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Giant Days 
 
 -OR 
 
 The Life and Times 
 
 OF- 
 
 «>1a ^ 
 
 Embracing- also excerpts from his Diary^ 
 Letters and Speeches, together with a 
 copious index to the whole. ^ ^ ^ 
 
 -BY 
 
 J. E. D. Shipp, A. B. 
 
 "Wherefore he who hath both the iiesire and power to acquaint 
 himself thoroughly both with the customs and' the learning of 
 his ancestors, appears to me to have attained to the very highest 
 glory and honor." — Cicero. 
 
 SOUTHERN PRINTERS, 
 
 AMERICUS, GA, 
 
 1909. 
 

 
 Copyrighted 1909 
 
 BY 
 
 J. E. D. Shipp 
 
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DEDICATORY. 
 
 If I could write a biography worthy to be so-called, 
 it w^ould not be dedicated to the rich and powerful, to 
 the martial hero, nor to the politician. I would rather 
 dedicate to him who is doing most to rescue from ob- 
 livion the glorious and inspiring deeds of our ancestors 
 and perpetuate the true history of our Southland; to 
 the modest, patient, unselfish scholar and searcher 
 after truth— such for example, as Ulrich B. Phillips, 
 author of Georgia and State Rights. 
 
 THE AUTHOR. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 From my early boyhood I have dosirpci to write a life oT 
 William H. Crawford. 
 
 The scantiness of the material, coupled with a con- 
 scious inability to do the subject justice, long deterred me 
 from the attempt. Several years since when a number of 
 rare American newspapers and political pamphlets prior to 
 182.^ came into my possession, I resolved, with these as a 
 nucleus, to search for more material bearing directly on the 
 early history of Georgia and times in whkh Crawford lived. 
 
 His life and the history of the state are so interwoven 
 as to be inseparable. 
 
 There are many persons to whom T have, during the 
 preparation of this work, become indebted for assistance 
 rendered. From Dr. U. B. Phillips, of the University of 
 Wisconsin, I received many helpful suggestions, and much 
 Crawford correspondence obtained from descendants. Through 
 the courtesy of Dr. Thomas M. Owens of Montgomery, Ala., 
 I have been furnished with copies of many private letters of 
 Crawford from the State archives of Alabama. These letters 
 were placed there by the families of .Judge Charles Tait and 
 Hon. Boiling Hall, and have never been published. 
 
 Mrs. Mary Tait Beck of Camden, Ala., furnished letters 
 'received by her distinguished grandfather. Judge Charles 
 Tait, written by Crawford and his contemporaries. 
 
 From Mr. W. H. C. Dudley and Col. W. H. C. Wheatley, 
 both of Americus. Ga., I am indebted for a portrait of their 
 common ancestor, Mrs. Susanna Girardin Crawford, and for 
 many helpful suggestions in this pleasant labor. 
 
 T am particularly indebted to Library of Congress and 
 New York State Library for rare items of Crawfordiana. 
 
 To Frank P. Brent. Esq., of Richmond, Va.. .Air. 1. L. 
 Parrish of New York Historical Society, Mrs. Ilariol Meri- 
 
wether Lovett of Girard, Ga., Miss Loula Kendall Rogers of 
 Barnesville, Ga., and Hon. A. O. Bacon, acknowledgements are 
 also due. 
 
 This volume was written at night as recreation from the 
 routine of a country law office. It is to be hoped that my 
 untiring efforts to gather together the facts bearing on the 
 subject portrayed will, in a measure, atone for imperfections 
 of literary craftsmanship. 
 
 It is a matter of regret that none of the several large 
 histories of Georgia make mention of the Revolutionary 
 heroine, Nancy Hart. The sources therefore, from which the 
 facts are derived in the digressive accounts given of her in 
 this volume, are definitely set forth. Because her name more 
 properly belongs to national rather than local history in the 
 value of her services to the country is an additional reason 
 for the space given her in the chapter devoted to the touch- 
 stone period of our country's development. 
 
 J. E. D. SHIPP. 
 
 Americus, Ga., Oct. 4, 1908. 
 
FOREWORD. 
 
 This is the simple narrative of many of the most 
 important events which serve to malte up the life and char- 
 acter of one who lived in the public eye during that period 
 of our country's history which is least known, when more 
 weighty subjects were discussed and passed upon, more diffi- 
 culties removed from the free administrations of government 
 and more political fallacies broached and eradicated than at 
 any other per'ed of our national existence. This is the story 
 of an interesting career but poorly told, of one who in the 
 baptism of fame gave to himself his own name — a Georgia 
 plow boy, teacher and lawyer, who became legislator. United 
 States Senator, cabinet officer, diplomat, and the nominee 
 of a great party for President. It covers the period of two 
 wars with Great Britain, and treats of those turbulent times 
 in the beginning of the nineteenth century when the ■ whole 
 theory of government was subjected to an inquisition that 
 spared neither the ancient and venerable, the good and great 
 nor the bad and weak, in the scales of honesty and justice 
 they were all weighed and their true merit ascertained. It 
 is an era which not only embraces the revolutionizing of our 
 national policy, but marks the settlement of all Western 
 Georgia by the whites after the e.xpulsion of the aborigines. 
 It embraces the times of the stupendous Yazoo Fraud, and the 
 origin of the Crawford and Clark parties which were destined 
 to exceed all bounds and precedents and inaugurate a regime 
 never to be forgotten for its ravenous partisan zeal for 
 supremacy in State politics. 
 
 One can but observe with deep regret that so many 
 names in this State, richly deserving their country's respect 
 and gratitude, for the lack of contemporaneous chroniclers 
 and eminent artists to give value to their fame, are scarcely 
 remembered, their merits forgotten or their valuable services 
 ascribed to others. Even when these names occur in general 
 history, the true significance of their careers is not educed; 
 or like Hortensius of old, who while glimmeringly acknowl- 
 edged as a greater than Cicero, yet his fame lives only in the 
 eulogies of his rivals. 
 
 In the National Portrait gallery of Eminent Americans, 
 published in Philadelphia 1839. appears the most extended 
 sketch of William H. Crawford. This authentic narrative 
 covers less than twelve pages. The author was the accom- 
 
plished Geo. M. Dudley, the husband of Mr. Crawford's eldest 
 daughter, Caroline, who was her father's private secretary. 
 This sketch by Mr. Dudley after leaving his hands was 
 sheared, abridged and emasculated by the publisher to such 
 an extent as to destroy its harmonious arrangement, and per- 
 vert the proposed historical accuracy by witless pruning. 
 Interesting minutiae and intimate details were lost by elision, 
 when it was of utmost importance that they should be pre- 
 served. The real, virile Crawford was denied rehabilitation 
 by an editor's demand for the popular, trite, stock expressions 
 and meagre statements long accepted as covering the subject. 
 
 The manuscript and valuable material that Mr. Dudley 
 had acquired for an extended biography were all destroyed 
 by fire at the burning of his residence in Americus, Ga., sev- 
 eral years before his death in 1867. 
 
 In the wholesome and friendly competition of different 
 sections of the country over the comparative merits of their 
 great men who figured conspicuously during the eventful and 
 formative period embracing the first half of the nineteenth 
 century, each State, with one notable exception, has chroni- 
 cled in voluminous tomes the life of her favorite son. Massa- 
 chusetts boasts the ponderous biographies of her Adams; 
 Kentucky, the full score v/riters who extol her Clay; New 
 York her Van Buren; Tennessee her .Jackson; South Carolina 
 her Calhoun; but Georgia's gifted Crawford, the compeer of 
 these, has never had a single volume to record his services. 
 
 Indeed the following pages represent the first sustained 
 effort to collect fragmentary sketches and obscure data and 
 weld together as a connected whole the facts which may 
 enable one in some degree to judge of the life and character 
 of the greatest Georgian. 
 
 Crawford lived more in deeds than in words. The bigoted 
 hierophant of an editor or the sycophantic penny-a-liner 
 received no encouragement from h:m. He never played to the 
 galleries. While with worthy ambition he strove for great 
 ends, he never paused like so many statesmen, to emblazon 
 the way and point to methods for his own aggrandizement. In 
 the scarce and scattered records of h's public career, which by 
 patient effort may be gleaned from the rare newspapers, mag- 
 azines and pamphlets handed down from his day, there are few 
 recorded monuments of his genius. He accomplished few 
 notable feats of statesmenship, and in his active, strenuous 
 life wrote little that is now read. Yet with remarkable unani- 
 mity all who knew him or who have written of him proclaim 
 his powerful personality and reckon him the peer of any man 
 of his age. 
 
Giant Days 
 
 OR 
 
 The Life and Times 
 
 OF 
 
 William H* Crawford 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 A CHAPTER OF GENEALOGY. 
 
 The name Crawford signifies in Gaelic the pass of blood, 
 from "cm" bloody and "ford" a pass. The following lines 
 on John, Earl of Crawford, and his valor at the battle of 
 Gratzka, may be fonnd in a volume of poems by W. Bewick 
 printed at New Castle-on-Tyne 175 2: 
 
 "Descended from a family as good 
 
 As Scotland boasts, and from right ancient blood, 
 
 You ai'e the ornament of all your race. 
 
 The splendor and the glory and their praise.. 
 
 What courage you have shown, illustrious Scot! 
 
 In future ages will not be forgot." 
 
 This John Crawford, born 1600 in Ayrshire, Scotland, 
 was the first of the blood to reach these shores in 1643. His 
 only child, David, came with him, his wife having died in 
 Scotland. He was killed during "Bacon's Rebellion" in Vir- 
 ginia in 167 6. Although seventy-six years old, this sturdy 
 hero of Gratzka, did not hesitate to enter into the great 
 struggle for political rights which sowed the seeds of the 
 American Revolution. In this he only evinced that valorous 
 spirit that has distinguished his lineage as lovers of freedom. 
 
 His son David, born in Ayrshire, Scotland, in 1625, married 
 in James City County, Virginia, in 165 4. His daughter. Eliza- 
 beth, married Nicholas Meriwether. * (2) Judith married 
 Robert Lewis; (3) Angelina married William McGuire; (4) 
 Captain David married Elizabeth Smith in 1695; he died July 
 *See "The Meriwethers and Their Connections," by Louisa H. A. Minor. Page 9. 
 
IQ THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 1762 aged a few months more than a hundred years. His 
 wife, Elizal)eth, was also a centenarian. From Captain David 
 Crawford and Elizabeth Smith have descended a numerous 
 progeny that have settled over the South and West. 
 
 David, son of Captain, born in Hanover County, Virginia, 
 1697 and died 1766, married Ann Anderson in 1727: their 
 fifth child, Joel, was born in Hanover County 1736, moved 
 with his father to Amherst County 175 0, married Fanny 
 Harris in 1760, died 1788. Their children were (1) Ann, 
 married Joel Barnett, her cousin; (2) Robert, married Eliza- 
 beth Maxwell; (3) Joel, married Ann Barnett, his cousin; 
 (4) David, married Mary Lee Wood; (5) Lucy, married James 
 Tinsley; (6) William Harris, married Susanna Gerardin; (7) 
 Elizabeth, married William Glenn, (2) William Rhymes; (S) 
 Charles, died unmarried; (9) Fanny, married David Crawford; 
 (10) -Nathan, died unmarried; (11) Bennet, married (1) 
 Nancy Crawford, (2) Martha Crawford, sisters of David, who 
 married Fanny Crawford. Thomas Crawford, father of Nancy 
 and Martha, was the grandfather of Hon. Martin J. Crawford 
 of Columbus, Ga. 
 
 It has not been a difficult matter to trace this branch of 
 the family, as so many of the descendants have kept family 
 trees in old Bibles which give their genealogy back to John 
 Crawford of Ayreshire, Scotland, their common ancestor. 
 
 The Crawfords were generally of large statue, sinewy, 
 and of great physical endurance; with square chins, blonde 
 complexions, prominent noses, blue eyes and sanguine tem- 
 peraments. They bear a striking family resemblance. The 
 frequent intermarriage among different branches of the 
 family, intensified the peculiar traits and features that dis- 
 tinguished them. Dr. R. D. Barrett of Virginia writes: 
 "They were brave, public spirited, patriotic, clannish, slow 
 to anger, but when aroused — lions. There was a spark 
 of genius in all, but it blazed smouldering in some. The 
 oldest ones liked their ease and were always temperate. 
 I have heard my grandfather say they had crooked little 
 fingers. They were a martial, self-reliant and intelligent race." 
 Gov. Geo. W. Crawford of Georgia in a sketch of the 
 family remarks: "The American Crawfords never forgot the 
 Scotchman's prayer 'that they might not have a good opinion 
 of themselves.' " 
 
 The mother of William H. Crawford, Fanny Harris, was 
 the daughter of one of the early settlers of Rockfish Valley, 
 Virginia, and of Scotch-Irish descent. 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRAAVFORD H 
 
 The Harris family was prominent in County and State 
 affairs, and many times members of it represented Alberraarle 
 and Nelson Counties in tlie General Assembly. They were 
 and are people of highest social standing. Isham G. Harris, 
 Governor of Tennessee and long a distinguished member of 
 the United States Senate, was of this family; as were also, 
 Judge John W. Harris, member of Supreme Court of Texas, 
 and his brother, Sam Harris, Lieutenant-Governor of that 
 State. 
 
 It is seen, therefore, that William Harris Crawford had 
 an honorable pedigree. His ancestors, of the good old 
 Scottish stock in Virginia were sterling, hardy and temperate 
 people, and bequeathed to him the precious legacy of a good 
 name. But whether he descended from earl or farmer, he 
 was well-born, for he was endowed by nature with the ability 
 to win honor and fame for his name. He was born on 
 February 24th, 17 72, in that part of Amherst County Vir- 
 ginia out of which Nelson County has since been formed. 
 In a fertile valley watered by the beautiful Rockfish River 
 and hemmed in by the lofty peaks of the Blue Ridge, stood 
 the old brick mansion that was the Crawford home. The 
 plantation, still known as the "Crawford place," is twelve 
 miles distant from Rockfish Station on the Southern Railway, 
 and is now owned by Mr. Henry Page of Greenfield, Nelson 
 County, Virginia. The family mansion was standing until 
 very recently. On Virginia's most fertile soil, environed by 
 scenery of surpassing loveliness, the birth place of Crawford 
 seemed a favored spot. Here Nature presents a panorama of 
 beauty and grandeur, celebrated in song and romance, and 
 which defies the painter's brush, here amid browsing herds of 
 sheep and kine on the mountain side, green fields of tobacco 
 and waving acres of corn in the rich valleys, was Crawford's 
 home until his seventh year. He was cradled in the presag- 
 ing times immediately preceding the Revolution, and the tem- 
 per of those giant days must have entered into his blood to 
 mould in grand proportions, brawn and brain. "The part of 
 the countrv in which Mr. Crawford was born is said to have 
 been famous for large men. A Mr. Spencer lived there who 
 had the reputation of being the largest man in the world." 
 
 He was only one year of age when Patrick Henry, Thomas 
 Jefferson and Richard Henry Lee were appointed a committee 
 from Virginia to urge upon the other colonies the Declaration 
 of Independence, which caused them to spring forth united 
 as a free nation like Minerva from the brain of Jupiter— full 
 grown and panoplied. 
 
 ♦White's Statistics of Georgia. Page 199. 
 
12 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 THE WAR IN SOUTH CAROLINA AND GEORGIA. 
 
 Financial reverses came to the Crawford home in Vir- 
 ginia, and in 1779 Joel Crawford with his family removed 
 from the Old Dominion and settled in Edgefield District, South 
 Carolina, on Stevens Creek about thirty miles above Augusta. 
 William Harris was a strong and well-developed boy, and 
 although only seven years of age rendered his father assistance 
 on the farm at this time. There were many things to cause 
 heart burnings and feverish anxiety to the elder Crawford, 
 as we shall see later on, but the question uppermost in his 
 mind seems to have been the proper education of his chil- 
 dren. To accomplish this he was ready to make any sacrifice. 
 There was a school in the neighborhood, and here young 
 Crawford during a few weeks each year assiduously applied 
 himself, and evinced unusual capacity for receiving instruction. 
 The father's soul was stirred within him as he witnessed the 
 eagerness and aptitude of the boy, and he desired for him 
 better opportunit.es than could be obtained in the short terms 
 of the country schools of Edgefield. Here father and son 
 formed a compact with firm purpose to gain the object — 
 education — over all obstacles. 
 
 .loel Crawford ov>'ned a few slaves, and the ))roduct of 
 the farms of Edgefield District had a ready market at Augusta. 
 The important scene of the Revolution at this t:me had been 
 transferred from the North to the State of Georgia. In 1779 
 Savannah and Augusta were both captured and held by the 
 British, and soon after the entire State fell into the hands 
 of the enemy. Georgia saw the Loyalist Governor, James 
 Wright, restored, and once again the State became a royal 
 province. The patriots by a terrible system of persecution 
 were forced to abandon their homes and flee northward. In 
 the winter, therefore, the Crawford family moved north over 
 Broad River into Chester District. But quietude and safety 
 was not to be en.ioyed, even in this interior retreat. There 
 were disastrous breakers ahead, and the most serious trouble 
 that had yet befallen this household was now impending. 
 
 In an animated speech in 1779 President Rawlins 
 Lowndes addressed the South Carolina Legislature in the 
 following words: "Our inveterate and obdurate enemy being 
 foiled in the Northern States, and by valor and good conduct 
 of the inhabitants, compelled to abandon their hopes of con- 
 quest there, have turned their arms more immediately against 
 
OP WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD 13 
 
 the Southern States iu hopes of better success. They are now 
 in possession of Savannah, the Capital of Georgia, from whence 
 if not prevented an easy transition may be made into this 
 country. Tliis situation of danger, gentlemen, calls for your 
 most serious consideration." To these spirited sentiments the 
 House of Representatives responded in an address of which 
 the following is a part: "We conceive ourselves bound by 
 all the difference there is between the horrors of slavery and 
 the blessings of liberty, to use every means in our power to 
 expel them from our country." 
 
 Major General Lincoln with his two thousand effective 
 continentals indiscreetly determined to defend Charleston to 
 the last. This city was wealthy and numbered at that time 
 fifteen thousand inhabitants. There were no forts or ram- 
 parts and General Lincoln could rely for its defense only on 
 the temporary field works which he was able to construct. 
 Sir Henry Clinton who was then in command of the Royal 
 Army swooped down on the city like a summer storm 
 determined with a force five times greater to annihilate at 
 one fell blow the only army of the Continental Government 
 in the South. Lincoln made the first attempt in the whole 
 American war to defend a town, and his disastrous defeat 
 demonstrated that American independence could never be 
 achieved in this way. Washington in vain had advised that 
 the army should keep to the open country where it could 
 be free to attack or retreat, and never to risk a siege. By 
 this blunder Lincoln and his whole army were captured and 
 South Carolina, like Georgia, was completely overrun by the 
 British. 
 
 The deplorable condition of this period is thus graphically 
 described by Bancroft: "Before the end of three months 
 after the capture of Savannah all the property, real and per- 
 sonal, of the rebels in Georgia was disposed of. For further 
 gains Indians were encouraged to bring in slaves wherever 
 they could find them. All families in South Carolina were 
 subjected to the visits of successive sets of banditti, who 
 received commissions as volunteers with no pay or emolument 
 but that derived from rapine, and who roaming about at 
 pleasure robbed the plantations alike of patriots and loyal- 
 ists. The property of the greater part of South Carolina was 
 confiscated, families were divided, patriots outlawed and 
 savagely assaulted, houses burned, and women and children 
 driven shelterless into the forest; districts so desolated that 
 they seemed the abode only of orphans and widows." 
 
14 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 Congressman John Houston of Georgia, grieved at the 
 oppressive measures inflicted on his people wrote to Mr. Jay: 
 "Our misfortunes are under God the source of our safety. 
 When they have wrought up the spirit of the people to fury 
 and desperation they will be driven from the country." The 
 British commander indulged the delusive idea that he had 
 established a lasting peace by crushing the strength and 
 spirit of his seemingly helpless victims, and commanded that 
 all the inhabitants of the State, even those who were pris- 
 oners on parol, should take a part in securing the royal gov- 
 ernment. All who refused allegiance were to be treated as 
 rebels to the King. 
 
 Joel Crawford was among those who were seized as 
 rebels and carried to Camden jail. Gaunt, hungry, miserable, 
 subjected to taunts of every passing Tory, this American 
 prisoner with about two hundred and fifty others, without 
 medical attention and with only a scant supply of bad bread, 
 passed his time away in confinement with feverish anxiety 
 and suffering. His family was not perhaps in a worse con- 
 dition during the eventful summer of 1780 because of his 
 absence. There was on a war of Whig and Tory — small, 
 sharp, internecine warfare of brother against brother. Each 
 side vied with the other in bitterest hatred to kill the fighting 
 men and partisans of their opponents. The absence of a 
 father from home in these perilous times of Scotch-Indian 
 warfare was often a better protection to his family than his 
 presence; for prowling murderous adversaries dogged the 
 steps of every man able to bear arms. The greater part of 
 this period was passed by Joel Crawford as a rebel prisoner 
 of war, and not until late in the summer was his release 
 secured by some of his loyalist neighbors becoming his security.* 
 At last, then, from this dreary prison house he returned to 
 his sorrow stricken and helpless family, who longed for his 
 protecting husbandry. 
 
 Among the prisoners confined by the British at Camden 
 Jail, was a tall, slender, blue-eyed, freckled faced, red haired 
 lad of fourteen years. He had been captured near his widowed 
 mother's home in the Waxhaw settlement near the Catawba 
 River on the boundary line between the two Carolinas. He 
 had borne arms and the cruel Tories had felt his power, 
 young as he then was. Game to the core was he. When 
 ordered by the British officer to brush his boots, this spirited 
 youth with Spartan dignity replied: 
 
 "Sir, I am a prisoner of war and claim treatment as 
 
 *Sherwood's Ga. Gazeteer, (1829). 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRA'WTORD 15 
 
 such." The answer of the enraged and demoniacal officer was 
 a cutting blow on the l)oy's head with a sword. His life was 
 saved only by the interposition of his left hand. There were 
 two cruel wounds, one on his hand and a deep gash in his head 
 that Andrew Jackson carried to his grave. "I'll warrant that 
 Andy thought of it at New Orleans," said an aged relative of 
 his afterwards to Jackson's biographer. * 
 
 When the weary summer was advancing and the prisoners 
 were worn and wasted by hunger, disease and feculency Jack- 
 son v/as released by an exchange of i)risoners, effected by his 
 mother's patient might of love, so that he returned to his 
 home in North Carolina. He was an invalid for several 
 months, but slowly regained health. 
 
 During these strenuously exciting times of plunder, sud- 
 den devastations, exploits and surprises in partisan warfare, 
 there was scarcely an interval of serenity. No section suf- 
 fered more than South Carolina and Georgia. So hopeless 
 seemed their condition that they were dubbed the "Lost 
 Colonies." Here the Tories were most numerous and exas- 
 peratingly cruel. No adequate idea can be given in this brief 
 memoir of the sufferings, services and sacrifices of the women 
 of this period who forgetful of their feebleness and timidity, 
 dared to face dangers scarcely compatible with the delicacy 
 of their dispositions. Nature responded to the needs and 
 exigencies of this Revolutionary struggle and produced men 
 and women of giant mould and heroic qualities equal to the 
 occasion. There were desperate leaders of the Tories, Tarleton, 
 Fanning and Rawdon, whose atrocities became notorious, and 
 desperately indeed, did the Whig partisan bands of Francis 
 Marion, Elijah Clark and James Jackson revenge themselves 
 on the perpetrators. 
 
 Georgia from the hills of Habersham to the glades of 
 the Okefinokee and from the Savannah to the Oconee was 
 being swept by the besom of war. The British were holding 
 Fort Cornwallis at Augusta, and sending out frequent parties 
 of raiders to forage on the Whigs and harrass the "rebels" 
 into sulmiission. 
 
 Col. John Dooly of the Georgia Militia was a brave and 
 intrepid soldier. He commanded the right wing of Col. 
 Elijah Clark's forces at the battle of Kettle Creek, and greatly 
 contributed to the splendid victory of the Americans. After 
 this signal action he was engaged in defending the frontier, 
 and many a traitor on the border lines of Georgia and South 
 
 *Parton's Life of Jackson. Vol. I, page 89. 
 
16 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 Carolina felt the force of his stroke. In this greai work he 
 became a terror to predatory Tories. In order to effectually 
 rid themselves of this brave partisan who had rendered such 
 conspicuious service on botli sides of the Savannah River, 
 a party of Tories was sent out from Augusta who ascertained 
 that he was enjoying a short respite at his home, and mur- 
 dered him at midnight while in bed and in the presence of 
 his loved ones. 
 
 The whole country was wrought up to the highest pitch 
 of excitement over the fiendish murder of this gray-haired 
 warrior who was loved by all who held dear the American 
 cause. Wilkes County, the home of Dooly and Clark, was 
 called "The Hornets' Nest" by the British on account of the 
 valor of the inhabitants. 
 
 The war now, on the part of the British, was one of 
 pillaging incursions and assassinations. The Tories exceeded 
 the savage Indians in their numerous atrocities. The cry 
 of vengeance went up to Heaven, and the blood of the dead 
 Dooly gave force and inspiration to the patriots throughout 
 the land. The arm of the weak and v^^avering was nerved 
 to renewed action on hearing of the foul murder of this 
 popular defender of his people. Dooly was in his grave, but 
 Clark, Pickens, Marion, Twiggs and Jackson, with their brave 
 and scattered forces, never kissed the hand that smote their 
 people. Amid a saturnalia of blood and carnage the British, 
 with their superior numbers, had trodden the proud states of 
 South Carolina and Georgia under foot; yet these people were 
 born free, and the despot's heel could never make them 
 slaves. 
 
 If an individual instance of woman's patriotism is called 
 for in order to form a succinct idea of the temper of the 
 times, and by one example glean a glimpse of the ardent and 
 faithful few who could never be subdued by the severest 
 measures, then no greater record of feminine bravery can be 
 found in the annals of this or any other country than in the 
 thrilling narrative of Nancy Hart. 
 
 This story is well told in that interesting book "Geor- 
 gians," written by Governor George R. Gilmer, who was a 
 close friend and associate of Crawford. It is also related in 
 "Ellet's Women of the Revolution,' and* charmingly set forth 
 in "White's Historical Collections of Georgia," and more 
 minutely sketched by Mrs. Loula Kendall Rogers of Tennille, 
 Ga., who is related to this Revolutionary heroine. * 
 
 *Atlanta Journal, issue of October 14, 1901. 
 
OF WIM.IAM H. CRAWFORD 17 
 
 As William 11. Crawlord was reared very near her home, 
 and her adventures told ai!;ain and again among the ijeople 
 of that day in the South, the narration of her heroic virtues 
 could but malve a la!;ting impression upon one of his temi)ora- 
 luent. It seems, therefore, not impro])er to make some refer- 
 ence to this remarkable wonuin in h's biography. 
 
 THE STORY OF NANCY HART. 
 
 On the north side of liroad River at a point al)out twelve 
 miles from the present city of Elberton, Ga., and fourteen 
 from historic Petersburg, in what is now Elbert County, was 
 situated the log houte in which Benjamin Hart and his wife, 
 Nancy Morgan Hart, lived at the commencement of the Revo- 
 lution. The spot is easily located to this day as being near 
 Dye's and Well's ferries, and on the opposite side of the river 
 from which Governor Matthews settled in 1784, near a small 
 and romantic stream known as "War Woman's Creek." This 
 was the name given to it by the Indians in honor oL" Xancy 
 Hart, whom they admired and feared. Her home was near 
 the entrance of the stream into the river. The State records 
 show that Benjamin Hart drew four hundred acres of land on 
 Broad River, and afterwards another body of land in Burke 
 County, He was a brother to the celebrated Col. Thomas 
 Hart of Kentucky, who was father of the wife of Henry Clay. 
 He was a well to do farmer, and was compelled to take his 
 stock and negroes to the swamp to save them and his own 
 life from the unrestrained Tories. As captain of a small com- 
 pany of "Partisans" he Avould sally forth from his hiding 
 place only when there was a chance of striking the enemy 
 an effective blow. The Tories generally spared the women, 
 but killed the men who were found unarmed. Nancy Hart, 
 alone with six boys — Morgan, John, Thomas, Benjamin, 
 Lemuel and Mark, and her two girls, Sally and Keziah^pre- 
 sents a unique case of patriotic fervor, courage and independ- 
 ence of character unparalleled in history. Rough, unmanage- 
 able, six feet tall, spare, bigboned and exceedingly strong, she 
 was high spirited, energetic and shrewd, and delighted in her 
 prowess and physical strengtli. The whigs all loved her — 
 she was hospitable and kind to them. The Liberty boys 
 called her "Aunt Nancy." The Tories feared and hated her 
 unrelent:ngly. 
 
 When General Elijah Clark moved the women and chil- 
 dren away from Broad River settlement to a place of safety 
 in Kentucky most of them were anxious to go, but Xancy 
 
Ig THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 refused, and remained alone with lier children after her Whig 
 neighbors had departed. Her life was in constant danger, but 
 she was resolute, and inspired the Tories with a wholesome 
 dread, and for a long dismal period she stood her ground. 
 Her house was a meeting place for her husband's company. 
 She aided as a spy and kept him informed of the movements 
 of the enemy. She always went to the mill entirely alone, 
 as she was an expert equestrienne. One day while on her 
 rounds she was met by a band of Tories with the British 
 colors striped on their hats and clothing; they knew her and 
 asked for her "pass." She shook her fist at them and replied: 
 "This is my pass; touch me if you dare." Being amused at 
 her answer, and wishing to have some fun. they dismounted 
 the old lady and threw her corn to the ground, laughing at 
 her trouble; but she was not disconcerted in the least; she 
 coolly lifted the two and a half bushels of corn and proceeded 
 to the mill. She often boastingly said she could do what few 
 men could, and that was to stand in a half bushel measure 
 and shoulder two and a half bushels of corn. Tories lived 
 on the other side of the river opposite her home, and she 
 had many trials with them, as they enjoyed worrying her. 
 There was a large oak stump near her house in which she 
 cut a notch for her gun. Concealing herself in the under- 
 growth around she watched for Tories as they crossed the 
 river, and without compunction shot them down, then blew 
 the conch shell for her husband to deliver their bodies to 
 the proper authorities. * 
 
 One night "Aunt Nancy" was boiling a pot of lye soap 
 in the big fireplace of her stack chimney, and talking to her 
 children in her jovial way. Suddenly she noticed a pair of 
 eyes and a bearded face at a crack between the logs of the 
 cabin. Pretending not to see the prowling eavesdropper she 
 went on stirring the soap, and chatting spiritedly of an esca- 
 pade with the Tories. She talked and stirred at a lively rate, 
 covertly watching the crack where were the pair of eyes. 
 Quickly and deftly she dashed a ladleful of the boiling soap 
 in the face of the intruder, who, blinded and roaring with 
 pain, Nancy bound fast. The next morning she marched her 
 big prisoner across Broad River with his hands tied securely 
 behind him. With her trusted rifle in one hand and her 
 petticoats raised above her knees with the other, she waded 
 the ford, still driving her prisoner before her. Four miles 
 away to the American camp she marched and delivered her 
 unlucky captive to General Clark. 
 
 "Mrs. Rogers. 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD 19 
 
 One day very near lier dweliins "'Aunt Xaiu'.y" hk-i u 
 Tory. She engaged in conver. alien with him, and after 
 a while diverted h's attention and seized his gun. There was 
 a lively wrestle over the weapon, bvit her siii)erior strength 
 gained the mastery and she marched him down the river a 
 mile and a half to a fort known as the Old Block House and 
 turned him over as a prisoner of war to its commander. 
 All through Georgia and the Carolinas Nancy soon became 
 famous. Iler courage and confidence rekindled the smoulder- 
 ing sparks of liberty in hearts that were weary and ready to 
 faint. 
 
 Among all the many acts of heroism ascribed to her 
 there is one that apparently eclipses all others, because per- 
 formed at a time when stoutest hearts most droojied and 
 faith in the American cause was waning. This feat was one 
 that evinced her skill and nerve, and brought into action all 
 the audacity, tact and devotion of her strong character. 
 
 From the detachment of British soldiers sent out from 
 Augusta, and which murdered Colonel Dooly, there were five 
 who diverged to the east and crossed Broad River to examine 
 the neighborhood and pay a visit to Nancy Hart. They 
 unceremoniously entered her cabin, receiving from her a 
 scowl, and accused her of secreting a rebel from a company 
 of King's men. Nancy undauntedly admitted the accusation, 
 and did not attempt to conceal her enmity. Being hungry 
 they offered her money to prepare them something to eat. 
 She replied that she never fed traitors and King's men if 
 she could help it; for the villians had ))ut it out of her power 
 to feed her own family and friends by slaughtering her 
 poultry and pigs. "The old gobbler out there in the yard is 
 all I have left," said Nancy. In an instant the leader of the 
 party shot down the turkey, brought it into the house and 
 ordered her to cook it without delay. She stormed awhile, 
 but at last disposing to make a virtue of necessity she began 
 with alacrity arrangements for the cooking, assisted by her 
 children. Finally she overheard her unwelcomed guests talk- 
 ing of their having killed Colonel Dooly. After hearing this 
 Nancy appeared to be in a good humor, and now and then 
 exchanged rude jest with the men. Pleased with her freedom, 
 they invited her to partake oT some of their liquor, an invita- 
 tion which she pretended to accept with jocose thanks. 
 
 During the progress of the cooking Nancy sent her eldest 
 daughter to the spring for water with direcaions to blow on 
 the conch shell for her father in such a way as to inform him 
 that there were Tories in the cabin. 
 
20 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 As the cooking progressed the Tories became merry over 
 their jug, anticipating a feast upon the slaughtered gobbler. 
 They stacked their arms within easy reach, and Nancy would 
 occasionally pass between the men and their muskets. The 
 Tories called for water, and our heroine having contrived that 
 there should be none in the cabin the daughter was the 
 second time dispatched to the spring to blow a signal on the 
 conch shell which would immediately summon Captain Hart 
 and his company. 
 
 Nancy all this time was thinking fast for furious 
 action. Trough a crack between the logs of the cabin 
 she slipped outside two of the five guns. When the third 
 was being put out the Tories discovered her, and sprang 
 to their feet. In an instant Nancy brought the musket 
 to her shoulder, declaring she would kill the first man that 
 moved. Appalled by her bold audacity and fury, the men 
 for a moment stood still; then one of them made a quick 
 movement to advance upon her. True to the word she fired 
 and shot him dead. Instantly seizing the other musket at 
 her side she leveled it, keeping the others at bay. By this 
 time the daughter had returned from the spring, and taking 
 up the other gun, she carried it out of the house, saying to 
 her mother: "Father and the company will soon be here." 
 The Tories were alarmed at this information, and realized 
 the importance of recovering their arms at once. They pro- 
 posed a general rush. No time was to be lost by the bold 
 woman; another fii'e and a second Tory lay dead at her feet. 
 The daughter handed her another musket and Nancy, moving 
 to the doorway, demanded in strident tones the surrender of 
 their carcasses to a Whig woman. "Yes, we will surrender," 
 said they; "let's shake hands on the strength of it." Nancy 
 was not to be outwitted by an outstretched hand, but held 
 them at bay until her husband and neighbors came up to the 
 door. When Captain Hart's company was about to shoot the 
 Tories Nancy stopped them, saying: "These prisoners have 
 surrendered to me; they have murdered Colonel Dooly — I 
 overheard them say so." Her advice was enougn. 
 
 These captured murderers of Colonel Dooly were headed 
 l)y one McCorkle, Avho lived in South Carolina. George 
 Dooly, brother to the deceased, was with Captain Hart, and 
 never gave up the chase until he saw the prisoners hanged. * 
 
 Tory Pond, near the home of Colonel Dooly, in Lincoln 
 County, where the Tories were hanged, is a dismal spot, six 
 
 ♦Gazetteer (published in 1829) page 198. 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRA^\^FORD 21 
 
 miles northeast of Lincolnton, Ga., situated on the roadside on 
 the edge of a dense forest. The one grave in which the three 
 were buried is plainly discernible to this day. 
 
 Governor Gilmer, who wrote so interestingly of Xancy 
 Hart, notes the roughness acquired by her terrible environ- 
 ment, but describes her as possessing many sterling qualities. 
 She was a great friend to his mother, who often visited her. 
 In 1S28-9, when he was congressman from Georgia, a pro- 
 posal was made to fill the vacant niches in the rotunda of 
 the capitol at Washington with paintings descriptive of the 
 battles fought by General Jackson. In order to pay tribute 
 to this famous war woman of the Revolution, Gov. Gilmer 
 offered an amendment to substitute a painting of Nancy Hart 
 wading Broad River, her petticoats held up with one hand, 
 a musket in the other and marching three Tories before her 
 to be delivered to General Elijah Clark. * This amendment 
 was defeated, and the greatest heroine of the Revolution was 
 refused the honor due to her bravery. 
 
 John Hart, the second son of Nancy, became an influen- 
 tial and wealthy gentleman, and lived near Athens, Ga. He 
 married Patience Lane in 1787. After his father's death 
 Nancy lived with him. By an act of the Legislature of Geor- 
 gia passed Dec. 5th, 1801, John Hart was appointed with four 
 others to fix on the most convenient places to hold elections 
 in his county, and because of this work in naming it as the 
 site he has been termed one of the fathers of Watkinsville, Ga. 
 
 Nancy Hart was possessed of considerable property, and 
 her descendants were well provided for by her. 
 
 In 17 87, when the two Virginia preachers, Thomas Hum- 
 phreys and John Majors, were holding a great campmeeting 
 in Wilkes County, Georgia, many of the inhabitants were 
 moved by their teachings to embrace the doctrine of John 
 Wesley. She was among those who fervently espoused the 
 cause, and became a staunch adherent of the new faith. She 
 made several changes of residence — one to St. Marys, Ga., 
 and other places— and finally, with her family, moved to 
 Kentucky, where her relatives, the Morgans, lived. Hart 
 County is the only one in Georgia named for a woman, and 
 the town of Hartford, which in 1810 was the county seat of 
 Pulaski County, was also named in her honor. Many of her 
 descendants reside in Georgia, and treasure with pardonable 
 pride her virtues, and fondly relate the traditions of her great 
 name. 
 
 *Gllir.er's Georgiana, 
 
22 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 THE OLD FIELD SCHOOL. 
 
 The Treaty of Peace between Great Britain and the United 
 States was signed at Paris Nov. 30, 1782, and the Thirteen 
 States were declared free and sovereign. After the war was 
 ended Joel Cravv^ford did not remain long in South Carolina. 
 
 There was an abundance of fertile lands in Georgia to 
 be granted to active settlers, or to be purchased at a trifling 
 cost. The population of the State then consisted of only 
 19,000 whites and 16,000 negroes. The settled portion of 
 the State was a narrow strip extending along the west side 
 of the Savannah River and along the Atlantic coast to near 
 the Florida line. Thousands from Virginia and the Carolinas 
 moved into this fertile region of cheap lands, so that in five 
 years' time the population had doubled, and by the census of 
 1790 there were found to be 82,000 inhabitants. 
 
 Joel Crawford realized the advantages of this promising 
 section, and early in 17 83, with his canvas top wagons, a 
 few slaves, and whatever other property remained to him from 
 the ravages of war. took up his travel from his home in 
 Edgefield District, to which place he had returned from 
 Chester District, and sought a new settlement on Kiokee 
 Creek, near where the village of Appling, Ga., now stands. 
 There were excellent reasons why this locality was selected 
 by him for a home; a few Virginians were already there, 
 and among them several of his relatives. * The country was 
 healthful and the lands productive. This section was then 
 embraced within Richmond County, but was cut off in 1790 
 to form Columbia County. 
 
 The only church at that period in the whole of Richmond 
 County was Kiokee j Baptist church, formed by Rev. Daniel 
 Marshall in 1772, and formally chartered by the Legislature 
 of Georgia in 1789 as the "Anabaptist Church on the Kiokee." 
 It is the oldest Baptist church in the State. This pioneer 
 preacher had migrated to Georgia from Connecticut in 1770, 
 and on account of his learning and fervent devotion to the 
 work of the ministry became greatly beloved by his followers. 
 His influence for good in the Kiokee settlement was para- 
 mount. He never fled the State during the war as others of 
 the clergy did, but remained the pastor of this church contin- 
 uously up to the time of his death in 17 84. When he first 
 
 *Gilmer's Georgians. 
 
 tMercer's History of the Georgia Baptist Association. 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD 23 
 
 came to Georgia lie was arrested lor preaching in the Parish of 
 St. Paul. This was done in the i)resence of his congregation, 
 on a beautiful Sunday morning. He was about to be carried 
 to jail by the constable when his brethren gave security for 
 his appearance on the following Monday at court in Augusta. 
 He stood his trial, and although he acknowledged that he was 
 guilty of the charge of preaching and being a dissenter from 
 the Church of England, he was discharged with the order of 
 the magistrate to preach no more in Georgia. He answered 
 modestly but firmly in the language of the Apostle: "We 
 ought to obey God rather than man.'" * The Crawfords lived 
 very near this church, and were constant attendants, and 
 contributors to it. On account of the danger of Indians the 
 Legislature had promulgated a law making any man found 
 at church without his musket and 30 rounds of ammunition 
 in the pew beside him, subject to a fine of ten shillings. This 
 act was passed in 1770, and was observed until after the 
 Revolution. 
 
 St. Paul's Episcopal church at Augusta, which had been 
 supported by the Government ever since 1758, was destroyed 
 during the war, and not rebuilt until several years after. 
 The grand jury presentments of Richmond County in 1782 
 state as a grievance the want of a house of worship in 
 Augusta. 
 
 In 17 84 the Legislature fixed the county seat of Richmond 
 County "At the place where the road crosses the little Kiokeo 
 creek leading to the meeting house." This is the spot where 
 the town of Appling now stands. 
 
 The people of Georgia were poor after an eight years' 
 war. The State had overpaid her quota of money to continue 
 the struggle. Continental currency was almost worthless, and 
 even as late as 17 85, after the success of the colonies had been 
 established the state auditor was required to receive all Geor- 
 gia paper bills emitted since the commencement of the late 
 war at the enormously depreciated rate of one thousand for 
 one. t This startling depreciation exhibits most forcibly the 
 poverty of the young State, and the hardships of her condi- 
 tion. The low estimate of war currency gave rise to the com- 
 mon expression: "Not worth a continental." Yet there were 
 other patent influences, which in spite of a depleted treasury, 
 tended to the material development of the State. 
 
 If there was any one thing, however, that caused the great 
 
 Sherwood's Gazetteer, page 244. 
 tWatkin's Digest, page ai4. 
 
24 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 influx of so many excellent immigrants of the best quality to 
 Georgia, that swelled her population and wealth at such an 
 increasing, unprecedented rate immediately after the Revolu- 
 tion, that one thing should be ascribed to the praiseworthy 
 efforts of the State to advance the cause of education within 
 her borders. This new State was formed with the experience 
 of all the world before it, and this subject of neglected educa- 
 tional facilities under the old colonial system, was uppermost; 
 resolves were made that under the benign smiles of Providence 
 which had blessed their independence, religion and learning 
 should be fostered. It was done, and unrivaled population, 
 wealth and intelligence was the result, and v^ith these 
 unrivaled comfort and happiness. 
 
 A few months after the Declaration of Independence the 
 First Constitution of Georgia was adopted. The 5 4th section 
 of this Constitution declared: "Schools shall be erected in 
 each County, and supported at the general expense of the 
 State." Many other wholesome provisions were made in pur- 
 suance thereof to encourage education. Donations were made 
 separately to the cities of Augusta, Savannah, Waynesboro, 
 Louisville, Sunbury, Ebenezer, Washington and others to main- 
 tain academies. On July 31st, 1783, the Legislature appro- 
 priated one thousand acres of land to each County for the 
 support of free schools. On Feb. 25th, 1784, the following act 
 was passed : "Whereas, the encouragement of religion and 
 learning is an object of great importance to any community, 
 and most tends to the prosperity, happiness and advantages 
 of the same. Be it therefore enacted by the authority afore- 
 said. That the County Surveyor immediately after the passage 
 of this act shall proceed to lay out in each County twenty 
 thousand acres of land of the first quality in separate tracts 
 of five thousand acres each for the endowment of a college, 
 or seminary of learning, and which said lands shall be vested 
 in and granted in turn to his honor the Governor for the time 
 being, and John Houston, James Habersham, William Few, 
 Joseph Clay, Abraham Baldwin, WMlllam Houston and Nathan 
 Brownson, esquires, and their successors in office who are 
 hereby nominated and appointed trustees of the said college, 
 or seminary of learning, and empowered to do all such things 
 as to them shall appear requisite to forward the establishment 
 and progress of same." The chartei- of the University of 
 Georgia was granted in 17 85. The remarkable preamble to 
 this chartering act contains this forceful sentence: "This 
 country in the times of our common danger and distress 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD 25 
 
 found such security in the principles and abilities which wise 
 xegulations had before established in the minds of our country- 
 men that our present happiness, joined to pleasing prospects, 
 should conspire to make us feel ourselves under the strongest 
 obligations to form the youth, the rising hope of our land, to 
 render the like glorious and essential services to our country." 
 
 Georgia was the first State to establish a university. It 
 was thirty years later before the University of Virginia was 
 organized. 
 
 The amount given by private benefactors to the pro- 
 motion of education in this State has been very great, and 
 a number of scliools before and since the Revolution were 
 supported by private munificence alone. The early history 
 of the State shows that cities, towns and districts all con- 
 tributed liberally to the cause. In this manner that founda- 
 tion was laid that produced so many great men thereafter, 
 and advanced the moral and material development of the 
 State to that extent which won for it the well earned name of 
 the Empire State of the South. 
 
 After the'r arrival in Georgia, the Crawfords were 
 not unmindful of the cherished idea of educating their chil- 
 dren. A school near by was patronized by them. There was 
 a longing, however, in the hearts of the parents to give to 
 their precious son better advantages than could be then 
 obtained in Georgia. Notwithstanding his limited means 
 Joel Crawford was ready to make the greatest sacrifice to this 
 end, for he realized what was plainly obvious to others, that 
 William was deeply Imbued with a love of learning remarkable 
 for a lad of eleven years. The proud father desired that his 
 son should be educated in the country from whence his ances- 
 tors had sprung. He loved Scotland and her institutions and 
 traditions. - The University of Edinburgh, in his opinion, 
 offered the greatest facilities. Thither would he have his son 
 attend. There was a wealthy Scotch merchant in Augusta 
 who was ready to advance money to good customers on ample 
 security. This merchant made trips to Scotland to buy goods, 
 and spent a great portion of his time in the mother country. 
 Such a trade was made and terms for his tuition agreed upon, 
 and at last the fond parents' hearts were to be gladdened. 
 To Scotland then the lad was to be taken for a thorough 
 education. The joy of receiving these advantages, com- 
 mingled with the sorrows of parting with loved ones for 
 so many years, were all experienced by William. He never 
 forgot these tenderest emotions, ana so long as he lived spoke 
 of them with becoming sentiment. 
 
26 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 Here was the event which seemed destined to change the 
 whole current of his life. However, just before the appointed 
 time for his departure the Scotch merchant, in a violent fit 
 of mental derangement, attempted to cut his own throat. 
 Joel Crawford was forced to abandon this plan, as it would 
 be unsafe to entrust him with funds and the superintendence 
 of his son's education. 
 
 Back then to the old field school. Five years more of 
 assiduous application and the boy was well versed in all 
 the English branches taught therein. This youth now of 
 sixteen summers was tall, dignified, but not graceful, mus- 
 cular and well proportioned; his head and face were strik- 
 ing and impressed the beholder at once with the belief 
 that he must possess more than ordinary powers of intellect. 
 His complexion was fa:r and ruddy, his features strong and 
 regular, his manner frank and unconventional and his speech 
 blunt and to the point. He was cordial to his friends, and 
 when he smiled an engaging benignity overspread his whole 
 countenance. No wonder then, at this tender age, he was 
 deemed capable of taking charge of this old field school as 
 teacher, his father being unable to bear the expense of con- 
 tinuing his education in the County academy at Augusta. It 
 was the best thing that the boy could undertake to carry out 
 his purpose of obtaining, a liberal education, which purpose 
 he never for a moment lost sight of. Teaching would impress 
 what he had learned, and by it he could earn the money to 
 accomplish his cherished purpose. His work in the school 
 room was successful; but the greatest sorrow he had ever yet 
 felt was now to befall him. 
 
 Before the year 17 88 had passed his doting father died, 
 leaving William the principal support of the family. The 
 disease which took off his father and swept with such violence 
 throughout the country at this time was smallpox. Their 
 valuable servants also fell under its attack, and the bereaved 
 family were reduced to very narrow circumstances. Every 
 dollar of the boy teacher's earnings was sorely needed now 
 to aid his mother in supporting a large and almost helpless 
 family. 
 
 During the next three or four years Crawford was teach- 
 ing school and assisting on the farm. These were trying 
 times with him, and it seemed that after all, his desire to 
 obtain a classical education v/as aljout to be repressed by 
 chill penury. It has been often asserted that any ambitious 
 youth in America can work his way to an education if he 
 
OF WHJJAM H. CRAWFORD 27 
 
 but have a deep set purpose. Jt seems that Crawford's life 
 would disprove this proposition: ho arrived at the age of 
 twenty-two with all his hopes unrealized. He was not one 
 to shirk any task nor to be overcome by obstacles. An 
 ordinary mind, under these depressing circumstances, would 
 have yielded to the current of affairs, but his was not of 
 ordinary mould. Viewing him at this critical period one 
 would scarcely conceive that he was destined to act such an 
 important part in the drama of his country's history. 
 
 Let us cast a glance at a few of the distinguished men 
 with whom and against whom he afterwards acted. 
 
 John Quincy Adams was now twenty-seven years of age. 
 and bad been most carefully educated at Harvard, and later in 
 the colleges of Europe, having received every advantage that 
 w^ealth, splendor and pov,-erfuI friends could bestow. He was 
 appointed in 17 94 Minister Plenipotentiary of the United 
 States at the Hague. Andrew Jackson was holding the very 
 lucrative office of District Attorney at Nashville, Tenn., and 
 at this time had laid the foundation for the large estate which 
 was soon to be his. At the age of twenty-seven he had 
 achieved great popularity in his district as a politician, and 
 was noted for his personal prowess, as evinced by his full 
 hundred hand to hand encounters, duels, and fisticuffs in most 
 of which, but not alwaj^s, he was victorious. Henry Clay was 
 an impecunious orphan seventeen years of age, and employed 
 in the Clerk's office of the High Court of Chancery at Rich- 
 mond, Va. Van Buren and Webster were school boys of 
 twelve at their father's homes in New York and Massachu- 
 setts, respectively. George Michael Troup v>as fourteen years 
 of age and attending a boarding school taught by the cele- 
 brated Dr. Peter Wilson at Flatbush, New York, where so 
 many wealthy Southerners' sons were educated. * John Clark 
 was engaged in a chimerical scheme under his father, General 
 Elijah Clark, to set up an independent State in Western Geor- 
 gia, inhabited only by the Indians, t josiah Tatnall and 
 James Jackson were Senators from Georgia. George Matthews 
 was Governor, and Thomas P. Carnes w^as in Congress from 
 Georgia. Nathaniel Macon of North Carolina was also in Con- 
 gress; Berrien v/as a thirteen-year-old college boy at Prince- 
 ton, where two years later he was graduated. Of John C. 
 Calhoun, who remained throughout his whole life Crawford's 
 most powerful antagonist and w:th whom he grappled on many 
 a clear cut field in bitterest political strife, w-e shall get a 
 glimpse in our next cliapter. 
 
 *Karden's Life of Troup, page 9. 
 fChappell's Miscellanies of Georgia, page 37. 
 
28 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 CARMEL AND RICHMOND ACADEMIES. 
 
 In the Spring of 1794 there came to Columbia County 
 a new dominating personalit3% the famous teacher Dr. Moses 
 Waddell. He came as a missionary, for he was a devout 
 Presbyterian minister. He had been educated at Hampden- 
 Sydney College, where he was prepared to teach and preach. 
 Governor Gilmer, who was one of his pupils, says of him: 
 "He was for a long time the most useful and successful 
 teacher in the Southern country. He devoted his whole life 
 to his calling, and was a most admirable example of the 
 superiority of strong sense of duty and untiring industry in 
 the employments of life, over genius and accomplishments." * 
 Waddell possessed those sterling qualities of heart and soul 
 which peculiarly fitted him for leadership and privations of a 
 pioneer life. He was the son of the blind preacher of Vir- 
 ginia so graphically described by William Wirt in his British 
 Spy as making the impassioned utterance: "Socrates died 
 like a philospopher, but Jesus Christ died like a God." 
 
 Carmel Academy, two and a half miles distant from the 
 present site of Appling, was organized under his direction. 
 Who can calculate the great use to mankind that can flow 
 from the efforts of a consecrated teacher? This great educa- 
 tor was destined to become famous as the instructor of the 
 leading statesmen of the South. Carmel Academy contained 
 pupils who, in after years, adorned the national councils and 
 filled the country with their fame. Dr. Waddell "s wife was 
 the daughter of Patrick Calhoun, and the sister of Hon. John 
 Caldwell Calhoun of South Carolina. 
 
 The younger Calhoun soon after came as a pupil to this 
 school. He was thirteen years of age, and possessed even 
 then the active energy, determination, ardency of feeling, 
 impulsive enthusiasm and quickness of apprehension which 
 characterized him throughout life. Besides Calhoun and Wil- 
 liam H. Crawford there was Thomas W. Cobb, another bright, 
 spirited youth, who in after years, as congressman and United 
 States senator, reflected honor on his state by his unswerving 
 devotion to every duty to which he was called. 
 
 The devout mussleman, when he turns his face towards 
 Mecca as the true source of all light, is not moved with more 
 fervor than was Crawford to this great opportunity which he 
 had so long craved. He soon obtained the confidence and 
 
 *Gilmer's Georgians. 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD 
 
 2y 
 
 favor of Dr. VVaddell, and a lasting frieudsliu) grew up between 
 preceptor and pupil. Crawford remained in the Academy two 
 years, studying the usual Latin and Greek authors, philosophy 
 and French. The last year he was promoted to the position 
 of usher, receiving as his compensation one-third of the tuition 
 money. His quick apprehension and retentive memory 
 enabled him to master the Latin and Greek languages in the 
 shortest possible time, and to comprehend and enjoy with 
 peculiar zest the beauties of the classics. He was fond of 
 Virgil, Horace, Cicero, Thucydides and Homer. He frequently 
 attended examinations of academies and colleges to renew 
 his touch with the grand old Masters. * There was nothing, 
 however, of display or vanity in his make up; his learning 
 was without pedantry. He not only loved books himself, but 
 knew how to impress their utility attractions on others. In 
 that interesting book, "Leisure Labors," by J. B. Cobb, there 
 is presented a striking picture of the lumbering, honest 
 student. 
 
 "It was determined by himself and some of the elder 
 school boys to enliven the annual public examinations by 
 representing a play. They selected Addison's Cato; and in 
 forming the cast of characters, that of the Roman Senator 
 was, of course, assigned to the usher. Crav\Tord was a man 
 of extraordinary height and large lim!).s, and was always 
 ungraceful and awkward, besides being constitutionally 
 unfitted, in every way, to act any character but his own. He, 
 however, cheerfully consented to play Cato. It was a matter 
 of great sport, even during rehearsal, as his j'oung companions 
 beheld the huge, unsightly usher, with giant strides and 
 stentorian voice, go through with the representation of the 
 stern, precise old Roman. But on the night of the grand 
 exhibition an accident, eminently characteristic of the coun- 
 terfeit Cato, occurred, which effectually broke up the denoue- 
 liient of the tragedy. Crawford had conducted the Senate 
 scene with tolerable success, though rather boisterously for 
 so solemn an occasion, and had even managed to struggle 
 through v;ith the ai)ostro])he to the soul: but when the dying 
 scene behind the curtain came to be acted Cato's groan of 
 agony was bellowed out with such hearty good earnest as 
 totally to scare away the tragic muse, and set promoter, play- 
 ers and audience in a general unrestrained fit of laughter. 
 This was, we believe, the future statesman's first and last 
 theatrical attempt." 
 
 *Gilmer's Georgians, page 124. 
 
30 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 Upon the death of his wife in April, 1796, Dr. Waddell 
 closed the Academy and did not resume his duties until after 
 his second marriage four years later. Carmel Academy, how- 
 ever obscure, was the nursery of Georgia's most distinguished 
 sons, in politics, literature and religion. It had proved to be 
 an unmixed blessing to the community, and its influence was 
 wide and formative. Dr. Waddell was the librarian of a 
 small circulating library of well selected books, and to this 
 his students resorted, inspired as they were by a master who 
 stimulated the pride and ambition of youth. After the death 
 of his sister and the closing of the school, John C. Calhoun 
 continued to reside with his brother-in-law on the latter's 
 plantation. Dr. Waddell, however, was absent for the greater 
 part of his time engaged in the performance of his clerical 
 duties, and young Calhoun was left to depend upon his own 
 resources for amusement. There was not another white 
 person on the farm, and although there were occasional visits 
 from hospitable neighbors he would no doubt have fallen a 
 victim to listlessness and ennui had it not been for the fact 
 that his active mind found employment in the library, which 
 he kept during Dr. Waddell's absence. His biographer tells 
 us that he read Rollins' Ancient History, Robertsons' Life of. 
 Charles V, a History of America and a translation of Vol- 
 taires' Charles XII. * He was fascinated with the inexhausti- 
 ble store of knowledge and variety which this French scholar 
 exhibited, and admired the well turned periods and graceful 
 diction of Scotland's great Historian; and with thrilling delight 
 perused the graphic account of the daring exploits of the 
 "Madman of the North." Cook's Voyages, Bacon's Essays and 
 Locke on the Understanding, all received a careful reading by 
 him. Within a few mouths, however, he was recalled to his 
 home in Abbeville, and not until the expiration of four years, 
 spent in hunting, fishing and some slight attention to the farm, 
 did he resume his studies at Carmel Academy. In June, 1800, 
 being then a vigorous youth of eighteen years, he returned to 
 Georgia, and after two moi'e years under Dr. Waddell entered 
 the Junior Class at Yale College, where, in 1804, he graduated 
 with distinction. 
 
 At the closing of Carmel Academy in 1796, Crawford, 
 still anxious to increase his store of useful learning, bent his 
 way to Augusta. This growing city of some three thousand 
 five hundred people was already said to be taking on seductive 
 ways of fashion and worldliness. The obscure usher resolved 
 
 *Jenkins' Life of Calhoun, page 22. 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD 3^ 
 
 to fling himself in the way of loriune, and altliough without 
 means for the attainment of his purpose, yet dared to hoiie 
 by bravest efforts to win her favor. He was successful. In 
 the double capacity of student and instructor he remained 
 for two years. In 179S he was appointed rector, Charles 
 Tait having resigned the position to practice law. 
 
 During this year awakening ambition suggested a larger 
 plan of life. He commenced the study of jurisprudence, and 
 at the end of the year he resigned his place in the Academy, 
 and was admitted to the practice of law. "It may be 
 remarked," says Mr. Dudley, "that while he was engaged in 
 his scholastic and professional studies he supported a char- 
 acter for the most exemplary morality and prudence, and was 
 a most indefatigable, close, and laborious student." 
 
 Of the students at this school where Crawford studied 
 and taught, there were many who became zealous in their 
 friendship for him. He had a peculiar tact for cementing 
 friendship when once formed. 
 
 About this time there entered into his life a new expe- 
 rience — another incentive for endeavor and achievement. 
 Among the pupils at the Academy was Susanna Girardin. 
 daughter of Louis Girardin, a Savannah River valley planter 
 of Huguenot descent, whose father had been a professor in 
 William and Mary College, Virginia. To this bright, blue- 
 eyed, fair-haired Georgia girl the young tutor gave his heart's 
 allegiance. The happiest love stories are told in fewest 
 words, and this may be briefly stated: they loved wisely and 
 well. Poverty and tardy fortune delayed the consummation 
 of plighted troth, but fidelity of purpose won over all obstacles, 
 for Youth and Will are masters. 
 
 William H. Crawford pushed on toward the highway of 
 success. His connections with Richmond Academy gave him 
 prestige. His predecessors. Judge Grifl^n and Charles Tait, 
 were teachers and men of great ability. When, therefore, in 
 17 99 he set up to practice law at Lexington, Ga., he com- 
 manded attention, and did not long remain a briefless barrister. 
 
 The only two political matters he had uj) to this time 
 ever attempted to handle were of great importance to the 
 country. There was held in Augusta, Ga.. on .July I'd. 1798, a 
 convention of young men who sought to take some action 
 against tiie incursions of France upon our commerce. A 
 committee was appointed, of which Crawford was chairman, 
 to address a communication to the President. This address 
 was written and forwarded to President .John Adams, and it 
 
32 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 attracted a great deal of comment at the time, as embodying 
 a bold aggressive spirit in favor of maintaining our commerce 
 on the high seas. * 
 
 The other matter was also one of the deepest gravity 
 that arose from his opposition to a bill that had been intro- 
 duced into the Georgia Legislature, which bill gave rise to 
 what was afterward known as the "Yazoo Fraud." This 
 fraud was one of the most shameful that ever disgraced any 
 legislative body. The moving spirit was Judge Henry Wilson 
 of Pennsylvania, a most distinguished man. He was one of 
 the signers of the Declaration of Independence, and had been 
 a member of the Constitutional Convention of 1787, and at 
 this time was one of the judges of the Supreme Court of the 
 United States. Few men had stood higher in the affections 
 of the people, but his thirst for gold made him a greedy 
 land speculator, and he allied himself with Gen. James Gunn, 
 a United States Senator from Georgia, and perpetrated upon 
 the people of this State by open bribery and bullying this 
 monstrous crime. Among those most concerned in the 
 scheme was Judge Nathaniel Pendleton, District Judge of the 
 United States for the District of Georgia, and Matthew 
 McAlester, District Attorney of the United States for Georgia, 
 who were the lobbyists and bribe givers; also William Stith, 
 Judge of the Superior Court of Georgia, who sold his influence 
 for $13,000 in money and a promise by the incorporators to 
 make him Governor of Georgia, f 
 
 The act itself bears the deceptive title: "An act supple- 
 mentary to an act entitled 'An act for appropriating a part 
 of the unlocated territory of this State for the payment of 
 the late State troops, etc' " Under this' title was passed the 
 ~law that sold 3,500,000 acres of land extending from the 
 Chattahoochee to the Yazoo River at the ridiculous price of 
 one and one-half cents per acre. 
 
 The Legislature was in session at the Capitol in Augusta. 
 Every member was approached and sounded, and when it 
 could be done was bribed. The extent of the corruption and 
 bribery would stagger belief were it not that the records were 
 left to show it. The cunning swindlers used $25,000 bribe 
 money. The act passed by a small majority, and it was after- 
 wards proven that every one that voted for it except Mr. 
 Robert Watkius owned large sha^.e^s of the stock of the Yazoo 
 Company that bought this immense tract of land. General 
 
 *See appendix from proceedings of this Convention. 
 tChappel's Miscellanies of Georgia, page 95. 
 
OP WILLIAM IT. CRAWFORD 33 
 
 James Jackson was offered half a million acres of the luiid 
 for his influence, but indignantly refused. Many weak men 
 were intimidated by threats, and some who could not bo intim- 
 idated were paid to go home and remain away from the Legis- 
 lature. It is the strongest case of wholesale corruption of 
 public officials in American history. 
 
 Before the act could become a law it needed the Gov- 
 ernor's approval. Crawford knew Governor George Matthews 
 as a man of honest intentions, but without sufficient capacity 
 to withstand subtle assaults upon his mind. Although two 
 of the Governor's sons had been made members of the land 
 grabbing company, it was hoped he would refuse to sign the 
 bill. Crawford, young and inexperienced student at the 
 academy as he was, wrote the Governor addressing a petition 
 intended to stiffen up that weak gubernatorial spine and to 
 strengthen his vacillating mind by a warning against a fatal 
 compliance with the wishes of the covetous. * The petition 
 reached him, the Governor wavered, hesitated, doubted, but 
 the clamor of the public men around him, reinforced by scores 
 of others of greatest prominence who were hirelings of the 
 swindlers, was overwhelming. General Wade Hampton and 
 Congressman Robert Goodloe Harper, two distinguished South 
 Carolinians, and who in that day were both recognized at home 
 and abroad as giants of intellect, were actively interested with 
 Yazooists, and pocketed thousands of the money realized from 
 this plunder of the state, f Governor Matthews, by a stroke 
 of his pen, made the bill a law. It was his political death 
 knell. The people never again trusted him, and public opinion 
 drove him out of the state. 
 
 James Jackson and the day of wrath was soon to set upon 
 the unhappy swindlers. 
 
 Resigning his seat in the United States Senate the brave 
 and fiery Jackson hurried home, and announcing his candidacy 
 for the legislature, declared the infamous act must be repealed 
 by the next General Assembly. The very name Yazooist soon 
 in consequence of his stirring appeals became a synonym of 
 infamy, ft The members who voted for the act were some 
 killed, some hunted like wild beasts, some publicly denounced 
 and whipped, some lynched and others run out of the coun- 
 try. *■* Moved by a wave of moral fervor the next Legislature 
 
 *Gilmer's Georgia. 
 
 tChappell's Miscellanies of Georgia, 97. 
 
 * 'American State Paper Public Land, Vol. I, page 148. 
 
 t tStevens History of Georgia. 
 
34 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 passed the repealing act; it was also provided that the tainted 
 money be returned, the trade declared null and that the 
 Yazoo act and all public records of the same should be pub- 
 licly burned in the presence of the Governor, so that no trace 
 of it should ever be left to blot the escutcheon of the State. 
 It was necessary to show to the country at large that thQ 
 state loathed the corruption, loathed the speculators, loathed 
 the evidence of fraud, and would hold her ground. 
 
 At high noon on an appointed day the Governor, State 
 officials, and the whole legislative body marched out of the 
 capital and formed a circle around a pile of pitch lightwood 
 that had been placed in the middle of the square in front of 
 the new capital building at Louisville, Ga. With a sun 
 glass Governor Jared Irwin brought fire from heaven to con- 
 sume the condemned records. * 
 
 As the Clerk of the House of Representatives placed the 
 accursed documents in the flames he cried with a loud voice 
 in the presence of the assembled multitude: "God save the 
 State! and preserve her rights!! and may every attempt to 
 injure them perish as these corrupt acts now do!!!" f 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 A GENTLEMAN OF THE GREEN BAG. 
 
 Crawford was just twenty-seven years of age when he 
 commenced to practice law in the thriving County of Ogle- 
 thorpe. The lands were fertile, and the Broad River settle- 
 ment soon became famous for its energy, refinement and 
 virtue. The Virginians who composed the first settlers formed 
 a society of the greatest intimacy and cordiality — mutual 
 wants making the surest foundation for the interchange of 
 mutual kindnesses. 
 
 These Virginians were a clannish set, and were very 
 unindulgent to the characteristics and customs of the North 
 Carolinians and Europeans who composed another class of 
 population in Georgia. From their inherent differences grew 
 two rival social and political factions. These two factions 
 were about equal in number and influence. The North Caro- 
 lini ans were generally of moderate means, robust and whole- 
 some in body and mind. The Virginians were wealthier, bet- 
 ter educated and in a social sense better bred than their 
 neighbors. 
 
 •White's Statistics of Georgia, p. 58. 
 fStevens' History of Georgia, Vol. II, p. 492. 
 
OF WILLIAM II. CRAWFORD 35 
 
 In this new country the woods abounded in sivnio and the 
 streams afforded abundance of fish. Crops of corn, wheat, 
 barley, oats, potatoes, peas and pumpkins were raised. There 
 never was a more independent, sturdy, self-sustaininR, self- 
 respecting people than these early settlers of Oglethorpe 
 County, among whom were Col. Benjamin Taliaferro, Gov. 
 George Matthews, T. M. Gilmer, Frank Meriwether, John 
 Lumpkin, Hugh McGehee, John Thomas, Thomas W. Cobb and 
 Stephen Upson. These gentlemen all have held responsible 
 positions in the service of the State, and reflect the high char- 
 acter of the people of this section. The population and 
 wealth of Oglethorpe County was considerably greater than 
 that of Richmond; and this, together with the fact that the 
 lands were more productive in the former county no doubt 
 furnished the reasons that actuated Crawford in selecting the 
 town of Lexington for his future home. Oglethorpe County 
 was in the Western Judicial Circuit. The name was derived 
 from the fact of its being then the most Westerly of the 
 circuits within the State. Thomas Peter Carnes, the Judge 
 of the circuit, had been a lawyer of distinction in Maryland 
 before he removed to Augusta. His wife was the sister of 
 Hon. William Wirt, the great Virginia orator. * 
 
 The lawyers then traveled the circuits either on horse- 
 back or in a two wheeled sulky, carrying their papers in a 
 wallet that was generally dyed green, from whence arose the 
 term "Gentlemen of the green bag." They regularly made 
 the circuits, and court week in the different counties brought 
 together the people in large numbers, beilig regarded as a 
 gala occasion. The judges were supreme in the counties over 
 which they presided. There was no supreme court then to 
 correct their errors; in fact, not even had they adopted any 
 rules of practice. There was no digest of the acts, so a lawyer 
 must hunt through all the statutes that had ever been enacted 
 in order to get the law of his case. There were no precedents 
 nor adjudicated cases by state courts to be relied on as 
 guides, in consequence of which lawyers were uncertain as 
 to the best manner of conducting pleadings. The lawyer who 
 traveled the circuits regularly and noted the unrecorded 
 opinions of the judges on the admission of interrogatories 
 and evidence and as to amendments of pleadings would fre- 
 quently be able to throw out most important cases without 
 touching their merit. These old lawyers fought under the 
 
 "Andrew's Reminiscence of an Old Georgia Lawyer, p. 44. 
 
36 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 black flag, neither asking nor giving quarter. A good advo- 
 cate wielded frequently a too powerful influence in the admin- 
 istration of justice. Thei'e were many lawyers in Georgia 
 who seemed to believe that Aa ron Burr spoke a truism when 
 he declared: "That_is_law_which is boldly asserted and most 
 p 1 a u s i b 1 y _jn ainta ined/ ' 
 
 The ablest lawyer in all the upper country at this time 
 was a Virginian and a graduate of Princeton University who 
 had received careful training in a law office in Philadelphia. 
 With the advantages of such superior training, Peter Early had 
 opened a law office in Greene County, Ga., and made quite a 
 favorable impression. His excellent voice, his admirable 
 elocution, his dignified, gentle and graceful manner secured 
 to him the esteem and favor of all. He and Crawford became 
 firmly attached to each other, and in 1802, when Mr. Early 
 was elected to Congress, he placed his extensive law practice 
 in Crawford's charge. Succeeding Early, Crawford then began 
 to be regarded as the leader of the bar of the Western Circuit. 
 Whatever cause he espoused absolutely commanded the homage 
 of his soul, and the unreserved approval of his better judg- 
 ment. His unremitting zeal which shifted his clients' burden 
 to his own broad shoulders, his promptness, courtesy and 
 liberal air, combined with his undisguised frankness and pro- 
 fessional sincerity, springing from self-respect alone, secured 
 foi; him a public and private reputation seldom equaled and 
 never surpassed. "His most prominent virtue was a bold and 
 lofty ingenuousness of mind; in any intercourse whatever 
 with him it was his most striking trait, and yet it was far 
 from being studied. He never engaged by a smooth and 
 flexible manner either in the utterance of his sentiments or 
 the tendency of his address. In the first he was polite and 
 unassuming, though confident and decided; in the latter he 
 was easy without ostentation, and commanding without arro- 
 gance." * 
 
 Judge Garnett Andrews says of him: "His greatness 
 was manifested not only by his talents, but by his stoicism, 
 and indifference to all ostentation, and a disregard of mere 
 effect. He never did anything with a view as to what might 
 be thought or said of it. He was entirely above all the 
 weakness, vanity, envy and such like contemptible passions 
 except prejudice, which the rest of mankind are more or less 
 heir to. If he made a speech he thought nothing of the man- 
 
 *Dudley'. Sketch of Crawford. 
 
OP WILLIAM H. CRAAATORD 37 
 
 ner of delivery; it' he wrote, lie thought nothing of the stylo, 
 save to express his ideas clearly. Me cared nothing to please 
 if he could convince. So, in society, he cared nothing for con- 
 ventionalities — not because he felt above or below them, but 
 because he was so concerned about the practical that ho cared 
 not to think of such matters; and after I knew liini lie car- 
 ried it to such an extent that he seemed to be wanting some- 
 times in delicacy. I say 'seemed,' for he never designed to 
 hurt the feelings of any one, but taking it for granted that 
 all were as practical as himself, it did not occur to him tliat 
 the sensibilities of others would suffer by the truth." * 
 
 It was the custom at the Court Taverns to give the judge 
 and bar separate tables from the other guests. Many were the 
 jokes of rich sport, anecdotes and hiimor related on these 
 occasions. Judge Si)encer Cone remarked on one occasion: 
 "Instead of separate tables, this is the last generation of 
 lawyers that will be permitted to sit at the first." The first 
 writ of Ne Exeat ever filed in the State was drawn by Craw- 
 ford. He was fond of telling the humorous circumstances 
 connected with it. The defendant was arrested and carried 
 by Bowling Green in Columbia County after night where 
 there was a "corn shucking." At that place was a man by 
 the name of Martin, who had been arrested a short time 
 before under a "Ca. Sa.,"and who, on account of frauds, had 
 great difficulty in getting through the insolvent courts. Mar- 
 tin was very solicitious to know the process under which the 
 sheriff, who had stopped to take a drink, had arrested the 
 prisoner. The name of "Ne Exeat" was too hard for the 
 remembrance of the prisoner. All he could say was that "It 
 was some d — d outlandish name — he could not recollect it." 
 Martin asked him if it was not a "Ka shaw." 
 
 "No," said the prisoner, "It is a heap worse thing than 
 a 'Kashaw.' " 
 
 "Well, then," advised Martin, "You had better give up, 
 for it turned me down, and I am as law proof as anyone. 1 
 would not risk anything worse than a 'Ka shaw.' " 
 
 As characteristic of those times Judge Andrews, in his 
 interesting Reminiscences, relates another anecdote Crawford 
 used to tell. On the trial of a Tory in Columbia County soon 
 after the Revolutionary War the Tory was arguing in his 
 defense the uselessness and wantonness of sacrificing more 
 lives for treason, now that the contest was over. The Whigs 
 replied that during the war there had been so much blood 
 
 *Andrew's Reminiscences, p. 58. 
 
