 
 act received from that powerful body. 
 
 The first enacting clause of the statute now 
 in view, annihilates all commercial transactions 
 within two certain points of the harbour of Bos- 
 ton, upon pain of the forfeiture of " goods, wares, 
 and merchandise, and of boat, lighter, ship, ves- 
 sel, or other bottom ; and of the guns, ammuni- 
 tion, tackle, furniture, and stores, in or belonging 
 to the same ; " " and of any barge, hoy, lighter, 
 wherry, or boat, into which any goods &c. are 
 laden," &c. 
 
371 
 
 The next paragraph, " in case any wharfinger, 
 &:c. or any of their servants shall take up or land, 
 or knowingly suffer to be taken up or landed, or 
 shall ship off, or suffer to be water-borne, at or 
 from any of their said wharves, &c. goods Sic." 
 enacts a forfeiture and loss of such " goods &c. 
 and treble the value thereof, to be computed at 
 the highest price of such sort of goods, &c. 
 together with the vessels and boats, and all the 
 horses, cattle, and carriages, whatsoever, made 
 use of in the shipping, unshipping, landing, re- 
 moving, carriage, or conveyance of any of the 
 aforesaid goods," &c. 
 
 The next clause provides, " that if any ship &:c. 
 shall be moored or lie at anchor, or be seen hov- 
 ering within said bay, &c. or within one league 
 from the said bay, &c. it shall and may be lawful 
 for any Admiral, or commissioned officer of His 
 Majesty's fleet or ships of war, or for any officer 
 of His Majesty's customs, to compel such ship 
 or vessel to depart to some other ])ort or harbour, 
 or to such station as the said officer shall appoint, 
 and to use such force for that purpose as shall be 
 found necessary : and if such ship or vessel shall 
 not depart accordingly within six hours after 
 notice for that purpose given by such person as 
 
372 
 
 aforesaid, such ship or vessel, together with all 
 the goods laden on board thereon, and all the 
 guns, ammunition, tackle, and furniture shall be 
 forfeited and lost, whether bulk shall have been 
 broken or not." 
 
 Let us here pause for a moment ; let us give 
 time for one single reflection ; let us give space for 
 one pulse of the veins — one emotion of the heart. 
 And who can think, but those exalted characters 
 and that generous prince, styled the father of all 
 his people — who united to this terrible act, had 
 many reflections, many feelings of humanity, while 
 they were solemnly consigning thousands — if not 
 millions — to ruin, misery, and desperation ? 
 
 The persons in whom this authority is vested 
 are not confined to the ports or harbours on this 
 continent : the vessel and cargo may be ordered to 
 what harbour, port, or station of the whole world, 
 the officer pleases — if he appoint a continental 
 station, it is grace and favour ; — and what may 
 be the price of that purchase, who can tell ? what 
 scope for malice and ill-will; for pride and haughti- 
 ness ; for avarice and power to wanton and insult, 
 till the one is satiated and the other wearied ! 
 
 Who are the persons to whom such unbounded, 
 such enormous power is entrusted ? Power is 
 
373 
 
 known to be intoxicating in its nature, and, in pro- 
 portion to its extent, is ever prone to wantonness. 
 Power and authority, says Plutarch, awaken every 
 passion, and discover every latent vice. What a 
 cogent temptation is here placed to insnare the 
 most virtuous ? But if there be one depraved pas- 
 sion in the bosom, as power gives scope and op- 
 portunity, how soon will it be called forth into 
 licentious exercise ? Shall I be thought going too 
 far, shall I trespass upon the bounds of truth and 
 decency, if I say, that some of His Majesty's 
 commissioned officers, in his fleet, or ships of war • 
 some officers of his customs, are not altogether 
 worthy of such high confidence and trust? Are 
 there not inferior commissioned officers in the 
 King's ships ; are there not many of the lower 
 officers of the customs, who have neither strength 
 of understanding nor integrity of heart to wield 
 such a mighty power ? Nay, may not I add, that 
 some few (into whose hands pcradventure, the es- 
 tate of a good subject and opulent merchant may 
 chance to fall) arc destitute of all sense, mental 
 and humane? While contemplating this subject, — 
 while the mind is active, and heart warm, — how 
 apt are we to forget, that the illustrious Houses, 
 who gave their sanction to this astonishing law. 
 
374 
 
 are dignified as learned and venerable ; and the 
 Prince that gave his fiat, denominated — " The 
 wisest and best of Kings ?" 
 
 Declining an entrance upon matters heretofore 
 discussed bj abler heads, 1 have omitted all obser- 
 vation on the right and policy of the claims and 
 laws of Great Britain over the colonies ; upon the 
 same principle I waive entering that copious field 
 which is presented, by that part of the present act, 
 which provides for the recovery of all forfeitures 
 and penalties in the courts of admiralty, — whose 
 extended jurisdiction hath been matter of very 
 great grievance, heart-burnings, and complaint ; 
 whose judges hold their commissions by the tenure 
 of will and pleasure ; and whose large salaries are 
 a most powerful incentive to the desire of — well- 
 pleasing all on whom they depend. 
 
 Another passage in this statute makes utterly 
 void all contracts, " for consigning, shipping, or 
 carrying any goods &c. to or from the harbour 
 of Boston, which have been made or entered into, 
 or which shall be made or entered into, so long as 
 the act continues in force, relating to any ship 
 which shall arrive at said town or harbour after 
 the first day of June." 
 
375 
 
 Jurisprudents and tlie sages of the law for cen- 
 turies have taught, that retrospective ov post facto 
 statutes, were not only militant with the principles 
 of sound morals, but those also of political wisdom. 
 But the Parliament, who by the bold figure of 
 common lawyers are styled omnipotent, here en- 
 force a different doctrine. The English colonist, 
 replete with loyalty to his sovereign ; the descend- 
 ant from Britain, animated by love for a mother 
 country, represses the excursions of his under- 
 standing and passions : but the subject or native 
 of another state will feel no such restraint. He 
 has contracted to send his merchandise to this port, 
 expects his returns in the commodities of the 
 country — in compliance with his obligations, his 
 treasures are moving with hazard upon the ocean, 
 with hopes warm for gain. The ship (in which 
 perad venture he hath risked his life as well as 
 fortune), after many a toil and jeopardy, reaches 
 the destined port. But how are his hopes baffled — 
 how will he rage and exclaim, vast ha e beea 
 his expenses to prepare for his adventure, and 
 equally great his expectations from the Boston 
 merchant ! What guilt hath he contracted, what 
 crime hath he committed, that he also should be 
 involved in the calamitous consequences of this 
 
376 
 
 unexampled statute ? Buoyed up for a moment, 
 perhaps, with a vain expectation, that he may 
 have a remedy on his contract against the mer- 
 chant here ; — how will this supposed foreigner 
 sink with a ten-foh) despondency ; how will he rise 
 again with adequate indignation, when he discovers 
 all remedy gone ; — his contract declared by the 
 law, " utterly void, to all intents and purposes 
 whatsoever ! " Here again, love for a parent 
 country, love for a parent king, checks the current 
 of reason, and restrains the career of passion. 
 
 Having taken this view, before we proceed fur- 
 ther, it is natural once more to ask, whence arose 
 this extraordinary stride of legislation ? what is it, 
 that the town of Boston hath done ? what new 
 and unheard of crimes have the inhabitants com- 
 mitted, to justify the enacting of such disabilities, 
 forfeitures, pains, and penalties ? Punishments that 
 descend indiscriminately on all, ought to have the 
 sanction of unerring wisdom and almighty power, 
 or it will be questioned, if not opposed. The 
 present vengeance falls indiscriminately on the 
 acknowledged innocent, as well as the supposed 
 guilty. Surely the evil is of a very malignant 
 and terrible nature, that can require such an extra- 
 ordinary remedy. Admit for a moment, that the 
 
377 
 
 inhabitants of Boston were charged as high crim- 
 inals ; the highest criminals are not punishable, 
 till arraigned before disinterested judges, heard in 
 defence, and found guilty of the charge. But so 
 far from all this, a whole people are accused, 
 prosecuted by they know not whom ; tried they 
 know not when ; proved guilty they know not 
 how ; and sentenced in a mode, which for number 
 of calamities, extent and duration of severity, ex- 
 ceeds the annals of past ages, and, we presume 
 in pity to mankind, will not mark any future era 
 in the story of the world. 
 
 Wliat will be the real consequences of this as- 
 tonishing measure, and what those intended and 
 expected by the planners of it, are very different 
 considerations. A Machiavel may plan, and his 
 schemes prove abortive ; an Alva may be sent to 
 execute, and his army be defeated. The circle of 
 the arts and sciences, like the ball of empire, hath 
 held a western course. From Chaldea and Egypt 
 to Greece and Rome, and thence to the west- 
 ern provinces of Europe. Chaldea and Egypt 
 had their magi, thoir law-givers, and heroes, 
 when Greece and Rome swarmed with petty 
 feudatories and barbarians ; Greece and Rome 
 flourished in literature, when Gaul, Germany, 
 48 
 
S78 
 
 and Britain were uncivilized, rude, and igno- 
 rant. Wise and sagacious politicians have not 
 been able to stay the rotation of this revolving 
 scientific circle, any more than mighty potentates 
 to repel the velocity of the fl>ing ball of empire : 
 — superior to human powers, like blazing stars, 
 they hold their destined course, and play their 
 coruscations as they run their race. 
 
 The expectations of those who were the fautors 
 of the present measures, must have been to bring 
 down superlative distress, discord, confusion, des- 
 pair, and perdition upon a multitude. How then 
 will our amazement increase, when we shall hear 
 that the hard fate of this multitude cannot be 
 avoided ? Let the inhabitants conrply with the re- 
 quisitions of the statute ; let them be implicitly 
 obedient to its injunctions ; — what is the evil they 
 will escape ? what is the boon they may hope to 
 attain ? Hope and fear are said to be the hinges of 
 government. Legislators have therefore consider- 
 ed it as sound policy, nevei^' to drive the subject 
 into acts of despair, by causing punishments to 
 appear as inevitable, on the first promulgation of a 
 law. When a legislative body ordaineth penal- 
 ties to take place in cases of performance or non- 
 performance of particular matters, they surely will 
 
379 
 
 take due care, that sufficient notice is given of 
 their public will, and sufficient time to comply with 
 their mandates ; so that obedience may not only 
 proceed from principles of regard to the law- 
 makers, but motives of personal safety to the 
 subject himself. This seems not more consonant 
 to political wisdom, than to nature and equity. 
 But let us now suppose, that upon the first inti- 
 mations of the present law, Boston had been as 
 prone to obey the edict of a British court, as the 
 Turk to comply with the mandate of the Divan ; 
 let us imagine them as servile, as fawning as a 
 court dependant to a minister of state ; — nay, if 
 there be any thing in nature yet more humble 
 and more base, let Boston (in idea for a short 
 moment) be that humble, servile, base, and fawning 
 something : What doth it all avail ? The first 
 time the inhabitants of this town had any intima- 
 tion of the will of the British Parliament, was 
 on the tenth of May, and the act is to take place 
 on the first of June ; and thence to continue in 
 full force, until it shall sufficiently " appear to His 
 Majesty, that full satisfaction hath been made by 
 or on behalf of the inhabitants of the said town 
 of Boston, to the united company of merchants of 
 England, trading to the East Indies, for the damage 
 
380 
 
 sustained by the said company by the destruction 
 of their goods sent to tlie said town of Boston, 
 on board certain ships or vessels as aforesaid ; 
 and until it shall be certified to His Majesty in 
 council by the Governor, or Lieutenant Governor, 
 of the said provnice, that reasonable satisfaction 
 hath been made to the officers of His Majesty's 
 revenue, and others who suffered by the riots and 
 insurrections above mentioned, in the months of 
 November and December in the year 1773, and in 
 the month of January in the year 1774." 
 
 Satisfaction could not be made to the East 
 India company, if all Boston had the will and 
 power to do it, till the town had time and oppor- 
 tunity to call a meeting, assemble, consult, and 
 determine upon the measure. Great bodies are 
 not calculated for speedy decision, any more than 
 velocity of motion. The resolution formed, time 
 must be given lor despatches to England, applica- 
 tion to the East-India company, an adjustment 
 with them upon the nice point of " full satisfac- 
 tion :" — that accomplished, time must be given 
 for making the matter " sufficiently appear to Kis 
 Majesty." Let any one consider but for a mo- 
 ment, what a length of time must inevitably elapse 
 before all this can be accomplished : nay, may it 
 
381 
 
 not well be questioned, considering the parties and 
 all persons concerned and the circumstances of this 
 affair, whether such accomplishment be practica- 
 ble ? But is this all that is to be done and effect- 
 ed before relief can be given to this distressed 
 land ? Far otherwise. " The Governor, or 
 Lieutenant Governor, must also first certify to 
 His Majesty in council, that reasonable satis- 
 faction hath been made to the officers of His 
 Majesty's revenue, and others, who suffered by 
 the riots and insurrections above mentioned." 
 No person is particularly designated to be the 
 judge between the subject and the officers of 
 His Majesty's revenue. No provision being ex- 
 pressly made, touching this point, how probable 
 that litigation might arise concerning it ? If we 
 say that the Governor, or Lieutenant Governor, 
 is the implied judge of this matter ; how is the 
 question to be brought before him, how tried, and 
 how adjusted ? These also are points not settled 
 in a moment. Long indeed would be the period 
 before the subject in Boston would be able to as- 
 certain and make such satisfaction, and as long 
 beibre tlie person here pointed out would make 
 his certificate, that it was plenary and reasonable. 
 Governor Bernard lately filled the chair of govern- 
 
S82 
 
 ment, while Mr Hutchinson was second in com- 
 mand. Governor Hutchison now fills the chair, 
 and the office of Lieutenant Governor is vacant. 
 How long would it be before the inhabitants of 
 Boston won hi acquiesce in the decision of either 
 of these gentlemen ? How little probability is there, 
 considering the sentiments, the past and present 
 conduct of these gentlemen, that they would 
 speedily give the required certificate ? If it hath 
 been found difficult to touch the tender feelings of 
 the American and native, how long would it take 
 to excite generous sentiments in the Briton and 
 stranger ? 
 
 But these are all preparatories to the obtaining 
 any ease or relief from the pressure of this penal 
 law. The prerequisites to the restoration of pub- 
 lic felicity are here not only improbable, but when 
 considered all together and in the present crisis of 
 public affairs, are they not impracticable ? But, 
 yet worse, being accomplished, it could in no way 
 prevent the misery and calamhies of this British 
 edict. The space given for the subject to stay 
 this torrent of evils is so short, that it is impos- 
 sible for him, exerting his utmost energies, to 
 prevent being overwhelmed. (But what mortals 
 are unable to prevent — Heaven may stay or 
 divert.) 
 
383 
 
 An avenue seems to be opened by the benio^nity 
 of our British fathers ; but when attempted, affords 
 no way of escape. My veneration for Britain is 
 so great, that I will not suppose the great council 
 of the nation intended to flatter with a false hope, 
 that cruel disappointment might heighten the 
 poignancy of sufftMing — the anguish of despair. 
 But surely the fathers of a people will consider, 
 what are like to be the sentiments and conduct of 
 men driven to distraction by a multitude of in- 
 evitable evils, and consigned to despair from the 
 terms of their deliverance ? 
 
 Wonder was excited on the first view of the 
 present law ; our astonishment hath been increas- 
 ing in the progress of our survey. A period is 
 not yet put to our admiration. The faculties of 
 sensation are yet to be further stretched. 
 
 The civilian and statesman, the moralist and 
 sage, had heretofore delivered those maxims of 
 truth and those rules of government, which wise 
 legislators have ever observed, and the bulk of 
 mankind yet honour and revere. To know the law^s 
 of the land already in force, previous to the publica- 
 tion of a new code, or in the technical phraseology' 
 of a common lawyer, " to know how the law stood 
 before we make a new statute," hath been consid- 
 
384 
 
 ered as an indispensable accomplishment of a good 
 legislator. But that illustrious Parliament, whose 
 power is distinguished with the appellation of 
 " omnipotent," seem not to have exercised this 
 important knowledge ; — though we do not hence 
 rashly infer, that they are destitute of information, 
 because all who are vested with omnipotence of 
 power are ever inspired with proportionate wis- 
 dom. 
 
 It must again be noticed, that no relief is to be 
 had, " until full satisfaction hath been made by or 
 on behalf of the inhabitants of the said town of 
 Boston." Now to suppose that any in England 
 or Europe would make satisfaction " on behalf" 
 of said inhabitants was unnatural, if not absurd ; 
 but what is more to the point, it was certainly un- 
 parliamentary. The remaining alternative is, — 
 that satisfaction must be made by Boston. 
 
 Every person knows, that towns in this Pro- 
 vince cannot raise or appropriate any monies, but 
 by the express provisions and direct authority of 
 law. It is a matter of equal notoriety, that all 
 town assessments of money are expressly confined, 
 by the 4 Wm. & Mar. c. 13, to the " maintenance 
 and support of the ministry, schools, the poor, and 
 defraying of other necessary town charges :" a 
 
385 
 
 law which received the royal approbation, almost 
 a century ago. 
 
 Will any now say, that the monies appointed 
 to be paid to the East India house come within the 
 words of " necessary town charges ? " When did 
 the town contract the debt, or how are they subject 
 to the payment of it ? Had the parliament seen 
 fit to enact, that monies requisite to satisfy the 
 India merchants, should be so considered ; two 
 questions (not of quick decision) might then have 
 arisen ; — the one touching the validity and obliga- 
 tory force of the statute ; the other, whether it 
 would then come within the intent and design of 
 the Province law. For, past doubt, our Provin- 
 cial legislators had no such charge (as the one here 
 supposed) in view, when they made the law of 
 William and Mary ; and in this way therefore the 
 matter could not be brought within its provision. 
 Parliament must then make a new act to enable 
 and empower Boston to pay the India company, 
 before the town can comply with the terms of 
 relief of their trade. In the mean while, what is 
 to be the situation of Boston and the inhabitants 
 of the globe with whom they have such extensive 
 connexions? But it is very aj)parent, that the 
 Parliament have not as yet enacted the payment 
 49 
 
386 
 
 of this satisfaction as a town charge. They have 
 only placed it in the option of the town to make 
 that payment, or submit to the consequences. 
 That payment, we affirm, they cannot make 
 without a breach of the law of the kind. New and 
 unheard-of, therefore, is the state of this people. 
 They must sustain the severest afflictions, they must 
 stand the issue of distracting remedies, or violate 
 one of the most known and practised laws of the 
 land ! Let us search the history of the world ; 
 let us inspect the records of a Spanish inquisition; 
 let us enter the recesses of an Ottoman court ; 
 nay, let us traverse the regions of romance and 
 fable ; — where shall we find a parallel ? 
 
 " When the Hungarians were called rebels first, 
 they were called so for no other reason than this," 
 says the elegant Lord Bolingbroke, " that they 
 would not be slaves." But for Britons, when 
 they would not venture to call their children 
 rebels, that they should treat them as worse than 
 rebels, was reserved to distinguish an age of vaunt- 
 ed light, humanity, and knowledge, — the t ra of a 
 King, who prides himself as born and bred a 
 Briton! 
 
 To complain of the enormities of power, to ex- 
 postulate with over-grown oppressors, hath in all 
 
387 
 
 ages been flenominated sedition and faction ; and 
 to turn upon tyrants, treason and rebellion. But 
 tyrants are rebels against the first laws of Heaven 
 and Society : to oppose their ravages is an instinct 
 of nature — the inspiration of God in the heart 
 of man. In the noble resistance which mankind 
 make to exorbitant ambition and power, they 
 always feel that divine afflatus, which, paramount 
 to every thing human, causes them to consider the 
 Lord of Hosts as their leader, and his angels as 
 fellow-soldiers. Trumpets arc to them joyful 
 sounds, and the ensigns of war, the banners of 
 God. Their wounds are bound up in the oil of 
 a good cause ; sudden death is to them present 
 martyrdom, and funeral obsequies resurrections 
 to eternal honour and glory, — their widows and 
 babes, being received into the arms of a compas- 
 sionate God, and their names enrolled among 
 David's worthies : — greatest losses are to them 
 greatest gains ; for they leave the troubles of their 
 warfare to lie down on beds of eternal rest and 
 felicity. 
 
 There are other parts of the act now before us, 
 which merit notice ; particularly that relative to 
 the prosecution of suits in the ordinary courts of 
 law, " for any thing done in pursuance of the act ;" 
 
388 
 
 by which the defendant is enabled " to plead the 
 general issue, and give the act, and the general 
 matter, in evidence ;" whereupon it follows, that 
 " if it shall appear so to have been done, the jury 
 shall find for the defendant;" who, by an after 
 clause, is to " recover treble costs." From this 
 passage some have been led to conclude, that the 
 appearance of this matter was to be to the judge ; 
 and that if it had that appearance to him, and he 
 should direct the jury accordingly, however it 
 might appear to the jury, they must follow the 
 directions of the judge, and acquit the defendant. 
 But this is a construction, which, as the words do 
 not necessarily carry that meaning, I will not per- 
 mit myself to suppose the design of the law. 
 However the late donations of large salaries by 
 the crown, to the justices of our Superior Courts, 
 who are nominated by the Governor, and hold 
 their commission durante beneplacito, have not a 
 little contributed to the preceding apprehension. 
 Another passage makes provision for " assiirnins" 
 and appointing such and so many open places, 
 quays, and wharfs, within the said harbour, creeks, 
 havens, and islands, for the landing, discharging, 
 lading, and shipping of goods, as his Majesty, his 
 heirs, or successors, shall judge necessary and 
 
389 
 
 expedient ;" and also for " appointing such and 
 so many officers of the customs therein, as his 
 Majesty shall think fit ; after which it shall be 
 lawful for any person or persons to lade or put 
 off from, or to discharge and land upon, such 
 wharfs, quays, and places, so appointed within 
 the said harbour, and none other, any goods, 
 wares, and merchandise whatsoever." By which 
 the property of many private individuals is to be 
 rendered useless, and worse than useless ; as the 
 possession of a thing aggravates the misfortune of 
 those who are deprived of a capacity to enjoy. 
 But if the property of some few is to be rendered 
 nothing worth, so that of many others is to be 
 openly invaded. But why should we dwell up- 
 on private wrongs, while those of the multitude 
 call for all our attention ? 
 
 If any should now say, we are a commercial 
 people, commercial plans can only save us ; if any 
 think that the ideas of the merchant are at this 
 day to give spring to our nerves and vigour to 
 our actions ; if any say, that empire in this age of 
 the world, is only founded in commerce : — let him 
 show me the people emancipated from oppression 
 by commercial principles and measures : let him 
 point me that unexplored land, where trade and 
 
390 
 
 slavery flourish together. Till then, I must hold 
 a different creed ; and believe — that though com- 
 mercial views may not be altogether unprofitable, 
 that though commercial plans may do much, they 
 never can do all. AVith regard, then, to how much 
 the merchant, the artificer, the citizen, and the 
 husbandman may do, let us no longer differ. But 
 let every one apply his strength and abilities to 
 that mighty burden, which, unless removed, must 
 crush us all. Americans have one common in- 
 terest to unite them ; that interest must cement 
 them. Natural allies, they have published to the 
 world professions of reciprocal esteem and confi- 
 dence, aid and assistance ; they have pledged 
 their faith of mutual friendship and alliance. 
 Not only common danger, bondage, and dis- 
 grace ; but national truth and honour conspire to 
 make the colonists resolve to — stand or fall to- 
 gether. 
 
 Americans never were destitute of discernment ; 
 they have never been grossly deficient in virtue. 
 A small share of sagacity is now needful to dis- 
 cover the insidious art of our enemies ; the small- 
 est spark of virtue will on this occasion kindle in- 
 to flame. 
 
391 
 
 Will the little temporary advantage held forth 
 for delusion, seduce them from their duty ? Will 
 they not evidence at this time, how^ much they 
 despise the commercial bribe of a British ministry ; 
 and testify to the world that they do not vail to 
 the most glorious of the ancients, in love of freedom 
 and sternness of virtue ? But as to the inhabitants 
 of this province, how great are the number, how 
 weighty the considerations to actuate their con- 
 duct ? Not a town in this colony, but have breath- 
 ed the warmest declarations of attachment to their 
 rights, union in their defence, and perseverance to 
 the end. Should any one maritime town (for 
 more than one I will not believe there can be), 
 allured by the expectations of gain, refuse to lend 
 their aid ; entertaining the base idea of build- 
 ing themselves upon the ruins of this metropolis, 
 and, in the chain of future events, on the destruc- 
 tion of all America ; — what shall we say ? — hours 
 of bitter reflection will come, when their owrf 
 feelings shall excite consideration ; when remem- 
 brance of the past, and expectation of the future, 
 shall fill up the measure of their sorrow and an- 
 guish. But I turn from the idea, which blasts my 
 country with infamy — my species with disgrace. 
 
 The intelligent reader must have noticed, that 
 
392 
 
 through the whole of the act of Parliament, there 
 is no suggestion that the East India company had 
 made any demand for damage done to their prop- 
 erty : — if the company supposed they had receiv- 
 ed injury, it doth not appear whom they consider 
 as guilty, and much less, that they had alleged 
 any charge against the town of Boston. But I 
 presume that if that company were intitled to 
 receive a recompense from the town, until they 
 prosecuted their demand they are supposed to waive 
 it. And we cannot but imagine, that this is the 
 first instance, where Parliament hath ordered one 
 subject to pay a satisfaction to another, when the 
 party aggrieved did not appear to make his regular 
 claim ; and much more uncommon is it, for such 
 recompense to be ordered without ascertaining the 
 amount to which the satisfaction shall extend. 
 
 But if the East India company were now made 
 easy, and Boston reduced to perfect silence and 
 humiliation ; how many " others" are there, who 
 would suggest, that they " suffered by the riots 
 and insurrections abovementioned," and demand 
 " reasonable satisfaction " therefor. The singular 
 texture, uncertainty, looseness, and ambiguity of this 
 phrase in the statute seems so calculated for dis- 
 pute, such an eternal bar to a full compliance with 
 
393 
 
 the requisitions of the act, and of course to render 
 permanent its evils, that I cannot speak upon the 
 subject without trespassing upon those bounds of 
 respect anil decency, within the circle of which 
 I have endeavoured to move. 
 
 Here, waiving further particular consideration of 
 that subject which gave origin to this performance, 
 I shall proceed to an equally interesting subject — 
 that of standing armies and civil society. 
 
 The faculty of intelligence may be considered as 
 the first gift of God ; its due exercise is the hap- 
 piness and honour of man ; its abuse, his calami- 
 ty and disgrace. The most trifling duty is not 
 properly discharged without the exertion of this 
 noble faculty ; yet how often does it lie dormant, 
 while the highest concernments are in issue ? Be- 
 lieve me, my countrymen, the labor of examin- 
 ing for ourselves, or great imposition, must be sub- 
 mitted to ; there is no other alternative : and unless 
 we weigh and consider what we examine, little 
 benefit will result from research. We are at this 
 extraordinary crisis called to view the most melan- 
 choly events of our day : the scene is unpleasant 
 to the eye, but its contemplation will be useful, 
 50 
 
394 
 
 if our thoughts terminate with judgment, resolution, 
 and spirit. 
 
 If at this period of public affairs, we do not 
 think, deliberate, and determine like men — men of 
 minds to conceive, hearts to feel, and virtue to 
 act, — what are we to do ? — to gaze upon our bond- 
 age ? while our enemies throw about firebrands, 
 arrows, and death, and play their tricks of desper- 
 ation with the gambols of sport and wantonness. 
 
 The proper object of society and civil institu- 
 tions is the advancement of " the greatest happiness 
 of the greatest number." The people (as a body, 
 being never interested to injure themselves and 
 uniformly desirous of the general welfare) have ever 
 made this collective felicity the object of their wish- 
 es and pursuit. But strange, as it may seem, what 
 the many through successive ages have desired and 
 sought, the few have found means to baffle and 
 defeat. The necessity of the acquisition hath been 
 conspicuous to the rudest mind ; but man, incon- 
 siderate that, " in every society, there is an effort 
 constantly tending to confer on one part the height 
 of power, and to reduce the other to the extreme of 
 weakness and misery,"* hath abandoned the most 
 
 * Marquis Beccaria. 
 
395 
 
 important concerns of civil society to the caprice 
 and control of those, whose elevation caused them 
 to forget their pristine equality, and whose inter- 
 est urged them to degrade the best and most useful 
 below the worst and most unprofitable of the spe- 
 cies.* Against this exertion, and the principle 
 which originates it, no vigilance can be too sharp, 
 no determination too severe. 
 
 But alas ! as if born to delude and be deluded— 
 to believe whatever is taught, and bear all that 
 is imposed — successive impositions, wrongs, and 
 insults awaken neither the sense of injury nor spirit 
 of revenge. Fascinations and enchantments, chain 
 and fetters, bind in adamant the understanding and 
 passions of the human race. Ages follow ages, 
 pointing the way to study wisdom, — but the charm 
 continu(3s. 
 
 Sanctified by authority and armed with power, 
 error and usurpation bid defiance to truth and 
 
 * " The modes of government which have been imposed on 
 credulous man, have been not only deficient in producing the 
 just ends of government, viz. the full and impartial security 
 of the rights of nature ; but also, have been rather formida- 
 ble and dangerous cabals against the peace, happiness, and 
 dignity of society." Macaulay's Observations on Burke's 
 Thoughts, &c. Edit. 5. p. 10. 
 
396 
 
 right, while the bulk of mankind sit gazing at the 
 monster of their own creation : — a monster,* to 
 which their follies and vices gave origin, and their 
 depravity and cowardice continue in existence. 
 
 " The greatest happiness of the greastest num- 
 ber" being the object and bond of society, the 
 establishment of truth and justice ought to be the 
 basis of civil policy and jurisprudence. But this 
 capital establishment can never be attained in a 
 state where there exists a power superior to the civil 
 magistrate and sufficic nt to control the authority of 
 the laws. Whenever therefore the profession of 
 arms becomes a distinct order in the state, and a 
 standing army part of the constitution, we are not 
 scrupulous to aftirm, that the end of the social 
 compact is defeated, and the nation called to act 
 upon the grand question consequent upon such an 
 event. 
 
 The people who compose the society (for whose 
 security the labour of its institution was perform- 
 ed, and of the toils its preservation daily sustained), 
 
 * " This (standing army) is a monster, that will devour all 
 your liberties and properties — there is a time for all men to 
 speak, and now, when our liberties are at stake, duty to God, 
 our prince, and country forbid to be silent." Sir John Ilotham's 
 speech in Parliament 1673. Grey's Debates, vol. ii. p. 391. 
 
397 
 
 the people, I say, are the only competent judges 
 of their own welfare, and, therefore, are the only 
 suitable authority to determine touching the great 
 end of their subjection and their sacrifices. This 
 position leads us to two others, not impertinent 
 on this occasion, because of much importance to 
 Americans : — 
 
 That the legislative body of tlie commonwealth 
 ought to deliberate, determine, and make their de- 
 crees in places where the legislators may easily 
 know from their own observation the wants and 
 exigencies, the sentiments and will, the good and 
 happiness of the people ; and the people as easily 
 know the deliberations, motives, designs, and con- 
 duct of their legislators, before their statutes and 
 ordinances actually go forth and take effect : — 
 
 That every member of the legislature ought 
 himself to be so far subject in his person and prop- 
 erty to the laws of the state, as to immediately 
 and effectually feel every mischief and inconven- 
 ience resulting from all and every act of legisla- 
 tion. 
 
 The science of man and society, being the most 
 extended in its jiature, and the most important 
 in its consequences, of any in the circle of erudi- 
 tion, ought to be an object of universal attention 
 
398 
 
 and study. Was it made so, the rights of mankind 
 would not remain buried for ages under systems 
 of civil and priestly hierarchy, nor social felicity 
 overwhelmed by lawless domination. 
 
 Under appearances the most venerable and in- 
 stitutions the most revered ; under the sanctity of 
 religion, the dignity of government, and the smiles 
 of beneficence, do the subtle and ambitious make 
 their first encroachments upon their species. 
 Watch and oppose ought therefore to be the motto 
 of mankind. A nation in its best estate — guarded 
 by good laws, fraught with public virtue, and steel- 
 ed with martial courage — may resemble Achilles : 
 but Achilles was wounded in the heel. The least 
 point left unguarded the foe enters : — latent evils 
 are the most danssrous — for we often receive the 
 mortal wound, while we are flattered with security. 
 
 The experience of all ages shows that mankind 
 are inattentive to the calamities of others, careless 
 of admonition, and with difficulty roused to repel 
 the most injurious invasions. " I perceive," said 
 the great patriot Cicero to his countrymen, "an 
 inclination for tyranny in all Caesar projects and 
 executes."* Notw^ithstanding this friendly cau- 
 
 * Pint. Life of Ciesar. 
 
399 
 
 tion, not " till it was too late did the people 
 find out, that no beginnings, however small, are 
 to be neglected."* For that Caesar, who at first 
 attacked the commonwealth with mines, very soon 
 opened his batteries. f Encroachments upon the 
 rights and property of the citizen are like the roll- 
 ings of mighty waters over the breach of ancient 
 mounds; slow and unalarming at the beginning; 
 rapid and terrible in the current ; a deluge and de- 
 vastation at the end. Behold the oak, which 
 stretcheth itself to the mountains, and overshadows 
 the vallies, was once an acorn in the bowels of the 
 earth. Slavery, my friends, which was yesterday 
 ingrafted among you, already overspreads the land, 
 extending its arms to the ocean, and its limbs to 
 the rivers. Unclean and voracious animals, under 
 its covert, find protection and food ; — but the 
 shade blastcth the green herb, and the root there- 
 of poisoneth the dry ground, while the winds 
 which wave its branches scatter pestilence and 
 death. 
 
 Regular government is necessary to the preserv- 
 ation of private property, and personal security. 
 Without these, men will descend into barbarism, or 
 
 * Plut. Life of Cfesar. f lb. 
 
40P 
 
 at best become adepts in humiliation and servility ; 
 but tliey will never make a progress in litera- 
 ture or the useful arts. Surely a proficiency in 
 arts and sciences is of some value to mankind, and 
 deserves some consideration. What regular gov- 
 ernment can America enjoy with a legislative a 
 thousand leagues distant, unacquainted with her 
 exigencies, militant in interest, and unfeeling of 
 her calamities ? What protection of property — 
 when ministers under this authority shall overrun 
 the land with mercenary legions ? What personal 
 safety, when a British administration — (such as 
 it now is, and corrupt as it may be) — pour arm- 
 ies into the capital and senate-house, point their 
 artillery against the tribunal of justice, and plant 
 weapons of death at the posts of our doors ? * 
 
 Thus exposed to the power, and insulted by the 
 arms of Britain — standing armies become an ob- 
 ject of serious attention. And as the history of 
 mankind affords no instance of successful and con- 
 firmed tyranny, without the aid of military forces, 
 we shall not wonder to find them the desiderata 
 of princes, and the grand object of modern policy. 
 What though they subdue every generous passion, 
 
 * All this, and much more, hath Boston been witness to. 
 
401 
 
 and extinguish every spark of virtue — all this must 
 be done, before empires will submit to be exhaust- 
 ed bv tribute and plundered with impunity. 
 
 Amidst all the devices of man to the prejudice 
 of his species, the institution of which we treat 
 hath proved the most extensively fatal to religion, 
 morals, and social happiness. Founded in the most 
 malevolent dispositions of the human breast, dis- 
 guised by the policy of state, supported by the 
 lusts of ambition, the sword hath spread havock 
 and misery throughout the world. By the aid 
 of mercenary troops, the sinews of war, the prop- 
 erty of the subject, the life of the commonwealth 
 have been committed to the hands of hirelings, 
 whose interest and very existence depend on an 
 abuse of their power. In the lower class of life, 
 standing armies have introduced brutal debauch- 
 ery and real cowardice ; in the higher orders of 
 state, venal haughtiness and extravagant dissipa- 
 tion. In short, whatever are the concomitants 
 of despotism, w hatever the appendages of oppres- 
 sion, this armed monster hath spawned or nurtur- 
 ed, protected or established ; — monuments and 
 scourges of the folly and turpitude of man. 
 
 Review the armament of modern princes : — 
 what sentiments actuate the military body ? what 
 51 
 
402 
 
 characters compose it ? Is there a private sentinel 
 of all the innumerable troops that make so bril- 
 liant a figure, who would not for want of property 
 have been driven from a Roman cohort, when 
 soldiers were the defenders of liberty ? * 
 
 Booty, and blind submission, is the science of 
 the camp. When lust, rapacity, or resentment, 
 incites, whole battalions proceed to outrage. Do 
 their leaders command — obedience must follow. 
 " Private soldiers," said Tiberius Gracchus from 
 the Roman rostrum, " fight and die to advance 
 the wealth and luxury of the great."! " Sol- 
 diers," said an eminent Puritan, in his sermon, 
 preached in this country more than a hundred and 
 thirty years ago, " are commonly men who fight 
 themselves fearlessly into the mouth of hell for 
 revenge, a booty, or a little revenue : — a day of 
 battle is a day of harvest for the devil." Soldiers, 
 like men, are much the same in every age and 
 country. 
 