38 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 spilt by the Tories they must have some more in return, to 
 which the Tory naively replied: "If blood is all you want 
 why not kill a nigger?" 
 
 Crawford's social intercourse with the members of the 
 bar whom he considered worthy of his respect was unre- 
 strained, and the hearty roars of laughter that succeeded 
 his store of Avell-told anecdotes was always an effectual antidote 
 for dullness. He seemed to be able to bring out the best 
 in all his fellows, and by a sympathetic unison with them 
 generally proved a most interesting and agreeable companion. 
 His speeches before the juries were pungent, witty and noted 
 for their clearness and potentiality. He seemed to grasp 
 intuitively and most forcibly the strong points in his own 
 case, and mercilessly laid bare the weak points of his 
 adversary's contention. He rarely ever spoke over thirty 
 minutes. He once told a friend that in his whole career he 
 never lost a case which he had brought himself, or when he 
 could secure the concluding argument. * His practice grew 
 to such proportions and he was so successful in procuring 
 verdicts that General Clark, his bitterest enemy, in a fierce 
 partisan traduction of Crawford's character, admits his unpar- 
 alleled record of legal triumph, f 
 
 The entire absence of a compilation of the statutes of 
 Georgia for the first sixty-seven years of her existence is 
 remarkable. An ordinance was passed in 1786 "To appoint 
 some person therein named to digest and arrange all the 
 laws of this state passed before and since the Revolution;" 
 but nothing was ever accomplished under its provisions. 
 Robert Watkins, a prominent Georgian. ** and his brother 
 George, upon the credit of their own fortunes and hazarding 
 its success upon their individual reputations, undertook to 
 do this work. The result of their labors was "Watkins' Digest 
 of Georgia Laws," published in 1800. The preface states that 
 they found "Many laws have never been published, some are 
 entirely lost or destroyed, others are in a tattered and 
 mutilated condition and the mass of which this collection is 
 made has hitherto been as much out of the reach of the public 
 use as the laws of Caligula." 
 
 When the Digest was in press the Assembly of 179 9, 
 from a conviction that it was a work of great merit and 
 utility, appropriated $1,5 00 for its furtherance. But because 
 
 *Andrew's Reminiscences p. 60. 
 
 tPrinciples of William H. Crawford, by Clark, p. 24. 
 
 **28th Ga. Report 338, 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRAWTORD 39 
 
 it contained the Yazoo Act Governor Jackson disapproved the 
 appropriation. In vain did Watlcins urge tliat the ropealinR 
 act was also embraced within the volume. The stern old 
 Governor replied that the rescinding act declared that tho 
 Yazoo Act was a usurpation, and had never been law; it 
 therefore needed no repeal and had never been entitled to a 
 place in the Digest. Three bloody duels between the Governor 
 and Robert Watkins was the result of this acrimony. * 
 
 These old-fashioned duels so common in the early days 
 of our State's history were dignified, courteous, and punc- 
 tilious affairs. 
 
 In the last of the three fought by them Jackson and 
 Watkins conversed with great elegance and entire politeness 
 on different matters while the seconds were arranging the 
 terms of the combat that within the next minute was expected 
 to put an end to at least one of them. The seconds agreed 
 quickly on the rules: 
 
 "You are to stand at a distance of ten paces; you are to 
 fire at the word 'Make ready — fire!' A snap or a flash to be 
 counted as a shot, etc., etc." 
 
 At the first fire both pistols v/ent off in tho ground; th<r 
 second was a blank. At the third the proud, form of the 
 Governor was seen to fall, shot secundem artem in the right 
 hip. He was lifted up, and as he could still manage to stand 
 alone, he insisted on another fire, but the surgeon urged an 
 examination, and reported that the bullet might have entered 
 the cavity, and hostilities ceased. Mr. Watkins, with great 
 civility, helped to bear the wounded man from the field, and 
 as he was borne away, with some show of affability, remarked: 
 "Damn it, Watkins, I thought I could give you another shot." f 
 
 The Watkins brothers secured a small appropriation, but 
 their book was never authorized. In 1800 the Legislature 
 passed a resolution that "The appropriation of $2,000 in favor 
 of Robert and George Watkins was solely intended as an 
 advance to carry on a work which they represented to be a 
 collection of laws now of force in Georgia, and by no means, 
 nor in any shape- contemplated to establish the same as a 
 digest or constitutional arrangement of said laws, or to give 
 any legislative sanction to the same as a code to be received 
 in the courts of law and equity, reserving the revision expul- 
 sion, or the sanctioning of the same or any laws thereof to 
 future sessions of Legislature." 
 
 -Charlton Life of Jackson, p. 161. 
 •fDutcher's History of Augusta, p. 227, 
 
40 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 In December, 1799, an act was passed providing that the 
 Secretary of State, Captain Horatio Marbury, with two 
 commissioners, shall be appointed by the Legislature for the 
 purpose of digesting laws of the State in one volume, same 
 to be approved by the Governor. Not until 1800 were the 
 two commissioners elected by the Legislature. They were 
 George Watkins and William H. Crawford. Two thousand 
 dollars was appropriated in December, 1800, to the work, and 
 it was provided that the commissioners must take an oath 
 before entering on their work that they would in no wise 
 insert in said digest a certain usurped act entitled "An Act 
 for the appropriating a part of the unlocated territory for 
 the payment of the State troops." * The three commissioners 
 all took the oath prescribed, but George Watkins, either 
 offended at the implied criticism of his own work or on 
 account of the hostility to Governor Jackson, refused to act 
 farther, and the work was well executed by Marbury & Craw- 
 ford without him. t The following is the earliest of Craw- 
 ford's letters that we have been able to find: 
 
 WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD TO GOV. JAMES JACKSON. 
 
 Louisville, 10th. January, 1801. 
 
 Sir: Indispensable business commands my attention at 
 the Superior Courts of Greene and Oglethorpe. I therefore 
 must, for the space of two weeks, relinquish the prosecution 
 of the work in which I am engaged. Capt. Marbury will lay 
 before your Excellency, on your arrival at this place, that 
 part of the digest which is partially completed. The arrange- 
 ment we have adopted is an alphabetical one. Considerable 
 difficulty occurred in this plan, arising from the heterogeneous 
 matter contained in the same law. We have been inclined to 
 contract the number of heads and to simplify the work as 
 much as is consistent with perspicuity. Under the word 
 "County" we have determined to comprise all laws respecting 
 the division of County and County regulations, so far as 
 related to court houses and gaols, etc. 
 
 Under the word "Corporation" are arranged all laws for 
 incorporating towns, cities or societies. We lay the work in 
 its present state of progression before your Excellency, and 
 confidently hope you will give us your opinion upon any part 
 of the work submitted to your perusal, which will admit of 
 improvement or alteration. No doubt but that the partial 
 
 * Marbury & Crawford's Digest p. 190. 
 
 tGov. Jackson's Message to the Legislature, 1801. 
 
OP WILLIAM H. CRA^\TORD 41 
 
 arrangement which has taken place is in many instances 
 injudicious, and there is no i)crson upon whose judgment 
 we can so safely rely as that of your Excellency's. We have 
 been unable to employ any clerks, but I intend upon my return 
 to bring one or two with me, and Captain Marbury expects 
 one every day. Should Mr. AVatkins stand aloof we shall Ije 
 able to complete the work in time without him, but I am 
 afraid we shall not be able to transcribe all the laws now in 
 force before the fourth day of March. Accept, sir, my best 
 wishes for your safe return to this place. I am your Excel- 
 lency's very humble servant, 
 
 WM. H. CRAWFORD. 
 To Gov. James Jackson. 
 
 In December, 1801, the Legislature appropriated $.t,000 
 for printing 2,000 copies of Marbury & Crawford's Digest — 
 the State to sell one thousand copies of them and pay the 
 proceeds into the treasury. The l)ook was well received by 
 the legal profession everywhere, and reflected credit upon the 
 painstaking, care and discriminating judgment of th(> com- 
 pilers. 
 
 Governor Jackson, in a confidential letter to his friend, 
 John Milledge, on Sept. 1, ISOl, writes: '"I have mentioned 
 the name of William H. Crawford, Barnett's nephew, as a 
 candidate for the circuit judgeship. I have not interfered 
 with Mr. W n, but Mr. Barnett and the whole back coun- 
 try are wroth, having learned he has been recommended — 
 Crawford will satisfy them all — Early and a few Yazoo law- 
 yers excepted — and we want to take some of these friendly 
 young men by the hand." * 
 
 Although Governor Jackson regarded Nathaniel Barnett 
 as influential and a power to be reckoned with, the reader 
 will perhaps be amused to note the very frank and facetious 
 sketch of him given by Governor Gilmer: 
 
 "Nat. Barnett must have been of English descent, being 
 brave, obstinate and perverse, without the calculating temper 
 of the Scotch, or wit of the Irish. He was a native of Amherst 
 County, Virginia. He married Miss Susanna Crawford, a 
 neighbor's daughter, and aunt of William H. Crawford. The 
 match was very suitable in many respects. Both were per- 
 fectly content with their clothes if they covered their naked- 
 ness, and their house, if it sheltered them from the weather. 
 Fancy was not a quality of their natures, and mental taste 
 
 ♦Charlton's Life of Jackson, p. 184, 
 
42 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 not known to them at all. And yet they were not altogether 
 alike. Nat. was active and suple of body, and not very strong 
 of understanding; his wife was firm and sensible. Nat. accom- 
 panied his relatives, the Crawfords, in their removal from 
 Amherst County, Virginia, to Columbia County, Georgia, 
 about the beginning of the Revolutionary war. The British 
 troops, and their friends, the Tories, drove by their murder- 
 ous warfare most of the Whigs from upper Georgia. Nat., 
 his two sons, William and Joel, and two of the young Craw- 
 fords, their kinsmen, determined to remain and war to the 
 knife with them. Nat. was made prisoner, and confined in 
 Augusta jail. When the Whigs, under Clark, attacked 
 Augusta and drove out the Tories Nat. was liberated. Having 
 been whilst confined in constant expectation of being put to 
 death, when he felt himself free he leaped into the air, struck 
 his feet three times together, threw his woolhat aloft, and 
 cried out at the top of his voice: 'Liberty forever! liberty 
 forever! liberty forever!' " etc. 
 
 When the British overran Georgia William and Joel Bar- 
 nett, and the two Crawfords, to avoid being burnt in the 
 houses of their fathers, or captured and hanged, took posses- 
 sion of a thicket of cedars, which grew near the center of a 
 great extent of otherwise bare rocks, some miles above 
 Augusta. From this place they could see the approach of the 
 enemies, prepare for fliglit or fight, and choose the most 
 favorable times for breaking up lodgments of the Tories.* 
 
 Joel Barnett was the husband of Ann, Crawford's eldest 
 sister. He frequently represented Oglethorpe County in the 
 Legislature, and finally moved to Mississippi and acquired 
 great wealth, f 
 
 William Barnett possessed a kind disposition, a close 
 observation and a clear perception. He was a member of the 
 Legislature for many years, and for several years president 
 of the Senate. I-Ie was also one of the delegates from Elbert 
 County to the Constitutional Convention of 1798. In 1812 
 he ran for Congress against the talented John Forsyth, and 
 was successful. His home on the Elbert side of Broad River 
 v/as always an open house to his many friends, and to use 
 the common phrase of the times, "The latch string always hung 
 outside." 
 
 While compiling the laws of Georgia Crawford, growing 
 weary searching the musty archives of the Capitol at Louis- 
 
 'Gilmer's Georgians, p. 130. 
 "fGilmer's Georgians, p. 133, 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD 43 
 
 ville for manuscript and long forgotten statutes, would seek 
 this cousin's home for recreation. Under this hospitable roof 
 he did much of the transcribing, arranging and indexing of his 
 work. "His plain dress, frank manner and decided straight- 
 forward way of speaking and acting rendered him very accept- 
 able to all the Broad River people." * 
 
 Here he formed a friendship with the Gilmcrs, who 
 greatly admired and trusted him. From this time forth 
 Crawford's advancement was surprisingly rapid. lie was a 
 profound, practical and successful lawyer; and by no means 
 disinclined to take a hand in matters political. His thor- 
 ough preparation, his extensive reading and the severe mental 
 discipline which he had undergone were not without early and 
 abundant fruits. 
 
 The ancient rubrics and antiquadated forms of English 
 law had not yet passed away. There was still Imprisonment 
 for Debt, Branding, Pillory, Stocks and Benefit of Clergy. 
 For forty years after the Revolution these were enforced by 
 our ancestors in Georgia with all their pristine grotesqueness 
 and harshness just as they had been received from the mother 
 country by the colony in its first formation, and were not 
 repealed until the adoption of the new criminal code of 
 1816. t The crime of horse stealing was punished with four 
 hours sitting in the pillory and three good whippings of 
 thirty-nine lashes each and branded on the shoulder with the 
 letter "R;" and if convicted the second time the culprit was 
 punished for a felony without Benefit of Clergy. ** 
 
 Stale law arguments, routine of law practice, cramped 
 jury boxes, harsh regularity of ofhce. business, abundant 
 though it was, did not satisfy the longings of an ambition like 
 Crawford's. Intellectual energies like his prefer the arena 
 of political excitement in the race for the goal of larger 
 honors. We are not surprised, therefore, to see him triumph- 
 antly elected to the Legislature of Georgia in the Fall of 1S03. 
 Here a new field opened up to the grasping intellect of the 
 young Legislator. New scenes, larger ideas, greater struggles 
 present themselves as he plunged into the seething cauldron 
 of the politics of those times. In the vortex of political life 
 we lose sight of him as a lawyer for many long years— ah. 
 what years they were to him, and to his People: what tri- 
 umphs, what disquietudes, what trials and afflictions, what 
 exquisite joys, what heart burning sorrows! 
 
 ■'Gilmer's Georgians, page 133. 
 
 tLamar's Digest of Ga. Laws, 611. „ ^ u a.c« isos 
 
 "Colonial Acts 314, see also J. B. Lamar's Address m Rep. Ga. Bar Asso. 1898. 
 
44 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 CHAPTER VI. ' " " , 
 
 THE CODE DUELLO. 
 
 In the early history of the State of Georgia the crime 
 of dueling was prevalent among the better class of her citi- 
 zens; perhaps more so than in any other State. The fatal 
 practice became general when the virtuous and best citizens — 
 Governors, Congressmen- and Legislators — on the most trivial 
 excuse and slightest provocation were shedding each other's 
 blood. The horror of shedding human blood was not regarded. 
 
 The force of example of the first patriots had its enduring 
 effect. General James Jackson, intolerant of all opposition, 
 was ever ready to support his word with his arms. He killed 
 Lieutenant Governor Wells in 17 80. In one of his papers 
 Jackson states that the affair was caused by "The overbearing 
 disposition of the Lieutenant Governor." They went upon the 
 field without seconds, and fought at the desperate distance 
 of a few feet. Jackson himself was dangerously wounded in 
 both knees. * 
 
 Gov. Button Gwinnett, a signer of the Declaration of 
 Independence, and Gen. Lachlan Mcintosh, another staunch 
 friend of liberty, fought a duel near Savannah on May 27, 
 1777, at a distance of twelve paces. Mcintosh was wounded, 
 and Gwinnett was killed at a time when the State had most 
 pressing need of his service. 
 
 Judge Benjamin Talliaferro, who served the State of 
 Georgia so faithfully as Congressman, was the first judge of 
 the Western Circuit, but his commission did not prevent him 
 in 179 6 from meeting Colonel Willis when challenged, and 
 that Yazooist received the Judge's bullet in his right breast 
 so near his vitals that he declined a second shot. The 
 weapons used were the horseman's pistols, which Talliaferro 
 had worn when he belonged to Lee's Legion, f 
 
 To give only a brief account of all the famous duels 
 fought in Georgia during the first quarter-century of its state- 
 hood would make a volume larger than the one now before 
 the reader. 
 
 Federalists and Republicans were bitterest foes; and 
 although in the general election of 1796 the Republicans 
 triumphed, yet Federalism was not dead, for as late as 1810 
 it was strong enough to force Josiah Meigs, President of the 
 
 'Charlton's Life of Jackson, page 18. 
 fGilmer's Georgian's, p. 160. 
 
Of WILLIAM II. CRAWFORD 45 
 
 University of Georgia, to resign liis position because of his 
 Jeffersonianism. * 
 
 Indian warfare, whicli was almost continual, kept alive 
 the warlike spirit which the partisanship of the Revolution 
 had engendered; and personal courage was esteemed above 
 all other virtues by these sturdy pioneers. A coward was 
 contemptible, and no man could remain long in the ))ublic eye 
 without distinguishing himself for bravery. Duelling was 
 looked upon by society as the honorable way of settling differ- 
 ences between gentlemen. True the common law declared that 
 homicide in a duel was murder, yet Georgia was "too high 
 toned" to enforce this law, which had in practice become 
 obsolete. The trials in the courts of all the southern states 
 turned entirely on the fairness with which the duel was con- 
 ducted; and if fair, a verdict of acquittal was invariably ren- 
 dered. 
 
 Gov. J. Lyde Wilson of South Carolina has since pub- 
 lished a "Code Duello or Rules for Government of Principals 
 and Seconds in Affairs of Honor," which are considered the 
 standard in matters of this kind. The barbarous custom of 
 duelling has ever had the effect of weakening the authority 
 of all law by accustoming men to contemn their sanctions. 
 This tyrant custom fi'equently imposed the obligation to call 
 to the field of blood a companion or friend who may have 
 given offense of a trivial nature which a generous mind should 
 have willingly condoned. Yet it never settled any point and 
 the innocent and the aggrieved were as likely to be the victim 
 as the guilty offender. The participants frequently abhored 
 the practice as did Alexander Hamilton, yet for fear of their 
 reputations yielded to the imperious custom. 
 
 That one of Crawford's firm, impetuous and unyielding 
 disposition should therefore be engaged in an affair of this 
 kind so common in his day is not to be wondered at. His 
 rapid strides to political preferment were not free from 
 embarrassments and difficulties. That he was imbued In the 
 beginning of his career with these prevalent ideas as Incul- 
 cated by the code of honor is apparent from the several 
 affairs in which he was engaged. It is believed, however, 
 that he ever afterwards looked upon his youthful espousal 
 of this false philosophy with deep and poignant regret, f 
 
 The solicitor general of the circuit in which Oglethorpe 
 county was placed was Peter Lawrence Van Allen of Elbert 
 
 *W. H. Meigs Life of Josiah Meigs p. 92. 
 tDudley's Sketch of W. H. Crawford. 
 
46 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 county. He was allied with tlie Claries in politics, and they 
 were the undisputed leaders of public opinion in all the "up 
 country." Crawford, by his great abilities, rapid strides and 
 remarkable frankness, was rapidly winning over the people to 
 his way of thinking. There were at this time numerous com- 
 panies of speculators in public lands, in some of which John 
 Clark and Van Allen were Interested; and as cessions were 
 made by continually pushing the Indians further west, the 
 speculators devised schemes to secure this rich land under 
 forms of law without appreciable cost. Crawford was 
 approached by them with a proposal to secure his services in 
 these land suits. His reply was an indignant refusal; and 
 his denunciation of their scheme brought upon him the united 
 opposition of this clique. "Finding his talents and integrity 
 very much in the way of their success a conspiracy was 
 entered into to kill or drive him away. Van Allen, an impu- 
 dent fellow from New York, was chosen to play the bully." * 
 
 They resolved if possible to force Crawford into a duel. 
 This seemed the most expeditious way to rid themselves of 
 him and secure the success of their scheme. Never was a 
 plot more ingeniously planned and boldly attempted. Craw- 
 ford must either fight or be driven from the country. The 
 great faculty of organizing men in support of his views which 
 he was beginning to exhibit was a matter altogether displeas- 
 ing to the old dispensers of public patronage. If this erst- 
 while country usher of Waddell's Academy, and new aspirant 
 for public honors was challenged to the field of blood it 
 seemed almost certain that he would refuse, for he, unlike 
 most men of his day, was unskilled in arms. It might reason- 
 ably be supposed that according to the temper of those times a 
 refusal by a young man without family ties to accept a meet- 
 ing on the field of honor no matter how trivial the excuse, 
 would result in his political ruin. A refusal would render 
 him without power to be useful in repejling mischief or 
 achieving good thereafter, as public prejudice was too strongly 
 entrenched to be resisted. 
 
 John Clark was a somewhat romantic and chivalric char- 
 acter. When but a boy under the leadership of his illustrious 
 father he had done the service of the best soldiers at the 
 battle of Kettle Creek. He was reared in the camp and on 
 the Indian warpath with but slight school advantages first 
 obtained in Wake county. North Carolina, and later in the 
 common schools of Wilkes county, Georgia, and with no pro- 
 
 *Gilnier'a Georgians. 
 
OP WILLIAM H. CRA"VVFORD 
 
 47 
 
 fession save that of arms. With his independent, dread- 
 naught, rowdying, generous and magnetic disposition he soon 
 developed into a politician of the extreme Andrew Jackson 
 type. At the battle of Jack's Creek (which took its name 
 from his services), where the frontier Georgians defeated the 
 Creek Indians, he had won great honors. He never knew 
 fear, and from fighting Tories and Indians he had learned to 
 show no quarters. His restlessness and impetuosity were 
 both aggravated by his occasional drinking; and he had a 
 most sensitive, overbearing disposition that made those who 
 differed with him extremely obnoxious in his sight, even 
 though that difference may have arisen in a general and not 
 at all personal way. Private broils were frequent with hira 
 and to his liking. He was an astute politician, but in no sense 
 •a statesman. Hon. Wilson Lumpkin, his strongest political 
 colleague, declared he supported Clark more from sympathy 
 than appreciation of his ability. * 
 
 Governor Gilmer, who knew him thoroughly, thus 
 described him: "The reputation which he acquired by the 
 battles of Kettle Creek and Jack's Creek made him feel that 
 
 he was the cock of the walk 
 wherever he stalked, and he 
 was sure to show it if any crow- 
 ing was done in his presence. 
 Most persons yielded without re- 
 sistance to what he demanded 
 authoritatively or claimed per- 
 tinaciously. Every associate was 
 obliged to be for or against him. 
 He suffered no one of any conse- 
 quence to occupy middle ground. 
 He had the temper of the 
 clansman. He defendedj5[his 
 friends riSht or wrong, and ex- 
 pected the same fidelity to him- 
 self. He patted every young 
 man on the back whom he wish- 
 ed to make his adherent, and 
 if he showed himself offish he proved himself his enemy. 
 Whatever his hands found to do he did with all his might, 
 and would have been one of the best of men if his evil inclina- 
 tions had not gotten the better of his good. He and his 
 father took part in the Yazoo sale from some vague notion 
 
 John Clark 
 
 "Phillips' Ga. State Rights 97. 
 
48 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 that the conquerers were entitled to share among them what 
 had belonged to the conquered." * 
 
 As matters drifted along considerable acrimony was felt 
 by Crawford and Solicitor Van Allen. Some have attributed 
 this enmity between these two men as the origin of the Clark 
 and Crawford parties in Georgia, f Certain it was a most 
 potent factor in estranging the friends of both parties. 
 
 Van Allen was a Yazooist and Federalist. Crawford was 
 his political antipode. There was in Elberton a certain George 
 Cook who was first a constable, then a collecting agent and 
 finally a lawyer. Judge Tait, who also had his home in Elber- 
 ton, had at times considereble correspondence on familiar 
 terms with Cook. Tait was moody, and occasionally un- 
 bosomed himself to Cook very freely when the blues were on 
 him. The cunning Cook preserved all the notes of his friend, , 
 and in the course of time Tait was employed to rule Cook 
 for money collected and not paid over to his client. The 
 latter employed Van Allen, who, with unblushing effrontry, 
 managed in some way to get this private correspondence 
 before the court. Van Allen being quite a wit and satirist 
 made much amusement for the lobby to the mortification of 
 Tait. The exposure of this correspondence of so confidential 
 and delicate a nature provoked the ire of Judge Tait. ** A 
 salty newspaper controversy and then a challenge from Tait 
 to Van Allen was given, tt 
 
 Van Allen refused to consider Tait a gentleman, claiming 
 he was deficient in respectability, and declined to accept the 
 challenge. This declination would have offered Crawford a 
 fit opportunity had he been disposed to have challenged Van 
 Allen; but having no disposition of this sort he declined, and 
 for this forbearance was exposed to animadversion. Subse- 
 quent to this, and in consequence of Tait having posted Van 
 Allen, this gentleman challenged him by a Mr. Tankerly of 
 Washington, Ga., as his friend. At the moment of its receipt 
 Judge Tait was unable to write an answer; he therefore 
 accepted it verbally, and as soon as his engagements would 
 allow, again with great importunities prevailed on Crawford, 
 who had heretofere shown great reluctance, to bear the writ- 
 ten acceptance to Mr. Van Allen through Mr. Tankerly. When 
 Crawford found Tankerly he was met with a declination to act 
 further, and gave his reason that Tait had failed to meet 
 
 *Andrew's Reminiscences, page 59. 
 
 tGilmer's Georg-ians, 201. 
 
 **Andrew's Reminiscences, page 61. 
 
 ttExposition of Principles of W. H. Crawford by John Clark, page 25. 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRA^VFORD 49 
 
 Van Allen when called upon. On his way home Crawford 
 stopped at the hotel of Colonel Willis in Washington, Ga., 
 and there Van Allen (who had determined, if possihle, to 
 fight Mr. Crawford), went to meet him. As soon, therefore, 
 as Van Allen saw Crawford he grossly insulted and challenged 
 him. As Crawford had originally declined to make Tail's 
 quarrel his own it was supposed that he would expose himself 
 to insult and contempt by refusing the challenge. This he 
 did not do. Satisfied that his antagonist was instigated by 
 political enemies, and that his character or life was sought to 
 be destroyed, impelled by those feelings which few men are 
 able to repress, the challenge was immediately accepted. 
 
 It was arranged that Van Allen and Crawford should 
 meet at Fort Charlotte, the famous old duelling ground, 
 twelve miles below Petersburg on the Carolina, side. * Craw- 
 ford's bravery was not without stoicism, for he went to the 
 place of meeting without the slightest preparation. He had 
 borrowed from Mr. Pain a pair of old pistols to be used by 
 him, and these he did not examine until the morning of the 
 meeting, and in trying them they snapped twice. On the 
 first fire neither party was touched. Crawford afterwards 
 stated to Judge Garnett Andrews that he was disconcerted 
 on the first fire by an ugly grimace made by Van Allen, and 
 that on the second fire he drew down his hat brim so that 
 he could not see it. On the second round both combatants 
 again fired, and Van Allen was seen to fall mortally wounded. 
 Crawford was unharmed. He had borne himself so well in this 
 quarrel, in which the public generously acquitted him of all 
 blame, that even his bitterest enemies could find nothing to 
 condemn as unfair, or charge against him as dishonorable. 
 Certain it is that his popularity was not decreased thereby. 
 
 John M. Dooly, whose reputation for wit is well known, 
 and whose anecdotes have been often repeated for their 
 sparkling repartee and keen humor, was appointd by Gov. 
 Josiah Tatnall on Sept. 2nd, 1802. to fill the vacancy caused 
 by the death of Peter Lawrence Van Allen as solicitor of the 
 Western Circuit. Natural spontaneous humor has ever been 
 indigenous to the soil of Georgia, and Dooly will ever be 
 remembered as the greatest satirist of them all. 
 
 The next few years of Crawford's life evinces a series of 
 bitter antagonisms between him and his great political and 
 rancorous personal enemy. In the early summer of 1803 Judge 
 Carnes resigned the judgeship of the Western Circuit and 
 
 tMemoirs R. H. Clark, p. 219. 
 
50 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 John Griffin, Esquire, received the executive appointment to 
 fill the vacancy until the next meeting of the legislature. The 
 candidates before the legislature were Charles Tait and the 
 encumbent John Griffin. Crawford naturally espoused the 
 cause of Tait, and as Judge Griffin and John Clark had mar- 
 ried sisters, the daughters of Col. Micajah Williamson, the 
 Clarkites supported the candidacy of Judge Griffin. Clark 
 and Crawford were both members of the legislature. The 
 former had served several times before, and was experienced; 
 the latter was serving his first term. Here then was to be 
 the first great battle between the old soldier politician— the 
 hero of Jack's Creek and the pet of the Georgia soldiers on 
 the one hand — and the ex-school master, lawyer and political 
 neophyte on the other. Tait and Griffin were both originally 
 from Virginia, and both astute lawyers of unblemished char- 
 acter. The issue between the candidates themselves was so 
 minute that it was lost sight of in the battle royal between 
 their partisans. There' was no disguising the fact that this 
 was to be a desperate contest of Clark to maintain his pres- 
 tige and long supremacy in Georgia politics. For several years 
 he had been the dominant figure; but now Crawford, by his 
 magnetic gifts, challenged the attention of the public, and 
 threatened to supplant him in their affections. This was more 
 than the imperious nature of Clark could well endure. Tait, 
 however, was elected and took the oath of office Nov. 19th, 
 1803. On the evening previous to the election a circumstance 
 occurred that gave rise to a gallish controversy between the 
 leaders of the respective candidates, trivial indeed in its 
 origin, but weighty enough with them at least to invoke the 
 field of blood. 
 
 On Nov. 3rd, 1804, the following card by General Clark 
 was published in the Washington Monitor: 
 
 "To the Public: The grand juries of the courts of Clark, 
 Green, Hancock, Jackson, Franklin and Lincoln for the Fall 
 term of 1803, having recommended a person to the Legisla- 
 ture for a judicial appointment, William H. Crawford, Esquire, 
 one of the representatives from the county of Oglethorpe, for 
 the purpose, it is presumed, of weakening the force of such 
 recommendations, asserted they had been obtained through 
 my influence, inferring (probably) that they evidenced rather 
 the wishes of an individual than the opinions of the jurors 
 whose signatures they bore. As this assertion was no doubt 
 intended to have, and perhaps did have, an undue influence . 
 upon the Legislature's vote, and may have been repeated and ■ 
 obtained credit in instances of which I am not apprised, I' 
 consider it an act of justice, not only due myself, but the grand 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD 51 
 
 jurors, to place the real truth before the public in a way not 
 liable to misrepresent au error. I have therefore procured 
 the following certificates, which are published with the evi- 
 dence of these assertions being made by Mr. Crawford, leaving 
 the community to make their own reflections on tlie subject, 
 with my barely observing that so far from attempting to 
 Influence the grand juries whose names are subjoined, I 
 believe them to be men of too much integrity and independence 
 to be induced by any individual whatsoever to adoi)t a measure 
 which their own minds did not ai)i)robate, nor do 1 imagine 
 a contrary conduct would have been inii)uted to them, but for 
 the purpose of accomplishing a favorite object: 
 
 "LOUISVILLE, Nov. 2:ind, 1803. 
 "Sir: I received your letter of this day by Maj. Walton 
 concerning a conversation which took place between him and 
 myself. I did hear Mr. W. H. Crawford say that you went 
 'round the circuit, or part of the circuit, with .ludge Griffln 
 for the purpose of influencing the grand juries to procure 
 recommendations in favor of the Judge; and that you did 
 effect the recommendations by that means. I am, with esteem 
 your humble servant, "DAVIS ADAMS." 
 
 ************ 
 
 Here follows a similar certificate to John Clark from John 
 London, and certificates from grand jurors that they were not 
 
 influenced by Judge Clark. 
 
 ************ 
 
 "The foregoing would have been given to the public 
 earlier, but some of the certificates were not received until a 
 short time previous to the election, and I was aware that by 
 giving them publicity at that time Mr. Crawford might 
 endeavor to elude the force of them by saying it was done for 
 electioneering purposes. It may not be improper to observe 
 that I have not yet received a certificate from the grand jury 
 of Hancock, but being convinced that the gentlemen who 
 composed that body can have no hesitation in testifying to the 
 same purport whenever called on, I deem its insertion here not 
 material. If there should be an attempt to justify these asser- 
 tions as they relate to that county I pledge myself for its 
 production. "JOHN CLARK." 
 
 When we consider the fact that General Clark's letter 
 was not published until very near the end of the unexpired 
 term for which Judge Tait had been elected, and just preced- 
 ing the next election in which Griffin and Tait were both 
 candioates, and note also the very strained— injured innocence 
 —kind of attitude the General assumed and the further fact 
 that it was treated by him in such a public way by being 
 published in a public journal (a paper at Washington) that it 
 appeared to give grounds for suspicion that this matter was 
 resumed by him at this time to gain some advantage tor his 
 
52 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 brother-in-law in tlie pending election rather than as he 
 claimed to vindicate his character. To this letter Crawford 
 seems to have given more importance than the circumstances 
 warranted. Two days later he published the following 
 spirited answer in the Republican Trumpet of Louisville: 
 
 W. H. CRAWFORD TO GENERAL CLARK. 
 
 By your publication in the Monitor of the 3rd inst. you 
 no doubt had a two-fold object in view. First, the gratifica- 
 tion of your spleen and malignity against me; and secondly, 
 the promotion of your brother-in-law to be judge of the West- 
 ern district. How far you will succeed in effecting these 
 objects the event must determine. Pending the late election 
 of Judge in November last, I said not only to Major Adams 
 and Mr. London, but a number of other gentlemen, that I 
 had no doubt but that the recommendations of the grand 
 juries were obtained through your influence, and assigned as 
 one ground of belief, that you went to or attended every court, 
 where they were obtained, but the county of Franklin, and 
 attended no court where they were not obtained. I did give 
 it as my opinion that those presentments would not produce 
 the effect intended by their procurers, because they evinced 
 anxiety and solicitude for a continuance in office that afforded 
 strong grounds of suspicion that private and interested views 
 operated upon their minds, instead of a desire that justice 
 should be impartially administered. But I believe, that in 
 every conversation upon that subject, it was mentioned as 
 matter of opinion, and the grounds stated upon which that 
 opinion was founded. In a conversation I have this day had 
 with Major Adams, he declared that I did state the reasons 
 which induced me to form that opinion, and that those reasons 
 had very considerable weight with him at that time. But 
 the grand jurors have certified that you never interfered to 
 procure those presentments. Is it possible, sir, malevolence 
 has blinded your understanding? Because they have certified 
 this does it naturally follow that your influence was not 
 exerted in procuring them? Influence is a very indefinite 
 term. I never supposed that you applied personally to many, 
 if any of the juries. You could accomplish your design more 
 certainly through the instrumentality of agents, and run less 
 risk of alarming the feeling of the juries, w-ho no doubt would 
 have rejected with indignation any attempt to influence their 
 deliberation. The grand jurors could, then, safely certify 
 they were not influenced by, nor received a letter from you. 
 I can, however, declare with sincerity that I never said that 
 you had influenced them by writing to them or any other 
 person, nor did I say that Judge Tait, or Judge Griffin, had 
 been my teacher; or that I entertained any doubt how I should 
 vote in that election. In all the points Mr. London either did 
 not understand my expressions or his recollections were incor- 
 rect; for I cannot believe he would knowingly misrepresent; 
 and every person will perceive how difficult it is, truly, to 
 represent a conversation of any length, by detailing parts of 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRAT\TORD 53 
 
 it. which is clearly the case with Mr. Londoirs letter, froin 
 his own expressions. I montioned your ridiiif; to the coun- 
 ties, and suppose that Mr. London might have mistaken the 
 word riding for writing. But, sir, at the time you were making 
 the attack upon me you ought to have declared that you never 
 held nor was present at a consultation in which it was 
 determined to procure presentments of that nature, and never 
 advised such a course of procedure. Do this, sir, and I am 
 mistaken, if the public does not readily decide upon the degree 
 of credit that ought to have been given to the declaration. 
 Why, sir, have you chosen this moment for the ])ublication of 
 your certificates? Is it because you thought your charges 
 would not be answered before the election of judge would l)e 
 over? Or did you think legislative honor would be promoted 
 by it? The facts contained in your i)ublications are not of 
 such a nature as to shake any man's standing in the com- 
 munity, not even aided by your supposed weight of character. 
 I repeat, sir, that I have no doubt, from the facts which have 
 come to my knowledge, that your influence was exerted on 
 that occasion; and there are others who entertain the same 
 opinion. You call on me for proof. I answer the transaction 
 is of such a nature as to exclude all possibility of direct proof, 
 because the only persons who could establish the fact, would 
 by the establishment, testify to their own turi)itude. Every 
 person must discover your intention in giving i)ublicity to your 
 statement at this moment, and without pretending to the gift 
 of prescience, it may easily be foreseen that this attempt, 
 like that of the presentments, will in.iure the cause it was 
 intended to promote. I was hopeful that a transaction that 
 ought to suffuse with a blush, the countenance of every man 
 engaged in it, would for the honor of humanity, have been 
 suffered to slumber in the bosom of oblivion, but as this 
 attack is made partly for the benefit of your brother-in-law. 
 I call on him to say whether he did or not, on Monday night 
 of Lincoln court, in October term, 1803, say that upon look- 
 ing at the grand .iury he believed that a presentment as favor- 
 able as any already obtained might be procured; that the 
 
 foremen was one of Mr 's men; that Mr. • could 
 
 fix him, and that three other gentlemen then named were 
 friendly to him, and might be brought Into the measure? And 
 whether he did not then say since the adjournment of Elbert 
 court he believed that if exertions and proper management 
 had been used a favorable presentation might have been i)ro- 
 cured which would have been a complete triumph. I shall 
 make no comment upon these facts, but only say that the man 
 who could act in that way might very consistently say that 
 he was not a Federalist, though I can establish the fact from 
 his own confession, by witnesses whose veracity he will not 
 attempt to impeach; and if the gentleman wished me to 
 descend to particular facts and support them by testimony I 
 shall feel no difficulty in undertaking and accomplishing the 
 task. I further add that at Lincoln court I saw a gentleman 
 of the bar commence • as many as two presentments, which 
 were not completed in my presence. Every person who knows 
 the connection which exist between yourself and the late judge, 
 
54 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 the exertions .you made to procure him the appointment, and 
 the part he acted in the county of Lincoln will not be 
 astonished that I formed that opinion. 
 
 Nov. 5th, 1S0 4. WM. H. CRAWFORD. 
 
 o 
 
 JOHN CLARK TO W. H. CRAWFORD. 
 
 A solicitude for the good opinion of my fellow-citizens 
 requires an answer to your address to me in the Republican 
 Trumpet of the 7th. inst. In addition to this you have so far 
 outstripped the rules of common decorum and modesty by add- 
 ing insult to injury, that by letting it pass over in silence 
 would be taken as an acquiesence on my part of my having 
 attempted the gratification of what you are pleased to term 
 "spleen and malignity against you." Be assured, sir, that no 
 attack, as you call it, was or ever will be made by me upon 
 any man who confines himself to the truth. But the man who 
 conceives and propagates matter injurious to my reputation, 
 and to effect his own purposes shall (whenever they come to 
 my knowledge) be exposed to the eye of an impartial public. 
 In bringing my observations forward in the Monitor at 
 the time I did the reasons were then sufficiently stated; and 
 yet you wish to insinuate that my expectations were that they 
 could not be answered before the appointment of a judge for 
 the Western district would take place. Had this been my 
 view I should not have given them publicity in the Monitor. 
 But, sir, without any further reason, let me tell you that here 
 you propagated your reports, and here they ought to have 
 been detected and refuted. Had you come forward openly 
 and avowedly at the last annual session your conduct would 
 have been less reprehensible; but such seems to have been the 
 nature of your designs, that they required the darkest shades 
 of night to shield you from "The suffusion of a blush," to 
 shield you from the transaction which for the "honor of 
 humanity ought to have slumbered in the bosom of oblivion." 
 Believe me, sir, I little wished for the honor of the present 
 correspondence, but since you have forced me into it I must 
 deal with you in plain and candid language; and if anything 
 should escape me injurious to your nicer feelings you must 
 attribute it alone to your former and present conduct. You 
 say that you observed not only in Major Adams and Captain 
 London, but to a number of other gentlemen that you had 
 no doubt but that the recommendations of the grand juries 
 were obtained through my influence, and assigned as one 
 ground of belief my having attended all the courts but Frank- 
 lin where recommendations were given. Whilst you v/ere giv- 
 ing such strong proof of my interference would it not have 
 been more candid in you, sir, to have informed Major Adams, 
 Captain London and the other gentlemen that as an executor 
 of my father's estate I had business in most of those courts, 
 which you. sir, must be acquainted with, being counsel on the 
 opposite side? That I left home for Louisville for the purpose 
 of obtaining such copies of record as were requisite to be pro- 
 duced in some of the courts? I came through Hancock with 
 ,Mrs. Clark who had then a good opportunity of visiting her 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRAWTORD 55 
 
 relatives there? Had you given all this information your con- 
 duct would not have appeared so murderous to private char- 
 acter. You say you believe in every conversation on that sub- 
 ject it was mentioned as matter of opinion; I have searched 
 in vain for this in the letters of Major Adams and Captain 
 London. You, sir, attempting an exeul))ation, call on me to 
 say when I was making tliis attack upon you, as you are 
 pleased to term it, that 1 ought to have declared that I never 
 held, or was present at any consultation in which it was 
 determined to procure presentments of that nature, and never 
 advised that course or procedure; you say do this, and the 
 public will readily decide upon tho degree of credit that 
 ought to be given to my declaration. I deny these several 
 charges, and call on you, sir, to prove them. You charge rae 
 with an attack at this time, made for the benefit of my brother- 
 in-law. Why, sir. did you attack my reputation at the last 
 annual session? Was it for the benefit of yourself? Was 
 it for the benefit of your friend, Mr. Tait, or for what pur- 
 pose was it? I am well convinced that it was not for the 
 purpose of prompting the public good; it was for the purpose 
 of placing a friend in public office at the expense of reputation 
 and the manner in which you conducted it precluded as you 
 thought every possibility of being detected. You charge Mr. 
 GriflTm with Federalism, no doubt for the purpose of furnish- 
 ing stronger grounds of electioneer'ng for Mr. Tait. Mr. 
 Griffin is on the ground; let him declare his own sentiments. 
 You did, sir, during the last annual session, and before the 
 election of the judge, say that I was leagued with a gentleman 
 who does not live far distant from hence, to break down that 
 system of government which has been ])ursued in this state 
 for some years, and to destroy the influence of General .Tack- 
 son. Where, sir, can you procure proof of any such league 
 or intention? This I deny and call upon you, sir, and I call 
 upon every person who has ever heard me express a political 
 sentiment, to say without reserve if any of my conversations 
 or transactions in public or private can justify your assertions. 
 General Jackson 1 have always esteemed as a soldier and a 
 statesman and as a friend to his country. Permit me now. 
 ■sir, you having set the example by dragging Mr. Griffin into 
 view", to address a few interrogatories to your friend and 
 teacher, Mr. Tait. 
 
 How long has it been suice you have become this genuine 
 Republican? Did vou possess these principles in the years 
 1795, 1796, 1797, 1798, 1799 and 1800, or from whence do 
 you commence their date? 
 
 Did vou not recollect that until about one of the two lat- 
 ter years", and perhaps after that, you were liberal in your 
 abuse of General Jackson, when in conversation on political 
 subjects, that he was ''a damned overbearing fout puppy? 
 Deny these facts, sir. if consistent with your feelings, as well 
 as the other interrogatories which I feel myself authorized 
 
 to put. 
 
 How long has it been since William Barueit. Lsq., in 
 vour opinion, if he may judge from your words and letters. 
 wa3 a man in whom no dependence could be placed. 
 
56 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 That he would promise and then deceive? 
 
 How long has it been since you have changed your opinion 
 of a gentleman who was formerly a judge in this state, and 
 now a member of the senate? 
 
 Do you not recollect that you said of him, that he was 
 "a damned corrupt, partial rascal," and cited the cases which 
 he had determined in court as the grounds of this opinion? 
 
 How long has it been since you were in favor of Mr. 
 Adam's administration, and turned over to the present? 
 
 And lastly, do you not recollect with what delight in the 
 year 179 6 when a scurrilous song to the tune of high-robbin, 
 was published in the Southern Sentinel in ridicule of General 
 Jackson, calling him "Little Jimmy," you read it with emo- 
 tions little short of ecstacy? These things are all within the 
 recollection of gentlemen whose standing in life put the pos- 
 sibility of a doubt out of the question. Then, sir, we may 
 presume a change of sentiment took place with you when you 
 conceived the idea of applying for the appointment of judge, 
 in opposition to Colonel Games. Then it was that you threw 
 yourself under the wing of Mr. Barnett, changed your politics, 
 to all outward appearance, ceased with your abuse of men 
 whose standing in life was not to be affected by anything 
 which you could say of them. 
 
 Having furnished Judge Tait with a retrospect of his 
 past actions, expressions and sentiments, I must, therefore, 
 take my final leave, addressing myself again to you, Mr. 
 Grawford. 
 
 From wlience arose your extreme anxiety for the appoint- 
 ment of Judge Tait? Is it the benefit that will result gen- 
 erally to the citizens of the Western Gircuit? Probably you 
 have not been rightly informed of the sentiments of a num- 
 ber of people in that circuit. Since the appointment of Judge 
 Tait to office your practice, it is said, has increased in an 
 astonishing degree; and what is the cause? It is not thought 
 to be your superior talents or powers of eloquence; but, sir, 
 in many private circles you are hailed as judge of the upper 
 circuit; you are looked upon as having his ear and influence 
 in an unwarranted degree. I trust it is, and will be believed 
 that nothing which can be urged by an individual, even one 
 of Mr. Grawford's "supposed weight of character," can in 
 even the smallest degree, tend to lessen the reputation or 
 fix the shade of odium upon the grand jurors whose names 
 are mentioned in my former publication; although Mr. Graw- 
 ford still insists that they have been tampered with. In the 
 foregoing I hope and believe that my fellow citizens will find 
 no reason to say that I have said anything which can tend, 
 in the smallest degree, to interrupt the memory of legislature 
 proceedings; and if evil should result remember that you, 
 Mr. Grawford, are the aggressor. JOHN GLARK. 
 
 TO GENERAL JOHN CLARK. 
 
 A desire that your motives and conduct may be fairly 
 understood by your fellow citizens is the only inducement 
 with me to pay any further attention to you in a newspaper, 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRA^'FORD 57 
 
 You surely, sir, cannot be serious when you say the attack 
 made in the Monitor was because here I propagated the 
 reports, and here they ought to be detected and refuted. If 
 so why was the attack made at Washington? Whatever I 
 said of you was communicated openly and avowedly, not 
 whispered in a corner, or under cover of the night or a dread 
 of detection; for I ever have been, and am now, ready to 
 declare the same in the face of day and to your face. I trust 
 I shall never impute improper motives to any man whose 
 conduct does not justify such imputation; but, sir, I can assure 
 you, notwithstanding your declarations and denials, my opin- 
 ion on that subject remains unaltered. Public opinion, as I 
 before observed, will determine on the degree of credit which 
 ought to be given to those declarations and denials, and by that 
 decision I am willing to abide. But to enable the public to 
 decide with accuracy I am authorized to say that a member 
 of the legislature is ready to depose that he has seen two 
 letters which bore your signature, and believes were written 
 by you, to two gentlemen, one of whom was a member of the 
 grand jury of one of the western counties, in which you solic- 
 ited those gentlemen to exercise their influence to obtain a 
 recommendation in favor of Mr. Griffin. Deny this and the 
 exposure will be made, which will convince your fellow citi- 
 zens that a sacred regard for the truth has not influenced 
 your declaration. The statements made at the last annual 
 session, and the opinions then given by me, were intended 
 for the promotion of the public good, and not for the purpose 
 of placing a favorite in office, at the expense of you or any 
 other man's reputation. The grounds of my opposition to 
 Mr. Griffin were founded in justice and sound policy; and you. 
 sir, have unwarily admitted a fact, which I did then urge as 
 an objection; and which ought now to exclude that gentleman 
 from that appointment. You say as executor of your father's 
 estate you had business in most of those courts, which I must 
 have known, being counsel on the opposite side. It is true, 
 sir, that in four of the six counties alluded to you have 
 appeared to be interested in suits either as heir or executor; 
 but to one of those counties you did not go. The existence 
 of these important cases, and others which may arise, in 
 which vou may be equally, if not more deeply interested^ is 
 probably the true grounds for your solicitude for Mr. Griffin s 
 appointment to the important office of judge of the Western 
 District. Your intention in dragging into this newspaper cor- 
 respondence the names of gentlemen standing high m the con- 
 fidence of their fellow citizens is too apparent to need detec- 
 tion. In rushing General Jackson into public view you have 
 taken a liberty unauthorized by public opinion, and by your 
 expressions on that subject, have not manifested that rever- 
 ence for truth, which your great regard for the good opinion 
 of your fellow citizens ought to have inspired. Have you 
 forgotten that in Lexington, in the county of O^lf horpe in 
 September, 1802, you spoke highly disrespectful of that hon- 
 orable gentleman, and others associated with him in effect ng 
 the sale of vour Western territory? Have you forgotten the 
 abuse lavished by you on that sale? Will your feelings be 
 
58 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 gratified by the production of proof to establish these facts? 
 You call upon me to prove a political connection between 
 yourself and the gentleman to whom you allude. In answer 
 to this call I ask whether you did not. in the year 1801 and 
 1802 vote with that gentleman for your friend, Colonel 
 Carnes in opposition to the late Governor Tatnall, and his 
 immediate successor :n office? Did you not know that gentle- 
 man's political sentiments and opinions relative to the pre- 
 ceding administiation? Did you not also know that the Con- 
 stitution required the Governor to possess five hundred acres 
 of land and other property to the amount of four thousand 
 dollars over and above wnat was necessary to discharge his 
 just debts? Answer these questions truly, and the necessity 
 of advancing further proof of your hostility to the leading 
 measures of General Jackson's administration will be supei'- 
 seded. The political opposition, made to the leading measures 
 of the state administration by the gentleman to whom T sup- 
 pose you allude is well known, if you voted with him upon 
 these questions, and others of importance which might be 
 enumerated, the public will not ask for further evidence. I 
 come now, sir, to the charge, no doubt originally conceived in 
 your own brain, because no man whose mind is not over 
 charged with malevolence could have conceived even such a 
 suspicion. No man who had not practiced, or intended to 
 practice that kind of corrupt influence could have harbored or 
 uttered such a thought. What kind of connection exists 
 ])etween .ludge Tait and myself? Is it aught than that of 
 friendship founded ujion a conviction of the rectitude of each 
 other's intentions? You say since .Judge Tait's appointment 
 my practice has increased with astonishing degree. I say, sir, 
 this is not true. Since my appearance at the bar my practice 
 has increased from year to year, but the ratio of increase last 
 • year was greater than that of the present year. 
 
 The insinuation of undue influences with the court is an 
 insidious falsehood, and 1 appeal to the disinterested members 
 of the bar to say whether I have not had equal if not greater 
 cause to complain of the court than any other gentleman of 
 the profession. No, sir, these sentiments are not entertained, 
 not even whispered in any circles beyond the reach of yours 
 and Mr. Griffin's influence. Within that circle I shall not be 
 surprised at the expression of any opinion or the propagation 
 of any report which may be thought by you will operate 
 injuriously to me. You appear anxious to associate the repu- 
 tation of the grand jurors with that of your own. This, sir, 
 is an unnatural association, and nothing but a consciousness 
 that you need a prop could induce you to labor so ardently 
 to obtain that support. Your exertions to impress upon the 
 public's mind that you are not the aggressor, and that this 
 is not an attempt to promote the election of your brother-in- 
 law is equally fallacJous and unfounded. The first publica- 
 tion was your own. Did you not by that publication court the 
 correspondence which you say you little wished the honor' of? 
 If you thought I had injured your reputation why did you not 
 call upon me at the time, when your feelings were alive to 
 the supposed injury? Why did you brood over this murderous 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRA^TORD 59 
 
 attack upon your reputation, as you term it, for tlic space of 
 eleven months, during whicti time you were frequently in my 
 company? 
 
 Wliy did you never mention it to me, and demand an 
 explanation or satisfaction for this sup])osed injury? Is a 
 newspaper attack the usual way of settling diffiM-ences, or of 
 obtaining satisfaction? I will admit, sir, that it is your usual 
 way, and make no doubt, that if any observation in this reply 
 should prove injurious to "your nicer feelings" you will again 
 resort to your favorite mode of warfare. To this mode you 
 will be more strongly inclined, because you can again put in 
 a state of requisition the ready pen of the Colonel, * who 
 will rejoice at another opportunity of discharging a small 
 share of that immense debt of gratitude which your political 
 support has laid him under. I now, sir, take my leave of you. 
 and am willing that that public to which you have appealed 
 for redress of vour complaints should determine lietween us. 
 
 WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD. 
 
 CLARK TO CRAWFORD. 
 
 LOUISVILLE, Nov. 19th, 1S04. 
 
 To William H. Crawford, Esq.: 
 
 Once more, in the style of a braggadocio, have you 
 imposed yourself upon the credibility of a deluded public. 
 Although I again deign to notice you in this way, be assured 
 that it is not from a predilection for the mode of difference, 
 a dread of your resentment, nor a desire to please; but a 
 regard for that character which has hitherto remained 
 unspotted and unpolluted. Into what a labyrinth of absurdi- 
 ties and inconsistencies, have your malevolence, spleen and 
 mortification involved you. Could I but for a moment lose 
 sight of the splendor of your vilHany you w^ould indeed have 
 every claim to compassion that can arise from infamy and 
 distress. Do you not see in large capital letters that you 
 stand by the assertions of Captain London convicted of lying? 
 Yet we behold you with more than stoic apathy, receive it 
 with meekness and submission. 
 
 It seems that your opinion of my interference with the 
 grand juries remain unaltered; although you have differed 
 at different times as to the manner of my interference. 
 
 If the evidence that has already been given to the public 
 supported even bv vour own incautious acknowledgements 
 does not exempt me from the base charge of tampering with 
 their independence I know not what will do it? From you. 
 sir I never did expect an overt confession of my innocence. 
 The man who is base enough to fix an infamous charge upon 
 another without evidence can never possess either the honesty 
 or magniminity to retract it. But. sir, you knew that unless 
 you could retire under some deceptions cover, the certificates 
 of the grand jurors must carry an irresistible conviction to 
 the nr-nd of every impartial man, and not only to acquit me 
 
 •Crawford always insisted that Gen. Clark employed Col- W- J- Hobby^^^jj*! 
 these letters. Hobby was brother-in-law of Clark and owner of the Augusta 
 Chronicle. 
 
60 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 of the foul charge of tampering with them, but at the same 
 time, however, reluctantly compel you to subscribe to your 
 own infamy, you, therefore, wisely retired into that magic 
 circle, your own private opinion. It was from this frail castle 
 (if I may be permitted to use the expression) that you felt 
 yourself authorized to discharge your false and poisonous 
 aspersions, but it is a castle which the honest and virtuous 
 will never seek shelter in. They will at least demand some- 
 thing stronger than mere private opinion, before they attempt 
 to sully that precious boon of man's reputation. 
 
 In your last publication, however, you have changed 
 your ground and brought the question to a more probable 
 issue. Here I am happy to meet you. Hitherto I have been 
 compelled to the necessity alone of detecting and exposing 
 the fallacy of your own private opinion, which like "influence" 
 is of so "indefinite a meaning" that, literally, it was contend- 
 ing with shadows. You there say, that a gentleman of the 
 present legislature is ready to depose of his having seen two 
 letters which bore my signature, and which he believes to 
 have been written by me to a grand juror and some other 
 person, soliciting them to exercise their influence in obtaining 
 a recommendation in favor of Judge Griffin. This, sir, is a 
 high and serious charge. The circumstances connected with 
 it, if true, are plain, definite, even legal proof. They require 
 no argument to elucidate, no ingenuity or subterfuge to 
 demonstrate their meaning, not like individual opinion, muta- 
 ble and evanescent; they are permanent and will ever speak 
 for themselves. Therefore, in the name of justice, in the name 
 of truth, and of that reputation which is dearer to me than 
 life, I call upon you, sir, to produce the deposition alluded to. 
 Tell the public the name of these gentlemen, the counties in 
 which they live, exhibit the originals — my handwriting is well 
 known in Louisville; or some other particularity sufficient to 
 enable them to ascertain either the truth of your charges, or 
 the cruelty of your falsehoods. No longer, assassin like, 
 attack the reputations of men through the false media of 
 conjecture, insinuation and half formed stories. If I am 
 guilty the public ought to know it. It is not myself alone 
 that makes the demand upon you; but that public whose 
 interest you are so solicitous to promote, imperiously call for 
 an investigation of your charges. What, sir. must they think 
 of you if you do not produce this deposition? But more 
 particularly, what can be their reflections should these letters 
 be ultimately established on you and others as an infamous 
 forgery? Yes, sir, I do verily believe that they have origi- 
 nated within the limits of Louisville; have been devised and 
 propagated by you and your minions. 
 
 Driven, as you were, to the last extremity of argument, 
 and defeated on every ground you had taken, you beheld 
 scorn, infamy and probable defeat before you. Nothing, 
 therefore, scarcely less than subornation of perjury itself 
 could afford even a temporary support of character thus 
 degraded to the lowest stage of human corruption. You have 
 indeed had ingenuity enough to thrust between yourself and 
 the crime a poor ignorant wretch, who as you found him 
 
OP WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD gl 
 
 with less sense than reputation, you will i)iobably have a 
 "fixed figure" for the hand of scorn to point its slow unmovinn 
 finger at. How happened it, sir, that Richmond T. Cosby, 
 the person here alluded to, never apprized you until this late 
 date of his material circumstances? You lodge in the samo 
 house, are in the habit of frequent communication, and at the 
 very time when you were In the habits of frequent commu- 
 nication, in which you deny ever having said that I wrote to 
 the grand juries; nay, that you did not suppose that I could 
 ever have had the folly to do so, he was at hand, under your 
 nose, and no doubt ready to serve you. Did you not havo 
 reason to believe several months ago that I intended to expose 
 you for the lies propagated at the proceeding Legislature, 
 relative to this subject? Why did you not in the meantime, 
 if your conduct was capable of support, procure a justificatory 
 evidence, or at least some slight excuse for your harsh asper- 
 sions? If I am not mistaken these circumstances will be pro- 
 ductive of unavoidable inferences, and "these questions will 
 carry their own answers along with them." Thus, sir, have 
 you labored with a zeal deserving of a better cause, and in 
 a manner that would disgrace any cause. Can the reflection 
 that you have succeeded in your object, alone, through the 
 propagation of falsehoods, carry any solid, any cheering sen- 
 sations to your mind? Does not the idea haunt you in your 
 retired walks, and plant thorns in your pillow at night? If 
 you have not bid adieu to the principles of virtue, honesty, 
 truth and justice, if you are not entirely bereft of the "com- 
 punctious visiting of nature," believe me, I little envy you the 
 pleasure arising from your recent success. The reason of my 
 bringing the name of gentlemen into view is well known. 
 It was almost unavoidable out of your manner of reply in 
 that the charge of Federalism was made upon Mr. Griffin, and 
 at the time, his opponent by a consequential inference was 
 held up to the public as a man of political connections, or 
 in other words, as a genuine Republican. It was with the 
 exclusive view of exposing the fallacy of this insinuation that 
 I took the liberty of informing the public that the very men 
 whom your friend now so warmly admires are those whose 
 characters, motives and measures he had vilified, defamed and 
 reprobated. Rut why, sir, have you so cruelly logged Colonel 
 Carnes into this correspondence? Was even the mention of 
 his name necessarily connected with your reply? If 1 voted 
 for him in opposition to the late Governor Tatnall it was 
 because there were then strong grounds of belief that the 
 latter gentleman had determined not to accept of the govern- 
 ment. Do vou not, yourself know, with what reluctance he 
 was forced into this measure, and from that date commenced 
 the train of those afflictions that pressed so heavily upon him? 
 Your insinuations relative to the pecuniary situation of Col- 
 onel Carnes are mean, ungentlemanly and ridiculous, and as 
 they certainly were not necessary to your reiily, the public 
 can ascribe them to no other motive than the gratification 
 of vour "spleen and malignity." "I pity the distress of a 
 good man; his sorrows are sacred with me;" and I know not 
 that we are taught either by our nature or religion to triumph 
 
62 The life and times 
 
 in the misfortunes of even the lowest of our species. In all 
 your statements, reasonings and opinion^, throughout your 
 devious track, your chief aim has been to darken, deceive and 
 misrepresent. At one moment we behold you asserting with 
 positiveness that I had influenced the grand juries by writing 
 to them, detected in this falsehood, Proteus like, you deny 
 the assertion, and say that Captain London must have mis- 
 taken the word riding for writing. Too wise to be duped, 
 and too firm to be affected by your whining, Jesuitical reasons, 
 he has justly inflicted a lash upon you, the smart of which you 
 will certainly continue to feel, so long as you are possessed 
 of common sensibility. My opposition to the election of Judg* 
 Tait, on the ground of his being under your influence and 
 control, was founded in truth and justice and sound policy. 
 Happy, indeed, would it be for the country, if it had an 
 existence only in my own brain," but it is a belief which 
 pervades every class of society in the Western district, and 
 which more or less is attached to every case determined under 
 his administration, in which you are counsel. On this point, 
 however, I do not wish the public to depend on my individual 
 assertion. The following letters from gentlemen who have 
 been here during the present session, and whose veracity, 
 neither yourself or your friend Judge Tait, dare impeach, are 
 a few of the many that would be willing to testify to the 
 same opinion: 
 
 "LOUISVILLE, 14th of Nov., 1804. 
 "Dear Sir: 
 
 "In answer to the question asked me by yourself last 
 evening, I have no hesitation in stating that sundry persons 
 have had conversations with me on the subject of employing 
 Wm. H. Crawford, Esq., as their attorney, and stated as a 
 reason that they supposed and believed that Mr. Crawford 
 had such influence with Judge Tait that they would always 
 employ him in preference to any other attorney, whilst Judge 
 Tait presided. In fact, sir, that opinion seems to be so preva- 
 lent in the Western circuit, so far as has come to my knowl- 
 edge of the sentiments of the people that I did not suppose 
 that it would be doubted, as such talk is frequently the sub- 
 ject of conversation, at least in the county where I reside. 
 The reason, sir, that I have so often heard such conversa- 
 tions is, I presume, on account of my being very frequently 
 mixed amongst company, as is to be expected from the nature 
 of the oflice I have the honor to fill. I am, dear sir, yours, 
 
 "JOHNSON WELLBORN." 
 
 "LOUISVILLE, Nov. 15th, 1804. 
 "General Clark — Sir: 
 
 "In answer to your application of this day I can only say 
 that I did employ Mr. Wm. H. Crawford, Esq., in a case, the 
 state against myself> in Wilkes county, for a mayhem alleged 
 to have been committed on Capt. Van Allen, under an impres- 
 sion that he had considerable influence with Judge Tait; the 
 impression was increased on account of several of my friends 
 having advised me to employ Mr. Crawford, and gave it as 
 a reason, that it was thought Mr. Crawford had considerable 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD ' 63 
 
 control and influence over Judge Tait. In I'act, sir, this opin- 
 ion is very prevalent in the county of Willvcs. I am, sir, your 
 most obedient. Cr. GAINS." 
 
 "November 22nd, 1804. 
 "General Clark — Sir: 
 
 "In answer to your note of tliis morning, I have no hesi- 
 tation in declaring that I have heard frequently, and believe- 
 ing it is the general opinion, that Mr. Crawford has an undue 
 influence with his honor, Judge Tait, in courts of justice. 
 Your most obedient, , "A. SIMMONS." 
 
 •LOUISVILLE, Nov. 2r)th. 1804. 
 
 "Sir: In answer to your inquiry of this morning, I can 
 Instance a circumstance which turned up in my presence, in 
 Watkinsville (Clark county), to-wit: As Mr. Wni. H. Craw- 
 ford was walking by a number of gentlemen it was observed 
 by one of them (who knows Mr. Crawford) that, 'There goes 
 the judge of the Western District.' From this my impression 
 was that the gentleman conceived that Mr. Crawford had an 
 undue influence over Judge Tait, and I believe this is the 
 prevailing opinion in the county I live. 
 
 "I am, sir, your most obedient servant, 
 
 "R. O. D. K. EASLEY. 
 "General Clark." 
 
 "Your insinuations as to the mode of defense pursued by 
 nie on the present occasion, are ridiculous from the nature 
 of the charges; none other could have been ex|)ected from 
 me. I am not at all surprised, however, at your wish to bury 
 every vestige of this transaction in a duel, if you could divert 
 the public attention from a scrutiny into your conduct, you 
 would doubtless be somewhat less condemned and despised. 
 
 I must confess that I had at all times rather expose the 
 vlllany of a man than hazard my person to the chance of 
 receiving a double injury from him; yet, sir, black as your 
 conduct has been throughout this controversy, I assure you, 
 and perhaps the assurance will be gratifying, that 1 am not 
 restricted alone to this mode of warfare. 
 
 "Louisville, Nov. 26th, 1804." 
 
 "JOHN CLARK. 
 
 CRAWFORD TO CLARK. 
 
 "6th December, 180 
 "Sir: In your last publication you assure me ths . ^>i 
 are not restricted to the mode of warfare hitherto pursued. 
 My friend, Colonel Flournoy. is therefore authorized, on my 
 part, to make the necessary arrangements. 
 
 "WM. H. CRAWFORD." 
 
 "General Clark." 
 
 CLARK TO CRAWFORD. 
 
 "6th December 1S04. 
 Sir: Your challenge of this morning, by Colonel Flour- 
 
64 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 noy, is received and accepted. My friend, Captain Cobb, will 
 adjust and settle witli him the necessary preliminaries. 
 
 "JOHN CLARK. 
 "Wm. H. Crawford, Esq." 
 
 Col. Thos. Flournoy and Capt. Howell Cobb, as seconds 
 for the parties, after some correspondence agreed that the 
 duel should be fought near Fort Charlotte at a point one mile 
 below historic old Petersburg on the Carolina side of the 
 Savannah River. This was about eleven miles from where 
 Van Allen had fallen some two years previous. Just at this 
 stage of the proceedings Governor John Milledge was appealed 
 to by several disinterested gentlemen in consequence of whi,ch 
 a Court of Honor was named, and the following award was 
 made: 
 
 FINDINGS OF THE COURT OF HONOR. 
 
 "The undersigned, having been called upon, and 
 appointed by his Excellency, Governor Milledge, as a Court 
 of Honor, to interpose and adjust the unhappy difference 
 existing between Gen. John Clark and William H. Crawford, 
 Esq., and these gentlemen, by their friends. Captain Cobb and 
 Colonel Flournoy, having yielded to the call of his Excel- 
 lency, by a full and free submission of the causes of their con- 
 troversy to our decision by which we have become the deposi- 
 tories of their honor, we cannot in this place omit observing 
 that in this regard, it is our opinion, these gentlemen have 
 discovered by such submission more magnanimity and real 
 courage, than could have been exhibited by a contrary course. 
 We have had before us and perused alternatively the various 
 publications made by these gentlemen on the subject of their 
 differences, and cannot but say that they have been made with 
 too much heat on both sides, and no doubt, in their opinion, 
 justified that resort which caused the present proceedings. 
 While on this part of the subject we take leave to observe, 
 that newspaper publications, where abuse and bad language 
 is very apt to be introduced are peculiarly offensive to the 
 ear and feelings of a gentleman, and ought as much as possi- 
 ble to be avoided, and we sincerely lament the occurrence of 
 them upon this occasion, and trust there are other means 
 more consistent by which matters of controversy can be 
 explained and understood. Upon the whole we are fully and 
 clearly of the opinion that General Clark and Mr. Crawford 
 have been led into a dispute, the foundation of which has not 
 sufficient weight, and ought not to have produced the subse- 
 quent heat and animosity, which might have led to conse- 
 quences truly serious and calamitous to themselves and fami- 
 lies, their friends and their country. We have no hesitancy 
 
or wn.LiAM H. chawford 65 
 
 in declaring it to be our opinion that both gentlemen are 
 brave and intrepid and do decree and award that they ac(iiiit 
 each other of any imputation to the contrary, and that tlioy 
 relinquish their animosity, and take each other by the hand 
 as friends and fellow citizens. Given under our hands at 
 Louisville, this the 12th of December, 1804. 
 
 "JAUKD 1R\VL\, 
 . "ABRAHAM JACKSON*, 
 "JAMES SEAUROVE, 
 "D. B. MITCHELL, 
 "J. BEN MAXWELL." 
 
 The principals acceded to the decision and thus the mat- 
 ter was adjusted, but not without murnuirina;s from General 
 Clark, who long afterwards complained that the decision was 
 too favorable to Mr. Crawford, did not cover the issues, and 
 that it satisfied him thereafter what course to be pursued 
 in Courts of Honor. 
 
 Before closing this chapter we will note a most ludicrous 
 affair that occurred between i)arties who have figured con- 
 spicuously in this volume. John Dooly was an intimate sup- 
 porter and friend of Clark. He became entangled in this feud 
 with Judge Charles Tait, and so persistent and sharp the 
 matter waxed that the Judge selected Crawford as his second 
 to bear to Dooly a challenge to render such satisfaction as 
 becomes a gentleman. 
 
 Dooly gravely accepted the challenge, i)roinptly named 
 time and place and selected General Clark for his second. 
 Tait had a wooden leg. At the appointed hour he and his 
 friends were at the spot agreed upon. They discovered Dooly 
 alone patiently sitting on a stump. Crawford asked for his 
 friend, General Clark. 
 
 "He is in the woods, sir," said Dooly with a nonchalant 
 air. 
 
 "And will soon be present 1 presume?" asked Crawford. 
 
 "Yes, as soon as he can find a gum." 
 
 "May I inquire, Colonel Dooly, what use you have for a 
 gum in the matter under settlement?" 
 
 "I want to put my leg in it sir. Do you suppose I can 
 risk my leg of flesh and blood against Tait's wooden one? 
 If I hit his leg he will have another one tomorrow, and be 
 pegging about as well as usual; if he hits mine I may lose 
 my life by it, but almost certainly my leg, and be compelled. 
 like Tait, to stump it the balance of my life. I could not 
 risk this, and must have a gum to put my leg in; then 1 am 
 
gg THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 as much wood as he is,, and on equal terms with him." 
 
 "I understand you. Colonel Dooly; you do not want to 
 fight?" 
 
 "Well, really, Mr. Crawford, I thought everybody knew 
 that." 
 
 "Very well, sir," said Crawford, "you shall fill a column 
 of the newspaper in no enviable light." 
 
 "Mr. Crawford, I assure you I would rather fill two news- 
 papers than one coffin." 
 
 It is scarcely necessary to add that Tait and Crawford 
 left the field in disgust, and here the matter ended. * 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 THE CRAWFORD AND CLARK PARTIES 
 
 There are periods in the life of nations as in individuals 
 when party spirit runs unusually high without any apparent 
 reason — when better judgment seems blinded and men are 
 swept on by a seemingly Irresistible force in alignments that 
 make idols of bad leaders, and principles are swallowed up 
 in the personnel of the partisans. The affair between Clark 
 and Crawford, so trivial in its origin, would seemingly not 
 invoke the interest of any one save the parties directly con- 
 cerned, O^ut General Clark was thoroughly intrenched in the 
 affections^^f the people as the military hero of the day, and 
 although he was intemperate, vindictive and passionately vio- 
 lent, yet on account of the fact that he had rendered great 
 service to the state as a soldier, he possessed the gratitude 
 of the people. 
 
 His young opponent had risen by leaps and bounds in the 
 admiration of the public, and had on every opportunity shown 
 courageous audacity, vigor or thought, fidelity to principle, 
 and his speeches in the legislative hall were so possessed of 
 finished diction that they resembled the cuttings of an 
 antique cameo. Words fell from his lips like hard, bright 
 dollars from the coiner's mint. No wonder that the wise old 
 statesmen. .lackson, Early, Milledge and William Barnett, 
 with prophetic eye, saw in him a man of unusual' promise, 
 and accorded to him^ their active support and influence. There 
 was but one political party in Georgia, for all her people were 
 nominally Jeffersonian Republicans, so that candidates stood 
 alone on personal fitness when aspiring for office. This gave 
 rise to that bitter antagonism which characterized the politics 
 
 •Spark's Memoirs of 50 Years, page 76; also Andrews' Reminiscences of an Old 
 Ga, Lawyer, pagre 51. 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD 67 
 
 of the state for nearly forty years, and long after the principal 
 instigators had passed away. In these factious contests nnni> 
 could be neutral. All were conii)elled to take sides or be 
 crushed between the contending parties. Such bitter animosi- 
 ties arose that Justice seemed to forget her Duty and Reason 
 lose her sway. During the period of its baneful inlluence 
 society was very detrimentally affected. Men were chosen for 
 office because of party proclivities, intelligence and moral 
 worth being too often forgotten. Friendships were severed, 
 families divided and whole neighborhoods made hostile by 
 its deplorable rancours. Every village had its Clark and its 
 Crawford taverns. The limits of social intercourse were cir- 
 cumscribed to those of factional sympathy. Through all 
 castes and classes of society the envenomed rule was the same 
 — one of proscription. Churches were distracted and divided, 
 and political Phillippics desecrated the pulpit for the first 
 time within the state. Fisticuffs and fights galore were com- 
 mon. It was a general squabble, dividing counties, hamlets, 
 beats and cross-road groceries. 
 
 The contest was without gloves. Hairi)ullings, gouging, 
 biting and dragouts were seen, talked of and even enjoyed at 
 every justice court and militia muster. To introduce the sub- 
 ject of politics in any promiscuous gathering was to promote a 
 quarrel. 
 
 A son of Erin, lately from Limerick, opened a barroom 
 in a village in Greene county. He endeavored to catch the 
 trade of both parties by his strenuous neutrality. After a 
 week's trial he gave it up in disgust. When describing this 
 experience he said: "Whenever a Crawford man would come 
 in the first thing he would inquire if this was a Crawford 
 bar; and by faith when I told him 1 was naither he cursed 
 me for a Clarkite and refused to drink. When a Clark man 
 would come in and I told him I was naither he cursed me 
 for a Crawfordite, and I sold not a gill to anyone. Faith, it 
 pays to be a politician in Georgia." ■ • • 
 
 There were quite a number of beneficial laws passed at 
 the term with which Crawford was identified, and in fact, 
 he became the leading spirit of the Legislature. Men loved, 
 honored, followed and believed in him here as elsewhere, 
 and his noble features, earnest, open manner, tall command- 
 ing figure claimed their regard and admiration. In 1806 
 Crawford introduced a resolution which passed the house 
 unanimously, commending Thomas Jefferson for a third term. 
 The resolution was as follows: 
 
68 'THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 "Resolved, That this Legislature, composed of the imme- 
 diate repreBehtatives of the people, by them elected to declare 
 their will, viewing the blessings and distinguished political 
 benefits derived in a state and national capacity from the 
 impartial, wise and judicious administration of Thomas Jeffer- 
 son, President of the United States, embrace this opportunity 
 of expressing their full and entire confidence and approbation 
 of his official conduct. At the present momentous crisis, when 
 the civilized nations of the old world, to whom we are bound 
 by the ties of interest or political friendship, are convulsed, 
 and either engaged in the prosecution of destructive wars or 
 forming coalitions which threaten the destruction of nations 
 and dynasties, it is of utmost importance that our political 
 barque should be directed by the hand of a master in whose 
 integrity, discretion and wisdom the people of these United 
 States can with safety rely. We therefore, in the name of the 
 people of Georgia, request that Thomas Jefferson will devote 
 four years more of his life to the service of his country, in 
 order to more permanently establish those principles of politi- 
 cal liberty which are the boast and glory of republican 
 America." * 
 
 These considerate resolutions were immediately commu- 
 nicated to the Senate and concurred in without a dissenting 
 vote. Such Jeffersonial Republicans were these Georgians! 
 
 The act creating Baldwin and Wilkinson counties was 
 brought forward and pressed to a successful conclusion by 
 Crawford. The vexed question of a boundary line between 
 Georgia and North Carolina was permanently settled by a 
 commission appointed by a resolution introduced by him. 
 
 John Clark, however, was still nursing his wrath which 
 had not ceased to exhibit itself at intervals against Tait and 
 Crawford in divers manners. As a champion of North Caro- 
 lina settlers in Georgia he conceived it to be his duty to 
 oppose and thwart the Virginians of whom Jackson and Craw- 
 ford were the leaders. The community of interest between 
 these two last named developed the idea that it was handed 
 down by heredity that men of Virginia lineage should unite 
 against what they actually believed was a conspiracy on the 
 part of Clark and his followers to politically proscribe them. 
 
 In 1806 there were ten candidates for congress. Con- 
 gressmen then were elected on a general ticket, and not accord- 
 ing to district system. Among these candidates were Elijah 
 Clark, Jr., and John M. Dooly, both of whom were defeated. 
 The four successful candidates were: William W. Bibb, Capt. 
 Howell Cobb, Dennis Smith and Ge orge M. Tro up. This elec- 
 tion demonstrated that the Clark party was losing strength, 
 and it was hailed as a victory for the Virginians and their allies, 
 
 'Georgia House Journal, 1806, page 87. 
 
OP WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD g9 
 
 Ou Feb. 24tli, 1806, one Josiah Glass, who had come all 
 the way from North Carolina with a warrant against Robert 
 Clary of Greene county for negro stealing, went to Judge Tait, 
 who was then in Sparta, to endorse the same. This Judge 
 Tait did in due form. In a few days thereafter while Judge 
 Tait was on the bench at Greene Superior Court he was handed 
 the following letter: 
 
 "Sir: I have a man in my care who appears to be very 
 anxious to make certain affidavits before your honor this 
 evening, in a matter that greatly concerns the state of Georgia 
 and the United States; he comes forward freely and of his own 
 accord. I expect his deposition will be lengthy, and truly 
 astonishing to your honor. I shall be glad to know if your 
 honor can attend, and am sir, with all due respect, your hon- 
 or's most obedient, "JOSIAH GLASS. 
 
 "N. B. — William H. Crawford is interested in a part of 
 the aforesaid deposition, and will do well to attend. 
 "To Hon. C. Tait. " 
 
 That evening after tea Judge Tait took with him a Mr. 
 Oliver Skinner and went to the room where Clary was a pris- 
 oner in charge of Glass. A long confession was made by 
 Clary, to which Tait seemed to have attached little importance, 
 as he told Glass that the matter would not be prosecuted, 
 as from the character of Clary it need not be made public. 
 There was a clause in the affidavit of Clary which stated that 
 John Clark had sold 1100 acres of land on Buckeye Creek, 
 in the county of Washington, to one Collins for $20,000 of 
 counterfeit money. Glass took a copy of the affidavit and that 
 copy soon came into the hands of Clark. When he ascertained 
 that the affidavit had been taken at night Clark at once con- 
 cluded that he had been made the victim of a conspiracy. 
 Judge Tait, in order to explain matters, procured the venera- 
 ble and distinguished William Barnett to see General Clark, 
 but Clark was aroused to such a degree and so deeply wounded 
 that no explanation or excuse would be heard. He refused 
 to see Tait, and with greatest disdain and scorn stated these 
 offers of peace were made to prevent him from probing the 
 foul conspiracy. * 
 
 Clark- then did a very singular thing. He presented a 
 memorial to the Legislature asking for the impeachment of 
 Judge Tait on account of what he was pleased to term a foul 
 conspiracy the Judge had formed against him, as evidenced 
 by this matter. This inconsiderate act of Clark had the effect, 
 perhaps, of strengthening his friends who believed him a per- 
 secuted man, and that "The dark lantern affidavit" was of 
 
 tPrinciples of William H. Crawfcrd. by Clark, p. 36. 
 
CHARLES TAIT. 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD 71 
 
 itself sufficient evidence on which to hase impeachment. His 
 enem,ies were lil^ewise elated, for they saw in these flimsy 
 charges brought by the impulsive and obstinate General, not 
 the slightest grounds to make the matter one of i)ut)lic i)rop- 
 erty, and that in the very nature of things, it could not be 
 shown that an honorable judge who had certified to the affi- 
 davit of an adventurer, was a conspirator. They i)resaged 
 that an investigation would certainly vindicate Tait, and prob- 
 ably place Clark in an unenviable position. 
 
 The proceedings were presented to the house in due form 
 by Representative Simons as made out by General Clark, and 
 same were submitted to a special committee of seven mem- 
 bers of the House. * 
 
 After this a letter was presented to the House from Clark 
 to the Speaker asking that he be allowed to interrogate the 
 witnesses himself, and further stated in offensive terms his 
 objections to Mr. Crawford, who was serving on the com- 
 mittee of investigation. 
 
 The General charged in this letter that Crawford had 
 procured the appointment of himself in some indelicate way 
 to serve on the committee, and that it was like sitting on his 
 
 own case, t 
 
 One of the members, stung by the impertinence and arro- 
 gance of this communication, moved "to lay the letter under 
 the table." As a relief to the situation John Morel, in a 
 spirit of generosity, moved that Major General John Clark 
 have leave to withdraw his letter to the Speaker. This reso- 
 lution was carried by a vote of 57 to 3. Mr. Crawford voted 
 aye. 
 
 The committee examined twenty-eight witnesses as pre- 
 sented by John Clark, and reported that from the whole of 
 the testimony taken it did not appear that Judge Tait had any 
 connection with Glass or Clary, or knew what confession 
 Clary would make, and that the conduct of the Judge was 
 without blame in the whole transaction. After summing 
 up the facts the report concludes as follows: "Your com- 
 mittee are decidedly of the opinion that no improper or cor- 
 rupt motives can, with justice or truth, be imputed to the 
 Judge on that occasion, and if the reputation of the memorial- 
 ist has been injured by the confession such confession cannot, 
 with propriety or truth, be attributed to the Judge." 
 
 The speech that Crawford made in favor of the adoption 
 of this report has not been preserved except by tradition. 
 
 "Journal House Representatives 1806, page 8- ,,_,,, ^„^ ,p 
 tExposition of Principles of W. H. Crawford by John Clark, page 42. 
 
72 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 His summing up of the facts was with that violence that 
 betokens at once the depth of personal friendship for Tait, 
 and indignant contempt in which he held those who were 
 urging the memorial. Never did he appear to better advant- 
 age. His eloquence was of that powerfully convincing sort 
 that, like the cyclone, sweeps everything before it. No one 
 could withstand his irresistible logic. When the vote was 
 taken, although there were many representatives who as com- 
 mon soldiers had followed General Clark, when only sixteen 
 years old he was a lieutenant in the war of the Revolution, 
 and although many of the members were warmly attached 
 to him for favors received, yet the vote on the resolution stood 
 fifty-seven in favor of its adoption and only three against it. 
 The truth of the matter was now apparent that Clary, 
 an unprincipled fellow, knowing the differences between these 
 distinguished men, had sought to help his own case while 
 under arrest by making the charge against General Clark, 
 and the General was too ready to believe what was told him. 
 He could not rid himself of the idea that Tait and Crawford 
 had originated the charges to do him injury. Failing in the 
 Legislature to receive the exi)ected vindication, he resolved 
 to take the matter in his own hands, and accordingly sent 
 Crawford the following challenge: 
 
 CLARK TO CRAWFORD. 
 
 •'LOUISVILLE, 2nd. Dec, 1806. 
 "The various injuries I have received from you make it 
 necessary for me to call on you for the satisfartion usually 
 offered in similar cases. My friend, Mr. Forsyth, is author- 
 ized to make the necessary arrangements on my part. With 
 due respect I am, sir, 
 
 "Your humble servant, 
 
 "JOHN CLARK. 
 "William H. Crawioid, Esq." 
 
 CRAW^FORD TO CLARK. 
 
 "Sir: Your challenge of this date is accepted, and my 
 friend. Captain Moore, will, on my part, make the necessary 
 arrangements. I am, sir, with respect, 
 "Your humble servant, 
 
 "W. H. CRAWFORD. 
 "To General Clark." 
 
 John Forsyth was engaged in the Federal Court at this 
 time, and Major Gilbert Hay was selected by Clark as his 
 second, and the following agreement was made as to the pro- 
 posed meeting: 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD 73 
 
 ARRANGEMENTS. 
 
 Article 1st. The pistols are to be smooth bore, and headed 
 with a single ball by the seconds of the parties, in the pres- 
 ence of each other and their principals. 
 
 Art. 2nd. The distance shall be ten yards, the parties 
 facing. 
 
 Art. ord. The seconds of each party shall iilace the pis- 
 tol in the right hand of his friend, cocked, with the barrel 
 as nearly perjjendicular as possible, i)ointing up or down, 
 and neither of the principals shall alter the position of the 
 pistol until the word of command is given. 
 
 Art. 4th. The signal for a discharge shall be: "Make 
 ready; fire." At the word "fire" each party shall discharge 
 his pistol as. near as possible after receiving the word; and 
 should either party withhold his fire it shall be lost. 
 
 Art. .5th. A snap or a flash to be considered the same 
 as a shot. 
 
 Art. 6th. Whenever the challenger shall express himself 
 satisfied, or shall have received a wound, judged by the sur- 
 vivors mortal, or whenever the challenged shall have received 
 a wound and expresses himself satisfied, then the contest 
 shall cease. 
 
 Art. 7th. No conversation between the parties but 
 through their fi-iends. 
 
 Art. 8th. To prevent the possibility of suspicion of wear- 
 ing improper covering each party will submit to an examina- 
 tion by the second of his oi)])onent immediately preceding 
 their being placed at their stations. 
 
 Art. 9th. Choice of ground and the word to be decided 
 by lot. 
 
 Art. 10th. The seconds shall be proiserly armed to pre- 
 vent a transgression of these rules and the interposition of 
 any other person. 
 
 Art. 11th. If either of the principals deviate from the 
 foregoing rules, or attemi^t to take any undue advantage, 
 either or both of the seconds are at liberty to fire at him. 
 
 Art. 12th. If either party falls no |)erson except the sur- 
 geon shall be admitted until the opiiosite i)arty leaves the 
 
 ground. 
 
 GEO. MOORE, 
 
 G. HAY. 
 
 Dec. 16th, 1806, at the High Shoals on the Appalachee on the 
 
 Indian Territory. 
 
 The i^arties met according to appointment, and were 
 delayed soriietime in coming to an agreement. It appears 
 that the second of Clark raised several points of controversy, 
 and had been instructed by Clark to "yield nothing." By 
 this quibbling the meeting was postponed from 12 m. to one 
 o'clock. Crawford got out of temper, and was thrown com- 
 
74 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 pletely off his guard. * He, although brave and fearless, 
 was in every way unfitted for a duellist. His polished amia- 
 bility and amenity of disposition indicate that disqualification 
 to engage in affairs of this kind, which his natural awkward- 
 ness and nervousness all the more emphasized. Clark, on the 
 contrary, was a practiced fighter, thoroughly skilled in the use 
 of weapons and equally courageous. 
 
 The result was as might have been anticipated. Craw- 
 ford swaggered to the peg with the same degree of careless- 
 ness that he was wont to rise to address a country jury. His 
 left arm was forgotten and heedlessly held unprotected by 
 his body in a way to catch the ball of the rawest duellist. 
 At the first fire Clark was untouched and Crawford's left 
 wrist was shattered and the bones crushed in a way to cause 
 him many weeks of excruciating pain. Clark was not satis- 
 fied, and insisted that the shots be continued until one should 
 prove mortal. The terms of the agreement, however, had 
 been complied with, and George Moore declined to allow his 
 principal to proceed farther. 
 
 Clark's animosity, however, was not appeased. Without 
 any renewal of the quarrel and without fresh cause for anger 
 he sought to renew the combat. The following is a copy of 
 a note from Clark, and Crawford's reply: 
 
 CLARK TO CRAWFORD. 
 
 "22nd July, 1807. 
 "Sir: From the understanding at our interview in 
 December last, you have no doubt (since the restoration of 
 your health), anticipated this call. It is high time that the 
 difference between us should be brought to a final issue, and 
 from the situation in which the affair was left, I presume 
 nothing more is necessary than for you to appoint the time 
 and place. My friend, Mr. Sherrod, will hand you this and 
 receive your answer. Your humble servant, 
 
 "JOHN CLARK. 
 "William H. Crawford, Esq." 
 
 CRAWFORD TO CLARK. 
 
 "23rd. of July 1807. 
 "Sir: Since the receipt of your note yesterday by the 
 hands of Mr. Sherrod I have obtained the perusal of the com- 
 munications which passed between Captain Moore and Major 
 Hay on the 16th of December last, from which it appears to 
 be that the contest was brought to a final issue and the 
 difference adjusted as far as an interview of that kind is 
 intended or calculated for adjustment. Capt. Moore, pursuant 
 to the latter part of the sixth article agreed upon, determined 
 
 *Gilmer's Georgians, p. 127. 
 
OF WILT.IAM H. CRAWFORD 75 
 
 that the contest was at an end. 1 therefore sliall decline; the 
 appointment of time and |)lace. I am. sir, your obedient ser- 
 vant, VV. H. CRAWFORIX 
 "Gen. John Clark." 
 
 These communications, like the previous one, appeared in 
 the papers of the state, and the unpleasing lesults of the diiel 
 only stirred fiercer elements of political strife and conlirmed 
 and increased all previous animosities. Never were Scotch 
 highlanders more responsive to the bugle horn of Rhoderick 
 Dhu than were the aroused factions of Georgia politics to 
 the call of imrtisans. Mountain and valley, hill and dale, 
 echoed with the warwhoop that might have startled Clan 
 Alpine warriors. Men waited not to hear, reason or argue 
 the causes, but madly almost savagely aligned themselves 
 with unshaken confidence and zeal in the integrity and virtue 
 of their respective leaders. 
 
 In the summer of 1807 on a day when .Judge Tail was 
 driving along .Jefferson street, in Milledgeville, General Clark 
 came up gracefully cantering on a beautiful sorrel. The Gen- 
 eral always rode a fine horse with best accoutrements. His 
 was a splendid figure, and men said he was a born soldier. 
 Riding up to Tait he thus accosted him: 
 
 "This is the first time I have seen you. sir, since your 
 hasty departure from Louisville." 
 
 "Yes," replied Tait, "I have have not seen you since." 
 
 ".Judge Tait, you have, under cloak of judicial authority, 
 sought to destroy my reputation, and for your infamous 
 attempt 1 shall give you the lash." 
 
 Saying this before any reply could be made General 
 Clark came down with his riding whij) inflicting blows on the 
 shoulders of this distinguished and one-legged jurist. Taifs 
 horse took fright, but Clark kept alongside of him until his 
 wrath was api)eased by the scourges of his heavy cowhide on 
 the person of his adversary. * 
 
 The reader will no doubt be curious to know how Gen- 
 eral Clark would attempt to justify such an atrocious attack 
 on a judge of the Superior Court. In his book entitled "Con- 
 sideration of the Purity of the Principles of W. H. Crawford," 
 etc.. written by him in reciting all his differences with Craw- 
 ford from which we have so largely quoted, Clark thus refers 
 to this episode: 
 
 ' I presume if his back had been exhibited it would have 
 presented thirty or forty marks of my attention. After giv- 
 ing him this dressing I told him that he might go about 
 his own business, as I had now done with him. This 
 'Andrew's Reminiscences p. til. 
 
76 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 transaction I certainly would not pretend to say was in strict 
 conformity to public order, nor would it have taken place 
 had any method been left by w^hich I could have obtained 
 redress for any attempt against my character and peace of 
 m:nd, which for the honor of human nature has, I believe, 
 been seldom equaled in baseness, and in which I could not, 
 in justice to the judge or myself, suffer to pass wholly 
 unpunished. And this occurrence I consider would afford and 
 be viewed by others as furnishing a sufficient stimcUis for the 
 production of any and every proof which the judge and his 
 friends might be able to command in support of the slanders 
 they had been instrumental in circulating. This transactJon, 
 as was necessarily to be expected, occasioned an indictment 
 against me, to which I plead guilty, and stated in mitigation 
 the circumstances which led to it. The presiding judge did 
 not consider the proceedings justifiable, and on my acknowl- 
 edgement of the facts sentenced me to pay a fine of two 
 thousand dollars and to find security for my conduct for good 
 behavior for five years. 
 
 "The sentence was thought by many to be an extraordi- 
 nary one. His excellency. Governor Irwin, however, by an 
 executive order soon after remitted it in all its parts. He 
 was too good and amiable a man to have countenanced illegal 
 acts of violence, nor would he probably have recommended 
 the course I had pursued; but he himself had been waited 
 upon by Glass, and had in other ways become acquainted with 
 so many particulars of the proceedings against me that he 
 did not hesitate to express to me his opinion that Mr. Craw- 
 ford and Mr. Tait were at the bottom of them, and this 
 opinion no doubt led to his remission of the sentence." 
 
 The judge that imposed this sentence was Peter Early. 
 
 Clark always claimed to be persecuted, and it is probable 
 that Governor Jared Irwin believed it; but many partisans 
 of Clark joined with a majority of the people of the state 
 in condemning this inconsiderate pardon which had no better 
 excuse than that the Governor was affected with that party 
 spirit so characteristic of those strange times — a spirit that 
 perverted justice and often had effect on minds of those high 
 in authority whose actions were otherwise free from bias 
 and prejudice. Governor Irwin had with Clark served several 
 years in the Revolutionary war, and had also fought under 
 him in the Indian wars. He became a Brigadier of the 
 militia, and like General Clark, was a native of North Caro- 
 lina. 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRAWTORD 77 
 
 CHAPTER Vlir. 
 
 THE CAREER OF A UNITED STATES SENATOR. 
 
 In 1804 Crawford bought Woodlawn, a pretty country 
 seat two and one-half miles from Lexington, Ga. He erected 
 an unpretentious but substantial dwelling thereon, and 
 then was consummated his long cherished hoi)e in his marriage 
 to Susanna Girardin. This union, founded on love, was ever 
 blessed and happy. 
 
 In March, 1807, Abraham Baldwin, a United States sen- 
 ator from Georgia, died suddenly in Washington, D. C. In 
 his twenty-two years of faithful i)ublic service to the state 
 he had never lost but one day from duty. During the war 
 of the Revolution he had been a member of the faculty of 
 Yale College and came to Columbia County, Georgia, in 1784 
 to practice law. He was a member of the Federal convention 
 of 1787 from Georgia, and evinced in all of his many public 
 duties statesmenship and learning. From March to November, 
 1807, the place made vacant by the death of Mr. Baldwin 
 was held by George Jones under appointment of the Gov- 
 ernor; but it devolved upon the legislature, which convened 
 in November of the same year, to elect a successor. 
 
 Crawford now was thirty-five years of age, and although 
 not yet eight years from his teacher's desk, had experienced 
 all the vicissitudes of Georgia politics. The state was now 
 about to present to the country her greatest son with full 
 complement of all those rich qualities of a mature mind and 
 with a character well seasoned and able to grapple with the 
 most difficult questions of statecraft. To the Senate in Novem- 
 ber then did the legislature send him. It was a long way 
 over many bad roads and difficult stage travelling to Wash- 
 ington; yet on December 9th we find him taking the oath of 
 office. There was a field in this greatest legislative body in 
 the world to give ample scope to his expanding mind. Recog- 
 nition came speedily to this senator from Georgia. On the 
 Senate floor he stood a man in every sense — of mind, of nerve, 
 of heart. Handsome, buoyant, magnetic, with rare boldness 
 and independence of character, he commanded admiration and 
 homage. At the commencement of his senatorial career he 
 was a force to be reckoned with. 
 
 At this time the venerable Jefferson was serving the last 
 of his second term as President. The first speech made by 
 Crawford in the Senate was on the expulsion of John Smith, 
 a senator from Indiana, who was charged with Aaron Burr 
 in treasonable designs against the government. The testimony 
 
78 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 against the accused Senator was argued with force and per- 
 spicuity by Crawford, who after summing uj) the case, con- 
 cluded in these words: 
 
 "I have lived in a section of the country which has 
 not felt the general impression made by the movements 
 and enterprises of Aaron Burr. I have attended to nothing 
 but the testimony. I have had no acquaintance with Mr. 
 Smith; I entertain no prejud:ce against him. I would feel 
 as much gratified as any member of this body to be able 
 consistently with my duty, to vote for his retaining his seat. 
 Sir, the feelings of this house have been addressed; an appeal 
 has been made to the humanity of the Senate. We have a 
 duty to perform which is paramount to humanity; instead of 
 resigning ourselves to our feelings, we ought to exercise our 
 judgment and do that which the public good imperiously 
 requires. From a full examination of the evidence I am con- 
 strained to say, that the conduct of Mr. Smith has been such 
 as to render it highly impro])er for him to retain his seat 
 in the highest council of the nation." 
 
 This was the last of many sjieeches made on this resolu- 
 tion. The vote of the Senate then taken was nineteen for, 
 to ten against the expulsion. * 
 
 Crawford was too liberal in his views to be a blind fol- 
 lower of any party. It is true he advocated the doctrine of 
 Jeffersonian simplicity and economy. He, however, marked 
 out his course, and only when his sense of right approved 
 a measure of his party did he choose to follow. No party 
 trammels, no persuasion nor emoluments, no threats, nor 
 intimidations could turn him from his conviction of right. 
 Party ties could not fetter him beyond what his judgment and 
 conscience approved; beyond this they were as powerless as 
 the withes of the Philistines against the lusty strength of 
 Samson. 
 
 In 180 7, when the Embargo was the popular measure 
 of the Jeffersonian party, Crawford opposed it as useless and 
 mischievous. In November of this year the British Govern- 
 ment issued its celebrated "Orders in Council," forbidding 
 all nations to trade with France and her allies. Napoleon, 
 not to be outdone, and with all Euro])e bending to his omnip- 
 otent rule, promulgated his "Milan Decree" prohibiting every 
 description of trade with Great Britain who now alone of all 
 the nations of Europe dared to defy him. English aggression 
 was now almost unendurable, and it was apparent that war 
 between England and the United States could not much 
 ?onger be deferred. Between France and Great Britain it 
 looked as if there was small escape for the poor little despised 
 
 "Benton's Abridgements Debates of Congress, Vol. 3, page 605. 
 
OF WILT.IAM H. CRAWFORD 79 
 
 American republic. In June previous an nni)rovoked attack 
 by the British ship Leopard had been made on the American 
 frigate Chesapeake just off the coast of Norfolk by which 
 several of the latter's crew were killed and four of them taken 
 away. This created intense indignation throughout the Union. 
 Petitions and remonstrances flowed into the halls of congress 
 from every part of the country. Mr. Jefferson endeavored 
 by negotiations, embassies and pacific means in every way 
 possible to arrest these proceedings. At last, to redress our 
 grievances, on Dec. ISth, 1807, he sent in a special message 
 to congress urging "an inhibition of the departure of our 
 vessels from the ports of the United States." Hon. William 
 B. Giles of Virginia, the veteran debater and acknowledged 
 spokesman of the Jefferson administration warmly championed 
 the measure and it became at once the darling scheme of the 
 Jeffersonian Republicans. Crawford opposed it as fraught 
 with probable mischief, yet he was desirous of investigation 
 and reflection, and moved to postpone action one day. This 
 was refused. The bill was pregnant with results so extensive 
 and important that he desired to figure on its probable effect 
 before voting for it. He was the disciple and supporter of 
 Jefferson, but it was the character of his mind not to yield 
 a blind acquiescence to opinions of any individual. He 
 believed that a war with Great Britain was imminent. He had 
 little tolerance for concession and dilatory tactics in a course 
 which he conceived as closed to amicable adjustment. He 
 objected to this half-way, indirect measure that to him seemed 
 cringing. The British government had made an unwarranted 
 attack on the Chesapeake, and having refused to make amends 
 he was in favor of war when all peaceful measures to procure 
 an adjustment had been exhausted. Although far removed 
 from any fraternizing spirit of harmony with the remnant of 
 the old Federal party of that day, still his vote on the 
 measure was cast with them and in opposition to his party. 
 Jefferson was averse to war. He believed the milder course 
 of enacting spirited retaliatory measures as against the Brit- 
 ish orders in Council and Napoleonic decrees was the pre- 
 ferred line of conduct. In this matter Crawford was for 
 declaring a firm adherence and assertion of American rights, 
 » and did not wish to temporize. In after years when the mes- 
 sage of Mr. Madison on this question of war was before the 
 Senate he held the same view, and did not scruple to charge 
 him with ambiguousness on the point of war or peace in his 
 celebrated message of 1812 characterizing it as akin to the 
 
80 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 "sinuous, obscure and double meaning of a Delphic oracle.'' 
 Every vote he ever cast in the senate when this question 
 was before that body manifested his advocacy of an early resort 
 to arms to redress the grievances and indignities heaped ui)on 
 this country by Great Britain. He was at variance with and 
 in advance of his party in the great practical questions at 
 issue; still the high order of talent manifested in maintaining 
 his position won for him the respect which he ever afterwards 
 retained in that august body. 
 
 A reduction of the navy was always a prominent feature 
 in the administration of Mr. Jefferson. It was a current 
 sentiment of those times that a great navy would have a 
 tendency to embroil us in war. Crawford shared this belie-L 
 in a measure. But the brilliant achievement of the navy in 
 the war of 1812 and the insecurity that this country still 
 bore from Great Britain and other Euroi)ean nations, even 
 after the unexpressive and unsatisfactory articles of peace 
 had been signed, caused him to change his mind on this mat- 
 ter, so that we find him in 1815 voting for $1,000,000.00 
 annual appropriation for support of the navy. In one of his 
 reports he speaks of the navy as "An essential means of 
 national defense." 
 
 In every appropriation of jniblic money he was always 
 insistent that the cause, manner and i)lace of expenditure 
 be distinctly and specifically set out so as to leave as little 
 as possible to executive discretion. Every safeguard against 
 waste, divergence and peculation he always sought to embrace 
 in bills for government expenditure. This exactness and 
 economy advocated by him gave rise to the name of "Radi- 
 calism" with which his enemies attempted to blast his fame. 
 The result, however, was to draw to him the support of the 
 business Interest of the country and to make for him legions 
 of friends throughout the nation who rejoiced to see in public 
 affairs that same business acumen, economy and sagacity that 
 should exist in the administration of private business. 
 
 In 1808, the year after the Embargo Resolution had 
 become a law, an effort was made in the Senate to secure its 
 repeal unless war was to be immediately declared. He was 
 not in favor of making any concessions to hostile powers. 
 He spoke of the fact that his own state had willingly sub- 
 mitted to it, although no section of the Union was more 
 vitally affected by its operations. The produce of the state 
 lies on the people's hands for want of transportation, but 
 they do not complain. No other article in the United States 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD 81 
 
 equals cotton in amount of oxport. The only substitute for 
 the Embargo is war and no ordinary war. If the present 
 Embargo is injuring British commerce, as we are led to believe 
 by reports of British merchants, may not the Embargo pro- 
 cure a repeal of the edict against our commerce without going 
 to war or abandoning neutral rights? There is now no lawful 
 commerce. No vessel of the United States can sail without 
 danger from England or France; and he asked, whether men 
 who had any regard for national honor would navigate the 
 ocean under terms so disgraceful! The argument of the 
 gentlemen on the other side is one of in terrorem. "It may 
 be," said he, "a forcible argument with some gentlemen and 
 most likely may have had its effect on those who intend to 
 produce an effect on others; but this house and this nation 
 are not to be addressed in this way. Our understanding may 
 be convinced by reason, but an address to our fears ought 
 to be held with contempt. If the nation considers any course 
 proper it would be base and degrading to be driven from it 
 by discordant murmurs of a minority. No man feels more 
 imperiously the duty of persevering in a course which Is right, 
 notwithstanding the contrary opinions of a few; and although 
 I may regret and respect the feelings of these few, I will 
 persist in the course which I believe to be right at the expense 
 even of the government itself!" 
 
 New England had gone to the point of rebellion, and 
 secession in the Hartford Convention was almost a reality 
 by these manufacturers who were dissatisfied with all restrict- 
 ive measures, and loud in their denunciation of war. Seces- 
 sion of the New England States was threatened and feared. 
 The New Englanders then had not the slightest doubt of their 
 constitutional right to secede from the Union. The cities of 
 the north were scarcely less reconcilable to hostilities that 
 would cripple them. James Madison, the President, dallied 
 and doubted. Those friends who coincided with Crawford 
 gave no light reprehension on this doubting, hesitating policy. 
 Finally breaking loose from his procrastinating counsels Madi- 
 son staked the destiny of the nation on open avowed war. 
 This decision of the President made him few friends and 
 many enemies, but it gave vitality to Jeffersonian Democracy 
 which was now fast forming itself into a third political party 
 under the bold leadership of William H. Crawford. A bolder 
 and more defiant attitude at once was assumed. Bills were 
 passed for increasing the navy, repairing and equipping cer- 
 tain frigates, for increasing the army to twenty-five thousand 
 
82 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 men, and authorizing the President to accept fifty thousand 
 volunteers, requiring the executives of the several states and 
 territories to hold their respective quotas of one hundred 
 thousand men, fully organized, armed and equipped in readi- 
 ness to march at call. 
 
 In ISll Crawford was re-elected Senator without oppo- 
 sition. 
 
 In the early days of our republic the great and per- 
 plexing question that occupied the statesmen for so many 
 years was the regulation of the finances of the government 
 by the chartering of the United States Bank. The expediency 
 and constitutionality of this measure was provocative of more 
 party jealousy and rancor than perhaps any other measure 
 for many years. Hamilton and Jefferson first crossed weapons 
 upon this subject, and from thence sprang that factious war- 
 fare that has led to such acrimony and vindictiveness that has 
 been bequeathed to their respective adherents from genera- 
 tion to generation. Hamilton was an ardent Federalist, and 
 believed in a strong centralized government. Jefferson was 
 an extreme Democrat, whose politics might be summed up 
 in his favorite maxim: "That go vernment gove rns best which 
 ^governs least." Hamilto'iTs' pol!tics was of the~Englisir school, 
 and tendeTtovvards monarchial forms. Jefferson had imbibed 
 much of French doctrines, but adhered to a strict construc- 
 tion of the constitution and was an uncompromising radical. 
 Hamilton, in 1791, had revived and brought forward the 
 project of a national bank. Jefferson opposed it as uncon- 
 stitutional and contrary to the spirit of simplicity of our 
 republican institutions. Hamilton and Jefferson were always 
 at opposites. They differed on all subjects, always opposed 
 in thought, action and opinion, and always quarrelled. 
 
 They differed widely on this issue of establishing a 
 national bank. Washington, however, decided after a great 
 deal of deliberation with Hamilton, and in 1791 signed the 
 charter. In ISO 8 the application of the old stockholders 
 for a new act of incorporation was referred to Albert Gallatin, 
 the Secretary of the Treasury. That officer recommended in 
 decided terms the reincorporation. Jefferson, and Madison, 
 his successor, were opposed on constitutional grounds to this 
 measure, and the Republicans being in the majority the propo- 
 sition was not formally considered. At the session of 1809-10 
 another ineffectual attempt was made, and again in 1811 to 
 the confusion and alarm of ultra Democracy, the question 
 came again into the arena under the advice and leadership 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRA^\'FORD gg 
 
 of Crawford. Breaking loose from all party ties he followed 
 tke course dictated by reason and experience as offering the 
 most beneficent results. 
 
 In all the old civilized nations of Europe where the banks 
 had so long been established not a doubt remained as to 
 their great aid to commerce and government. In reviewing 
 the old bank of 1791 he found that the effect had been most 
 favorable upon the disordered finances of the country at that 
 period; and it was most important to his mind that a similar 
 Institution be established for the purpose of correcting the 
 evils flowing from the threatened war and to pilot the gov- 
 ernment by its friendly aid in the same manner as the 
 finances were managed during the period immediately follow- 
 ing the Revolution. He determined to advocate openly and 
 zealously the renewal of the expired charter and not to be 
 awed by party predilections nor to allow his opinion to be 
 dwarfed by factious opposition. Against him were the whole 
 formidable host of the Jeffersonian sect, with its talent, pres- 
 tige and prejudice. Surely against this solid phalanx it were 
 vain to give battle with any hope of success. On the one 
 side was Crawford, James Lloyd of Massachusetts and John 
 Pope of Kentucky. Ranged on the other side of this great 
 question was the versatile Henry Clay of Kentucky, Samuel 
 Smith of Maryland, Joseph Anderson of Tennessee and Wil- 
 liam B. Giles of Virginia. The magnitude and importance of 
 the subject and the illustrious character of the disputants 
 ' rendere-i the situation one of great moment. Crawford was 
 chairman of the special committee to whom the application 
 of the stockholders for the renewal of the charter had been 
 referred. He had thoroughly mastered the subject, and the 
 great "Harry of the West" ' was about to find in him a foeman 
 worthy of his steel and one fully his equal in cogency of 
 debate, and his superior in force and perspicuity of diction. 
 Crawford fortified himself by a careful study of the able 
 report of Mr. Gallatin recounting the history and workings 
 of the institution and consulted extensively with the reports 
 and deputations from the commercial interest of the different 
 sections of the Union. He realized that the specious argu^ 
 ment of its opponents was that the measure was unconstitu- 
 tional, and on this issue the tide of victory would most cer- 
 tainly turn. This at least would be their choice; for if 
 fought on the constitutionality the opposition would hope to 
 cut off the array of evidence as to the practical workings. 
 They sought this argument as a special demurrer to the whole 
 
84 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 proceedings. But on the question of its constitutionality he 
 was none the less prepared; and by logical reasoning and 
 convincing deduction from facts and authorities he was not to 
 be overmatched. 
 
 Both sides moved with heavy tread and measured step 
 that closely evinced that this was a battle of giants. Henry 
 Clay, the gifted, persuasive and polished orator, was the 
 leader on the one side; Crawford, alert, forceful, convincing, 
 powerful in his array of facts and argument was the leader 
 on the other. 
 
 On the morning of the 11th of February, 1811, when 
 the Senate had before it the consideration of this bill, it 
 was Anderson of Tennessee, who, confident of great numeri- 
 cal advantage, moved to strike out the enacting clause and 
 without debate force a vote which would at one fell swoop 
 annihilate his adversaries in the shortest possible time. Both 
 sides seemed slow to take the initiative in a general charge. 
 General Smith called for the views of the movants which he 
 claimed should precede his answer. Crawford then, not again 
 endeavored to provoke assault and asked no further post- 
 ponement. To the surprise and consternation of the opposi- 
 tion he proceeded forthwith to deliver that speech which will 
 ever stand as an enduring monument to his fame. For vigor 
 and originality of thought, strong and irresistible reasoning 
 and power of intellectual research this speech has rarely ever 
 been surpassed in this or any other legislative body. He said: 
 
 "I shall proceed, though reluctantly, to explain the rea- 
 sons of the committee for reporting the bill, which is now 
 under consideration. After the most minute examination of 
 the constitution the majority of that committee were decidedly 
 of opinion that the Congress of the United States was clearly 
 invested with power to pass such a bill. The object of the 
 constitution was two-fold. First, the delegation of certain 
 general powers, of a national nature, to the Government of 
 the United States; and second, the limitation or restriction 
 of the state sovereignties. Upon the most thorough examina- 
 tion of this instrument I am induced to believe that many of 
 the various constructions given to it are the result of a belief 
 that it is absolutely perfect. It has become so extremely fash- 
 ionable to eulogize this constitution, whether the object of 
 the eulogist is the extension or contraction of the powers of 
 the government, that whenever its eulogium is pronounced 
 I feel an involuntary apprehension of mischief. Upon the 
 faith of this imputed perfection it has been declared to be 
 inconsistent with the entire spirit and character of this instru- 
 ment, to suppose that after it has given a general power It 
 should afterward delegate a specific power fairly compre- 
 hended within the general power. A rational analysis of the 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD 85 
 
 constitution will refute in the most demonstrative manner tliig 
 idea of perfection. This analysis may excite unpleasant sen- 
 sations; it may assail honest prejudices; for there can be no 
 doubt that honest prejudices frequently exist, and are many 
 times perfectly innocent. But when these i)rejudices tend to 
 destroy even the object of (heir affection it is essentially 
 necessary that they should be eradicated. In the present case, 
 if there be any v^^ho, under the convictions that the constitu- 
 tion is perfect, are disposed to give it a construction that will 
 render it wholly imbecile, the public welfare requires that the 
 veil should be rent and that its imi)erfections should be dis- 
 closed to public view. By this disclosure it will cease to be 
 the object of adoration, but it will nevertheless be entitled 
 to our warmest attachment. 
 
 "The 8th section of the 1st article of the constitution con- 
 tains, among others, the following grant of powers, viz: To 
 coin money, regulate the value thereof, and of foreign coin, 
 and fix the standards of weights and measures; to raise and 
 support armies; to provide and maintain a navy; to regulate 
 commerce with foreign nations, and among the several states, 
 and with the Indian tribes; to establish postoffices and post- 
 roads. This section contains five grants of general power. 
 Under the power to coin money it is conceded that Congress 
 would have a right to provide for the punishment of counter- 
 feiting the money after it was coined, and that this power is 
 fairly incidental to. and comprehended in the general power. 
 The power to raise armies and provide and maintain a navy 
 comprehends beyond the possibility of doubt the right to 
 make rules for the government and regulation of land and 
 naval forces; and yet in these three cases, the constitution, 
 after making the grant of general power, delegates specifically 
 the powers which are fairly comprehended within the general 
 
 power. 
 
 " If this, however, should be denied, the construction 
 which has been uniformly given to the remaining powers which 
 have been selected, will establish this fact beyond the power 
 of contradiction. Under the power to regulate commerce Con- 
 gress has exercised the power of erecting lighthouses as inci- 
 dent to that power, and fairly comprehended withm it. Under 
 the power to establish postoffices and postroads Congress has 
 provided for the punishment of offenses againt the Postofflce 
 Department. If the Congress can exercise an incidental power 
 not granted in one case it can in all cases of a similar kind 
 But it is said that the enumeration of certain powers excludes 
 all other powers not enumerated. This is true so ar as 
 original substantive grants of power are concerned, but i 
 is not true when applied to express grants ot power, «hicl 
 are strictly incidental to some original and substantive grant 
 o powLr If it were true in relation to them Congress c-ou d 
 not pass a law to punish offenses against the po..toffice estab- 
 lishment, because the constitution has expressly g;;;'en the 
 power to punish offenses against the current coin ^"^ as it 
 has eiven the power to punish offenses committed a.gainst 
 hat grant of general powLr. and has withheld in it i-emtion 
 to the power to establish postoffices and postroads, Congress 
 
86 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 cannot, according to this rule of construction, so warmly con- 
 tended for, pass any law to provide for the punishment of 
 such offenses. 
 
 "The power to make rules for the regulation and 
 government of the land and naval forces I have shown to 
 be strictly incidental to the power to raise armies and pro- 
 vide and maintain navies; but, according to this rule of con- 
 struction, all incidental powers are excluded except the few 
 which are enumerated, which would exclude from all claim 
 to constitutionality nearly one-half of your laws, and, what 
 is still more to be deprecated, would render your constitution 
 equally imbecile with the old Articles of Confederation. When 
 we come to examine the 4th article the absurdity of this rule 
 of construction, and also of the idea of perfection which has 
 been attributed to the constitution, will be equally manifest. 
 This article appears to be of a miscellaneous character and 
 very similar to the codicil of a will. The first article pro- 
 vides for the organization of Congress; defines its powers; 
 prescribes limitations upon the powers previously granted; 
 and sets metes and bounds to the authority of the State 
 Governments. The second article provides for the organiza- 
 tion of the Executive Department, and defines its power and 
 duty. The third article defines the tenure by which the 
 persons in whom the judicial power may be vested shall hold 
 their offices, and prescribes the extent of their power and 
 jurisdiction. These three articles provide for the three great 
 departments of government called into existence by the con- 
 stitution, but some other provisions just then occur, which 
 ought to have been included in one or other of the preceding 
 articles, and these provisions are incorjiorated and compose 
 the fourth article. The first section of it declares that, 'full 
 faith and credit shall be given in each state to the public 
 acts, records, and judicial proceedings of every other state. 
 And the Congress may by general laws prescribe the manner 
 in which such acts, records and proceedings shall be proved, 
 and the effect thereof.' In the second section it declares that 
 a person, charged in any state with treason, felony or other 
 crime, who shall flee from justice, and be found in another 
 state, shall on demand of the executive authority of the state 
 from which he fled, be delivered up, to be removed to the 
 state having jurisdiction of the crime. A similar provision is 
 contained in the same section relative to the fugitives who 
 are bound to labor, by the laws of any state. In the first 
 case which has been selected express authority has been given 
 to Congress to prescribe the manner in which the records, 
 etc., should be proved, and also the effect thereof, but in the 
 other two no authority is given to Congress, and yet the bare 
 inspection of the three cases will prove that the interference 
 of Congress is less necessary in the first than in the two 
 remaining cases. A record must always be proved by itself, 
 because it is the highest evidence of whica the case admits. 
 The effect of a record ouglU to depend upon the laws of the 
 state of which it is a record, and, therefore, the power to 
 prescribe the effect of a record was wholly unnecessary, and 
 has been so held by Congress — no law having been passed 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRAWTORD 87 
 
 to prescribe the effect of a record, [n the second case there 
 seems to be some apparent reason for passing a hiw to ascer- 
 tain the ofTicer upon whom the demand is to be made, what 
 evidence of the identity of the person demanded and of the 
 guilt of the partly charged must be produced before the obli- 
 gation to deliver shall be complete. The same apparent rea- 
 son exists for the passage of a law relative to fugitives who are 
 bound to labor. According, however, to the rule of construc- 
 tion contended for, Congress cannot pass any law to carry the 
 constitution into effect, in the two last cases selected, because 
 express power has been given in the first, and is withheld in 
 the two last. Congress has nevertheless passed laws to carry 
 those provisions into effect, and this exercise of power has 
 never been complained of by the people or the states. 
 
 "Mr. President, it is contended by those who are opposed 
 to the passage of this bill that Congress can exercise no 
 power by implication, and yet it is admitted, nay even asserted, 
 that Congress would have power to pass all laws necessary 
 to carry the Constitution into effect, whether it had given or 
 withheld the power which is contained in the following para- 
 graph of the eighth section of the first article: 'To make all 
 laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into 
 execution the foregoing pov/ers and all other powers vested 
 by this Constitution iu the government of the United States 
 or in any department or offices ihereof.' If this part of the 
 Constitution really confers no power it at least, according to 
 this opinion, strips it of that attribute of perfection which has 
 by these gentlemen been ascribed to it. But, sir, this is not 
 the fact. It does confer power of the most substantial and 
 salutary nature. Let us, sir, take a view of the Constitution 
 upon the supposition that no power is vested in the govern- 
 ment by this clause, and see how the exclusion of power by 
 implication can be reconciled to the most important acts of 
 the government. The Constitution has expressly given Con- 
 gress power 'to constitute tribunals inferior ,to the supreme 
 court,' but it has nowhere expressly given the power to con- 
 stitute a supreme court. In the third article it is said, 'the 
 judicial power of the United States shall be vested in one 
 supreme court, and in such inferior courts as the Congress 
 may from time to time ordain and establish.' The discretion 
 which is here given to Congress is confined to the inferior 
 courts, which it may from time to time ordain and establish, 
 and not to the supreme court. In the discussion which took 
 place upon the bill to repeal the jud'cial system of the United 
 States In the year 1802 this distinction is strongly insisted 
 upon bv the advocates for the repeal. The supreme court 
 was said to be the creature of the Constitution, and there- 
 fore, intangible, but that Congress possessing a discretionary 
 pow'er to create or not to create inferior tribunals, had the 
 same discretionary power to abolish them whenever it was 
 expedient. But if even the discretionary power here vested 
 does extend to the supreme court, yet the power of Congress 
 to establish that court must rest upon implication, and upon 
 implication alone. Under the authority to establish tribunals 
 inferior to the supreme court, the powder to establish a 
 
88 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 supreme court would, according to my ideas, be vested in 
 Congress by implication. And, sir, it is only vested by impli- 
 cation, even if the declaration that Congress shall have power 
 to pass all laws necessary and proper to carry into effect the 
 power vested in any department or offices of the government 
 should be held to be an operative grant. Under this grant 
 Congress can pass laws to carry into effect the powers vested 
 in the judicial department? What are the powers vested in 
 this department? That it shall exercise jurisdiction in all 
 cases in law and equity arising under this Constitution, etc.. 
 in all cases affecting ambassadors, etc., but the power to 
 create the department and to carry into effect the powers 
 given to or vested in that department are very different things. 
 
 "The power to create the supreme court cannot be 
 expressly granted in the power to pass all laws necessary and 
 proper to carry into effect the powers vested in that court, 
 but must, as I have endeavored to prove, be derived by 
 implication. Let me explain my understanding of a power 
 which exists by implication by an example which will be 
 comprehended by all who hear me. 
 
 "In a devise an estate is granted to A, after the death 
 of B, and no express disposition is made of the estate during 
 the life of A; in that case A is said to have an estate for life, 
 by implication, in the property so devised. So when the Con- 
 stitution gives the right to create tribunals inferior to the 
 supreme court the right to create the supreme is vested in 
 Congress by implication. Shall we after this be told that Con- 
 gress cannot constitutionally exercise any right by implication? 
 
 "By the exercise of a r'ght derived only from implication 
 Congress has organized a supreme court, and then as inci- 
 dental to power, existing only by implication, it has passed 
 laws to punish offenses against the law by which the court 
 has been created and organized. Sir, the right of the govern- 
 ment to accept the District of Columbia exists only by impli- 
 cation. The right of the government to purchase or accept 
 of places for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals and 
 dock yards exists only by implication, and yet no man in the 
 nation, so far as my knowledge extends, has complained of 
 the exercise of these implied powers, as an unconstitutional 
 usurpation of power. The right to purchase or accept of places 
 for the erection of lighthouses, as well as the right to erect and 
 support lighthouses, must be derived by implication alone, if 
 any such right exists. The clause in the Constitution which 
 gives Congress the power 'to exercise exclusive legislation in 
 all cases whatsoever, over such district (not exceeding ten 
 miles square) as may, by cession of particular states, and the 
 acceptance of Congress, become the seat of government of the 
 United States, and to exercise like authority over all places 
 purchased by the consent of the Legislature of the state in 
 which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, magazines, 
 arsenals, dock yards and other needful buildings, certainly 
 gives no express power to accept or purchase any of the 
 places destined for the uses therein specified. The only 
 power expressly given in this clause is that of exercising 
 exclusive legislation in such places; the right to accept or 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD 89 
 
 purchase must be derived by implication from this clause, 
 or it must be shown to be comprehended in or incidental tn 
 some other power expressly delegated by the constitution. I 
 shall now attempt to show, that according to the construction 
 which has been given to other parts of this Constitution, 
 Congress has the right to incorporate a bank to enable it to 
 manage the fiscal concerns of the nation. If this can be done, 
 and if it can also be shown that the correctness of such con- 
 struction has never excited murmur or complaint — that it has 
 not even been questioned, I shall have accomplished everything 
 which it will be incumbent on me to prove to justify the 
 passage of the bill upon your table. The power to lay and 
 collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises, together with the 
 power to pass all laws which may be necessary and proper 
 for carrying into effect the foregoing powers, when tested 
 by the same rule of construction which has been applied to 
 other parts of the constitution, fairly invests Congress with 
 the power to create a bank. Under the power to regulate 
 commerce Congress exercises the right of building and sup- 
 porting lighthouses. What do we understand by regulating 
 commerce? Where do you expect to find regulations of com- 
 merce? Will any man look for them anywhere else than in 
 your treaties with foreign nations and in your statutes regu- 
 lating your custom houses and custom house officers? What 
 are the reasons for vesting Congress with right to regulate 
 commerce with foreign nations, and among the several states? 
 The commerce of a nation is a matter of the greatest import- 
 ance in all civilized countries. It depends upon compact 
 with other nations and whether they are beneficial or preju- 
 dicial depends not so much on the reciprocal interest of nations 
 as upon their capacity to defend their rights and redress their 
 wrongs. It was therefore highly important that the right to 
 regulate commerce with foreign nations should be vested in 
 the national government. If the regulation of commerce 
 among the several states had been left with the states a 
 multiplicity of conflicting regulations would have been the 
 consequence. Endless collisions would have been created, 
 and that harmony and good neighborhood, so essential between 
 the members of a Federal republic, would have been wholly 
 unattainable. The best interest of the community, therefore, 
 imperiously required that this power should be delegated to 
 Congress. " Not so of light houses. The interest of the states 
 would have induced them to erect light houses where they 
 were necessarv, and when erected they would have been 
 equally beneficient to their own vessels, the vessels of their 
 sister "states, and of foreign nations. The performance of 
 this duty could have been most safely confided to the states 
 They were better informed of the situation in which the> 
 ought to be erected than Congress could possibly be and 
 could enforce the execution of such regulations as might be 
 necessarv to make them useful. How then has it happened 
 that Congress has taken upon itself the right to erect I'.gh 
 houses under the general power to regulate commerce? I 
 hav; heard and seen in the public prints a feat deal of uma- 
 telligible jargon about the incidentalness of a law to the power 
 
90 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 delegated and intended to be executed by it and of its relations 
 to the end which is to be accomplished by its exercises, which 
 I acknowledge I do not clearly and distinctly comprehend, and 
 must therefore be excused from answering. I speak now of the 
 public newspapers, to which ,1 am compelled to resort to 
 ascertain the objections which are made to this measure, as 
 gentlemen have persevered in refusing to assign the reasons 
 which have induced them to oppose the passage of the bill. 
 But, sir, I can clearly comprehend that the right to erect 
 light houses is not incidental to the power of regulating com- 
 merce, unless everything is incidental to that power which 
 tends to facilitate and promote the prosperity of commerce. 
 It is contended that under the power to lay and collect taxes, 
 imports and duties you can pass all laws necessary for that 
 purpose, but they must be laws to lay and collect taxes, 
 imports and duties, and not laws which tend to promote the 
 collection of taxes. A law to erect light houses is no more 
 a law to regulate commerce than a law creating a bank is 
 a law to collect taxes, imposts and duties. But the erection 
 of light houses tends to facilitate and promote the security 
 and property of commerce, and in an equal degree the erec- 
 tion of a bank tends to facilitate and insure the collection, 
 safe keeping and transmission of your revenue. If, by this 
 rule of construction, which is applied to light houses, but 
 denied to the bank, Congress can, as incidental to the power 
 to regulate commerce, erect light houses, it will be easy to 
 show that the same right may be exercised, as incidental to 
 the power of laying and collecting duties on imports. Duties 
 cannot be collected unless vessels importing dutiable merchan- 
 dise arrive in port. Whatever, therefore, tends to secure their 
 safe arrival may be exercised under the general power. The 
 erection of light houses does facilitate the safe arrival of 
 vessels in port, and Congress therefore can exercise this right 
 as incidental to the power to lay imposts and duties. 
 
 "But it is said the advocates of the bank differ among 
 themselves in fixing upon the general power to which the 
 right to create a bank is incidental, and that this difference 
 proves that there is no incidentalness, to use a favorite ex- 
 pression, between that and any one of the enumerated general 
 powers. The same reason can be urged, with equal force, 
 against the constitutionality of every law for the erection 
 of light-houses. Let the advocates of this doctrine lay their 
 finger upon the power to which the right of erecting light- 
 houses is incidental. It can be derived with as much apparent 
 plausibility and reason from the right to lay duties as from 
 the right to regulate commerce. Who is there now in this 
 body who has not voted for the erection of a light-house? 
 And no man in the nation, so far as my knowledge extends, 
 has ever complained of the exercise of this power. The right 
 to erect light-houses is exercised because the commerce of the 
 nation, or the collection of duties, is greatly facilitated by 
 that means; and, sir, the right to create a bank is exercised 
 because the collection of your revenue, and the safe-keeping 
 and easy and speedy transmission of your public money is 
 not simply facilitated, but because these important objects 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD 91 
 
 are more perfectly secured by the erection of a hank tliaii 
 they can by any other means in the power of human imagina- 
 tion to devise. We say, therefore, in the words of the con- 
 stitution that a bank is necessary and proper to enable the 
 Government to carry into complete effect the right to lay and 
 collect taxes, imposts, duties and excises. We do not say 
 that the existence of the Government absolutely depends ui)on 
 the operations of a bank, but that a national bank enables 
 the Government to manage its special concerns more advan- 
 tageously than it could do by any other means. The terms 
 necessary and proper, according to the construction given to 
 every part of the constitution, imposes no limitation upon 
 the powers previously delegated. If these words had been 
 omitted in the clause giving authority to pass laws to carry 
 into execution the powers vested by the constitution in the 
 national Government, still Congress would have been bound 
 to pass laws which were necessary and proper, and not such 
 as were unnecessary and improper. Every legislative body, 
 every person invested with power of any kind, is morally 
 bound to use only those means which are necessary and 
 proper for the correct execution of the powers delegated to 
 them. But it is contended that if a bank is necessary and 
 proper for the management of the fiscal concerns of the 
 nation, yet Congress has no power to incorporate one, because 
 there are state banks which may be resorted to. No person 
 who has undertaken to discuss this question has, so far as 
 my knowledge extends, ventured to declare that a bank is not 
 necessary. Every man admits, directly or indirectly, the 
 necessity of resorting to banks of some kind. This admission 
 is at best an apparent abandonment of the constitutional 
 objection; for, if a bank is necessary and proper, then has 
 Congress the constitutional riglit to erect a bank. But this 
 is denied. It is contended that this idea rests alone upon the 
 presumption that the Government of the United States is 
 wholly independent of state governments, which is not the 
 fact; that this very law is dependent upon the state courts 
 for its execution. This is certainly not the fact. The courts 
 of the United States have decided, in the most solemn manner, 
 that they have cognizance of all cases affecting the Bank of 
 the United States. Sir, it is true that the Government of the 
 United States is dependent upon the state governments for 
 its organization. Members of both Houses of Congress, and 
 the President of the United States, are chosen by state gov- 
 ernments or under the authority of their laws. But it is 
 equally true that wherever the constitution confides to the 
 state governments the right to perform any act in relation 
 to the Federal Government it imposes the most solemn obliga- 
 tion upon them to perform the act. The constitution of the 
 United States, as to these particular acts, is the constitution 
 of the several states, and their functionaries are accordingly 
 sworn to support it. Can it tl:en be seriously contended, that 
 because the constitution has in some cases made the Govern- 
 ment of the United States dependent upon the state govern- 
 ments in all which cases it has imposed the most solemn 
 obligations upon them to act, that it will be necessary and 
 proper for Congress to make itself dependent uvon thn>^ 
 
92 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 In cases where no such obligation is imposed? The constitu- 
 tion has defined all the cases where the Government ought 
 to be dependent upon that, of the states; and it would be 
 unwise and improvident for us to multiply these cases by 
 legislative acts, especially where we have no power to com- 
 pel them to perform the act, for which we have made our- 
 selves their dependents. In forming a permanent system of 
 revenue it would be unwise in Congress to rely, for its col- 
 lection and transmission from one extreme of this extensive 
 empire to the other, upon any accidental circumstance, wholly 
 beyond their power or control. There are state banks in 
 almost every state in the union, but their existence is wholly 
 independent of this Government, and their dissolution is 
 equally so. The Secretary of the Treasury has informed you 
 that he conceives a bank is necessary to the legitimate exercise 
 of the powers vested by the constitution in the Govern- 
 ment. I know, sir, that the testimony of this officer will not 
 be very highly estimated by several honorable members of 
 this body. I am aware that this opinion has subjected him, 
 and the committee also, to the most invidious aspersions; 
 but, sir, the situation of that officer, independent of his 
 Immense talents, enables him to form a more correct opinion 
 than any other man in the nation of the degree of necessity 
 which exists at the present time for a national bank, to enable 
 the Government to manage its fiscal operations. He has been 
 ten years at the head of your Treasury; he is thoroughly 
 acquainted with the influences of the bank upon your revenue 
 system, and he has. when called upon, declared that a bank 
 is necessary to the proper exercise of the legitimate powers of 
 the Government. His testimony is entitled to great weight 
 in the decision of this question, at least with those gentlemen 
 who have no knowledge of the practical effects of the opera- 
 tions of the bank in the collection, safe-keeping, and trans- 
 mission of your revenues. 
 
 "In the selection of means to carry any of your consti- 
 tutional powers into effect, you must exercise a sound discre- 
 tion; acting under its influence, you will discover that what 
 is proper at one time may be extremely unfit and improper 
 at another. The original powers granted to the Government 
 by the constitution can never change with the varying cir- 
 cumstances of the country, but the means by which tliose 
 powers are to be carried into effect must necessarily vary 
 with the varying state and circumstances of the nation. We 
 are, when acting today, not to enquire what means were nec- 
 essary and proper twenty years ago, not what were necessary 
 and proper at the organization of this Government, but our 
 enquiry must be, what means are necessary and proper this 
 day. The constitution, in relation to the means by which its 
 powers are to be executed, is one eternal now. The state of 
 things now, the precise point of time when we ar called upon 
 to act, must determine our choice in the selection of means to 
 execute the delegated powers." 
 
 This speech was unanswerable. Crawford had simply 
 anticipated all the arguments of the opposition, and having 
 
OP WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD 93 
 
 gone carefully over the whole ground, his arguments could 
 be met only in a discursive declamatory way; rarely did any 
 opponent essay to answer by logical reasoning. Senator 
 Giles spoke against the measure; but Crawford had com- 
 pletely forestalled his reasonings, and the remarks of this 
 veteran, eloquent and able debater were so rambling and 
 tortuous that Henry Clay facetiously referring to him said: 
 
 "After my honorable friend from Virginia (Mr. Giles) 
 had instructed and amused us with the very able and ingen- 
 ious argument delivered on yesterday, I should have still 
 forboru to trespass on the Senate, but for the extraordinary 
 character of his speech. He discussed both sides of the ques- 
 tion with great ability and eloquence, and certainly demon- 
 strated that it was constitutional and unconstitutional, highly 
 proper and improper to prolong the charter of the bank. The 
 gentleman seemed to be in the predicament of Patrick Henry 
 when he by mistake made a speech on the wrong side of a 
 law case. His client rushing up to him before the jury 
 whispered in his ear, 'You have undone me! you have ruined 
 me.' 'Never mind, give yourself no concern,' said the adroit 
 advocate, and turning again to the jury continued his argu- 
 ment by observing: 'May it please you gentlemen I have been 
 urging what my adversary may say on his side. I will now 
 show you how fallacious his reasoning and groundless his 
 pretentions are.' The skillful orator then proceeded, satis- 
 factorily refuted every argument made and gained his case. 
 The success with which I trust the exertions of my honorable 
 friend will on this occasion be crowned." 
 
 The complexion of the Senate as constituted politically 
 was twenty-four Democrats and ten Federalists. Thus it was 
 evident that for the bill to become a law a goodly number of 
 Democratic votes were necessary to its support. So strongly 
 had Crawford fortified his position with irrefutable argument 
 that even Henry Clay, finding that victory was almost to be 
 snatched from his grasp, sought to make answer in his spicy, 
 racy way by the usual demagogical appeal to party prejudice 
 and lower passions of the mind. In one of his lofty flights 
 on this question Mr. Clay exclaimed: "It has been said by 
 the honorable gentleman from Georgia that this has been 
 made a party question, although the law incorporating the 
 bank was passed prior to the formation of parties, and when 
 Congress was not biased by party prejudices. It is true this 
 law was not the effect, but it is no less true that it was one 
 of the causes of the political divisions of this country. And 
 if on one side the renewal has been opposed on party princi- 
 ples, let me ask if on the other it has not been advocated 
 on party principles and where is the Macedonian Phalanx— the 
 opposition in Congress? I believe, sir, I shall not incur the 
 
d4 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 charge of presumptions prophecy when I predict that we shall 
 not pick up from its ranks one single straggler, and if on 
 this occasion my worthy friend from Georgia has gone over 
 into the camp of the enemy, is it kind in him to look back 
 upon his former friends and rebuke them for the fidelity with 
 which they adhere to their old principles?" 
 
 In the course of this speech Mr. Clay contended with 
 great adroitness that Congress had not the power under the 
 constitution to create a corporation, but that this power 
 belonged to the states. 
 
 The debate, which lasted a fortnight, was not altogether 
 of a quiet character. Senator Jenkins Whitesides, of Tennes- 
 see, with considerably acrimony declared that members of the 
 Democratic party who were now forcing the reincorporation 
 of the bank should be regarded as political apostates. This 
 speech stung Crawford to the quick, and aroused his sensitive- 
 ness and irrascible temper to that deep sense of resentment 
 characteristic of highly sensitive minds conscious of honest 
 motives. His fiery denunciation of such language as applied 
 to a senator — declaring same indecorous and unbecoming — 7 
 was scathing and timely. He declared no one outside the 
 Senate chamber could apply such to him with impunity, and 
 that the charge was rhade without proof to sustain it, and 
 was plainly contradicted by the record. 
 
 Crawford, as chairman of the committee reporting tlie 
 bill, made the closing argument in its favor. It was a 
 spirited, masterful argument, reviewing and answering every 
 point made against the bill in the course of the long debate. 
 From this last speech we make only a few brief excerpts that 
 will show to what tension matters were wrought. Referring 
 to certain stinging remarks made by Senator Samuel Smith, 
 he said: 
 
 "The gentleman from Maryland has said, and I am 
 extremely sorry that he has, that the Bank of the United 
 States had their agents in this city for two sessions intriguing 
 with members of Congress to obtain a renewal of their char- 
 ter. I can assure that gentleman that I have had as little 
 to do with tlie agents of the bank as he has had. If, sir, I 
 was disposed to retort upon those who are opposed to the 
 renewal of the charter I would ask if they have not seen 
 published in the Democratic papers of Pennsylvania, Mary- 
 land and Virginia exti'acts of letters said to be written in the 
 city of Wasliington, charging the members of Congress who 
 are in favor of it with being bribed and corrupted, and of 
 being disposed to sell the sovereignty of the nation to British 
 capitalists. Have they not seen in the same papers conver- 
 sations detailed with great minuteness, which it is pretended 
 
OP WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD 95 
 
 have passed between members of Congress, calculated to excite 
 public odium and indignation against the friends of tlio l)ill 
 now under consideration? Sir, I will not for a nioinciil 
 indulge an idea that these letters have been written or tho 
 conversation detailed by any member of this body. The idea 
 that such has been the fact is too humiliating, too degrading, 
 not only to this honorable body, but to human nature itself, 
 to be entertained but for a moment. And yet, sir, the author 
 of a charge, as base as it is false, against my honorable friend 
 from Kentucky (Mr. Pope) has day after day occupied a seat 
 in the gallery of the Senate, to which no person has a right 
 of access but by an introduction of one of the members of 
 this body. Sir, the highway robber when compared with 
 the infamous fabricator of this base attempt to assassinate 
 the reputation of this honorable member, becomes a virtuous 
 and estimable character. Such, sir, has been the warfare 
 which has been waged against the renewal of this charter. 
 Denunciations and cliarges of political apostasy are the meas- 
 ures by which we have been assailed, from without and 
 within. Sir, I have shown that the bank question was no 
 party question in its origin; that it was a question upon 
 which an honest difference of opinion always has existed and 
 does now exist. Shall I be charged with deserting the stand- 
 ard of the people, while I am treading in the footsteps of the 
 great father of his country? 
 
 "To the fervid imagination of my friend from Kentucky 
 (Mr. Clay) the power to create a bank appears to be more 
 terrific than was the lever of Archimedes to the frightened 
 imagination of the Romans when they beheld their galleys 
 suddenly lifted up and whirled about in the air, and in a 
 moment plunged into the bosom of the ocean. Are these 
 apprehensions founded in reason, or are they the chimeras 
 of a fervid and perturbed imagination? What limitation does 
 the constitution contain upon the power to lay and collect 
 taxes, imposts, duties, and excises? None but that they 
 shall be uniform; which is no limitation of the amount which 
 they can lay and collect. What limitation does it contain 
 upon the pov/er to raise and support armies? None other 
 than that appropriations shall not be made for a longer term 
 than two years. What restriction is to be found in it upon 
 the right to provide and maintain a navy? None. Wliat 
 upon the right to declare war and make peace? None, none. 
 Thus the constitution gives to the Government of the United 
 States unlimited power over your purses — unlimited power to 
 raise armies and provide navies — unlimited power to make 
 war and peace, and you are alarmed; you are terrified at the 
 power to create a bank to aid in the management of its fiscal 
 operations Sir, nothing short of my most profound respect 
 for honorable gentlemen, who have frightened themselves with 
 this bugbear, could induce me to treat the subject seriously. 
 Gentlemen have said that they are alarmed at the exercise 
 of this power, and I am bound to believe them. Sir, after 
 givin°- Congress the right to make war and peace; the ngni 
 to impose taxes, imposts, duties and excises, ad libitum; the 
 right to raise and support armies without restriction as to 
 number or term of service; the right to provide and maintain 
 
96 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 a navy without limitation, r cannot bring myself to tremble 
 at the exercise of a power incidental to only one of these 
 tremendous grants of power. The gentleman from Kentucky 
 (Mr. Clay)) contends that we have attempted to give a degree 
 of weight and force to what we are pleased to call precedents, 
 to which they would not be entitled in those tribunals from 
 which we derive all our ideas of precedents. I am nappy 
 to find that my friend from Virginia (Mr. Giles) agrees with 
 me in opinion upon this subject. Indeed the principal differ- 
 ence between that gentleman and myself is confined to the 
 question of expediency. He thinks that the construction which 
 has been given to the constitution ought to be considered as 
 conclusive; and that great inconvenience will be produced by 
 unsettling what ought to be considered as finally settled and 
 adjudged. 
 
 "Sir, I have closed the observations which I thought it 
 my duty to make in reply to the comments w'hich have been 
 made upon the remarks which I had previously submitted to 
 the consideration of this honorable body. If. sir, I preferred 
 my political standing in the state which I have the honor to 
 represent (and, sir, I do not profess to have any out of it) 
 to the public welfare, I should rejoice at the success of the 
 motion which has been made by the honorable gentleman from 
 Tennessee (Mr. Anderson). But, sir, as I believe the public 
 welfare infinitely more important than any fleeting popularity 
 which an individual like myself can expect to enjoy, I shall 
 most sincerely regret the success of that motion. Sir. I have 
 said but little about the degree of distress which will flow 
 from the dissolution of the bank, because I have not that 
 kind of evidence which would enable me to judge of it with 
 any degree of accuracy. The convulsed state of the European 
 nations; the immense losses which our commerce has sus- 
 tained by the operation of the decree and orders of the tyrants 
 of the land and the ocean, imperiously admonish us to beware 
 of making untried and dangerous experiments. By supporting 
 this institution, the tottering credit of the commercial class 
 of your citizens may be upheld, until the storm shall have 
 passed over. By overturning this great moneyed institution 
 at the present crisis, you may draw down to undistinguished 
 ruin thousands of your unfortunate and unoffending fellow 
 citizens." 
 
 The vote was then taken on the motion to strike out the 
 enacting clause as follows: Ayes — Anderson, Campbell, 
 Clay, Cutts, Franklin, Gaillard, German, Giles, Gregg, Lam- 
 bert, Leib, Mathewson, Reed. Robinson, Smith of Washington, 
 Whitesides and Worthington — 17. 
 
 Nays: Bayard, Bradley, Brent, Champlain, Condit, 
 Crawford, Dana, Gilma n, Goodrich, Horsley, Loyd, Pickering, 
 Pope, Smith of New York, Tait, Taylor and Turner — 17. 
 
 This being a tie, Vice-President George Clinton cast the 
 deciding vote with the ayes, and the bill was lost. Crawford, 
 therefore, was not quite successful, but the way had been 
 paved for a resuscitation of the measure in the next Congress; 
 
OF WILLIAM n. CRAAVFORD 97 
 
 jhe pub lic mind had been educated to the importance of the 
 
 measure as never before, and the support he had given to It 
 sustained his political fortune to a greater triumph. In ISIG, 
 therefore, when the bank charter was passed James Madison 
 approached Crawford as the champion of the measure, with 
 demonstration of confidence and sympathy? Clay soon fol- 
 lowed, and publicly announced with Calhoun and others a 
 complete change of opinion on the re-establishment of the 
 bank, and thereafter was warm in its advocacy. These events 
 gave birth to the great Whig party which exercised so great 
 a political influence for many years. It was largely com- 
 posed of conservative Democrats, and also of the remnants of 
 the old Federalist party. Crawford's speeches on this great 
 question firmly laid the foundation of his national fame. The 
 great prosperity that followed the reincorporation of the bank 
 was manifest on every side. He made it a favorite of the 
 nation and staked his whole political fortune on this single 
 issue; so that his fame was inseparably connected with it. 
 Time had verified his prediction and crowned his efforts with 
 an unsurpassed success. 
 
 Crawford, although one of the most zealous and powerful 
 advocates of war with Great Britain, yet after the death of 
 Vice-President Clinton in April 1811 the recorded debates 
 show but few speeches from him on any subject during this 
 term. It became necessary upon the death of the Vice-Presi- 
 dent to elect a President pro tempore of the Senate, and to 
 this high position he was unanimously chosen. To the duties 
 of this office he brought that same fidelity, impartiality and 
 ability that won golden opinion from all parties and expedited 
 business with the highest degree of satisfaction. War against 
 Britain was finally declared on June ISth, 1812. Supplies 
 were voted by Congress, and an early adjournment was made. 
 The energy, patriotism and war spirit of the nation were now 
 aroused. Stimulated to action by wrongs endured, the 
 national feeling was one of alertness and unanimity. At this 
 auspicious period the fame of Crawford was second to none 
 in the country. The public voiced him as ranking among 
 the greatest men of the nation. Thus trusted by the people, 
 commended everywhere for his sagacity and counsel he closed 
 one of the brightest careers in the Senate that has ever 
 fallen to the lot of one of its members. 
 
98 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 THE WAR OF 1812. 
 
 The Eastern states had set their faces in the beginning 
 against war. These phlegmatic manufacturers saw in it noth- 
 ing more than a destruction of their commerce. The Legis- 
 lature of Massachusetts declared the war as "Impolitic, unnec- 
 essary and ruinous," and so memorialized Congress. The 
 long series of insults and injuries on the part of Britain, the 
 seizure of our vessels and cargoes, the irritating impressment 
 of our sailors, and the humiliation with which England had 
 sought to deal the young republic in return for the pacific 
 measures of Jefferson and Madison, fired the southern and 
 western heart to a fever of patriotic ardor. The constitu- 
 tional timidity of Mr. Madison as a politician was provoca- 
 tive of much censure, but while blaming his precipitancy none 
 questioned the purity of his motives. 
 
 Crawford was never in sympathy with the timid and 
 dallying policy of the President on this question. The com- 
 merce of the United States in 1811 was almost ruined; pirates, 
 privateers and maurauders swept the ocean, our sailors were 
 Imprisoned and our merchandise confiscated. The Berlin and 
 Milan decrees were still enforced to our injury and dishonor, 
 and British orders in council remained, notwithstanding our 
 protestations. When, however, war was actually declared all 
 dallying ceased, and President and people united with zeal 
 and enthusiasm, as the American eagle led on to victory. 
 John Randolph, in an impassioned address alluding to Eng- 
 land's maratime supremacy, spoke of the conflict as a battle 
 of the shark and tiger. In casting around for a Secretary 
 of War to whom the people could turn with greatest confi- 
 dence in a crisis like this, the eye of the President rested 
 upon Crawford, and to him was offered this cabinet portfolio. 
 
 The offer, however, was declined. He gave the matter 
 mature reflection and decided to remain in the Senate. The 
 reason of this declination is not apparent. Some one has said, 
 "Little glory has come to the army out of that war, and lit- 
 tle was yet to come until Jackson's victory at New Orleans, 
 after the peace was signed;" and it may be that Crawford 
 saw in the peculiar features of the army of this country an 
 undertaking which any man's genius would be feeble and 
 incompetent until the people would be more persuaded to 
 resign individual rights for the public safety. * This reason 
 
 'Address of C. N. West on Crawford before Georgia Historical Society. 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD 99 
 
 would be unworthy of a noble mind and does injustice to 
 his character. He had urged the declaration of war and be; 
 never doubted or feared the result. Whatever may have been 
 his motives, and no one who has studied his character can 
 doubt they were patriotic, yet it appears that his refusal to 
 accept the position of Secretary of War was a mistake. This 
 department, on account of the disrupted condition of the com- 
 merce of all the world, caused by the disturbed governments 
 of Europe and their efforts to unite against the great Corsi- 
 can, should have been the most interesting arm of the gov- 
 ernment. 
 