 " Heroes are much the same, the point 's agreed, 
 From Macedonia's madman to the Swede." 
 
 What will they not fight for, — whom will they 
 not fight against ? Are these men, who take up 
 
 * See Rousseau's Social Comp. 202. 
 t Plut. Life of Tib. Grac. 
 
403 
 
 arms with a view to defend their country and its 
 laws ? Do the ideas or the feelings of the citi- 
 zen actuate a British private on entering the 
 camp ? * Excitements, generous and noble like 
 these, are far from being the stimuli of a modern 
 phalanx. The general of an army, habituated to 
 uncontrolled command, feels himself absolute ; he 
 forgets his superiors,! or rather despises that civil 
 authority, which is destitute of an energy to 
 compel his obedience. His soldiers (who look up 
 to him as their sovereign, and to their officers as 
 magistrates) lose the sentiments of the chizen, 
 and contemn the laws. Thus a will and a power 
 to tyrannize, become united ; and the effects are 
 as inevitable and fatal in the political, as the 
 moral world. 
 
 The soldiers of Great Britain are by the muti- 
 ny act deprived of those legal rights which belong 
 to the meanest of their fellow-subjects, and even 
 to the vilest malefactor.! Thus divested of those 
 
 * See 1 Black. Com. p. 307- 
 
 t '• It is grown a principle among the army (an ill nursery 
 for young men), that Parliaments are roots of rebellion." 
 Sir John Hotham in the House of Commons, iGjo. Grey's 
 Debates in Parliament, Vol. ii. p. 203. 
 
 I Lds. Prot. Vol. i. p. 280. Anuo 1717. 
 
404 
 
 lights and privileges which render Britons the 
 envy of all other nations, and liable to such hard- 
 ships and punishments as the limits and mercy 
 of our known laws utterly disallow ; it may well 
 be thought they are persons best prepared and 
 most easily tempted to strip others of their rights, 
 having already lost their own.* Excluded, there- 
 fore, from the enjoyments which others possess, 
 they envy and hate the rest of the community, 
 and indulge a malignant pleasure in destroying 
 those privileges to which they can never be admit- 
 ted, f How eminently does modern observation 
 verify that sentiment of Baron Montesquieu, " A 
 slave living among freemen will soon become a 
 beast, t 
 
 A very small knowledge of the human breast, 
 and a little consideration of the ends for which 
 we form into societies and commonwealths, dis- 
 cover the impropriety and danger of admitting 
 such an order of men to obtain an establishment 
 in the state ; the annals and experience of every 
 age show, that it is not only absurdity and folly, 
 but distraction and madness. But we in this 
 
 *Sce Lds. Prot. Vol. i. p. 283. Anno 1717. 
 tMontosq. Sp. Laws, 15, 12 ; and I Black. Com. 416. 
 rSce Sp. Laws, 348. 2 Edit. 
 
405 
 
 region of the earth have not only to dread and 
 struggle with the natural and common calamities 
 resulting from such military bodies, but the 
 combined dangers arising from an army of for- 
 eigners, stationed in the very bowels of the land. 
 Infatuated Britons have been told, and as often 
 deceived, that an army of natives would never 
 oppress their own countrymen. But Caesar and 
 Cromwell, and an hundred others, have enslaved 
 their country with such kind of forces. And 
 who does not know that subalterns are implicitly 
 obedient to their officers ; who, when they be- 
 come obnoxious are easily changed ; as armies, to 
 serve the purposes of ambition and power, are 
 soon new modelled. But as to America, the ar- 
 mies which infest her shores, are in every view for- 
 eigners, disconnected with her in interest, kindred, 
 and other social alliances ; who have nothing to 
 lose, but every thing to gain, by butchering and 
 oi)pressing her inhabitants. But yet worse ; — 
 iheir inroads arc to be palliated, their outrages 
 are to receive a sanction and defence from a 
 Parliament whose claims and decrees are as un- 
 righteous, as the administration is corrupt ; as 
 boundless as their ambition, and as terrible as 
 their power. The usurpation and tyranny of the 
 
406 
 
 Decemviri of Rome are represented as singularly 
 odious and oppressive ; but even they never as- 
 sumed what Britain, in the face of all mankind, 
 hath avowed and exercised over the colonies ; — 
 the power of passing laws merely on her own 
 authority. " Nothing that we propose," said 
 they to the people, " can pass into a law without 
 your consent. Be yourselves, ye Romans, the 
 authors of those laws on which your happiness 
 depends." 
 
 " The dominion of all great empires degrades 
 and debases the human species." * The dominion 
 of Britain is that of a mighty empire. Her laws 
 waste our substance, her placemen corrupt our 
 morals, and her armies are to break our spirits. 
 Yes, are they not to do more ? " To spoil, to 
 slaughter, and to commit every kind of violence ; 
 and then to call the manoeuvre by a lying name, 
 — government ; and when they have spread a 
 general devastation, call it peace."! In the bar- 
 barous massacres of France, in the 16th century, 
 the very hangmen refused obedience to the cruel 
 
 * See Dr Robertson's Hist. Charles V. vol. i. p. 3. 
 
 i Part of a noble speech recorded by Tacitus (Vita Agric), 
 of an old Britain to his followers, exciting them to free their 
 country, then a j)rovince of Rome, from the yoke of bondage. 
 
407 
 
 mandates of the French monarch, saying, they 
 were legal officers, and only executed those the 
 laws condemned. Yet history bears testimony 
 that the soldiers performed the office which the 
 hangman refused.* Who then can be at a loss 
 for the views of those who were so fond of intro- 
 ducing and tenacious of obtaining similar peace- 
 officers in this obnoxious capital ? f But let all 
 such, — yes, let Great Britain consider the nature 
 of mankind ; let her examine carefully the history 
 of past events, and attend to the voice of expe- 
 rience. 
 
 In the same age we have just mentioned, the 
 Low Countries, then subject to the crown of 
 Spain, being persecuted by the court and church 
 of that kingdom, rose up to resist their oppressors. 
 Upon which in the year 1567, the Duke of Alva 
 was sent, and entered the country with a well 
 appointed army, ten thousand strong ; in order 
 to quell and punish the insurgents. Terrified 
 with these martial operations, the towns sufifered 
 
 * See the life of Theod. Agrip. D'Aubigne, p. 38. 
 
 t Whoever wants information of the spirit, cruelty, and 
 rapine of soldiers quartered in populous cities, let thera pe- 
 ruse the first book of the elegant and instructive history, 
 written by the masterly hand of Tacitus. 
 
408 
 
 the open breach of their charters, and the people 
 submitted to the most humiliating infraction of 
 their liberties ; while Alva, being invested with 
 the government, erected the court of twelve, call- 
 ed The Council of Blood, and caused great num- 
 bers to be condemned and executed on account of 
 the insurrections. Universal complaints ensued 
 on this disuse of the ordinary courts of law and 
 the introduction of the army ; but complaints 
 were in vain, and all murmurs despised. The 
 people became enraged ; but without a leader, 
 they were over-awed. " The army," says Sir 
 William Temple, " was fierce and brave, and de- 
 sirous of nothing so much as a rebellion of the 
 country." All was seizure and process, confisca- 
 tion and imprisonment, blood and horror, insolence 
 and dejection, punishments executed and medi- 
 tated revenge. But though the multitude threat- 
 ened vengeance, the threats of a broken and 
 unarmed people excited contempt and not fear. 
 Alva redoubled his impositions and ravages ; his 
 edicts were published for raising monies without 
 the consent of the state, and his soldiers were 
 called to levy the exactions by force. But the 
 event showed, that the timidity and tameness of 
 mankind, like every thing human, will have a 
 
409 
 
 period. The patience of the miserable sufferers 
 came to an end ; and those commotions began, 
 which di^luged a great part of Europe with blood, 
 and finally freed the United Provinces from the 
 yoke of Spain and the Inquisition. What conflicts 
 too sharp, what horrors too dreadful to endure, 
 for such a happy deliverance, — such a glorious 
 issue ? Thus " the first period of the Low- Coun- 
 try troubles," says the same ingenious writer, 
 " proved to King Philip (of Spain) a dear experi- 
 ence, how little the best conduct and boldest 
 armies are able to withstand the torrent of a 
 stubborn and enraged people, which ever bears 
 all down before it, till it comes to be divided into 
 different channels by arts, or by chance ; or till 
 the springs, which are the humours that fed it, 
 come to be spent, or dry up of themselves."* 
 
 During several centuries, history informs us, 
 that no monarch in Europe was either so bold, 
 or so powerful, as to venture on any steps towards 
 the introduction of regular troops. At last, 
 Charles the Seventh of France, seizing a favoura- 
 ble opportunity in L445, executed that which his 
 
 * See Temple's Obs. upon the United Provinces, pp. 15, 
 16, 17, 19. 
 
 52 
 
410 
 
 predecessors durst not attempt, and established 
 the first standing army known in Europe. Lewis 
 the Eleventh, son and successor of Charles, find- 
 ing himself at the head of his father's forces, 
 was naturally excited to extend the limits of 
 his ancestors, in the levies of money and men. 
 Charles had not been able to raise upon his sub- 
 jects two millions, but the araiy he left his 
 successor enabled him to levy nearly five. The 
 father established an army of about seventeen 
 hundred, which " he kept in good order, and 
 placed for the defence of the realm ; " but this 
 army, though thus disciplined and stationed, 
 enabled the son to maintain " in continual pay 
 a terrible band of men of arms, which gave the 
 realm," says the historian, Philip de Comines, 
 *' a cruel wound, of which it bled many years." * 
 How regular, correspondent, and uniform are the 
 rise and progression of military calamities in all 
 ages ! How replete with instruction, — how full 
 of admonition, are the memorials of distant times; 
 especially when contracted into the view, and 
 held up in comparison with the present. 
 
 * Sixth Book of the Hist, of Ph. de Comines, p. 206. 
 London Edit. l6l4. 
 
411 
 
 Charles and Lewis having set the example, all 
 the neighbouring crowned heads soon followed, 
 and mercenary troops were introduced into all the 
 considerable kingdoms of the continent. They 
 gradually became the only military force that was 
 employed or trusted. " It has long been," says 
 the learned Dr Robertson, " the chief object of 
 policy to increase and support them, and the 
 great aim of princes or ministers to discredit and 
 to annihilate all other means of national activity or 
 defence."* Who will wonder at this, who reflect, 
 that absolute monarchies are established, and can 
 only be supported by mercenary forces ? Who 
 can be surprised, that princes and their subalterns 
 discourage a martial spirit among the people, and 
 endeavour to render useless and contemptible the 
 militia, when this institution is the natural strength, 
 and only stable safeguard, of a free country ? f 
 " Without it, it is folly to think any free govern- 
 ment will ever have security and stability." J A 
 
 * Hist. Charles V. vol. i. p. 9 J. See also Macauly's 
 Hist, of England, vol. ii. p. lG5. Sir John Phillips' Speech 
 in the British House of Commons, 1744. Debates of the 
 Commons, vol. ii. p. 6l. 
 
 t " Our trained bands are the truest and most proper 
 strenjrth of a free nation.*' Eikonoklastcs of .John Milton. 
 
 I Hume 278. 
 
412 
 
 staiirjin'4 army in quarters will grow effeminate 
 and dissolute ; while a militia, uniformly exer- 
 cised with hard labor, arc naturally firm and 
 robust. This an army in peace is worse than a 
 militia ; and in war, a militia will soon become 
 disciplined and martial. But '' when the sword 
 is in the hands of a single person, as in our con- 
 stitution, he will always," says the ingenious 
 Hume, " neglect to discipline the militia,* in 
 order to have a pretext for keeping up a standing 
 army. It is evident," says the same great char- 
 acter, " I hat this is a mortal distemper in the 
 British government ; of which it must at last 
 inevitably perish." t What a deformed monster 
 is a standing army in a free nation ! Free, did I 
 say ! what people are truly free, whose monarch 
 has a numerous body of armed mercenaries at his 
 heels ? who is already absolute in his power, — or 
 
 * Of a like opinion was Sir Thomas Lee, in Charles the 
 Second's reign. See Grey's Debates, vol. ii. p. 391. 
 
 In order to discourage the train bands in Charles the 
 First's time, the court found means to enhance the price of 
 powder; and it was accordingly complained of in Parliament 
 as " a great grievance." See Rush. Coll. vol. i. p. 33. Let 
 us not be surprised, if any like artifice should be practised in 
 our day. t Hume 279. 
 
413 
 
 by the breath of his nostrils may in an instant 
 make himself so ? 
 
 No free government was ever founded, or ever 
 preserved its liberty, without uniting the charactei-s 
 of citizen and soldier in those destined for the de- 
 fence of the state. The sword should never be 
 in the hands of any but those who have an inter- 
 est in the safety of the commuuity, who fight for 
 their religion and their offspring, — and repel 
 invaders that they may return to their private 
 affairs and the enjoyment of freedom and good 
 order. Such are a well regulated militia com- 
 posed of the freeholders, citizens, and husband- 
 men, who take up arms to preserve their property 
 as individuals, and their rights as freemen. Such 
 is the policy of a truly wise nation, and such was 
 the wisdom of the ancient Britons. The primi- 
 tive constitution of a state in a few centuries falls 
 to decay ; errors and corruptions creep gradually 
 into the administration of government, till poster- 
 ity forget, or disregard, the institutions of their 
 remote ancestors. In ancient time, the militia 
 of England was raised, officered, and conducted, 
 by common consent. Its militia was the orna- 
 ment of the realm in peace, and for ages con- 
 tinued the only and sure defence in war. Was 
 
414 
 
 the king himself general of an army, it was by 
 the consent of his people. Thus when the Ro- 
 mans visited the island of Britain, Cassibelan 
 Was the prince and chief commander in war ; but 
 it was by the election of the great common coun- 
 cil. Summa belli, says Caesar, communi con- 
 cilio, Cassibelano traditur. Nor will this seem 
 strange, when we consider that it was the first 
 state maxim with the Druids, Ne loqui de repub- 
 licd, 7iisi per concilium ; not even to speak upon 
 a matter of state but in council. Nor is it to be 
 wondered that such politicians informed Caesar, 
 that they had been so long accustomed to liberty, 
 that they knew not the meaning of tribute and 
 slavery ; and sent him word that they had as 
 good blood as he, and from the same fountain. 
 Surely a message that was received by a Roman, 
 may be sent to a British Caesar. These were 
 those venerable Druids, who had inspired the 
 Gauls, of whom Caesar reports this memorable 
 boast : " We can call or appeal to such a great 
 common council, as all the world cannot resist." 
 Tacitus, speaking of our Saxon ancestors, relates, 
 Reges ex nobilitate, duces ex virtu te in iisdem 
 conciliis eliguntur. The great council, or the 
 Parliament of the state, had, not only the appoint- 
 
415 
 
 ment of the principes militiee, but the conduct of 
 all military forces, from the first erection of the 
 standard to its lodgment in the citadel ; fur, as 
 the same noble writer informs, it was their gene- 
 ral custom, not to entrust any man with the bear- 
 ing of arms, antequam civitas suffecturum proha- 
 verit. Such was the security of the people from 
 the calamities of a standing army : happy indeed, 
 if their successors could boast a similar provision ; 
 — Britain would not now be groaning under op- 
 pression, nor her distant children struggling for 
 their freedom. 
 
 A spirited nation thus embodied in a well dis- 
 ciplined militia will soon become warlike ; and 
 such a people, more fitted for action than debate, 
 always hasten to a conclusion on the subject of 
 grievances and public wrongs, and bring their de- 
 liberations to the shortest issue. With them " it is 
 the work of but one day, to examine and resolve 
 the nice question, concerning the behaviour of 
 subjects towards a ruler who abuses his power."* 
 
 Artful dissemblings and plausible pretences are 
 always adopted in order to introduce regular 
 troops. Dionysius became the tyrant of Syracuse, 
 
 * See Dr Robertson's Hist, of Scotland, vol. i. p. 204, 205. 
 
416 
 
 the most opulent of all the Grecian cities, by 
 feigning a solicitude for the people and a fear of 
 his own person. He humbly prajed only a guard 
 for his protection : they easily granted, what he 
 readily took — the power of plundering by military 
 force and entailing his sovereignty by a devise of 
 his sword. Agathocles, a successor to the Dio- 
 nysian family and to the command of the army, 
 continued the military tyranny, and butchered the 
 enslaved people by centuries. ui:.ii;ijv.i 
 
 Cardinal Ximenes, who made the first innova- 
 tion of this kind in Spain, disguised the measure 
 under the pious and popular appearance of resist- 
 ing the progress of the Infidels. The Nobles saw 
 his views and excited opposition in the chief towns 
 of the kingdom. But by dexterously using ter- 
 ror and entreaty, force and forbearance, the refrac- 
 tory cities were brought to compliance. The 
 nobles, thus driven to desperate resolutions by the 
 Cardinal's military movements, at a personal in- 
 terview, were warm and intemperate ; when the 
 arch-prelate insensibly led them towards a balcony 
 from which they had a view of a large body of 
 troops under arms, and a formidable train of artil- 
 lery. " Behold," sa^s he, pointing to these, and rais- 
 ing his voice, " the powers which I have receiv- 
 
417 
 
 ed from his Catholic majesty. With these I 
 govern Castile, and with these I will govern it." 
 Nobles and people discovered it was now too late 
 for resistance : — to regret past folly and dread fu- 
 ture calamities was the remaining fate of the 
 wretched Castilians. After the Romans quitted 
 the island of Britain, the first appearance of a 
 standing army was under Richard the Second. 
 The suppression of his enemies in Ireland calling 
 him out of England, his subjects seized the op- 
 portunity and dethroned him. 
 
 Henry the Seventh, a character odious for ra- 
 pacity and fraud, was the first king of England 
 who obtained a permanent military band in that 
 kingdom. It was only a band of fifty archers : — 
 with the harmless appellation of yeomen of the 
 guards. This apparently trivial institution was a 
 precedent for the greatest political evil that ever in- 
 fested the inhabitants of Britain. The ostensible 
 pretext was the dignity of government — " the gran- 
 deur of majesty : " — * the alteration of the consti- 
 tution and an increase of power was the aim of 
 the prince. An early "oppugnation of the king's 
 authority," though no doubt his favourite subal- 
 terns would have styled it "ill-timed," f had easily 
 
 * See Rapin. t See the late Governor Beruard's Speeches. 
 