 Mr. Madison was eminently in need of just such a 
 spirited counsellor. Although without military training 
 Crawford was peculiarly fitted to direct the War Department 
 at a time when vigor, firmness and rapidity of thought and 
 strategic ability of mind were so imperatively needed. 
 
 His prescience, mental resources, energy, passion and 
 enthusiasm were so strangely blended with dignity and delib- 
 eration that he has been compared with the elder William 
 Pitt. * 
 
 The people of Georgia were enthusiastic and unwavering 
 in their support of the war and its measures. Among the 
 many acts of the legislature in its loyalty to home interest, 
 and demonstrations of independence of British commerce, was 
 a resolution passed by the general assembly in 1S12 command- 
 ing every member to attend its sessions dressed in clothes 
 made of goods spun and woven entirely within this state. 
 
 The relations between France and the United States in 
 consequence of Napoleon's arbitrary decrees against our com- 
 merce were strained, and a spirit of resentment followed these 
 harsh measures. Napoleon disingenuously claimed that the 
 Berlin and Milan decrees were the consequence alone of 
 British insolence, and were enforced against the United States 
 merely to cause our government to precipitate war with Brit- 
 ain for relief against her Orders in Council. He declared the 
 decrees were to be suspended as soon as we should procure 
 a revocation of the British orders. Notwithstanding the sel- 
 fish motive which actuated the French Emperor the United 
 States received this pretended friendly advance with favor, 
 because of the fact that the continued impressment of our 
 seamen had irritated our Government beyond measure. Presi- 
 dent Madison, pondering over the situation, in April, 1S13. 
 appointed Crawford Minister to the Court of St. Cloud. A 
 
 *Cobb's Leisure Labors, page 177" 
 
100 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 bold demand was to be made on Fi'ance for the repeal of 
 these decrees, and a redress of grievances for her many acts 
 of violence to our shipping interest, and, if possible, bring 
 about a favorable commercial treaty. Napoleon was shortly 
 to meet his Waterloo. Burning Mascow and the wretched 
 miseries of the cold and starving remnant of a grand army, 
 were of the past. All Europe, now fearing his insatiable 
 ambition, were fast uniting against him. Like a tiger at 
 bay, he was facing his enemies in an armistice of suspense 
 and anxiety before closing in a final decisive combat. 
 
 Gay Paris, proud of her martial glory and agonized over 
 her loss of treasure and men, still with a trust that never 
 faltered, believed in their Emperor's lucky star, and hoped to 
 the last for his final triumph, auch were the conditions when 
 Crawford, in that momentous year, warned by his government 
 to secretly set out and elude watchful British cruisers, 
 departed with heavy heart for the French capital. Of that 
 voyage, and of the country visited, and things seen, and his 
 estimate of the distinguished characters with whom he came 
 in contact, we are allowed to give in his own words. This 
 diary is reproduced from the original now in the possession 
 of his grandson, Mr. L. G. Crawford of Atlanta, Ga., who' 
 obtained it from his distinguished sire, N. M. Crawford, 
 L. L. D. 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD 101 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 DIARY OF WM. H. CRAWFORD. 
 
 WASHINGTON, 4th .luiu-, ISl?.. 
 
 Set out at 4 a. m. by route to Fredoricktown; hroakfastcd 
 at IMontgomery Court House, where I met Miss Worthington, 
 who knew me, but immediately conjecturing that I wished to 
 be unknown did not discover to the company wlio I was, or 
 what were my views in traveling that route. Arrived at 
 P^redericktown' about twilight, and was much pressed by the 
 bar keeper and servant to enter my name in their bar book. 
 I told them that I demanded their services for which I would 
 pay them, and as my name was wholly unnecessary for that 
 purpose. I should not gratify them. The next morning the 
 same attack was made on making out my liill, and was refused 
 in the same manner. 
 
 Passed through Woodville, and breakfasted at Mrs. Gib- 
 son's, who told me she was a Federalist, but did not like her 
 representative. He was too violent. The crops of wheat and 
 other grains from Monocacy river to Fredericktown to Wood- 
 ville were superior to anything I had ever seen. The fields 
 of clover were luxurious beyond anything I had ever con- 
 ceived. It was ready for mowing, and must have produced 
 immense quantities of the richest hay. From Woodville, or 
 rather from Mrs. Gibson's to Fancytown, the state of agri- 
 culture was not superior to that of the Southern states, and 
 the production apparently inferior. Upon inquiry I learned 
 that the whole of the land was held by tenants upon short 
 leases. We dined at Fancytown, and sle))t two miles beyond 
 Little's Town. The intermediate lands were extremely well 
 cultivated, and the crops very luxuriant. ' 
 
 About five miles south of the town we entered Pennsyl- 
 vania, and immediately on the line fell in with some drunk- 
 en Dutchmen, who endeavored to make our horses run 
 away with us. They were preparing to run a quarter race 
 in the road, but as they spoke nothing but German, we under- 
 stood neither the inducements to their rudeness nor the extent 
 of their bets. This was Saturday evening preceding Whit 
 Sunday, which I learned was a great day with our German 
 brothers of Pennsylvania. I was also informed it was muster 
 dav almost the whole way from Fredericktown to Little s 
 town These two causes may account for the manifestation 
 of intemperance which I saw throughout this day's journey. 
 The tavern keeper did not like the war much, but said it had 
 done much good to his neighborhood in enlisting all the vaga- 
 bonds and drunkards who had for many years been preying 
 upon honest people. I had. however, the strongest evidence 
 that the recruiting officers might still be employed even in 
 his house, with great advantage to the neighborhood. I ^as 
 annoyed excessively by the drunken folly, and kindness to me 
 as a stranger. The house afforded me no P'-of^^.^i"^, f^amst 
 th:s intrusion, but that of going immediately to bed, which was 
 expeditiously executed. 
 
 Sunday. 6th. We passed through New Hanover, or 
 McAllister town, where some of the family who gave the name 
 
102 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 to the place still reside. Judge McAllister of Savannah is the 
 son of the founder of the little town. We passed through 
 Yorktown and crossed the Susquehannah at Columbia, and 
 slept two miles from that place. The cultivation and fertility 
 of the country was somewhat inferior to that of the neighbor- 
 hood of Fredericktown. 
 
 Monday, 7th. We passed through Lancaster, and break- 
 fasted eight miles northeast of it. We fed at Rymestown, 
 passed through Clarkstown, and arrived at Reding about dark. 
 The cultivation and fertility of the land from the Susquehan- 
 nah to Reding, with the exception of seven or eight miles of 
 small mountains between Clarktown and Reding, is but little, 
 if any, inferior to that of Fredericktown. This day was a day 
 of reveling and of intemperance. Dancing and drinking were 
 seen at every tavern in town' and country. Indeed, during 
 the whole of our journey on Sunday we were annoyed by 
 drunken men. 
 
 We breakfasted at Codytown, IS miles from Reding, and 
 arrived at Allentown about an hour by sun. 
 
 Reding is a beautiful little town on the north bank of 
 Schuylkill, which the citizens believe will be the second town 
 in Pennsylvania. Allan town is situated on the southwest 
 side of Lehigh, which is about as large as Schuylkill, which 
 equals in size Broad river at its fork in Oglethorpe county. 
 The citizens of the latter town think it will at least rival 
 Reding. It is inferior in size and appearance of neatness to 
 Reding. The Lehigh is navigable for boat to Easton, where it 
 mingles its water with that of the Delaware. If the canal 
 by which it is to be connected with the Susquehannah should 
 be executed its growth may be rapid. 
 
 Six miles northeast of Allantown we passed *^hrough Beth- 
 lehem, which is small, but picturesque. Like balem, in North 
 Carolina, their church, school house and taverns are the most 
 conspicuous buildings of the town. We made no stay in this 
 place. We arrived at Easton at 12 o'clock, when I learned 
 that the Morristown stage would arrive in the evening and 
 set out for the place at 4 o'clock the next morning. I 
 determined to dismiss the carriage in which I had traveled 
 this far and take the stage for New York. Motives of economy, 
 as well as expedition, induced me to adopt this course. Here, 
 for the first time, except at Allantown, I procured a private 
 diningroom, and spent the evening with Mr. Jackson with 
 much pleasure. I observed the names of several young men 
 and misses from Georgia inscribed on the window sills and 
 facings of the diningroom on the second floor, and felt some 
 degree of pleasure in knowing that my countrymen had been 
 in the same room. Mr. Jackson followed their example, and 
 I believe my name would have been added to these inscrip- 
 tions but for the fear that it might disclose the object of 
 my journey sooner than was consistent with my views. 
 
 Thursday, 10th. Set out at 5 a. m. and arrived at Mor- 
 ristown, 41 miles distant, at 3 p. m. The day was excessively 
 rainy, cold, windy and disagreeable. I have seldom seen a 
 worse day in March. The cultivation and fertility of the lands 
 between Easton and Morristown were much inferior to the 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRA^TORD 103 
 
 Pennsylvania land. The whole extent was mountainous, but 
 the mountains inconsiderable. 
 
 Friday. 11th. The country continues mountainous. l)ut 
 the cultivation and fertility improves as we ai)|)roach Xow 
 York. 
 
 We passed through Si)ringfleld, saw Elizabethtown on the 
 right, and the highland on the North river on the left. The 
 prospect was delightful, grand and picturesque. The clouds 
 were broken and the sun frequently illuminated the summits 
 of the surrounding mountains. 
 
 Newark is a beautiful town, consisting princiiially of one 
 street, through which the stage from Philadelphia to New 
 York passes. At the latter place we also took in a young man 
 from New York of the name o^ Van Antwerp. Mr. .Jackson, 
 when at school at Flatbush, had frequently visited his mother's 
 in company with another brother, who was his schoolfellow. 
 A younger sister of the gentleman's who traveled in a chaise 
 recognized Mr. Jackson, although she was a very small child 
 when she saw him last. 
 
 Upon going into the steamboat I saw Mr. Fulton, sur- 
 rounded by a number of persons, and expecting that if he 
 saw me I should be discovered. I kept out of the way. and 
 after I got into the public house, sent for him. He went with 
 me to Mechanic Hall, where Mr. Jackson and myself dined. 
 Mr. Jackson then called upon Dr. Butler, and ui)on Mr. Ghol- 
 stein, the collector, who shortly after waited upon me. Dr. 
 Butler assured me that he had rooms for Mr. Jackson and 
 myself which he was extremely anxious we should occupy dur- 
 ing the short stay we should make. We could be more private 
 there than at a tavern. Captain Allen the commander of the 
 Argus, lodged next door to him, and his house was near the 
 wharf, immediately opposite to the house where the Argus 
 was moored. I accepted his friendly invitation. Captain 
 Allen came in, and with Dr. Butler and Mr. Gholstein, took 
 tea with us. Upon leaving the tavern the lady was much 
 disappointed, as she expected us to occupy the rooms for 
 sometime, and had rejected an application for them only one 
 hour before. Of course I was extremely sorry, and I presume 
 her grief was in some measure appeased by charging an-i 
 receiving $8.00 for the dinner and tea. My grief was con- 
 siderably diminished by the payment of that sum. 
 
 Sunday, 13th. The vi^ind was directly ahead. I called on 
 Mrs. Gallatin. She was writing a letter which she would 
 send to Mr. Gallatin by a vessel of Mr. Astor's. which was 
 expected to sail immediately for Russia. Dined with Mr. 
 Fulton, who is deeply engaged in making experiments for 
 fixing cannon under water. If he succeeds he will build a 
 ship which will carry eight cannons nine feet under water, 
 with which he will sink any vessel by penetrating her nine 
 feet under water also. The cannons are to be of the largest 
 calibre, and they are to be so arranged that the four balls 
 on each side will converge to a point at a given distance, so 
 
 *Prof. Joseph Jackson, of University of Georgria. was appointed by Crawford 
 his Secretary oj Legation. 
 
104 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 they will enter the ship at that point. He has recommended 
 his plan to Commodore Decatur, who approves of it. If this 
 is so I hope to hear of his success in the course of the year.* 
 
 Tuesday, 1 5th. Nothing occurred. Read the Memoirs of 
 the Chevalier, afterwards Duke of Grammont. 
 
 Thursday, 17th. Dined with John Jacob Astor at his 
 country seat, in company with Mrs. Gallatin, Mr. Binson, the 
 son-in-law of Mr. Astor, and his lady, with Swertchhoff, the 
 counsellor of legation, and the Russian consul at Philadelphia. 
 Mr. Astor held out the idea of my sailing :n his vessel bound 
 for Russia. 
 
 Tuesday, 6th July. Cold, cloudy and showery. The gale 
 rather stiff. At 4 p. m. saw sail on the lea bow; wished Captain 
 Allen to speak to her and learn a little of what had occurred 
 in Europe. A contest immediately commenced between the 
 Argus and the strange sail which was ascertained to be a 
 schooner to obtain the weather gage. The Argus succeeded, 
 and hoisted Portuguese colors; the other hoisted British. The 
 Argus then hoisted British colors; the schooner did the same. 
 A gun was then fired from the Argus ahead of the schooner and 
 another astern. American colors were then hoisted, and shot 
 was fired directly at the schooner, and orders given to pre- 
 pare for giving a broadside. The British colors were hauled 
 down. She was pierced for sixteen, and had six guns. She 
 was an American built schooner, captured on her first voyage 
 from New York, in the bay of Biscay by a British cruiser, 
 and sold in London, where «he was ca])tured, and "aMed in 
 April for Newfoundland. She sailed the first of June with a 
 cargo of fish for Operto, which port she left on the 1st iijst. 
 in ballast. Captain Allen burnt her, and proceeded on his 
 voyage. The master informed us that Lord Wellington had 
 passed the Ebro without fighting a battle, and was within a 
 few leagues of the main army, wh'ch it was believed would 
 risk a general battle. The wind increased in the evening, 
 and the sea became rough, which retarded the removal of 
 the persons and their baggage on board the Argus. 
 
 Saturday, 10th. At daylight a sail was discovered on our 
 lea-bow. The Argus tacked closer to the wind for the purpose 
 of getting the weather gage. About 8 a. m. she was discovered 
 to be a brig of war. and hoisted British colors. Saw another 
 sail on the westward bow, and one on the windward quarter. 
 
 Continued the same course until 12 o'clock, laid by and 
 sounded; found bottom at about 114 fathoms. Touched more 
 to the south, believing we were too far north. In passing 
 the British brig we came in gun shot, and cleared for action, 
 but the enemy, after making various signals, none of which 
 were answered by the Argus, who had hoisted no colors, she 
 declined engaging. The officers were much disappointed in 
 missing a fight, and insisted that the British brig had not 
 
 *The torpedo was an abortion until perfected by Gen. Gabriel J. Raines, U.S. A. 
 who used the same in the Florida war of 1835. Later he put the submarine torpedo 
 into effective service under command of Gen. R. E. Lee on the .James River duiinj? 
 the war between the States. An excellent sketch of Gen. Raines as author of the 
 torpedo system is given in that interesting book "Grandmother Stories frorn the 
 Land of Used-To-Be," by the gifted Howard Meriwether Lovett, 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD 105 
 
 done her duty in declining the engagement. Captain Allen's 
 orders forbade his engaging unless it was unavoidable. I'^rom 
 the countenances and conduct of the officers 1 have no doubt 
 but that the Argus would have taken her in a very short 
 time. She carried 18 guns, and the Argus 20. In 20 minutes 
 afterwards we saw a British frigate or ship of the line sail- 
 ing westvv'ard. The brig then manifested a desire to come in 
 contact with us, and crowded sail and stood for us. The 
 other vessel, however, paying no attention to her or the Argus, 
 she changed her course, and we lost sight of her before dark. 
 We saw another sail ahead of us about sunset, and about 9 
 o'clock another was discovered astern. 
 
 At dawn two vessels were discovered on the north of the 
 Argus, but they manifested a disposition to avoid us. At 
 S a. m. we saw land, which we judged to be the coast of 
 France, now the L'Orient which we wished to enter. The 
 day ■was fine, and we were able within an hour afterward to 
 distinguish the wheat fields from those of grass. We passed 
 the Pennant Rocho and Islands, and discerned a village and 
 a small port with a small vessel lying in it. A gun was 
 fired for a pilot, but none came. We coasted along with a 
 chart of the coast of France on the table, and fortunately 
 entered the port L'Orient at 6 p. m. without having seen a 
 sail except the vessel already mentioned. We were visited 
 by a rude and boisterous pilot, who told us we must perform 
 quarantine, and must hoist a yellow flag. A health officer 
 came alongside, who behaved more like a gentleman. By 
 him we were informed that after the custom house officers 
 had visited the ship the quarantine would be removed in the 
 course of the next day, and we should be permitted to go on 
 shore. Two gen d'armes came on board and quartered them- 
 selves, as well as the pilot, upon the crew. They behaved 
 well, and said they had not had their dinners, and would 
 not have anything to eat unless it was given them aboard the 
 Argus. Captain Allen, who had been much irritated by the 
 insolence of the pilot, said they might starve, but his natural 
 good temper and humanity immediately dissipated this momen- 
 tarv gloom, and proposed that we should direct my steward 
 to supply their wants, to v/hich I immediately assented. 
 
 Monday, 12th July. The day was fine. We got a little 
 higher up into the port. 
 
 At 12 we were visited by the officers of the police and 
 of the customs. The former delivered a message of con- 
 gratulation from the maritime prefect. General Dangler, and 
 stated that when I should signify that I was ready to debark 
 he would send his boat for me immediately. The principal 
 custom house officers then came on board and examined the 
 captain in a manner highly disagreeable to his feelings. I 
 had to produce my commission to them. I delivered to them 
 all the dispatches and letters of French legation which I had 
 taken in charge, and also private letters, except from Ameri- 
 cans to General LaFayette and to the principal officers of the 
 Government. The formalities, the parade and the delay which 
 was incident to every act of office made me feel that I was 
 now in a country where the rulers were everything and the 
 people nothing. In the United States we are insensible of 
 
106 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 the existence of Government except in the granting of benefits, 
 Here the most ordinary act is subject to be, and absolutely 
 is, inspected by some officer. Captain Allen was highly irri- 
 tated at the manner in which he was interrogated, and per- 
 emptorily refused to answer many of them. About six o'clock 
 I got into the boat of the Argus commanded by L. Allen, 
 and after taking leave of the captain, who fired a salute, 
 
 1 went up the river about one mile to the house of Mr. Vail, 
 the American consul. This gentleman is in bad health, but 
 supposed to be convalescent. He came, by special permission, 
 to wait upon me on board the Argus, for he is not permitted 
 to go on board an Araerica.n vessel until the custom house 
 and police officers have discharged their duty. They demand 
 of ordinary persons all letters, newspapers and packages, 
 which they open at pleasure, many of which are never seen 
 afterwards. 
 
 2 6th. Visited Mrs. Barlow, saw Mrs. Baldwin, was 
 invited by Mrs. Barlow to dine with her on Wednesday; 
 accepted the invitation. Mrs. Baldwin is her half sister, and 
 had been unfortunately married to Jas. P. Kennedy, who, 
 during her visit to her friends in Connecticut, took him another 
 wife in the settlements on the Mobile. This caused her to 
 be divorced and to resume her maiden name. She has a fine 
 expressive countenance. She is still young and full of spirit, 
 but from an injury to one of her knees has to use crutches. 
 
 Mr. Barnett, consul for Havre, called today and made 
 me a tender of his services. 
 
 27th. Received the calls of many American gentlemen 
 now in Paris. Wrote my first official note to the Duke of 
 Bassano, minister of foreign affairs. 
 
 2 8th. Mr. D. Parker called on me. He is a native of 
 Massachusettes, but long a resident in France. After many 
 vicissitudes he has become r!ch. He is upward of sixty years 
 of age. He owns the house in which Mrs. Barlow lives. He 
 is remarkably attentive to the American ministers, and the 
 Parisians say he has been, in fact, the minister for the last 
 ten years. He dined with Mrs. Barlow this day. I then dis- 
 covered Mr. Erwing. He appears to be sensible and well- 
 informed, but eccentric in bis manner and dress. I agreed 
 to go with Mrs. Barlow and family, and Mr. Ewing to Dravel, 
 the seat of Mr. Parker, on Friday next. 
 
 2 9th. Remained at home and saw no person. 
 
 30th. Set out in company with Mr. Erwing, Mrs. Barlow 
 and Mrs. Baldwin and Mr. Jac'kson for Dravel. Arrived about 
 
 2 o'clock. Saw Mr. Stone, an Englishman, who attended to 
 Mr. Parker's farm. He is one of the reformers who followed 
 in the wake of Bruce and Preistly, and was compelled to 
 leave England about the time the latter gentleman went to 
 United States. The country from Paris to Dravel is level 
 and well cultivated, but not rich. We traveled almost the 
 whole way, about tAvelve English miles, along the banks of 
 the Seine. Parker has an estate of 10,2 00 acres, about two 
 miles on the river and running back into the hills. The 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD 107 
 
 buildings are very good, the residence is quite a palace, and 
 is a complete model of a French mansion. 
 
 Sunday, August 1st. Mrs. Barlow and myself took a lonR 
 walk in the grove, and after being a little fatigued retreated 
 into one of the bowers, where we conversed upon subjects 
 which related to the official conduct of her husband until 
 the hour of breakfast had passed without our being sensilile 
 of it, until we saw a messenger approach. They had searched 
 everywhere, but where we were. This is very often the case 
 in more important matters. General LaFayette arrived before 
 dinner. I was gratified in seeing that the misfortunes which 
 had befallen him had neither soured his temper nor impaired 
 his constitution. I have never seen a man of his age look 
 younger than he does; it is impossible for anyone to be more 
 cheerful. He speaks of the United States with warmth. When 
 speaking of the causes of complaint which the United States 
 have against France he always says "We ought to receive 
 indemnity for the spoliation the French have committed," 
 as though he was wholly a citizen of the United States. He 
 wishes to go to the United States during the war we are hav- 
 ing against Great Britaiti, but he says he is confident the 
 Emperor will not permit him to return. His son and his 
 two daughters are married, and live with him, with their 
 children. The lands which the United States has given him 
 for his services have enabled him to remove encumbrances 
 which were burdensome upon his estates. He is now easy in 
 his circumstances. 
 
 Wednesday, 4th. Went with Mr. Erwing to look at several 
 hotels, and fixed upon apartments in the hotel LaGrangeBatel- 
 line, at 600 franc per month. The apartments consist of an 
 anti-chamber, a dining room, a salon or hall, two bedrooms 
 and a room for an office. All the houses except those of 
 modern construction have their diningrooms situated so that 
 you must pass through it to get into the salon, and through 
 it into the bed rooms. 
 
 Friday. Moved to my new lodgings. Paid for four rooms 
 at hotel at rate of 400 francs a month, but they were dark 
 and uncomfortable, and without a garden. 
 
 Saturday, 7th. Engaged coach, horses and coachman at 
 500 francs per month. 
 
 Sunday, 8th. Mr. Church, grandson of General Schuyler, 
 called to see me. He lives, it is said, by his wits, a conimon 
 profession in Paris, and I suppose, other large cities. He is 
 a well informed young man, and of very decent appearance. 
 Mr Van Rensalaer had called some days before. He is tne 
 son of the general of that name in New York. He appears 
 to possess very moderate talents. He has been presented at 
 court. When he returns to the country of his nativit> it 
 will have one more citizen within its bounds than it held 
 whilst he was absent: its stock of knowledge and useful enter- 
 prise will not be sensibly increased. Received a letter from 
 
108 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 the Duke of Bassano dated the 1st at Dresden; it is very civil. 
 
 Monday, 9th. Mr. Patterson, formerly consul of Nantz. 
 called on me. He is a shrewd, sensible man, and appears to 
 be a gentleman. 
 
 Tuesday, 10th. Mr. May, formerly of the house of Hill 
 & May, of Savannah, called to see me. I thought I recollected 
 him, notwithstanding I could not have seen him since the 
 year 1789, as 1 left the state that year. He has failed finan- 
 cially two or three times, but is now, he tells me, in easy 
 circumstances. He has the reputation of being a very honest 
 man. and certainly his countenance is in harmony with his 
 character. 
 
 Monday, 11th. Mr. Petre, secretary to the French lega- 
 tion in the United States, waited upon me. He was desirous 
 of ascertaining whether the American government would have 
 accepted the plan of indemnity proposed by Mr. Barlow; gave 
 his opinion that it would not; says he told Mr. Barlnw so 
 at Milrig, where he first understood the nature of it. He 
 left me precisely as wise as he was when he came in. 
 
 Tuesday, 12th. Received the papers and records of the 
 legation this day. Was informed that Mrs. Barlow's pass- 
 ports had been received by Mr. McEvers, whose vessel she 
 had to return in. This gentleman and Mr. .Jones had called 
 on me a few days after my arrival. He is a merchant of 
 New York, of the house of Bayard-McEvers. He has the 
 French manners, and is a man of very moderate capacity. 
 Jones is a Boston ian, and has very much the appearance of 
 an Englishman. His countenance is indicative of considerable 
 mind. He left Paris some days ago for England. 
 
 Friday, 13th. Paid Captain Lewis' bill in favor of Cap- 
 tain Baker of 500 francs for supplies for the Argus. 
 
 Commenced the examination of the records of the lega- 
 tion. Mr. Barlow's secretary, Macardur. being a Frenchman 
 and what is still worse, writes a French hand, which is gen- 
 erally as illegible to me as the Egyptian hieroglyphics. I 
 have not yet seen any trace of the treaty of indemnity. 
 
 Saturday, 14th. Continued to work at Macardur's French 
 translations of the minister's letters, but with little effect. 
 Have been much perplexed with applications from consuls 
 for the settlement and payment of their accounts for money 
 disbursed for distressed seamen. I shall not meddle with 
 this subject until I have time to examine it fully. Mr. Warden 
 presented his account for arrearages, contingences, postage 
 and for distressed seamen, the latter making a very small 
 part of the aggregate. I paid him his account with an under- 
 standing that if the state department objected to any items 
 I should withhold it, in some subsequent payment. Among 
 his items is a charge for presents to the servants of the Bureau 
 of Foreigns. which had demanded of him as charge de affairs 
 of the United States. He wished me also to pay his bill for 
 coach hire, which he insisted was a just item against the gov- 
 .ernment... This I declined, because he had incurred his expense 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD 10<) 
 
 by placing himself in a situation which the govcninu'iit had 
 not given him. The same oljjection applied to th(! presents, 
 but as it was inconsiderable there could be no danger in pay- 
 ing it, as I could stop it when I pleased. He also wished nie 
 to say whether he ought to attend the Empress' levee the next 
 day, being the birthday of the Emperor. I told him it was no 
 concern of mine; he must do as he pleased. He wislied nie 
 to take a ticket of invitation to Mr. Van Rensalaer, which I 
 refused. He went to Mr. Jackson and left it with him. who 
 supposed, as he had seen him talking to me, that he delivered 
 It to him by my direction. Mr. Jackson sent it to Mr. Van 
 Rensalaer before I knew he liad received it. 
 
 Sunday, 15th. The day of St. Nai)oleon! How did he 
 become a saint? I dare say he is not worse than many a 
 saint who disgrace the Roman catalogue of saints martyrs. 
 Mr. Jackson went with me to Mrs. Barlow's, from whence 
 Mr. Baldwin and Mrs. Erwlng accompanied us to the Seine, 
 to see the jousts upon the river. They consisted simply in 
 one man pushing another from the stern of the boat into the 
 river, whilst he endeavored to do the same by his antagonist. 
 The pole was about ten feet long, with a round, muffled end, 
 to prevent injury to the ribs of the combatants. There were 
 four boats — two opposed to two. When a fellow was pushed 
 overboard he was disgraced, and not suffered to rejoin his 
 companions on the boat. The victor resigned the pole to 
 one of his comrades, who proceeded to measure his strength 
 and skill with the man vv'ho presented himself in the adverse 
 boat. The most ludicrous part of the matter is, that tomor- 
 row prizes are to be distributed to the victors. By whom? 
 By the institutions established for internal improvements — 
 by the most respectable and venerable personages, clothed in 
 their oflicial robes, and surrounded by and bearing the 
 emblems of imperial authority. Such is the greatness or 
 the littleness of imperial majesty, that his hand must be seen, 
 his power must be felt, even in the sports of the populace. 
 
 From thence we went into the Champ D' Elise, and unfor- 
 tunately, Mrs. Baldwin and myself got separated from Messrs. 
 Jackson andErwing, and became very much fatigued in search- 
 ing for them. The search and fatigue was mutual. * * • 
 
 After dinner I w'ent to see the fireworks, or feu d' artifice, as 
 the French term. It was to commence at 9 o'clock, but her 
 majesty must first show herself to receive the plaudits of her 
 loving subjects. This she did not do until ten. I stood all 
 the time in a situation to see the fireworks to advantage 
 Her majesty and the feu d' artifice could not be seen well 
 from the same place. I choose rather to see the fireworks. 
 They were grand beyond anything I had seen. There was 
 some little danger, as a considerable body of fire fell very near 
 me I was so much fatigued by standing I at once determined 
 to return to my lodgings without the show. On approaching 
 the gate of the garden of the Tuilleries I found niysel 
 wedged in bv the multitude so that I became a component 
 part of a body of several thousand, and moved only as com- 
 
110 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 pelled by this mass. In this situation I moved about 100 
 feet In constant danger of injury, though in much less than 
 nine-tenths of those by whom I was borne along. Many shoes 
 were lost; many were the screams that proceeded from my 
 friends and companions in distress. Exclamation followed 
 exclamation, but as I did not understand them, and cared 
 little for the individuals of which the mass was composed, 
 I attended to my situation and came off with only a few kicks 
 upon my shins, which produced no serious injury. I succeeded 
 in finding my way home about 11 o'clock, and went straight 
 to bed, where, without making many sage reflections upon 
 the wisdom of this institution or the fitness of the ceremonies 
 for the celebrated fete, I fell asleep. 
 
 Sunday 22nd. Visited the chamber of the Conservative 
 Senate in company with Mrs. Balawin, Mrs. Barlow and Mr. 
 Erwing, conducted by Count Barbe Marbois, who is one of 
 that body. The hall is much smaller than that of the Senate 
 chamber of the United States, although the body is much 
 larger. The decorations are very elegant indeed. The 
 imperial chair is loaded with ornaments, and surrounded by 
 the statues of men much more entitled to the name of Sena- 
 tor than those who enjoy seats in that body. 
 
 Tuesday, 24th. Read several chapters in Burlemaque on 
 the law of Nature and of Nations. He is a sensible, well 
 informed writer. 
 
 Wednesday, 25th. Visited with Mrs. Ewing and Mrs. 
 Jackson the gallery of statues and that of painting. 
 
 This latter communicates directly with the lodgings of 
 the Emperor in the palace of the Tuilleries. This end of it 
 is fitted with the choicest works of the most celebrated artists, 
 principally brought from Italy. It is impossible to pass 
 through this gallery without the highest species of gratifica- 
 tion. The only drawback which I experienced was the con- 
 tinual occurrence of the crucifixion in such strong and glow- 
 ing colors as to make strong and painful impressions. A 
 picture of this character presented to the eyes of one of our 
 audiences, whose imaginations were alarmed and heated with 
 the declamatory and glowing effusions of some of our spiritual 
 teachers, could not fail to produce an Irresistible effect. 
 
 From this gallery we proceeded to that of painting, where 
 are collected the finest specimens of the most celebrated 
 artists of ancient and modern times. The celebrated Venus 
 de Medicis and Apollo Belvidere are the admiration of every 
 connoiseur and amateur of art. They are certainly beautiful 
 statues. The form and polish and the marble of which they 
 are formed are all the most perfect of their kind. I am, 
 however, neither a connoiseur nor amateur. My sensations 
 were not glowing while I traversed this gallery. 
 
 Thursday, 26th. Visited the garden of the Luxemburg, 
 which is an appendage to the palace of the Conservative Sen- 
 ate, and beautifully arranged and laid out. There is here 
 a fountain in which there are a number of gold and silver 
 fish and a pair of swans. The same things are found in the 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD HI 
 
 garden of the Tuilleries. Throughout both gardens you liiul 
 a great number of naked statues. 1 am not pleased with 
 those nudities. If I had sui)reme legislation of the United 
 States I would prohibit the inii)ortation, and even mauuracture 
 of naked people in marble, plaster and paper. 
 
 Saturday, 2 8th. Visited with Mr. Jackson the garden of 
 plants, but we were driven out of it by the rain, which fell 
 shortly after we entered it. At night I accomi)anied Mr. 
 Erwing to the theatre Ambega. The acting was good, but I 
 understood but little of the play. 
 
 Sunday, 2 9th. Visited Barlow^ who sets out tomorrow 
 for Rochelle to embark for the United States in the Erie. 
 Mrs. Baldwin has promised to take one letter for Mrs. Craw- 
 ford and one for the Secretary of State. I proposed to take 
 Mrs. Barlow in my carriage as far as Versailles in the morn- 
 ing. Mrs. Baldwin and Mr. Erwing went that far this evening 
 to see everything worth observing beiore she left France. 
 
 Monday, 30th. ■ The morning was fine. 1 told Mrs. Mar- 
 low it was omnious of a prosperous voyage, as it was almost 
 the only good day I have seen in France. I found her with 
 Madame Villette, Mr. Parker, General LaFayette and one or 
 two other friends, and all the domestics which this good lady 
 had employed during her late residence. Every person was 
 much affected, particularly the domestics who had experienced 
 her bounty, which they were to lose forever, except one old 
 woman upon whom she had settled a pension. 
 
 There is no meeting nor taking leave in France among 
 those who are called friends without a kiss upon each cheek. 
 It is excessively awkward to see men kissing each other 
 She finally tore herself away, and I conducted her to the car- 
 riage. She was melancholy and silent for sometime, but as 
 we proceeded she became more composed, and conversed freely 
 and with much good sense upon various sul)jects until we 
 reached Versailles, where we found Mrs. Baldwin and Mr. 
 Erwing. About one o'clock we bade them adieu. Mr. Erwing 
 and young Mr. Mason returned with me to Paris. 1 found 
 Count Marbois at my lodging, who came to tell me that he 
 had applied to the Minister of Commerce to direct that Mrs. 
 Barlow's baggage should not be examined by the custom house 
 officers, and that the necessary orders had been sent in to 
 the port. This was an act of kindness and friendship which 
 saved her much vexation. At her house this morning I met 
 also Mr. Dupont Nemouro, an old, respectable man, who has 
 made a figure in the republic of letters, as well as in the 
 French republic. Nature has done more for him than any 
 Frenchman I have ever seen. His countenance is indicative 
 of talents, sincerity and benevolence. He told me to inform 
 General Mason that he would be a father to his son; that 
 he had dined with Mrs. Barlow every Sunday; that from this 
 time he should dine with him on that day. He is the only 
 Frenchman that I can understand when he speaks French. * 
 
 ^Marshal Ney seemed much attached to Crawford and often visited his hoteK 
 but never spoke a word of English while in his Pf^sence although Crawford could 
 not speak French. The conversations were conducted through Dr. Jackson, the 
 Secretary of Legation. -Southern Literary Messenger, January IMi. 
 
112 I^E! LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 Saturday, 4th. Mr. "Williams, the nephew of Colonel 
 Pickering, called on me. He appears to be a man of good 
 sense and moderate principles. Indeed, all the Americans 
 I have seen here appear to be on the side of their country 
 in the present contest, although most of them are Federalists. 
 They rejoice in our victories and are grieved at our defeats. 
 This day the report of the capture of the Argus and the death 
 of Captain Allen reached Paris. I do not believe it. Sent 
 my dispatches to Rochelle with some presents to my family. 
 
 Monday, 6th. Weather fair, and cold enough for frost. 
 Determined this day to commence the discussion of the 
 claims of indemnity. 
 
 Tuesday, 7th. Worked all day on my official note, except 
 the time taken up in the calls of American gentlemen and 
 other gentlemen, which was the greater part of the day. They 
 appear to think it their duty to present themselves once or 
 twice a week at the minister's house. I shall have to be 
 from home until two o'clock, notwithstanding my hatred of 
 form and ceremony. I must have a little time which I can 
 call my own. We breakfast at nine. My French lesson takes 
 up one hour, and this leaves me only time to read the foreign 
 news in the French paper before breakfast. 
 
 Wednesday, 8th. Wrote to Secretary of State by Mr. 
 Baldwin, who intends setting out tomorrow for Rochelle, with 
 a hope of embarking on board the Erie with Mrs. Baldwin. 
 I hardly expect he will arrive in time. 
 
 Thursday, 16th. Wrote official note and sent it to the 
 bureau of foreign affairs. Warden and Lee continue to pester 
 me with their disputes. The former has been wrong in every 
 one of them. He is ignorant and arrogant, full of duplicity, 
 obsequious to his superiors and insolent to his inferiors. With 
 a most diffident countenance, with an affectation of devotion 
 to service, he has imposed himself upon the American Gov- 
 ernment and upon some well-informed persons here, over 
 whom he has had so much influence as to induce them to 
 meddle with the displeasure of the government expressed 
 against him. If I know him rightly, and I believe I do, he 
 acts always by indirect means. He never marches directly 
 up to an object, even if it will answer his purpose as well. 
 If he possesses any talent it is that of expressing himself 
 with uniform ambiguity, at least in his writings. He is 
 extremely happy in introducing indirect attacks and insinua- 
 tions, wholly unconnected with the subject of discussion, and 
 affects to check himself from an indisposition to do an injury, 
 leaving an impression that had he told all his enemy would 
 be confounded. His memory is not sufficiently retentive to 
 secure him against the most palpable contradictions. Hif, 
 resentments govern him in the most despotic manner. This 
 evening I received a note from him, informing me that he had 
 been invited by the grand master of ceremonies to attend the 
 diplomatic audience of the Emperor, and that the Duchess of 
 Montebello had invited him to dine with her on the same 
 day, and desiring me to say whether I wished him to go, as 
 be was extremely desirous to confoi'm his conduct to my wishes. 
 
OP WILLIAM II. CRAWFORD 113 
 
 As I had upou a previous occasion answered verbally an appli- 
 cation of this nature, I felt a little out of temper, and innne- 
 diately wrote him the following answer: 
 
 "Sir: Your note of this date has been handed me this 
 moment. It is impossible that I should have any wish ui)on 
 the subjects which it embraces. You know the relation in 
 which you stand toward this Government; and you also know 
 it is no concern of mine where you go, or with whom you 
 dine." 
 
 I have received a letter from Mr. Lee, In which he 
 informs me that the affair of the Maria is settled by his 
 yielding a point which in judgment he ought not to have 
 acceded. This proves that my opinion was correct in relation 
 to the application to the Duke of Hassano. 
 
 The affair is now settled; I wish to hear no more of it, 
 and trust nothing of the kind will occur in the future, etc. 
 His conduct in th:s affair had been excessively vexatious. 
 He had been guilty of prevarication and, indeed, manifest 
 falsehood. Whilst he verbally and in writing expressed a 
 strong desire to extricate himself from this dispute when I 
 had decided the matter, and placed him in a situation to 
 prove his sincerity, instead of acting openly and sincerely to 
 put an end to the matter, he wrote to the Duke of Rassano, 
 who was at Dresden, intending, through his influence, to 
 evade the force and effect of my decision. Three days before 
 I told him in the' plainest terms that he had prevaricated; 
 had stated what he knew to be untrue, and that my opinion 
 of him was wholly changed. 
 
 Friday, 19th. I have finished "Voltaire's Man of Forty 
 Crowns," and have commenced with his question upon the 
 Encyclopedia. My teacher is, I believe, an Atheist; this 
 accounts for the books which he wishes me to read. He is 
 an adherent of the Rourbon dynasty. He will not believe that 
 General Moreau is killed. He says the Emperor is afraid 
 of him, and dreads his influence in the French armies; that 
 all the accounts of his death are the result of this dread. 
 This old man is not very singular in this respect. Of the 
 thousands in this city who hate the Emperor, and who take 
 no pa-ns to conceal it, almost all of them believe Moreau to 
 be living. 
 
 On Friday last Mr. Warden inclosed me two tickets of 
 invitation from the Grand Master of Ceremonies, for Mr. Van 
 Rensalaer and Mr. Carroll to attend the court to the Te 
 Deum. I directed Mr. Jackson to inclose them in a blank coyer 
 to him again. I chose this course in preference to abusing 
 him, which I should have done if I had written to him. 
 
 2 4th. Went this day to Mr. Parker's to meet General 
 LaFayette and his son, George Washington LaFayette. Rode 
 around Mr. Parker's estate, which contains about 1,200 acres, 
 and fronts the river between two and three miles. This is 
 the first time 1 have been on horseback since I left my resi- 
 dence in Georgia. , . u • 
 
 Mr Parker cultivated a species of rye, which is very 
 large, and is almost as white as wheat standing in the field 
 You would pronounce it to be rye, but after it is threshed It 
 
114 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 looks more like wheat. He also cultivates a species of barley 
 which is free from external skin and chaff. The grain is 
 larger than ours, and very white. I shall endeavor to trans- 
 plant these two grains into the United States. 
 
 Saturday, 2 5th. This day General LaFayette and son 
 joined us. The son speaks English very well. He is sensible, 
 well-informed and gallant. He served during the time the 
 battles of Jena-Friedland were fought; also in the last Austrian 
 war. He was in the battle of Estriny, where he saved the life 
 of his general, mounted him on his own horse, and extricated 
 himself from the perilous situation in which he was left by 
 this act of gallantry. His name was several times presented 
 by the officers to the Emperor for promotion, but he had 
 always passed him over. Seeing that it was impossible to 
 rise in opposition to the Emperor's will, he resigned his com- 
 mission and returned to his father's seat, and married the 
 daughter of one of the ancient nobility of France. 
 
 Sunday, 2 6th. This morning a French gentleman of the 
 name of Lastery and General O'Connor came out to break- 
 fast at Dravel. Mr. Lastery has written the history of the 
 culture of cotton without having seen it grow. All their 
 attempts have failed in France. In Naples they have suc- 
 ceeded, but the plant does not grow higher than twelve inches, 
 according to the best information I have been able to collect. 
 General O'Connor, although on pay of the Emperor, is vio- 
 lently opposed to him, and speaks in the strongest terms of 
 his ambition, madness and folly. He and General LaFayette 
 are of opinion that he is retreating from Dresden, and that 
 he will find great difficulty in effecting it. They say that his 
 obstancy has kept him there already too long, and if he does 
 not make his retreat very soon the disasters of the last cam- 
 paign will again befall the French armies. 
 
 November 1st. Mr. Temple Bowdoin waited on me this 
 day with letters of introduction from Messrs. Floyd and 
 Brown. He is a son of Sir John Temple, and nephew of Mr. 
 Bowdoin, late minister to Spain, who has given him a con- 
 siderable estate in Massachusetts, on condition of his taking 
 his name. He is a fine, gentlemanly looking man, and if his 
 physiognomy is not very deceptive, a profoundly good-natured 
 man. All the Americans here except two or three are Federal- 
 ists. But they are all for the United States in the present war. 
 This, I presume, is the effect of their absence from their coun- 
 try, and the consequent independence of party, which is denied 
 to those who are actively interested in the ranks of factious 
 demagogues who do not suffer them to exercise the faculty of 
 reason with which they are endowed. Quincey's canting, 
 hypocritical resolutions, which ought to damn him in this 
 world and that which is to come, have damned him with these 
 gentlemen, but they will be afraid to say so when they return 
 to Boston. 
 
 Nov. 9th. At 5 o'clock this evening the firing of cannon 
 announced the return of the Emperor to Paris. 
 
 10th. The feuds rose this day. The mass of discontents 
 jn Paris would alarm a man less intrepid than the Emperor. 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD II5 
 
 The liberty of speech enjoyed here is but little inferior to 
 that of the United States. I expect some of our American 
 gentry will break into prison some of these davs on account 
 of the licentiousness of their declarations. Confinement will 
 teach them the necessity of prudence. Their government 
 affords them a more perfect protection than any other in the 
 world. They at least have no cause of compla'nt against it. 
 and cannot complain with justice if they suffer for their licen- 
 tiousness. 
 
 11th. This day I received a note from the Duke of Baa- 
 sano, informing me of his return to Paris, and of his desire 
 to enjoy the pleasure of communications with me on subjects 
 of interest to the two nations. Answered his letter, and 
 requested an interview with him. 
 
 13th. Received his answer, fixing 3 p. m. for the inter- 
 view. Waited on him at that hour, and arranged with him 
 the time and manner of my being presented to the Emperor. 
 Sunday, the next day, was determined on. It was necessary 
 immediately to visit the Arch Chancellor, who was to present 
 me. It was a mere visit of form. Our address must also be 
 sent to the Grand Master of Ceremonies, who alone could 
 instruct me in the forms to be observed on presentment. The 
 Arch Chancellor was from home. 
 
 The Duke of Bassano is, I presume, between 50 and 60 
 years of age. From his countenance and form I should have 
 taken him to be a German rather than a Frenchman. His 
 height is rather above that of ordinary Frenchmen, and his 
 bulk greatly beyond it. His legs are very large and badly 
 formed. ■ His countenance is indicative of plain, good sense, 
 and of good nature and sincerity. There is nothing brilliant 
 or imposing about him. 
 
 Sunday, 14th. At half past 11 o'clock the Master of Cer- 
 emonies announced that the Emperor was ready to receive 
 me. I was attended by him and Mr. De Carbre, who was to be 
 my interpreter. I have forgotten to state that the Duke of 
 Bassano had shown some solicitude that I should make a 
 speech to the Emperor on presenting my letter of credence. 
 I had previously determined not to make a speech. I yielded 
 the point, and promised to furnish the Emperor with a copy 
 of my speech. We advanced through three apartments filled 
 with military men and people in court dresses. In each we 
 had to stop until another master of ceremonies should come 
 to us. 
 
 The Emperor was standing in the middle of his cabinet, 
 dressed in the richest uniform, with his hat decorated with 
 white plumes, in his left hand. He was surrounded by the 
 great officers of state, among whom I distinguished only the 
 Arch Chancellor and the Duke of Bassano. On approaching 
 the Emperor, after having made my three bows, as in duty 
 bound, I was presented by the Arch Chancellor, and delivered 
 my letter of credence to him, which he delivered to the min- 
 ister of Foreign Legations. I then made my speech, which 
 Mr. De Carbre, who had a translation, read to the Emperor.* 
 
 *It is a matter of regret that Crawford's Diary breaks off at this most interest- 
 ing point, and was never resumed by him. 
 
11(5 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 AMBASSADOR AT THE COURT OF ST. CLOUD. 
 
 It was said of Crawford that when he once made a friend 
 that he had in him an estate for life. He was keenly appre- 
 ciative of merit and was unwavering in his attachments. The 
 love which he bestowed upon others was generally recip- 
 rocated. He believed the way to have good friends was to 
 be one himself. While a minister at the Tuilleries he still 
 kept in close touch with friends at home. The following letter 
 in this connection may be read with interest: 
 
 CRAWFORD TO SECRETARY OF NAVY U. S. 
 
 PARIS. 2nd Sept., 1813. 
 
 Dear Sir: 
 
 I arrived at L'Orient on 11th of July and landed on 12th. 
 The voyage was not very pleasant, but everything in the 
 power of Captain Allen to make it so was done. The only 
 circumstance calculated to alleviate the unpleasant sensations 
 of a voyage at sea, ;^ttended throughout with seasickness, 
 was the acquaintance whifh it produced, with this mo.st accom- 
 plished officer and gentlemanly man. I shall remember with 
 great pleasure the hours I have spent with him on board the 
 Argus. The exact discipline which he preserved, the silence 
 and order which attended the execution of every service dur- 
 ing the voyage, and the perfect self-command which was 
 exhibited in his every action proves most incontestibly that he 
 possesses In a high degree all the talent and professional skill 
 which Is necessary to achieve great and splendid actions. 
 Whatever future awaits him, be it prosperous or adverse, he 
 carries with him my esteem, and my firmest conviction that 
 he well deserves success, and that the flag of the Republic 
 will never be tarnished under his command. I shall always 
 feel a deep interest in every event in which his welfare or 
 his fame shall be involved. The officers of the Argus were 
 distinguished throughout the voyage by the promptitude and 
 skill with which they executed the orders of their superior — 
 by the order and decorum of their conduct, and by the general 
 suavity of manners which accompanied all their actions. Per- 
 mit me to recommend the commander and all of his lieuten- 
 ants to your particular favor. Two of his midshipmen are 
 from the neighborhood of Washington. I understand they are 
 poor and friendless. Captain Allen is highly pleased with 
 them. Speaking, or rather writing of these midshipmen, 
 brings to mind a promise I made a friend of mine in Georgia, 
 and which I am sure has not been neglected. Wm. Pollard, 
 the grandson of Wm. Pollard, formerly of Philadelphia, is 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD 117 
 
 extremely desirous of entering the naval service as a midshli)- 
 man. My friend represents him as young, ardent, intelligent, 
 active and patriotic, every way qualified to succeed in the 
 naval service. Colonel Troup can give you more particular 
 information, and to him I beg to refer you. Upon the arrival 
 of the Argus 'n L'Orient some supi)lies were necessary beyond 
 the funds of the purser. 1 had no authority to draw money 
 from the bankers of the United States for the navy. What 
 was to be done? The supplies were necessary — they could 
 not be obtained but on my becoming paymaster. This I have 
 done by paying Mr. Dennison's bill for five thousand francs, 
 on 13th ultimo. I have mentioned this circumstance to Mr. 
 Monroe, that there may be an understanding upon the ques- 
 tion. I wish to have as little to do with money matters as 
 possible, but at the same time I am not disposed to see the 
 public service suffer, on account of a little responsibility. 
 
 The war recommenced on the 16th ult. Several battles 
 have been fought, but we have no details. 
 
 I beg to be remembered to Mrs. Jones in the most friendly 
 manner. 
 
 I am, dear sir, most sincerely yours, etc., 
 
 WM. H. CRAWFORD. 
 Honorable Wm. Jones. Secretary of Navy. 
 
 France, w-th her people, was beginning to realize that 
 the alTairs of her great Emperor were no longer in the ascen- 
 dancy; but that the proud banner of the old guard at last 
 was beginning to droop before the armies of the allied powers. 
 The patience of the American Minister, never at any time 
 too great, was now the subject of sorest trial. He had been 
 in Paris some six months when, on January 14th, 1814, he 
 had his fruitless interview with the Duke of Bassano, who 
 masqueraded under the title of Minister of Foreign Affairs. 
 Napoleon had made all France a great military camp. The 
 conscripts down to the boys of sixteen had answered his call: 
 to the drum beat of the nation they unfalteringly and 
 bravely marched without thought of heavy taxes and empty 
 treasury, and still fought on — hopeful, trusting and patient. 
 There was practically no Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Paris. 
 The government of the Empire was all centered in their 
 Emperor, and that Emperor at this time had weighty matters 
 of more immediate concern than any that could be presented 
 by any foreign diplomat. Indemnities and spoliations were 
 nothing compared with the shadow that was athwart his 
 path. Disaster and defeat that never before faced his army 
 were rapidly combining to hurry the fatal event. His whole 
 
118 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 mind was with his army then at Dresden, and entirely 
 absorbed with events fast transpiring tliere. His constant 
 cry was for more soldiers. On January 8th, 1814, a large 
 placard was posted on the town hall calling for additional 
 levies. Women, with haggard looks, read it, and remembering 
 the bones of their husbands and sons already bleaching on 
 German soil, brushed away their tears as they read the call 
 for one hundred and fifty thousand conscripts of 1813, then 
 one hundred thousand cohorts of 1812, who fancied they had 
 escaped; then one hundred thousand of 1809 to 1812, and so 
 on to the end. The army must be recruited to where it was 
 before the d-sastrous Russian Expedition. These mothers 
 could but say: "So the cold came and our army perished. 
 And now those who are leaving us are as already dead." 
 
 On the charge preferred by the Federalists that the 
 United States was subservient to the French nation in their 
 dealings with England the following letter was written by 
 
 CRAWFORD TO SYLVANUS BOURNE. 
 
 PARIS, 5th Nov., 1813. . 
 Sir: 
 
 Your letter of the 17th ult. has come safely to hand. 
 If any application has been made to the Government of the 
 United States by the holders of the St. Domingo bills it has 
 not come to my knowledge, or has been forgotten. My instruc- 
 tions do not allude to them. It is possible that such an appli- 
 cation may have been made several years ago, and that some 
 one of my predecessors may have~~ been instructed on this 
 point. The exertions of the Federal party in the United 
 States to produce an impression upon the nation that their 
 present rulers are subservient to the views of me French Gov- 
 ernment have had too much success both within and without 
 the United States. These exertions are the more reprehensi- 
 ble as the party itself does not believe the fact. I believe some 
 of the most gloomy and sombre imaginations among them 
 may at particular moments feel some such impression; but 
 the great mass of Federalists are perfectly convinced of the 
 falsehood of the charge. If we were not engaged in a strug- 
 gle for the enjoyment of rights which belong almost exclusively 
 to the section of the Union in which Federalism prevails, our 
 astonishment would not be so highly excited as it has been, 
 at the unblushing effrontery with which this charge has been 
 reiterated in the eastern states. They are deceiving them- 
 selves and the nation. Whatever rights we abandon at the 
 conclusion of this war will never be regained, at least, not in 
 our days. The loss, the injury, will fall where it ought to 
 fall — upon the shipping interest. In the middle, and especially 
 in the southern states, there is no possible point of collision 
 with Great Britain. We have not shipping for ourselves, 
 and of course do not interfere with their exertions to monopo- 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRA^\TORD 119 
 
 lize the trade of the world. We only wish our heavy raw 
 materials carried to the best market, and the merchandise 
 we want in return brought to us. Great l^ritain is that mar- 
 ket, and she supplies us with merchandise, which from judg- 
 ment or prejudice, we prefer. Unconnected with the east<>rn 
 states, we should never have had any contest with England. 
 If, however, we should succeed in the establishment of our 
 just rights we shall rejoice to see our eastern brethren reap 
 the exclusive benefits of the war. Nothing selfish or con- 
 tracted could have pushed the southern and western i)eoi)Ie 
 into this war. The eastern people instigated the Government 
 to take measures which have led to the present war, and as 
 soon as the attitude was taken they arrayed themselves on 
 the other side. I am sorry that this impression has been 
 made in Europe. Nothing can be more false. Our political 
 course is a clear one. We can feel no interest in the wars 
 of the old world, only as they affect our rights of neutrality. 
 The empires of the east and of the west, and the intermediate 
 states, together with our oppressive mother country, are alike 
 indifferent to us. In other words, we feel no partiality or 
 prejudice towards any of them. Whatever sentiment of par- 
 tiality or friendship is felt can be traced distinctly to the con- 
 duct of the nation for whom it is manifested. At present 
 Russia has given us no cause for complaint. We are there- 
 fore friendly with Russia. 
 
 1 am sir. most respectfully your most obedient and very 
 humble servant, W. H. CRAWFORD. 
 
 Sylvanus Bourne. Esq., 
 
 American Consul at Amsterdam. 
 
 .John Quincy Adams at this time was Minister Plenipo- 
 tentiary to Russia. That country now friendly to America, 
 had through Emperor Alexander, offered to mediate between 
 Great Britain and the United States. The American Govern- 
 ment gladlv accepted this offer, and appointed Messrs. Gala- 
 tin and Bayard in connection with Mr. Adams to take charge 
 of the negotiations. 
 
 England refused to treat with the United States under 
 Russian mediation, but finally agreed to treat direct at Ghent, 
 in Belgium, and Messrs. Adams, Galatin, Bayard, Clay and 
 Russell were named by the Amer'can Government, and Lord 
 Gambler, Henrv Goulhan and William Adams on the part of 
 the British. During the six months of this negotiation inter- 
 esting letters passed between Crawford and Clay. * Space 
 does not admit of our producing more than one from each. 
 •See Cotton's Private Correspondence of Henry.Clay for letters of Crawford. 
 
120 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 CRAWFORD TO CLAY. 
 
 PARIS, June 10. 1814. 
 My Dear Sir: 
 
 Mr. Carroll arrived a few days ago, and brought me your 
 letters of the 10th and 14th ult. The change in the place 
 (from Gottenburg, in Sweden, to Ghent, in Belgium) of the 
 negotiation for peace will enable me to write you frequently, 
 and will afford me the pleasure of receiving from yOu the 
 most interesting details upon the advances which you shall 
 make from day to day in the work of peace. My expectations 
 of a happy result are not strong. The arrogance of the enemy 
 was never greater than at the present moment. The infatua- 
 tion of that nation excludes almost the possibHity of peace. 
 The ministry is represented as being very temperate and mod- 
 erate. In my former communications I have stated the reasons 
 which I have for doubting the sincerity of their professions 
 of moderation. I may have been wrong in my inferences. 
 I wish that the result may correct me of this error. Admit- 
 ting the possibility that the British ministers will consent to 
 make peace, without deciding anything upon the question oi 
 impressment, will your instructions justify you in accepting 
 it? So far as I am acquainted with the nature of those 
 instructions, their letter will not. But those instructions 
 were given at a time when the great changes which have 
 intervened in Europe were not only unknown, but wholly 
 unexpected. What, will be the effect which these changes will 
 produce upon the determination of the Government? Will 
 the Government, after they are informed of these changes, 
 give directions to conclude peace, leaving the question of 
 impressment open to further negotiation? Will it consent to 
 a peace which shall make no mention of this question? I 
 presume it will. If the negotiators shall be of this opinion, 
 ought they hesitate to accept, in the most prompt manner of 
 a peace which they are convinced the Government will instruct 
 them to make so soon as it is informed of the actual state 
 of things? I should answer, promptly, no. A peace which 
 omits the question of impressment entirely will leave the 
 American Government at perfect liberty to apply the proper 
 remedy whenever the evil shall be felt. I do not believe that 
 you will be placed in a situation to determine this question. 
 I believe they will insist upon the unqualified admission of 
 their right to impress on board American vessels at sea." This, 
 I trust, will never be conceded. It would be better to return 
 to our colonial relations with our mother country than submit 
 to this condition. 
 
 As there is but a faint glimmering of hope that the 
 negotiation will terminate in peace, the next important point 
 to be obtained is that it shall break off upon principles which 
 will convince the American people, of all parties, that peace, 
 can be only obtained by the most vigorous prosecution of war. 
 I have the most unlimited confidence in the skill and address 
 of our negotiators. I am perfectly satisfied that the negotia- 
 tion will be conducted with a view to affect this important 
 point. I have seen and conversed with several Englishmen in 
 Paris upon the question of impressment, and find the most of 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD 121 
 
 them very ignorant and arrogant. Sir Thoracs Barinp is an 
 exception to this remark. But his mode of adjusting the ques- 
 tion is wholly inadmissible. He projioses that no luipre.ss- 
 ment shall be made in vessels engaged in the coasting trade; 
 that no impressment shall take place in vessels engaged in 
 the foreign trade in sight of the American coast. He thinks 
 the ministry will hardly go so far. A merchant of the name 
 of Wilson says that an arrangement of a different nature would 
 be satisfactory to the nation. It is this: that when a British 
 officer shall visit an American vessel and designate any one 
 of the crew as a British subject, and he should admit the 
 fact, that the master or captain of the American vessel should 
 deliver him up; if the man should deny that he is an English- 
 man, and the captain should refuse to deliver him ui), that 
 the visiting officer should endorse the ship's papers with the 
 name of- the sailor, and with his allegation. The question 
 of nationality shall be inquired into at the first port at which 
 the vessel shall touch where there is a British consul; if found 
 against the sailor the captain shall pay a fine, or the expense 
 of the investigation, and the sailor shall be delivered up; 
 if for him, the British consul, or if in England the British 
 Government should be subject to the same payment. 
 
 He says that in the case of an admitted British subject, 
 if the American captain should declare that the loss of the 
 man would endanger the vessel, that he should be kept on 
 board until the vessel entered the port of destination, when 
 the captain should be bound to deliver him over to the 
 British consul, or officer authorized to receive him. 
 
 I see no objections to this plan, except that the captain 
 should not be permitted to deliver any man who denies the 
 charge until it is established against him. This arrangement 
 will give the enemy the absolute control over their own sea- 
 men, as far as the fact of nationality can be established. It 
 at the same time screens American sailors from arbitrary 
 impressment. If the vessel should be bound to the ports of 
 a nation at war with England, it might be made the duty of 
 the American consul at such port to ship him on board an 
 American vessel bound to England, to the United States or 
 to a neutral port, where the fact should be promptly settled. 
 I do not believe that this arrangement will be acceptable to 
 the Government of England, because I do not believe thev 
 will be satisfied with any arrangement which will prevent 
 their seizing upon the sailors of other nations. If I am correct 
 in my conjecture, the proposition will embarrass them, and 
 the rejection will prove to the most prejudiced mind that 
 thev are determined to make the American sailors fight the 
 battles which are to rivet the chains of slavery which they 
 have been forging for all maritime states, and especially for 
 the seafaring men of those states, for a century past^ I have 
 thought that this arrangement ought to be suggested to >ou, 
 because it may not have occurred to anyone of o"^^.f;°;f ^"j 
 I think it highly improbable that the English negotiators ^ill 
 make any p^-oposition of this nature. If their pretensions 
 shall be so moderate as to afford rational g[°"",<^. °/./^>f ""- 
 sion, this arrangement may be proposed with advantage. 
 
122 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 If their views are so unreasonable as to exclude discus- 
 sion, that of itself will have the happy effect of convincing 
 all parties that the peace must be obtained by the sword alone. 
 But even in this case, when the rejection of the arrangement 
 will be certain. I am inclined to believe that the proposition, 
 coming from the American ministers, will have a tendency to 
 elucidate the extent of the concessions which they demand 
 upon this point, more satisfactory than any other mode which 
 has been presented to my mind. Mr. Wilson is a true John 
 Bull; but, I believe, a very honest man, and I am sure sin- 
 cerely desirous of peace. The rejection of the arrangement 
 will probably have some effect upon the English nation itself. 
 If this principle will be satisfactory to Mr. Wilson, it is proba- 
 ble that it will be acceptable to many others — in fact to all 
 reasonable men — to all men who have not found the foolish 
 and extravagant idea of recolonizing the United States. 
 
 I have felt that it was my duty to present this subject 
 to you in its fullest extent. I have verbally communicated 
 it to Mr. Bayard. It is probable that Mr. Wilson may have 
 communicated this idea to Mr. Gallatin, as he made his 
 acquaintance, and that of Mr. Bayard's also, in London. He 
 had not suggested it to the latter. 
 
 I will obtain the necessary passports for you and send 
 them on to Ghent, as the Moniteur of yesterday has notified 
 that it is necessary to have them to leave the kingdom. I 
 suppose it is equally necessary to enter it. 
 
 From the letters which I have written to you, you will 
 perceive that some of my inferences have been proved, by 
 subsequent events, to be incorrect. I reasoned from the facts 
 as they were presented to my mind: and I feel no mortifica- 
 tion at the result. If it was my duty to communicate every- 
 thing to you which I knew or believed at the moment of 
 writing, I do not feel any mortification that some of my con- 
 jectures, some of my inferences, have proved to be incorrect. 
 
 I have authority to draw on the bankers of the United 
 States for diplomatic intercourse and for the disbursement of 
 distressed seamen. Under the first head I can satisfy Mr. 
 Carroll's expenses, and should do it with great pleasure on 
 his own account, as well as upon your request. I am well 
 acquainted with his father, and entertain the highest esteem 
 for him. 
 
 This letter will be delivered to you by Mr. Bayard, who 
 I am happy to inform you. coincides with me in every question 
 relative to the peace. He believes, with me. if the nation 
 can be united in the prosecution of the war, that the interest 
 of the United States will be promoted by the failure of the 
 negotiations. He' will heartily unite with you in bringing 
 the discussions to a close that will secure this great object. 
 I think from the English papers, that no armistice has been 
 agreed upon. I rejoice that it has failed. It might have done 
 us much injury, but could not possibly do us any good. 
 
 God bless you. my dear sir. and bless your labors and 
 make them useful to your country. Mine, I believe, are like 
 water spilled on the ground, that can never be gathered. 
 Adieu. W. H. CRAWFORD, 
 
 To Henry Clay, Esq. 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD 123 
 
 CLAY TO CRAWFORD. 
 
 GHENT, 2 2d August. 1814. 
 My Dear Sir: 
 
 Your letter by Mr. Todd apprising me of what I had 
 before only feared, that my letters to you transmitted by the 
 mail, have been intercepted. I had written you two, but the 
 latter and the more important one was altogether in ripher. 
 so that the robbers will make but little of their booty. I 
 regret the larceny, however, on your account and my own. 
 In yours because you have been so long kept out of informa- 
 tion, which you have been, no doubt, exceedingly anxious to 
 possess; and on mine because I had asked what I should liked 
 much to have received, and what would be now too late for 
 any practical effect — your opinion upon some important 
 topics. I should not have ventured to commit my letters to so 
 treacherous a medium, but that no other conveyance offered 
 or as far as I knew was likely to offer. 
 
 To repair as much as possible the loss, I now have the 
 pleasure of enclosing to you a copy of a private journal I 
 have kept at our conferences with the British commissioners. 
 From its perusal you will see that the prospect of peace has 
 disappeared, and that nothing remains for us but to formally 
 close the abortive negotiations. The regret you will feel for 
 the continuance of the war will be mitigated, however, by 
 the evidence you will have, that this unhappy issue is attrib- 
 utable solely to the extravagant demands of the enemy; and 
 by the consoling reflection that these demands, affecting as 
 they do every section and every interest in the Union, must 
 arouse, if anything can arouse, all parties into a vigorous 
 resistance. 
 
 My journal is so full that I will not accompany it now 
 with any illustrative details. These I will supply when I 
 have the pleasure to see you at Paris. T will, however, add, 
 that we are preparing, and will probably deliver tomorrow, 
 our answer to their paper, and if anything turns up before 
 I seal this letter (which I do not expect to send until tomor- 
 row or next day) worthy of your know-ledge it shall be com 
 municated. 
 
 You will also derive much satisfaction from seeing that 
 as the enemy will not make peace, all the old grounds of 
 difference and impressment of course among them, are put 
 altogether in the background. Our late instructions author- 
 ized us to pass this subject over in silence. 
 
 I ought, perhaps, to mention to you that throughout the 
 whole of the negotiations I have been inclined to think that 
 the other party has been practicing upon our supposed fears, 
 and that he would ultimately abandon his pretensions. In 
 this impression (I will not call it opinion) what I do not 
 yet absolutely abandon, I stand alone. If it be well founded 
 when our paper is received and it is known that we will not 
 refer to our government for further instructions, he may pos- 
 sibly yet pause. 
 
 We have sent off Mr. Dallas with the dispatches for our 
 Government, which include the note of the British commis- 
 sioners. The John Adams will sail the 25th inst., and I hope 
 
124 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 will reach America in time for the President to lay the sub- 
 ject, or such part of it as he may think proper, before Con- 
 gress. 
 
 We propose to sail for Cherbourg, Brest or L'Orient, and 
 ordering the Neptune to one of those ports, and the period 
 we have talked of is first of October. 
 
 Whatever of the intervening period of time I can com- 
 mand after the cessation of our labors here I shall spend with 
 you in Paris. 
 
 Your kind offer to recommend me to the Government 
 for the place which you now fill will be forever remembered 
 by me with the sincerest gratitude. As I hope soon to sae 
 you, I will then inform you of my views on that subject, 
 and will at the same time arrange the affair of Mr. Carroll's 
 expenses. Your friend, etc.. H. CLAY. 
 
 Wm. H. Crawford, Esq.* 
 
 On Christmas eve of 1S14 when the news reached Paris 
 that the negotiations at Ghent had resulted in a declaration 
 of peace between America and Britain the theatres resounded 
 with the joyful cry of "God save the Americans." 
 
 The retreat of Napoleon from Germany in November, 
 1813, gave him o.nly a few weeks in Paris. He was in a 
 distrustful, solemn mood; yet he received Crawford with the 
 very highest degree of consideration and with marked cour- 
 tesy. However, Crav\'ford"s overtures were postponed,; Napo- 
 leon once more organized bis army, and Mr. Crawford never 
 saw him again. Beaten at all points the great Emperor saw 
 Louis XVIII restored to the throne of his ancestors, while 
 he was dispatched to be king of the small island of Elba. 
 
 In less than a year Napoleon had escaped from Elba 
 and again rode triumphantly into Paris. The memorable hun- 
 dred days followed in which the thundering artillery of twenty 
 nations were pointed against his throne. Negotiations and 
 treaties were not be thought of during this continual turraoil 
 and repeated changes of government. This instability impeded 
 all diplomatic business. It was evident that nothing could 
 be accomplished during these political tergiversations and 
 rapid revolutions as the Napoleanic dynasty appeared fast 
 crumbling away. 
 
 In reply to the letters to his government setting out 
 these conditions the following letter was received by him: 
 
 •This letter copied from the original now in possession of W. H. C. Wheatky, 
 a great grandson of Ci-awford, 
 
OP WILLIAM II. CRA^TORD 125 
 
 JAMES MONROE TO W. H. CRAWFORD. 
 
 DEPARTMENT OF STATE, June 25. 1814. 
 
 Sir: 
 
 I had the honor to receive your several letters of the 
 11th, 12th and 20th of April, the first and last of which were 
 marked private, by the Oliver, on the 12th instant. It ai)pears 
 that the late Emperor had been deposed, and had abdicated 
 the crowns of France and Italy, and been sent to the island 
 of Elba; that the Senate had digested a plan of government, 
 by which Louis was declared king of France; that the Count 
 d'Artois had favored this plan, and that Louis was daily 
 expected at Paris to take the executive authority into his 
 hands. It appears, also, that the allied armies were still in 
 Paris, and would probably remain there until a treaty of peace 
 was concluded with the new government, and the king regu- 
 larly recognized and established. 
 
 These events, with any others detailed in your letters, 
 are of the highest degree of importance to this country, as 
 well as to Europe. It is difRcult to trace their consequence, 
 either with respect to France or any of the powers who were 
 engaged in the war against her. Equally difficult is it to 
 foresee what effect they may have in all their bearings on 
 the United States. 
 
 It is satisfactory to find, in regard to France herself, 
 that the provisional government towards the United States 
 indicates no change of an unfavorable nature. Its deportment 
 towards you, and communications through M. Serrurier, 
 breathe a spirit of amity, the sincerety of which there is no 
 reason to doubt. It is even probable that our relations with 
 France may be improved by this event. The views of the 
 present sovereign will be more moderate than those of his 
 predecessor. There is, therefore, less reason to apprehend 
 from him unfriendly acts. And as France must assume an 
 attitude less imposing than she has done of late, and may even 
 experience injuries from other powers, especially from Great 
 Britain, it is presumable it would be her interest to cultivate, 
 in a particular manner, the friendship of the United States. 
 Should this disposition exist the opportunity may be favora- 
 ble, and you will of course take advantage of it to obtain 
 from the present government a redress of wrongs received 
 from the preceding one, for which, on first principles, the 
 nat'on is answerable, and to which the new constitution 
 appears to have given a sanction. 
 
 After the peace in Europe Great Britain will have at 
 command a greater force than heretofore, to be employed 
 agrinst the United States should no circumstance interfere to 
 prevent it. The state of France herself will probably attract 
 her attention, and suggest reasons against such a disposition 
 of her forces. The situation of Spain may not be less inter- 
 esting and have equal claims to attention. Italy and Hol- 
 land mav be unsettled. These considerations may make it 
 hazardous in the British Government to place a considerable 
 force at so great a distance from it, and repugnant to the 
 interests of all other nations, especially in an enterprise with 
 so little prospect of success. 
 
126 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 In estimating the obstacles to British annoyance, the 
 disposition of the Emperor of Russia, and of the Baltic pow- 
 ers generally, is a circumstance of peculiar importance. On 
 the interposition of the Emperor, as well from the general 
 policy of Russia, as from the offer of his friendly mediation, 
 to restrain England from unjust demands, much reliance is 
 placed. Your attention will naturally be drawn to all these 
 circumstances, and it will be very gratifying and useful to 
 receive the result of your enquiries and reflections on them. 
 
 I have the honor to be, with great consideration, sir, 
 Your obedient, humble servant, 
 
 JAS. MONROE. 
 
 In August, 1815, Crawford resigned his embassy and 
 sailed for America. His oificial notes evinced the clear under- 
 standing of the questions at issue, and the rights of his coun- 
 try were set forth with such grasp of facts and confident 
 boldness, that they were in after years used as a basis of a 
 satisfactory settlement, and secured that indemnity justly 
 due to our government. 
 
 Among the most pleasing incidents connected with his 
 stay in Paris was the fast friendship formed between him 
 and the Marquis De LaPayette. In closest confidence and 
 unsuspecting freedom LaFayette discussed with him the poli- 
 tics of France. Their correspondence now preserved shows 
 that they used with each other terms of affectionate endear- 
 ment. 
 
 Another notable friendship of Crawford was with the 
 most distinguished woman in France — daughter of the famous 
 financier, Necker — whose wife was Susan Curchard, of whom 
 Edward Gibbon was so enamoured during his residence in 
 Switzerland. The wonderful, matchless Madame De Stael — 
 the wittiest woman of her time, an influence feared by 
 Napoleon and courted by the savants of a brilliant court — 
 never concealed her admiration for Crawford's ability, and 
 delighted in his ingenuous conversation and southern charm 
 of manner. The vivid and genial impress of mind upon mind 
 betrayed a quality of class between the Georgian type of 
 gentleman and the accomplished woman of the salon; it was 
 Cultures imprimatur upon Originality. The propinquity of 
 master minds only added to Crawford's distinction; social 
 and intimate association heightened rather than diminished 
 the impression of his commanding personality. 
 
 Mr. Eugene Vaile, his private secretary, has left on record 
 the following brief sketch, which gives, as no one else could, 
 an account of his life in Paris: 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD 127 
 
 "William H. Crawford was a mau ai)i)roacliinK. uh lutar 
 as can be, the "noblest work of God,' as defined by the immor- 
 tal Pope. He could bear scrutinizing in every sense. Take 
 his heart, or take his mind, you would meet in each enough 
 to satisfy the most fastidious. Destined to be a statesman, 
 he possessed that firmness of purpose which may be termed 
 civil courage. Had he been a soldier he would have been 
 brave to audacity. To this many circumstanced but littln 
 known, except by those in habit of a close intimacy with 
 him, can testify. 
 
 "In the year 1S13, when it was deemed tit tiiat an envoy 
 extraordinary, uniting weight of character with talent, should 
 be sent to France, Mr. Crawford was selected by Mr. Madison 
 for tliat delicate mission — but immense indeed were the diffi- 
 culties that interposed. Our seaports were closely blockaded; 
 and if perchance a vessel eluded the blockading squadron, 
 new and greater dangers still awaited her at the entrance of 
 a French harbor. Yet the necessity that our minister should 
 reach the imperial court without delay was imminent, and 
 accordingly he embarked on a sloop of war, whose gallant 
 captain had most positive orders to avoid as much as possible 
 an action with the enemy. The safe landing of the minister 
 being the main object, a recourse to arms was to be had only 
 in the defensive. This vessel successfully evaded the British 
 cruisers on our side, and rapidly strode across the Atlantic. 
 She made for L'Orient, in the vicinity of which she had nearly 
 been barred by a far superior force. We shall never forget, 
 although we cannot justly describe, the manner of the noble 
 commander, now no more, when he narrated to us the strug- 
 gle, that like a tempestuous sea arose in his breast, at the 
 near, and at times nearer, approach of the armed vessel, which, 
 as the fastest sailing ship of the British squadron, had been 
 detached for the purpose of intercepting ours. Cruel was the 
 temptation, and burning the desire, to grapple with an enemy 
 they were conscious they might have subdued, even before 
 the other forces could have come up. What pen could jtistly 
 describe the impatient step of the commander as he faced 
 the deck — the glistening eye of the young officer that bespoke 
 indignation, the bosom that heaved a sigh, and maybe an 
 imprecation against the order that propelled onward the noble 
 vessel. However intense the feeling which pervaded the 
 whole gallant crew, more imposing still was that sense of 
 obedience that kept her on her track. From the hesitating 
 movements of the chase it was evident that over-confidence 
 did not exist on board of her, and that she but little relished 
 the idea of separating herself too much from her consorts 
 behind; at times drawing back, she would at others come 
 closer, and when the latter happened, more arduous became 
 the duty of its American commander, inasmuch as he had to 
 look both to the rigid execution of his orders to force sails 
 which otherwise might perhaps purposely have been but slug- 
 gishly hauled, and to the no less important duty of keeping 
 his passenger from harm's way. This, however, was no easy 
 task. By this time Mr. Crawford had fully identified him- 
 self in feeling with the ship's company, and would willingly, 
 had an action been unavoidable, have exchanged his minis- 
 
128 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 terial charge with the humblest member of the crew. Mounted 
 upon a gun, he keenly watched the enemy's movements, and 
 seemed at times to rejoice at her superior sailing. There 
 he stood like a target, and would inevitably have been the 
 first object aimed at on board. True it is, that at the cap- 
 tain's request, Mr. Crawford would step down and return to 
 the deck, where even his high statue towered over the gang- 
 way still marked him for the first fire which was every 
 minute expected — and true it is, that upon observations made 
 by the captain he would occasionally retire into the cabin, 
 but he was no sooner there than up again he was seen. This 
 was so often times repeated, and placed him in such imminent 
 danger, that at last the captain felt under the necessity of 
 notifying his prisoner that were it to occur again he would 
 have to enforce his orders and keep him down by compulsion. 
 Of this thorough contempt of death, of this complete self- 
 denial in Mr. Crawford, many proofs may be adduced. The 
 sudden transposition of the plain matter-of-fact republican 
 from the plough, to the dazzling circles of European society, 
 is frequently the cause of extreme embarrassment to the 
 uninitiated, and of mirth to others. Excessive modesty, that 
 frequently borders upon awkwardness, naturally intimidates 
 at first; whilst on the other side we have seen that a long 
 residence abroad had a tendency to divest some of our citi- 
 zens of those habits of candor that befit them much better 
 than an outlandish mimickry, which, to their disgrace, too 
 many of them do adopt. Against all this William H. Craw- 
 ford was proof; and, whether surrounded by the most refined 
 — whether at Woodlawn or at the Tuilleries, he ever remained 
 In manner, and in deed, an American. 
 
 "In the drawing room, without fastidiousness, he was 
 courteous and attentive to ladies in general, who found a great 
 charm, not the least for being novel to them, in his frank 
 and open conversation; and we have ourselves heard Madame 
 de Stael, than whom in such matters no better judge could be 
 found, assert that she had rarely conversed with a foreigner 
 who had edified her more than he. That very simplicity of 
 manners, indeed, stamped as it was with energy and natural 
 grace, far from being detrimental to him abroad, proved rather 
 the reverse. There was a straightforwardness in all he did 
 that contrasted singularly with the sophistry and less sincere 
 refinements of the members of the society in which he moved 
 that forcibly drew the attention toward him. 
 
 "His natural antipathy against eveiTthing like ostentation 
 made it particularly burdensome to him to have to wear at 
 court the prescribed costume; and he frequently wondered 
 that a man of such genius as Napoleon could be so tenacious 
 upon a subject apparently so trifling — but the great man was 
 sunk in the king, for king he must be, and in lowering him- 
 self from his high position a conqueror (Imperator) to the 
 pageantry of his diminutial colleagues, he had likewise 
 adopted all their weaknesses. Whilst on the subject of Napo- 
 leon it may not be amiss to observe that he possessed a degree 
 of inquisitiveness and curiosity somewhat embarrassing, and 
 which bore principally upon descriptions of the persons of 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRAWTORD 129 
 
 individuals who interested him. In such cases his questions 
 were incessant. Upon Mr. Crawford's first i)resentalion to 
 the Emperor the latter was remarliably talltative — inquired 
 particularly about the country, but more minutely still con- 
 cerning the person and appearance of Mr. Madison, his age. 
 etc., etc. 
 
 " 'And pray, sir," said he. 'is Mr. Madison tall?' 'Not 
 at all,' quickly replied Mr. Crawford; 'he is on the contrary 
 quite small — no taller than that,' raising as he spoke his arm 
 at a right angle with his body. In order to see the mark, 
 however. Napoleon had himself to look up, a singular com- 
 ment upon the altitude of the conqueror. 
 
 "Mr. Crawford had a high o[)inion of the skill and bravery 
 possessed by Napoleon — but he never did think him, as some 
 of the liberals in the latter period of his reign did (in the one 
 hundred days), susceptible of sacrificing to lil)erty his lofty 
 notions of military grandeur and glory. 
 
 "In the year 1814, the Minister of Marine having died, 
 the whole diplomatic corps with all other distinguished char- 
 acters in Paris, were invited to attend tlie funeral. The 
 former repaired to the rendezvous, in costume, the American 
 minister excepted, who, unaware that it was necessary on such 
 an occasion, assisted in a plain black frock, and in boots. 
 His appearance, he being the only one so dressed, naturally 
 excited attention; but when the procession, which was to move 
 from the hotel of the deceased to the church, was formed Mr. 
 Crawford was omitted in the arrangement, and left to take 
 his place as he might among the crowd. In this emergency 
 he soon discovered the dilemma into which he had been, per- 
 haps purposely placed by the master of ceremonies. Well- 
 ington, the ttien lion of the day, in his full costume, had 
 been placed at the very head of the procession, whilst two 
 by two following him came the other diplomats. Perceiving 
 this Mr. Crawford quietly walked up and composedly took his 
 stand by the side of the conqueror of Waterloo. Many were 
 then the inquiries set on foot among the assistants as to 
 'who was the tall man in black?' and whether he should not 
 be requested to fall back from the place he had usurped. 
 We once heard one of the masters of ceremony observe that 
 if he knew who he was he would unhesitatingly do so — and 
 upon receiving from us for answer that the person in ques- 
 tion was the minister from the United States he observed: 
 'Ah! c'est different.' This man, although high in office, it 
 had probably not been in the power of the legitimate king 
 to induce with the ideas of reverence and awe, then the fash- 
 ion, for evervthing EngUsh. This last remark, however, 
 applies to the large body of the French nation, which, if sup- 
 posed to be under any obligation to England, may be termed 
 ungrateful indeed. The mass of gratitude was to be found in 
 and about the court— but it required some courage in one 
 depending upon its favors to avow a contrary sentiment. How- 
 ever, this frank deportment of our minister did not seem to 
 displease his self-made neighbor, who immediately entered 
 into, and continued a familiar conversation with him during 
 the whole duration of the march, he having soon found out 
 
130 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 from his tone and language who he was. Since that singular 
 introduction Wellington was exceedingly courteous toward Mr. 
 Crawford, and continued so while they both resided at the 
 French capital. He it was who having, in the midst of the 
 night, received a courier with the announcement of the sig- 
 nature of the treaty of peace at Ghent, was the first to have 
 it communicated, with his own congratulations, to our min- 
 ister. Never was slumber more agreeably disturbed than was 
 that at the American legation that night. 
 
 "The penurious salaries allowed our diplomatic agents 
 abroad, a fact which may at first glance appear unimportant, 
 is nevertheless extremely detrimental both to the individuals 
 sent and to the prosecution of interests confided to their care 
 — one which, as an American loving his country, and having 
 personally not the least interest in the matter, we wish we 
 could seriously impress upon the common sense, justice and 
 generosity of our people — that circumstance, we say, bore with 
 peculiar hardship upon Mr. Crawford, himself almost without 
 any property of his own. Aware of this, he had left his 
 numerous family on his farm, and had alone repaired to 
 Europe. Whilst on one side, in tlie honesty of his heart he 
 had promised himself that there he would spend the whole 
 of his salary, justice to his growing family had likewise led 
 him to hope that no encroachment upon his diminutive indi- 
 vidual property would be rendered necessary. The promise 
 was rigidly kept, but the hope could not be realized. His 
 establishment befitted his official character was neither the 
 most elegant, nor the least so, of the diplomatic circle. But, 
 in the dispensation of his civilities he was, as all our min- 
 isters are, much more stinted than he should have been — and, 
 although from the nature of circumstances, he most inevitably 
 received invitations without number, but very few could he 
 reciprocate. Between the alternateness of receiving without 
 returning, or of ruining himself, he chose a medium course, 
 declining civilities extended to him by strangers, and keeping 
 his house open to his fellow-citizens alone, and a few other 
 distinguished characters who sought his familiar society. 
 Every American citizen who visited Paris at that period must 
 remember that his table and board were liberally accessible 
 to him, and will readily render justice to the frankness and 
 republican-like manner with which his hospitality was ten- 
 dered. 
 
 "His intimates among the French were LaFayette, Barbe 
 Marbois, Baron de Stael, son of Madame de Stael, the venerable 
 Dupont de Nemours, and Benjamin Constant. They seemed 
 to find great pleasure in his society, and frequently courted 
 his advice even on matters relating to the politics of their 
 own country. Through the first named it was, that in 1814, 
 after Napoleon's dov.-nfall, but whilst we were still at war 
 with Great Britain, Mr. Crawford was enabled to ascertain 
 the favorable impression entertained by the Emperor Alexan- 
 der toward our country, and of his desire to bring about a 
 reconciliation between England and the United States. TL'.i 
 indirect conversation by means of LaFayette, whom Alexan- 
 der, although his political antipode, personally respected, was 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD 131 
 
 frequent and animated. As a proof that the FJnii)eror highly 
 valued the opinion of the American statesman he requested 
 from him a clear and snccinct nanative of the causes of our 
 differences with E]ngiand, which was handed him from Gen- 
 eral LaFayette. The ardent desire shown by Alexander upon 
 this score renders it more than probable that tiie opinion of 
 the leader of the holy alliance, so termed, had oonsideral)le 
 weight with the British cabinet, who, certainly, in the lattc-r 
 stage of the negotiation, had shifted aiound and consideral)ly 
 deviated from the stiffness of our original pretentions. Dur- 
 ing the time that Mr. Crawford's mission lasted, from 1 S 1 ."{ 
 to 1815, events of a most important character, as affecting 
 the face of the civilized world, hapi)ened at the French capi- 
 tal. The affairs of France had now reached the lowest ebb. 
 Efforts, amounting to heroism, were now making by Napoleon 
 to stem the last blow aimed by the whole of combined Europe 
 at the heart of that devoted country. Little time was left 
 the Emperor and his ministry to attend to negotiations not 
 having for their immediate object the salvation of the country. 
 Thus it is, that Mr. Crawford was unable to bring to a suc- 
 cessful issue the advocacy of our claims for indemnity, although 
 he ceased not to press the subject upon the attention of the 
 French government as strenuously as decency and the unfor- 
 tunate state of circumstances did then allow. Rut although 
 he could not possibly accomplish the principal object of his 
 mission he was far from remaining inactive at his post; and 
 the passing events that followed each other with fearful 
 rapidity afforded Mr. Crawford an opportunity of showing his 
 government of what degree of perspicacity his mind was capa- 
 ble. His correspondence with the department of state would 
 testify both as to his industry and to the wisdom with which 
 he at an early period jsrophesied what did subsequently hap- 
 pen. In Paris the interest became more and more intense as 
 the enemy with his millions of bayonets narrowed the circle 
 within which what remained of the French army had to move. 
 Napoleon, by one of those dec'bive and unexpected movements 
 that had so often succeeded before, abruptly and with a chosen 
 few, forced a passage through the ranks, and from being 
 within found himself outside the circle, bearing upon the 
 enemy's rear, whom he expected by that means to have thrown 
 into disorder. But whether it was that the allies felt confi- 
 dent of their immense numerical superiority, or, as has been 
 asserted by Napoleon, that they knew not in their confusion 
 what to do, it is nevertheless the fact that instead of receding 
 they pushed onward. Ti^e cannon was soon within hearing of 
 the capital Marmort, who had been ordered to defend it to 
 the last, did not on the contrary yield, after a bloody but use- 
 less conflict had taken place under the very walls. Jnside 
 of this town, which, since wars between the French and 
 English monarchs for the possession of the French army, had 
 not seen a foreign foe, all was consternation and despair. How 
 the exasperated soldiery of the coalition might behave after 
 their entrance into it no one could possibly tell, and a general 
 plunder was much apprehended. 
 
 "In this emergency it behooved the American minister. 
 
132 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 both on account of his national dignity and because of its 
 being now made the depository of certain funds, the property 
 of the United States which had previously been deposited 
 with the bankers, but was now placed here for greater safety — ■ 
 it became him, we say, to take measures for the protection 
 of the hotel of the legation; and, accordingly, Mr. Crawford 
 ordered the national flag to be hoisted over his door; but 
 there was not such a thing as a flag of the United States 
 to be had in Paris for love or money. Great indeed was the 
 anxiety, which grew more and more intense, as reports came 
 in every moment announcing the approach of the Cossacks. 
 At every cost the neutrality of the American hotel must be 
 preserved, and there existed no means of doing that as long 
 as it was not marked by the ordinary national sign. Instruc- 
 tions were given for the purchase of the materials to make 
 a flag, but the merchants were fighting at the gates; all the 
 shops were shut up, and it was not without the greatest diffi- 
 culty and after a long and tedious search that blue, white and 
 red patches could be assembled sufficient for its completion. 
 The scene was now worthy of a painter's pencil. Into a 
 tailor's shop was transformed tbe Legation of the United 
 States, whose minister extraordinary, with his secretaries, 
 busied themselves in cutting, or rather tearing, for time was 
 precious, and then putting together rather unartist-like, as 
 may well be imagined, the stripes of the star-spangled banner. 
 At this remote and quiet period, and when it is considered 
 that the apprehensions then entertained of violation were 
 not realized, this little episode may seem to be trifling and 
 superfluous; but the event itself was not so. Agitation sat 
 upon every countenance; American citizens, with their fam- 
 ilies, flocked for protection under the roof of their minister; 
 and the fears of the former, contrasted with the calm earnest- 
 ness of the latter, imparted to the whole an interest, the 
 recollection of which time has not obliterated. 
 
 "Nor can it be supposed that the apprehensions then felt 
 were imaginary, as is evidenced by the fact that so close to 
 the city were the enemy that a cannon ball struck in the 
 garden of the American hotel, where it was picked up. Here 
 again did Mr. Crawford exhibit that character, a fearlessness 
 of all personal danger, he possessed to so high a degree. 
 Desirous of witnessmg the rare and awful spectacle of a field 
 of battle, he repaired to one of the gates near which they 
 were at the time engaged; and here he desired to be allowed 
 to go out, that he might, from the heights of Mount Martre 
 take a general view of the bloody strife. But the officer com- 
 manding at the gate remonstrated, and observed to him that 
 to go then would be attended with the greatest risk, as there 
 was a cross-fire carried on between those heights and the 
 pla.n below. Mr. Crawford insisted, however, and upon men- 
 tioning whom he was, requested that permission be asked to 
 that effect of the commander-in-chief, whose answer was soon 
 received. It was an imperative and absolute refusal. To his 
 great mortification, he had to return, and could only y'.SA 
 the field of battle after the capitulation had taken place, 
 which he immediately did. To his view was it exhibited in its 
 
OF WILLIAM II. CRAWFORD 133 
 
 most awful aspect. Deprived of action, there renuiined of It 
 nothing but the sad result, the dying and the dead; and 
 among the heart-rending scenes we have heard him describe 
 was that hearing some groans proceeding from under a heap 
 of dead bodies, he, by removal of some of them, discovered 
 a poor fellow in whom life w^as not yet extinct, but who was 
 nearly crushed under the we'ght of bodies that had fallen on 
 him. 
 
 "Time had hardly been given unfortunate France to 
 breathe quietly under the inglorious reign of the Bourlions, 
 when, in March, 1S15, Napoleon's Eagle plucked and tram- 
 pled under foot the fleurs de Lys. Some men of the Liberal 
 party, who had fancied that they might have snatched from 
 the weak Bourbons a greater degree of liberty than they could 
 expect from Nap.oleon, exhibited a violent opposition to the 
 Emperor's return. Some of them wrote violent Philippics 
 against him. and among them, in i)articular, the celebrated 
 Benjamin Constant. By a singular fatality, owing to the 
 extreme rapidity of Napoleon's movements from his place of 
 landing in France, the strongest of those appeals to the 
 French against the usurper, as he was called by Constant, 
 appeared in French papers the very morning the Emperor 
 entered the capital. However great was the capacity of the 
 philosopher's head, no less pusiliannimous was he as a man; 
 and 1 e now trembled lest the powerful man he had so untimely 
 apostrophised would now visit him v/ith his wrath. Constant 
 knew not where to hide liis head, until he bethought himself 
 of Mr. Crawford, upon whose kindness and mercy he threw 
 himself. Mr. Crawford's ministerial capacity could not have 
 allowed him to make of his house a political sanctuary, but 
 far different was the present case. The event had, without 
 I is agency, actually taken place, and honor and delicacy for- 
 bade that by his agency it should now be averted. The most 
 cordial hospitality was extended to the proscribed during the 
 time, which was several weeks, he kept in his hidmg place. 
 His uneasiness was rather increased when he understood that 
 the Emijeror had repeatedly sent to his house for the purpose 
 of enquiring where he was to be found. After proposing 
 several contrivances for the final disposition of h'is person, one 
 of which was to go and embark at Wautus, by stealth for the 
 United States, he was after a great deal of persuasion by 
 some of his political friends, among whom was General 
 LaFayette, induced to present himself voluntarily before 
 Napoleon, and to abi'de by the consequences. We have heard 
 this interview related by a witness, and here give as we 
 receive it: 
 
 "Mr Constant having entered the apartment, 'Advance,' 
 said the Emperor in an authoritative tone. And as Constant 
 seemed to hesitate, "Bh! que deille, advances vous done que 
 je vous embrasse.' He then added: 'Vous m avez hae parce- 
 que vous ne me conneuessiez pas; moi, ]e vous honore. par- 
 lique vous etes unhonnete homme. Monsieur Benjamin Con- 
 
 ''''• '^:Sn7 mav iril^Tonceive the pleasurable wonderment of 
 the philosopher, whose philosophy did but ill resist such " 
 
 a 
 
134 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 burst from such a man, and with that manner so peculiar to 
 himself Napoleon knew well how to act upon the human heart 
 — he was in fact the man of antithesis'. But to return to 
 Benjamin Constant. Proofs of his excessive timidity, to call 
 it by the most indulgent name, abound, and among others the 
 following, when on some public occasion he was professing 
 in enthusiastic terms his republicanism, and had added with 
 strict adherence to one's principles should be evinced even 
 unto death. 
 
 " 'Why, then," rejoined one present, 'did you, Baron, bow 
 before Napoleon?' 
 
 " 'Because,' repl'ed he, '1 am not a principle. You may 
 stifle a principle, but if you stifle a man — ' 
 
 "Mr. Crawford's political life is before the people, and 
 that we leave to abler pens to portray. But in the discursive 
 remarks we have made we cannot omit a circumstance con- 
 nected with his ministerial mission — one which we have 
 already, on a more public occasion, stated', going far from 
 its peculiar nature toward substantiating what we have 
 asserted of his highmindedness, and of the nobleness of his 
 character. As we have previously stated, a sort of indirect 
 communication had been carried on by the medium of LaFay- 
 ette between Alexander and Mr. Crawford. Pending this, a 
 proposition, indirect at first, but which, if countenanced, 
 would eventually have been rendered serious, was hinted that 
 our claims for indemnity might be included in the account 
 adduced by the coalesced powers against France. The amount 
 of ours was a mere trifle when compared with the excessive 
 demands into which, almost unfelt, it would thus have been 
 merged. But no sooner was the idea thrown out than Mr. 
 Crawford unhesitatingly repelled the proposition, alleging that 
 'It were not for the United States, the most ancient and per- 
 haps only friend France then had, to join her enemies at the 
 worst period of her adversity; that, determined as they were, 
 to see justice ultimately done them, the United States would 
 notwithstanding, wait for better times.' 
 
 "Now, we fear not to aver, that to take upon himself 
 such a determination, without instructions from home at such 
 a moment, when hopes of final remuneration were faint 
 indeed; when a contrary course would no doubt have gathered 
 him at home an immense harvest of popularity, simultaneously 
 to do an act so self-denying, so much stamped with a noble 
 generosity, denotes a man who considers the settlement of 
 a question of dollars and cents far inferior to the preservation 
 of national character — the true wealth of a nation." * 
 
 *Southern Literary Messenger, June 1839. 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD 135 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 IN THE CABINET OF JAMES MADISOX. 
 
 The war of 1S12 had cost the United States one hundred 
 million dollars, and the lives of thirty thousand of her sol- 
 diery. It had been fought during the three years of its exist- 
 ence without a national currency. Gold ceasing to be current 
 because undervalued, had become an article of merchandise, 
 and was carried to foreign countries. Silver had been sup- 
 erceded by bank notes. The first bank of the United States 
 had ceased to exist in ISll, and the Federal Government was 
 dependent upon local banks for a currency and for loans. The 
 dernier resort to treasury notes in great quantities which were 
 not redeemable in coin brought about greatly depreciated, 
 unstable and varying values. Loans were only to be had with 
 difficulty and on the exacting terms of the lender. The Gov- 
 ernment, paralyzed by the state of the finances, accepted a 
 treaty of peace without securing the object for which war 
 had been declared. The first time, perhaps, in all history that 
 a treaty between warring nations was executed without men- 
 tioning in it any stipulation derived from its cause. The 
 impressment of our seamen by the British is not even hinted 
 at in that carefully worded document. The object of the 
 war, however, was attained, because the young republic had 
 shown to the world that she would fight on that point, and 
 that another impressment meant another war. Such was the 
 elevation of our national character throughout the world that 
 there has not been an impressment since. 
 
 The deplorable state of our finances and commerce and 
 heavy taxes merely incurred the Federalist opposition to the 
 war. The legislatures of Massachusetts and Connecticut 
 passed acts in direct conflict with a statute of Congress 
 regarding the enlistment of minors, and subjected the 
 recruiting officers to fine and imprisonment. Massachusetts 
 again appeared in the lines of nullification in February, 1814, 
 when the Federalist majority in her Legislature forbade the 
 use of state prisons for British officers ordered by the Ameri- 
 can authorities to be confined there. 
 
 At a time when accumulated disaster had almost broken 
 the daunted spirit of the nation and the howling trumpets 
 of war raged with greatest violence Peter Early was elected 
 Governor of Georgia. He enthusiastically organized the mil- 
 itary and volunteer forces of the comm.onwealth, and rendered 
 the general government every assistance in the power of the 
 
13() THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 state towards pressing the war with vigor. An officer of the 
 United States applied to the state of Georgia at this time for 
 eighty thousand dollars to relieve a temporary embarrassment 
 caused by a want of supplies for the army. Rather than the 
 operations of the army should languish the request was 
 granted, and a warrant in favor of the general government 
 was drawn upon Georgia's treasury. It was suggested by a 
 gentleman present that as the union of the states might not 
 be of very long duration, in which case each member of the 
 Confederacy must depend upon itself, that it would be well to 
 husband the state's resources. To this speech Governor Early 
 thoughtfully replied: "I trust to God that such will never 
 happen. If it should I have no wish that Georgia should 
 survive the wreck. I want her to win with the union or sink 
 together." * 
 
 On his return from France Crawford's reputation as a 
 statesman rose to its zenith. His distinguished service abroad 
 and his opinions and influence, together with his career in 
 the Senate, had given tone to the politics of a great portion 
 of the country. The war department needed at its head a 
 strong master m'nd to bring order out of chaos. There were 
 millions of unsettled claims against this department of the 
 Government. The army must now be paid, and reduced in 
 number, economies in its administration were to be devised, 
 only ablest officers retained, and the correction of many 
 abuses that had sprung up in this department during the war 
 were to be instituted. The great burden caused by insufficient 
 funds of the general government had fallen heaviest here. 
 President Madison again tendered this cabinet position, and 
 Crawford, in August, 1815, set himself to straighten its tan- 
 gled, intricate affairs. The President was not disappointed 
 in his efforts, for he had realized the Herculean task Craw- 
 ford had undertaken. The benefit of his advice and sage 
 counsel in Madison's cabinet was justly appreciated in this 
 chrysalis state of the nation. His plans for eliminating the 
 great war debt by gradual payment and restoring a proper 
 organization of governmental affairs were practical and con- 
 structive. His method of proceedure in gaining a thorough 
 command of the situation is suggested by the following letter: 
 
 'White's statistics of Georgia, p. 221. 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRA^VFORr) 137 
 
 SECRETARY CRAWFORD TO ERASTl'S CRANUKR. 
 U. S. INDIAN AGENT. 
 
 WAR DEPARTMENT, 1st Oct.. IS It;. 
 
 Sir: 
 
 The liberal supplies furnished by the Government to the 
 friendly Indians during the war, for the i)urpose of engaging 
 their services in the field, or for sul)stituting those who took 
 refuge in our settlements in consequence of the destructioix 
 of their villages and provisions by the vicissitudes of the war, 
 have, it is apprehended, produced too great a degree of 
 dependence upon the agencies for the habittial supply of their 
 ordinary wants since the return of peace. This, together with 
 the extension of our intercourse with them resulting from 
 the increased number of agencies established since the peace, 
 has produced an expenditure in the Indian department during 
 the last and present year greatly beyond the usual annual 
 appropriat-on for that object. 
 
 The surplus of the liberal appropriations made during 
 the war has enabled the deijartment to meet those various 
 and multiplied demands, but it will be im])Ossible to continue 
 such large expenditures for the future unless a more ami)le 
 appropriation can be obtained for that object from the 
 national legislature. 
 
 To bring the subject before Congress for the purpose 
 of obtaining a more liberal provision which is l)elieved to 
 be necessary on account of the extension of our intercourse 
 with the Indian tribes, since the present appropriation of 
 $200,000 was made independent of the increase of expenses 
 which has just been noticed, it is my duty to obtain from the 
 several agencies all the information necessary to form a cor- 
 rect decision upon the intended application. 
 
 You will, therefore, upon the receipt of this letter, tran.s- 
 mit to me the names and probable numbers of the tribes under 
 your superintendence, the amount of the amnesties paid them, 
 the amount of presents other than provisions which ought 
 to be distributed among them, the annual expense of provis- 
 ions issued to them, at the distribution of their amnesties and 
 on every other occasion. And an estimate of tb.e authorized 
 and contingent expenses of your agency, including not only 
 the items just enumerated, but also your pay and emolu- 
 ments, and' those of the interpreters and other persons in 
 your employment as agent. 
 
 As this estimate is required for the i)urpose of governing 
 the department in its application to Congress for an increase 
 of the annual appropriation for the Indian a.gencies. as well 
 as for the information of that body, the idea that any increase 
 will actually be made must not be held out to the Indians 
 within your agency. 
 
 I have the honor to be 
 
 Your most obedient servant, 
 
 WM. H. CRAWFORD. 
 
 Erastus Granger, Esq., 
 
 Buffalo, New York. 
 
1^8 tHE LIFE AND TBfES 
 
 During Crawford's term in . the War Department his 
 report on the Indian tribes was the subject of much comment 
 both at the time and years following. After stating the con- 
 dition of the Indians, their claims upon the humanity and 
 justice of the Government, and the course of measures that 
 would probably tend to the diffusion of knowledge and happi- 
 ness among them, he concludes as follows: 
 
 "These views are substantially founded upon the convic- 
 tion that it is the true policy and earnest desire of the Gov- 
 ernment to draw its savage neighbors within the pale of 
 civilization. If I am mistaken in this point — if the primary 
 object of the Government is to extinguish the Indian title 
 and settle their lands as rapidly as possible — the commerce 
 with them ought to be entirely abandoned to individual enter- 
 prise and left without regulation. The result would be con- 
 tinual warfare attended by the extermination or expulsion 
 of the original inhabitants to more distant and less hospitable 
 regions. The correctness of this policy cannot for a moment 
 be admitted. The utter extinction of the Indian race must be 
 abhorent to the feelings of an enlightened nation. The idea 
 is distinctly opposed to every act of the Government from the 
 Declaration of Independence to the present day. If the system 
 already devised has not produced all the effects which were 
 expected from it, new experiments ought to be made. When 
 every effort to introduce among them separate property as 
 well as things real and personal shall fail, let intermarriage 
 between them and the whites be encouraged by the Govern- 
 ment; this cannot fail to preserve the race, with the modifi- 
 cations necessary to the enjoyment of civil liberty and social 
 happiness. It is believed that the principles of humanity, 
 in this instance, are in harmonious concert with the true 
 interest of the nation. It will redound more to the national 
 honor to incorporate by a humane and benevolent policy the 
 nations of our forests, in the great American family of free- 
 men, than to receive with open arms the fugitives of the old 
 world, whether their flight has been the effect of their crimes 
 or their virtues." 
 
 These liberal sentiments of Crawford, which are now so 
 much appreciated by students of Indianology, were not so 
 well received at the time of utterance. The spirit of acrimony 
 and partisanship of those times pronounced upon this extract 
 a double sentence of reprobation. The ridicule that was 
 heaped upon the idea of encouraging intermarriage with the 
 loathsome savages was equaled only by the sarcasm of those 
 who denounced the idea as visionary and barbarous. The 
 closing sentence was condemned as unjust and illiberal 
 towards foreigners. Indeed it was heralded by his detractors 
 as an insult to all our immigrant population. 
 
 That the elevation of the Indian tribes to freedom, civili- 
 zation and happiness would confer upon the American Gov- 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD 139 
 
 ernment more honor and claim the sreater admiration of the 
 world than any act on the field ol' slory or tlie path of benevo- 
 lence, no one can ever deny; that the utterance of these nol;le 
 sentiments should be seized upon l)y political adversaries to 
 the disadvantage of their author, demonstrates the ethics of 
 the human understanding when warped by prejudice and 
 political bias. 
 
 The re-incorporation of the United States i^ank, with a 
 capital of thirty-five million dollars at this time, was regarded 
 as Crawford's measure, and the President recognizing this 
 fact, in October, 1816, persuaded him to give up the portfolio 
 of war and accept that of the Treasury. The country looked 
 with confidence to him to establish financial credit, and meet 
 the rapididly accruing public debt. During these doubtful, 
 stringent times, when our domestic relations were so sorely 
 embarrassed and commercial capital so greatly deranged, the 
 profoundest ability was required to preserve the national 
 estate from bankruptcy. The public debt at this time exceeded 
 one hundred and twenty million dollars. During his eight 
 years of administration of the affairs of the Treasury, not- 
 withstanding these adverse conditions, the nation's credit was 
 never better. The national debt was faithfully discharged, 
 and the burdens of taxation were light and inconsiderable. 
 To follow him as he carefully compiles the facts from his 
 sources of information, as he laboriously investigates every 
 avenue that may conceal some undiscovered truths, one is 
 not astonished at the uncommon accuracy of his careful com- 
 pilations. "At the time of the greatest difficulty the estimated 
 and actual receipts of the treasury only varied ten per cent., 
 while the estimates of his distinguished predecessors had 
 varied from seventeen to twenty-one per cent." * 
 
 The difficulties of the last years of Madison's term were 
 more serious than any other administration. They weighed 
 upon him, in fact almost crushed him. The plan of a national 
 bank as urged by Craw^ford, and the Treasury Department as 
 directed by him, and the loans secured by his negotiations 
 were all welcomed by Madison with grateful sensations of relief. 
 The war establishment was lowered, a new tariff was adopted 
 by Congress to increase the revenue of the Government, and 
 the system of taxation was reformed by the gradual abolition 
 of direct and internal taxes. There was not an instantaneous 
 revival of commerce and of industry. There were periods of 
 depression in which individual fortunes perished, but the gen- 
 
 *DudIey's Sketch of W. H. Crawford. 
 
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OF WILLIAM H. CRAWTORD I4X 
 
 era] trend was towards recovery from the disorders and 
 disruptions into wliicli the country had heen phuiRed by the 
 war. The whole country, no less than Madison himself, felt 
 that the Secretary of the Treasury should be accredited with 
 this upbuilding of the national linances. 
 
 As the administration was nearing its close, the eye of 
 the nation very naturally began to look to James Monroe, 
 the Secretary of State, as Madison's successor. To elect the 
 Secretary of State was in line with precedents established by 
 previous administrations. The President very naturally fi'lt 
 committed to this policy; but the leading members of the party 
 to which Monroe and Crawford both belonged did not dis- 
 guise their preference for the latter. Crawford peremptorily 
 declined. He declared he was young enough to wait, and 
 advised his friends to support Mr. Monroe. The most flatter- 
 ing solicitations from all over the country now came to him, 
 and a large number of influential newspapers urged his can- 
 didacy. It appears true, as Mr. Dudley says: "It has often 
 been confidently asserted by a great number of experienced 
 politicians of that day, that if Crawford had permitted his 
 name to have been put in nomination at that time he might 
 have been elected with perfect ease." 
 
 Colonel Aaron Burr, from his home in New York, wrote 
 to his son-in-law, .Joseph Alston, Ex-Governor of South Caro- 
 lina, on Nov. 20th, 1815, informing him that a congressional 
 caucus would soon nominate the "stupid and illiterate" Mon- 
 roe for President of the United States, and call on all good 
 Republicans to support him. After denouncing Mr. Monroe 
 as an improper, hypocritical and indecisive man, and a tool 
 of the Virginia junto, and after denouncing the caucus nomi- 
 nation as odious. Colonel Burr urges upon Governor Alston 
 to take measures to break down the system by adroitly bring- 
 ing General Jackson forward as a candidate, and declare his 
 success as inevitable. Burr advises Alston to charge some 
 friend to caution Jackson against the perfidious caresses, 
 threats and favors of the Virginia junto, and urge him to be 
 passive. Governor Alston fully coincided with Burr in this 
 sentiment, but ill health and family affliction prevented the 
 adoption of the suggestion. * 
 
 There was a Republican member of Congress at that 
 time from New York to whom we are indebted for a valuable 
 contribution of president-making science. In his political his- 
 tory of New York Dr. Jabez Hammond lays bare the various 
 
 *Memoirs of Burr by M. L. Davis, Vol. II, page 433. 
 
142 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 schemes of that political event, which is deemed of such 
 historic interest that we insert it here: 
 
 "There are good reasons to believe that the national 
 administration under the control of the Virginia dynasty had 
 for a long time entertained some jealousy of the leading and 
 most influential Republicans in the state of New York. The 
 great and rapidly increasing numerical weight of this state 
 might have increased that jealousy. Hence the policy at 
 Washington was to prevent any one man from getting, or 
 rather from retaining, an ascendency with the Republican 
 party in the state. Hence we find that the minor section of 
 that party were always the special favorites of the adminis- 
 tration, from the time of the existence of the Burr faction 
 down to the period of which I am writing. Accordingly, Wil- 
 liam P. VanNess, the second of Burr in the duel with Hamil- 
 ton, the avowed author of Aristides. and the uncompromising 
 enemy of DeWitt Clenton, was made a judge of the United 
 States court. 
 
 "At this time the selection of the Presidential candidate 
 was made by a caucus of Republican members of Congress 
 This was then the common law of the Democratic party. The 
 fourteenth Congress convened on the first Monday in Decem- 
 ber. As I happened to be a member of that Congress I can 
 speak with some confidence in relation to the manoeuverings 
 which occurred prior to the Congressional caucus. When the 
 members from this state arrived in Washington it was found 
 that nearly, if not quite all, the Republicans were for Gov- 
 ernor Tompkins, if it should be found that there was a rea- 
 sonable prospect of procuring his nomination; but it was soon 
 ascertained that it could not be effected. The New England, 
 states were all represented by Federalists, with the exception 
 of three Republican members from that part of Massachusetts 
 which now constitutes the state of Maine. The majority of 
 the Republican members were from the south, and these were 
 all opposed to the nomination of Tompkins. Their ostensible 
 objection was that he had never been in the service of the 
 nation, and therefore their constituents knew little or noth- 
 ing of him. It was in vain that we urged his merits as Gov- 
 ernor of New York during the late war. 'I have no doubt,' 
 said a member from North Carolina to me, 'that Mr. Tompkins 
 is a good Governor. We also have a good Governor in North 
 Carolina, but we do not. on that account, expect you to sup- 
 port him for the office of President.' It was dlfliicult to answer 
 this objection, although the only reason why Governor Tomp- 
 kins had not been in the service of the nation was his refusal 
 to accept the office of Secretary of State, solely for the reason 
 that he could render more service to the nation as Governor 
 than he could as Secretary of State. 
 
 "I regret to say that those who manifested an inclina- 
 tion to support, in caucus. Governor Tompkins, may be des- 
 ignated oy geographical lines. His friends were to be found 
 in New York, New .lersey, some in Pennsylvania, some in 
 Kentucky, some in Ohio and some in Maryland; but not a 
 single supporter of Tompkins could be found south of the 
 Potomac, 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRAWTORD I43 
 
 "It soon became evident that Tompkins could not bo 
 nominated; but before tliis was ascertained, at any rate by 
 those of us who were strangers, a meeting was held by the 
 New York delegation to ascertain each others views and tf) 
 endeavor to agree on ulterior measures. 
 
 "My object, and, I believe, the object of a majority of 
 the delegates, was in case we should become satisfied that the 
 project of nominating Governor Tompkins was hoi)eless, then 
 to endeavor to procure as nearly a united vote of the state 
 as possible for William H. Crawford, at that time Secretary 
 of War. 
 
 "The old members, as, for instance. General Porter, .John 
 W. Taylor and Mr. Irving of New York, were extremely wary 
 and cautious. It was soon ascertained that few of us had 
 hopes of succeeding with Tompkins, and General Porter made 
 some suggestions respecting the chance of success by holding 
 him up as a candidate in opposition to the caucus nomina- 
 tion; and, although neither he nor any one else entertained 
 any serious views of tak'ng such a course, he appeared 
 desirous to direct the attention of the delegates from the true 
 question, which was in case Tompkins was given up, between 
 Crawford and Monroe. Some one finally observed that the 
 latter was the important, and in reality, the only question to 
 be decided. 
 
 "The meeting was, notwithstanding, as appeared to me, 
 much by means of the influence of General Porter, John W. 
 Taylor and Enos T. Throop, broken up without any expression 
 of opinion as between Monroe and Crawford. I knew, and 
 those gentlemen at the time knew, that more than four to 
 one of the delegates were for Crawford. Mr. Porter, although 
 the fact was not then generally known, was in favor of 
 Monroe, and he was unwilling that it should be at that junc- 
 ture publicly known how large a majority of the New York 
 delegation were for Crawford, being apprehensive of its effects 
 upon the members of Congress from the other states. Gen- 
 eral Porter was not long after appointed commissioner under 
 the British treaty to run the boundary line between the 
 United States and the province of Canada. 
 
 "William H. Crawford was a self-made man. He was 
 possessed of a vigorous intellect, strictly honest and honora- 
 ble in his political conduct, sternly independent and of great 
 decision of character. On the other hand Mr. Monroe, though 
 he had been long in public life, a considerable part of which 
 consisted in the execution of diplomatic agencies, was speak- 
 ing of him as a candidate for the presidency, not distinguished 
 for vi-or of mtellect or for decision of character, independ- 
 ence of action, or indeed for any extraordinary public service. 
 He made no pretensions to distinction as a writer, or eloquence 
 as a public speaker. He seemed to have owed his success m 
 life to great caution, prudence, and deliberation in everything 
 which he said or did. 
 
 "With these views of the merits of Mr. Monroe and Mr. 
 Crawford, in connection with the fact that the chief magis- 
 tracv of the nation had been so long held by citizens of \ir- 
 ginia, and considering Governor Tompkins out of the quesr 
 
144 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 tion, a large majority of the New York delegation was rather 
 ardent in support of Mr. Crawford. Governor Tompkins 
 thought unkindly of their course. He thought they had too 
 readily consented to give him up, although it was well known 
 that Judge Spence, whose opinion at that time had great 
 influence with the members, decidedly preferred Crawford to 
 Tompkins; yet, had there been the least prospect of his nomi- 
 nation, I have no doubt they would, in good faith, have sup- 
 ported him to the last. Mr. Clinton was for Mr. Monroe. 
 This fact I know: Mr. Van Buren took no decided part in the 
 matter. In connection with the New York delegates Colonel 
 Cannon from Massachusetts, part of the members from Ohio, 
 Kentucky, and Tennessee, North Carolina, and the whole of 
 the Georgia delegation, were for Mr. Crawford. When Con- 
 gress first assembled, as between Crawford and Monroe, I 
 have not a particle of doubt that a majority of the Republi- 
 can members were for the former. But the caucus was put 
 off from time to time, until the session was considerably 
 advanced, and such was the influence of the administration 
 on its own friends, or from other causes unknown to me, 
 when the grand caucus was held Mr. Crawford received fifty- 
 four votes and Mr. Monroe sixty-five, who was therefore nomi- 
 nated for President. Governor Tompkins was nominated for 
 Vice-President. Of the members from New York I believe 
 that Messrs. Irving, Throop and Bridges were the only ones 
 who voted for Monroe." 
 
 The nomination of Mr. Monroe was strenuously resisted 
 for personal reasons. There were many who thought meanly 
 of his abilities. His countenance had no indication of superior 
 intellect, but exhibited an honesty of purpose which com- 
 manded respect and gained favor. His slowness of thought 
 and want of imagination, however, were compensated for by 
 his superior diligence. He was a fine specimen of the old 
 Virginia gentleman — generous, hospitable, patriotic, and in 
 stature six feet tall. There were many at this time who 
 were unwilling to continue the "Virginia Dynasty," which 
 had furnished the Union with Presidents twenty-four years 
 out of twenty-eight. The opposition to Mr. Monroe was not 
 concentrated, and since Crawford had voluntarily postponed 
 his own claims, "Many of his best friends," says Mr. Dudley, 
 "failed to vote or attend the caucus." He was contented 
 with this show of strength to be in line for Monroe's suc- 
 cessor. His magnanimity lost to him the Presidency. Had he 
 made the slightest effort to secure the nomination it would 
 have been his. The golden opportunity was gone never to 
 return. "His position, in fact, was then so commanding and 
 advantageous that his not reaching the Presidency proves 
 either that he disdained intrigue or was an unskillful poli- 
 tician." * 
 
 *Parton's Life of Jackson, Vol. II, page 345, 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD 145 
 
 The Federalists, still adhering to their party orp;aniza- 
 tion, put in nomination Rut'us King for President. The Dem- 
 ocratic candidates were elected, receiving one luindicd and 
 eighty-three votes to thirty-four for the Federal candidates. 
 
 CHAPTER XIIL 
 IN THE CABINET OF JAMES MONROE. 
 
 The administration of Monroe was one of great modera- 
 tion. It v/as his policy to continue the era of good feeling. 
 His assumption of the presidential labors was cheered by the 
 beatific vision of political unity. It was a favorite idea with 
 him to give new strength to the government by the extin- 
 guishment of all party divisions and feuds. The Democrats 
 were disposed for the time being under his benign policy to 
 forget the errors of their adversary and the P^ederalists to 
 forgive their humiliation. It looked as if his desire to heal 
 all dissensions and conciliate and unite conflicting political 
 parties would be accomplished. There was now no French 
 party nor British faction. The fires of party prejudice burned 
 feebly, and found nourishment only in personal rivalries and 
 the hatching of schemes for individual aggrandizement. The 
 decisions of competent tribunals had generally settled all ques- 
 tions that had arisen from adverse constructions of the con- 
 stitution, and no new dissensions had presented themselves. 
 The halcyon season of political happiness and reconciliation 
 appeared to be at hand. His cabinet was formed with those 
 views in mind. General Jackson wrote him: 
 
 "Now is the time to exterminate that monster, called party 
 spirit. By selecting characters mosi conspicuous for their prob- 
 ity, virtue, capacity, and firmness without any regard to party, 
 you will go far, if not entirely, to eradicate those feelings, 
 which on former occasions threw so many obstacles in the way 
 of government; perhaps have the pleasure and honor of unit- 
 ing a people heretofore politically divided. The chief mag- 
 istrate of a great and powerful nation should never indulge 
 in party feelings." 
 
 What fine sentiments! No matter how great a partisan 
 Jackson may have evinced himself to be when subsequently 
 he became President it is certain he knew how to give good 
 advice in 1817. He inconsistently fixed a much higher stand- 
 ard for President Monroe than he inaugurated for himself 
 when he became President. 
 
 Because of the fact that under Crawford's administra- 
 tion public credit had been restored, the Treasury replenished, 
 and the currency had reached a comparatively healthy state, 
 he was requested by the new President to remain in charge 
 
146 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 of this laborious and complicated department of the Govern- 
 ment. Honorable Langdon Cheeves, in tendering his resigna- 
 tion of President of the United States Bank, refers to corres- 
 pondence in 1819 with Secretary of Treasury, and says: 
 
 "I had much anxious intercourse with Secretary of Treas- 
 ury, personally and by letter, in relation to the currency of the 
 country and the collection of the public debts in the Atlantic 
 as well as the Western states. It was a crisis of unexampled 
 difficulty. The great object was to restore and preserve a 
 sound currency generally throughout the Union. As it 
 regarded the Atlantic portions of the Union, it appeared to 
 my judgment to involve the soundness of the currency; but 
 as it regarded the Western states it seemed to me to involve 
 the existence of any currency at all. I understood distinctly 
 that it was the object of the Secretary of the Treasury in 
 the Western states to prevent its sudden and total prostra- 
 tion. In my opinion, the Secretary of the Treasury displayed 
 much ability, great zeal and industry, perfect integrity, and 
 commanded as much success as was practical under the cir- 
 cumstances of the times." 
 
 The labors of the Secretary of the Treasury, however 
 arduous, however important and necessary to the interest of 
 a nation, and however skillfully they may be performed, 
 yet are not such as to attract the attention of the great mass 
 of the community. The ungrateful aridity of its routine is 
 lacking in vivacity. There is afforded little opportunity for 
 display, on account of the lack of incident and attraction. Its 
 drudgery duties do not, when best executed, afford eclat or 
 elicit popular applause. The published files of congress, as 
 well as his official letters, are characterized by an exuberant 
 mind, originality and complete mastery of the subject. 
 
 The elaborate report made on the National Currency on 
 the 12th of February, 1819, is a fair specimen of Mr. Craw- 
 ford's terse style, and exhibits his opinion on a pertinent 
 financial problem. We make from it the following excerpt: 
 
 "If banks were established only in the principal com- 
 mercial cities of each state; if they were restrained from the 
 issue of notes of small denominations; if they should retain 
 an absolute control over one-half of their capital, and the 
 whole of the credit which they employ, by discounting to that 
 amount nothing but transaction pa])er payable at short dates, 
 the credit and stability of the banks would at least be unques- 
 tionable. Their notes could always be redeemed in specie on 
 demand. The remaining part of their capital might be 
 advanced upon long credits to manufacturers, and even to 
 agriculturists, without the danger of being under the neces- 
 sity of calling upon such debtors to contribute to their relief, 
 if emergencies should occur. Such debtors are, in fact, unable 
 to meet sudden exigencies, and ought never to accept of 
 advances from banks, but upon long credits for which timely 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD 147 
 
 provisions may be made. The latter class of all others is the 
 least qualified to meet the sudden demands which a pressure 
 upon banks compels them to make upon their debtors. The 
 returns of capital invested in agriculture are too slow and 
 distant to justify engagements with banks except ui)on long 
 credits. If the payment of the principal should be demanded 
 at other periods than those at which the husbandman receives 
 the annual reward of his toil, the distress which would result 
 from the exaction would greatly outweigh any benefit whicli 
 was anticipated from the loan. That the establishment of 
 banks in agricultural districts has greatly improved the gen- 
 eral appearance of the country is not denied. Comfortable 
 mansions and spacious barns have been erected; lands have 
 been cleared and reduced to cultivation; farms have been 
 stocked and rendered more productive by the aid of bank 
 credits. But these improvements in most cases will event- 
 ually be found to effect the ruin of the proi)rietor. The farm 
 with its improvements will frequently prove unequal to the 
 discharge of the debt incurred in its embellishment. Such, 
 in fact, is the actual or apprehended state of things wherever 
 banks have been established in small inland towns and vil- 
 lages. 
 
 "Poverty and distress are impending over the heads of 
 most of those who have attempted to improve their farms 
 by the aid of bank credits. So general is this distress that 
 the principal attention of the state Legislatures, where the 
 evil exists, is at this moment directed to the adoption of 
 measures calculated to rescue their fellow-citizens from the 
 inevitable effects of their own indiscretion. If in affording a 
 shield to the debtor, against the legal demand of his creditor, 
 the axe could be applied to the root of the evil, by the annihi- 
 lat'on of banks where they ought never to have existed, the 
 interference, however doubtful in point of policy or principle, 
 might eventually be productive of more good than evil. The 
 general system of credit, which has been introduced through 
 the agency of banks, brought home to every man's door, has 
 produced a fictitious state of things extremely adverse to the 
 sober frugal and industrious habits, which ought to be cher- 
 ished in a republic. In the place of these virtues, extrava- 
 gance, idleness, and the spirit of gambling adventure have 
 been engendered and fostered by our institutions. So far as 
 these evils have been produced by the establishment of banks, 
 where thev are not required, by the omission to impose upon 
 them wholesome restraints; and by the ignorance or miscon- 
 duct of those who have been entrusted with their direction 
 they are believed to be beyond the control of the Fedeial 
 government. Since the resumption of specie payments meas- 
 ures have been adopted in some of the states to enforce their 
 continuance; in others the evil has been left to the cor^««- 
 tion of public opinion. There is, however, some reason to 
 appreheild that . the authorityo^ law may Jie^ mteiMu^sed^m 
 
 SI 
 
 Bi 
 
 u?o;i^';i;;^r;n^s;:wmch -at ^ihis nK,iiK.nt strongly 
 
 the citizens of this republic. The system of ciedit, which 
 
148 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 in the infancy of our commerce was indispensable to its pros- 
 perity, if not to its existence, lias been extended at a period 
 when the dictates of sound discretion seemed to require that 
 it should be shortened. The credit given upon the sale of the 
 national domain has diffused this spirit of speculation and of 
 inordinate enterprise among the great mass of our citizens. 
 The public lands are purchased and splendid towns erected 
 upon them, with bank credits. Everything is artificial. The 
 rich inhabitants of the commercial cities, and the tenants of 
 the forest differ only in the object of their pursuits. Whether 
 commerce, splendid mansions, or public lands, be the object 
 of their desire, the means by which the gratification is to be 
 secured are bank credits. This state of things is no less 
 unfriendly to the duration of our republican institutions than 
 it is adverse to the development of our national energies, 
 when great emergencies shall arise; for upon such occasion 
 the attention of the citizen will be directed to the preservation 
 of his property from the grasp of his creditors, instead of 
 its being devoted to the defense of his country. Instead of 
 being able to pay with promptitude the contributions neces- 
 sary to the preservation of the state, he will be induced to 
 claim the interference of the government to protect him 
 against his folly and ignorance. This ought not to be the 
 condition of a republic, when menaced by foreign force, or 
 domestic commotion. Such, it is apprehended, will be the 
 condition of the United States if the course which has been 
 pursued since the commencement of the late war is not 
 abandoned. Since that period it is believed the number of 
 banks in the United States has been more than doubled. They 
 have been established in the little inland towns and villages, 
 and have brought distress and ruin upon the inhabitants. 
 When the cause and extent of the evil is known no doubt is 
 entertained that the appropriate remedies will be applied by 
 those who, in our complex form of government, are invested 
 with the necessary authority." 
 
 The other members of Monroe's cabinet were John Quincy 
 Adams, Secretary of State; John C. Calhoun, Secretary of 
 War, and William Wirt, Attorney General. These were all of 
 the Democratic or Republican school of politics. Return 
 
 Jonathan Meigs of Ohio was Postmaster General, and Benja- 
 min W. Crowninshield of Massachusetts was continued Sec- 
 retary of the Navy, having been first appointed by Madison. 
 These last two, however, were not raised to the dignity of 
 cabinet officers. 
 
 Of the cabinet officers Adams, Calhoun and Crawford 
 were each looking with longing eyes to succeed Monroe in the 
 Presidential chair. Henry Clay, the Speaker of the House of 
 Representatives, and General Andrew Jackson, the hero of 
 New Orleans were also candidates. With the advent of Jack- 
 son's candidacy Calhoun withdrew, and became an applicant 
 for the Vice-Presidency on the Jackson ticket. A private 
 letter of Crawford's, touchiug his own candidacy, may prove 
 of Interest here: * 
 
 *This letter copied from original in Alabama State Archives, and furnished 
 through courtesy of Hon. T. M. Owen. 
 
OP WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD 149 
 
 CRAWFORD TO TAIT. 
 
 WASHINGTON, 4tli Sept. 1821. 
 
 My Dear Sir: 
 
 Your two letters from I'^llxM't have been received l)y 
 yesterday's mail. I write, but am not certain that it will 
 reach you before you leave that place. 
 
 I agree with you that 1 have no claim for more than the 
 public has already done foi- me. Indeed, I had no right to 
 claim, or expect as much, nor have I sought or claimed, or 
 expected it. What has been done for me, with the exce])tion 
 of my elections to the State Legislature, and to the Senate 
 of the United States, was done without consulting me, or if 
 consulted, I was entreated to permit it to be done. In these 
 cases I have come under no obligations — the obligation has, 
 in fact, been on the other side. 
 
 In what is yet in store for me, I shall act as heretofore. 
 I shall not degrade myself by importunity, or suffer it to be 
 done by others. I shall avoid the contamination of faction 
 and intr'gue. If I am placed in office I will be free to follow 
 the dictates of my own conscience and judgment. I am, how- 
 ever, under no more api)rehen?ions now of l)eing forced into 
 office than I was in 1816, when office was clearly in my reach 
 if I had been ambitious of it. 
 
 If a southern man is not elected Mr. Adams will be. 
 This, at least, is the general oi)inion, as far as I know it. 
 He will, I believe, be supported by Mr. Calhoun with doubtless 
 an expectation of succeeding him at the end of his term, or 
 terms, as the case may be. I am afraid that his morality 
 does not rise above considerations of this k'nd. After the 
 close of the next session of Congress I shall be able to form 
 a tolerably correct opinion of the probable result. 
 
 I am very apprehensive of the result of the election of 
 Governor in Georgia. Colonel Troupe, I understand, is san- 
 guine of success. I feel much more interested in his success 
 than I do as to what may await me. 
 
 1 rema-n dear sir, with sentiments of the most sincere 
 regard, yours, etc., WM. H. CRAWFORD. 
 
 Honorable Charles Tait. 
 
 Let those who ascribe all wisdom to the past and lament 
 the degeneracy of the present age as they cry out with croak- 
 ing pessimism against its vanities, consider the campaigns for 
 the Presidency in the early days of our republic, and learn 
 that human nature is just the same in all ages and under all 
 varying conditions. There was just as much calumny, zeal vnd 
 bitterness, and the contest was as earnest, fierce and acrimo- 
 nious in 182 4 as at any time since. The contemporaneous 
 newspaper press of ISOO was just as abusive of Adams and 
 Jefferson as it was of William .lennings Bryan and William 
 McKinley in the good year of our Lord 1900. True, since the 
 advent of the railroad, telegraph, and improved conditions of 
 travel the candidates are nominated in popular conventions; 
 
150 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 yet who can say that the present system is not itself open to 
 as grave objection as was the old congressional caucus? The 
 contest of 182 4 was one of mere personal contest among the 
 people. The friends of each were full of enthusiasm, and 
 reviled, intrigued against, and freely caluminated the others. 
 
 Jackson's late entrance into the race did not soften its 
 asperities. A number of the prominent newspapers and 
 statesmen were disposed to treat his candidacy as a joke, and 
 argued his total lack of training and disqualification for the 
 position. 
 
 Jackson hated Crawford with a boiling fury. Crawford 
 had fallen under the measure of his wrath. 
 
 Woe to the man against whom the wrath of Jackson 
 was kindled! 
 
 The cause of Jackson's animosity was on account of the 
 fact that Crawford, while Secretary of War, allowed the claim 
 of the Cherokees to certain lands of the Creeks which had 
 been ceded by them at the treaty of Fort Jackson. A dele- 
 gation of Cherokee chiefs had presented themselves at Wash- 
 ington, and after a full hearing Crawford believed their claim 
 just, and allowed it. The treaty made at Fort Jackson with 
 the Creeks was a hard one, and exacted large sacrifices of 
 territory. Its phraseology was the most imperious and 
 ungrateful which could be used towards a spirited people, 
 and was executed by only one-third of the nation. General 
 Jackson, therefore, in the following summer, on meeting the 
 Indians, was forced, as he claimed, to buy back the ceded 
 lands which he had supposed was already the property of 
 the United States. * His rage knew no bounds; he considered 
 that Crawford, in granting the petition of the Indians, had 
 annulled his conquest and interfered with his rightful com- 
 mand. This animosity of Jackson was heightened by the 
 impression he had received that Crawford was hostile to the 
 measures she had adopted in the Seminole War. 
 
 At the very beginning of Monroe's administration a war 
 with the Creeks of Georgia and the Seminoles of Florida broke 
 out. The United States Government had long desired to clear 
 the section newly ceded by the Indians of those few aborigines 
 that still lingered in this territory. * A war ensued on the 
 determination of the United States to remove the hostile 
 tribes. It was begun with cruel, heartless massacres on botii 
 sides, and ended with a devastating, burning, despoiling, slay- 
 ing expedition half military, half Indian under General Jack- 
 son, who had conquered the Creeks the year before. Jack- 
 
 *Parton's Life of Jackson, Vol. II, page 355. 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRAWTORD 151 
 
 son's army numbered three thousand soldiers— there were less 
 than one thousand Indians. On the pretext that the Spanish 
 authorities were inciting the Indians to commit outrages in 
 Georgia and under the plea of military necessity, Jackson 
 invaded the Spanish territory of I'lorida, seized St. Marys and 
 Pensacola. He transported the Spanish officers, civil and mil- 
 itary, to Havana, abolished the revenue laws of Spain, estab- 
 lished those of the United States, and. on his own authority. 
 established civil and military officers. He did not stoi» with 
 this, but hung two Indian chiefs without trial who had fallen 
 into his hands, and also put to death by virtue of a military 
 courtmartial created by him (of which Gen. E. P. Gaines was 
 president), two British traders whom he accused of inciting 
 the Indians to war against the people of the United States. 
 The seizure and trial by him within the Spanish lines of the 
 two British subjects, Ambrister and Arburthnot, was the occa- 
 sion of an extended discussion in congress and continued 
 dli)lomatic correspondence with England and Spain. 
 
 Florida was then a sore spot. The old boundary troubles 
 had never been settled. Fugitives, criminals, runaway slaves, 
 pirates and smugglers found here a refuge and a starting 
 point. The Spanish authorities were not inc-lined to respect 
 their neighbors, and were too weak to force others to respect 
 them. "This country," said President Monroe, "had in fact 
 become the theatre of every species of lawle.ss adventure." 
 General Jackson had been ordered to subdue the troublesome 
 Seminoles, and strong measures were used by him to effect 
 this object. His conduct was afterward made a subject of 
 inquiry by both houses of Congress. The matter was referred 
 to the committee on military affairs in the house, which com- 
 mittee reported resolutions of censure and disapprobation of 
 Jackson's conduct; but after a protracted debate, in which 
 Henry Clay was emphatic and eloquent in condemnation of 
 Jackson, the report was rejected by a large majority. Because 
 the President had acquiesced in Jackson's plans Crawford 
 states he made no opposition to his movements. Calhoun 
 opposed Jackson's movements, and proposed a courtmartial. 
 Adams, however, approved his course in the war, and was his 
 friend in the cabinet. Jackson erroneously believed Crawford 
 to be inimical and Calhoun friendly to his course. The Presi- 
 dent and his cabinet decided that the seized forts and places 
 should be restored to Spanish authorities. 
 
 In a letter written July 6th, 1820, by General Jackson to 
 Gen. John Clark of Georgia he mentions "A conspiracy formed 
 by designing demagogues, of which I found William H. Craw- 
 
152 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 ford the chief, surrounded by his minions, Clay, Cobb & 
 
 Company to exalt himself by prostrating the executive 
 
 through me." 
 
 Crawford seems to have taken little heed of Jackson's 
 
 numerous attacks upon him. To his friend, Judge Tait, he 
 
 wrote: 
 
 "I have seen a number of the electioneering hand bills 
 published in Nashville under the immediate eye of the Gen- 
 eral. What ought to be done with this man? He is not 
 inferior to the Georgia General in depravity and vindictive- 
 ness, and superior to him in talent and address. With this 
 man I have had no direct quarrel. All the provocation has 
 been on his part — no notice has been taken of li's anger or 
 his malignity — this indifference to his anger is the head and 
 front of my offending towards him. Shall I permit him to 
 go on until envy shall be its own punishment?" * 
 
 General Jackson could never discover any virtue or 
 patriotism in any one who chose to differ with him in politics. 
 
 Calhoun, in 1816, had strenuously opposed those partial 
 friends of Crawford who were urging his nomination against 
 Monroe. He did not dare to advance a rival from his own 
 section of the country, but studiously sought means to thwart 
 the Georgian's ambition. 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 PURITAN AND CAVALIER. 
 
 The Secretary of State and the Secretary of the Treasury 
 antithetically were antipodes. The Northerner was cold, 
 apathetic, severe; among strangers he was unapproachable, 
 with an overweening ambition which his best efforts could 
 not hide nor repress, and haunted continually with a fear 
 that his disposition was such as to repel others. The South- 
 erner was genial, gay, open-hearted and possessed of a gift 
 for boon companionship that caused him to be sought by all 
 who came within his sphere. 
 
 The consummate prudence with which Mr. Adams con- 
 ducted affairs of state gave him great reputation. He was a 
 student and a statesman with a mind well stored; but pos- 
 sessing no enthusiasm and without the power to appreciate 
 it in others. The generous impulses of his heart were never 
 so great at any time as to be likely to mislead his judgment. 
 
 The Puritan could never understand the Cavalier's mag- 
 netic command of men and the attachment they bore him. 
 The love of friends, and the sweet communion of kindred 
 spirits in fond fellowship was to him a sealed book. Wrapped 
 
 *This letter from Tate correspondence furnished by Dr. T. M. Owens. 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRAWTORD 153 
 
 in his own morbid fancies as lie viewed Crawlord. the per- 
 vading light and life of the cabinet, or again arm in arm 
 with some brother statesman, bristling with gay humor and 
 roaring with laughter over some good story, Adams could 
 see in tliis nothing but intrigne. The Puritan then treading 
 homeward his solitary way would record his venom enforced 
 by pious observations; and he firmly believed that in transcrib- 
 ing to paper the frnits of jealousy all the bickerings and 
 malevolence of his own nature against his rival he was per- 
 forming a Christian duty. 
 
 From his early manhood he recorded the most confiden- 
 tial communications of his friends. These communications 
 were not designed entirely for future reference to establish 
 facts in his own mind. Flis comments thereon are full of 
 political wisdom, and show much common sense mingled with 
 bitter spleen, and were evidently written by him to give 
 expression to his innermost soul of what he really believed 
 and wished posterity to believe. 
 
 Mr. Adams provoked the greatest political antagonism of 
 the Southern people. The curious will be interested in the 
 partisan picture of him drawn by the pen of W. H. Sparks, 
 a versatile Georgian, who says: * 
 
 "He was naturally suspicious. He gave no man his con- 
 fidence, and won the friendship of no one. Malignant and 
 unforgiving, he watched his opportunity, and never failed 
 to gratify his revengeful nature whenever his victim was in 
 his power. The furtive wariness of his small gray eye, his 
 pinched nose, receding forehead and thin, compressed lips 
 Indicated the malignant nature of his soul. Unfaithful to 
 friends, and only constant in selfishness — unconscious of obli- 
 gation, and ungrateful for favors, fanatical only in hatred — 
 pretending to religious morality, yet pursuing unceasingly 
 with merciless revenge those whom he supposed to be his 
 enemies, he combined all the elements of Puritan bigotry and 
 Puritan hate in devilish intensity. He deserted the Federal 
 party in their greatest need, and meanly betrayed them to Mr. 
 Jefferson, whom from his boyhood he had hated and reviled 
 in doggerel rhymes and the bitterest prose his genius could 
 suggest. He never lost an opportunity to assail the interest 
 of' the institutions of the South. He hated her, and to him 
 more than anv other is due the conduct of the northern peo- 
 ple towards the South which precipitated the civil war and 
 destroyed the harmony once existing between the people. His 
 father had been repudiated by the South for a more trusted 
 son of her own. This was a treasured hatred; and when he 
 shared his father's fate this became the pervading essence 
 of his nature." 
 
 Senator Felix Grundy of Tennessee once said of him: 
 
 •Sparks' Memoirs of 50 Years, page 139. 
 
154 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 "Our Southern friends in the House found it impossible 
 to do anything with that old man. They cannot contrive any 
 way by which to put him down. If they wish to get anv 
 measure through which he will be likely to oppose' they try 
 to find a time to do it when he is not there; but there is no 
 such time, because he is always in his place. There is no 
 use in questioning his facts, because he is always right. His 
 memory never fails him. He is a very difficult man to argue 
 with, because he always grows keener and sharper with every 
 attack. At one time they thought it would be a good plan 
 to neglect him to talk with each other, and pay no attention 
 while he was speaking; but the truth is, he is so infinitely 
 interesting that it is impossible not to listen to him whenever 
 he begins to speak, and everyone crowds close to his chair 
 so as not to lose a word." * 
 
 The diary of .John Quincy Adams, which was commenced 
 when he was a lad of twelve and kept up until his death at 
 eighty-one years of age, has been published in connection with 
 his biography by his son. Honorable Charles Francis Adams. 
 It fills twelve octavo volumes, and as pu))lished gives the 
 most complete inside history of Monroe's administration. 
 Many people have formed their estimate of William H. Craw- 
 ford from the account given by Adams in this diary. Yet 
 Adams, although a learned man, was singularly defective in 
 his judgment of men in general, and besides in this case was 
 always Crawford's jealous rival. It is curious to note with 
 what antipathetic feelings he wrote of him, and how much of 
 those twelve volumes are devoted to decrying him. Every 
 good word, action and expressed motive of Crawford seems 
 to have been by Adams misjudged, misconstrued and foully 
 miscalculated to his injury. Accordingly in January 1818', 
 he writes: 
 
 "If I understand the character of my colleague Craw- 
 ford's point d' honneur is to differ from me and to find no 
 weight in any reason assigned by me. Wirt and Crown- 
 inshield will always be of the President's opinion. Calhoun 
 thinks for himself, independently of all the rest, with sound 
 judgment, quick discrimination and keen observation." 
 
 Again in February, 1819, we quote: 
 
 "Crawford is not a worse man than the usual herd of 
 ambitious intriguers — perhaps not so bad as many of them. 
 I do not think him entirely unprincipled, but his ambition 
 swallows up his principle. His position is a bad one. Having 
 been a caucus candidate against Mr. Monroe he feels as if 
 his very existence is staked upon his being his successor. 
 And, although himself a member of the administration, he 
 presumes every day more clearly that his only prospect of 
 success hereafter depends upon the failure of the administra- 
 
 'Anti-Slavery Days by J. F. Clarke, page 43. 
 
OF WILLIAM 11. CRA'UTORD I55 
 
 tion Ijy measures of which he nnist take care to make known 
 his disapprobation." 
 
 The restriction of slavery and the freedom of slaves was 
 
 ever a favorite theme with Adams. Descanting on the action 
 
 of Congress in failing to restrict slavery, he writes July r)th, 
 
 1819: 
 
 "The slave drivers, as usual, whenever this topic is 
 brought up, bluster and bully, talk of the white slaves of 
 the eastern states and the dissolution of the union, and oceans 
 of blood; and the northern men, as usual, pocket all this 
 hectoring, sit down in quiet, and submit to the slave scourging 
 republicanism of the planters. Crawford, who sees how this 
 affair will ultimately go, and who relies upon the support of 
 the slave drivers, is determined to show them he is on their 
 side." 
 
 From these morose meditations of Mr. Adams, whose 
 life was one of perpetual misgivings, let us examine closely 
 the interviews with his colleague. The trembling, foreboding 
 and misanthropic dubitations of the Puritan were (as one 
 may read between the lines) very often dispelled as the 
 Cavalier by his broad grasp of thought, energy of spirit and 
 superior judgment of men and measures impressed even him. 
 Almost at random we select the entry of May 27th, 1819, 
 near the beginning of Monroe's administration: 
 
 "I called this morning at Mr. Crawford's ofRce to consult 
 with him upon what is to be done to obtain an astronomer 
 for the commission under the fifth article of treaty of Ghent, 
 in the room of Hassler. Crawford's opinion of Hassler is 
 that, although a man of mathematical and astronomical 
 science, he is practically a very inefficient man; a mere mill- 
 clapper of babbling, enormously extravagant in his demands, 
 troublesome by his indiscretion and tiresome by his corres- 
 pondence. His conduct on this occasion has been so provok- 
 ing, his demands so exorbitant, his tone so dictatorial and his 
 procedure withal so crafty, that I could npt think of sub- 
 mitting to his terms. After full conversation with Mr. Craw- 
 ford I determined to write to Mr. Elliott, at Westpoint, 
 requesting him to undertake the business, and to Major 
 Thayer, the commanding officer at the academy, asking his 
 assent that Elliott should go. I wrote to them accordingly, 
 and enclosed the letters open, with my -answer to the com- 
 missioner, Van Ness. I had also some conversation with Mr. 
 Crawford on the present situation and prospects of the 
 country, which are alarming. The banking bubbles are 
 breaking. The staple productions of the soil, constituting 
 our principal articles of export, are falling to half and less 
 than half the prices which they have lately borne, the mer- 
 chants are crumbling to ruin, the manufacturers perishing, 
 agriculture stagnating, and distress universal in every part 
 of the country. The revenue has not yet been, but must very 
 sensibly and very soon be affected by this state of things, 
 for which there seems to be no remedy but time and patiepce, 
 
156 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 and the change of events which time affects. Crawford 
 showed me his last banlt returns, which are as large as usual, 
 and the condition of the Treasury is daily improving." 
 
 Again on November 16th, 1819, he writes: 
 
 "At noon, after a mere call at the office, I attended at 
 the President's, where Mr. Crawford and Mr. Wirt soon after- 
 wards came. The President read to us a portion of his mes- 
 sage which he had prepared, and which was very little more 
 than what he read to me last week. He had drawn two 
 concluding paragraphs, referring to the contingency that Spain 
 should, assume a hostile attitude, one of v/hich was in general 
 terms and the other more explicit, glancing at the propriety 
 of occupying the territory between the Sabine and the Rio 
 Bravo. Crawford preferred the general expressions, and told 
 a story about old Governor Telfair of Georgia, who, having 
 got into a sharp correspondence with some officer, pointed to 
 a paragraph which struck him as too high-toned, and told his 
 secretary he would thank him to make that paragraph 'a 
 little more mysterious.' We all laughed very heartily at this 
 joke, which so pleased Crawford that he told the story over 
 again in detail; but it was good ui)on repetition. He said he 
 had been conversing w'th Mr. Lowndes, who told him that 
 back in England and France everybody with whom he had 
 conversed appeared to be profoundly impressed with the idea 
 that we were an ambitious and encroaching people, and he 
 thought we ought to be very guarded and moderate in our 
 policy to remove this impression." 
 
 Great questions of diplomacy were not all that constituted 
 the perturbations of Mr. Adams' mind. The question of 
 etiquette and the directing of visits of wives of cabinet 
 officers was discussed by the cabinet, and in December, 1819, 
 he writes: 
 
 "The rule I proposed was to separate entirely the official 
 character from the practice of personal visiting — to pay no 
 visits but for the sake of friendship or acquaintance, and 
 then without inquiring which is first and which last, and that 
 their wives should practice the same. Mr. Crawford and Mr. 
 Calhoun were willing to adopt this rule for themselves, and 
 have indeed practiced it; but their wives have made it a 
 point to visit first those of all members of Congress, and 
 they would not alter that rule. My wife has followed the 
 same rule for the ladies that I have for the men, and this 
 has brought us into disgrace with all the members of con- 
 gress who have wives here, and with many others. Craw- 
 ford's whole policy is in all things to cringe to members 
 of congress because he has a steady eye upon the caucus 
 visits in adhering to this system, though it gives offense to 
 all the ladies who come here without happening to be the 
 wives of Congressmen, and are therefore not honored with 
 Mrs. Crawford's visits. And thus it is that the paltry passion 
 for precedence works alone." 
 