 53 
 
418 
 
 effected that disbanding of the new-raised forces, 
 which being a little while delayed, no subsequent 
 struggles have accomplished. The wisdom of re- 
 sistance at the beginning has been repeatedly in- 
 culcated by the wise and liberal-minded of all 
 nations, and the experience of every age hath 
 confirmed their instruction. But no precept, or 
 example, can make the bulk of mankind wise for 
 themselves. Though cautioned (as we have 
 seen)* against the projects of Caesar, the smiles 
 of his benignity deceived the Roman Common- 
 wealth, till the increase of his power bid defiance 
 to opposition. Celebrated for his generosity and 
 magnificence, his complacency and compassion,! 
 the complaisant courtier made his w^ay into the 
 hearts of his countrymen. They would not be- 
 lieve, though admonished by the best of men and 
 first of patriots, t that the smiling Caesar would 
 filch away their liberties ; — that a native — born and 
 bred a Roman — would enslave his country — the 
 land of his fathers — the land of his birth — the land 
 of his posterity.^ But the ambitious Caisar aiming 
 
 * See before, p. 398. t See Sallust. 
 
 I M. T. Cicero. See Pint. Life of Cccsar. 
 § A similar infatuation hath, oftener than once, prevailed 
 jn this Province : an instance of vvliich we have in the time 
 
419 
 
 at authority, and Caesar armed and intoxicated 
 with poucu", appear in very different characters. 
 He who appeared with the mildness of a fine 
 gentleman, in his primeval state, in an advanced 
 station conducted with the sternness of a tyrant. 
 Opposed by a tribune of the people in taking 
 money out of the public treasury against the laws, 
 Caesar, with an army at his heels, proclaimed, " arms 
 and laws do not flourish together." " If you are 
 
 of Governor Dudley. This gentleman " after he had been 
 agent for the country, tacked about, and joined with the in- 
 struments that overthrew the charter, and accepted an illegal 
 and arbitrary commission from King James, by which he held 
 the government, until the arrival of Sir Edmund Andross ; 
 and then was (as president of the council, and Chief Judge 
 of tlie territory) a chief tool of all the ensuing barbarous 
 and infamous administration." " After his appointment to 
 the government, his conduct was of the same texture with his 
 former life : (it was his son Paul, who wrote to England that 
 this country would never be worth living in, for lawyers and 
 gentlemen, till the charter is taken away."') — Yet such was the 
 delusion at that day, " some of the Council would firmly be- 
 lieve charitably of him, because his family and interest were 
 here, and therefore thought it unreasonable to believe he 
 would do any thing that should hurt his country." See a 
 book published in London, about 1708, intitled, "The de- 
 plorable state of New England, by reason of a covetous and 
 treacherous Governor and pusillanimous Counsellors." p. 3 & 
 9, &c. 
 
420 
 
 not pleased," added the usurper, "with what I am 
 about, you have nothing to do but to withdraw. 
 Indeed war will not bear much liberty of speech. 
 When I say this, I am departino; from my own 
 right. For you and all I have found exciting a 
 spirit of faction* against me are at my disposal." 
 Saying this, he approached the doors of the trea- 
 sury; as the keys were not produced, he sent his 
 workmen to break them open.f This is the com- 
 plaisant Caesar — renowned for his amiable qual- 
 ities • by his easy address he deceived, and by his 
 arts enslaved his countrymen, — and prepared the 
 way for a succeeding Nero to spoil and slaughter 
 them. Singular and very remarkable have been 
 the interpositions of Providence in favour of New 
 England : — the permission of an early carnage in 
 our streets, peradventure, was to awaken us from 
 the danger — of being politely beguiled into se- 
 curity and fraud fully drawn into bondage ; — a 
 state that sooner or later ends in rapine and 
 blood. Shall we be too enthusiastic, if we 
 attribute to the Divine influence that unexpected 
 
 * Justice was faction in ancient Rome, as well as modern 
 Britain. See Macauly's Hist. 405. Montagu's Rise and 
 Fall of the Ancient Repub. 275. 
 
 t Plut. Life of Caesar. 
 
4n 
 
 good which hath so often in our day been brought 
 out of premeditated evil ? Few, comparatively, 
 of the many mischiefs aimed against us, but what 
 have terminated in some advantage, or are now 
 verging to some happy issue. If the dexterity of 
 veteran troops has not excited envy, if their out- 
 rage hath not provoked revenge, their military dis- 
 cipline hath set a well-timed example, and their 
 savage fury been a well improved incentive. The 
 lusts of an enemy may touch a sensibility of 
 mind, and his very pride pique the virtue of the 
 heart. 
 
 Fleets which appeared formidable, and armies 
 which threatened destruction, have either vapoured 
 away with empty parade, or executed their mis- 
 chievous designs with rashness and folly. To 
 compensate the insidt and repair the injury. Provi- 
 dence hath caused these armaments to scatter 
 much wealth and diffuse abroad a martial passion: 
 — a passion, which hath proved so contagious, that 
 our militia are advanced a century, at least, in 
 discipline and improvements. Where are the peo- 
 ple who can compose a militia of better men, more 
 expert in the use of arms and the conduct of the 
 field, than we can now call forth into action ? A 
 militia who, a few years ago, knew near as much 
 
422 
 
 of the science of Algebra, as of the art military. 
 Thus hostile invasions have roused among us the 
 genius of war : — that genius, which, under God, 
 will conduct us with safety and honour — with tri- 
 umph and glory. 
 
 Surely we may say of our adversaries ; — In the 
 net, which they hid, is their own foot taken, and 
 they are snared in the wickedness of their own 
 hands. Our enemies, the last ten years, have been 
 employed to weave a spider's web and hatch the 
 eggs of a cockatrice : — consuming their own bow- 
 els by what they have weaved ; and destroyed by 
 what they have brought forth. Thus Goliah is 
 killed with his own sword, Haman hanged upon 
 his own gallows.* Marvellous were the doings of 
 God in the eyes of our fathers ; — nor less astonish- 
 ing are his works in the days of their progeny. f 
 
 * Thus also the Bishop of Verdun, who was the modern 
 contriver of a new species of state-prison (for which many 
 have cursed him), was, by the righteous dispensation of Provi- 
 dence, first put into it himself, and confined " in the cruel 
 prison" fourteen years. Phil, de Cora. Hist. p. 2l6. 
 
 t It was an observation applied by the first settlers of New 
 England to their great consolation, that when wicked men are 
 nearest their hopes, godly men are farthest from their fears, 
 because the insolence and cowardice of the wicked usually 
 engage God to defeat their design. 
 
423 
 
 Charles the Second told his parliament, their 
 "jealousy, that the forces he had raised were de- 
 signed to control law and property, was weak and 
 frivolous."* The cajolement took for a season, 
 but his subjects having been abused by repeated 
 violations of his most solemn vows, at last roused 
 from their lethargy ; and the king began to dread 
 the severity of their vengeance. He therefore 
 kept up a standing army, not only against law, 
 but against the repeated resolutions of every 
 Parliament of his reign. He found that corruption 
 without force could not confirm him a tyrant, and 
 therefore cherished and augmented his troops to 
 the destruction of his people and the terror of 
 his senators. " There go our masters," f was a 
 common saying among the members of Parlia- 
 ment. " No law can restrain these people ; 
 houses are taken from us, our lives are in danger," 
 said one member in Parliament. " Without be- 
 traying our trust," said Russel, " we must vote 
 these standing forces a grievance. There are de- 
 signs about the King, to ruin religion and property. 
 Public business is the least of their concern. A 
 
 * Speech to both Houses, February 1672, and Grey's 
 Deb. in Pari. vol. vii. p. 26. 
 t Johnson's Works, p. 312. 
 
m 
 
 few upstart people, making hay while the sun 
 shines, set up an army to establish their interest: 
 I would have care taken for the future, that no 
 army be raised for a cabal interest. A gentleman 
 said, the last session, that this war was made rather 
 for the army, than the army for the war. This 
 government, with a standing army, can never be 
 safe : we cannot be secure in this house ; and 
 some of us may have our heads taken off. " * 
 
 Patriots harangued in vain ; — the Commons 
 voted the keeping up the army illegal and a griev- 
 ance, — but while they thus did, they openly be- 
 trayed a dread of that army. " I would not give 
 an alarm to those who have arms in their hands,'' 
 said one member ; "I cannot but observe that the 
 House of Commons is now in fear of the army," 
 said another.f Plain as it was for what end the 
 army was kept up, the people slumbered. 
 
 The exigencies of the times called for some- 
 thing more than votes and paper resolutions. 
 What was the consequence of this national cow- 
 ardice and inactivity ? " England saw herself en- 
 gaged in the expense of 600,000 pounds sterling, 
 to pay an army and fleet, which certainly, "■ says 
 
 * Grey's Debates, vol. ii. 219, 393. 
 
 i Grey's Debates in Pari. vol. vii. p. 71, 72, 73- 
 
425 
 
 Rnpin, "had not been prepared to make war with 
 France, or for the security of Enghmd." Spirit- 
 ed resolves may please the ear ; senatorial clo- 
 rj nonce may charm the eye, but these are not the 
 weapons with which to coml)at standing armies ; 
 these were not those, which freed this capital from 
 stationed regiments ; — they are not those, which 
 will ultimately But 1 forbear : time will un- 
 fold, what I may not foretell. 
 
 The British court, never destitute of plausibil- 
 ities to deceive, or inventions to inthrall the nation, 
 appropriated monies, raised by Parliament for the 
 purpose of disbandiiig the army, to their continu- 
 ance ; ^ and unilorndy pinsurd similar measures, 
 till, in the year 1684, *'the King, in order to make 
 his people sensible of their new slavery, affected 
 to muster his troops, which amounted to 4000, well 
 armed and disciplined." f If Rapin dcjiomijiated 
 so small an armament, the "shivery of the subject 
 under Charles the Secojid," what would he call 
 the state of Britons under George the Third ? 
 With 4000 troops, the kingdom, it seems, was re- 
 duced to servitude : but the spirit of the nation 
 soon after rose. In 1685 complaint was made in 
 
 * See King's Speech, October lG78. + See Rapin. 
 
 54 
 
426 
 
 Parliament, '' that the country was weary of the 
 oppression and plunder of the soldiers ;" " the 
 army," it was said, " debauched the manners of all 
 the people, their wives, da ughtc^rs, and servants."* 
 The grievance became intolerable, — and what was 
 happy, it was not too mighty for opposition. James 
 the Second had only 14, or 15,000 troops, and 
 no riot act. The barbarities of a Kirk, and the 
 campaign of a Jeffreys, could not pass with im- 
 punity. The revolution succeeded, and James 
 abdicated his throne. Such was the fate of one, 
 who vainly affected to play the despot with about 
 fifteen regiments. Had he been encircled with an 
 hundred, no doubt he had reigned an applauded 
 tyrant — flattered, in his day, with that lying ap- 
 pellation, "the wisest and the best of kings. "f 
 
 * Grey's Debates, vol. viii.p. 365, 366. 
 
 f " Patriae Patri, Regum Optimo," was part of an inscription 
 on the marble statue erected to Charles the Second, as worth- 
 less and odious a prince as any in the history of England. See 
 Rapin, p. 734. fol edit. — Even Richard the Third, generally 
 represented both as a monster in person and disposition, hath 
 however had panegyrists who affirm, that he was remarkably 
 genteel, and the best of kings. See Barrington's Observa- 
 tions on the more ancient Statutes, p. 392, 393. 
 
 Thus that insolent tyrant, Henry the Eighth, who disgraced 
 bis species by repeated violations of his most solemn vows, 
 
427 
 
 The army of the present king of Great Britain 
 is larger than that with which Alexander subdued 
 the East, or Cajsar conquered Gaul. " If the 
 arm J we now keep up," said Sir John Phillips 
 thirty years ago, in the House of Commons, 
 *' should once be as much attached to the crown 
 as Julius Caesar's army was to him, I should be 
 glad to know where we could find a force superior 
 to that army." * Is there no such attachment 
 now existing?! Surely the liberties of England, 
 if not held at will, are holden by a very precari- 
 ous tenure. 
 
 and the practice of open debauchery and riot ; a despot, 
 who, lost to the common feelings of humanity, made his laws 
 more bloody than those of Draco or Dionysius, and caused a 
 greater number of executions than any other King of Eng- 
 land, is characterized on the Journals of the House of Lords, 
 as a Prince of wondrous goodness and wisdom. See the 
 same Observations^ p. 46) , 462, 472. Surely he who calls the 
 reigning monarch " the wisest and best of kings," ought 
 always to be suspected of burlesque and sarcasm, or some- 
 thing worse. 
 
 * See Debates in the House of Commons, vol. ii. p. 56, 
 57, 58. 
 
 + " By a numerous army and a severe riot act, you may in- 
 deed prevent mobs and riots among the people ; but if this 
 method be pursued for a long time, you will make your raia- 
 
428 
 
 The supreme power is ever possessed hy those 
 who have arms iji their hands, and are disciplined 
 to the use of them. When the Arpves, con- 
 scious of a good title, di.sj)uted with Lysander 
 about bomularies, the Laced<emonian showed his 
 swo<d, and vamitingly cried out, " He that is 
 master of this, can best plead about boundaries."* 
 The Mamertines of Messina declined appear- 
 ance at the tribunal of Pompey, to acknowledge 
 his jurisdiction, alleging in excuse, ancient privi- 
 leges, granted them by the Romans. " Will you 
 never have done," exclaimed Pompey, " with 
 citing laws and privileges to men who wear 
 swords ? " t What boundaries will they set to 
 their passions, who have no limits to their 
 power ? Unlimited oppression and wantonness 
 are the never-failing attendajits of unbounded au- 
 thority. Such power a veteran army always 
 acquire, and beijig able to riot in mischief with 
 impunity, they always do it with licentiousness. 
 
 isters tyrants and your people slaves." Sir John Bernard's 
 Speech in the British House of Commons, 1774. Debat. vol. 
 ii. p. 118. Qu. If this method hath not been thus pursued ? 
 And Qu. Whether the prophecy is fulfilling, or already ac- 
 complished in Great Iritain .f" 
 
 * riut. Life of Lysander. t Plut. Life of Porapey. 
 
429 
 
 Regular soldiers, embodied for the purpose of 
 originating oppression, or extending dominion, 
 ever compass the control of the magistrate. The 
 same force which preserves a despotism immuta- 
 ble, may change the despot every day. Power 
 is soon felt by those who possess it, and they 
 who can command, will never servilely obey. 
 The leaders of the army, having become masters 
 of the person of their sovereiijn, degrade or exalt 
 him at Avill.* Obvious as these truths may seem, 
 and confirmed as they are by all history, f yet a 
 weak or wicked prince is easily persuaded, by 
 the creatures who surround him, to act the tyrant. 
 A character so odious to subjects must necessa- 
 rily be timid and jealous. Afraid of the wise 
 and good, he must support his dignity by the 
 assistance of the worthless and wicked. Stand- 
 ing armies are therefore raised by the infatuated 
 prince ; no sooner established, than the defence- 
 
 * " Whoever uses a mercenary army," says the erreat Lord 
 Chancellor Bacon, " thoiiiih he may spread his feathers for a 
 time, he will mew them soon after ; and raise them with 
 what design you please, yet, like the West India dogs, in 
 Boccaline, in a little time they will certainly turn sheep- 
 biters." 
 
 t See Dr Sullivan's Lectures on the Laws of England, p. 56. 
 
430 
 
 less multitude are their first prey. Mere power 
 is wanton and cruel; the army grow liccnious, 
 and the people grow desperate. Dreadful alter- 
 native to the infatuated monarch ! In constant 
 jeopardy of losing the regalia of empire, till the 
 caprice of an armed banditti degrade him from 
 sovereignty,* or the enraged people wreak an 
 indiscriminate and righteous vengeance. Alas ! 
 when will kings learn wisdom, and mighty men 
 have understanding ? 
 
 A further review of the progress of armies in 
 our parent state, will be a useful, though not a 
 pleasant employ. No particular reason or occa- 
 sion was so much as suggested in the bill which 
 passed the Parliament in 1717, for keeping on 
 foot a standing army of 30,000 men in time of 
 peace (a number since amazingly increased :) 
 an act justly recorded in the Lord's Journal to 
 be a precedent for keeping the same army at all 
 times, and which, the protest of that day foretold, 
 " must inevitably subvert the ancient constitution 
 
 * Sir Robert Atkins (afterwards Lord Chief Justice of the 
 Common Pleas in England) said in Parliament (anno 1667), 
 — " Six Emperors in five years had their heads tumbled 
 down by a military government." Grey's Debates in Pari. 
 vol. i. p. 23. 
 
431 
 
 of the realm, and subject the subjects to arbitrary 
 power." * To borrow the pointed turn of a 
 modern orator, — what was once prophecy, is now 
 history. 
 
 The powers given by the mutiny act which is 
 now constantly passed every year, w ere repeatedly 
 in former times " opposed and condemned by 
 Parliament as repugnant to Magna Charta, and 
 inconsistent with the fundamental rights and lib- 
 erties of a free people."! In this statute, no 
 provision is made for securing the obedience of 
 the military to the civil power, on which the pre- 
 servation of our constitution depends. A great 
 number of armed men governed by martial law,t 
 having it in their power, are naturally inclined 
 not only to disobey, but to insult, the civil magis- 
 trate.^ The experience of what hath hai)pened 
 
 * See Lords' Prot. vol. iii, p. 273. 
 
 t See same book, p. 279. 
 
 I" A law unknown to our constitution, destructive of our 
 liberties, not endured by our ancestors, and never mentioned 
 in any of our statutes, but in order to condemn it." Lords' 
 Prot. vol. ii. p. 283. 
 
 "^ Very notable instances of this have been seen in this 
 province ; which will be recorded to the eternal infamy of 
 those who brooked the insult. 
 
432 
 
 in England, as well as the memorials of all ages 
 and nations have made it sufficiently apparent, 
 that wherever an effectual provision is not made 
 to secure the obedience of soldiers to the laws of 
 their country, the military hath constantly sub- 
 verted and swallowed up the civil power. What 
 provision of this ki)id can the several continental 
 legislatures make against British troops stationed 
 in the colonies ? Nay, if the virtue of one branch 
 of government attempted the salutary measure, 
 would the first branch ever give its consent ? A 
 governor must, he will, obey his master ; the 
 alternative is obvious ; — the armies quartered 
 among us must be removed, or they will in the 
 end overturn and trample on all that we ought to 
 hold valuable and sacred. 
 