 The delineation of the character of his hated rival by 
 Mr. Adams is so forbidding in its studied expressions of 
 
OP WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD 157 
 
 vituperation tliat we would much preler to leave olT all other 
 reference to it were it not lor the fact that the writer avowedly 
 proclaimed that he wrote for posterity. We have quoted his 
 own words so as to give the reader a chance to form a (correct 
 opinion as to its prejudice. Simi)le justice requires at least 
 a cursory glance as to its merits. So many wlio have essayed 
 to write history have been content without further investi- 
 gation to accept Mr. Adams' low estimate that the reputation 
 of the great Georgian has suffered violence. It is painful to 
 observe with what emphasis Mr. Adams imputes the want of 
 proper motives to every principle that Crawford enunciated. 
 It is a fact that because he was among the first who advocated 
 a short term of service for public officials he was severely 
 condemned. This measure as advocated by Mr. Crawford and 
 by political economists since was obviously in the interest of 
 pure government, but his ungenerous rival saw in it nothing 
 but "intrigue" — all "intrigue." 
 
 Theodore Roosevelt, in his "Life of Thomas H. Benton." 
 seeks to repudiate Benton's own high opinion of Crawford. 
 Senator Benton had every opportunity for correctly estimating 
 his character; and although in his polished literary produc- 
 tions there is no evidence that his choice of implements was a 
 "muck rake," and he does not affect the sputtering cacapho- 
 nies of the rough rider style of criticism, yet he never failed 
 to condemn those whose actions he deemed narrow, unpa- 
 triotic or censurable. In his excellent book, "Thirty Years' 
 View of the American Government," he thus characterizes 
 the cabinet to which Mr. Crawford belonged: 
 
 "It would be difficult to find in any government, in any 
 country at any time, more talent and experience, more dignity 
 and decorum, more purity of private life, a larger mass of 
 information and addiction to business than was comprised in 
 this list of celebrated names." * 
 
 Again in a chapter on the death of Crawford Benton 
 writes: 
 
 "When the array of eminent men was thick, when historic 
 names of the exjnring generation were still in the public 
 theatre, and many of tlie new generations (to become historic) 
 were entering upon it, he seemed to compare favorably with 
 the foremost." f 
 
 What Benton perceived and recorded as the result of 
 long acquaintance is entirely overlooked by Mr. Roosevelt, 
 who says: 
 
 "When Crawford, the scheming politician, was seeking 
 the Presidency, and to further his ends, he jirocured the 
 
 *Thirty Years View of Workings of American Government, 
 tibed. Vol. II, page 63. 
 
158 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 passage by Congress of a law limiting the term of service 
 of all officials to four years. This law has never been 
 repealed. Every low politician being virtually interested to 
 keep it as it is, and it is on the statue books at the present 
 day." * 
 
 It is not true that the majority of the members of con- 
 gress at this time, and who passed this bill, were "low poli- 
 ticians." On the other hand, congress was composed of the 
 brainiest, bravest and purest men. The principle of a four 
 years' limitation tenure of office has been practiced since in 
 many states of the union, and by many mun'cipalities with 
 approval of the wise and sagacious as having a tendency to 
 promote by a healthful check and espionage the cleanest 
 administration of government. This rule of four j'ears limi- 
 tation then advocated by Crawford is now made applicable 
 to the governorship of many of the states, and is pronounced 
 wholesome wherever given a fair trial. This is true especially 
 of Georgia, where the terms of office are short whether they 
 be elective or appointive. If the Roosevelt estimate be true 
 \that a wonderful influence Crawford must have possessed 
 to procure the passage of such a law for his benefit when he 
 himself was not in congress! Was it possible for him to 
 over-awe the illustrious Speaker of the House, or Representa- 
 tive Henry Clay, his rival? What of Daniel Webster, Thomas 
 Benton, John Randolph, Nathaniel Macon, H. G. Otis, Wil- 
 liam R. King, Richard M. Johnson, James Barbour, and all 
 the other famous personages who were members of this cele- 
 brated Congress? The record shows that each one of these 
 voted for this measure. 
 
 On January 8th, 1820, Mr. Adams records in his diary: 
 
 "One of the most remarkable features of what I am wit- 
 nessing every day is a perpetual struggle in both houses of 
 congress to control the Executive — to make it dependent 
 upon and subservient to them. They are continually attempt- 
 ing to encroach upon the powers and authority of the Presi- 
 dent. As the old line of demarcation between parties has 
 been broken down, personal has taken the place of principle 
 opposition. The personal friends of the President in the 
 House are neither so numerous nor so active, nor so able 
 as his opponents. Crawford's personal friends, instead of 
 befriending the administration, operate as powerfully as they 
 can without exposing or avowing their motives against it. 
 Every act and thought of Crawford looks to the next Presi- 
 dency. All his springs of action work not upon the present, 
 but upon the future, and yet his path in the department is 
 now beset with thorns from which he shrinks, and which I 
 think he will not ward off with success. In short, as the 
 first term of Mr. Monroe's administration has hitherto been 
 
 *Koosevolt's Life of Benton, page 80. 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRAAVFORD 15y 
 
 the period of greatest national tranquility, enjoyed by tills 
 nation at any portion of its history, so it appears to me scarcely- 
 avoidable that the second term will l)e among the most stronj? 
 and violent. Crawford has labors and perils enough before 
 him in the management of the finances." 
 
 These remarks were made as to the conduct of the 
 Secretary of Treasury concerning his own chief's administra- 
 tion. 
 
 The finances, however, were managed, and these grave 
 difficulties were all overcome with consummate' skill and |)er- 
 fect success. The clouds of threatened disaster with wiiich 
 the Treasury Department were overhuni; in the beginning of 
 Crawford's administration were all dissipated and ended in 
 brightest sunshine and clearest skies. 
 
 In the privacy of his own heart Mr. Adams had vainly 
 attempted to school himself to believe these cruel accusations. 
 Nursing his wrath to almost frenzy he writes: 
 
 "Crawford has been a worm preying upon the vitals of 
 the administration within its own body." 
 
 Again he writes: 
 
 "A worthless and desperate man against whom T have 
 been compelled to testify in a court of justice attempts in the 
 face of his own conscience to save himself from infamy by 
 discrediting my testimony, and finds in Mr. Crawford a ready 
 and willing auxilliary to support him in this scandalous pur- 
 pose. Crawford solemnly deposes in a court of justice tl'.at 
 which is not true." 
 
 The minute evidence vouched for by a pious President 
 
 of the United States against this eminent statesman, whose 
 
 chief fault was his prospect of success in the race with his 
 rival, has been frequently accepted by American students who 
 
 have failed to examine further into the matter than this 
 diary; and the true, brave, gay, open-hearted and wise Craw- 
 ford is pilloried by almost the only one of his contemporaries 
 that failed to recognize his merit and appreciate his virtues. 
 
 This diary has been almost the only available source of 
 information accessible to the general public by which any 
 judgment of Crawford's character could be estimated. If it 
 be correct, then are we writing the biography of the most 
 detestable and execrable of men — a man of small capacity, 
 treacherous, unpatriotic, false to friends, an enemy to his 
 chief, unequal to the duties assigned and without capacity 
 to accomplish their fulfillment. This is what .lohn Quincy 
 Adams wished his children and posterity to believe concern- 
 ing his detested rival. 
 
 This same keeper-of-a-diary, in a mood of melancholy 
 reflection and remorse for his mistreatment of a visitor, thus 
 writes of himself: 
 
l60 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 "I am a man of reserve, cold, austere and forbidding 
 manners. My political adversaries say a gloomy misanthrope; 
 and my personal enemies an unsocial savage. With a knowl- 
 edge of the actual defects in my character, I have not the 
 pliability to reform it." 
 
 This cause for animosity, this acknowledged austerity, 
 
 this morose disposition did not nourish his hate alone upon 
 
 Crawford. His diary abounds in despicable abuse of all the 
 
 great and good men who ever in any way opposed his plans. 
 
 In October, 1818, he writes of Henry Clay: 
 
 "Clay would think well of any plan that would excite 
 dissatisfaction with the administration." 
 
 In speaking of Webster's friendship for Clay he declares 
 
 it as "false, insidious and treacherous." 
 
 And again in the anguish of his soul he v/rites: 
 
 "But from the day I quitted the walls of Harvard H. G. 
 Otis, Theophilus Parsons. * Timothy Pickering, James A. 
 Bayard, Henry Clay, Jonathan Russell, William H. Crawford, 
 John C. Calhoun, Andrew Jackson, Daniel Webster, John 
 Davis, W. B. Giles and John Randolph have used up their 
 faculties in base and dirty tricks to thwart my progress in 
 life and destroy my character." 
 
 We are not left without other evidence than the diary 
 
 itself; that in Monroe's cabinet, Adams' natural acerbity, 
 
 would have manifested itself more to the detriment of his 
 
 diplomatic correspondence but for some mollifying influence. 
 
 Hon. Albert Gallatin, a cotemporary, gives us this cause: 
 
 "Crawford complained of the difficulty he encountered in 
 the cabinet of softening the asperities which invariably pre- 
 dominated in the official notes of the state department while 
 under Adams' direction, and said had they been allowed to 
 I'emain as originally drafted the government would have been 
 embarassed with diplomatic relations with more than one 
 power." t 
 
 Mr. Gallatin described Adams as "A virtuous man whose 
 temper is not the best. * * * * jjg wants that most essen- 
 tial quality, a sound and good judgment." 
 
 Adams, in his rage and jealousy, wrote against Craw- 
 ford groundless and unqualified calumnies, more cruel than 
 the grave. He did himself the injustice to hand down to 
 posterity these libels unchanged and unretracted. That they 
 are libels, and that they were not even believed by Adams 
 himself, we may conclusively infer from a fact that argues 
 more potently than all the records in his twelve ponderous 
 volumes. This one fact irrefutably disproves that the man 
 
 *Stevens Life of Gallatin, p. 351. 
 
 tStrange that the recollection of Chief Justice Parsons should so gall the kibe 
 of Adams, who had read law in the office of this distinguished jurist, and had re- 
 ceived from him many favors. 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD 161 
 
 whom Adams, in vitriolic phrases, recorded as unscnipulous, 
 unslvilled in the duties of h's office, incapacitated, treacherous. 
 full of intrigue and perjury — that this man, whose reputation 
 he worked years to destroy by recording for posterity niiiuite 
 details of cabinet meetings and views colored and filled with 
 prejudice to suit his insatient jealousy and rage, was in char- 
 acter and mind, and secretly esteemed by him just the reverse 
 of what he painted. What is to be thought of this recording 
 angel that while so feeling and so writing on the 10th day of 
 February, 1825, he offered this man whom he had set down 
 as so base and villanious the place of Secretary of the Treas- 
 ury to manage the nation's finances, beseeching him to be 
 one of his own political family, as unsolicited he tendered a 
 seat to him in his own cabinet? 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 TWO POISONED ARROWS. 
 
 Politics in Georgia had been quiescent during and imme- 
 diately after the war of 1812. All minor differences had 
 been forgotten as the people presented a solid front against 
 the common enemy. When the war was over, England hav- 
 ing been deprived so long of her needed stores of cotton, was 
 now offering about twenty-five cents per pound for the staple, 
 and this fact turned the minds of the people of the Sovith to 
 its increased production. When the price declined in 1819 
 the Georgia farmer adjourned from the cotton field to the 
 nearby country store to whittle and talk on the differences 
 between the Clark and Crawford parties. The weekly news- 
 papers extensively discussed factional politics, and partisans 
 of both sides were lining up for the fray. Gen. John Clark 
 became a candidate. The Crawford party put forward George 
 M. Troup, who resigned his seat in the United States Senate 
 'to~~oplKTSe Clark in this gubernatorial campaign. After a 
 long and exceedingly bitter contest the Legislature elected 
 John Clark Governor by thirteen majority. At the beginning 
 of the campaign General Clark published a scurrilous book 
 of two hundred and eight pages with the following title: 
 "Consideration on the Purity of the Principles of W. H. Craw- 
 ford, Esq. Deducible from his conduct in connection with 
 that' of Charles Tait, Esq., towards the author of this publi- 
 cation. To which is added some remarks upon the introduc- 
 tion of Africans into this state, contrary to the laws of the 
 United States, with suggestions as to the probable concern 
 with the Indian agent with one of higher standing in that 
 
162 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 business. By John Clark, Augusta. Printed at the Georgia 
 Advertiser office 1819." 
 
 The author declares the book to be published for the 
 benefit of his children, "and for the still further and not less 
 important purpose of exhibiting in a proper point of view 
 the real character of William H. Crawford, Esq., the present 
 Secretary of the Treasury of the United States, from which, 
 as I conceive, a proper estimate may in some degree be made 
 of his just claims to public confidence and of his moral fitness 
 for further promotion." 
 
 This book relates with prosy detail the quarrels between 
 Clark and Crawford. It is full of certificates of persons and 
 grand juries, affidavits and various communications from sun- 
 dry parties. The author goes into prolix discourse in attempt- 
 ing to prove that Crawford and Tait had sought to blacken 
 his character, showing that he presented the matter to the 
 Legislature of Georgia, and charges that the investigation by 
 the Legislature was unfair and partial to Tait. All the details 
 connected with his duel with Crawford are set out with great 
 particularity. An account of his attacking Judge Tait in the 
 streets of Milledgeville is also included. The book concludes 
 with an accusation against Hon. D. B. Mitchell of importing 
 Africans into Georgia contrary to law, and that a high official 
 of the government (Crawford) was concerned therein. The 
 proofs are so indefinite and vague, the accusations so lacking 
 in testimony to sustain them on the direct charges, so full of 
 redundant and irrelevant matter that neither Crawford nor any 
 of his friends even answered it. The matter was now old, 
 and had once been thoroughly investigated by the Legislature 
 of Georgia, * on most of the charges named therein so that' 
 any reply seemed to be useless, especially as Crawford had 
 since been twice elected United States Senator without oppo- 
 sition. These pamphlets were generally distributed by the 
 author, and a second edition was published in 1823 to influ- 
 ence voters of other states against Crawford's election to the 
 Presidency. 
 
 The second edition declared in its preface: "There is 
 another point which a moral and religious community cannot 
 but regard as fatal to Mr. Crawford's pretentions. He has 
 been engaged in more than one duel." This sentiment was 
 extraordinary indeed, coming as it did from General Clark, 
 who was noted for his duelling proclivities. 
 
 When Adams had read this pamphlet he made this entry 
 in his diary: 
 
 "See Infra. Chapter V. 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD 163 
 
 "The pamphlet is bitter, and presents Crawford's char- 
 acter In a very odious light. It has the same fault that It 
 charges upon Crawford. Clark declares his belief tliat Craw- 
 ford is a confederate with Mitchell in his slave smuggling 
 speculations. This I do not believe, and Clark adduces no 
 evidence to support the charge." * 
 
 Hon. Thomas Cooper, in his brief sketch of "Life and 
 
 Character of Crawford," published in Albany, N. Y., August, 
 
 1824, (under pseudonym of "Americanus") says of him: 
 
 "Perhaps no individual of any age, certainly none of the 
 present (if we except Mr. Jefferson), ever received a larger 
 measure of ungenerous treatment than Mr. Crawford. Ills 
 character has been not only mistaken from a want of knowl- 
 edge of it, or from an honest error of opinion; but it has been 
 assiduously falsified. From the moment his name became 
 associated with the Presidency it has been assailed with a 
 wantonness and a malignity that have no more a parallel lu 
 our modern history than they can expect to have an apology 
 from the lips of liberal and candid men. Humiliating as the 
 reflection is, it is nevertheless natural that in some degree it 
 should be so. Envy and detraction always attack soonest the 
 brightest characters. It argues no common degree of talent 
 and integrity that thus draws down upon their possessor, 
 such liberal abuse. From the humble walks of life Mr. Craw- 
 ford has won his way, unaided by wealth and family distinc- 
 tion, or by the happy concurrence of fortuitous events, to 
 such honors as, under our happy form of government, any 
 citizen may aspire to and be proud of. It is not strange that 
 qualities which have thus elevated their possessor should be 
 the peculiar object of attack and of the vindictive persecu- 
 tion which they alone indulge in who would destroy that 
 which they cannot equal, t We say It, with a solemn con- 
 sciousness of its truth, that all good men who will look fully 
 into the character of William H. Crawford will find him to 
 be a tried Republican, a man of unblemished integrity, of sim- 
 ple habits, and of a singular purity of life and conduct, much 
 Injured and caluminated, but of undoubted virtue, talent and 
 capacity." 
 
 On account of his long absence from his native state 
 it was thought that his friends had grown callous, and that 
 the state might be dragooned into the Jackson column by 
 uniting all opposition to secure this end. General Clark, 
 who was a close and confidential friend of Calhoun, sup- 
 ported Jackson after Calhoun's name had been withdrawn; 
 but Georgia did not repudiate her favorite at the ballot box. 
 
 ♦Adams Life of J. Q. Adams. 
 
 tNathaniel Macon said he had been upon familiar terms with WashinKton. Jef- 
 ferson. Madison, and with the members of their Cabinets besides ot^ier men hiKh 
 in pub ic favor; but for vigor of intellect, and the power to present things forcibly 
 to Z mindrhe was compelled to say that Mr. Crawford was the K-'^^^test man. he 
 ever saw. Miller's Bench and Bar pap 243 Hon. J. F. H Claiborne ea.d In 
 astroromv or mathematics he would have been pre-eminent No man in this or 
 any otCr'^mrtrrhTd a more thorough and orthodox k nowledge of political economy 
 and espscially of finance."- Hid. 
 
164 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 The Legislature elected Crawford delegates by a majority of 
 about two to one. 
 
 General Clark's poisoned arrow was not the only shaft 
 that was let fly at Crawford's vitals during this presidential 
 campaign. 
 
 Ninian Edwards, lately Congressman from Illinois, had 
 recently been appointed Minister to Mexico. He was on his 
 way thither when Henry Clay, Speaker of the House of Rep- 
 resentatives, (on April 19th, 1S24) presented to that body 
 a voluminous communication from him charging illegalities and 
 misconduct on the part of the Secretary of the Treasury, and 
 calling for his impeachment. This communication was accom- 
 panied by ten numbers of a Washington newspaper containing 
 articles signed "A. B.," and written for the purpose of defeat- 
 ing Mr. Crawford in the presidential election. The papers 
 alleged that the charges were all susceptible of proof, and 
 Edwards avowed their authorship. The communication, how- 
 ever, did not seem to contemplate an early investigation, and 
 certainly not at that session of Congress, which was then 
 nearlng adjournment. The accuser was on his way to Mexico; 
 the charges were grave; the specifications under them were 
 numerous and complex, and many of them relating to trans- 
 actions with the remote western banks. The evident expecta- 
 tion of the accuser was, that the matter would lie over until 
 the next session, before which the presidential election would 
 take place, and all the mischief be done to Mr. Crawford's' 
 name, resulting from unanswered accusations so imposingly 
 laid before the impeaching branch of congress. The friends 
 of Mr. Crawford saw the necessity of quick action, and Mr. 
 Floyd of Virginia, upon the reading of the communication, 
 moved that a committee be appointed to take it under imme- 
 diate consideration, and that the committee be empowered to 
 send for persons and papers, to administer oaths, take testi- 
 mony, and report to the house, with leave to sit after the 
 adjournment, if the investigation was not finished before, 
 and to publish their report. The committee was appointed 
 and granted all the powers asked for. The selection of this 
 committee by the Speaker was a task of delicacy and respon- 
 sibility, Mr. Clay being himself a candidate for the Presidency, 
 and each member of the house a friend to some one of the 
 candidates, including the accused. The personel of the com- 
 mittee was unexceptionable — Mr. Floyd, the mover, Mr. Liv- 
 ingston of Louisiana, Mr. Webster of Massachusetts, Mr. Ran- 
 dolph of Virginia, Mr. J. W. Taylor of New York, Mr. Duncan 
 McArthur of Ohio, and Mr. Owen of Alabama. * 
 'Benton's Thirty Year's View, Vol. I, p. 35. 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD 1G5 
 
 These charges, made in the midst of a heated oam|iaiKn. 
 naturally caused that degree of excitement which was to he 
 expected. 
 
 The Secretary of State, with that inherent suspic'on which 
 ever attended him, believed the charges, and hastened to 
 give advice to the President against the idea of sending an 
 express for Edwards and recalling him to Washington, so 
 as to give Crawford an immediate trial. The President, how- 
 ever, was impressed with a contrary opinion, and insisted that 
 justice required an immediate investigation. The committee 
 d-ispatched the Sergeant at Arms in fast inirsuit of Edwards, 
 and he was overtaken full fifteen hundred miles on his way. 
 The time consumed in this post journey, however, was so 
 great that Congress had adjourned before he was brought 
 back to Washington. 
 
 The answer filed by Mr. Crawford to the charges was 
 pronounced by Mr. Randolph to be " a triumphant and irre- 
 sistible vindication; the most temperate, passionless, mild, 
 dignified, irrefutable exposure of falsehood that ever met a 
 base accusation, and without one harsh word toward their 
 author." 
 
 Mr. Edwards was represented by his son-in-law, Mr. 
 Cook, and was examined fully by the committee, but cotild 
 prove nothing. The committee examined all the evidence to 
 be had, and reported all of it with their findings. From the 
 evidence it appeared that Edwards himself had contradicted 
 all the accusations in the "A. B." papers, and had declared 
 that no man in the government could have conducted the 
 fiscal affairs of the nation with more integrity and propriety 
 than Crawford had done. One of the witnesses before the 
 committee was Senator Noble of Indiana, who testified: That 
 he had had a conversation with Mr. Edwards, introduced by 
 Mr. Edwards himself, concern'ng Mr. Crawford's management 
 of the western banks, and the authoi-ship of the "A. B." let- 
 ters; that it was pending his nomination made by the Presi- 
 dent to the Senate as Minister to Mexico. He (Mr. Edwards) 
 stated that he was about to be attacked in the Senate for the 
 purpose of defeating his nomination; that party and i)olit:cal 
 spirit was now high; that he understood charges would be 
 exhibited against him, and that it had been so declared in the 
 Senate. He further remarked that he knew me to be the 
 decided friend of Willam H. Crawford, and said. I am con- 
 sidered as being his bitter enemy; and I am charged with being 
 the author of the numbers signed 'A. B.'; but (raising his 
 hand) I pledge you my honor I am not the author, nor do I 
 
166 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 know who the author is.' 'Crawford and I,' said Mr. Edwards, 
 'have had a little difference, but I have always considered him 
 a highminded, honorable and vigilant officer of the govern- 
 ment. He has been abused about the western banks and the 
 unavailable funds.' Leaning forward and extending his hands, 
 he added: 'Now, damn it, you know we both live in states 
 where there are many poor debtors of the government for 
 lands, together with a deranged currency. The notes on 
 various banks being depreciated after the effect and operation 
 of the war in that portion of the Union, and the banks, by 
 attempting to call in their paper (having exhausted their 
 specie), the notes that were in circulation became of little 
 or no value.' 'Many men of influence in that country,' said 
 he, 'have united to induce the Secretary of the Treasury to 
 select certain banks as banks of deposit, and take the notes 
 of certain banks in payment for public land. Had he (Mr. 
 Crawford) not done so many of our inhabitants would have 
 been turned out of doors and lost their lands, and the people 
 of the country would have had a universal disgust against Mr. 
 Crawford.' 'And I will venture to say,' said Mr. Edwards, 
 'notwithstanding I am considered as his enemy, that no man 
 in this government could have managed the fiscal and finan- 
 cial concerns of the government with more integrity and 
 propriety than Mr. Crawford did.' He (Mr. Nobles) had never 
 repeated this conversation to anyone until the evening of the 
 day that Governor Edwards' communication was presented to 
 the House of Representatives. On that evening, in conversa- 
 tion with several members of the House, amongst whom were 
 Mr. Reid and Mr. Nelson, some of whom said that Governor 
 Edwards had avowed himself to be the author of the 'A. B.' 
 papers, and others said that he had not done so. I remarked 
 that they must have misunderstood the 'address,' for Gov- 
 ernor Edwards had pledged his honor to me that he was not 
 the author of 'A. B.' " 
 
 There were other witnesses who testified to Edwards' 
 denial of the authorship of these papers; among them the 
 editors of the National Intelligencer of Washington, a news- 
 paper friendly to Mr. Crawford. These editors testified that 
 Mr. Edwards called at their office, the first time for a year, 
 to exculpate himself from the imputed authorship, and that 
 he did it so earnestly that they believed him, and had pub- 
 lished, on their faith in his declarations, that they had good 
 reason to know that he was not the author of the publications. 
 The "good reason." they testified, was his own free, voluntary 
 and unqualified denial at the time of his unexpected visit to 
 their office. 
 
OP WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD 1(57 
 
 The overwhelming testimony and the absence of anything 
 to disprove it was fatal to the accuser. 
 
 The committee unanimously reported: "That nothinp; 
 had been proved to impeach the integrity of the Secretary, 
 or to bring into doul)t the general correctness and ability 
 of his administration of the public finances." 
 
 Congress and the country accepted the committee's find- 
 ings as correct. Ninian Edwards left Washington in disgrace, 
 resigned his commission, which he had dishonored, and disap- 
 peared forever from i)ublic view. So ended the A. W plot 
 which had filled the newspapers for twelve months in vilest 
 abuse and calumny, and of which the accused was so honorably 
 vindicated. The most exalted hoi)es of man's nature can but 
 feel pleasurable delight at a triumi)h of innocence and so 
 overwhelming a discomfiture of its assailant. 
 
 There was one matter connected with this affair which 
 gave Mr. Crawford keen mental anguish. The newspaper that 
 published these unfounded and cruel slanders constantly for 
 a whole year was edited by a war office clerk, employed and 
 retained by John C. Calhoun; the newspaper was operated 
 entirely in Calhoun's interest and supported and subsidized 
 by him. These two illustrious statesmen and erstwhile school- 
 fellows, who had played town ball and marbles and gathered 
 nuts together under the spreading trees; who had read and 
 discussed the choicest books as students in that isolated coun- 
 try library of Dr. Waddell's, were never again to view each 
 other except in bonds of bitterness. Hereafter there was to 
 be nothing in common between them except irrevocable politi- 
 cal antagonism. ' 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1824. 
 
 From the peculiar circumstances attending the Presiden- 
 tial contest in 182 4 it became more spirited and was charac- 
 terized by more virulence than any that had taken place since 
 the first election of Mr. Jefferson. One of its novel features 
 consisted in the number of candidates presented, and the 
 further fact that all of these were of the same political creed, 
 which caused the issues to be formed on sectional and personal 
 lines. 
 
 The distracting question of admitting Missouri as a slave 
 state had aroused sectional controversy as no other subject 
 had done. 
 
 At the hospitable home of Mr. Crawford in Washington 
 it was the pleasure of such congenial spirits as Randolph, 
 
168 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 Macon, McLean. Holmes, Lowndes, and other Congressmen to 
 gather once or twice each week and spend an hour in social 
 intercourse. At a tim'e when the Missouri Compromise Reso- 
 lutions were pending a visitor from Georgia thus records one 
 of these intellectual treats which he attended. Mr. Crawford 
 in his conversation remarked: 
 
 "If the Union is of more importance to the South than 
 slavery the South should immediately take measures for the 
 gradual emancipation of the slaves, fixing a period for its 
 final extinction. But if the institution of slavery is of more 
 vital importance than the perpetuation of the Union to the 
 South she should at once secede and establish a government to 
 protect and preserve this institution. She now has the power 
 to do so without the fear of provoking a war. Her people should 
 be unanimous, and this agitation has made them so, I believe. 
 I know the love of the Union has been paramount to every 
 other consideration with the Southern people, but they view, 
 as I do, this attempt to arrest the further spread of slavery 
 as aggressive on the part of congress, and discover an alarm- 
 ing state of the northern mind upon this subject. This with 
 an increasing popular strength may grow into proportions 
 which shall be irresistible and the South may be ultimately 
 forced to do what she never will voluntarily do — abolish at 
 once the institution." 
 
 It was urged by Mr. Holmes that the Constitution guar- 
 anteed slavery to the states; that its control and destiny was 
 alone with the states, and there was no danger that the 
 North would ever violate the Constitution to interfere with 
 that which they had no interest. 
 
 "Never violate the Constitution!" said Randolph, in an 
 excited and querulous tone. "Mr. Holmes, you perhaps know 
 the nature of your people better than I do. but I know them 
 well enough not to trust them. They stickle at nothing to 
 accomplish an end; and their preachers can soon convince 
 them that slavery is a sin, and that they are responsible for 
 its existence here, and that they can only propitiate offended 
 Deity by its abolition. You are a peculiar people. Holmes, 
 prone to fanaticism upon all subjects, and this fanaticism 
 concentrated as a religious duty the Constitution will only 
 prove a barrier of straw. No sir, I am unv.illing to trust them. 
 They want honesty of purpose, have no sincerity, no patriot- 
 ism, no principle. Your dough-faces will profess, but at a 
 point will fly the track, sir; they can't stand, sir; they can't 
 stand pressing. Interest, interest, sir, is their moving motive. 
 Do you not see it in their action in this matter? Missouri is 
 a fertile and lovely country; they want it for the purpose of 
 settlement with their own people. Prohibit slavery to the 
 inhabitants and no Southern man will go there; there will 
 be no competition in the purchase of her land. Your people 
 will have it all to themselves; they will flock to it like wild 
 geese, and very soon it is a northern state in northern inter- 
 est; and step after step all the western territory will be in 
 your possession, and you will create states ad libitum. You 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRA^TORD 1G9 
 
 know the Constitution permits two-thirds of the states to 
 amend or alter it; establish the princii)le that conKress can 
 exclude slavery from a territory, contrary to the wishes of 
 her people expressed in a constitution formed hy them for 
 their government, and how long will it be before two-thirds 
 of the states will be free? Then you can change the Consti- 
 tution and place slavery under the control of congress; and. 
 under such circumstances, how long will it be permitted to 
 remain in any state? 
 
 "Your people are too religious, sir; eminently practical, 
 inventive, restless, cold, calculating, malicious and ambitious; 
 invent curious rat-traps, and establish missions. I don't want 
 to be trapped, sir; I am too wary a rat for that; and think 
 with Mr. Crawford, now is the time for separation, and I 
 mean to ask Clay to unite with us. Yet, sir, I have not 
 spoken to the fellow for years, sir; but I will tomorrow; I 
 will tell him I always despised him, but if he will go to his 
 people, I will to mine, and tell them now is the time for 
 separation from you; and I will follow his lead if he will 
 only do so. if it leads me to perdition. I never did follow it, 
 but in this matter I will. I bid you good night, gentlemen." 
 
 He waited for no reply, but taking his hat and whip, 
 hurriedly left the room. 
 
 "Can Mr. Randolph be in earnest?" asked several. 
 "Intensely so," replied Mr. Crawford. "Mr. Holmes, your 
 people are forcing Mr. Randolph's opinions upon the entire 
 South. They will not permit northern intermeddling with 
 that which peculiarly interests themselves, and over which 
 they alone hold control." 
 
 There was a pause, the party was uneasy. There were 
 more than Mr. Holmes present who were startled at both 
 Crawford's and Randolph's speculation as to the value of 
 the Union. They had ever felt that this was anchored safely 
 in every American breast, and was paramount to every other 
 consideration or interest. It was a terrible heresy, and lead- 
 ing to treason. This was not said, but it was thought, and 
 in no very agreeable mood the party separated for the night." * 
 
 Randolph did propose to Clay, as stated, but at that time 
 he was too much imbued with the idea that he had found in 
 the Missouri Compromise a measure that would allay matters 
 for all time to listen to Mr. Randolph's proposals, f 
 
 Of all the candidates Crawford was the most pronounced 
 advocate of state rights; Adams and Clay were most antago- 
 nistic to this doctrine, and Jackson was non-committal. The 
 friends of Mr. Adams urged his elevation to the presidency 
 on the ground of locality. Thirty-six years had passed since 
 the adoption of the Constitution, and it was urged that dur- 
 ing only four years of this time was the government admin- 
 istered by a northern President. The southern influence was 
 
 "Sparks' Memoirs of 50 Years, page 230. 
 tSargant's Life of Clay, page 32. 
 
170 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 opposed by the North, and while on every other issue the New 
 Englanders may have divided, yet on this they presented an 
 unbroken front for their candidate. All New England was 
 for Adams. On the other hand not one vote was cast for him 
 by any one of the great southern slave-holding states. The 
 favorite mode of electionering seems to have been for the 
 candidates or their friends to issue pamphlets for general 
 circulation. Among the voters of each state these pamphlets 
 proclaimed the views of their author's favorites and decried 
 the pretentions of the other candidates in no uncertain terms. 
 In those issued by General Jackson's friends in the Carolinas 
 and elsewhere Crawford was attacked as being a Federalist. 
 To be called a Federalist was regarded at this time the great- 
 est insult, so opprobrious had the name become in the eyes 
 of the average voter. * These pamphlets pointed as proof 
 to certain resolutions adopted at a meeting of the young men 
 of Augusta, Ga., on July 2nd, 1798. These resolutions 
 expressed confidence in the policy of Mr. Adams and a pledge 
 of all those present to support the administration against the 
 agressions of the French Government, f The meeting was 
 composed of members of all political parties, and the resolu- 
 tions were of a patriotic tenor, breathing defiance to the 
 enemies of the Republic. Mr. Crawford was chairman of the 
 committee of five who drafted the resolutions, and it was 
 claimed they were composed by him. The address was writ- 
 ten at a time when the country was deeply incensed against 
 the French Directory. 
 
 This charge of the indorsement of the administration of 
 John Adams was a fruitful topic of misrepresentation and 
 abuse by the Jacksonian pamphleteers. ** The answer of 
 Crawford was dignified and convincing. He urged that at that 
 time the administration of Mr. Adams was not yet tarnished 
 by those acts of fatuity and violence which subsequently 
 brought down upon it the opposition of the people; that party 
 distinction was not so marked as to be remembered in the 
 overflow of patriotic feeling at a meeting like this — called to 
 devise action against the injurious attacks of France on our 
 commerce. That in this meeting, although a young man, he 
 was recognized as a decided Republican and appointed as 
 such on the committee. 
 
 The act levying a direct tax was passed by Congress on 
 July 14th, 1798, the sedition act on the same day, and the 
 
 *Letters of Wyoming on Campaign of 1824. 
 
 tSee Appendix. 
 
 ^ * Jscksonian Pamphlet by South Carolinean, Raleigh, N. C. 1822. 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD 171 
 
 act punishing correspondence with persons abroad was not 
 passed until the 30th of January, 17i)9. That after the adop- 
 tion of these resolutions and when the measures jiassod to 
 repel the violence of France were carried to an extremity 
 which evinced a disposition to trample on the Constitution 
 under the mask of securing the public safety — he was found 
 in the ranks of the oi)position, and bent the whole of his 
 energy to the election of Jefferson. That he had been always 
 unwavering in the support of Democracy, and that it was 
 absurd and unjust to oppose a single act of this sort — at 
 most an act of youthful indiscretion — to the uniform tenor 
 of a long life spent in the public service. * 
 
 Decisive as this answer appears it was unavailing, and 
 the charges were repeated with telling effect. In North Caro- 
 lina and New Jersey, and other states where he was much 
 stronger than any one of the other candidates, there was 
 formed a combination of all forces against him, and in this 
 way the votes of those states were dragooned into the Jack- 
 son column. 
 
 To those who wish to dive deeper in the mysteries of 
 President-making the following letter will prove interesting. 
 It was written by a senator from Georgia with such joyful 
 gusto as to stir the blood as it gladdens the spirit and paints 
 the horizon in happy colors. Although obviously not written 
 for the public eye this confidential partisan letter sheds a 
 light on a memorable epoch that in no other way could cause 
 it to be so well understood: 
 
 JOHN ELLIOTT TO GENERAL BLACKSHEAR. 
 
 PHILADELPHIA, September 4, 1822. 
 
 My dear sir: — • 
 
 After a rough passage of seven days we landed in New 
 York. I found this state, as usual, much agitated by fac- 
 tions. Mr. Calhoun's friends are making violent efforts here 
 to weaken Mr. Crawford's influence, in the vain hope of secur- 
 ing the vote of this great state in support of their favorite. 
 They have so far succeeded as to have seduced from his 
 engagements to advocate Mr. Crawford the editor of "The 
 Patriot" and turned his press in favor of :\Ir. Calhoun. But 
 this shameful defection on the part of the editor has already 
 deprived him of the patronage of the principal Republicans 
 of the City of New York, and will very shortly consign the 
 paper to deserved insignificance. The efforts of this press 
 have produced no unfavorable impressions on the public senti- 
 ment. New York and the great body of Republicans are 
 decidedly friendly to Mr. Crawford's success. Connecticut is 
 
 *Life of W. H. Crawford, pamphlet by Americanus, p. 6. 
 
172 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 vacillating; but I have the most positive assurance from my 
 friends there that she will come out in due time for us. 
 
 Mr. Crawford's most violent political enemy, Mr. 
 Edwards, has been left out of Congress in the late elections 
 in Illinois; and two of the Representatives who were last 
 winter opposed to him have recently advocated his election 
 before the people. From Maine, New Hampshire. Massachu- 
 setts and Vermont we shall obtain in caucus a much greater 
 support than our enemies are aware of; and I think we may 
 safely calculate on twenty votes from this section of the 
 nation. In caucus, New York may be depended on for twenty- 
 eight votes. New Jersey is now much divided, but will cer- 
 tainly give us six votes. The people of Pennsylvania are 
 evidently in favor of General Jackson; but, as they have gen- 
 erally admitted the necessity of supporting the caucus candi- 
 date, the friends of Mr. Crawford wink at their present predi- 
 lections, knowing that the General cannot be nominated, and 
 believing that Mr. Crawford must ultimately receive the vote 
 as the caucus candidate. In the caucus, however, we shall 
 receive from this State seven votes at least. Delaware is with 
 us. Maryland is not fixed, but will surely lend us her support 
 with five votes. Mr. Crawford's strength, then, in caucus may 
 be fairly thus estimated, viz: 
 
 From New England, 20 votes; from New York, 28; New 
 Jersey, 6; Pennsylvania, 7; Delaware, 3; Maryland, 5; Virginia, 
 24; North Carolina, 1.5; South Carolina, 2 certainly, and 
 should Mr. Calhoun withdraw, or be dropped. 7 votes; Geor- 
 gia, 9; Ohio, 1; Indiana, 2; Illinois, 2; Mississippi, 2; Ten- 
 nessee, 2 at least, making an aggregate of one hundred and 
 twenty votes, which will be a majority of the Republican mem- 
 bers. And should any of the other candidates withdraw, or 
 be dropped by their friends, the number will receive con- 
 siderable accession. For no combination of interest can be 
 formed to prejudice the standing and iirospects of Mr. Craw- 
 ford; the West can never be induced to support Mr. Adams, 
 nor will the Republicans of the East, in the absence of Mr. 
 Adams, prefer Mr. Clay or General Jackson to Mr. Crawford. 
 I consider Mr. Crawford's success, then, as more than proba- 
 ble; and, in forming this opinion I think I have not suffered 
 my wishes, strong as they are, to influence my judgment. 
 
 In conformity to your wishes expressed in your letter 
 just received, I have given you the preceding view of the 
 Presidential question. As our success greatly depends on a 
 caucus nomination, it will be proper to conceal from our 
 adversaries our real strength until the moment of trial. Our 
 friends in Georgia may be made acquainted with these facts, 
 but they must be kept from the newspapers. 
 
 Mr. Forsyth is here, and we improve every occasion to 
 strengthen our friends and weaken our adversaries. Our sit- 
 uation enables us to act sometimes very efficiently in this 
 regard. 
 
 The prospect of Colonel Troup's success is highly grati- 
 fying to me and I hope no untoward circumstance may occur 
 to lessen his well-deserved influence with people. 
 
 As it respects myself, I am quite disposed to leave the 
 propriety of my re-election to the judgment of my friends, 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD 17$ 
 
 I was urged in the most flattering manner l)y those iu the 
 eastern district, v/hose opinions and wishes I greatly respect, 
 not to leave public life at this time; and having been indncod 
 to ask for a re-electton, I should be gratified by a liberal sui)- 
 port. It is probable 1 may continue here until the meeting 
 of congress, occasionally visiting Jersey and the upper jjart 
 of the state, as political appearances may render it necessary. 
 And, although you are not fond of writing, I hope you will 
 indulge me with an occasional letter. 
 
 My correspondence is very extensive, and I always write 
 in great haste. Offer my best regards to Colonel Troup when 
 you see him, and believe me most cordially. 
 
 Your friend, .1. ELLIOTT. 
 
 At the time this letter bears date Crawford's chances were 
 in the ascendancy. His election seemed almost a certainty. 
 The mode of concentrating public opinion on one candidate 
 as heretofore practiced had been by a regular caucus held by 
 members of Congress to make the nomination for the party. 
 Although this manner of nomination had been followed with 
 approbation and satisfaction in previous presidential cam- 
 paigns, at this time it was destined to bring upon the nomi- 
 nees the opposition of all the other candidates. It was known 
 that Mr. Crawford had the largest number of friends in Con- 
 gress, and would assuredly receive the nomination. The other 
 candidates, therefore, refused to go into it; all joined in 
 opposing the "caucus candidate," as Mr. Crawford was called. * 
 Notwithstanding Clay, Calhoun and Adams had been active 
 participants in the caucus nominations heretofore, and notably 
 in the one that nominated Mr. Monroe, they did not on this 
 account refrain from proclaiming that these caucuses were 
 odious, intriguing, and corrupting, and declared the anomaly 
 of members of congress entering them, f Crawford's friends, 
 however, believed that the established usage should not be 
 departed from, and that the standard of democratic orthodo.xy 
 required a nomination in the only tried and approved way 
 known to the party. To abandon this fixed tenet of republi- 
 canism would in this instance be the relinquishment of that 
 support as a party candidate to which Mr. Crawford's wide 
 popularity entitled him. 
 
 Crawford was now fifty-one years of age, and in the 
 prime of his intellectual power and physical manhood. The 
 
 "Benton's Thirty Year's View. Vol. I, page 48. 
 
 tCrawford. in a letter to Boiling Hall, written at this time, and now on file in 
 State Department of Archives and History of Alabama states: Great exertions 
 are making- t<. prevent a Congressional caucus. Your old friend. McLean, declares 
 that a caucus will destroy the man in whose favor it may terminate. Calhoun, his 
 patron, attended the caucus in 1812 and 1816. as you know-Mr. Clay did the same, 
 and Mr. Adams attended that in 180S--yet they are decidedly hostile to a caucus. 
 •It is anti-Republican:' 'It is robbing the people of their rights; It will destroy any 
 man who supports it.' l^nqxira inniti)/tiir et mntaii) >ir nnu (//'•<. 
 
174 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 intense interest and co-operation :n his belialf of so many 
 influential friends throughout the union; and the pulse of 
 popular favor seemed to beat auspiciously in unison with his 
 fondest dream, and to augur success. 
 
 But that towering mind, that majestic physique, that 
 stalwart vigorous frame, witli its burning spirit within, that 
 magnetic voice, flashing blue eyes and enchanting smile were 
 in one dire moment to forever lose their gladsome glory and 
 brilliancy. Full of sanguine hope and bouyant life and on 
 the very threshold of the highest attainable honors, the 
 dreaded paralysis strikes him low. To be shorn of strength 
 just as "manhood's morn touches noon," when he possessed 
 the prudence of age and the warmth of youth; to be palsied 
 when he was strongest; to see the door of hope closed while 
 life still remained, must have been excruciating agony — a 
 doom worse than death. * 
 
 The circumstances indicate, however, that he never 
 realized the full force of the attack. He would not retire 
 from the contest, nor would his friends consent that he should 
 do so. For a time his speech and sight were gone, his nervous 
 system was shattered, and he lost the use of his lower limbs. 
 He was removed from the city to a delightful cottage in the 
 country in the hope that the balmy country air would induce 
 convalescence. There was a gradual return of sight a,nd 
 speech, but the intellect never regained its full tone and 
 power; this was beyond human skill to accomplish. 
 
 Then followed the sorry spectacle of too eager partisans 
 contending over the body of their stricken chief who had 
 fallen with his face to the goal. His friends and physician 
 hoped, believed and asserted expectations of an early recovery. 
 The rival newspapers, through no lack of design on their part, 
 did not exaggerate his condition when they described it as pit- 
 iable. 
 
 The state Democracy, at a large meeting in Philadelphia, 
 recommended a congressional caucus to choose a candidate 
 for the presidency. This plan would not have been further 
 opposed, perhaps, had it not been for the fact that the Legis- 
 lature of Alabama, just at this time, nominated Andrew Jack- 
 son and declared against a congressional caucus, f This 
 action caused many to waiver, and "that which had been the 
 most effectual means of party triumph was now reprobated 
 as tyrannical and unjust. The true objection was, that it would 
 
 *This parhlysis was caused by a dose of lobelia administered by an unskilled 
 physician in treating erysipelas during a temporary absence of Mr. Crawford from 
 Washington. 
 
 tQuincey's Life of J. Q. Adams, p. 133. 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD 175 
 
 crush the hopes of all the aspirants except those of Mr. Craw- 
 ford. Their friends, on this account, refused to submit their 
 pretensions to its umpirage. "A strong representation of tiie 
 old democratic party, however, met in caucus and nominated 
 Mr. Crawford, and might probably have elected him had not 
 their candidate lost his influence with his health." * 
 
 The call for a Democratic caucus to meet on January 
 14th, 1824, in the House of Representatives was published in 
 the National Intelligencer of Washington as follows: 
 
 "The Democratic members of Congress are invited to meet 
 in the Representatives' Chamber at the Capitol on the evening 
 of the 14th of February at seven o'clock to recommend can- 
 didates to the people of the United States for the offices of 
 President and Vice-President of the United States." 
 
 This call was signed by ten congressmen, among whom 
 were Mr. Forsyth; but Mr. Van Buren's name was not on it. 
 There was a packed gallery of visitors, yet the attendance of 
 members was so small that a motion to postpone was made, 
 but voted down. Mr. Van Buren, in opposing the motion, 
 stated that it would be impossible to fix any time to suit all 
 to attend. The people were anxiously waiting for a nomina- 
 tion, and he felt confident a large portion of the Republicans 
 of the Union were decidedly in favor of this mode of nomina- 
 tion, and that it was quite time it should be made. 
 
 On the balloting for President Crawford received sixty- 
 four votes, Adams two, Nathaniel Macon one, Jackson one. 
 The balloting for Vice-President showed Albert Gallatin fifty- 
 seven, Adams one, Erastus Root two, Samuel Smith one, Wil- 
 liam Eustis one, Walter Lowndes one, John Todd one, Rufus 
 King one, Richard Rush one. 
 
 When Crawford and Gallatin were declared nominated 
 the galleries applauded. A clerk from the war office seated in 
 the gallery led a small coterie who mingled their hisses with 
 the applause of the people. 
 
 The disheartening effects of the caucus in which there 
 were only sixty-eight of the two hundred and sixty-one mem- 
 bers of Congress represented, and the continued severe illness 
 of Crawford was chilling to the ardor of his friends. The 
 rival candidates were greatly encouraged, as their drooping 
 hopes were revived as never before. Every state was now in 
 earnest contention. New York was a seething cauldron, and 
 while in the beginning of the campaign it appeared to be for 
 Crawford, it had become disaffected. The caucus nomination 
 was received there with some disapprobation, and every 
 laiachination that could be devised by the ingenuity of his 
 *Political Mirror, p. 9. 
 
176 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 enemies was brought to defeat Crawford in this state. Van 
 Buren, although a dexterous politician and very popular, was 
 not able to overcome the concentrated opposition of Crawford's 
 rivals here. His personal attachment for Crawford had for 
 a long time been great, and now when enemies were about 
 to triumph over him his eminent ability and friendly exertion 
 were brought to bear to procure his election and hold this 
 state in his favor — but in vain. The friends of Crawford in 
 far away Georgia felt a kind remembrance for the work done 
 by Van Buren Jn the intei'est of their stricken chief, and 
 without any thought or solicitation from him, and indeed 
 without his knowledge, nominated him for Vice-President. 
 It was a spontaneous tribute from grateful hearts to a faithful 
 friend. Only five of New York's thirty-six electoral votes 
 remained steadfast to Crawford — the others were divided 
 among his rivals. 
 
 There was a great clamor against the nomination of Mr. 
 Gallatin for the Vice-Presidency because he was not a native 
 of the United States. He finally withdrew his name by pub- 
 lishing the following card: 
 
 FAYETTE COUNTY, PA., Oct. 2nd, 1824. 
 
 Understanding that the withdrawal of my name may have 
 a favorable effect on the result of the approaching election 
 of President and Vice-President of the United States, I request 
 that I may no longer be considered a candidate for the ofiice 
 of Vice-President. ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 This withdrawal inured to the advantage of Calhoun, 
 who was now the sole avowed candidate for the Vice-Presi- 
 dency; but Crawford's chances were not enhanced thereby. 
 
 There arose in this campaign a bitterness between Geor- 
 gia and her sister state, Carolina, which became intense. If 
 there was a public gathering in either state the harmony of 
 the occasion was always marred when there were representa- 
 tives present from both states. With the young gallants this 
 strife frequently led to blows, and on several occasions to 
 deadly strife. During the campaign an article in an Augusta 
 newspaper reflected severely upon Mr. Crawford. This article 
 was published in reply to several anti-Calhoun papers signed 
 "C", and which were written by the gifted poet Richard H. 
 Wild, who was then a Congressman from Georgia. * These 
 articles were erroneously attributed to Col. William Gumming 
 of Augusta, Ga. Gumming was a proud, austere, intrepid and 
 talented gentleman. He was not a man to be so severely 
 badgered by an anonymous writer. He demanded of the 
 
 •Sparks' Memoirs of Fifty Years, p. 84. 
 
OP WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD 177 
 
 editor the name of the uiikuown correspoiuk'iit, and that of 
 Hon. George McDuffie, the distinguished statesman of South 
 Carolina, was given. McDuffie was a partisan and [irotege 
 of Calhoun, and a gentleman of talent and character. A dud 
 was the result, and McDufhe received a wound in the small 
 of his back, where the bullet lodged after it had penetrated 
 his silk lined coat. This wound eventually caused his death. 
 The Augusta Chronicle, in giving a purported authentic 
 account of this affair, and as a reason why the ball did not 
 penetrate deeper, stated: 
 
 "Cumming's pistol was loaded for the side, not for the 
 back, and for the resistence of common drapery, not for sev- 
 eral folds of strong silk, etc." * 
 
 The extreme illness of Crawford continued. The can- 
 vass, however, was carried on with unabated vigor. There 
 being four candidates in the field, it became practically cer- 
 tain that no election could be had by the people, and it was 
 a matter of uncertainty as to which would be the three high- 
 est to go into the House of Representatives under the con- 
 stitutional provision. Clay had confidently counted on Louisi- 
 ana, but the hero of New Orleans was too dear to memory 
 to be so soon forgotten, and this state fell into the Jackson 
 
 column. 
 
 As an original proposition Clay was undoubtedly more 
 favorable to Mr. Crawford than to either of the other remain- 
 ing candidates, t By a personal visit to Mr. Crawford he 
 had not satisfied himself but that he was too broken down 
 in health to discharge with fitting energy the duties of the 
 chief magistracy. * * The selection, unless Crawford's health 
 improved, lay between Jackson and Adams. Notwithstanding 
 Clay's old time hostility to Jackson on the Seminole question 
 in 1819, and notwithstanding Clay had severely denounced 
 his views on internal improvement and the tariff as vacillating 
 and unfixed, yet a great effort was made to secure his support 
 on the ground that Jackson was a western man. When at 
 Ghent as commissioners. Clay and Adams had some serious 
 differences on matters of public policy; their natures and 
 views were so entirely dissimilar that there was much specu- 
 lation as to whether Clay would ever cast the weight of his 
 infiuence with Adams. 
 
 The result of the votes of the electors was as follows: 
 
 *Sabines Notes on Duelling:, p. 242. 
 tSparks' Memoirs of 50 Years. 
 **Sareant's Life of Clay, page 36. 
 
178 
 
 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 
 FOR PRESIDENT 
 
 ; FOR VICE-PRESIDENT 
 
 1 
 
 
 n 
 
 s 
 
 < 
 
 Crawford 
 Jackson 
 
 ^ 
 
 l" 
 
 Calhoun 
 
 Macon 
 
 Jackson 
 
 "2 
 
 
 a. 
 
 a 
 n 
 
 a 
 
 > 
 
 Maine 
 
 9 
 8 
 
 15 
 4 
 8 
 7 
 
 26 
 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 7 
 
 15 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 New Hampshire 
 
 
 
 
 .— 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 Massachusetts . 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Rhode Island 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Connecticut 
 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 .... 
 
 .... 
 
 
 Vermont .. 
 
 
 
 
 7 
 29 
 
 8 
 28 
 
 1 
 10 
 
 15 
 11 
 
 
 
 New York... 
 
 5 
 
 1 
 
 8 
 
 28 
 
 7 
 
 15 
 11 
 
 4 
 
 .... 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 .... 
 
 
 New Jersey . 
 
 
 Pennsylvania . 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Delaware 
 
 1 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 24 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 Maryland .. 
 
 24 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 Virginia 
 
 
 
 
 North Carolina 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 South Carolina 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Georgia 
 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 Kentucky 
 
 
 
 14 
 16 
 
 3 
 37 
 
 7 
 11 
 
 .... 
 
 .... 
 
 7 
 
 .... 
 
 
 Tennessee 
 
 
 
 11 
 
 
 Ohio 
 
 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 
 
 Louisiana 
 
 2 
 
 .... 
 
 3 
 3 
 5 
 2 
 5 
 
 5 
 3 
 5 
 3 
 5 
 
 182 
 
 
 
 
 
 Mississippi 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Indiana 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Illinois . 
 
 1 
 
 .... 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Alabama 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Missouri 
 
 
 
 24 
 
 3 
 13 
 
 
 
 
 
 84 
 
 41 
 
 97 
 
 30 
 
 2 
 
 9 
 
 This placed Jackson, Crawford and Adams the three high- 
 est, and left the election to be determined by the House of 
 Representatives at its next session. 
 
 Clay was thrown out of the contest, but like Thaddeus 
 of Warsaw, while he could not crown himself, yet it was with 
 him to place the crown on the head of another. He it was 
 that possessed the power to make the next President. 
 
 Then it was that party spirit ran highest. Every club 
 in Washington and in the large cities became a caucus. Every 
 hotel in Washington was a lobby. Congressmen thought of 
 nothing else. Nothing else was talked or written about. The 
 newspapers teemed with this subject. The friends of General 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD 179 
 
 Jackson eagerly advanced the undemocratic and untenablo 
 doctrine that plurality of votes for any one candidate should 
 be considered as decisive — in other words, a mere plurality, 
 they urged, should swallow up a majority. 
 
 Senator Nathaniel Macon, on January 7th, 1825, thus 
 writes from Washington to Judge Charles Tait: 
 
 "Who will be elected President by the House of Rei)re- 
 sentatives is uncertain as it ever has been since it was known 
 the House would have to make the election. I incline to 
 the opinion that the General has the best chance of success. 
 
 "The friends of Crawford will support him as long as 
 it shall be deemed necessary. It is not known for whom the 
 friends of Clay will vote. * * * i have heard that Calhoun 
 was in favor of the election of General Jackson." * 
 
 Congress convened in December, 182 4, amid a glamor 
 of intense excitement, but general legislation received little 
 attention, for the minds of the members were too absorbed 
 in the pending election. 
 
 On January 15th following, Senator Thomas W. Cobb 
 wrote to a constituent in Georgia a letter which outlines very 
 clearly the situation: 
 
 "Doubtless, in common with others, you feel the greatest 
 anxiety about the Presidential election. Recently few changes 
 have been manifested on that subject. Everything has 
 depended, and does depend on the course which the western 
 states friendly to Mr. Clay may take. Should they join us, 
 even to the number of two, the game is not desperate. It is 
 impossible to decide with certainty whether they will do so. 
 Their conduct has been extremely mysterious and doubtful. 
 At one time they led us to believe they would unite with us; 
 at another they are antipodal. Two days ago we received the 
 news that the Kentucky Legislature had instructed their rep- 
 resentatives to vote for Jackson. This information has 
 brought out five of them who will do so; the others (seven) 
 have not yet declared. Ohio is divided, but this morning I 
 have the positive declaration of one of their most honest and 
 intelligent members that they have determined not to vote 
 for Jackson. But it is not settled how they will go between 
 Crawford and Adams. The objections made by those friendly 
 to us in both Kentucky and Ohio have their root in the state 
 of Crawford's health. He is very fat, but his speech and 
 vision are imperfect, and the paralysis of his hand continues. 
 His speech improves slowly. His right eye is so improved 
 that he sees well enough to play whist as well as an old man 
 without spectacles. His hand also gets stronger. Yet defect 
 in all these members is but too evident. My brother-in-law 
 Mr. Scott, has not positively promised to support him, but I 
 think he has made up his mind to .do so. So also do I think 
 of Mr Rankin. If, however, I am deceived in all these calcu- 
 lations (in which I think I am not) General Jackson will be 
 elected on the first ballot. It is true Maryland and Louisiana 
 *The original of this letter in possession of Mrs. Mary Tait Beck, of Alabama. 
 
180 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 are now said to be divided, but I doubt not they will unite 
 on Jackson, which, with the Western states, secures his suc- 
 cess, inasmuch as he would have New Jersey, Pennsylvania, 
 Maryland, bouth Carolina, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, 
 Tennessee, Kentucky, Indiana, Illinois and Missouri. New 
 York is yet settled for no one. We count sixteen certain; we 
 want two to make a majority, and these we shall get, as I 
 am told by an intelligent member, Mr. Clarke, upon whose 
 judgment I would sooner rely than on Van Buren's. 
 
 "Should one or two western states withhold their vote 
 from Jackson, Crawford's election is probable. The New Eng- 
 land states are in excessive alarm. We have told them that 
 Mr. Adams has no right to calculate on any support from us. 
 This is in some measure true. Jackson's strength is such that 
 Adams can gain nothing from him. The Yankees are deter- 
 mined that a President shall be made. 
 
 "New Jersey is willing to join us, if success becomes 
 probable, and I am assured that five out of six of New Eng- 
 land will do so, too, when Adams' prospects are blasted. 
 Should Crawford be elected it will be by a combination of 
 Maine, New Hampshire, Rhode Island, Massachusetts, Con- 
 necticut, New Jersey, Delaware, Virginia, North Carolina, 
 Georgia, Mississippi, Missouri, Kentucky or Ohio. Delaware, 
 Virginia, North Carolina and Georgia, have nailed their flag, 
 and will sink with the ship. New England, if they wish to 
 prevent the election of Jackson (and they say they do), must 
 come to us, for we will not go to them. Colonel Benton is 
 active in our cause, and is likely to do us good. Could we 
 hit upon a few great principles, and unite their support with 
 that of Crawford, we should succeed beyond doubt. But the 
 fact is, we are as much divided as any other people. On the 
 whole, I do not feel alarmed, though I am not confident. 
 Here they call me croaker. I say I will not express a con- 
 fidence which I do not feel." • 
 
 When this letter was written Congress had been in ses- 
 sion some six weeks. All eyes turned now to Henry Clay, 
 who maintained a politic reserve which the most curious could 
 not penetrate. The fact that Kentucky was a slave state 
 was used as an argument to induce Clay to oppose Adams. 
 
 That shrewd politician and editor, N. W. Noah, of New 
 York, wrote at this time a confidential letter to James Mon- 
 roe, in which he states: 
 
 "We cannot be insensible to the fact that the South and 
 West have hitherto united to decide the presidential question 
 when the middle states have been balancing and divided. 
 ***** -yy^g a^ii admit that the Presidency is considered 
 a state honor — that is to say, the state is honored and favored 
 and incidental advantages are derived from the choice of one 
 of its citizens. Will the Democratic party confer this honor 
 on Massachusetts? A rebellious state during the late war, 
 a state in which the Hartford convention was conceived and 
 permitted to hold a solemn session, a state which refused to 
 
 *Cobb's Leisure Labors, page 214. 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRAWTORD 181 
 
 place her militia at the (lisi)osal of the general Kovernment 
 in the hour of national calamity, which has been the cause of 
 great uneasiness, and has given you during the war and in 
 the discharge of your painful and unremitting duties great 
 cause of censure and comiilaint? * * * The unwearied exer- 
 tions made by the Eastern states to create geograpliical dis- 
 tinction and promote sectional interest on the slavery (luestion 
 and on the particular act for the admission of Missouri have 
 united the Southern people on this cardinal point against the 
 Massachusetts candidate." * 
 
 The Crawford party kept up a dignified canvass before 
 the country, but no longer expected the sup])ort of Clay. The 
 Adams contingent kept fully informed of Crawford's wretched 
 health, continued electioneering in a quiet way best calculated 
 to produce results. 
 
 When the ice-waterisms of Adams became the talk of the 
 people he was urged to be more considerate and conciliatory, 
 in order to dispel accusations regarding his cold, selfish nature. 
 It was related of him that his followers prevailed upon him 
 to attend a cattle show at Worcester, Mass., in order to mingle 
 with the people and cultivate cordiality of manner. A farmer 
 of that section, a man of substance and respectability, on 
 being presented to him said: 
 
 "Mr. Adams, I am very glad to see you. My wife, when 
 she was a gal, lived in your father's family. You were then 
 a little boy. and she has told me a great deal about you. 
 She very often combed your head." 
 
 "Well," said Mr. Adams, in his harsh way, "I suppose she 
 combs yours now." 
 
 The poor farmer slunk back l:ke a lashed hound, feeling 
 the smart, but utterly unconscious of the provocation, f 
 
 The .lackson party, on the other hand, were not wanting 
 in any of the artifices of shrewd politics. Realizing now that 
 Clay held the mastery of the situation, 1:hey coaxed, flattered, 
 and cajoled in vain. Not these, nor intimidations could avail 
 them. When gradually it began to dawn upon them that 
 Clay and his friends were likely to supi)ort the hated Adams 
 their rage knew no bounds. The General and his partisans 
 uttered maledictions without regard to decency, and seemed 
 to forget all propriety in their zeal and vindictiveness. The 
 hoarse whispers of a bargain and sale, intrigue and corrup- 
 tion, began to be uttered by them against Clay and Adams 
 with a malevolence unparalleled in partisan politics. 
 
 The 9th of February. IS 2. 5, was appointed by Congress 
 to make that election which the electoral college had failed to 
 do. The House set for this day an earlier hour than usual 
 
 *This letter from copy of original furnished by Dr. U. B. Phillips. 
 tGoodrich's Recollections of a Lifetime, Vol. rl, p. 404, 
 
182 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 for its meeting. Every lodging place, hotel and boarding 
 house in Washington was filled with visitors to the city. The 
 stage coaches that ran to the capital were all crowded with 
 people from every one of the twenty-four states composing 
 the Union. Numbers came from every direction in all sorts 
 of vehicles, and hundreds rode great distances on horseback. 
 They were bent on viewing the representatives of the people 
 in the exercise of the highest right of freemen to select a 
 citizen to administer the government of a great Republic. 
 This cold, -stormy February day was to mark a most exciting, 
 and yet & tnost peaceful event. Every man seemed to vie 
 with his neighbor in electioneering for some one of the can- 
 didates. The galleries, lobbies and every vacant place about 
 the capital were packed to such an extent as to be stifling. 
 Many of those present recalled the great seven days' deadlock 
 of a quarter of a century before, when Burr and Jefferson 
 were the candidates before this same assembly. No expecta- 
 tion existed that the election would be decided the first day. 
 It was supposed that the balloting would be continued for 
 many days, if not throughout the remainder of the session. 
 In a less stable government than ours the excitement 
 engendered by this furious contest between rival chiefs would 
 have produced sedition, rebellion, or armed interference. 
 Nothing of the sort, however, was hinted at. There was an 
 absence of soldiery, and there prevailed a spirit of allegiance 
 felt and expressed by the multitude. Henry Clay, in the 
 Speaker's chair, solemnly rapped the House to order. The 
 roll was called, and the vote taken by states, as required by 
 law. The ballots were counted out amid painful suspense, 
 and the result declared as follows: 
 
 For John Quincy Adams — Maine, New Hampshire, Massa- 
 chusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Vermont, New York, 
 Maryland, Ohio, Kentucky, Illinois, Missouri, Louisiana — 13. 
 
 For Andrew Jackson — New Jersey, Pennsylvania, South 
 Carolina, Tennessee, Alabama, Mississippi, Indiana — 7. 
 
 For William H. Crawford — Delaware, Virginia, North 
 Carolina, Georgia — 4. 
 
 It appeared that Adams had received just the necessary 
 complement, and was declared duly and constitutionally 
 elected. 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD 183 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 WOODLAWN. 
 
 Beside a blazing fire in the drawing room of liis suburban 
 home sat Crawford surrounded by his family. Aware of the 
 attractions at the capital, they had little fear this day of 
 being interrupted by visitors. The subject of the election, 
 however, was scarcely thought of by them. We quote from a 
 writer who was a close friend of Crawford, who gives an 
 admirable picture of his domestic life: 
 
 "I dreamed last night, papa, that 1 had churned a fine 
 batch of butter, which I brought in my milk pail to show you, 
 and which you praised as the best butter that you had ever 
 eaten." 
 
 "And I dreamed," said the other daughter, "that I was 
 in our garden at Woodlawn gathering strawberries." 
 
 "It is more than likely, girls, that your dreams will come 
 true," answered their father. 
 
 "I do wish they would," said the mother. "I am sure 
 we should be far happier at home than we could ever be in 
 the White House. 
 
 "How can you say so?" exclaimed a domestic friend who 
 was present. "After a struggle of two years defeat will be 
 very hard to bear. Even in a game of chess it requires some 
 philosophy to take it patiently." 
 
 "I cannot deny it, ' answered Mrs. Crawford. "It is 
 only the mortification of defeat I care for. On every other 
 account most sincerely do I wish we may go to Woodlawn 
 Instead of the White House. I am sure we shall be far hap- 
 pier." 
 
 "Let us have our book," said Mr. Crawford. "And while 
 one of you read to me I will likewise have a game of chess 
 with one of the boys." 
 
 The book was so interesting that the election going on 
 at the capital was forgotten. The storm continued raging. 
 It looked gloomy out of doors, but bright, warm and cheerful 
 within. The snow prevented the sound of wheels from being 
 heard, and before any one was aware of the approach of a 
 carriage the door opened and Asbury Dickens entered. The 
 suddenness of his entrance made every one start. His face 
 was flushed with emotion, his manner hurried. 
 
 "Hundreds wanted to be in haste to bring good tidings." 
 said he, "but here I come with bad news. Adams is chosen 
 on the first ballot." 
 
 "Is it possible!" exclaimed Mr. Crawford, "I thought it 
 would have been .Tackson. Well. I am glad it is over." 
 
 Not a change of tone or of countenance evinced any deep 
 or poignant feeling, and being "glad it was over" was a 
 declaration as natural as it was sincere— for suspense is of 
 
184 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 all states of mind the most intolerable. The family received 
 the information with as little emotion as Mr. Crawford. 
 
 "Well," observed Mrs. Crawford, "one thing consoles me — 
 the disappointment is of God, and not of man, for had Mr. 
 Crawford been in good health it would not have been so." 
 
 Soon afterward another carriage drove to the door. Mr. 
 Lowry came in, looking very much cast down, and shaking 
 Mr. Crawford's outstretched hand, said in a voice as melan- 
 choly as his countenance, "It is all over!" 
 
 Mr. Cobb, who had accompanied him, was so much 
 agitated he could not immediately see Mr. Crawford, but 
 went into the diningroom. Mrs. Crawford and her daughters 
 went to him; he shook their hands, and brushing away the 
 tears, which in spite of his endeavors would gush to his eyes, 
 "well, girls," said he, "you may pack up as soon as you 
 please." 
 
 He could say no more; his voice was suffocated by emo- 
 tion. His feelings were those of a tender and ardently 
 attached friend, not those of a disappointed politician. 
 
 "Come," said Miss Caroline, shaking hands with him, 
 "you may as well laugh as cry; come in and see papa, but 
 not with that gloomy face." 
 
 It was sometime, however, before he could control his 
 feelings. At last he went into the drawingroom, laughing 
 and clapping his hands as if in great exultation, calling out, 
 "Adams has it! Adams has it! Hurrah for Adams!" 
 
 Mr. Crawford took his offered hand, and smiled as he 
 said: 
 
 "Why, Cobb, you are laughing on the wrong side of your 
 mouth." 
 
 "As well laugh as cry," answered he, rubbing his hands. 
 
 "Your laugh, however, looks very much like a cry," 
 replied his friend, laughing at the same time himself at Mr. 
 Cobb's wry faces. 
 
 "No more drawing-rooms, young ladies," said Mr. Cobb, 
 turning to the g'rls; "you may go home to the dairy and 
 learn to make butter and cheese and spin cotton for your 
 own clothes." 
 
 "My dream will come true after all," said Miss Caroline. 
 
 "And what shall I do?" said a little girl of seven years 
 old. 
 
 "You? Lord knows; pick cotton seed I suppose." 
 
 "No, no," said the fond mother, "she shall reel the 
 cotton yarn. I have a pretty little reel that goes 'click, click.' " 
 
 The child jumped for joy. 
 
 "And as for you," continued the mother, taking her 
 youngest in her arms, "you, darling, shall hold the spools." 
 "And what are we to do?" cried the boys. 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD 185 
 
 "Why, go to the plough, to be sure, all except — wc must 
 have one gentleman in the family, so he must be the lawyer." 
 
 And while everyone quietly seated themselves to listen 
 to the detailed account, given by one of the gentlemen, ol 
 the mode in which the business had been conducted, and of 
 the causes that produced this unexpected result, which narra- 
 tion was often interrupted by exclamations from Mr. Cobb: 
 "Treachery! treachery!" 
 
 "Hush, hush," said Miss Caroline, "do not use such rash 
 words; hard names and bad words will not alter the matter." 
 
 "It is enough to ruffle the temper of a better man than 
 I," reiterated Mr. Cobb. "Such treachery and cowardice!" 
 
 Among other incidents, one of the gentlemen mentioned 
 that Mr. Randolph, who counted the ballots, after announcing 
 the result, exclaimed: "It was impossible to win the game, 
 gentlemen — the cards were packed." 
 
 "And that," said Mr. Cobb, "is the fact. The people 
 have been tricked out of the man of their choice." 
 
 About tea time four or five other Senators and members 
 came in. The conversation naturally turned on the events of 
 the day. Each had some interesting, characteristic incident 
 to relate. What developments, what machinery — wheel within 
 wheel, and all put into motion by the mainspring. One mind, 
 one individual, governing and directing the actions of others, 
 who, perhaps, never suspect themselves of being the mere 
 agents of the master spirit. 
 
 The President elected by the people! The President 
 elected by the House of Rpresentatives! an article of the Con- 
 stitution — a fine theoretical principle. But it is the fact. 
 Forms of government may vary and modify the modes of 
 human life, but cannot change the principles of human nature; 
 and from the savage hordes who roam the wilderness, 
 unclothed and unhoused, to the most civilized and enlightened 
 communities, the few ever have and ever will govern the 
 many. The sub-divisions of society move like satellites round 
 the central luminary. It is an elementary principle which 
 no forms of government can .subvert. But my pen is wander- 
 ing from its humble path. 
 
 The tea table was removed — cards and chess were intro- 
 duced, and parties arranged for the different games, which 
 were played without much interruption to conversation. 
 
 That ease Avhich certainly, after long induced suspense, 
 imparts to the mind is so pleasurable a sensation that for a 
 time it is a compensation for disappointment and defeat. 
 Relieved from the pressure of anxiety, the spirits of the com- 
 pany rose with an elastic force, and everyone seemed inspired 
 
186 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 with an unusual degree of gaiety; but, whatever the cause, 
 the fact was certain that they were very merry, and joked 
 and laughed in all honesty and sincerity. Two of the gentle- 
 men said they would look into the President's drawingroom 
 and return and report what they might see and hear. It was 
 near eleven o'clock when they came back. The concourse 
 was so great that it was with difficulty they had effected their 
 entrance — the mass so compact that individuals could scarcely 
 move, but were carried along by the pressure of the crowd 
 without any agency of their own. 
 
 "Pray, sir, take your finger out of my ear." "I will, 
 madam, the moment I can move my arm." such and many 
 more ludicrous incidents did the gentlemen relate. 
 
 Persons who never before had found an entree into good 
 company had this night forced themselves in, notwithstanding 
 the vigilance of the marshal who guarded the doorway. Gen- 
 eral Scott had been robbed of his pocket book containing 
 bills to a large amount, and much mirth was occasioned by 
 the idea of pickpockets in the President's drawingroom. "Mr. 
 Adams was there," said Mr. Macon, "but was less an object 
 of attention than General Jackson, who was surrounded by 
 persons of all parties." 
 
 "This sympathy with the conquered instead of the con- 
 queror is honorable to human nature," observed one of the 
 company. 
 
 "That may be doubtful," said another. "Many were dis- 
 appointed and angry at Mr. Adams' success. No unkindly 
 feelings were excited by General Jackson's defeat. Self-love 
 is humiliated by another's succe.ss, but if Rochefoucault is to 
 be believed, self-love is gratified by the misfortunes of even 
 one's friends." 
 
 "General Jackson," continued Mr, Macon, "went up and 
 shook hands with Mr. Adams, and congratulated him very 
 cordially on his election." 
 
 "That was a useless piece of hypocrisy," said Mr. Craw- 
 ford; "it deceived no one. Shaking hands was very well — 
 was right — but the congratulatory speech might have been 
 omitted. I like honesty in all things." 
 
 "And Mr. , too, was there. Had you but seen him — 
 
 so smiling, so courteous, so exulting — every glance of his 
 eye, every smile of his lips, said plainer than words could say, 
 'I have settled this matter; I have made the President.' " 
 
 "Curse him," said Mr. Cobb. 
 
 "No, no," said Mr. Crawford, "he may, and probably did, 
 act conscientiously." 
 
 "By ■ :" 
 
 ' But disappointed people will say hard things. It grew 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD 187 
 
 late. The company made their adieus, and Mr. Crawford 
 retired to his chamber. 
 
 When the fact of his election was communicated to Mr. 
 Adams hy the committee appointed for that purpose, ono of 
 the gentlemen said, that during their address the sweat rolled 
 down Mr. Adams' face; he shook from head to foot, and was 
 so agitated he could scarcely stand or speak. Everyone knows 
 he is a man of keen sensibility and strong feelings, and taken 
 by surprise, as he certainly was, his agitation was not to be 
 wondered at. 
 
 The heavy and continued snow storm on the day of the 
 election was considered a favorable circumstance, as it pre- 
 vented the assemblage of crowds or mobs, as had been appre- 
 hended. In one ward of the city an effigy of Mr. Adams had 
 been prepared, and had it not boon for the storm would have 
 been burned; and this, most probably, would have produced 
 some riot among his friends, particularly the negroes, who, 
 when his election was declared, were the only persons who 
 expressed their joy by loud huzzas. 
 
 Among the higher classes no exultation was evinced; 
 respect and sympathy for the disappointed candidates silenced 
 any expressions of triumph. In fact, never was the social 
 principle more beautifully developed. Party hostility was 
 instantly extinguished — a simultaneous spirit of kindness 
 appeared in all classes of society. Rivalry being extinct, sus- 
 picion vanished, confidence revived. The storm was passed, 
 sunshine returned, and diffused its warmth and cheerfulness 
 over the whole social, system. Even the clapping in the gallery 
 of Congress Hall was sudden and momentary. It was silenced 
 by loud hisses before the command of the Speaker to clear 
 the galleries could have been heard. Silenced by popular 
 feeling! And a word from the chair, without the application 
 of any force, instantly cleared the galleries. How admirable 
 are our institutions! What a contrast does this election by 
 the House of Representatives form to the election of a Polish 
 Diet. There, as General LaFayette observed, foreign armies 
 surrounded the assembly and controlled their elections. In 
 Washington, on the 9th of February, not a sign of civil or 
 military authority interferrod with the freedom of the elec- 
 tion. "I rejoice," added this veteran. "I rejoice to have seen 
 this government pass through such an ordeal. It disappoints 
 the calculations and expectations of the enemies of republican 
 
 institutions." 
 
 And the mode or form of this election— how simple and 
 
 dignified! 
 
188 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 The counting of the votes of the electoral colleges was 
 done by the Senate and House conjointly. Foreign ministers, 
 strangers of distinction, and General LaFayette were present; 
 but when the Senate rose, and the House of Representatives 
 formed itself into body of states, to elect the President, the 
 Senators withdrew from the floor, and all other persons from 
 the house. 
 
 "What, even General LaFayette?" 
 
 "Yes," replied Mr. Lowrey, who was describing the scene, 
 "had General Washington himself been there, he, too, must 
 have withdrawn." 
 
 The delegation of each state sat together, and after ascer- 
 taining by ballot which candidate had the majority in the 
 state, an individual of the delegation was chosen to put the 
 ballot in the ballot box. The whole proceedings was conducted 
 with silence, order and dignity; and after the ballots were all 
 given in, Mr. Webster and Mr. Randolph were appointed tell- 
 ers. It was Mr. Webster who, with audible and distinct 
 voice, announced that J. Q. Adams was elected, when Mr. 
 Randolph made the speech already related. 
 
 The day succeeding this eventful one was warm and 
 bright. The dazzling whiteness of the snow that covered the 
 ground increased the splendor of the unclouded sunshine. 
 The whole city seemed in motion; carriages whirled along the 
 avenues and the foot-paths were crowded with pedestrians — 
 citizens and strangers, ladies and gentlemen — hastening to 
 pay their respects not only to the President-elect, but to 
 General Jackson and Mr. Crawford, whose draw:ngroom was 
 never vacant from eleven o'clock in the morning to eleven 
 o'clock at night. But he did not seem as well as usual; the 
 excitement had perhaps been too much for him, and a reaction 
 took place. He looked pale — was languid and serious. In 
 the evening he kept the younger children up later than usual. 
 At twilight he took the two little ones, as was his custom, 
 on his knees, wrapping his arms around them, and seemed 
 to feel, with more than his accustomed tenderness, their inno- 
 cent caresses. Often he was seen to press them to his bosom, 
 to kiss their cheeks, their lips. The little girl (an affectionate 
 little creature), kneeling on his lap, would hug and kiss him, 
 smooth his hair, stroke his cheeks. Mrs. Crawford, thinking 
 she might tease or fatigue her father, would have taken her 
 away. 
 
 "No, no," said he, clasping her and his infant son tightly 
 to his bosom, "I cannot part with them yet." 
 
 After tea, when he sat down to his game of whist, he 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD ly9 
 
 put the children on the sofa by him. TheTe they stood phiy- 
 Ing all manner of little tricks — bobbing their heads now hen", 
 now there — kissing first one tlien the othcM- clu'cU. mityini; 
 his cravat, pulling his hair; but nothing that they did dis- 
 turbed him, though in general he was impatient of any inter- 
 ruption while playing whist or chess. But this evening he 
 never checked them, nor would he permit them being sent 
 to bed, but every now and then turned to pat ttieir cheeks 
 and kiss them. 
 
 Amiable, warm-hearted man! Affection proved the most 
 effectual balm to heal the wound inflicted by disai)pointed 
 ambition. He kept his family around him the whole time, 
 nor could they endure to be an hour away from him. Even 
 
 Mrs. B , the old nurse, (a worthy woman, who had lived 
 
 many years in the family), could not long absent herself, but 
 made frequent excuses to come into the drawingroom and 
 to show some little kind attention. 
 
 "Poor old woman," said Mr. Crawford, "she seems to 
 take it to heart more than anyone." 
 
 "It is the idea of being separated from tlie children," 
 said a friend, who was then an inmate of the family. "She 
 told me yesterday that she could not leave you; that she 
 was determined to go to Georgia with the children, and that 
 if you had nothing but a crust of bread to give her, still she 
 would not leave the family." 
 
 Mr. Crawford was visibly affected; his eyes betrayed his 
 feelings. How everyone who knows this man loves him. 
 
 About two o'clock General LaFayette came. Weary of 
 conversation, Mr. Crawford, after the departure of a crowd of 
 visitors, sat down to a game of chess. He rose and shook 
 hands long and cordially with the General, and then resumed 
 his game, which was near its close and deeply interesting. 
 The General would not relinquish his hand, which he held 
 within both his, and seemed oppressed with emotion. He 
 sat on the sofa as close as he could to Mr. Crawford, and 
 once or twice, under the impulse of strong emotion, seemed 
 as if he were going to embrace him. The game finished, an 
 animated conversation took place. 
 
 "I am glad," said LaFayette, "on my own account, that 
 
 Jackson was not chosen, for our friend would have 
 
 thrown the whole blame on me, and attribute the choice of 
 a soldier to the military enthusiasm which he says my visit 
 has awakened through the country. In order to avoid any 
 such influence, and to show that I respect civil more than 
 military power, I have invariably avoided wearing my uniform, 
 and on every occasion have reviewed the troops in my plain 
 
 blue coat and round hat. Yet would nave thrown all 
 
 the blame on my shoulders. 
 
190 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 Mr. Crawford expressed his high sense of the delicacy 
 and discretion General LaFayette had shown, not only in this, 
 but every other circumstance relative to the Presidential con- 
 test. 
 
 In the evening while, as before described, Mr. Crawford 
 was playing at whist, and his daughter and some female 
 friends were conversing with the gentlemen not engaged at 
 cards, a servant brought in a letter, which as usual, was 
 handed to Miss Crawford, who always opened and examined 
 her father's letters. 
 
 "Mr. Adams is prompt, kindly so," said she, handing 
 the letter to her confidential friend who sat beside her. "See 
 in what friendly terms he expresses his wish that my father 
 should retain his present office, and continue in the new 
 administration. 
 
 "And what answer," inquired Mr. , "do you suppose 
 
 your father will give?" 
 
 "Oh, a negative, as he told you he would in case the 
 offer was made." 
 
 "But now the offer is made his mind may change. We 
 gentlemen, about offices, feel and act as you ladies do about 
 lovers, and often accept a positive offer, which in anticipation 
 we had resolved to reject." 
 
 "Be certain my father will not change his resolution. 
 No honor or advantage could tempt him to act inconsistently 
 with his opinion of what is right, or to do anything he thinks 
 wrong; and you well know that to remain in an administra- 
 tion whose principles and measures he could not conscien- 
 tiously support is what he could not be persuaded to do. But 
 come, the game is over; I will give him the letter." 
 
 "Let me advise you," said Mr. , "not to give it to 
 
 him tonight. It might cause him some wakeful hours — might 
 disturb his rest." 
 
 "I am not the least afraid," answered his daughter. 
 
 "Be persuaded," said Mr. , holding back her hand. 
 
 "Allow me to know a little more of these matters than you 
 possibly can do. An answer cannot be sent until tomorrow — 
 the delay will make no difference — your father has be«en 
 fatigued by company all day long — let him have a night's 
 sound sleep before you give him the letter." 
 
 "I yield to your wishes," replied she, "though without 
 the least apprehension of his rest being disturbed by reading 
 this letter." 
 
 "Are you fully aware of the alternative on which your 
 father is called to decide? An honorable office, a good salary, 
 an advantageous residence for his large, his young family — 
 and comparative poverty — for you are aware how greatly his 
 private affairs have suffered by his absence from home." 
 
 "Yes, I know all these things. I know that the agreeable 
 excitement of public life, the gratification of high office, the 
 pleasures of society, the comforts of affluence, must be 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD 191 
 
 exchanged for the retirement and obscMirily of country life. 
 I know that our farm, in consequence of his loiip absence, 
 is in a ruinous, miserable condition, that as you say, he rocs 
 to comparative poverty. Yet 1 am certain my father will not 
 waver one moment in his decision. He has already consid- 
 ered the subject — his mind is made up." 
 
 "We shall see." said Mr. ; "I am not quite as certain 
 
 as you are." 
 
 His daughter was right. The next morning she handed 
 her father the letter. He was evidently pleased not only 
 with the offer, but the terms in which that offer was made. 
 The letter was not a cold, complimentary official communica- 
 tion; it was written in language expressive of high esteem 
 and friendly feeling. He reperused it before he said any- 
 thing; then directed his daughter to get pen and paper, and 
 he would dictate an answer. The answer was what she 
 expected; the offer was declined, but in terms full of respect 
 and good will. Had Mr. Adams received this original answer 
 doubtless he would have been the much more gratified than 
 he could have been with the one actually sent him. Some 
 of the political and confidential friends to whom it was shown 
 objected to the kindly tone, and after a long discussion, 
 wearied but not convinced, Mr. Crawford consented to a more 
 cold and formal reply to Mr. Adam's really friendly letter. 
 If, as Sallust says, politicians have no hearts, Mr. Crawford 
 was no politician, for never had man a more capacious or 
 warmer heart than his. But these advisers were politicians. 
 In other respects Mr. Adams showed towards Mr. Crawford 
 the same good feeling. Hearing that he wished to dispose of 
 his service of plate and his fine stock of wine, Mr. Adams sent 
 his steward with the offer to take both the plate and the wine 
 at Mr. Crawford's own valuation, thus saving him the necessity 
 of exposing them to public sale. To the last farewell visit 
 which Mr. Crawford paid him Mr. Adams in various ways 
 evinced personal respect and regard for the ex-secretary. It 
 is pleasant to have such things to relate — such proofs of good 
 feeling between political opponents — were it only for their 
 rarity. 
 
 On the second or third morning after the election Gen- 
 eral Jackson paid Mr. Crawford a visit. His manner was 
 frank, courteous, almost cordial. They had not met for sev- 
 eral years, and had been mutually initated against each other 
 by the representations of their respective partisans and 
 friends. The cause of hostility was now remove^, and they 
 met like good and brave men — enemies in war, friends in 
 peace. Everyone present was greatly pleased with the con- 
 
192 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 versation and demeanor of General Jackson. He had in all 
 respects, since his political defeat, exhibited great dignity 
 and magnanimity. Not the slightest allusion was made to 
 recent events, but topics of general interest, such as agricul- 
 ture, European news, etc., made up the conversation during 
 the half hour's visit." * 
 
 The sage of Monticello, the friend and supporter of Mr. 
 Crawford, wrote him at this time: 
 
 THOMAS JEFFERSON TO W. H. CRAWFORD. 
 
 MONTICELLO, Ga., Feb. 15th, 1824. 
 
 Dear Sir: Your two letters of January 31st and Feb- 
 ruary 4th were received in due time. With the former came 
 safely the seeds from Mr. Appleton, which I commit to the 
 Agricultural Society of our county, of which Mr. Madison is 
 president. 
 
 Of the talents and qualifications of Dr. Jackson f as a 
 professor in the branches of science specified in your last 
 letter, your recommendation would have had great weight in 
 our estimation; but our professors are all designated, so 
 that we have no vacancy in which we can avail ourselves of 
 his services. 
 
 I had kept back my acknowledgement of these letters 
 in hope that 1 might have added in it congratulations which 
 would have been very cordially offered. I learned yesterday, 
 however, that events had not been what we had wished. The 
 disappointment v/ill be deeply felt by our state generally, 
 and by no one in it more seriously than myself. I confess 
 that what we have seen in the course of this election has 
 very much dampened the confidence I had hitherto reposed in 
 the discretion of my fellowcitizens. The ignorance of char- 
 acter, the personal partialities, and the inattention to the 
 qualifications which ought to have guided their choice, augur 
 ill of the wisdom of our future cause. Looking, too, to con- 
 gress, my hopes are not strengthened. A decided majority 
 there seem to measure their powers only by what they may 
 think, or pretend to think, for the general welfare of the 
 states. All limitations, therefore, are prostrated, and the 
 general welfare in name but consolidation in effect, is now 
 the principle of every department of the Government. 
 
 I have not long to witness this, but it adds another to 
 the motives by which the decays of nature so finely prepare 
 us for welcoming the hour of exit from this state of being. 
 Be assured that in your retirement you will carry with you 
 my confidence, and sincere progress for your health, happiness 
 and prosperity. THOS. JEFFERSON. 
 
 To William H. Crawford. 
 
 Genial Senator Cobb was the most crestfallen of any of 
 Crawford's friends. He writes at this time to a friend in 
 Georgia: 
 
 *Southern Literary Messenger, Vol. Ill, page 296. 
 
 fDjs. Henry Jackson, Secretary of Legation, while Crawford was Minister to 
 France. 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD 193 
 
 "Crawford will rctuiii home, and wo must do the best 
 we can with him. Should ho and our trionds wish I hat ho 
 should go to the senate, the way shall be offered to him. 
 I am sick and tired of everything here, and wish for nothiuK 
 so much as private life. My ambition is dead." 
 
 Congressman Richard Henry Wilde, author of "My Life 
 
 Is Like a Summer Rose,"' feeling the l)itterness of his friend's 
 
 defeat with all the sensibilities of his poetic nature wrote th« 
 following letter to General IHackshear: 
 
 CONGRESSMAN R. H. WILDE TO GENERAL HLACKSHBAR. 
 WASHINGTON CITY, Feb. 20th, 1825. 
 
 Dear Sir: From what you have already heard you may 
 well imagine we have fallen on evil times. There is no hope 
 for the Republic during the next four years; if it outlives 
 that time, and has strength enough remaining to shake off 
 its doctors and its diseases its constitution may be restored. 
 But I have my doubts. So insensible to everything but the 
 promotion of their own selfish views of interest or ambition 
 are many of our public men of the iiresent time, so open and 
 unblushing the traffic in influence which we have seen estab- 
 lished, that either they must be signally punished, or the 
 people will lose — nay, must have already lost all belief in 
 political honesty, and consider all difference of party as a mere 
 pretext to cover the struggle for office between out and ins. 
 
 The coalition-ministry is not yet certainly announced. 
 Clay will be Secretary of State; Mr. Cheves of the Treasury, 
 if he will accept. Mr. Wirt and Mr. Southard, it is thought, 
 will be retained. Mr. Webster must be in some way ])rovided 
 for; but how, is the difiiculty. The holy ])olitical alliance 
 are' afraid of bringing so decided a Federalist into office. He 
 would like to be Si^eaker of the House, into which Mr. Adams' 
 friends cannot put him. Forsyth, or McLane of Delaware, 
 will be in his way. This much is certain: let the materials 
 be compounded as they may, we have nothing to hope from 
 the General Government. Our claims for militia services 
 and for the removal of the Indians are not treated with com- 
 mon decency. A refusal to do us justice is accompanied with 
 a careless contempt of our rights, and of the obligations of 
 the Union to us, such as no man would use who had the 
 least regard for the reputation of this Government. 
 
 Rely upon it, we are not far from questions which must 
 rouse Southern feeling, if it is not dead. We shall have before 
 long proposals for emancipation. A committee of the House 
 of Representatives have already made a report justifying the 
 treaty of Mr. Adams yielding the right of search; and the 
 House, in spite of all opposition, has ordered three thousand 
 
 copies to be printed. t , ^ f fK« 
 
 The Southern States are already the Ireland of the 
 Union I pray God that ere long we may not realize all the 
 bitter consequences of the policy which has made us so. 
 
 Farewell, my dear sir. Remember me to our friends in 
 
 Laurens, and believe me sincerely yours, „.,r t^t:^ 
 
 R. H. WlLDlii. 
 
 To Gen. David Blackshear. * 
 
 *Miller's Bench and Bar of Ga., Vol. I, page 270. 
 
194 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 The severest disappointment was felt by the friends of 
 Jackson. Again and again did they, with him, echo and 
 re-eclio the cry of a "bargain and sale" ])etween Adams and 
 Clay. Every engine that malignancy could invent was 
 brought to bear against Clay by Jackson and his partisans. 
 Clay met these accusations with a proud defiance. They 
 greatly prejudiced the people at large, hov/ever, and did him 
 incalculable injury which he could never wholly overcome. 
 Crawford, while differing with Clay in politics generally, was 
 too generous to lend himself to popular clamor against his 
 reputation. He never believed the charges. He wrote to 
 Clay concerning them: 
 
 "I hope you knov/ me too well to suppose that I have 
 countenanced the charge of corruption which has been reit- 
 erated against you. The truth is, I approved of your vote 
 to Mr. Adams when it was given, and should have voted as 
 you did between Jackson and Adams. But candor compels 
 me to say I disapproved of your accepting an office from him. 
 You ought, I think, to have foreseen that his administration 
 could hardly fail to be unpopular. Those who knew his tem- 
 per, disposition and political opinions entertained no doubt 
 upon the subject. ' By accepting the office of Secretary o^ 
 State from him you have indisputably connected your fortunes 
 with his, and it ai)pears to me that he is destined to fall as 
 his father did, and you must fall with him." 
 
 The confirmation of the nomination of Mr. Clay as Sec- 
 retary of State was bitterly opposed in the senate; the vote, 
 however, was twenty-seven for it to fifteen against it. Among 
 those senators who voted for confirmation were Thos. H. Ben- 
 ton, General Harrison and Van Buren. Among those who 
 voted against it were Messrs. Berrien, and Cobb of Georgia, 
 Branch of North Carolina. General Jackson, Major Eaton, 
 Hayne of South Carolina and John Randolph. 
 
 These charges of corruption gave to Randolph food for 
 unlimited declamation. He availed himself of every oppor- 
 tunity for elfish taunts and fulminating satires which his 
 peculiar genious so fittingly devised. In one of these fierce 
 anti-federal harangues upon the Panama Mission he spoke 
 of the union existing between Mr. Adams and his Secretary 
 of State as the "Coalition of Blifil and Black George, the 
 combination unheard of till then, of the Puritan and black 
 leg." Clay was stung by this language to deadly resentment. 
 A duel was the result, and on April 8th, 182 6, after two 
 ineffectual fires, a reconciliation was effected between the com- 
 batants. 
 
 Clay had never very highly estimated the talent of Jack- 
 son as a statesman. In public debate he had declared that 
 
OF WILLIAM II. CRAWFORD ltj5 
 
 his military career displayed Ihe want of pnidciifi', temppr. 
 and discretion indisjiensable for civil administral :oii, and liad 
 stated openly that the election of a niililary (•hi(>nain to the 
 first office of the state was a dangerous j)recedeut. Tbe 
 charge of bartering his influence with Adams, so confidently 
 made and pertinaciously maintained, against Clay, prosu|)- 
 poses that his friends who voted with him were as corrupt 
 as he is charged to have been. If they were corrupt they 
 sold themselves to infamy without i)rice, for none of them 
 partook of executive favor. These accusations could never 
 be substantiated by fact, nor even by reasonable inference. 
 Clay's talent, experience and popularity were so great that 
 it is probable that any one of the defeated candidates, had 
 he been elected, would have appointed him Secretary of State 
 just as Adams did. 
 
 Freed from the restraints of public office, politics held 
 out to Crawford no charms, and his whole family seemed to 
 rejoice in anticipations of a quiet life on the Georgia planta- 
 tion. Just so soon as the precarious state of his health and 
 the roads and weather would permit he resolved to commence 
 his journey to Woodlawn. Meanwhile he was constantly sur- 
 rounded by an agreeable circle of friends and acquaintances. 
 Visitors to Washington to attend the appioaching inaugura- 
 tion called to see him, and people of all parties evinced the'.r 
 esteem by frequent visits, where they enjoyed unrestrained 
 freedom of social intercourse. 
 
 Broken in health and fortune, with a large family 
 dependent upon him and without means to give his children 
 advantages of education, few men so situated would have 
 refused to accept the lucrative office tendered Crawford by 
 President Adams. He enjoyed life at the capital, and was 
 not without ambition; yet he unhesitatingly sacrificed these 
 and emoluments of high office to his sense of right. To a 
 friend who insisted on his acceptance of the Treasury port- 
 folio which was proffered in all sincerity by Mr. Adams, he 
 replied: 
 
 "I cannot, honestly, remain in the administration, differ- 
 ing as I do from the President on some important principles. 
 I could not support measures I do not approve, and to go into 
 the cabinet merely as an opponent would be as ungenerous as 
 useless. If Mr. Adams does right I hope my friends will sup- 
 port his administration; if the contrary, my friends will be 
 at liberty to oppose it, which they could not well do were 
 I in the administration." * I cannot honestly do it. was 
 always with him a decisive reason. 
 
 'Southern Literary Messenger, Vol. Ill, page 279. 
 
196 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 The necessary preparations for' his deiiarture liaving been 
 completed, it was determined to mal<;e the long trip by easy 
 stages in his own private carriage. Senator Cobb, whose 
 friendship was not bounded by his friends' success, clung 
 faithfully to him in his hour of greatest misfortune, and accom- 
 panied him on his homeward journey. The people of Georgia, 
 with pride and affection, turned out to meet him in every 
 town through which he passed. On the borders of Ogle- 
 thorpe county they congregated, and could not have been 
 more considerate in their welcome if instead of their afflicted 
 and defeated fellow-citizen he had returned a conquering hero. 
 Although defeated he was a hero still. Their friendship was 
 evinced in the most open and enthusiastic manner. A few 
 miles from Lexington they formed in procession and conducted 
 him to the town with demonstrations of triumph. He was 
 here entertained in the hospitable mansion of his venerable 
 friend, Judge John Moore, and the day was devoted to the 
 reception of his old acquaintances. Among them were the 
 children of many of those who twenty years before first called 
 him into political life. Their fathers had pointed to him as 
 a worthy examplar of industry and application to encourage 
 youthful ambitions. But how changed was the Crawford who 
 returned to them! 
 
 "Disease had robbed him of that fine appearance and 
 majestic carriage which had so impressed all who knew him 
 in the zenith of his career. The commanding intellect which 
 had won the reverence of a nation no longer shone with 
 original splendor. He was, in fact, the mare shadow or wreck, 
 of what he had been. Some who went in with beaming eyes 
 came away saddened and downcast, when they called to mind 
 the vast difference between the Crawford of 1812 and the 
 Crawford of 1825. All had heard of his sickness, and they 
 expected to find him somewhat altered, but none were pre- 
 pared for the awful change which met their vision. He could 
 scarcely see; he spoke with great difficulty, and even with 
 apparent pain; his walk was almost a hobble, and his whole 
 frame evidenced, on the least motion, that its power and 
 vigor had been seriously assaulted. Those now living who met 
 Crawford on that occasion, mention the interview as being 
 one of the most melancholy of their lives. 
 
 "Three miles distant from Lexington was Woodlawn, 
 Crawford's private residence. This was now his next and 
 last stage; and the family entered within its grounds with 
 feelings more akin to those of exiles returning from a painful 
 banishment than such as might be supposed to oppress those 
 whose ambitious aims have just been disappointed. It is a 
 retired, peculiarly rural spot, unadorned with costly or impos- 
 ing edifices, and boasts of no artificial embellishments of taste; 
 everything around partakes of the simplicity and unostenta- 
 tious habits of its illustrious owner. It was fronted with a 
 
OF WILLIAM II. CRAWFORD 197 
 
 magnificent forest of oaks, through which tlit- inaiisioii wiis 
 approached from the main road, along a romantic and winding 
 avenue, just wide enough for vehicles to pass with conven- 
 ience. In the rear opened an extensive clearing which formed 
 the plantation, dotted here and there with peach and aiipU' 
 orchards, and affording an agreeable i)rosi)ect of hill and 
 meadow; around and through these meandered a clear little 
 brook, which found its source in a delightful spring only a 
 few yards distant from the mansion, and which lent a charm- 
 ingly pastoral appearance to the whole scene. The garden 
 bloomed with an abundance of shrubbery and of choice, tender 
 fruit trees, which were planted and tended by Crawford and 
 his elder children alone, and smiled in the luxuriance and 
 gaiety of its numerous flowerbeds. A rich carpet of blue grass 
 covered the lawn in front; and here, of a calm summer even- 
 ing, beneath the shade of a venerable oak, might l)e seen fre- 
 quently gathered the entire family, the retired statesman him- 
 self always in the midst, and ever the happiest and liveliest 
 of the group. The memories of the past, laden alike with 
 greatness and with gloom, seemed now to have faded to mere 
 secondary and subordinate importance. The quiet .ioys of 
 domestic life, unmixed with aught that could mar their love- 
 liness, spread content through the familiar circle, and 
 enlivened his secluded homestead with a warmth of affection 
 and harmony too pure and too substantipi to be comparea 
 with the fleeting pleasures and ephemeral honors of the politi- 
 cal work." * 
 
 With an energy not to be expected from one so infirm he 
 set himself to work improving his dilapidated farm. Me 
 planted grape vines from France and studied best methods 
 of cultivation. His health and means, how^ever, were inade- 
 quate to carrying out many agricultural projects. The 
 depressed condition of his finances and the desire to give to 
 each of his children an education caused Crawford at this 
 time to consider again entering professional life. His sons 
 were yet under age, and it was not until four years later he 
 gave in marriage his eldest daughter, Caroline, to George 
 Mortimer Dudley. This daughter had long been his most 
 trusted confidant; her delicate hand had drawn up many of 
 his official papers, her talent and industry had ingratiated 
 her into the favor of many distinguished personages. Dur:ng 
 her father's long sickness at Washington she had carefully 
 looked after his aftairs, and gave up willingly the fashionable 
 and social circles of the capital to nurse and lure Inni back 
 
 to health. ■* x j„^ 
 
 On May ''Gth, 1S27, the celebrated cynic and wit Judge 
 John M Dooley died, and the bench of the Northern Circuit, 
 in which Oglethorpe county was located, was made vacant 
 thereby. Governor Troup immediately appointed Crawford 
 
 *Cobb's Leisure Labors, pagfe 233. 
 
198 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 to fill this position until the meeting of the Legislature, when 
 that body unanimously elected him to the unexpired term. 
 This judgeship carried with it an annual salary of three 
 thousand dollars. Twice subsequently was he re-elected by 
 the General Assembly, and continued in office so long as he 
 lived. 
 
 A mind that has been engaged for years in the solution 
 of great problems of statecraft needs something more exciting 
 and congenial than is afforded by the study of books in a 
 quiet library, or social intercourse with friends; such a mind 
 must have active employment. When the illustrious James 
 Monroe retired from the Presidency laden with honors — this 
 learned diplomat and statesman wlio had filled so many high 
 offices under the government- — when he sought retirement 
 in his secluded Virginia home, in order to give to his mind 
 some required diversion, actually accepted the office of justice 
 of the peace, and for a long time faithfully performed its 
 duties. 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 ON THE BENCH OF THE NORTHERN CIRCUIT. 
 
 The elections in Georgia in 1825 gave a majority of the 
 members of the General Assembly to the Clark party, 
 although Troup was elected Governor. This was the first 
 ?lection of Governor by the people. The Legislature had 
 hitherto exercised that power; but now, after a spirited can- 
 vass. Troup received 20,545 votes and Clark 19,682. 
 
 The material development of the state was now quite 
 marked. The land lottery system made it easy for every set- 
 tler to acquire a homestead, and almost every farmer owned 
 land and live stock. Few were wealthy, and yet none were 
 so poor as to suffer the extremes of human misery. A score 
 of slaves was considered a large number for any planter to 
 own. Never, perhaps, in any country was the financial condi- 
 tion of all the free citizens so nearly equal. Every family 
 possessed the means to be comfortable. The farms, when well 
 cultivated, produced the necessaries of life, and cotton as a 
 surplus crop brought ready money. Fruits, melons and game , 
 were to be had, and often liquors from some nearby distillery 
 resulted in the too frequent use of alcoholic stimulants. 
 While it was easy to live by scant labor, yet industry was a 
 cardinal virtue practiced by all classes. Strange that a people 
 so circumstanced should divide on economic conditions. It, 
 however, remains a fact that the Crawford, or Troup party, 
 were denominated aristocrats, and the Clarkites claimed to be 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRAVvTORD 19«) 
 
 the plain, common ijeople. It was the oUI rivalry of the 
 Virginia against the Carolina stock; hut (h(>re was such an 
 intermixture of classes, and conditions were so very siinihir 
 that this arbitrary distinction seems to have been without 
 much reason. 
 
 The civilities of a ijublic dinner at the State Capitol was 
 tendered and acceiited by Mr. Ci'awford, as eviiic<>d b>' thf 
 following correspondence: 
 
 MILLEnGl^:VlLLE, Nov. 11. 1X25. 
 
 Sir: The citizens of the town of Milledgeville, not less 
 disposed to honor and respect virtue and integrity than those 
 of any other town, state or county, have (influenced by a 
 degree of proper respect for the well-earned merits of a dis- 
 tinguished citizen of Georgia) determined to i)ay you that 
 attention which, in their opinion, is ajipropriately due you. 
 They have therefore resolved to manifest to you and their 
 country their esteem for your public and private worth by 
 giving you a public entertainment during your stay among 
 them, and have, in pursuance thereof, directed the undersigned 
 to notify you of the same, and give you the invitation so 
 determined on by our citizens, and further to know of you 
 when it will be convenient for you to attend. 
 
 With consideration of h:gh regard, we have the honor 
 to be, sir, vour obedient servants. 
 
 HINES HOLT, 
 .1. S. CALHOUX, 
 WM. H. TORRANCE, 
 LUCIUS Q. C. LAMAR. 
 WM. G. HANSELL. 
 Hon. Wm. H. Crawford. 
 
 MR. CRAWFORD'S REPLY. 
 
 MILLEDGEVILLE, Nov. 11, 182."^. 
 
 Gentlemen: Your friendly letter of this date, inviting 
 me to a public dinner, has just been received. I accept 
 the invitation with great pleasure, under a conviction that 
 testimonials of this nature may operate as a stimulus to 
 virtuous exertion, and therefore may be useful to the Repub- 
 lic. For your kind expressions in relation to myself, be 
 pleased, gentlemen, to accept my most grateful thanks both 
 individually and collectively. 
 
 I am, gentlemen, with sentiments of high consideration, 
 vour most obedient servant and fellow-citizen. 
 
 WM. H. CRAWFORD. 
 
 To Hines Holt, J. S. Calhoun, Wm. H. Torrance. Lucius 
 Q. C. Lamar and Wm. G. Hansell, esquires. * 
 
 Hon. Hines Holt presided, and was assisted by Hon. 
 Seaborn .Tones and William Rutherford. The toasts offered 
 were "as follows: 
 
 "Miller's Bench and Bar of Georgia, page 234. 
 
200 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 First — "The United States; the best guarantee of her 
 own sovereignty is a due regard to sovereignty of the states." 
 
 Second — "The state of Georgia; ever ready to shed her 
 heart blood in the cause of the Union. The charge of dis- 
 affection only merits her contempt." 
 
 Third — "Washington; born in a land of liberty, his valor 
 won and his virtue secure." 
 
 Fourth — "LaFayette. The millions of bayonets which 
 guard the blessing which we enjoy will stand between him 
 and the tyrants of Europe." 
 
 Fifth — "Boliver, our distinguished guest. Reared in the 
 school of Republicanism, public employments at home and 
 abroad have not impaired the simplicity of his character." 
 
 Sixth — "Governor Troup, the first choice of the people; 
 the able advocate of state rights and the rights of the state. ' 
 
 Seventh: — "Jefferson, the Rector of the University of Vir- 
 ginia. Though in this capacity less distinguished by title, yet 
 equally useful to his country." 
 
 Eighth — "The memory of Rlego. His name is sacred to 
 all republicans." 
 
 Ninth — "The Navy." 
 
 Tenth — "Agriculture, Commerce and Manufactures." 
 
 Eleventh — "Benjamin Franklin." 
 
 Twelfth — ^"Greece." 
 
 Volunteer Toast by W. H. Crawford — "Education and 
 the frequency and freedom of elections, the main pillars of 
 constitutional government." 
 
 By Governor Troup — "The union of brave men; the sup- 
 port of the rights of the states." 
 
 The proceedings of this banquet and the honors shown 
 Mr. Crawford thereat were animadverted on by the prominent 
 newspapers of the country. 
 
 The cities of Georgia vied with each other in offering 
 honors to Crawford at this time. At a public dinner given 
 in Augusta on December 21st, 1825, at which Col. William 
 Cummings was chairman of the committee to wait on and 
 welcome him, the following toast v/as given: 
 
 "Our distinguished guest — his private virtues endear him 
 to his friends; his talent and public services entitle him to 
 the esteem and gratitude of his country." 
 
 At a public dinner in his honor at Carnesville Hon. James 
 Ward responded to the toast: "Crawford, the dnstinguished 
 statesman and zealous patriot; his name shall go down to the 
 remotest posterity." 
 
OP WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD 1>01 
 
 To the sentiment expressed on a similar occasion in 
 Savannah nine cheers were given in response to tlio toasi: 
 •'William H. Crawford. Peaceful be his retirement and calin 
 his slumbers. May returning health invigorate his frame and 
 the civic wreath again adorn his manly brow." 
 
 The Nashville (Tenn.) Whig, descanting on these imblir 
 functions, stated that Crawford on one occasion resijondcd 
 to the toast: "The present administration; let it be judged 
 by its measures." This paper then stated: "This is such a 
 sentiment as might have been expected from such a man. 
 It does not come within the range of his intellect to yield to 
 that corroding envy which can see no merit in a rival who 
 has been more successful than himself. Nor does he deem it 
 consistent with good sense or sound judgment to condemn 
 by anticipation the measures of an administration which are 
 as yet to be tested by experience, and are unknown to those 
 
 who would thus decide upon them." 
 
 The Clark party in a short time after this affair gave a 
 dinner at Bufhngton's tavern in Milledgeville to celebrate their 
 victory in gaining a majority of the Legislature. There was 
 great rejoicing on their part. Phil Alston, who was a brilliant 
 young lawyer and violent partisan of Crawford, happened 
 to be in Miledgeville at this time, and coming within the 
 sound of the victors' Bacchanalian rejoicing over the festive 
 board exclaimed with vehemence: "Oh! if I were death on 
 the pale horse I would ride rough shod over that den reeking 
 with Infamy, when hell would reap a richer harvest than at 
 the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah." * 
 
 Crawford made a better Judge than the state of his 
 health would cause one to suppose. His clear and con- 
 scientious sense of justice and the recollection of his early 
 training at the bar served to keep him in the right course. 
 He refused to be governed by strict technicalities when they 
 worked an injustice. 
 
 On a certain occasion when making a decision he 
 remarked: "Summum jus is sometimes Summa injuria, 
 and I must so construe the rule as to do the parties substan- 
 tial justice." 
 
 The Supreme Court had not been created, and the only 
 forum for the correction of errors or to proTnote uniformity 
 of procedure wa:- the semi-annual convention of the superior 
 court judges. The judges were required to bring a docket 
 of all the causes that had arisen in their respective circuits 
 
 •Andrew's Reminiscences, p. 63. 
 
202 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 that were of a doubtful nature, and the same were considered 
 after presenting such written argument as tlie parties chose 
 to furnish. After ascertaining the opinion of a majority of 
 the judges in each case the judge to wliose circuit tlie same 
 belonged was required to determine it in the county where 
 said action originated, according to the opinion pronounced at 
 the said meeting of the juuges. During the seven years that 
 he presided as judge of the superior court Crawford was 
 chairman of this convention. 
 
 The long and distressing illness which Mr. Crawford had 
 endured had so impaired his constitution tliat he was but the 
 wreck of what he was in his prime. One manifestation of the 
 effects of his illness was his excitability of temiser, which was 
 greater than he had ever before exhibited. His greatest annoy- 
 ance was what he called a "silly speech." These speeches, 
 however, were rare, for the circuit over which he presided 
 was noted for the aljility of its lawyers. He was so practical 
 that some accused him of wanting in delicacy. "He was not 
 unfeeling," said Judge Andrews, "for touch him on the right 
 chord and he was as tender as a woman. I have often seen 
 him moved to tears by the eloquence of our Chief Justice 
 Lumpkin." * 
 
 Becoming bored by a lawyer who had often repeated his 
 
 argument, the judge exclaimed: "Mr. C , you go 'round 
 
 and 'round like a blind liorse in a gin." 
 
 He never spared Clark and the Clark i)arty. When at 
 Lincoln court a witness had been sworn whose evidence 
 brought forth uncomplimentary remarks against him at the 
 dinner table, and some one remarked that the witness was 
 an old Clark man. The judge replied: "1 thought so, I 
 thought so." 
 
 George A. Young, a considerate gentleman present, in 
 order to shield two Clark men who were at the table and 
 heard the judge's blunt remarks, said: "There are some very 
 good and very clever Clark men." When the judge promptly 
 replied: "Mighty few, mighty few, mighty few." 
 
 Holding a two weeks' session of Wilkes court he, con- 
 trary to his usual custom, failed to attend church on Sunday. 
 
 At dinner his landlady, chiding him for it, said: "Mr. H 
 
 preached a mighty good sermon." 
 
 When the judge replied: "Mrs. A — , I presume you 
 
 are like my motliei', who would go to church and hear the 
 veriest jackass preach and say: 'A mighty good sermon, a 
 mighty good sermon.' " 
 
 *Andrew's Reminiscences, page 59. 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRAWTORD 203 
 
 That his rugged honesty outweighed his i)ride of opinion 
 was clearly manifested on many occasions. At one of the 
 convention of judges a difficult question which had arisen 
 in his circuit was placed before the convention and discussed. 
 Crawford gave his opinion, which was concurred in and com- 
 mended by all present, except Judge lliram Warner, who 
 had just been elected to preside over the Coweta Circuit, and 
 was the youngest judge in the convention. Warner, without 
 effrontery, but with becoming delicacy, disagreed. The chair- 
 man insisted that he explain fully the reason of his disagree- 
 ment. Under this pressure the youthful judge entered into 
 a full discussion, and with so great analysis and erudition that 
 while none of the judges expressed a change, yet several of 
 them were now wavering in their hitherto fixed opinion. At 
 this juncture Crawford arose and stated to the convention 
 that the views so ably presented by Judge Warner had con- 
 vinced him completely that the entire reasoning of his own 
 opinions as first expressed was wrong, and that Warner's 
 argument was invincibly correct. 
 
 It is a startling historical fact that the title to the 
 northern half of the state of Georgia was in 181 S won on a 
 wager on a gsfme of ball. In the whole annals of recorded 
 history never was there so great a stake on the turn of a 
 bat or the miscue of a ball. The Creek Indians were the 
 undisputed tenants in possession. The Cherokees began to 
 make encroachments many years before, and driven by the 
 whites on their northern borders, they pressed down upon 
 the territory of the Creeks. The war-like Creeks proposed 
 the gauge of battle. The milder Cherokees refused to fight, 
 but boasted that their tribe could surpass the Creeks on the 
 ball field. Thus the great contest between the picked war- 
 riors of the two tribes was arranged. Three full days of 
 balldom was to decide the important result. Victory perched 
 on the banner of the astute Cherokees, and north Georgia, 
 by this play, was forever lost to the Creeks. * 
 
 In 1830, however, the Legislature passed a law providing 
 that all Indians resident therein should be subjected to such 
 laws as might be prescribed for them by the state, and abol- 
 ished the separate Cherokee government within its limits. 
 William Wirt was engaged as counsel by the Indians to resist 
 the claim of the state of Georgia to extend its laws over the 
 Cherokees. This right the Indians strongly denied. Corn- 
 Tassels, a Cherokee, was convicted of murder committed in 
 
 *GiImer's Georgians, p. 334. 
 
204 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 that part of the Cherokee territory which had been added to 
 Hall county, and lay in jail at Gainesville under sentence of 
 death. This case excited the notice of the whole country, 
 and an attempt was made by the Cherokees to get the matter 
 transferred to the United States court under their treaty 
 rights. The judge before whom Tassels was tried suspended 
 sentence until he could consult the convention of judges upon 
 the question made, as to whether the court had the legal and 
 constitutional right to try the case. All that the Indians 
 themselves finally asked of the whites was that they be per- 
 mitted to put the culprit to death in their own way. * 
 
 Over this matter a sharp controversy between the Fed- 
 eral and state authorities was brewing, and the conventioi* 
 of judges gave to the matter that mature deliberation which 
 its importance demanded. The judges in convention unani- 
 mously decided that the power belonged to the state court, 
 and the Indian was hanged. Crawford, by a consensus of 
 all the other judges, was appointed to write out the opinion. 
 This decision, as written out by him and published in Dud- 
 ley's Georgia Reports, is alike creditable to his astuteness as 
 a jurist, and to his profound reasoning as a logician. Indeed 
 those decisions to which he gave study and deliberation have 
 ever been regarded with such high authority as to seemingly 
 refute the charge that his mind was at this time less clear 
 on account of his bodily infirmity. 
 
 As a trustee of Franklin College he took an active inter- 
 est in its affairs. He was pleased to see his friend and teacher. 
 Dr. Moses Waddell, fill the position of president so acceptably 
 to the people of the state from 1819 to 1829. Few teachers 
 ever numbered among their pupils such a bright galaxy of 
 boys as Dr. Waddell. Among them were Calhoun, Cobb, 
 McDuffie, Hugh S. Legare, J. L. Pettigrew, A. B. Longstreet, 
 Chancellor Wardlaw, Judge Wardlaw and scores of others 
 known to fame. Of all of his pupils he frequently declared 
 ^-e thought most highly of the intellectual powers of W. H. 
 Crawford, t 
 
 It was a great pleasure for Crawford to visit the college 
 frequently, which he could conveniently do, as Woodlawn is 
 only thirteen miles distant from Athens. 
 
 In November, ISO 6, the college faculty was composed of 
 President Josiah Meigs and two assistants. There was a great 
 dearth of funds, and the college was in sore need of a library. 
 
 *Girmer's Georgians, p. 272. 
 'Sketches by Gov. Perry, page 273, 
 
OF WILTJAM IT. CRAWFORi) 205 
 
 The journals of the Georgia Legislature show that ('ra\vrr)r(!. 
 who was then a menilier of the House of R('pi"<'«<'ntutlves. 
 presented a letter from President Meigs containing a resolu- 
 tion from the Senatus Academicus petitioning the U'gisiat un- 
 to pass an act authorizing a lottery for tlie purpose of i-aisiiig 
 the sum of three thousand dollars to i)urchase a lil)rary for 
 the college. This law was readily enacted without oi)positiou 
 in either house. This plan for raising necessary funds to 
 maintain a library although commended at the time could 
 hardly be proposed now without meeting with severe con- 
 demnation from even the most zealous friends of this noble 
 institution. Many customs like holding lotteries, duelling, 
 gander-pulling, shooting for beef, cock-fighting, distilling, 
 drinking liquors and ring fighting at the militia musters as 
 practiced by the early Georgians, are now tabooed because 
 by the present generation considered immoral. 
 
 The rapid increase of the population of the state by the 
 constant arrival of young men from older sections of the 
 Union who came in quest of fortune, the sharp competition 
 of business and professional rivalries unchecked, by family 
 ties or friendship, in many instances engendered an inde- 
 pendence of character unusual among the masses of long 
 established communities. Every man stood alone by his own 
 native strength of will, courage and intellectual powers. If 
 he lacked moral or physical courage the gate of fortune 
 seemed barred against him. It was a severe school for the 
 trial and development of individual character and few could 
 pass its portals without imbibing much of evil as well as good. 
 These sturdy pioneers, however, valued truth, honor, education 
 and civic virtue in the highest degree. There were many great 
 men of that period. Giants seemed to grow in groups. The 
 court rolls of that day show a galaxy of profound lawyers 
 illustrious in state and national affairs. The product of this 
 civilization was such gifted men as Chas. J. Jenkins, Andrew 
 J. Miller, George W. Crawford, George R. Gilmer, Joseph 
 Henry Lumpkin, Thomas W. Thomas, William C. Dawson. 
 Francis H. Cone, Howell Cobb, G. M. Dudley, \V. H. Torrence, 
 Stephen Upson, Garnett Andrews, and many others known to 
 fame who practiced law in the courts presided over by Judge 
 Crawford. 
 
 At the March term, 183 0, of Elbert Superior Court the 
 Impetuous, fiery, rolicking, fox-hunting and opulent Robert A. 
 Toombs, not yet twenty years of age, was admitted to the 
 bar. This young Mirabeau always enjoyed the friendship and 
 
206 THE LIFE AND TLMES 
 
 confidence of Crawford, and by great industry and application 
 soon found a clientage over the circuit. The middle name 
 Augustus was not discarded by Toombs until ten years later, 
 when in the hot political contests in which he was constantly 
 engaged, his political enemies playing upon his initials sad- 
 dled upon him the soubriquet of "Rat." 
 
 There was another youth, pale-faced, delicate, big 
 brained, discreet and pa:nstaking, admitted to practice four 
 years later, and Crawford, who publicly complimented him 
 on his examination, was an encouragement and inspiration 
 to his budding genius. This was the courageous Alexander 
 H. Stephens, who lived on six dollars per month the first 
 year of his practice and saved enough money to buy a horse 
 and saddle during the time. * 
 
 The wealth and brains of the state lay in the rural dis- 
 tricts. Slaves and lands were the basis of most of the litiga- 
 tion. The merchants and manufacturers borrowed money 
 from the wealthy farmers to do business in the towns. There 
 were no great cit:es, and corporations had not grown to pres- 
 ent magnitude. There were no railroads nor trusts. The 
 prominent men of the state went to court on horseback with 
 their saddle bags, and put up at the taverns. In this way 
 Toombs and Stephens became boon traveling companions, and 
 cemented a lifelong friendship and gained the admiration 
 of the learned old judge on the bench before whom they were 
 admitted to practice law. This was a great trio, so firmly 
 united by aflinity and destiny, and whose lives are so inter- 
 twined with our country's history as to make them worthy 
 of careful study. 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 CONCLUSION. 
 
 While occupying the bench of the Northern Circuit of 
 Georgia Crawford was not oblivious of national governmental 
 affairs. His opinions were eagerly sought and studied, and 
 quite a number of his letters on current events were pub- 
 lished. The following letter on the mooted question of the 
 constitutionality of a national bank is submitted as his last 
 on this subject: 
 
 CRAWFORD TO C. J. INGERSOL. 
 
 WOODLAWN, Dec. 5, 1831. 
 Dear Sir: Your friendly letter on the subject of the 
 Bank of the United States has been received by due course 
 of mail. The opinion which I formed of the constitutionality, 
 
 "Stovall's Life of Toombs. 
 
OP WILLIAM II. CRAWFORD 201 
 
 and expediency of the Bank of tlic United Stales when I was 
 a member of the senate was the result of a earefiil cxaininatioii 
 of the Constitution of the United Stales, made wilhoul pn- 
 conceived opinions. That oi)inion is recorded in two sptn-dii-.s 
 which I made in the senate in the year ISll. Since thai 
 lime I have had no occasion of reviewing the question. My 
 opinion remains unaltered. 
 
 I was Secretary of the Treasury more than einht years, 
 and during that time I had ample evidence of the great 
 utility of the Bank of the United States in managing the 
 fiscal concerns of the Union. I am persuaded that no man, 
 whatever his preconceived opinions may be, can study the 
 subject without being deeply impressed with the expediency 
 of the Bank of the United States in conducting the fmjwices 
 of the Union. The provision in the Constitution which jilves 
 congress the power to pass all laws which may be necessary 
 and proper to carry into effect the enumerated powers gives 
 congress tlie right to pass the Bank Bill, unless a law most 
 proper to carry into effect the power to collect and distribute 
 revenue sliould be excluded by the provision. 
 
 The opponents of the constitutionality of the bank placo 
 .great stress upon the word "necessary" contained in the grant 
 of power, and insist tliat no law can be necessary but such 
 that without wliich the power could not be carried into effect. 
 Now, this construction appears to me to be indepensible. It 
 does seem to me that the words "necessary and proper" can- 
 not exclude a law that is most proper to carry the power into 
 effect. Yet the unconstitutionality of the bank can be pro- 
 nounced only upon that construction. It does appear to me 
 that the framers of the Constitution never could have intended 
 to exclude the passage of a law most proper to carry a power 
 into effect because it might be carried imperfectly into effect 
 by another law. My construction of the grant of power to 
 pass all laws which may be necessary to carry the enumerated 
 powers into effect includes the power to pass all laws which 
 are necessary and proper to carry the enumerated powers 
 into effect in the most perfect and complete manner, and not 
 in an incomplete and imperfect manner. 
 
 I have not seen a complete development of the President's 
 plan of a bank. It is possible that by his plan the trans- 
 mission of the revenue may be effected; but the safety of the 
 public deposits cannot be effected by the President's plan. 
 The advantage of this security to the public is incalculable. 
 ic ought not to be relinquished unless it can be satisfactorily 
 proved that the Bank of the United States is unconstitutional. 
 
 This, I think, cannot be satisfactorily shown. My 
 speeches are recorded, and can be republished if necessary. 
 They contain the result of the best investigation I was able to 
 give the subject. I am persuaded I could not improve upon 
 it now if I had the means of investigating the subject, which 
 I have not. 
 
 I am, sir, your friend, etc., 
 
 WM. H. CRAWFORD. 
 
 Charles .Tared Ingersol, Esq. 
 
 On the subject of nullification, which was then so ably 
 advocated by John C. Calhoun and other South Carolinians, 
 
208 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 Crawford had very pronounced views. To his friend, Col. 
 John Taylor, he wrote: 
 
 "I have observed with some mortification that the Legis- 
 lature of South Carolina has adjourned without passing a 
 resolution requiring the call of a Federal convention. In 
 Europe fundamental institutions can only be changed by revo- 
 lution, violence and bloodshed. In the United States, where 
 such changes can be peaceably and constitutionally made, 
 judging from the past, we are determined to pursue the 
 example of our European ancestors and change our funda- 
 mental institutions only by the same means. I hold that 
 no state will stand justified in the sight of Heaven who shall 
 resort to revolutionary measures to change the existing order 
 of things until it has exhausted all constitutional methods 
 of obtaining redress. That nullification and seceding from 
 the Union are revolutionary measures cannot, I think, admit 
 of a rational doubt. The strongest objection I have to the 
 Carolina doctrine is that its authors have deceitfully and 
 hypocritically represented both measures to be constitutional 
 and peaceable. They must have known better, and there- 
 fore acted dishonestly." * 
 
 In the spring of 1830 an irreconcilable feud sprang up 
 between the President and Vice-President of the United 
 States. This was just twelve months after their inauguration. 
 It seems that at a cabinet dinner given by President Jack- 
 son Hon. Finch Ringold, marshal of the District of Columbia, 
 and ex-President Monroe were the invited guests. Mr. Ringold 
 at this dinner stated to Maj. W. B. Lewis that Mr. Calhoun 
 had not been General Jackson's friend in the Florida cam- 
 paign, as General Jackson had always believed. When ques- 
 tioned by Jackson in regard to this exciting subject Major 
 Lewis told him of a certain letter in the possession of Senator 
 John Forsyth of Georgia, and written by Mr. Crawford, in 
 which Crawford had stated that Jackson had done him an 
 injustice in supposing that he had antagonized him. The 
 letter further stated that it was Calhoun, and not Crawford, 
 who was in favor of reprimanding or punishing Jackson in 
 some form for alleged unauthorized or illegal conduct in the 
 pi'osecution of the war. Crawford, with the frankness of his 
 nature, had stated in the letter that Mr. Forsyth was author- 
 ized to show it to Calhoun. 
 
 On March 1st, 1831, Crawford, writing to his friend, 
 
 John Williams, says: 
 
 "Perhaps you may feel some curiosity to know how I 
 have been involved in this matter. In February, 1828, I 
 dined with the Hon. John Forsyth, who was the Governor of 
 the state. He introduced the subject, and expressed a desire 
 to know the particulars, as the cabinet was then dissolved 
 
 *Thi8 letter furnished by L, G. Crawford, who has a copy in Crawford's hand- 
 writing. 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRA-WTORD 
 
 200 
 
 and its influence could not ho effected liy :iiiy disoloHurGB. 
 I gave him a correct account of tiie clrcuinslauccs. Ronu'lime 
 after James A. Hamilton of Xew York, on his way to NfW 
 Orleans, called upon the Governor and received an account 
 of what had passed hetween him and me on that snliji-ct. 
 Sometime after he applied to Forsyth hy letter for a writti'n 
 statement of what he had received verhally fi-oni him. This 
 was complied with, and was afterwards nu'Utioncd to tlu' 
 President. Jackson's letters and Forsyth's will exi)lain how 
 1 became involved. Forsyth sent me a copy of his letter to 
 Hamilton and requested me to correct any inacuracies that 
 might be in it. I did so and returned it. Calhoun's puhllca- 
 tion shows the rest, excejjt a letter from me to h'ni which 
 ..e has not published, although he has meanly iiuhlished his 
 insulting answer to it wliich has no connection with his 
 dispute with the President. I have had no communication 
 with the President, nor shall have — although I think he could 
 give important information that he received the information 
 of my unfriendly conduct to him in the cabinet from Mr. 
 Calhoun or his friends. Although this is probable, no. 
 approach will be made by me to the President." 
 
 / 
 
 MRS. SUSANA GIRAHDIN CRAWFORD. 
 General Jackson, after seeing the Forsyth letter, imme- 
 diately commenced a very acrimonious correspondence with 
 
 Calhoun. 
 
 "It has been intimated to me," he wrote, "many years 
 aeo that it was vou, and not Mr. Crawford, who had been 
 se'cr'etl endeavoring to destroy my reputation. Th-e .ns.nu- 
 ations I indignantly repelled upon the ground that >ou. m 
 
210 THE LIFE AND TIME^ 
 
 all your letters to me, professed to be my personal friend, 
 aud approved entirely ray conduct in relation to tlie Seminole 
 campaign. 1 had a too exalted opinion of your honor and 
 Irankness to believe for one moment that you could be capa- 
 ble of such deceotion." 
 
 To Jackson's communications Calhoun replied at a pro- 
 digious length. He imitated the bad example of the enfeebled 
 Crawford in betraying cabinet secrets, a fault that candor 
 compels one to pronounce as hardly excusable in either of 
 them. He avowed he did propose the investigation of Jack- 
 son's conduct in 1818 by a court of inquiry for transcending 
 authority. He justified his course and inveighed against 
 Crawford for betraying the secret. Instead of taking and 
 holding the high ground of declining to give the information 
 sought on the idea that he was bound not to reveal cabinet 
 secrets, Calhoun made the mistake, not only as above indi- 
 cated, but exhibited the bad taste of persistently continuing 
 the correspondence after Jackson had given him notice that 
 friendly relations were forever at an end between them. 
 
 To the sneering allusion made to him by Calhoun Craw- 
 ford wrote a long Philippic. * 
 
 It, however, like the letter to Forsyth written by him, 
 bears not the slightest resemblance to the finished composi- 
 tions, and speeches that emanated from him in his prime. It 
 was not of that finish and strength that characterized his 
 diplomatic papers while minister to France. The letter, upon 
 the whole, though eminently illustrative of the rugged hon- 
 esty and manliness which always characterized Crawford's 
 intercourse with his fellows, is a wretched piece of composi- 
 tion, showing more of determined prejudice than of careful 
 thought. True, it bears unmistakable traits of the author's 
 mind, but the classical diction of the Crawford of 1811 is 
 wanting, and the scintillations of his once colossal mind were 
 now dimming, as his life was drifting into the sear and yellow 
 leaf. 
 
 Calhoun never again regained the affection of the Ameri- 
 can people; driven from national power he bowed to the call 
 of his native state, and in the United States senate he lived 
 to expound and unfold to his displeased colleagues the unfor- 
 tunate doctrine of nullification. History records him as 
 becoming wholly sectionalized in feeling and conduct, but 
 accords to him a giant mind and classes him one of the great- 
 est logicians of any age. Strange it is that one so gifted 
 should thus become so infatuated and mastered by so blight- 
 
 *See appendix for this document. 
 
OF WILLIAM H. CRAVvTtorD 211 
 
 ing and poisonous a doctrine as nullification. Tiie di-vcloii- 
 ment of this heresy was notliing more nor loss than a i)t'r- 
 slstently powerful effort to overtuin the fair political fal)rlc 
 of our government by the sophisty of fine spun theories and by 
 purely metaphysical reasoning. 
 
 Crawford ever correctly contended that the right of revo- 
 lution was the only right which a free people could have to 
 resist tyranny and intolerable oppression. 
 
 Was there ever made a more admirable tribute to the 
 head, heart and person of a great man than that drawn by 
 Mr. Dudley of Crawford in the National Portrait Gallery? 
 The reader will require of us no apology for reproducing it 
 here: 
 
 "Mr. Crawford's house has often been styled 'Liberty 
 Hair by those familiar with the unrestrained mirthfulness, 
 hilarity and social glee which marked his fireside; and the 
 perfect freedom with which every child, from the eldest to 
 the youngest, expresed his or her opinion upon the topics 
 suggested by the moment, whether those topics referred to 
 men or measures. His children were always encouraged to 
 act out their respective characters precisely as they were, 
 and the actions and sentiments of each were always a fair 
 subject of commendation, or good-humored ridicule by the 
 rest. They criticised the opinions and conduct of the father 
 with the same freedom as those of each ot'aer, and he acknowl- 
 edged his errors or argued his defense with the same kind 
 spirit and good temper as distinguished his course toward 
 them in every other case. The family government was one 
 of the best specimens of democracy the world has ever seen. 
 There was nothing like faction in the establishment. Accord- 
 ing to the last census, before marriage and emigration com- 
 menced, the population was ten, consisting of father and 
 mother and eight children, of whom five are sons and three 
 daughters. Suffrage on all questions was universal, extending 
 to male and female. Freedom of speech and equal rights 
 were felt and acknov-,'ledged to be the birthright of each, 
 ivnowledge was a common stock, to which each felt a peculiar 
 pleasure in contributing according as opportunity enabled 
 him When afflictions or misfortunes came, each bore a share 
 in the common burden. When health and prosperity returned, 
 each became emulous of heglitening the common joy. Chess, 
 drafts and other games, involving calculation and judgment, 
 and plays which called for rapid thought, quick perception 
 and ready answers formed sources of indoor amusements. 
 Those requiring vigor of nerve and agility of muscle were 
 performed upon the green. In all these sports upon the green 
 and in the house Mr. Crawford was, even down to his last 
 days, the companion of his children, delighting them often 
 by taking part himself. Though the disease of which he 
 suffered so much while at Washington deprived him of his 
 activity, his zeal for the gratification of his children, and his 
 delight in contributing all he could to their happiness knew 
 no abatement. As a husband he was kind, affectionate and 
 
212 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 devoted. He was never ostentatious in his attachment to 
 anyone, always evincing liis regard more by substantial benefi- 
 cence than by words. No parent was ever better beloved oi; 
 his children than he. He never contented himself with merely 
 sending them to schools of highest and best repute, but made a 
 personal examination of them almost every day, tliat he 
 might see and know for himself how they progressed and 
 how they were taught. He was in the habit of drawing them 
 around him in a class, and requiring them to read to him. 
 On these occasions the Bible was his chief class book, and 
 Job and Psalms his favorite portions. The attention and 
 instructions here mentioned were faithfully accorded during 
 the whole time of his cabinet service at Washington, except 
 during his extreme illness. After his return from Georgia, 
 and h;s partial recovery from his disease, he still kept up an 
 intimate acquaintance with the progress of his younger chil- 
 dren, and the manner ot their instruction at school, though his 
 general debility prevented his being so indefatigable as he 
 had been. At no time of his life did he ever lose sight of 
 the importance of storing the minds of his children with vir- 
 tuous principles. The strict observance of truth, the main- 
 tenance of honor, generosity and integrity of character, he 
 never ceased to enjoin upon them as indispensable to respecta- 
 bility and happiness. 
 
 "It is not within the knowledge of any of his children 
 that he was ever guilty of profane swearing. He never made 
 a profession of religion, but was a decided believer in Chris- 
 tianity, a life member of the American Bible Society, a vice- 
 president of the American Colonization Society, and a regular 
 contributor to the support of the gospel." 
 
 In 1819 Judge Tait was appointed by President Monroe 
 judge of the United States District Court of Alabama, which 
 position he held most creditably for six years. The mutual 
 friendship which existed between him and Crawford never 
 weakened. It is a strange fact, however, to note that after 
 all the rivalry and acrimony that existed between Tait and 
 Clark and Tait and Griffin, that after Judge Griffin died, Tait 
 married his widow. This good lady was the sister of Mrs. 
 John Clark, and the daughter of Micajah Williamson. Judge 
 Tait lived to be sixty-eight years of age, and died in Wilcox 
 county, Alabama, on Oct. 7th, 1835. He died as he had lived, 
 an upright Christian gentleman. 
 
 During the last years of his life Crawford was frequently 
 urged to again apply for a seat in the senate. To this he 
 was averse, as he yet articulated poorly. His sight being 
 entirely restored, he spent much time in his library, and 
 enjoyed reading a choice collection of books that he had 
 gathered when in France. He was a believer in the genius 
 of hard work, and was scarcely ever idle. He may be said 
 to have literally died in harness. 
 
OF WILLIAM II. CRAWFORD 211^ 
 
 AVhen he left home on his way to Elhert Sui)<>rior (Imirt 
 he was apparently in good healtli and si)irits. lie iiassed a 
 day with Mrs. Dudley, his daughter, who had just pre- 
 sented him with another grandchild, and as usual (to use 
 the expression of one of the family) "made a holiday in the 
 house," such happiness did his presence ever diffuse. On 
 Saturday the ensuing day he continued his journey, and 
 stopped at the house of his friend, Mr. Valentine Meriwether, 
 in Elbert county, where he exjiected to pass the night. Dur- 
 ing the day he felt somewhat indisposed. A physician of the 
 family prescribed for him. and relieved the symptoms that 
 excited anxiety. He retired early, but soon his anxious host 
 heard a noise from within his chamber, and on entering found, 
 Mr. Crawford motionless and speechless. On the next day he 
 was able to rise, but while sitting in his chair he fell into 
 a swoon from which he never rallied, and death came at two 
 o'clock the succeeding Monday morning, September l.'>th, 
 1834. He died apparently without i)ain or fear. The attending 
 physician pronounced his disease an affection of the heart. 
 
 A great concourse followed him to thd grave. They laid 
 him to sleep at Woodlawn by the side of the grave of a little 
 child, his two-year-old grandson who had preceded him some 
 fifteen months. No other grave was there. Over the spot 
 where he lies buried rests a broad marble slab in a horizontal 
 position, about two and one-half feet above the earth. On 
 this stone Is engraved the words: 
 
 "Sacred to the memory of William H. Crawford: born 
 24th day of February, 1772, in Nelson County, Virginia; died 
 the 15th day of September. 1834, in Oglethorpe county, Geor- 
 gia In the Legislature of Georgia, in the Senate of the United 
 States, as minister to the Court of France, in the cabinet and 
 on the bench he was alike independent, energetic, fearless and 
 able. He d^ed as he had lived — in the service of his country--- 
 and left behind him the unimpeachable fame of an honest 
 man." 
 
 Mrs. Crawford lived to see her children educated and 
 honored members of society. Nathaniel M. Crawford, the 
 second son, was a distinguished clergyman, and president 
 of Mercer University; Ribb became a distinguished physician; 
 William H. Crawford, .Ir., was a farmer, and an orator of no 
 mean ability. The oft expressed wish of the father that none 
 of his children would seek to follow the rocky road of politics 
 was studiously observed by them all. Few great men have 
 had so many direct descendants who have liecome so noted 
 and nr.f^ful in the vnrious walks of life. 
 
 The proudest name that Georgia has given to history is 
 
214 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 William Harris Crawford. He stood a giant in those giant 
 uays, and as a man he was the measure of all great things. 
 In battle or in peace his strength was that of the conquerer. 
 Whether he ruled in public affairs, or lived in the heart of 
 home and friends, he was a prince among men. 
 
 "Full of years and honors, through the gate of painless 
 slumber he retired. 
 
 As a river pure meets in his course a subterranean void, 
 Then dips his silver head, again to rise. 
 
 And rising glides through fields and meadows new; 
 So hath Oileus in those happy climes, 
 
 Where neither gloom nor sorrow shades the mind; 
 Where joys ne'er fade, nor soul's power decay. 
 
 But youth and spring eternal bloom." 
 
 FINIS. 
 
j^V^-''yi^_ 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 LETTER FROM YOUNG MEN OF AUGUSTA. (;A. 
 
 AUGUSTA. 2d .July. ITItS. 
 To John Adams, President of the United States.: * 
 
 Sir: Whilst clouds darken our political horizon, whilst 
 the ferocious frenzy of the "Terrible lle])ul)lic" threatens the 
 United States with bloodshed, massacres and desolation, we. 
 the young men of the city of Augusta, deem it a duty in 
 common with our fellow-citizens, to assure the chief executive 
 magistrate of our unalterable attachment to our country and 
 its government. 
 
 At the commencement of their Revolution we regarded 
 the French nation as engaged in a glorious and just cause; 
 the support of their political liberty, which unless the soul 
 is debased by oppression or corrupted by avarice, neither 
 nations or individuals will resign but with their lives. View- 
 ing them in this light, we were proud of calling France a 
 sister republic; we gloried Frenchmen by the endearing appel- 
 lation of brothers. 
 
 Unwilling to form a hasty conclusion against a nation 
 in whose favor we were thus prepossessed, we long wished 
 to view the injuries and insults offered by them to the United 
 States, their contempt of our government, through the medium 
 of their ambassadors; their unrighteous and ])iratical attacks 
 upon our commerce, as the usurped and nefarious acts of 
 individuals, unsanctioned by their government. 
 
 But by the absolute rejection of all conciliatory meas- 
 ures, the French government has avowed the flagrant viola- 
 tion of our rights as a neutral nation and total disregard of 
 their most solemn compacts to have been authorized by them; 
 that indiscriminate rapine and universal empire, instead of 
 peace and justice are their objects; and that no nation can 
 i-eceive their friendship without sacrificing its national inde- 
 pendence. 
 
 Although Ave are attached to the blessings of peace, and 
 deprecate the horrors of war, yet we are sensible that self- 
 preservation now points out a firm and energetic conduct 
 to our government; we view with the highest ai)probation 
 those measures which have been pursued by the hxecutive 
 for the preservation of our national honor. 
 
 \s we enjov the supreme felicity of being citizens of. 
 perhaps, the only genuine and well-balanced republic now 
 existing in the world, we feel a just contempt tor a nation. 
 
 -This document furnished by Dr. U. Pliilhps, oi Tulane University, who copied 
 it from original now in Crawford family. 
 
218 APPENDIX 
 
 who can brand us with the imputation of being a divided 
 people, and who presuming on our disunion, have left us 
 
 only the awful alternative, disgraceful peace or war! 
 
 With the most unlimited confidence in the firmness, 
 justice and wisdom of your administration, we pledge ourselves 
 to you and our fellow-citizens, that we will be ready at the 
 call of our country to defend what is dearer to us than our 
 lives, her liberty and laws. 
 
 W. H. CRAWFORD, 
 NATT COCKE, 
 ISHAM M. [ ] 
 
 SAMUEL BARNETT, 
 JNO. M'KENNE, 
 GEO. WATKINS, Chairman. 
 By order of the meeting. 
 
 ANSWER. 
 
 TO THE YOUNG MEN OF THE CITY OP AUGUSTA, IN 
 THE STATE OF GEORGIA. 
 
 Gentlemen: An address from the youth of Augusta, 
 remote from the seat of government, and where I am per- 
 sonally wholly unknown is a very high gratification to my feel- 
 ings. 
 
 Threats of bloodshed, massacre and desolation from the 
 frenzy of any nation, however great, or any republic however 
 terrible, at the distance of a thousand marine leagues, need 
 not intimidate the American people, if they really feel like 
 you an unalterable attachment to their country and govern- 
 ment. 
 
 It has been my destiny to differ from my fellow-citizens 
 in general in opinions concerning the French revolution. As 
 a dispensation of Providence I have ever beheld it with rev- 
 erence, unable, however, to comprehend any good principle 
 sufficient to produce it, to see its tendency, or in what it 
 would terminate — but the warm zeal, the violent attachment 
 manifested to it by Americans I have ever believed *to be an 
 error of public opinion — it was none of our business — we 
 had, or ought to have had, nothing to do with it, and I 
 always believed we were making work for severe repentance. 
 To me little time remains to live, and less, I hope, to have 
 anything to do with public affairs; but I could neither die 
 nor retire in peace, if at such a time as this, and in the 
 station I now hold, I should conceal my sentiments from my 
 fellow-citizens. 
 
 Self-preservation now points out a firm comluct to gov- 
 ernment, and your satisfaction in those measures which have 
 been pursued for the preservation of our national honor is 
 much esteemed'. May you long live to rejoice in them and 
 enjoy their happy effects. 
 
 It is a gratification to my pride to see you boast of a 
 well-balanced republic; the essence of a free republic is in 
 this balance — the security of liberty, property, character and 
 life depends every moment on its preservation, and France 
 
APPENDIX 219 
 
 and America will be scourged by the rods of vcnKeance if 
 they will not study and preserve that balance as the onlv ark 
 of safety. 
 
 The expression of your confidence in my adniinisi ration 
 is the more precious, as it was uuexpccted. 
 
 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 Philadelphia, July 20th, 1798. 
 
 JUDGE TAIT TO CRAWFORD. * 
 
 ELBERT, April 22d, 1813. 
 
 My Dear Sir: When we parted at Washington I had 
 then no expectation that I should not see you again before 
 you embarked for Europe. I expected we should have met 
 on my road home. Having failed in that expectation, 1 had 
 formed the resolution to meet you in Wilkes on your way tn 
 Augusta on Sunday next, but I have relinquished this design, 
 because the personal parting of friends is generally attendinl 
 with more pain than pleasure, and because I expect you will 
 be surrounded with too great a crowd on the evening you 
 may stay in Washington, in Georgia, for a friend or your- 
 self to enjoy much satisfaction In social intercourse. But 
 our long pyad unbroken friendship and the strong and indeli- 
 ble obligations I owe you will not permit me to suffer you to 
 leave the United States without giving you this testimonial 
 of my friendly attachment and of my best wishes for the 
 increase of your fame, prosperity and happiness. With 
 respect to the obligations I lie under to you. I cannot speak 
 of them as I ought. Without referring to the circumstances 
 on which they are founded I am free to declare that they 
 are greater than I owe to any other man living. They are 
 deeply and permanently impressed on my heart, and when 
 I forget them may Heaven forget me. 
 
 The four last sessions we have served together in the 
 United States Senate have but tended to enhance your quali- 
 fications as a public man, in my estimation; and I sincerely 
 hope that your appointment as minister to France may prove 
 to yourself and our country as fortunate as we all wish. But 
 I am deliberately of the opinion that you would have been 
 more useful by remaining in the senate. I fear we shall be 
 borne down by the talent of the opposition. We have num- 
 bers, but we shall need an able and experienced man to lead 
 us. But the die is cast. I have only to request that you 
 will think of me occasionally. Permit me to suggest to you 
 how interesting it would be to your friends at some future 
 day to peruse your private journal, in which you may record 
 voiir private thoughts on men and things while absent from 
 your country. Such a record might be invaluable hereafter. 
 
 Wishing you every blessing, I am as I have been the last 
 seventeen vears. Your friend and humble servant, 
 
 C. TAIT. 
 
 The Hon. Wm. H. Crawford. 
 
 'This and the followinB eigrht letters copiH from the nriginals in Alabam. 
 State Department of Archives and History and furnished by courtesy of Dr, 
 Thomas M. Owens, of Montgromery, Ala. 
 
220 APPENDIX 
 
 CRAWFORD TO TAIT. 
 
 PARIS, 15th April, 1814. 
 
 Dear Judge: An opportunity offers which will probably 
 be safe. It is the only one I have had since the departure 
 of Mr. Dickens. At that time I was so busy in attending to 
 the ceremony of my presentment at court that I could write 
 but few letters. The one I wrote to Dr. Bibb was unofficial, 
 and therefore as much your property as if it had been written 
 to you. Your friend Dickens has behaved very badly here 
 in money matters. His visit to Paris is somewhat unac- 
 countable. He borrowed money at Havre to get to Paris; 
 lived by borrowing during the whole time he was here, and 
 borrowed, money to take him back. All his bills were pro- 
 tested, but all have since been paid except Mr. Jackson's and 
 Mr. Warden's. I presume he has been unable to reimburse 
 them, but he ought not to have incurred an expense at the 
 cost of men who had no right to be taxed with his wants. 
 Mr. Jackson lent him more than 2,000 francs. * * Since 
 the date of my letter to Dr. Bibb I have seen the Prince of 
 Benevento. A physiognomy which more completely baffles 
 the most skillful physiognomist cannot be imagined. He is 
 excessively ugly, and refuses to speak English. The Duke 
 of Vienna is a fine looking man. His countenance is strongly 
 indicative of sagacity and promptitude. There is also an 
 openness and frankness in his manner which does not char- 
 acterize the most of his countrymen. I have seen Marshal 
 Ney, Augereau, Lefebre, Moncey and Kellerman. The three 
 first are large men. Ney is a fine looking man about the 
 size of Colonel Graves, and not unlike him. He is a finer 
 looking man than the Colonel was at his age. Augereau 
 puts me in mind of Ebenezer Seaver of Massachusetts. 
 Lefebre is not so good a looking man as either of the others. 
 Moncey has the true French physiognomy, and Kellerman, 
 who is very old, is small with rather a GeFman face. 
 