 We have authority to affirm, that the regular 
 forces of Great Britain consist of a greater num- 
 ber than is necessary for the guard of the king's 
 person and the defence of the government, and 
 therefore dangerous to the constitution of the 
 kingdom. W hat then do these armaments, when 
 established here, threaten to our laws and liber- 
 ties ? Well might the illustrious members of the 
 House of Peers, in 1 722, hold forth the danger of 
 *' a total alteration of the frame of our constitu- 
 
433 
 
 tion, from a legal and limited monarchy to a des- 
 potic ;" ami declare, they were " induced to be 
 of this jiidj^ement, as well from the nature of 
 armies, and the inconsistency of great military 
 power and martial law, with civil authority, as 
 from the known and universal experience of other 
 countries in Europe, which, by the influence and 
 power of standing armies, in time of peace, have 
 from limited monarchies, like ours, been changed 
 into absolute." * The taxes necessary to main- 
 tain a standing arm}', drain and impoverish the 
 land. Thus exhausted by tribute, the people 
 gradually become spiritless, and fall an easy 
 sacrifice to the reigning power. 
 
 Spirits, like Britons, naturally fierce and inde- 
 pendent, are not easily awed or suddenly van- 
 quished by the sword. Hence an augmentation 
 of forces hath been pushed, when there was no 
 design of bringing them into action against Eng- 
 lishmen in an open field. New forces have 
 oftener than once been raised in Eno-land more 
 for civil than military service ; and as elections 
 for a new Parliament have approached, this door 
 has been opened to introduce a large body of 
 
 * See Lords' Prot. vol. i. pp. 337, 338. 
 
 55 
 
434 
 
 commissioned pensioners.* What hath been the 
 consequence ? A constant majority of placemen 
 meeting under the name of a Parliament, to es- 
 tablish grievances instead of redressing them, — 
 to approve implicitly the measures of a court with- 
 out information, — to support and screen ministers 
 they ought to control or punish, — to grant money 
 without right and expend it without discretion ? 
 Have these been the baneful consequences ? Are 
 these solemn truths ? Alas ! we tremble to 
 think ; — but we may venture to say, that when 
 this is true of that legislative authority, which 
 not only claims, but exercises, " full power and 
 authority to make laws and statutes to bind the 
 colonies and people of America in all cases what- 
 soever," t the forms of our constitution, creating 
 
 * See Lords' Prot. vol. ii. p. l62. 
 
 i See the declarative act of the British Parliament, anno 
 1766. — " From that period (Sir Robert Walpole's day) to the 
 present time (1762), has proved a very remarkable one in 
 the history of the British constitution ; — no one instance can 
 be produced in which the royal business has been retarded, 
 through the scrupulousness of the people's representatives." 
 Political Essays concerning the Present State of the British 
 Empire. — " From the revolution to this day (1762), the meas- 
 ures of the crown have universally been the measures of 
 Parliament." lb. p. 46. 
 
435 
 
 a fatal delusion, will become our greatest griev- 
 ance. 
 
 The formalities of a free, and the ends of a 
 despotic state, have often subsisted together. 
 Thus deceived was the republic of Rome ; — offi- 
 cers and magistrates retained their old names ; — 
 the forms of the ancient government being kept 
 up, the fundamental laws of the commonwealth 
 were violated with impunity, and its once free 
 constitution utterly annihilated. * He who gave 
 Augustus Caisar the advice " that to the officers 
 of state the same names, pomp, and ornaments, 
 should be continued, with all the appearances of 
 authority, without the power," f discovered an 
 intimate acquaintance with mankind. The advice 
 was followed, and Caesar soon became senate, 
 magistracy, and laws. Is not Britain to Ameri- 
 ca what CjEsar was to Rome ? 
 
 It is curious to observe the various acts of im- 
 position, which are alternately practised by the 
 great and subtle of this world on their subordinate 
 and simple-minded brethren. Are a people free, 
 new oppressions are introduced or shrouded under 
 
 * See hereafter. 
 
 + "Eadera magistratuum vocabiila, — sua consulibus, sua 
 l)ra:?toribus species." 
 
436 
 
 old names ; — are they in present bondage, and 
 begin to grow turbulent ; new appellations must 
 be adopted to disguise old burthens. A notable 
 instance of this latter kind we find in the Parlia- 
 ment of Great Britain, (in 36 Ed. Ill, c. 2,) 
 upwards of four hundred years ago. The royal 
 prerogative, called purveyance, having been in 
 vain regulated by many preceding statutes, still 
 continued so intolerably grievous, that fresh mur- 
 murs and complaints called for a more adequate or 
 better adapted provision. The British legislature, 
 for this valuable purpose, therefore passed this 
 very remarkable law, which, by way of remedy, 
 enacted as follows, viz. — "That the hateful name 
 oi purveyor, shall be changed into that of Acator.^^ 
 Thus the nation were made to believe that the 
 oppression ceased, because the name was altered. 
 For the honour of govc rnment, as well as man- 
 kind, it is devouJy to be wished, that our laws 
 and history contained no other record of such 
 disgraceful practices. If any late acts of the 
 British Parliament carry strong marks of a similar 
 policy, it is surely not altogether unworthy the 
 consideration of the members of that august body, 
 — how far such disingenuous practices are con- 
 sistent with the honour of their private characters, 
 or the dignity of their public station. 
 
437 
 
 The magic of sounds and appellations hath not 
 ceased, and they work as much deception and 
 abuse as ever. What valuable purpose does a 
 wholly subordinate legislative serve (except to 
 amuse with the shadow, while the substance is 
 departed), if a remote state may legislate for and 
 bind us "in all cases?" To what end doth an 
 American House of Representatives go through 
 the forms of granting away monies, if another 
 power, full as familiar with our pockets, may 
 annihilate all they do ; and afterwards, with a 
 modern dexterity, take possession of our purses 
 without ceremony, and dispose of the contents 
 without modesty, without control,, and without 
 account ? * 
 
 * " If the king could at pleasure levy the necessary sums of 
 money (for the expenses of the government &c.), he being 
 sole judge of the necessity, both as to measure and (juantity, 
 as Charles the First claimed, in the case of ship-money, the 
 state of the subjects would be precarious, and the king would 
 be as absolute a monarch as the present king of France or 
 Spain."' Dr Sullivan's Lectures on the Laws of England, 
 p. 189. What is it to America, whether the King or Parlia- 
 ment of Great Britain, or any other body, natural or political, 
 is absolute master over her, — and where is the difierence 
 between French, Spanish, and English dragooning ? In the 
 reign of Charles the Second, a wooden shoe, such as the 
 
438 
 
 It is curious and instructive to attend the course 
 of debate in the British Commons for keeping up 
 the army. At first even the highest courtiers 
 would argue — that a standing army, in time of 
 peace, was never attempted. * Soon after the 
 court speakers urged for continuance of a numer- 
 ous army for one year longer. At the end of 
 several years after, the gentlemen throw aside the 
 mask, and boldly declare such a number of troops 
 must always be kept up. In short, the army 
 must be continued till it becomes part of the con- 
 stitution ; and in later times members of the house 
 have ventured to harangue for measures, none 
 would have dared to lisp a few years before. The 
 wise foresaw this, and the honest foretold it. " If 
 we continue the army but a little while longer," 
 said a celebrated member upwards of forty years 
 ago, " it may be in the power of some gentlemen 
 to talk in this house f in terms that will be no way 
 
 peasants wear, in France, was laid near the chair of the 
 Speaker of the Commons House ; the arms of Engkmd drawn 
 at one end of it, and those of France at the other, with tliese 
 words in the interval, Utrum Iwrum mavis accipe. Grey's 
 Debates, vol. ii. p. 223. 
 
 * Sec Sir Robert Carr's Harangue in Parliament, 1673. 
 Grey's Debates, vol. ii, p. 220. 
 
 t Commons of Great Britain. 
 
439 
 
 agreeable to the constitution or liberties of our 
 country. To tell us, that the same number of 
 forces must be always kept up, is a proposition 
 full-fraught with innumerable evils, and more par- 
 ticularly with this, that it may make wicked 
 ministers more audacious than otherwise they 
 would be in projecting and propagating schemes 
 which may be inconsistent with the liberties, des- 
 tructive of the trade, and burthensome on the 
 people of this nation. In countries governed by 
 standing armies, the inclinations of the people are 
 but little minded, the ministers place their securi- 
 ty in the army, the humours of the army they 
 only consult, with them they divide the spoils, 
 and the wretched people are plundered by both." 
 Who that now reconsiders this proj)hetic language, 
 in conjunction with the events of his own time, 
 but will cry out — The speaker felt the impulse of 
 inspiration ! 
 
 *' Whoever," says the justly celebrated Dr 
 Blackstone, "will attentively consider the English 
 history may observe, that the flagrant abuse of 
 any power, by the crown or its ministers, has al- 
 ways been productive of a struggle, which either 
 discovers the exercise of that power to be con- 
 
440 
 
 trary to law, or, if legal, restrains it for the fu- 
 ture." * 
 
 The ingenious commentator seems here to have 
 particular reference to periods prior to the revolu- 
 tion. But will the learned judge say, that since 
 that era there have been no flagrant abuses of 
 power by the crown or its ministers ? Have not 
 repeated struggles arisen in consequence of such 
 abuses, which did not terminate in the happy issue 
 so characteristic of Englishmen ? Let any one 
 peruse the journals of Parliament, especially those 
 of the house of peers : let him carefully review 
 the British and American annals of the present 
 century, and answer truly to those questions. The 
 natural inquiry will be — Whence then is it, that 
 such abuses have become so numerous and fla- 
 grant, and the struggles of Britons so unsuccess- 
 ful? Will not the question receive an ample so- 
 lution in the words of the same great lawyer ? — 
 *' There is a n^wly acquired branch of (royal) 
 power ; and that not the influence only, but the 
 force of a disciplined army, paid indeed ultimate- 
 ly by the people, but immediately by the crown ; 
 raised by the crown, officered by the crown, com- 
 manded by the crown." f 
 
 * 3 Bla. Com. p. 135. f 1 Bla, Com. pp. 336, 337. 
 
441 
 
 We are told, bj the same learned author, that 
 " whenever the unconstitutional oppressions, even 
 of the sovereign power, advance with gigantic 
 strides and threaten desolation to a state, mankind 
 will not be reasoned out of the feelings of hu- 
 manity, nor will sacrifice their liberty by a scru- 
 pulous adherence to those political maxims, which 
 were established to preserve it."* But those who 
 cannot be reasoned out of their feelings, are easily 
 repressed by the terror of arms from giving tokens 
 of their sensibility ; and states, ancient and mod- 
 ern, — (yes, Britain will bear me witness ! ) — who 
 would disdain to sacrifice their freedom to politi- 
 cal institutions, have tremblingly stood aloof, while 
 it was dragged to the altar under the banners of a 
 royal army. 
 
 The policy and refinements of men clothed with 
 authority often deceive those who are subject to its 
 control ; and thus a people are often induced to 
 waive their rights, and relinquish the barriers of 
 their safety. The fraud, however, must at last 
 be discovered, and the nation will resume their 
 ancient liberties, if there be no force sufficient to 
 screen the usurper and defend his domination. 
 The sword alone is sufficient to subdue that spirit," 
 
 * 1 Bla. Com. 245. 
 
 56 
 
442 
 
 which compels rulers to their duty, and tyrants to 
 their senses. Hence, then, though a numerous 
 standing army may not be absohiiely requisite to 
 depress a kingdom into servitude, they are indis- 
 pensably necessary to confirm an usurpation. 
 
 A large army and revenue are not easily and at 
 once forced upon a free people. By slow degrees 
 and plausible pretences, as we have seen in Eng- 
 land, the end is accomplished. But when once a 
 numerous body of revenue and military men, en- 
 tirely dependant on the crown, are incorporated, 
 they are regardless of any thing but its will : and 
 where that will centres, and what such power can 
 effect, is a matter of no doubtful disputation. 
 
 The present army of a prince is always compos- 
 ed of men of honor and integrity, as the reigning 
 monarch is ever the best of kings. In such an 
 army, it is said, you may trust your liberties with 
 safety : in such a king, you may put your confi- 
 dence without reserve ; — the good man has not a 
 wish beyond the happiness of his subjects ! Yet 
 let it be remembered, that under the best of kings, 
 we ought to seize the fleeting opportunity, and 
 provide against the worst. But admitting that 
 from this rare character — a wise and good mon- 
 arch — a nation have nothing to fear ; yet they 
 
443 
 
 have every thing to dread from those who would 
 clothe him with authority, and invest him with 
 powers incompatible with all political freedom 
 and social security.* France, Spain, Denmark, 
 and Sweden, in modern times have felt the bane- 
 ful effects of this fatal policy. Though the latter 
 state are said to have this excellent institution, that 
 the commissions to their military officers all run, 
 qxiam diu se bene gesserint : a regulation which 
 ought to be the tenure of all offices of public trust, 
 and may be of singular utility in states which 
 have incorporated a standing army as a part of the 
 constitution of government. 
 
 An invasion and conquest by mere strangers and 
 foreigners are neither so formidable nor disgraceful 
 as the establishment of a standing army under co- 
 lor of the municipal law of the land. Thus Ro- 
 man armies were more terrible to the Roman 
 
 * " Galba had the greatest integrity of heart : but in the 
 court of Galba appeared all the extortion of Nero's reign; — 
 and as the rapacity and other excesses of his ministers were 
 imputed to him, Galba was no less hated, than if he had com- 
 mitted them himself." Plut. Life of Galba. — See also, to the 
 same point, Gord. Disc, on Tacitus, vol. iii. p. 19,35, 38,79. 
 A Monarch justly dignified with the appellation of " the 
 wisest and best of kings," will surely receive some advan- 
 tage by attentively contemplating an instance so replete witii 
 instruction. 
 
colonies, than an "enemy's army."* Valor has 
 scope for action against an open enemy, but the 
 most precious liberties of a kingdom are massa- 
 cred in cold blood by the disciplined Janizaries of 
 the state, and there is little hope of a general re- 
 sistance. The natural, inherent right of the con- 
 quered is to throw oifif the yoke, as soon as they 
 are able ; but subjects enslaved by the military 
 forces of their own sovereign, become spiritless 
 and despondent ; and scaffolds and axes, the gib- 
 bet and the halter, too often terrify them from 
 those noble exertions which would end in their 
 deliverance by a glorious victory or an illustrious 
 death. 
 
 Yet in full peace, without any just apprehensions 
 of insurrections at home or invasions from abroad, 
 it was the mischievous policy of the English min- 
 istry, in 1717, to procure an allowance of nearly 
 double the forces to what had ever before been es- 
 tablished by the sanction of Parliament in times of 
 public tranquillity. Well might many of the no- 
 bility of Britain conceive, that as so many forces 
 were no ways necessary to support, they had 
 reason to fear danger to the constitution, which 
 
 * See Gordon's Disc, on Sallust, vi. § 3. p. 128. 
 
445 
 
 was never entirely subverted but by a standing 
 army. * The English military bands have since 
 been much augmented ; — and whether this dis- 
 graceful subversion has already taken place, or is 
 still verging to its accomplishment, may be resolv- 
 ed, after a further inspection into memorials of 
 the present age. 
 
 More than half a century since, the discerning 
 members of the House of Lords discovered the 
 tendency of these extraordinary armaments to be 
 no other, than to overthrow the civil power of the 
 kingdom, and to turn it into a military govern- 
 ment. f A very short period after this, many of 
 the same noble house bore open testimony, that 
 they were "justly jealous, from the experience 
 of former times, that the crown itself, as well as 
 the liberties of the people, might be found at the 
 disposal of a standing army at home."t 
 
 But as if one standing army was not enough 
 to ruin a nation of Englishmen, a new kind of 
 forces was raised against the Commonwealth. 
 The ojfificers employed in the customs, excise, 
 in other branches of the revenue, and other parts 
 
 * Lords' Prot. vol. i. p. 282. 
 
 t See Lords' Prot. vol. i. p. 315, anno 1721. 
 
 t See Lords' Prot. vol. ii. 80. 
 
446 
 
 of public service, compose in effect a second 
 standing army in England, and in some respects 
 are more dangerous, than that body of men, prop- 
 erly so called. The influence which this order 
 have in the elections of members to serve in Par- 
 liament, hath been too often felt in Great Britain 
 to be denied. And we have good authority to 
 say, "that examples are not hard to find, where 
 the military forces have withdrawn to create an 
 appearance of a free election, and the standing 
 civil forces of this kind have been sent to take 
 that freedom away." * Is a House of Commons, 
 thus chosen, the representative of the people, — or 
 of the administration, — or of a single minister ? f 
 As Lewis the Eleventh of France, was the 
 first monarch in Europe, who reduced corruption 
 to a system, so the era of its establishment in 
 England may be fixed at the reign of Charles 
 the Second. Britain, then for the first time, saw 
 corruption, like a destroying angel, walking at 
 noonday. Charles pensioned his Parliament, 
 and by it extinguished, not only the spirit of free- 
 dom, but the sentiments of honour and the 
 
 * See Lords' Prot. vol. ii. p. 83. 
 
 t See same book and page. The reader is desired to read 
 again p. 433, and the note at p. 434. See also hereafter 
 p. 449. 
 
447 
 
 feelings of shame. Since the age of Charles, 
 the science of bribery and corruption hath made 
 amazing progress. Patriots of the last century 
 told their countrymen what it threatened, — the 
 worthies of this day ought rather to tell what 
 hath been effected. 
 
 Near fifty years ago, there were more than two 
 hundred persons holding offices or employments 
 under the crown in tlie House of Commons.* 
 Since that time this body like the military (and 
 for the same purposes) has received very nota- 
 ble additions. Is it to be wondered, then, as we 
 verge nearer to our own times, we should hear 
 the most august assembly in the kingdom declar- 
 ing to the whole world, that " the influence of 
 the crown is almost irresistible, being already 
 overgrown and yet increasing;"! — that "the 
 most valuable rights of the nation are subverted 
 by arbitrary and illegal proceedings :" J — that 
 "a flagrant usurpation " is made upon the sub- 
 ject, " as highly repugnant to every principle of 
 the constitution, as the claim of ship-money by 
 King Charles tlie First, or that of the dispensing 
 
 * See Lords' Prot. p. 66, anno 1729. 
 
 + See Lords' Prot. Feb. S, 17G0. Suppl. to Lords' Prot. p. 9. 
 
 I See same book, p. 12, Jan. 1770. 
 
448 
 
 power by King James the Second." * Finally, 
 considering all that we have seen in the course 
 of our review, could any thing else be expected, 
 than what Ibrty of the House of Lords openly 
 protest " they have seen with great uneasiness ; 
 — a plan, for a long time systematically carried 
 on, for lowering all the constitutional powers of 
 the kingdom, rendering the House of Commons 
 odious, and the House of Peers contemptible." f 
 Here let us pause, my fellow citizens, and 
 consider : — hath the execrable plan thus system- 
 atically and for a long time pursued, at last 
 taken effect ? Are all the constitutional powers 
 of Great Britain so lowered in the estimation 
 of the people, that their representatives are de- 
 tested, and their nobility despised ? Is their King 
 possessed of power sufficient to make fear a sub- 
 stitute for love ? Has he an army at his absolute 
 command, with which no force in his empire is 
 able to cope ? Judge ye, my countrymen, of 
 these questions, upon which I may not decide ; 
 — judge, for yourselves, of the political state of 
 that kingdom, which claims a right of disposing 
 of our all, — a right of laying every burden that 
 
 * See Lords' Protest, p. 22, 23, Feb. 1770. 
 
 t Sec Supplement to Lords' Prut. p. 29, anno 1770. 
 
449 
 
 power can impose, * — a right of overrunning 
 our soil and freeholds with mercenary legions, 
 and still more mercenary placemen and depend- 
 ants. Thus luxury and riot, debauchery and 
 havock, are to become the order and peace of our 
 cities, and the stability and honour of our times. 
 To this and like hopeful purposes, we find " the 
 fullest directions sent to the several officers of the 
 revenue, that all the produce of the American du- 
 ties, arising, or to arise, by virtue of any British 
 act of Parliament, should from time to time be 
 paid to the deputy paymaster in America, to defray 
 the subsistence of the troops, and any military 
 expenses incurred in the colonies." f Highly 
 favoured Americans ! you are to be wasted with 
 taxes and impositions, in order to satisfy the 
 charges of those armaments which are to blast 
 
 * " It will be proper to lay on the Americans every bur- 
 then which the hand of power can impose, if they should 
 attenijit to become manufacturers." Conduct of Administra- 
 tion examined, IT^T- p. 62. Thus Americans are to be 
 treated, for an attempt onl}' to do, what is their duty as soon 
 as possible to effect, and what no power on earth can re- 
 strain, without violating the laws of God and nature. 
 
 t lords' Prot. vol. ii. p. 291, 1766. By the Lords who enter- 
 ed their protest against the repeal of the American stamp-act. 
 
 57 
 
450 
 
 jour country with the most terrible of all evils,— 
 universal corruption, and a military government. * 
 The reigns of past and present great monarchs, 
 when compared, often present a striking simili- 
 tude. The Emperor Charles the Fifth, having 
 exalted the royal prerogative (or the influence of 
 the crown) on the ruins of the privileges of the 
 Castilians, allowed the name of the Cortes (or 
 the Parliament) to remain; and the formality of 
 holding it thus continued, he reduced its author- 
 ity and jurisdiction to nothing, and modelled it in 
 such a manner, that "it became," says Dr Rob- 
 ertson, " rather a junto of the servants of the 
 
 * Englishmen in the reign of Henry the Fourth had the 
 virtue and courage to " declare it in Parliament as the un- 
 doubted right of the kingdom, not to be charged with aught 
 for the defence of the realm, or safeguard of the seas, but by 
 their own will and consent in Parliament." The Rights of 
 the Kingdom, p. 146, edit. 1682. Had Britons in the age of 
 Geo. in. been as considerate of the spirit of their laws and 
 constitution, or attentive to that old rule, — to do as you would 
 be done by, — they would not have charged America with a 
 large revenue for " the subsistence of troops, and military ex- 
 penses," without consulting its local Parliament, and against 
 the will of its Commons ; more especially since it was the 
 position of that able, though most arbitrary prince, Edward the 
 First of England, touching martial affairs, — Quod omnes tangit, 
 ah omnibus approbeUtr. 
 
451 
 
 crown, than an assembly of the representatives of 
 the people."* The success of Charles in abol- 
 ishing the privileges of the Commons, and in 
 breaking the power of the nobles of Castile, 
 encouraged an invasion of the liberties of Arra- 
 gon, which were yet more extensive. 
 
 Attend, Americans ! reflect on the situation of 
 your mother country, and consider the late con- 
 duct of your brethren in Britain towards this 
 continent. " The Castilians (once high-spirited 
 and brave in the cause of freedom) accustomed to 
 subjection themselves, assisted," says the same 
 illustrious historian, "in imposing the yoke on 
 their more happy and independent neighbours."! 
 Hath not Britain (fallen from her pristine free- 
 dom and glory) treated America, as Castile did 
 Arragon ? Have not Britons imposed on our 
 necks the same yoke which the Castilians impos- 
 ed on the happy Arragonese ? Yes ! I speak it 
 with grief, — f speak it with anguish, — Britons 
 are our oppressors : I speak it with shame, — I 
 speak it with indignation, — ice are slaves. 
 
 As force first fixes the chains of vassalage, so 
 cowardice restrains an enslaved people from burst- 
 
 * Hist, of Charles V. vol. iii. p. 434. t li). 
 
452 
 
 ing asunder their bonds. But the case perhaps 
 is not desperate till the yoke has been so long 
 borne, that the understanding and the spirits of 
 the people are sunk into ignorance and barbarism, 
 supineness and perfect inactivity. Such, I yet 
 trust, is not the deplorable state of the land of 
 my nativity. How soon it may be — we shall 
 tremble, when we reflect that the progress of 
 thraldom is secret, and its effects incredibly rapid 
 and dreadful.* Hence we see nations, once the 
 freest and most high-spirited in Europe, abject in 
 the most humiliating condition. The oath of al- 
 legiance to their king exhibits the true standard 
 of all just subjection to government, and testifies 
 a genuine sense and spirit. " We who are each 
 of us as good, and who are altogether more pow- 
 erful than you, promise obedience to your gov- 
 ernment, if you maintain our rights and liberties ; 
 if not, not."t When a people, endowed with 
 such understanding, sentiments, and virtue, have 
 fallen into a disgraceful vassalage, — what have 
 we in this land, at this time, reason to fear ? 
 
 * " The loss of liberty," says that sagacious politician, Taci- 
 tus, "is ever accompanied witli the loss of spirit and magna- 
 nimity." Vita Agric. 
 
 "I" Dr Robertson's Hist. Charles V. vol. i. p. 153. 
 
453 
 
 The same Athenians, who insulted and bid defi- 
 ance to a Philip of Macedon, crouched and cower- 
 ed at the feet of an Alexander. Romans, who 
 with righteous indignation expelled royalty and 
 the Tarquins, bore with infamy and shame the 
 ravages of succeeding kings and emperors. Eng- 
 lishaien, who rose with a divine enthusiasm against 
 the first Charles, disgracefully submitted to the 
 usurpation of a Cromwell, and then with unex- 
 ampled folly and madness restored that odious 
 and execrable race of tyrants, the house of Stew- 
 art. Examples like these, ought to excite the 
 deepest concern; — at this day, they ought to do 
 more, — to inspire fortitude and action. 
 
 Providence from the beginning hath exercised 
 this country with singular trials. In the earliest 
 periods of our history. New England is seen sur- 
 rounded with adversaries, and alternately vexed 
 with foes, foreign and domestic. Fierce as her 
 enemies were from abroad, and savage as the 
 natives of America were within, — her worst en- 
 emies will be found those of her own household. 
 
 Our fathers '' left their native country with 
 the strongest assurance that they, and their poster- 
 ity should enjoy the privileges of free, natural- 
 
454 
 
 born English subjects." * Depending upon these 
 assurances, they sustained hardships scarcely par- 
 alleled in the annals of the world, f Yet com- 
 passion, natural to the human breast, did not 
 restrain internal foes from involving them in new 
 calamities ; nor did that disgrace and contempt, 
 which suddenly fell upon the conspirators, damp 
 the ardour of their malignity. 
 
 So early as 1633 (not fourteen years after the 
 first arrival at Plymouth), " the new settlers were 
 in perils from their own countrymen." t In this, 
 the infant state of the country, while exposed 
 to innumerable hardships, vexed with hostilities 
 from Europe, and the depredations of savages, 
 there existed men, who "beheld the Massachusetts 
 with an envious eye."^ The characteristics of 
 the first conspirators against this province were 
 secrecy and industry : they had effected the mis- 
 chief before the people knew of their danger. 
 Morton in his letter to Jeffreys of the first of May, 
 1634, writes that "the Massachusetts patent, by 
 an order of Council, was brought in view, and the 
 
 * See Hutch. Hist. vol. i. pref. p. 4. 
 
 t See same Hist. p. 19, 45. Appendix, p. 538. 
 
 I Same Hist. p. 31. 
 
 § lb. p. 31. 
 
455 
 
 privileges well scanned."* But by whom ? very 
 like some of more modern fame : an archbishop, 
 and the privy council of Charles the First ! 
 Excellent assay-masters for New-England privi- 
 leges, — most renowned judges of the rights and 
 liberties of mankind ! They first discover the 
 Charter "to be void,"t and then no doubt ad 
 vise to the issuing of the commission found by 
 my Lord Barrington in the 3Jst volume of Mr 
 Petyt's Manuscript, — " a commission directed to 
 the archbishop of Canterbury, the Lord Chancel- 
 lor, and other Lords of the privy council, by which 
 they are empowered to prepare laws for the bet- 
 ter government of the colonies," " which were 
 afterwards to be enforced by the king's procla- 
 mation." t 
 
 This was considered as a master-stroke of poli- 
 cy, and the public conspirators of the day dis- 
 played the plumage of triumph with that spirit 
 and ostentation,^ which have descended to their 
 successors. But how easy is it with Providence, 
 to disappoint the projects and humble the pride 
 of man ! Tjaud and his master, in the subse- 
 
 ♦ Hutch, vol. i. p. 31. t Same page. 
 
 I Barr. Obs. on the more Anc. Statutes, p. 146, note. 
 <§, See Morton's Let. before cited. 
 
456 
 
 quent periods of history, are found too busied 
 with their own concerns, to attend much to 
 those of others. Hence this extraordinary com- 
 mission was never executed, and the plan set 
 on foot within three years after, " for revoking 
 the patent of the Massachusetts," * proved abor- 
 tive. Literary correspondences inimical to the 
 province, commenced with Archbishop Laud,t in 
 1638. t But in the pious language of our fath- 
 ers, " the Lord delivered them from the op- 
 pressor;"^ " against all men's expectations they 
 were encouraged, and much blame and disgrace 
 fell upon their adversaries." || Yet notwithstand- 
 ing, " a spirit full of malignity against the coun- 
 try (not very long after) much endangered both 
 its civil and religious liberties." H 
 
 * Hutch. Hist. vol. i. p. 48, 51. 
 
 tLaud was the favourite character selected for a corres- 
 pondent by the American letter-writers of the last century ; 
 in the next age mankind will be as well acquainted with the 
 genius and spirit of some more modern British correspond- 
 ents, as they now are with the temper of that renowned 
 prelate. 
 
 J Hutch. Hist. vol. i. p. 8G. § Morton's Memo. p. 15. 
 
 II Same book, p. 35. See also, Collect, of Orig. Papers. 
 &c. p. 52. Vi Morton's Memo. p. 96, 187- 
 
457 
 
 More than a century ago, " the great privi- 
 leges of New England were matter of envy,"* 
 and accordingly complaints multiplied to Crom- 
 well, f no doubt for the benevolent purpose of 
 abridging what were called English liberties. 
 " All attempts to the prejudice of the colony be- 
 ing to no purpose " J with the Protector, the ad- 
 versaries of the province were despondent, until 
 the restoration of Charles the Second gave new 
 hopes ; when " petitions and complaints were pre- 
 ferred against the colony to the king in council, 
 and to the Parliament." ^ 
 
 " False friends and open enemies " now became 
 the terror of the country, || while new foes brought 
 new charges to render it obnoxious. H " The great 
 men and natives of the country made their com- 
 plaints also to the king."** The consequences 
 were such as might be expected. " Four persons 
 were sent over from England, one of them the 
 
 * Hutch. Hist. p. 194. t lb. p. 192, 194. 
 
 T lb. p. 194. §Ib. p. 211. II lb. p. 220. 
 
 1] lb. p. 224, 225. 
 
 ** Appen. to Hutch. Hist. No. 15. Another native of New 
 England, as we have seen, about the year 1705, wrote to En- 
 gland, that " this country would never be worth living in for- 
 lawyers and gentlemen, until the charter was taken away." 
 
 58 
 
458 
 
 known and professed enemy of the country, with 
 such extraordinary powers, that our ancestors 
 with grief complain they were to be subjected to 
 the arbitrary power of strangers proceeaing not by 
 any established law, but by theirown discretion."* 
 — How astonishingly uniform, how cruelly con- 
 sistent has been the conduct of Britain from that 
 day to the present ! 
 
 Amid all these severe trials, the inhabitants of 
 New England conducted with a virtue and piety 
 worthy remembrance and imitation. " They 
 appealed to God, — they came not into this wilder- 
 ness to seek great things for themselves, but for 
 the sake of a poor and quiet life ; " — they testi- 
 fied to their sov(?reign, that " their liberties were 
 dearer to them than their lives." f " Evil-minded 
 men continue, however, to misrepresent them," J 
 and what is almost incredible, " the distresses 
 of the cohmy, during a war which excited com- 
 passion in some, yet these very distresses were 
 improved by others to render the colony more 
 obnoxious."^ 
 
 * Hutch. Hist. p. 232. 
 
 t lb. p. 232, 233. Appen. No. 16, p. 542. 
 
 X Hutch. Hist. p. 242, 243. § lb. p. 308, anno 1676. 
 
459 
 
 Although " this is certain, that as the colony 
 was at first settled, so it was preserved from ruin 
 without any charge to the mother country;"* 
 yet " in the height of the distress of war, and 
 whilst the authority of the colony was contend- 
 ing with the natives for the possession of the 
 soil, complaints were making in England which 
 struck at the powers of government." f With 
 what ferocity have Americans been pursued from 
 the earliest times ? That demon of malevo- 
 lence, which went forth at the beginning, still 
 spirits up our adversaries and persecutes the coun- 
 try with unabated malice. 
 
 " Randolph, who, the people of New England 
 said, went up and down seeking to devour them," t 
 
 * Hutch. Hist. p. 310. See also, in confirmation of the 
 above, same Hist. 93—114. Vol. ii. p. 130, 204. 
 
 t lb. 310, 311. "The dominion of the crown over this 
 country before the arrival of our predecessors, was merely 
 ideal. Their removal hither realized tiiat dominion, and has 
 made tli(! country valuable both to the crown and nation, 
 without any cost to either of them, from that time to this. 
 Lveu in the most distressed state of our predecessors, when 
 they expected to be destroyed by a general conspiracy and 
 incursion of the Indian natives, they had no assistance from 
 them." The Answer of the Council of the Province to 
 Governor Hutchinson's Speech, 25th of Jan. 1773. 
 
 I Hutch. Hist. p. 319. 
 
460 
 
 was the next active emissary against the province. 
 " He was incessant and open in endeavouring the 
 alteration of the constitution."* In his open en- 
 mity, he appears far less odious than those who 
 have been equally inimical and equally indefati- 
 gable to the same purpose, with more cowardice, 
 dissimulation, and hypocrisy. Eight voyages 
 were made across the Atlantic in the course of 
 nine years by this inveterate spirit, with hostile 
 intentions to the government. f Nor will it be 
 surprising to find him thus expose his life upon 
 the ocean, when such services acquired " new 
 powers." t Have we not seen, in our own day, 
 a similar policy adopted, and the same object op- 
 erating as a motive to the like execrable conduct ? 
 Such has been the strange, though unhappily con- 
 sistent, conduct of our mother country, that she 
 has laid temptations, and given rewards and sti- 
 pends to those, who have slandered and betrayed 
 her own children. Incited probably by the same 
 motive, Cranfield rose up as in a league with 
 Randolph, and " infamously represented the colo- 
 ny as rogues and rebels."^ 
 
 * Hutch. Hist. p. 335, 336. 
 
 t lb. p. 329. t Il>- P- 329. § lb. p. 337- 
 
461 
 
 Libels and conspiracies of this nature called for 
 the interposition of authority : express laws were 
 enacted for the prevention of like treasonable 
 practices for the future ; and death being deemed 
 the proper punishment for an enemy to his coun- 
 try, traitors to the constitution were to suffer that 
 penalty. Thus a "conspiracy to invade the com- 
 monwealth, or any treacherous attempt to alter 
 and subvert fundamentally the frame of polity 
 and government, was made a capital offence." * 
 
 Did our laws now contain a like provision, pub- 
 lic conspirators and elevated parricides would 
 tremble for their heads, who do not shudder at 
 the enormity of their crimes. There are charac- 
 ters in society so devoid of virtue and endued with 
 ferocity, that nothing but sanguinary laws can re- 
 strain their wickedness. Even the distress and 
 cries of their native country excite no compassion ; 
 reverence for fathers, and affection for children, 
 cause no reluctance at measures which stain the 
 glorious lineage of their ancestors with infamy, 
 and blast their spreading progeny with oppression. 
 That emanation from the deity which creates 
 them intelligents, seems to cease its operation ; and 
 
 * Hutch. Hist. p. 442. 
 
462 
 
 the tremendous idea of a God and futurity, ex- 
 cites neither repentance nor reformation. 
 
 Thus, my countrymen, from the days of Gar- 
 diner and Morton,* Gorges and Mason, f Ran- 
 dolph and Cranfield.J down to the present day, 
 the inhabitants of this Northern region have con- 
 stantly been in danger and troubles from foes open 
 and secret, abroad and in their bosom. Our free- 
 dom has been the object of envy, and to make 
 void the charter of our liberties the work and 
 labour of an undiminished race of villains. One 
 cabal having failed of success, new conspirators 
 have risen, and what the first could not make 
 *' void," the next " humbly desired to revoke." § 
 To this purpose one falsehood after another hath 
 been fabricated and spread abroad with equal tur- 
 pitude and equal effrontery. That minute detail 
 which would present actors now on the stage, is 
 the province of history. She, inexorably severe 
 towards the eminently guilty, will delineate their 
 characters with the point of a diamond ; — and 
 thus blazoned in the face of day, the abhorrence 
 
 * Hutch. Hist. p. 31, 32, anno 1632. 
 
 t lb. p. 51, anno l636. 
 
 I lb. p. 337. And Collec. of Grip. Paijeis, &c. p. 477, &c. 
 
 §Ib. p. 31, 32, 35. 
 
46S 
 
 and execrations of mankind will consign them to 
 an infamous immortality. 
 
 So great has been the credulity of the British 
 Court, from the beginning, or such hath been the 
 activity of false brethren, that no tale inimical to 
 the Northern Colonies, however false or absurd, 
 but what hath found credit with administration, 
 and operated to the prejudice of the country. 
 Thus it was told, and believed in England, that 
 we were not in earnest in the expedition against 
 Canada at the beginning of this century, and that 
 the country did every thing in its power to defeat 
 the success of it, and that the misfortune of that 
 attempt ought to be wholly attributed to the 
 northern colonies. While nothing could be more 
 obvious, than that New England had exhausted 
 her youngest blood and all her treasures in the 
 undertaking ; and that every motive of self-preser- 
 vation, happiness, and safety must have operated 
 to excite these provinces to the most spirited and 
 persevering measures against Canada.* 
 
 The people who are attacked by bad men have 
 a testimony of their merit, as the constitution 
 which is invaded by powerful men, hath an evi- 
 
 * See Jcr. Dummer's Letter to a Noble Lord, edit. 1712. 
 p. 12, 13, &c. 
 
464 
 
 dence of its value. The path of our duty needs 
 no minute delineation ; — it lies level to the eye. 
 Let us apply then like men sensible of its impor- 
 tance and determined on its fulfdment. The in- 
 roads upon our public liberty call for reparation ; 
 the wrongs we have sustained, call for justice. 
 That reparation, and that justice, may yet be ob- 
 tained by union, spirit, and firmness. But to di- 
 vide and conquer, was the maxim of the devil in 
 the garden of Eden ; and to disunite and enslave 
 hath been the principle of all his votaries from 
 that period to the present. The crimes of the 
 guilty are to them the cords of association, and 
 dread of punishment, the indissoluble bond of 
 union. The combinations of public robbers 
 ought, therefore, to cement patriots and heroes : 
 and as the former plot and conspire to undermine 
 and destroy the commonwealth, the latter ought 
 to form a compact for opposition, — a band of ven- 
 geance. 
 
 What insidious arts, and what detestable practi- 
 ces have been used to deceive, disunite, and en- 
 slave the good people of this continent ? The 
 mystical appellations of loyalty and allegiance, the 
 Venerable names of government and good order, 
 and the sacred ones of piety and public virtue, have 
 
465 
 
 been alternately prostituted to that abominable 
 purpose. All the windings and guises, subterfuges 
 and doublings, of which the human soul is sus- 
 ceptible, have been displayed on the occasion. 
 But secrets which were thought impenetrable are 
 no longer hid ; characters deeply disguised are 
 openly revealed : the discovery of gross impostors 
 hath generally preceded, but a short time, their 
 utter extirpation. 
 
 Be not again, my countrymen, " easily captivat- 
 ed with the appearances only of w^isdom and piety 
 — professions of a regard to liberty and of a strong 
 attachment to the public interest."* Your fathers 
 have been explicitly charged with this folly by 
 one of their posterity. Avoid this and all similar 
 errors. Be cautious against the deception of ap- 
 pearances. " By their fruits ye shall know them," 
 was the saying of one who perfectly knew the hu- 
 man heart. Judge of affairs which concern social 
 happiness by facts : — ;judge of man by his deeds. 
 For it is very certain, that pious zeal for days and 
 times, for mint and cummin, hath often been pre- 
 tended by those who were infidels at bottom ; and 
 it is as certain, that attachment to the dignity of 
 
 * Hutch. Hist. vol. i. p. 53. 
 
 59 
 
466 
 
 government, and the King's service, hath often 
 flowed from the mouths of men who harboured 
 the darkest machinations against tht^ true end of 
 the former, and were destitute of every right prin- 
 ciple of loyahy to the latter. Hence, then, care 
 and circumspection are necessary branches of po- 
 litical duty. And as "it is much easier to re- 
 strain liberty from running into licentiousness, 
 than power from swelling into tyranny and op- 
 pression, " * so much more caution and resistance 
 are required against the overbearing of rulers, 
 than the extravagance of the people. 
 
 To give no more authority to any order of state, 
 and to place no greater public confidence in any 
 man, than is necessary for the general welfare, 
 may be considered by the people as an important 
 point of policy. But though craft and hypocrisy 
 are prevalent, yet piety and virtue have a real ex- 
 istence : duplicity and political imposture abound, 
 yet benevolence and public spirit are not altogeth- 
 er banished the world. As wolves will appear in 
 sheep's clothing, so superlative knaves and parri- 
 cides will assume the vesture of the man of virtue 
 and patriotism. 
 
 * Lords' Prot. p. 141, anno 1736. 
 
467 
 
 These things are permitted by providence, no 
 doubt, for wise and good reasons. Man was cre- 
 ated a rational, and was designed for an active be- 
 ing. His faculties of intelligence and force were 
 given him for use. When the wolf, therefore, is 
 found devouring the flock, no hierarchy forbids a 
 seizure of the victim for sacrifice ; so also, when 
 dignified impostors are caught destroying those 
 whom their arts deceived and their stations destin- 
 ed them to protect, — the sabre of justice flashes 
 righteousness at the stroke of execution. 
 
 Yet be not amused, my countrymen ! — the ex- 
 tirpation of bondage, and the reestablishment of 
 freedom, are not of easy acquisition. The worst 
 passions of the human heart, and the most subtle 
 projects of the human mind, are leagued against 
 you ; and principalities and powers have acceded 
 to the combination. Trials and conflicts you 
 must, therefore, endure ; — hazards and jeopardies 
 — of life and fortune — will attend the struirfrle. 
 Such is the fate of all noble exertions for public 
 liberty and social happiness. Enter not the lists 
 without thought and consideration, lest you arm 
 with timidity and combat wath irresolution. 
 Having engaged in the conflict, let nothing dis- 
 courage your vigour, or repel your perseverance. 
 
468 
 
 Remember that submission to the yoke of bond- 
 age is the worst that can befall a people after the 
 most fierce and unsuccessful resistance. What can 
 the misfortunes of vanquishment take away, which 
 despotism and rapine would spare ? "It had been 
 easy," said the great lawgiver, Solon, to the Athe- 
 nians,* "to repress the advances of tyranny, and 
 prevent its establishment ; but now it is estab- 
 lished and grown to some height, it would be more 
 glorious to demolish it." But nothing glorious is 
 accomplished, nothing great is attained, nothing 
 valuable is secured, without magnanimity of mind 
 and devotion of heart to the service. Brutus-like, 
 therefore, dedicate yourselves at this day to the 
 service of your country ; and henceforth live a 
 life of liberty and glory. "On the ides of 
 March," said the great and good man to his friend 
 Cassius, just before the battle of Philippi, — " on 
 the ides of March I devoted my life to my country, 
 and since that time, I have lived a life of liberty 
 and glory." 
 
 Inspired with public virtue, touched with the 
 wrongs and indignant at the insults offered his 
 country, the high-spirited Cassius exhibits an he- 
 
 * Plut. Life of Solon. 
 
469 
 
 roic example : — " Resolved as we are," replied 
 the hero to his friend, — " resolved as we are, let us 
 march against the eneniy ; for though we should 
 not conquer, we have nothing to fear.* 
 
 Spirits and genii, like these, rose in Rome — 
 and have since adorned Britain : such also will one 
 day make glorious this more western world. 
 America hath in store her Bruti and Cassii — her 
 Hampdens and Sydneys — patriots and heroes, 
 who will form a band of brothers : — men who will 
 have memories and feelings — courage and swords : 
 — courage that shall inflame their ardent bosoms, 
 till their hands cleave to their swords — and thek 
 swords to their enemies' hearts. 
 
 The author has felt exquisitely while writing upon the subjects of his 
 consideration ; and the multitude and perplexity of his private business 
 have denied him sufficient time to revise this publication. Under these 
 circumstances, and being also several years on this side of the meridian 
 of the age of man, there will be found, no doubt, many indiscretions and 
 faults for those of riper years and cooler judgment to correct and cen- 
 sure. — The great Lord Chancellor Bacon hath told us of wise legislators, 
 who have made their law upon the spur of the occasion : — a good citi- 
 zen, deeply pricked by the spur of the times, is very apt to start with an 
 over-hasty speed. The only excuse of the writer is, that as he at first 
 assumed his pen from the impulses of his conscience, so he now pub- 
 lishes his sentiments firom a sense of duty to God and his country. 
 
 * Plut. Life of Brutus. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 Extract from the " Memoirs of Benjamin Franklin^ 
 written by himself " 
 
 "In 1755, war being in a manner commenced 
 with France, the government of Massachusetts 
 Bay projected an attack upon Crown Point, and 
 sent Mr Quincy to Pennsylvania, and Mr Pownall 
 (afterwards Governor Pownall) to New York to 
 solicit assistance. As I was in the assembly, 
 knew its temper, and was Mr Quincy's country- 
 man, he applied to me for my influence and as- 
 sistance : I dictated his address to them, which 
 was well received. They voted an aid of ten 
 thousand pounds to be laid out in provisions. But 
 the Governor refusing his assent to their bill 
 (which included this with other sums granted for 
 the use of the crown), unless a clause were inserted 
 exempting the proprietary estate from bearing any 
 part of the tax that would be necessary ; the as- 
 sembly, though very desirous of making their grant 
 
472 
 
 to New England effectual, were at a loss how to 
 accomplish it. Mr Quincy laboured hard with 
 the Governor to obtain his assent, but he was ob- 
 stinate. I then suggested a method of doing the 
 business without the Governor, by orders on the 
 trustees of the loan office, which, by law, the as- 
 sembly had the right of drawing. There was in- 
 deed little or no money at the time in the office, 
 and therefore I proposed that the orders should be 
 payable in a year, and to bear an interest of five 
 per cent. : with these orders I supposed the provi- 
 sions might be easily purchased. The assembly 
 with very little hesitation adopted the proposal, 
 the orders were immediately printed, and I was 
 one of the committee directed to sign and dispose 
 of them. The fund for paying them was the in- 
 terest of all the paper currency then extant in 
 the province upon loan, together with the revenue 
 arising from the excise ; which being known to 
 be more than sufficient, they obtained credit, and 
 were not only taken in payment for the provisions, 
 but many monied people, who had cash lying by 
 them, vested it in those orders, which they found 
 advantageous, as they bore interest while upon 
 hand, and might on any occasion be used as 
 money. So that they were all eagerly bought 
 
473 
 
 up, and in a few weeks none of them were to be 
 seen. Thus this important affair was by this 
 means completed. Mr Quincy returned thanks to 
 the assembly in a handsome memorial, went home 
 highly pleased with the success of his embassy, 
 and ever after bore for me the most cordial and 
 affectionate friendship." 
 
 Dr Franklin to Josiah Quincy. 
 
 London, April 8, 17G1. 
 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 r received your very obliging letter of Dec. 
 25, by the hand of your valuable son,* who had 
 before favoured me now and then with a kind 
 visit. I congratulate you on his account, as I 
 am sure you must have a great deal of satisfaction 
 in him. His ingenuous, manly, and generous be- 
 haviour in a transaction here with the Society of 
 Arts, gave me great pleasure, as it was much to 
 his reputation. 
 
 I am glad my weak endeavours for our com- 
 mon interest were acceptable to you and my 
 American friends ; I shall be very happy indeed if 
 any good arises from them. The people in pow- 
 
 * Edmund Quincy. 
 
 60 
 
474 
 
 er here do now seem convinced of the truth of 
 the principles I have inculcated, and incline to 
 act upon them ; but how far they will be able 
 to do so at a peace, is still uncertain, especially as 
 the war in Germany grows daily less favourable 
 to us. My kinsman, Williams, was but ill-inform- 
 ed in the account he gave you of my situation here. 
 The Assembly voted me £1500 sterling, when 
 I left Philadelphia, to defray the expense of my 
 voyage, and negotiations in England, since which 
 they have given nothing more, though I have been 
 here near four years. They will, I make no 
 doubt, on winding up the affair, do what is just, 
 but they cannot afford to be extravagant, as that 
 report would make them. * * * * * * 
 Pray make my best respects acceptable to your 
 amiable family, and do me the justice to believe 
 that no one more sincerely wishes a continuance 
 of your happiness, than. 
 Dear friend, 
 
 Yours most affectionately, 
 
 Benjamin Franklin. 
 
475 
 
 Thomas Hollis Esq. to Edmund Qiiincy, Boston. 
 
 Pall Mall, October 1, 1766. 
 
 Sir, 
 
 I beg you to accept my best acknowledg- 
 ments for a long, curious, and interesting letter, 
 dated July 25th, though written on a melancholy 
 occasion, and for other matters which accompa- 
 nied that letter. The death of that able, good, 
 public man, Dr May hew, my old and much es- 
 teemed friend, has grieved me excessively. He 
 seems to have died through overstrain of applica- 
 tion and philanthropy. I pray God to soften the 
 afflictions of his widow, that accomplished, excel- 
 lent lady, and to endue her with fortitude equal to 
 her loss. The resolution taken by her, not to 
 publish any posthumous works of his, appears to 
 me to be judicious. 
 
 I guess not distinctly at what the hint thrown 
 out to you by the late worthy Doctor alluded. It 
 is true I honoured and valued him exceedingly, 
 and not long since repeatedly wrote to him, that 
 I was his assured friend ; which he would have 
 experienced, particularly in case he had been or- 
 dered here on the stamp act, as was more than 
 once whispered, with what truth I know not. 
 
476 
 
 Not a book has been sent more to the college 
 at Cambridge, as I recollect, through request or 
 inclination of that excellent man, for he made no 
 request of that sort, thougli it would have been 
 complied with ; nor will now be sent less that he 
 is dead ; nor did he or any one know in any de- 
 gree, till lately, the plan adopted by me in regard 
 to books intended to be presented to that college. 
 
 I confess to bear affection towards the people 
 of North America ; those of Massachusetts, and 
 Boston in particular, believing them to be a good 
 and brave people. Long may they continue such, 
 and the spirit of luxury, now consuming us to the 
 very marrow here at home, kept out from them ! 
 One likeliest means to that end will be, to watch 
 well over their youth, by bestowing on them a 
 reasonable, manly education, and selecting thereto 
 the wisest, ablest, most accomplished men, that 
 art or wealth can obtain ; for nations rise and fall 
 by individuals not by numbers, as I think all his- 
 tory proveth. With ideas of this kind have I 
 worked for the public library of Cambridge iix 
 New England, neither caring too exactly to re- 
 member how^ the last best library in all America 
 was lost there ; nor sparing towards it expense, 
 labour, or time. It is certain, the last winter I 
 
477 
 
 passed in town, against inclination, health, and 
 conveniency, On account of the stamp act ; ^nd 
 this summer with much preceding time — time, 
 the most valuable of all things, — on account of that 
 library. If any good hath followed from this pro- 
 cedure, or should follow from it, I shall be con- 
 tent. After sustaining a thirteen years' un- 
 remitted campaign, day, week, and month, year 
 following year, successive to each other ; altering, 
 though not broken in constitution, yet verging, it 
 may be towards a Mayhew's fate, without his 
 magnanimity, — I now seek relaxation and quiet ; 
 and am going into Dorsetshire, where I have some 
 estate, but no house, the ensuing winter or spring, 
 it is probable to settle there. ****** 
 ***** J i^^yQ jjQt attended the meeting: 
 of the Society instituted for promoting " Arts and 
 Commerce," in the Strand, for years past, some- 
 thing having happened there, which made me deem 
 it right to keep away. But every other service in 
 my power I gladly render to that noble society. 
 The article relating to it in your letter, was cop- 
 ied and sent directly to Dr Tcmpleman. 
 I am with great respect, Sir, 
 
 your much obliged and 
 
 most obedient servant, 
 Thomas Hollis. 
 
478 
 Dr Franklin to Josiah Quincy, Braintree. 
 
 London, February 26, 1775. 
 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 I received, and perused with great pleasure, 
 the letter you honoured me with, by your amiable 
 and valuable son. I thank you for introducing 
 me to the acquaintance of a person so deserving 
 of esteem for his public and private virtues. I 
 hope for your sake, and that of his friends and 
 country, that his present indisposition may wear 
 off, and his health be established. His coming 
 over has been of great service to our cause, and 
 would have been much greater, if his constitution 
 would have borne the fatigues of being more fre- 
 quently in company. He can acquaint you so 
 fully with the state of things here, that my en- 
 larging upon them will be unnecessary. I most 
 sincerely wish him a prosperous voyage, and a 
 happy meeting with his friends and family ; and 
 to you, my old dear friend, and the rest of those 
 you love, every kind of felicity ; being, with the 
 truest esteem and affection, 
 Yours, 
 
 Benjamin Franklin. 
 
479 
 
 P. S. Besides that the air of this city is 
 found extremely prejudicial to his health, all our 
 friends here are of opinion that your son's return 
 at this time, when writing is so inconvenient, 
 may be of singular service. — ^ " 
 
 John Adams Esq. to Josiah Quincy, Braintree. 
 
 Philadelphia, July 29, 1775. 
 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 I had yesterday the honour of your letter of 
 July the eleventh, and I feel myself much obliged 
 by your kind attention to me and my family, but 
 much more, by your care for the public safety, 
 and the judicious and important observations you 
 have made. Your letters, sir, so far from being 
 " a burthen," I consider as an honour to me, be- 
 sides the pleasure and instruction they afford me. 
 Believe me, sir, nothing is of more importance 
 to me, in my present most arduous and laborious 
 employment, than a constant correspondence with 
 gentlemen of experience, whose characters are 
 known. The minutest fact, the most trivial 
 event, that is connected with the great American 
 cause, becomes important in the present critical 
 situation of affairs, when a revolution seems to be 
 
480 
 
 in the designs of providence, as important as any 
 that ever happened in the affairs of mankind. 
 
 We jointly lament the loss of a Quincy, and 
 a Warren ; two characters as great in proportion 
 to their age, as any that I have ever known in 
 America. Our country mourns the loss of both, 
 and sincerely sympathizes with the feelings of the 
 mother of the one, and the father of the other. 
 They were both my intimate friends, with whom 
 I lived and conversed, with pleasure and advan- 
 tage. I was animated by them, in the painful, 
 dangerous course of opposition to the oppressions 
 brought upon our country, and the loss of them 
 has wounded me too deeply, to be easily healed. 
 Dulce et decorum est pro patria mori. The ways 
 of heaven are dark and intricate, but you may 
 remember the words, which, many years ago, 
 you and I fondly admired, and which, upon many 
 occasions, I have found advantage in recollecting. 
 
 " Why should I grieve, when grieving I must bear, 
 And take with guilt, what guiltless I might share ? " 
 
 1 have a great opinion of your knowledge and 
 judgment from long experience, concerning the 
 channels and islands in Boston harbour ; but I 
 confess your opinion that the harbour might be 
 blocked up, and seamen and soldiers made pris- 
 
481 
 
 oners, at discretion, was too bold and enterprizing 
 for me, who am not very apt to startle at a dar- 
 ing proposal ; but I believe I may safely promise 
 you powder enough, in a little time, for any pur- 
 pose whatever. We are assured, in the strongest 
 manner, of saltpetre and powder in sufficient 
 plenty another year, of our own make. That 
 both are made in this city, you may report with 
 confidence, for I have seen both, — and I have 
 seen a set of very large powder works, and anoth- 
 er of saltpetre. 
 
 I hope, sir, we shall never see a total stagna- 
 tion of commerce for any length of time. Neces- 
 sity will force open our ports ; trade, if I mistake 
 not, will be more free than usual. Your friend, 
 Dr Franklin, to whom I read your letter, and who 
 desires his kind compliments to you, has been 
 employed in directing the construction of row- 
 gallies for this city. The Committee of Safety 
 for this province have ordered twenty of them to 
 be built ; some of them are finished. I have seen 
 one of them ; it has twelve oars on each side. 
 They rowed up the river the first time, four miles 
 in an hour, against a tide which ran down four 
 miles an hour. The congress have recommended 
 to the colonies, to make provision for the defence 
 Gl 
 
482 
 
 of their navigation, in their harbours, rivers, and 
 on their seacoasts. Of a floating battery I have 
 no idea — am glad you are contriving one. 
 
 You tell me, sir, that General Lee complained 
 that " he did not find things as the Massachusetts 
 delegates had represented them." What Gen- 
 eral Lee could mean by this, sir, I know not. 
 What particular he found different from the repre- 
 sentation, I do not know ; nor do I know which 
 delegate from the Massachusetts, he received a 
 mistaken representation from. I think he should 
 have been particular, that he might not have 
 run the risk of doing an injury. If General Lee 
 should do injustice to two of the Massachusetts 
 delegates, he would commit ingratitude at the 
 same time ; for to two of them he certainly owes 
 his promotion in the American army, how great a 
 hazard soever they ran in agreeing to it. I 
 know him very thoroughly, I think, and that he 
 will do great service in our army at the begin- 
 ning of things, by forming it to order, skill, 
 and discipline. But we shall soon have officers 
 enough. * * * i * Your friend and humble 
 servant, 
 
 John Adams. 
 
483 
 
 Gen, Washington to Josiah Quincy^ Brainiree. 
 
 Cambridge, November 4, 1775. 
 
 Sir, 
 
 Your favour of the 31st ult. was presented to 
 me yesterday. I thank you (as I shall do every 
 gentleman) for suggesting any measure, which 
 you conceive to be conducive to the public ser- 
 vice ; but in the adoption of a plan, many things 
 are to be considered to decide upon the utility of 
 it. In the one proposed by you, I shall not 
 undertake to determine whether it be good, or 
 whether it be bad ; but thus much I can say, that 
 if there is any spot upon the main, which has an 
 equal command of the ship-channel to Boston 
 harbour (and give me leave to add that Point 
 Alderton is not without its advocates), in all other 
 respects it must have infinitely the preference ; 
 because the expense of so many batteries as you 
 propose, with the necessary defences to secure the 
 channel, the communication, and a retreat in the 
 dernier resort from the east end of Long Island, 
 are capital objections. Not, I confess, of such 
 importance as to weigh against the object in view, 
 if the scheme is practicable. But what signifies 
 Long Island, Point Alderton, Dorchester, &c., 
 
484 
 
 while we arc in a manner destitute of can- 
 non, and compelled to keep the little powder we 
 have, for the use of the musketry. The knowl- 
 edge of this fact is an unanswerable argument 
 against every place, and may serve to account for 
 my not having viewed the several spots which 
 have been so advantageously spoken of, I am 
 uot without intentions of making them a visit, and 
 shall assuredly do myself the honour of calling 
 upon you. In the mean while, permit me to 
 thank you most cordially for your polite invita- 
 tion, and to assure you that I am, sir, 
 Your most obedient 
 
 Humble servant, 
 George Washington. 
 
 James Bowdoin to Josiah Qtiincy, Braintree. 
 
 Middieborough, January 29, 177(i. 
 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 After looking over and calculating the papers 
 
 jVIr came about, my ej^es, and a pain in 
 
 my breast consequent on writing, and which will 
 oblige me to throw aside the pen entirely, would 
 scarcely permit me to read, much less to attempt 
 an answer to your very friendly letter of the 22d. 
 
485 
 
 Your obervations on the friendships of this 
 world are very just ; the most of those friend- 
 ships are mere varnish, and quickly end in disap- 
 pointment ; and even when they are sincere, from 
 the transient nature of earthly felicity, and the 
 accidents humanity is heir to, they can be but 
 short-lived. In this, as in every thing else, the 
 wisdom of our beneficent Creator is discernible ; 
 who, intending us for a superior state of exist- 
 ence, is disciplining and preparing us for it, by 
 those very accidents and disappointments, which, 
 in concurrence with other things, discover to us 
 that real friendship and permanent felicity are to 
 be expected in that state only. Hence, if we 
 suffer not a wayward humour or false expecta- 
 tions to misguide us, we shall be induced to place 
 our hopes, affections, and dependence there, upon 
 objects worthy of them ; but primarily and super- 
 latively on that Being, whose friendship, like 
 himself, is eternal and unchangeable ; and who, 
 by the mediation of our blessed Redeemer, will 
 completely beatify the virtuous expectants of his 
 kingdom. 
 
 In the mean time, notwithstanding past dis- 
 appointments, we should endeavour to cultivate 
 the social, friendly principle within us, the cul- 
 
486 
 
 culture of which will not only yield a present sat- 
 isfaction, but form a habit, which will introduce 
 us with great advantage, to the acquaintance and 
 friendship of kindred spirits in the future state. 
 Good habits thus induced are as well calculated 
 to introduce us to such an acquaintance there, as 
 polished manners into good company here. Both 
 of them seem to be the effect of education, — of 
 education in an extended sense, including the 
 whole of our progress in this state. Agreeably 
 to which sense this world may be considered as 
 a great school, in which mankind in different 
 classes have different employments assigned them. 
 Those that make the best, or any proficiency, will 
 finally be honoured with the approbation of the 
 great Preceptor, who will distinguish and advance 
 them, according to their respective merits. But 
 the greatest proficient will then find he has not 
 got beyond the rudiments of science. His bright- 
 ened intellect will discover to him new paths of 
 science, of which, like the joys he participates, it 
 never entered into the heart of man to form any 
 conception ; and which will afford him infinite 
 matter for the improvement of his growing facul- 
 ties, and for praise and thanksgiving to the adora- 
 ble Creator to all eternity. May you and I be 
 
487 
 
 companions together in this glorious employment ; 
 and have an opportunity of cultivating a friendship, 
 not like the friendships of this world, interrupted 
 by many accidents, and oftentimes by the op- 
 pressive hand of despotism, — which has lately 
 made some of us fugitives, and aims to make us 
 vagabonds on the earth, — but, with the favour 
 of our Creator, like our future selves, immortal, 
 and always improving, " growing with our growth, 
 and strengthening with our strength." 
 
 Pardon this reverie, as it was occasioned by the 
 kind expressions of your obliging letter ; and be- 
 lieve me to be with sincere esteem. 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 Your most obedient humble servant, 
 
 James Bowdoin. 
 
 Gen. Washington, to Josiah Qnincij, Braintree. 
 
 Cambridge, March 24, 1776. 
 
 Sir, 
 
 I am favoured with your letter of the 21st 
 instant. It came to hand this afternoon, and I 
 thank you for the many kind and flattering ex- 
 pressions it contains. To obtain the applause of 
 deserving men is a heart-felt satisfaction, — to merit 
 
488 
 
 it, is my highest wish. If my conduct, therefore, 
 as an instrumefit in the late signal interposition of 
 Providence, hath merited the approbation of this 
 great country, I shall esteem it one of the most 
 fortunate and happy events of my life. I ac- 
 knowledge myself your debtor for the share you 
 have bestowed on me of it. The continuance of 
 the fleet in Nantasket roads affords matter for 
 speculation ; it surpasses my comprehension, and 
 awakens all my suspicions. I have taken every 
 step in my power, to guard against surprises ; but 
 the temper of your people seems to me to be ap- 
 prehensive of no danger till it stares them in the 
 face. I do not think there is cause to apprehend 
 such marauding parties as you dread ; if any stroke 
 is aimed, it will be a capital one ; for which rea- 
 son I wish to be much upon my guard, and there- 
 fore have appointed guard-boats, look-outs, &c. 
 There is one evil I dread, and that is their spies. 
 I could wish, therefore, that the most attentive" 
 watch was kept, to prevent any intercourse with 
 the ships and the main land ; for this purpose, and 
 to prevent suspected persons (for I have no doubt 
 but that trusty soldiers, sergeants, and even com- 
 missioned officers in disguise will be sent out) 
 from travelling about, I wish a dozen or more of 
 
489 
 
 honest, sensible, and diligent men were employed 
 to haunt the communication, between Roxbury, 
 and the different landing-places nearest the ship- 
 ping, in order to question, cross-question, &:c. 
 all such persons as are unknown, and cannot give 
 an account of themselves in a straight and satis- 
 factory line. If you could hire men for this pur- 
 pose, whilst the shipping continue where they now 
 are, I would pay the wages you agree upon, and 
 thank you for the trouble, as I think it a matter 
 of some importance to prevent them from obtain- 
 ing intelligence of our situation. The earliest in- 
 formation should also be communicated of any 
 movements which may be discovered, and w hether 
 any of the shipping are getting out, as it were by 
 stealth. 
 
 I am exceedingly sorry to hear of your indispo- 
 sition, and heartily wish you a perfect restoration to 
 health. I should be very happy to take you by 
 the hand, before I bid adieu to the colony ; but as 
 my motions are regulated by those of the enemy, 
 I cannot say when or where it can happen, 
 In sincerity and truth, I remain. 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 Your most obedient and obliged servant, 
 George Washington. 
 62 
 
490 
 Gei%. Washington to Josiah Quincy, Braintree. 
 
 New York, April 25, 1776. 
 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 Your favour of the seventh instant coming 
 duly to hand, I thank you for the intelligence 
 therein contained. It gives me pain, to find from 
 your account that matters are taking a wrong bias 
 in the politics of }our government. 1 left five 
 regiments (upon an average as strong as any in 
 the service) to erect such works, and in such 
 places, as should be deemed most conducive to the 
 defence of the harbour. I did, as it was a gov- 
 ernment concern, leave the works which should be 
 constructed for the defence of the harbour, to the 
 adoption of the General Court, under the auspices 
 of Colonel Gridlcy, whom I have been taught to 
 view as one of the greatest engineers of the age. 
 If things have gone wrong, I can only express my 
 concern, and lament that time at so important a 
 Juncture should be wasted, and the best mode for 
 the defence of the harbour neglected. My ex- 
 treme hurry will only allow me, in addition to 
 what I have said, to thank you most cordially for 
 your friendly wishes, and to assure you, that I am 
 with great truth and sincerity, Dear Sir, 
 Your most obedient 
 
 and obliged, humble servant, 
 
 George Washington. 
 
491 
 
 Dr Franklin to Josiah Qiiincy, Braintree. 
 
 Saratoga, April 15, 1776. 
 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 I am here on my way to Canada, detained 
 by the present state of the lakes, in which the 
 unthawed ice obstructs navigation. I begin to 
 apprehend that I have undertaken a fatigue that 
 at my time of life may prove too much for me, so 
 I sit down to write to a few friends by way of 
 farewell. 
 
 I congratulate you on the departure of your late 
 troublesome neighbours. I hope your country will 
 now for some time have rest, and that care will be 
 taken so to fortify Boston, as that no force shall 
 be able again to get footing there. Your very 
 kind letter of November 13th, enclosing Lord 
 Chatham's and Lord Camden's speeches, I duly 
 received. I think no one can be more sensible 
 than I am of the favours of corresponding friends, 
 but I find it impossible to answer as I ought. At 
 present I think you will deem me inexcusable, 
 and therefore I will not attempt an apology. But 
 |f you should ever happen to be at the same time 
 oppressed with years and business, you may then 
 extenuate a little for your old friend. 
 
The notes of the speeches taken by your son, 
 whose loss I shall ever deplore with you, are ex- 
 ceedingly valuable, as being by much the best 
 account preserved of that day's debate. 
 
 You ask, " When is the continental congress by 
 general consent to be formed into a supreme legis- 
 lature ; alliances, defensive and oifensive, form- 
 ed ; our ports opened ; and a formidable naval 
 force established at the public charge ? " I can 
 only answer at present, that nothing seems want- 
 ing but that " general consent." The novelty of 
 the thing deters some, the doubt of success, others, 
 the vain hope of reconciliation, many. But our 
 enemies take continually every proper measure to 
 remove these obstacles, and their endeavours are 
 attended with success, since every day furnishes 
 us with new causes of increasing enmity, and new 
 reasons for wishing an eternal separation ; so that 
 there is a rapid increase of the formerly small 
 party who were for an independent government. 
 
 Your epigram on Lord Chatham's remark has 
 amply repaid me for the song. Accept my thanks 
 for it, and for the charming extract of a lady's 
 letter, contained in your favour of January 22d. 
 I thought, when I sat down, to have written by 
 this opportunity to Dr Cooper, Mr Bowdoin, and 
 
493 
 
 Dr Winthrop, but I am interrupted. Be so good 
 as to present my affectionate respects to them, 
 and to your family. 
 
 Adieu, my dear friend, and believe me ever 
 Yours most affectionately, 
 
 Benjamin Franklin. 
 
 Dr Franklin to Josiah Qiiincy, Braintree. 
 
 Passy, April 22, 1779. 
 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 I received your very kind letter by Mr Brad- 
 ford, who appears a very sensible and amiable 
 young gentleman, to whom I should with pleas- 
 ure render any services in my power upon your 
 much respected recommendation ; but I under- 
 stand he returns immediately. 
 
 It is with great sincerity I join you in ac- 
 knowledging and admiring the dispensations of 
 Providence in our favour. America has only to 
 be thankful, and to persevere. God will finish 
 his work, and establish their freedom ; and the 
 lovers of liberty will flock from all parts of Eu- 
 rope with their fortunes to participate with us of 
 that freedom, as soon as peace is restored. 
 
494 
 
 I am exceedingly pleased with your account of 
 the French politeness and civility, as it appeared 
 among the officers and people of their fleet. 
 They have certainly advanced in those respects 
 many degrees beyond the English. I find them 
 here a most amiable nation to live with. The 
 Spaniards are by common opinion supposed to be 
 cruel, the English proud, the Scotch insolent, 
 the Dutch avaricious, &c. but I think the French 
 have no national vice ascribed to them. They 
 have some frivolities, but they are harmless. To 
 dress their heads so that a hat cannot be put on 
 them, and then wear their hats under their arms, 
 and to fill their noses with tobacco, may be called 
 follies perhaps, but they are not vices. They are 
 only the effects of the tyranny of custom. In 
 «hort, there is nothing wanting in the character of 
 a Frenchman, that belongs to that of an agreeable 
 and worthy man. There are only some trifles 
 surplus, or which might be spared. 
 
 Will you permit me, while I do them this jus- 
 tice, to hint a little censure on our own country 
 people, which I do in good will, wishing the 
 cause removed. You know the necessity we are 
 under of supplies from Europe, and the difficulty 
 we have at present in making returns. The in- 
 
495 
 
 terest bills would do a good deal towards purchasing 
 arms, ammunition, clothing, sail-cloth, and other 
 necessaries for defence. Upon inquiry of those 
 who present these bills to me for acceptance, what 
 the money is to be laid out in, I find that most 
 of it is for superfluities, and more than half of it 
 for tea ! How unhappily in this instance the folly 
 of our people, and the avidity of our merchants, 
 concur to weaken and impoverish our country ! 
 I formerly computed that we consumed before the 
 war, in that single article, the value of £500,000 
 sterling annually. Much of this \\as saved by 
 stopping the use of it. I honoured the virtuous 
 resolution of our women in foregoing that little 
 gratification, and I lament that such virtue should 
 be of so short duration ! Five hundred thousand 
 pounds sterling, annually laid out in defending 
 ourselves, or annoying our enemies, would have 
 great effect. With what face can we ask aids 
 and subsidies from our friends, while we are wast- 
 ing our own wealth in such prodigality ? With 
 great and sincere esteem I have the honour to be. 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 Your most obedient servant, 
 
 Benjamin Franklin. 
 
496 
 
 Dr Franklin to Josiah Quincy, Braintree. 
 
 Passy, September 11, 1783. 
 
 My Dear Sir, 
 
 \j^ac' Mr told me not long since, that you 
 
 complained of my not writing to you. You had 
 reason, Ibr I find among your letters two unan- 
 swered. The truth is, I have had too much 
 business to do for the public, and too little help 
 allowed me ; so that it became impossible for me 
 to keep up my private correspondencies. I prom- 
 ised myself more leisure when the definitive treaty 
 of peace should be concluded. But that, it 
 seems, is to be followed by a treaty of commerce, 
 which will probably take up a good deal of time, 
 and require much attention. 1 seize this interim 
 to sit down and have a little chat with my friends 
 in America. 
 
 I lament with you, the many mischiefs, the 
 injustice, the corruption of manners, &c. that 
 attended a depreciating currency. It is some 
 consolation to me that I washed my hands of 
 that evil, by predicting it in congress, and pro- 
 posing means that would have been effectual to 
 prevent it, if they had been adopted. Subsequent 
 operations that I have executed, demonstrate that 
 
497 
 
 my plan was practicable. But it was unfortunate- 
 ly rejected. Considering all our mistak'^s and 
 mismanagements, it is wonderful we have finished 
 our affair so well and so soon ! Indeed, I am 
 wrong in using that expression — We have finished 
 our affairs so well. Our blunders have been 
 many, and they serve to manifest the hand of 
 Providence more clearly in our favour, so that 
 we may much more properly say, "These are 
 thy doings, oh! Lord, and they are marvellous 
 in our eyes ! " ia^hhj vm (; -1 
 
 The epitaph on my dear and much esteemed 
 young friend, is too well written, to be capable of 
 improvement by any corrections of mine ; your 
 moderation appears in it, since the natural affec- 
 tion of a parent has not induced you to exaggerate 
 his virtues. 
 
 How admirably constituted was his noble and 
 generous mind. Having plenty of merit in him- 
 self, he was not jealous of the appearance of it 
 in others. I shall always mourn his loss with 
 you, a loss not easily made up to his country. 
 
 ***********! rejoice 
 with you in the peace God has blessed us with, 
 and in the prosperity it gives us a prospect of. 
 63 
 
498 
 
 The Definitive Treaty was signed the third in- 
 stant. We are now friends with England, and 
 with all mankind ! 
 
 May we never see another war ! for in my 
 opinion, there never was a good war, or a bad 
 
 peace. 
 
 Adieu, and believe me ever, 
 
 My dear Friend, 
 
 Yours most affectionately, 
 
 Benjamin Franklin. 
 
 THE END. 
 
 3i^77-l