 I saw a part of the battle of the 30th ult. in the Eastern 
 Environs of Paris, and should have been upon Mount Martre 
 when it was taken, or at least Avhen the charge was made, 
 if the officers at the barrier had permitted me to go out. Had 
 I gone I presume I should have been able to have seen the 
 danger, and to have made my retreat before the place was 
 stormed. The Mount commands more than the half, and 
 much the finest half of Paris. I enquired day after day if 
 they had fortified it, and was ahvays answered no. The day 
 before the battle I walked all over it, and at 2 o'clock not a 
 spade had been used, and not a piece of artillery was to be 
 seen. About an hour after they carried up ten pieces of 
 small calibre. The streets of the village were not barricaded. 
 In fact, no precaution seems to have been taken. With a 
 thousand men and a proper train of artillery with the 
 entrenchments which these troops might have thrown up in 
 three days I could have defended the place against the whole 
 army for three days at least. The allies lost from eight to 
 twelve thousand men. The loss of the French was inconsid- 
 erable, as their positions were very advantageous. The allied 
 troops were repulsed four or five times at almost every posi- 
 
APPENDIX 221 
 
 tion. Their apiirehension that the Emperor would arrive the 
 next morning did not persuade them to lose tinu- in man«"ii- 
 vering to tuiu tliese strong positions. They were all stoniii-d. 
 hut the day from 4 a. m. to the same houi- in the evemnii 
 was spent in ei'fecting it. Some few cannon li;ills were firfd 
 into the city and fell upon the Boulevard, which was fui'ther 
 in the city than wliere \ was at that moment. 1 saw notliiiig 
 of these balls. The next day the Emi)eror Alexander and 
 King of Prussia entered Paris at the head of about ;'.(), (MH) 
 of their chosen men. The Parisians, always delighted with a 
 show, crowded the boulevards shouting "Vive-Alexander." 
 This monarch, with his minister, Count Nesterode, went directly 
 to the house of Tallerand, where they have continued until 
 two days ago. The senate was convinced by this coming 
 politician, and the same evening devised a provisional govern- 
 ment, and placed him at the head of it. They charged this 
 government with the care of drawing up a constitution, which 
 they have subsequently adopted. In the meantime they 
 deposed Napoleon, and the deposition so completely shook 
 his authority with his superior officers that he was unal)le 
 to move. Marmont was the first who deserted liim. The 
 troops seem to have adhered to him much more firmly than 
 the officers. When he found that a civil war was inevitable 
 he abdicated the crown in favor of the King of Rome, but 
 the allies replied that they had gone too far with the Hour- 
 bons. And yet their friends say that it was only on Mount 
 Martre that they determined to dethrone him. His abdication 
 was tendered on the 4th of April, at which time it was impos- 
 sible that they could have contracted any engagements with 
 the Bourbons in consequence of what they resolved on Mount 
 Martre. I have no doubt that the deepest duplicity was prac- 
 ticed by the allies, and the blind arrogance of Napoleon aided 
 their efforts. I yhould not be surprised if he has fallen a 
 victim to some old woman's prediction, in which he has 
 blindly confided. It is probable that he would still have 
 baffled their exertions if he had kept between them and Paris. 
 After, the attack he made upon the grand army of the allies 
 at Bar Sur Aube, in which he was repulsed, he took the 
 determination of throwing himself in their rear and of cut- 
 ting off their baggage and magazines. In this he succeeded, 
 but they determined to abandon their baggage for the sake 
 of getting to Paris, took measures to cover their designs, and 
 completely succeeded. The result has justified the measure. 
 The allies thmselves, notwithstanding the immense superiority 
 of men which they possessed, admitted that the issue of the 
 campaign was doubtful unless the French nation should put 
 an end to it by his deposition. To avail themselves of the 
 senate and of the Parisians, whom they affect to consider 
 as the nation, they have spared Paris, and no doubt, do make 
 great exertions to preserve order and prevent abuse and pil- 
 lage. They shoot the Cossacks every day, and knout the Rus- 
 sians, but notwithstanding all this, the country up to the walls 
 of Paris is desolated by these brigands. Their venereal pro- 
 pensities lead them to prefer the old to the young women, 
 so that the virginity of the French ladies has not suffered 
 much from their forcible embraces. 
 
222 APPENDIX 
 
 It seems that Napoleon retains the title of Emperor, with 
 a salary for himself and family of 6,000,000 francs, and the 
 sovereignty of the Isle of Elba. The King of Rome retains his 
 title for life, and at his majority is to be Duke of Playance 
 and Parma. He is to be educated by the Emperor of Austria. 
 The Empress Josephine is Duchess of Navarre, and the Vice 
 Roy is to have a hereditary establishment guaranteed by the 
 Allies. Such is the end of the wild and unbounded ambition 
 of a great man, who has been the spoiled child of fortune. 
 The manner in whicli he has descended from the dazzling 
 elevation to which he had raised himself is wholly inconsistent 
 with his past conduct. In all the battles he fought after he 
 joined his army he exposed himself as much as when he had 
 to establish his reputation. I presume it is a very unpleasant 
 reflection to a man whose whole life has been familiar with 
 shedding blood to be under the necessity of leaving this world 
 deliberately. All military men agree that his maneuvers hav,e 
 been skillful, with the exception of his last step of throwing 
 himself on the rear of the Allies. Had they pursued the 
 course which he conjectured they would, had they made an 
 effort to save their baggage and magazines, he would have 
 been able to draw out the garrisons in his rear and have 
 collected a formidable army which must have greatly 
 disquieted them, if it had not succeeded in cutting oft' their 
 retreat. That tliey would have marched to Paris under such 
 circumstances, unless they had determined to pursue the 
 course they have, I cannot believe. I therefore give no credit 
 to Lord Cathcart's story of the Mount Martre council. The 
 thing is wholly incredible. From the moment that the allies 
 entered Paris the Parisians have been endeavoring to flatter 
 them out of contributions. To effect this they abuse Bona- 
 parte and praise t^;em. I should not be surprised if their love, 
 their veneration, their admiration and devotion should go even 
 so far as to invite Alexander to be their Emperor; and if that 
 cannot be, to leave them his beloved brother Constantine. 
 There is no meanness, no degradation to which French servil- 
 ity will not stoop to serve their interest. 
 
 They are now playing off the same game upon Lord Cast- 
 lereagh to get back their colonies. Time alone can determine 
 their success. I have read with attention the addresses of 
 adhesion to the new order of things. Two-thirds of them are 
 intended only to sbow their slavish devotion to the will of a 
 master. Leiir devotion scum bornes pour If Icqitime siiccesseur df 
 Loiiix xeizfi er.latp, de mutneut an moment. If this frivolity, this 
 inability, was merely the result of the instability of 
 their character they might command our compassion instead 
 of our contempt. This is not the case. Interest, the most 
 sordid, the most disgraceful, is the exciting cause to all this 
 flummery, this high-sounding nonsensical flattery. Each one 
 expects to be paid for his disgraceful servility by place, by 
 pension, by royal favor in some of the various forms in which 
 it can be dispensed. If the new King was a saint as infalli- 
 ble as the successor of St. Peter was formerly believed to be, 
 he would be corrupted in less than twelve months by the 
 incense of flattery which he will inhale at every breath. Even 
 Tallerand talks to Count D'Artois of his celestian goodness. 
 
OF WILLIAM II. CRAWFORD 223 
 
 I have endeavored by every means in my power to ^;iiar(l itifiu 
 against sulTt-riuH, tin- ancient Dynast \'s rctiini. witli all tlic'r 
 ancient prerogatives. 1 have suggested that they ought not 
 to suffer him to land until he had subscribed and sworn to 
 the new constitution. His declaration made in Febrtiarv. 
 1812, evidently proceeds upon the ground that he possessed 
 all the political power of tlie nation. The shamerul soliciludi" 
 which the senate has shown for their places, and especially 
 for their dotations (sic), is very unpopular, and will enable 
 the King to put them at defiance if he chooses to do it. 
 Yesterday they have surrendered the provisional government 
 to Count D'Artois, without imposing any obligation upon him. 
 to cause the King to accept the new constitution, lie. in fact, 
 tells them that most of the things contained in their consti- 
 tution enter into the King's views as being necessary basis 
 of the government. But they are to be the basis, because 
 the King thinks them so, or because the nation has determined 
 that it shall be so. No, nothing of this — no intimation that 
 the nation has a right to think upon the subject. It is 
 believed, and there is reason for it, that the constitution has 
 been approved by the Emperor of Russia before it was sub- 
 mitted to the senate, and that he had pledged himself to 
 compel the King to accept it. With his air of moderation he 
 governs the coalition very absolutely. It is said that Turkey 
 has declared war against Russia. It is also said that England 
 is to take 80.000 Russians from some port on the channel 
 and carry them home by water, to enable them to meet the 
 musselmen. If they would take them all it would be a happy 
 thing for Germany and Poland. Most of the Cossacks have 
 two or three horses. 
 
 Remember me affectionately to all ray friends, and accept 
 the assurance of mv sincere regard. 
 
 WM. H. CRAWFORD. 
 
 CRAWFORD TO TAIT. 
 
 PARIS, 29th August, 1814. 
 
 Dear Judge: Since the date of my last I have received 
 letters from my friends as late as the 14th of .lune last. The 
 latest date was from Mrs. Crawford. I was disappointed in 
 receiving none from you, Bibb, Barnett or Hale by the French 
 vessel. This opportunity was so safe and direct that I won- 
 der how you could fail to avail yourself of it. I was informed 
 of the sailing of this vessel only twenty-four hours before 
 my dispatches were required to be in readiness. This left me 
 time only to prepare my official dispatches, and to write a 
 short letter to Mrs. Crawford. 
 
 Things go on here much as you would expect. A mid- 
 dle course between the old and new nobility offends both 
 sides. Apprehensions of a change to the disadvantage of 
 the new made men are strong, and disquiet the court and the 
 nation. It is said that some of the members of the royal 
 family have not been discreet in the disclosure of the views 
 of the court to bring everything gradually to the state in 
 which they were in the year 1788. I believe this to be impos- 
 sible. If it is attempted resistance will be made by the con- 
 
224 APPENDIX 
 
 stituted authorities, and that resistance will probably be suc- 
 cessful. 1 believe the present King will not make the effort, 
 t.onsieur, who is more of a dasher than the King, may engage 
 in this hazardous enterprise. The nation seems to have delib- 
 erately determined that the imposition of taxes shall rest with 
 the legislature. That the freedom of worship, the validity 
 of the sales of national property and the abolition of tithes 
 shall not even be agitated. All the arts of the two legislative 
 bodies, as far as they have been made public, show a settled 
 and unalterable opinion upon these questions. The liberty 
 of the press will probably be fettered until the year 1817, 
 and I should not be surprised if the previous censure should 
 Le continued indefinitely. When most of the public characters 
 are so extremely vulnerable it is not wonderful that they 
 should shrink instinctively from the scourge which the liberty 
 of the press would hold suspended over their heads. 
 
 The History of St. Cloud by Goldsmith, which you have 
 had eight or ten years, has just been translated and published 
 in France. The sensation it has produced has been great, 
 and it is said had a decided influence upon the decision of 
 the deputies upon the bill regulating the liberty of the press. 
 It is pronounced here to be the most false and libellous book 
 which has ever been written. 
 
 In the House o.f Peers it :s said that this bill is likely to 
 undergo some additional amendments. This house will insist 
 upon the insertion of a clause declaring that the censure is 
 submitted to, cnly temporarily, on account of the particular 
 situation of the nation in passing from one government to 
 another, and tLat the previous censure can be endured only 
 on that account. Excejit in the points I have indicated the 
 influence of the court will carry all before it for some time 
 to come. The election of new deputies will take place before 
 the year 1816. General LaFayette's friends think he will be 
 called to the peerage before that event, as they believe 
 the court would prefer his being in that house to the other. 
 He will certainly be in the legislature after the first elections. 
 I shall keep this letter open until the sailing of the Neptune, 
 and if anything occurs I will add it. The question of peace 
 must be decided upon before that event. I have no expecta- 
 tion of a favorable result. I am, dear Judge, most sincerely 
 
 Hon. Chas. Tait. 
 your friend, etc., WM. H. CRAWFORD. 
 
 10th September. 
 
 This morning I received information that the Chauncey 
 was daily expected in the neighborhood of Ghent, and that 
 she would immediately sail as a car.tel for the United States. 
 Mr. Connell, who will be the bearer of these dispatches, will 
 leave Paris at 9 o'clock. I have but a few minutes to devote 
 to you. I presume the dispatches which he will carry will 
 convince the nation that peace can be obtained only by united 
 and vigorous exertions. The arrogance of the enemy can alone 
 bring us to a sense of our duty; and in some gloomy moments 
 I am apprehensive that even this will prove insufficient to 
 subdue the virulence of the Boston leaders. When I have 
 read the toasts which have been drunk, and the proceedings 
 
APPENDIX 225 
 
 which have taken place in that town 1 havr l>luslic(l tor my 
 eounlrymen. The demon of discoi'd seems to liave obtained 
 a coniplete ascendancy over the minds of these int'nrialed men 
 1 anxiously look I'ovward to the nioiiiciil wlicn I shall 
 rejoin my friends. Tlie cris's is imperious, and requires decis- 
 ion in the cabinet and firmness in the legislature. That ten- 
 derness for the feelings of unfaithful, or incai>al)le oflicers, 
 which has already produced so much mischief must be dis- 
 carded. The President owes it to the nation and to liimself 
 to rectify as far as possible the many errors which must 
 inevitably have been committed in the appointment of so 
 many officers. When I return the question of further service 
 will depend upon the state of Georgia, or upon the people. 
 Having voted for the war, I shall decline no call which it 
 may make upon me, but as I have already sacrificed much, I 
 shall not feel myself bound to solicit employment. .My private 
 affairs and my increasing family will give full employment 
 to all my faculties, so that I am in no danger of dying with 
 ennui upon quitting the public service. As we had so many 
 ministers in Europe I expected mv place would be easily 
 filled. \V. H. C. 
 
 CR.'^WFORD TO TAIT. 
 
 PARIS. 12th Oct., 1814. 
 
 Dear Judge: I have just received a letter from Mr. 
 Dickins, stating that he expects to embark about the ISth 
 or 20th inst. for the United States, and offering to take charge 
 of any letters which I shall send to him. The shortness of 
 the notice will not permit me to write to any of my friends- 
 but you. This is the fourth letter which I have written to 
 you; in return I have received one. 
 
 Your former acquaintance with Mr. Dickins, and the situ- 
 ation in wh-ch he will arrive in the United States will give 
 him a strong claim to your sympathy, and to your exertions 
 to be useful to him, without the interposition of my wishes. 
 He is a sensible, and I believe, a worthy man, not very enter- 
 prising or very provident. It is hardly necessary to add that 
 he is very poor, with a large family to support. The cir- 
 cumstances to which I alluded in one of my former letters 
 have been explained and adjusted to my entire satisfaction. 
 He will, like most men in his situation, endeavor to obtain 
 an office from the government, which will enable him to live 
 until the return of peace. I have recommended him to you. 
 and he will naturally apply to his relative, Mr. Alston. It 
 is probable that the destruction of the capitol will cause the 
 present sess:on of congress to be held at Philadelphia or 
 Lancaster. In this event many of the clerks and persons 
 attached to the different officers who are settled at Washing- 
 ton and have any other means of living will not follow the 
 government. If so you may possibly get him into some of 
 them. He is qualified for any of them. ^ , , , 
 
 The capture of Washington is an event that I had been 
 
226 APPENDIX 
 
 looking for until aboiit one week before the news reached me. 
 Mr. Boyd, who jireceded it about a week, removed all appre- 
 hension of such a disaster. You may well judge of my feel- 
 ings uijon this occasion. The impression here and in Eng- 
 land is that we must now acce])t of any terms which shall be 
 offered to us. This arises from their total ignorance of the 
 United States. When Paris was taken the allies, and espe- 
 cially England, supposed France was conquered. The arro- 
 gance of England leads her to suppose that she conquered 
 France, and the capture of Washington is thought by the 
 true John Bulls to complete the conquest of the United 
 States. 
 
 What the sensation has been in the United States I 
 have yet to learn. I fear that there is but little patriotism 
 in the nation. Party animosity in the eastern states has so 
 deeply infected the minds of the leaders of the Federal party 
 in Massachusetts that they would much rather fight the 
 Southern people than the enemy. So thoroughly am I dis- 
 gusted with this class of men that I would willingly consent 
 that New England should separate if they would agree upon 
 it among themselves. This, however, I believe is impractica- 
 ble, and we must not think of it. We must do the best we 
 can with them. I see they very modestly insist upon every 
 department of the government, except the treasury, which is 
 to be given to a man of talent and probity, but whose claim 
 to Republicanism rests upon very questionable evidence, 
 iheir propositions are wholly inadmissible. The President 
 must retain in his cabinet a majority of those who are 
 attached to his political principles, and feel a proper regard 
 for his reputation. Consistently with this principle I would 
 take Federalists into the cabinet as soon as they manifest a 
 national feeling and national spirit. I hope they will do this, 
 and if they do the continuance of the war will be advantageous 
 to us as a nation. We ought to desire peace until we have 
 formed officers and men upon whom we can rely in the hour 
 of danger. When I say we ought not to desire peace I mean to 
 be understood to assert that the true interest of the nation 
 requires that the war should be prosecuted until this object 
 is effected, but the immediate interest of the nation which will 
 f.lways have more influence than its future interests would 
 induce me to make peace, if it could be obtained upon just 
 terms. I am sensible that a peace made at the present 
 moment would place us in a situation to compel us to partici- 
 pate in the fii'st war in which England should embroil herself. 
 If we make peace now the impression in Europe will be that 
 we are indebted for it, to the moderation and magnanimity 
 of our adversary. This idea is utterly false, and cannot fail 
 to be extremely injurious to us, not only with England, but 
 with all the maritime states of Europe. My impression is that 
 the congress at Vienna will amicably arrange all the conflict- 
 ing interests of the continenl. In this event the war will be 
 prosecuted with increased activity in the next campaign. I 
 trust, however, that our means of annoyance and of defense 
 will be greatly increased. In all my letters I have stated 
 that we must expect nothing but disasters this campaign. The 
 news is therefore better than I had anticipated. The battles 
 
APPENDIX 227 
 
 upon the Niagara reflect the brightest credit upon mir oltlc-erH 
 and men. I am greatly rejoiciMl to see (liat I'()iI<t lias 
 redeemed the disgrace which his ])oiitical tei'givi'rsatioii dur- 
 ing his last congressional term of service had imiiarled upon 
 his character. Brown's report of the actions of Chipiicwa and 
 Bridgewater are the best official reports of actions which the 
 files of the war department furnish. I did not blush wlwu I 
 read it. They are the first reports of our regular generals 
 which have not crimsoned my cheeks. Scott is a most gal- 
 lant fellow. Brown must have a gift for fighting. 1 hope 
 Ga:nes and Ripley will be found equal to the other two. I 
 regret the censure which has been thrown upon the latter. 
 The loss of the two first in command — the total derangement 
 of every regulation battalion and company must have made it 
 extremely hazardous to risk an action the next day. He 
 being the only general was another consideration of moment. 
 The enemy upon the Niagara ought to be captured before this 
 time. The difficulty of supplying them with provisions will 
 prevent considerable reinforcements from being sent up by 
 land. They cannot return by w^ater. The militia ought 
 to rise en masse and overwhelm them. Their capture 
 removes the war to a great distance from their frontiers. 
 The great mass of our regular troops ought to act against 
 Canada. There the enemy cannot avoid an action when 
 they please. They cannot there embark, and re-embark 
 after doing all the mischief they can, as they do on the 
 Atlantic frontier. There then we ought to act offensively 
 against them, and of course there the princi])al part or 
 our regular troops /uglit to be enrployed. If we can drive 
 them into Quebec before the close of the next campaign 
 we may possibly make peace in the course of the following 
 winter. If not, and we prosecute the war with vigor we shall 
 command a peace the next winter. If the troops are with- 
 drawn from the northern frontier the back country will be 
 ravaged whilst the protection on the sea coast will be far from 
 effectual. I feel much solicitude on this question, as I know 
 that a clamor wall be raised and great exertions will be made 
 to draw the regular troops to the coast. The duties of con- 
 gress are now ardent indeed, and the solicitude which you 
 must feel cannot but be great. Wise and firm measures must 
 not only be adopted, but an impulse must be given to the 
 nation. How is this to be done? Perhaps the enemy has 
 done more for you in this regard than you could have done 
 for yourselves. I hope this will be found true. 
 
 In this country the hatred of the English is stronger 
 than it has ever been. If it was possible to transport troops 
 to the United States we should have an army there imme- 
 diately of the best troops in the world. I should not be sur- 
 prised if attempts are made to transport soldiers to the 
 United States before the spring. The feelings of the nation 
 are not those of the government. I cannot say that the gov- 
 ernment is absolutely hostile to the United States, but the 
 distrust which it entertains of the army, and the deep convic- 
 tion which it feels of the necessity of peace, added to the 
 arrogance of the British ministry, produces in relation lo us 
 most of the consequences of hostility. How long this state 
 
228 APPENDIX 
 
 of things will last is impossible to foresee. The congress at 
 Vienna may tranquillize the troubled state of things upon 
 the continent generally. It is, however, improbable that any- 
 thing that can l)e done there can have any direct influence 
 upon the internal alfairs of France. It is difficult to conceive 
 of a situation more critical and delicate than that of the royal 
 family at this moment. The ministry is weak, the King 
 undecided and the other members of the family frequently 
 indiscreet. Distrust pervades every class of the people. 
 France is now a great political volcano, ready to explode with 
 the first spark which may be elicited from the frequent collis- 
 sions which are every day produced by the disposition of the 
 minister of the interior to bring things back to the state they 
 were in prior to the Revolution. The feasts and dinners 
 which are given among the old and the new military is a 
 farce which cannot veil the discontents which burst forth 
 daily between these discordant materials. Perhaps the only 
 ground of safety which for the present order of things is the 
 discordance between the real friends of civil liberty and the 
 army. The latter wish to restore the Emperor. The former 
 prefer the King, only because he has less talent, and that 
 therefore there is a better chance of establishing the rational 
 liberty of the subject. They have as little confidence in the 
 sincerity or liberality of the one as the other. All those 
 who had an agency in dethroning the Emperor will of course 
 exert themselves to the utmost to prevent his return. Not- 
 withstanding the discontents of the army, of the friends of 
 rational liberty, and the blunders and folly of the govern- 
 ment, I am inclined to believe that no change will take place, 
 at least, for some time. I am, dear sir, yours, etc. 
 
 P. S. — As this letter passes through England I shall not 
 sign it, as some of my letters have miscarried. 
 
 CRAWFORD TO TAIT. 
 
 LEXINGTON, 2d October, 1820. 
 
 My Dear Sir: Since my visit to this state I have answered 
 your favor inquiring whether your letter of November last, 
 with its enclosure, was received. Lest some accident may 
 happen so that it may not have reached you I repeat that 
 the letter of November, with its enclosure, was received, and 
 that it was answered without delay. 
 
 I have lately seen the pamphlet which you inquired of 
 from Mr. Cobb, but have not been able to obtain a copy for 
 myself. The old publications of 1804 and 1806, with the 
 certificates and depositions which accompanied them, together 
 with a few others of the same stamp, are comprehended in 
 this book. The history of the challenges of 1804 and of 1806, 
 together with a most exaggerated account of his attack upon 
 you, and the certificates and depositions taken by him against 
 the agent, with a voluminous commentary upon the whole, 
 form the remainder of the pamphlet. He says that he is of 
 the opinion that 1 was concerned in the illicit introduction 
 
APPENDIX 229 
 
 of slavery into this state in 1 SI 7-' IS, simply because ln' 
 believes I had some agency in the appointment of the agent, 
 and because I did not cause his conduct to l)e investigated. 
 He shows at the same time that the agent was not a|)p()intcd 
 for several months after I had left the dei)artment, and dI' 
 course ceased to have any control over the ofFiee or olTuH'r. 
 
 The object of the pamphlet is in the first place to affect 
 my standing in the United States. Second, to raise himself: 
 and, third, to assail you and harrow up your feelings as well 
 as my own. I believe he will fail in his first and sr>cond 
 objects. The third he v.'ill no doubt iiartially succeed in, as 
 it :s imjiossible not to feel indignation at the base insinua- 
 tions with which the book is filled, and the repu1)lication of 
 all his false certificates after the lapse of fourteen or fifteen 
 years Avhen he has no recent ])rovocation to urge is evidence 
 of the greatest dei)ravity and of the blackest malignity. The 
 viper, however, bites the file. He will do himself more injury 
 than anybody else. 1 am not determined whether it ought 
 to be noticed, and cannot make up any conclusive opinion 
 upon it until 1 give it another i)erusal. which will probably 
 not be before I reach Washington, as it is I'ikely that I may 
 not see the pamphlet before I arrive at that i)lace. He has. 
 I understand, forwarded copies to the President, heads of 
 departments, governors of the states, generals of the army 
 and many others. I shall therefore be sure of a co])y when I 
 get there. 
 
 We have nothing authentic from Spain from which any 
 rational conjecture can be formed of the ultimate issue of 
 the question depending between it and the United States. 
 At least I know nothing but what is to be found in the news- 
 papers, and probably not all that is contained in them, as I 
 see them very irregularly. 
 
 The election takes place this day. The morning has been 
 excessively wet. It is now 10 o'clock, and continues to rain. 
 If so the election will be thin, and the result may be very 
 different from what it would have been had the day been 
 good. Great efforts have been made to exclude CobI), and 
 his want of prudence has aided them much. I ho|)e, however, 
 that he will be elected. 
 
 Give my resjiects to your son and daughter, and accept 
 the assurance of the sincere friendship with which I remain. 
 Your most obedient servant, 
 
 WM. H. CRAWFORD. 
 
 Hon. C. Tait. 
 
 CRAWFORD TO HAI.L. 
 
 WASHINGTON. 20th November. ISJl. 
 
 My Dear Sir: Your letter of the 17th of September has 
 been received by due course of mail. ^, , . , 
 
 Yesterdav I received the intelligence of Clark s re-elec- 
 tion to the office of governor by two votes over Troup, boinv 
 the number necessary to elect him and none to si)are. 
 
 ..■tiri,„4^„.. i^ ic. r-icrhi " ic a fomfnrtable doctrine, it i 
 
 g 
 
 number necessary to elect mm ann uuue lu r-i.«.^. 
 ••Whatever is, is right," is a comfortable doctrine, if it 
 
230 APPENDIX 
 
 be sincerely l)elieved. I cannot say that I am thoroughly 
 convinced of its truth, either from reason or revelation. I 
 am sometimes tempted to helieve that no one does thoroughly 
 realize the truth of it in his inmost convictions at some 
 moments of his life. I think it not improbable that when 
 things go very much against a man's interest, and his con- 
 viction of what is right, in the abstract he is very much like 
 i..e Irishman who had been hired by a bribe of ten guineaa 
 i-o turn Roman Catholic. After the ceremony was finished 
 and the money was put into his hands, he looked at it, and 
 after a short silence said: "I think you ought to add ten 
 more to it." Upon being asked why he replied: "Because 
 it is so d — d hard to believe in transubstantion." Now, I 
 presume the Governor and his friends are ready to subscribe 
 to the doctrine, whilst I cannot believe, by any effort of my 
 understanding, that it is right for so corrupt and vindictive 
 a man should be the governor of the state. However, I can 
 do as well as others. I shall, I trust, never have favors to 
 ask of the state, and certainly I would not accept one from 
 it which was to be effected through him as the organ. I 
 presume there is great joy in one of the departments, at least, 
 at this place, but I cannot believe that any combination of 
 circumstances can give the vote of the state to him, except 
 that of his being nominated by a caucus, under such circum- 
 stances as to exclude competition, or the exercise of discretion 
 by the people. It is now generally understood that New York 
 and Pennsylvania are entirely adverse to his pretensions. 
 Where he is to be supported out of New England, South 
 Carolina and Alabama I know not — perhaps in Ohio, Indiana 
 and Illinois. In Kentucky and Virginia. I understand, he 
 cherishes the expectation of support. In both I am per- 
 suaded he will fail. In Vermont and Maine he will also be 
 likely to fail. How far he will succeed in South Carolina and 
 Alabama I am not able to conjecture. Your governor, as well 
 as ours, will, it is presumed, be for him, or anybody else if 
 my name should be held up. 
 
 I remember the declaration which you mention in your 
 letter made by Colonel Taylor concerning Mr. Calhoun. I 
 thought it illiberal at the time; I must now suspend my opin- 
 ion upon it for new light. I also remember your sugges- 
 tions during the same winter. I tnought you both did him 
 injustice at the time. Had I thought with you then he would 
 not now be the Secretary of War. I will write you at length 
 after the adjournment of the present session of congress. I 
 think I shall make my determination by that time, and that 
 I shall eat my Christmas dinner in Oglethorpe next year. Such 
 is my present impress'on. Why should I suffer myself to be 
 made a mark at which every unprincipled knave shall direct 
 the shafts of calumny and detraction for years, in order to 
 take upon myself, if success should attend the exertions of 
 my friends, the responsibility of governing 10,000,000 of peo- 
 ple? I am already weary and disgusted in anticipation. 
 What then will be the reality? But, the spring will decide 
 it. I will retire then, or make up my mind to suffer two years 
 more. 
 
 Crops of corn in this part of the country, and from here 
 
APPENDIX 231 
 
 to the New England states, are very short. I''n>tu the Isl lo 
 the 20th of July it rained every day — from that time to Ww 
 2 8th of August we had rain. Soi)tember was dry, varied l)y 
 light showers. From the 1st of August to this time my house 
 has been a hospital. Sometimes seven of the wiiolc family 
 were in bed at a time, and three servants. All the children 
 have had at least two attacks, and some four or five. 1 ha<l 
 a very severe one. Mrs. Crawford, on the 14th of Sei)t('mber, 
 added another son to our family — was remarkably well after 
 it — but on the 28th was seized with bilious fever, from which 
 she is not yet well recovered. I was taken on the '.Hh of 
 the same month, and was confined to my bed fnr nearly three 
 weeks. We are now, however, nearly recovered. We are 
 thankful, indeed, that in so much disease and distress no 
 case of mortality has occurred in the family. We have more 
 than double the afhiction this summer than what has occurred 
 s:nce we had a family. 
 
 I think the Nankin cotton must be an accejitahle article 
 to the Eastern manufacturers. It is of a superior kind to 
 that which we had twenty years ago. My nephew writes me 
 that what he raised last year is greatly superior in color to 
 any he ever saw. I can send you some of the seed, which, 
 however, is two years old. I tried some of the seed this fall, 
 and they came up. I will send you some of the ^lalta clover 
 seed. It will not do here — the winters are too cold. Perhaps 
 it will stand your winters. 
 
 Give my respects to Mrs. Hall and the members of your 
 family, respectively. Tell Mrs. Bibb that we call our young- 
 est son W. W. Bibb — the latter will be his ordinary name. 
 
 I remain respectfully yours, etc., 
 
 WM. H. CRAWFORD. 
 
 B. Hall. Esq. 
 
 P. S. — Your letter of the 18th of October has also been 
 received, and has been, in fact, answered, altliough not 
 expressly acknowledged :n tlie body of this letter. If you 
 wish more of the Nankin cotton seed 1 will send you some 
 more of it. ^^ • H- C. 
 
 CRAWFORD TO TAIT. 
 
 WASHINGTON, 3d June. 1S22. 
 
 My Dear Sir: Your letter of the 26th of April last was 
 received the dav before congress adjourned. With sincere 
 pleasure I tender to you and Mrs. Tait my congratulations 
 upon the happv change which has just taken place in your 
 situations. You may now look forward to the decline ot lile 
 vv'ith a rational prospect of enjoying as much happiness as 
 falls to the lot of humanity in that stage of human existence. 
 
 Mv family having had frequent returns of bilious fever 
 througii the winter ^and up to the present time, I hav<» 
 determined to take the whole of them to Georg:a. and shall 
 leave Ihi:* place about the first of ne.xt month, and expect to 
 reach Oglethorpe about the last of it. I lielieve that this 
 journey is the best means of restoring them to the enjoyment 
 
232 APPENDIX 
 
 of health that is in my power. I shall remain in the state 
 until about the 10th of September, and then return by easy 
 journey so as to reach this place about the first week of 
 October. I need not tell you how much pleasure I would 
 receive from meeting you there. 
 
 You will have seen from the newspapers the course which 
 th:ngs have taken here. The Missouri question, and the elec- 
 tion of Jno. W. Taylor over Mr. Lowndes as Speaker, pro- 
 duced an impression that a geographical party had been formed 
 which for several years would control the course of events. 
 Mr. Calhoun seems to have been deeply impressed with this 
 idea, supposing, however, that the election of an eastern Pres- 
 ident, independent of this consideration, would be more likely 
 to secure to the South the ofRce of President in the year 
 1832 than if it had continued there until that period. Mr, 
 Calhoun, during that session and through the whole of the 
 last year until after the meeting of congress, is understood to 
 uave openly supported the pretensions of Mr. Adams. I have 
 used the impression understood, but it is a fact susceptible 
 of the most conclusive evidence. It is possible, however, tha-s 
 it will be denied. His attention, however, was unremittedly 
 fixed upon the election of governor in Georgia. He stated to 
 a gentleman in this place in August that he considered the 
 election to be between the Governor and myself, and not 
 between him and Colonel Troup; and that if Clark was 
 elected he considered that the state of Georgia would be 
 against me as President. About this time, it is presumed, 
 he became convinced that the geographical feeling which he 
 supposed in the winter to have been dominant no longer 
 existed, and that if I was rejected by Georgia I would not be 
 supported out of it, and that consequently, if the Governor 
 should be re-elected the Southern interest would be derelict, 
 and might be seized by the first adventurer. Under this impres- 
 sion, and to be prepared for events, he made a tour through 
 Pennsylvania, "the old stamping ground," "his native state." 
 Shortly after his return he gave me the most distinct assur- 
 ances that he would under no circumstances suffer his name 
 to be put up for the Presidency. The- assurances were wholly 
 voluntary, and not called for by anything I had said to him, 
 and he repeated twice that if my friends did not act an 
 unfriendly part towards him it was easy to foresee the course 
 x-e should pursue in relation to the Presidential election, hav- 
 ing previously said that there 'would be but two persons 
 brought forward for that office, viz: One from the East and 
 one from the South. This was the 12th of October. I had 
 stated to him at the same time that I believed the Governor 
 would be re-elected. It is presumed that these assurances 
 and professions were made with a view to conciliate me and 
 my friends, under the impression that the re-election of the 
 Governor would be admitted by them and me, to place me 
 out of view. 
 
 Immediately after the meeting of congress his name was 
 put up, and reports were circulated that the whole Pennsyl- 
 vania delegation were for him. whereas it is well understood 
 L.iat T. J. Rodgers and Patrick Findly, two Irishmen, were 
 the only members from the state that were for hin;, or are 
 
APPENDIX 23.'} 
 
 for him now, at least of the Keiniblicans. It is prosiimod 
 that Mr. Lowndes' nomination at Columb'a proceeded from tlie 
 same idea, viz: That the Soulhern interest had become dere- 
 lict by the election of the Governor of Georgia. Tliis Idea, 
 or rather the assertion that his election was a rej(>c.tion of 
 me by the stale, appeared in the Charleston iiai)ers that 
 
 announced that election. The nomination of .Mr. L 
 
 was most unfortunate for him. He is an amiable man of lino 
 talents, but one that but few, if any, had ever thought of for 
 that office, the general impression being that he is not well 
 qualified for executive duties. 
 
 It is possible that Mr. C has by this time seen 
 
 that his impressions as to the effect of the Georgia election 
 are erroneous. Indeed, it is well known that he is undeceived 
 on that point, but he has put too many springs in motion, 
 and is too sanguine by nature to think of retracing his steps, 
 if it was now practicable. He has, by his temper and want 
 of judgment, to say nothing more, involved tlie President in 
 a controversy with the senate, which I am fearful will not be 
 amicably adjusted. Th's circumstance, however, is adroitly 
 wielded by him or his friends to sow dissension between the 
 President and me. I have been accused by them of having 
 the nominations of Colonels Towson and Gadsden rejected. 
 
 By the bye, the latter, when Mr. C came into office, 
 
 at least in the same year, was a lieutenant in the corps of 
 engineers; in June, 1821, was made adjutant general and 
 placed at the head of the staff of the army; yet there has been 
 no favoritism. After all these exertions it is consolatory to 
 be well assured that he has no possible chance of success. 
 When I see you I will let you into some secrets relative to 
 his true character that will astonish you as much as they 
 did me. 
 
 Mr. R. King told General Lacock that he C had 
 
 then more secret agents running through New York than 
 DeWitt Clinton had in Pennsylvania in 1812. He said such 
 things were abominable, and ought to be put down. All this, 
 however, is entre nous. 
 
 Colonel King has said that he expected that either you 
 or Wm. Crawford would be his successor. I do not know 
 whether he expects that this Avill be without or with his 
 consent. It is believed by some that he expects a mission to 
 South America. General Dearborn's appointment to Lisbon 
 has surprised everybody that I have heard from. Sanford 
 and General Smith wished it. and 1 suppose twenty others 
 would have had it that were at least as well qualified for it. 
 
 There will be no Presidential candidate in New York. 
 
 fhis, I believe, is well ascertained. Mr. C "s name is 
 
 before the public. 
 
 1 wish most sincerely that you may return to the senate. 
 Your recent union will oppose no obstacle to it, as you will 
 be able to bring madam with you. 
 
 I remain, dear tir, your friend, etc.. 
 
 WM. H. CRAWFORD. 
 
 Hon. Charles Tait. 
 
234 APPENDIX 
 
 CRAWFORD TO TAIT. 
 
 CHEROKEE CORNER, GA., 17tli Sept. 1822. 
 
 Dear Judge: Your letters of the 28th of July and August 
 have been duly received at Lexington, which I reached on the 
 29th of the former month. My family have entirely recovered 
 their health. I shall leave John in college, where he will 
 finish his studies with those who will be his contemporaries 
 and companions through life. Macon is qualified to enter, 
 but he is too young. Two years hence I shall probably place 
 him there. 
 
 I have received a letter from Mr. Hall which gives nearly 
 the same news of the result of your elections that you have 
 presented. I hope the other parts of the state have done as 
 well. I have heard nothing of the probability of Colonel 
 King's employment abroad, nor ao I know whether he intends 
 to continue in the senate. From the contents of a letter 
 from P. Williamson which Dr. Johnson read to me, I infer that 
 it was the understanding of the writer that the Colonel intends 
 to hold a poll. 
 
 I am fearful that Major Walker will resign his seat in 
 the senate. I hope, however, he will regulate his conduct 
 by the prospect before him relative to his successor. I have 
 heard nothing from him since he left Washington. 
 
 The bickering between the editors of the Intelligencer 
 and National Advocate is not very intelligible. The former 
 are very solicitous to postpone all discussion upon the sub- 
 ject of the approaching election until after the next session 
 of congress. The latter, though agreeing that the discussion 
 last winter was premature, thinks that no inconvenience will 
 result from keeping the subject before the public, in a par- 
 ticular way, and to a particular extent. They agree, I believe, 
 upon the person who is to be supported, if nothing should 
 occur between this time and the period when the selection 
 is to be made to change materially public opinion. Such is 
 the present impression with those who are in the secrets of 
 the editors, or believe they are. 
 
 You have probably seen, or will see, an extract of a 
 letter from a Louisiana paper published in a Lexington paper, 
 in which it is asserted that Mr. Clay is the favorite in New 
 York. The papers of that city ridicule the writer, and the 
 Advocate, after scouting the idea that any party in the state 
 ever thought of Mr. Clay, closes the article by saying that 
 when the time arrives for action "New York will show her 
 hand." 
 
 The nomination of General Jackson by Tennessee can 
 produce no effect whatever, unless it should affect the elec- 
 tion of Colonel Williams to the senate. I am fearful that it 
 was intended more for that purpose than any other. There 
 is no other state in the Union that will take him for Presi- 
 dent. 
 
 In this state things go on pretty much in the old way. 
 The Governor has declared that the absence of Colonel Ham- 
 mond from Milledgpville has vacated the office, and has in 
 consequence of this dpterraination filled the vacancy. Much 
 excitement has been produced in the state, and present appear- 
 
APPENDIX 235 
 
 ances warrant the conclusion that he has lost onsidcral.ly 
 m the inibllc estimation. Many of his firni siipiiorlrrs hcro- 
 tofore have declared tlieir abandonment of h!m. but it is 
 probable that many of those who disapprove of the act will 
 continue their general suijport of the man. The act itst-lf is 
 both ridiculous and corrupt. If absence from the i)Uue whore 
 the duties are to. be performed creates a vacancy the olhce of 
 the executive has been vacated every year since he has been 
 in office. If the principle is correct as to one ministerial or 
 executive office. It is as to all, and I see no reason for exempt- 
 ing judicial offices from the same rule. Hut his cxcelloncy 
 defends the measure on the ground that he intended origi- 
 inally only to make a provisional ai)i)()intnient until the Sec- 
 retary .should return. This is more ridiculous than his enemies 
 could have expected from him. If the vacancy was created 
 he had no right to prescribe terms to the person appointed, 
 who constitutionally must hold, unless he should voluntarily 
 resign, until the legislature should elect to the vacancy. The 
 pretense that he has at first thought to ap])oint Thos. Craw- 
 ford, a son of Peter Crawford, will not be believed by any one. 
 Plain truth has therefore made the matter worse. The means 
 resorted to to obtain possession of the office are as inconsistent 
 with the principles of our government as the construction 
 resorted to to create the vacancy. If Hammond had been 
 disposed to resist force by force, to repossess himself of the 
 office, the people of the place would have ousted h's opponent 
 in a moment. I presume he took legal advice, and was gov- 
 erned accordingly. 
 
 I have just heard that S. W. Harris is dead. I am afraid 
 the news is true. It comes tolerably direct. If he is dead I 
 think General Glascock will be elected. Forsyth, Cobb, Tat- 
 nall and Abbott are certain. The other three members must 
 be made up from Gary, Golding, Cuthbert, Haynes, Thompson 
 and Glascock. The first will probably be sure, and also the 
 two last, but nothing certain can be predicted as to the last. 
 
 Great exertions will be made by the friends of i\Ir. Cal- 
 houn to prevent the election of Judge Smith in South Carolina, 
 but I presume without effect. In this state there will be no 
 opposition. In North Carolina B. Yancey will probably oppose 
 General Stokes, and be successful. In Virginia Pleasants will, 
 It is presumed, be re-elected without o])position. In Mary- 
 land it is probable that General Smith will succeed :Mr. Pinck- 
 ney. Lloyd has succeeded H. G. Otis, and has been elected in 
 opposition to the Federal caucus nomination (Webster) and 
 will be with us. Richard C. Anderson, it is understood, will 
 oppose R. M. Johnson, and will probably succeed. If Poindex- 
 ter fails against Rankin it is likely he will run against Thos. 
 H. Williams for the senate. 
 
 Such are the prospects before us. I will write you again 
 before I leave the state, which will not be before the 9th 
 of October. I remain, dear Judge, yours, etc., 
 
 WM. H. CRAWFORn. 
 
 Hon. C. Tait. 
 
 p. S. — Present my respects to Mrs. Tait, together with 
 those of Mrs. C. W. H. C. 
 
236 APPENDIX 
 
 CRAWFORD TO TAIT. 
 Confidential. 
 
 WASHINGTON, 16th February, 1S23. 
 
 My Dear Sir: Your letter, enclosing the I'esult of the 
 senatorial elections hi your state, has been received by due 
 course of mail. The proceedings in relation to them have 
 produced, or given full development to, feelings of gi'eat 
 acerbity towards me, in the bosom of Wm. R. King; and I 
 presume his colleague had already cherished the same feel- 
 ings towards me, without ever having seen me. 
 
 Reports had reached me before Colonel King's arrival 
 here that I had written letters to Alabama to prevent his 
 election, directing that you should be elected, and declaring 
 that he should be provided with a land office. One of these 
 letters were said to have been written to you. I authorized 
 the gentleman to whom the communication had been made 
 to contradict the reports. When the colonel arrived I under- 
 stood that he had heard the same reports, and was very wroth. 
 The first time I saw him I stated to him that I had under- 
 stood that he had heard such reports. He admitted that he 
 had. I informed him that I had never interfered in the 
 elections of any state except in those of the state of which I 
 was a citizen, and that I made this declaration from motives 
 of self-respect, and not from a desire to produce any effect 
 upon the political course he might think proper to pursue. 
 He expressed his satisfaction upon the occasion, and declared 
 that he had not given implicit confidence to these reports. 
 
 You will perceive by the newspapers that an insidious 
 conspiracy has been formed against me by N'nian Edwards & 
 Company, of which Cook has again been made the cat's paw. 
 The facts of the case are too glaring to deceive anyone, and 
 they are now writhing under the effects of their own villany. 
 Hugh Nelson of Virginia, the confidential friend of the Presi- 
 dent, is of the numl)er of th's reputable group of conspirators. 
 Samuel D. Ingham and Gabriel Moore are working coadjutors 
 in this laudable undertaking. 
 
 I am passing through a fiery trial, the result of which 
 it is not easy to foresee. Mr. Clay is here, in the full exercise 
 of his power of pleasing and cajoling. There :s, however, 
 such a thing as overrating, and in his efforts he 's continually 
 between Scylla and Chary bais. The gentleman from South 
 Carolina is understood to be hors du combat, having consigned 
 his forces, that were disposable, to an Eastern general. Such 
 at least are the impressvions here. The latter gentleman is 
 apparently more formidable than he was twelve months ago. 
 Some, however, think that appearances in his case are decep- 
 tive, and that in fact, he is not stronger than he was at that 
 time. 
 
 Well! What do you think? They have declared me a 
 Federalist in 179S. An address to John Adams in that year 
 by the young men of Augusta is the evidence offered to estab- 
 lish the fact. That I was a member of the committee that 
 drew up the address I admit, but that I ever assented to the 
 last paragraph of it, as republished, I know to be untrue. I 
 
Appendix 237 
 
 am inclined to believe the para^Maith as piinlod tt» he s|)urh)iiH. 
 I recollect distinctly that 1 endeavored to keep out of it every- 
 thing like an expression ol' approbation of Mr. Adams' admin- 
 istration; and the old man's rei)ly, which was in fact (and 
 was so considered at the time), a reiirimand. In liis last 
 paragraph he said, according to my recolleitioii of ii. •■That 
 onr assurance of attachment to the constitution and laws of 
 the conntry was the more precious, as it came from a quarter 
 least expected." Snch, I believe, to be the substance and 
 nearly, if not absolutely, the words. If the i)aragraph of tin- 
 address to which I have alluded is not falsified lie had no 
 reason to be out of humor with it. 
 
 In a case of this nature, even if 1 did assent to such a 
 declaration, and I know I never did, that assent cannot out- 
 weigh my uniform conduct and declarations upon the same 
 subject from the commencement of that administration to the 
 present day. No man is better acquainted with my conduct 
 and declarations upon this subject tlian you are, as our inter- 
 course and candid expression of opinion upon political sub- 
 jects, as well as upon all others, have been unbroken since 
 July, 17 96. It is probable that you will be addressed upon 
 this subject by some of your old congressional friends. All 
 I ask of you is an explicit declaration of what you know my 
 conduct to have been since 1796 in relation to the Federal 
 party, and especially to the administration of Mr. Adams, 
 with permission to use the information given, according to the 
 judgment of the person to whom it may be addressed. If 
 you should deem it proper to write to any of your friends, 
 without being previously addressed ui)on this subject, the 
 same permission might be useful. 
 
 The attack made upon you by Lewis produced very ani- 
 mated declarations of confidence in your judicial rectitude 
 on the part of a number of your old friends. Governor Wright 
 was among the foremost. In the senate you have many warm 
 friends. General Smith of Maryland, Governor Lloyd, Mr. 
 Talbott, Judge Ruggles, General Taylor of Indiana, and last, 
 though not least. Colonel Williams of Tennessee. I forget 
 whether you are acquainted with Thos. H. Williams or Gov- 
 ernor Holmes of Mississippi. They are excellent men, and 
 sound politicians. Your old friends, Lacock, Beaver of Penn- 
 sylvania and Roberts of Norristown, Penn., will be glad to 
 hear from you. Mr. Macon has frequently enquired after you. 
 The election of General Smith and of Governor Branch to 
 the senate has restored the equilibrium in the senate, which 
 had been deranged by the resignation of Major Walker and 
 the rejection of Judge Smith. Judge Thomas and Thos. H. 
 Williams have been re-elected, and no doubt is entertained 
 that Colonel Williams will be re-elected. In Delaware no 
 apprehension is entertained of a change for the worse, and it 
 is believed that the change in New Hampshire is for the bet- 
 ter. (Governor Bell is for Mr. Morrill, who, by the by, is a 
 very correct man, but probably not equal in talents to his 
 successor) . 
 
 I shall not frank this letter, and shall send it by the 
 way of Knoxville. 
 
 My family is well with the exception of colds. The 
 
238 APPENDIX 
 
 weather for eight or ten days has been very severe. The 
 river is again closed, after being open for nioi'e tlian ten 
 days. Mrs. Crawford nnites witli me in respectful regards to 
 Mrs. Tait and yourself. Yours, etc., 
 
 WM. H. CRAWFORD. 
 Honorable Charles Tait. 
 
 P. S. — Let me hear from you as early and as often as 
 possible. I shall not visit Georgia this summer. It is whis- 
 pered that my enemies are about to republish Clark's book. 
 I am now able to prove, what I always knew, that he did 
 interfere with the grand juries in 1803 to obtaiia the recom- 
 mendations. The assertion with which he set out in his book, 
 that such recommendations had been usual, is proved to be 
 false by the records of the courts. 
 
 It is horrible to be annoyed in this way, even when the 
 effects are more injurious to the character of the assailant 
 than of the assailed. He, however, has but little to lose — the 
 risk is therefore very unequal. 
 
 What shall be done if it is republished? That is the 
 question. W. H. C. 
 
 Honorable Charles Tait, 
 
 Fort Claiborne, Ala., Via Knoxville, in Tennessee. 
 
 MR. CRAWFORD TO MR. CALHOUN. 
 
 WOODLAWN, 2nd Oct., 1830. 
 
 Sir: Since the adjournment of congress, the copy of a 
 letter from you to the President containing eleven sheets, has 
 been placed in my hands. The object of this labored essay is 
 to prove that a statement contained in a letter from me to 
 the Hon. John Forsyth, of the senate of the United States, is 
 incorrect. If there was no evidence but that which is con- 
 tained in that essay, I should not be afraid of convincing 
 every rational and unprejudiced mind that my statement to 
 Mr. Forsyth is substantially correct. 
 
 In the brief comment which I intend to make upon your 
 essay of eleven sheets, I propose to avoid the example you 
 have set them in three things, viz: I shall not begin by 
 depreciating the official dignity and weight of character of 
 the person I address; when I meet with a fact that I cannot 
 frankly and distinctly deny, I will not attempt to prove a 
 negative by argument; and I shall not falsely and hypocriti- 
 cally profess a forbearance which I do not feel. 
 
 I shall first notice your observations upon the disclosure 
 of the secrets of the cabinet, which you say is the first that has 
 occurred, at least in this country. Do you really believe this 
 assertion, Mr. Calhoun? How did the written opinion of 
 Messrs. Jefferson and Hamilton, on the first bank bill, ever 
 see the light? How were the facts and circumstances which 
 preceded and accompanied the removal of Edmund Randolph 
 from the state department, by General Washington, disclosed 
 and made known to the public? If your assertion be true, 
 those facts and circumstances would, at this moment, be 
 buried in Egyptian darkness. While a cabinet is in existence 
 
APPENDIX 239 
 
 and its usefulness liahlo to be iiiipaiicd, reason and coniinun 
 sense point out tlie ijiopriety of keeping its i)roC-eedinKs secret. 
 
 But after tlie cabinet no lon.uor exists, when its usefiihu-sH 
 cannot be impaired by the disclosure of its proceedlnf;s, neitlier 
 reason, common sense, noi- pati'iotism, requires that lliose 
 proceedings should be shrouded in impenetrable darkness. 
 
 The acts of such a cabinet become history, and the nation 
 has the same right to a knowledge of them that it has to anv 
 other historical fact. It is i)resumed that all nations have 
 entertained this opinion, and have acted upon it. Whence 
 the secret history of cabinets, the most despotic in Europe. 
 Hence the history of the house of Stuart, by Charles James 
 Fox, which discloses the most secret intercourse between 
 Charles the II and the French minister, by which it was proven 
 that Charles was a pensioner of Louis the XIV, king of France, 
 and had secretly engaged to re-establish popery in England. 
 Yet in the face of all these facts, you dare to presume ui)on 
 the ignorance of the distinguished person you were address- 
 ing, so far as to insinuate that such disclosures had never been 
 made in any country, but certainly not in the republic. 
 
 The next thing which I shall observe is, the manner in 
 which you attempt to obtain evidence to controvert my state- 
 ment to Mr. Forsyth. That statement contained one promi- 
 nent and distinct fact; everything else in that statement was 
 secondary and collateral to that fact. It was reasonable, in 
 controverting that statement, that you should have sought to 
 obtain evidence to controvert that fact. You apply to Mr. 
 Monroe and Mr. Wirt for evidence. But of what? Not of 
 the principal fact, but of secondary collateral matter. The 
 om:ssion to appeal to Mr. Monroe whether you made the propo- 
 sition ascribed to you in my letter to Mr. Forsyth is strong, 
 presumptive evidence that you believed his answer would con- 
 nrm my statement. You remembered the excitement which 
 your proposition produced in the mind and upon the feelings 
 of the President, and d-d not dare to ask him any question 
 tending to revive his recollection of that proposition. The 
 different manner in which you approach the President and 
 Mr. Wirt, even, upon the collateral secondary fact upon which 
 you do venture to interrogate them, proceeds from the same 
 fact that made you avoid interrogating them upon the princi- 
 pal fact. When you make the inquiry of Mr. Wirt, you 
 enclose him such an extract from my letter as informs him 
 of the nature of the evidence you are in search of, because, 
 I presume you believed, that extract would not tend to refresh 
 his memory, or relied implicitly ui)on Mr. Wirt's disposition 
 to give such evidence as you desired from him. But you 
 were apprehensive that the same extract sent to Mr. Monroe 
 might refresh his memory and enable him to give such an 
 answer as would not suit your views. The extract of my 
 letter sent to Mr. Wirt described facts and circumstances in 
 which Mr. Monroe was a principal actor. It was therefore 
 deemed unsafe to submit them to him. The excitement pro- 
 duced upon the President was so manifest that you did not 
 believe it could have escaped the attention of Mr. Wirt; you 
 therefore believed it unsafe to interrogate him as to your 
 proposition personally affecting General Jackson. Mr. Mon- 
 
240 APPENDIX 
 
 roe says not a word tending to show that the confidential 
 letter was not produced and read in the cabinet, which was 
 not suggested by Mr. Wirt. Every tyro in the science of law 
 will tell you that it is a rule of evidence that one affirmative 
 witness outweighs many negatives; but although you were at 
 the bar several years, it is possible your law learning never 
 ascended so high. I might safely rest the case here; but I 
 will produce one affirmative witness in support of the accuracy 
 of the statement, opposed as it is by Mr. Wirt's negative 
 statement. The Hon. Benjamin W. Crowninshield, in a letter 
 dated 2 6th July, 183 0, says, "you ask if I recollect, while in 
 t"he council of the cabinet, of a letter written by General Jack- 
 son to the President Monroe? I do recollect of a conversa- 
 tion about a private letter which Mr. Calhoun, I believe, 
 asked for, and the President said he had not got it, but upon 
 examination found he had it. This letter contained informa- 
 tion and opinions respecting Spain and her colony, the Flori- 
 das; but the particulars I cannot now undertake to say or 
 state correctly. I remember, I think, your stating that the 
 circumstances then spoken of did fully explain General Jack- 
 son's conduct during the campaign. I remember, too, that Mr. 
 Calhoun was severe upon the conduct of the general, but the 
 words particularly spoken have slipped my recollection." 
 Now, sir, what do you think of the negative statement of 
 Mr. Wirt? Do you think it now so very certain that that 
 letter was not produced and read in the cabinet upon which 
 your memoi'y is so distinct? Do you not, on the contrary, 
 ifeel convinced of having attempted to pass off a falsehood 
 upon the President of the United States? 
 
 The main fact contained in my statement is not denied 
 directly or indirectly in your elaborate essay. But a negative 
 is attempted by argument. And what kind of an argument is 
 offered? Why, that "it would be to rate his (your) under- 
 standing very low to suppose that an officer under our laws 
 could be punished without arrest and trial." Sir, I rate any 
 man's understanding very low who acts with a total disregard 
 to principle. It is true, that in addition to the argument you 
 add, that to say you did not propose to arrest General Jack- 
 son, but that he should be punished or reprehended in some 
 form or other, is absurd on its face. What need is there for 
 arrest and trial preparatory to reprimand? But is it indeed 
 true that a military officer cannot be punished without arrest 
 and trial? Was not the disapprobation in the case of the 
 Seminole war a punishment? I think General Jackson must 
 have felt it to be such. I should have opposed it, if I had 
 seen any v\'ay of placing the government in the right as to 
 Spain; without disavowing the principal events of the Semi- 
 nole war. 
 
 If you are not satisfied with the evidence of Mr. Crownin- 
 shield, Mr. Adams, in a letter dated 30th July, 1830, says: 
 "The main point upon which it was urged that General Jack- 
 son should be brought to trial was, that he had violated his 
 orders by taking St. Marks and Pensacola." It is true that 
 Mr. Adams does not say by whom it was urged to bring Gen- 
 eral Jackson to trial; but you know well that there was no 
 propositioii made in the cabinet affecting General Jackson 
 
APPENDIX 211 
 
 personally, but what, was made by yourself. If you (iciiy 
 this, I will obtain the necessary explanation troui Mr. AclaniH. 
 It may be proper to state, that the two letters from Messrs. 
 Adams and Crowninshield are the only coniinunicatioiis I 
 have received from them since my departure frf)ui Wasbinj;- 
 ton, and they are in reply to the only letters I have written 
 to them since the aforesaid period. There has been as little 
 sympathy, either individual or political, between those gentle- 
 men and me as between them and you, and in fact, much less 
 between Mr. Adams and myself than between him and you; 
 at least before the coalition between him and Clay. In fact, 
 before that event, my impression was, that from the time 
 your name was put down for the Presidency, you favored the 
 cause of Mr. Adams. And the fact that all his electors voted 
 for you as Vice-President, and that you suffered his printer 
 to become proprietor of the press you had established in 
 Washington for the express puri)ose of vilifying my character 
 and lauding yours, without stipulating that it should not be 
 wielded against General Jackson, go far to establish the fact. 
 I have now done with your argumentative denial and the 
 negative evidence of Mr. Wirt, backed by your distinct recol- 
 lection. 
 
 I shall now take some notice of your attacks upon me, 
 which with the exception of Mr. McDuflie's letter, are all argu- 
 mentative, and principally founded upon that letter. 
 
 For the present I shall say nothing about that letter or 
 the reasoning founded upon it. You express much forbear- 
 ance towards me, because you say I have been unfortunate. 
 What do you mean by unfortunate? If you mean that 1 have 
 much bodily affliction you are right; but, thank God, those 
 afflictions are past, and I am now, and have been for more 
 than three years, in the enjoyment of vigorous, uninterrupted 
 health. But if by unfortunate, yon mean that I was not 
 elected President in 1824-5, I must beg leave to dissent from 
 the truth of that assertion. I am conscious of being lens 
 unfortunate than you were. You, after obtruding your name 
 upon the nation as a candidate for the Presidency, in a man- 
 ner until then unknown, and I trust will never be repeated, 
 and conducted yourself in the same unprecedented manner 
 while your name was permitted to be in, were put down by 
 the state of Pennsylvania, upon which you affected to rely for 
 success. My name was put up by my friends for the sama 
 office, and by them was kept up, notwithstanding my bodily 
 afflictions, till the election was consummated in the house of 
 representatives in February, 1825. No man in the nation was 
 better pleased at my exclusion than I was; for I then verily 
 believed, and I do now believe, that had I been elected, my 
 remains would now be reposing in the national burying 
 ground, near the eastern branch of the Potomac. I was there- 
 fore far from considering myself unfortunate in the result of 
 the election in the house of representatives. 
 
 Your foroearance towards me has been affected because 
 you believed you could more effectually injure me. I request 
 that hereafter, if you should have occasion to write or speak 
 of me you will not again feign a forbearance you do not feel. 
 
 You affect to lament that my friends did not interfere 
 
242 APPENDIX 
 
 and prevent my meddling with this matter. I make no doubt 
 that you would have been very glad to have been spared the 
 trouble of making so elaborate a comment upon a letter of 
 three pages. I make no doubt that you dislike the idea of 
 being exposed and stripped of the covert you have been enjoy- 
 ing under the President's wings, by means of falsehood and 
 misrepresentation. You assert that my suspicion that you 
 wrote, or caused to be written, the letter which was published 
 in a Nashville Gazette, is without foundaticn. A man who 
 knows as well as I do, the small weight of which any assertion 
 of yours is entitled, in a matter where your interest leads 
 you to disregard the truth, must have other evidenec than 
 your assertion to remove even a suspicion. You ask why 
 not charge Mr. Adams with having written, or caused that 
 letter to be written? The answer is easy and conclusive. That 
 letter contained two falsehoods — one intended to injure me; 
 the other intended to benefit you; and that which was for your 
 benefit, taking from Mr. Adams half the credit of defending 
 General Jackson, and giving it to you. Admitting, for the sake 
 of argument, that Mr. Adams was disposed to injure me, no 
 one v/ill, I think, suppose that he would voluntarily ascribe 
 half the merits of his own actions to the man who was tha 
 most strenuous opposer of his wishes. If the intrinsic evi- 
 dence of the letter fixes it upon you and not upon Mr. Adams, 
 supsequent events strongly corroborate the inference deduci- 
 ble from the contents of the published letter. During the 
 whole of the Presidential canvas of '23, '24, I have no recol- 
 lection of any act of Mr. Adams tending to vilify me; but 
 you know that you set up the Washington Republican, in 
 Washington, for the express purpose of vilifying my reputa- 
 tion, and had the effrontery and shamelestness to cause it to 
 be published by a clerk in the department, whose tenure of 
 office was your will. The facts which I have stated will exon- 
 erate Mr. Adams from the charge of having any concern with 
 the Nashville letter, and fix that charge upon you in the esti- 
 mation of reasonable men, your denial to the contrary not- 
 withstanding. 
 
 You place great stress iipon the conduct of gentlemen in 
 congress, whom you assert to be my friends. This is what 
 might be expected from a man of your loose principles, or 
 rather no principles. My friends in congress were men who 
 would have been insulted had any man, however elevated, 
 approached them in the language of entreaty and persuasion. 
 I never did, and never would, if I were to live a thousand 
 years, interfere with a man who was acting under the obliga- 
 tions of an oath, to persuade or entreat him to act contrary 
 to the convictions of his own judgment; and if I were such 
 member, and any man, however elevated he might be, were to 
 Interfere with me by way of entreaty or persuasion, I should 
 feel myself insulted, and should certainly insult the person 
 so interfering. The only conversation I recollect ever to have 
 participated in with a member of congress, in reference to 
 the foregoing subject, was with Mr. Cobb, at my own house in 
 the presence of Mr. Macon, of North Carolina. In that con- 
 versation I supported General Jackson's right to put Ambrister 
 to death. Mr. Macon, I believe, was convinced; but I am not 
 
APPENDIX 243 
 
 C2rtain that Mr. Coljb Wiis. That genth-inan itctcd in concerl 
 with Mr. Clay in the part he acted in the discussion upon the 
 Seminole war. Mr. Forsyth aud Mr. Lacock wore men of 
 high character and experience, and leaned upon no person. 
 Mr. Eppes made a speech in favor of the rei)ort which was 
 intended to De made, and was, in consequence, placed on thu 
 committee in place of Mr. Forsyth. I wonder you had not 
 discovered that he, too, was a particular friend of mine. 
 
 You say that, as it appears from Mr. McDufhe's lett(?r. 
 I had no scruples about disclosing the secrets of the cabinet; 
 I had it in my power to change the opinions of my friends 
 by disclosing the contents of the confidential letter. No per- 
 son who had a proper regard for the feelings or character 
 of Mr. ilonroe could make use of that letter, for it was mani- 
 festly written under the impression that Mr. Monroe was 
 capable of that duplicity w;hich would connive at the execu- 
 tion of a measure, and disavow it after it was executed. I 
 mu.st confess, had I been president, I should not have been 
 flattered by its reception. If I nad, as you erroneously rep- 
 resent me, been little scrupulous about disclosing the secrets 
 of the cabinet, which is positively denied, notwithstanding 
 Mr. McDufRe's statement, I should have made no use of that 
 letter, and this from respect to Mr. Monroe's feelings and 
 character. 
 
 In the whole course of my life I have been as much in 
 the habit of uttering my opinions and stating facts as they 
 were known to me, when made proper by time and place, that 
 when I am charged, after any lapse of time, with having 
 uttered opin'ons or made statements of facts, I do not hesitate 
 to admit such opinions were uttered, or statement of facts 
 made, if the opinions correspond with those I entertained, 
 or with the knowledge of facts I then possessed; but when I 
 am charged with uttering opinions I never entertained, or 
 with making statement of facts, inconsistent with my knowl- 
 edge of them at the time they are alleged to have been made, 
 or under circumstances not rendering the disclosure proper. 
 I have as little hesitation in declaring the charge false. 
 Applying this rule to Mr. McDuffie's letter, I have no hesita- 
 tion in saying he is mistaken in every part of it. 1 can 
 account for his mistake in the first part of his statement. In 
 my letter to Mr. Forsyth I state that, previous to Mr. Mon- 
 roe's return to the city, you, in a private conversation with 
 me, stated your determination to pursue the course in the 
 cabinet you did. and that I approved of it. Mr. McDuffle has 
 applied this conversation to the cabinet deliberations, and has 
 made me a proof of your proposition unfriendly to General 
 Jackson, which I aver is untrue, and you yourself know it to 
 be untrue. At the time of this private conversation I had 
 never seen the orders under which General .Tackson acted, nor 
 any of his dispatches, nor heard of the confidential letter. 
 I relied upon the accuracy of your representations, and accord- 
 ing to them General Jackson appeared clearly in the wrong, 
 and I did not hesitate to tell you I thought you in the right. 
 At the time I visited Georgia I have no recollection that Gen- 
 eral Jackson had adopted any measures to forestall pubHc 
 opinion, and thereby to anticipate the decision of the admin- 
 
244 APPENDIX 
 
 istration; nor have I at this moment any recollection of the 
 existence ol' any such measure. If none such existed, and I 
 believe none existed, then it is utterly impossible that I should 
 have expressed myself as Mr. McDuffie makes me. I have, 
 therefore, no hesitation in saying, the whole of Mr. McDufRe's 
 statement is a mistake. I say nothing of the motives of Mr. 
 McDuflie in making the statement, because I do not know 
 them; but this I will say, that Mr. McDuffie has, upon a 
 former occasion, shown a willingness to injure and asperse me. 
 It is somev/hat doubtful for what purpose Mr. McDuffie's 
 statement was obtained, as his statement has no direct bear- 
 ing upon the facts stated in my letter to Mr. Forsyth. It 
 appears to me on reflection, that the principal object in 
 obtaining it was to impeach my veracity. if that was the 
 object I have no fear of the result, where he and I are known. 
 To give you a Rowland for your Oliver read the enclosed 
 extract of the letter of Captain Ross. I know nothing of the 
 correctness of his statement, farther than that he made the 
 statement to me in substance before he left Washington, and 
 further added, that he communicated his Impression to a 
 military officer residing in Washington, and attached to the 
 war department, who told him that was no matter of sur- 
 prise; that the officers attached to the department had made 
 that discovery before. I have left the name of the officer a 
 blank, as I was unwilling to involve him in a controversy 
 with you, without his consent. 
 
 You say that the decision of the cabinet was unanimously 
 agreed to. This I believe to be untrue, and I believe you 
 knew it to be untrue at the time you wrote it. My reasons 
 are the following: The cabinet deliberations commenced on 
 Tuesday morning, and on Friday evening all the questions 
 which had been discussed were, I thought, decided, and Mr. 
 Adams directed to draft a note to the Spanish minister, con- 
 formable to those decisions. I intended to set off for Georgia 
 on Sunday morning, and in order to prepare the department 
 for my absence I was busily employed in office, when about 
 one or two o'clock I received a note from the President requir- 
 ing my attendance. When I entered the greatest part of Mr. 
 Adams' note had been rejected, and the remainder was shortly 
 after, and he was directed to draft another note pursuant 
 to the decision which had been made. The next morning I 
 set off for Georgia. Mr. Adams' letter, which is now before 
 me, contains a repetition of the arguments he used in the 
 cabinet; and in the letter he informs me that the exposition 
 which appeared in the Intelligencer was not written by him. 
 From all these facts, I think it is fairly inferable that Mr. 
 Adams did not agree to the decision of the cabinet, and that 
 you must have known it; for it is clear that he did not agree 
 to it on Saturday; and it is highly improbable that any argu- 
 ments should have been urged to convince him after he had 
 been twice directed to draft his note in conformity to the 
 decisions which had been previously made. 
 
 You dwell with much stress upon the lapse of time since 
 those deliberations, and seem to be unconscious that the same 
 lapse of time applies to all your certificates, negative and 
 affirmative. 
 
APPENDIX 2'15 
 
 You seem to repose full confulence on Mr. McDullln's 
 recollection, although it was of a casual conversation, not 
 likely to make the same imiiression upon the mind as the 
 facts contained in my letter to Mr. Forsyth. You oven refer 
 to your recollection of a very trivial fact which you say hap- 
 pened during the next session of congress. 1 have now a 
 letter before me, dated in October. 1821, in which I state 
 to you, that you had a short time before informed me that 
 your memory could not be relied upon as to facts. You wrote 
 me a letter the next day, in which you did not controvert that 
 fact; yet, now after a lapse of twelve years, you rely upon 
 your memory for a very trivial fact, viz: your application 
 to see that private confidential letter, because you had 
 received some hints about it, and you believed from some of 
 my friends. Do you not perceive some inconsistency in your 
 essay? You had just censured me for not using this letter, 
 and then insinuate that I had used it. as you seem to think 
 I ought to have used it. In truth, I do not believe one word 
 of your insinuation, nor do I believe you do, for the reason 
 I have already stated; I know I never made use of it. But 
 you insinuate that I made disclosures of the secrets of the 
 cabinet to the editor of a newspaper in Milledgeville, because 
 General Clark suspected it, and because I never denied it. 
 I never knew that I was charged with it excei)t in General 
 Clark's book, and there the evidence offered in support of 
 it was so ridiculous that no person, less ignorant and malig- 
 nant than General Clark, would have paid the least atten- 
 tion to it. Besides, if I had denied that charge, and not gone 
 through his book, and denied every charge in it, however ridic- 
 ulous, it would have been alleged by you and your co-laborers 
 that the charges not denied were admitted. But, sir, since 
 you renew the charge, I give it the most unqualified denial. 
 The editor of the paper alluded to, said in my presence that 
 he had been informed that it had been projjosed in the cabi- 
 net to arrest General .lackson. I simply replied, that no such 
 proposition had been made in the cabinet. 
 
 Let us apply your own rule to you. and see how you will 
 stand the test of your own reasoning. A Charleston paper of 
 last March stated that you had been charged with participa- 
 tion in the Ninian Edward's plot against my reputation. Have 
 you ever denied this charge? 
 
 Again, you have been charged in the South Carolina 
 papers with "being a nuUifier. Mr. Gales has denied this for 
 vou; but have you denied it yourself? Have you ever con- 
 sidered the ridiculous figure you may cut in the sequel, if this 
 nullification advances much farther? 
 
 In 1816 you were among the foremost in avowing the 
 expediency and right of protecting domestic manufactures. 
 Now your disciples deny the right, and propose to nullify 
 an act of congress, founded upon the principle of protection. 
 You may depend upon it. if you and your friends should pro- 
 ceed so^far as to incur the guilt, and suffer the punishment 
 of treason and unsuccessful rebellion you will meet with no 
 sympathy among the sister states. ^ . .u 
 
 I have said that Mr. Wirt's negative statement is the 
 only evidence you have in support of your negative assertion; 
 
246 APPENDIX 
 
 that the confidential letter was not produced and read in the 
 cabinet. For proof of this read the enclosed extract of Mr. 
 ilonroe's letter, by which it will be seen that, having no 
 reliance upon his own recollection, he applieri to Mr. Wirt 
 for information, and he candidly and very properly adds, 
 "still, as the question turns on memory alone, Mr. Wirt, as 
 well as I, may be mistaken, and in regard, to me, as I was 
 sick in bed when I received the letter, that presumption is 
 the more probable." ^ 
 
 You appear to boast of the services you rendered General 
 Jackson in his utmost need. Wliat those services were you 
 have not condescended to state in your very elaborate essay. 
 Nor have I heard them hinted at before. Perhaps your merit- 
 orious services were in entreating end persuading members of 
 congress to approve acts that you deemed worthy of punish- 
 ment when deliberating in the cabinet. I will, however, not 
 dwell upon this topic. If you satisfy the President that you 
 rendered him essential service I have no objection that you 
 be rewarded for it. What I object to is, you should be 
 rewarded for ascribing to me your own acts. 
 
 You say that to place General Jackson's defense upon 
 the confidential letter is to do him an injury, and that he in his 
 reports never rested :t upon that ground. Wliether this be 
 true or not, I have no means of judging. But, in the course 
 of the subsequent winter I saw an essay in a Nashville paper 
 in which the writer asserted that the administration knew 
 before General Jackson entered Florida that he intended to 
 take Spanish forts; and that knowing it, and not counter- 
 manding it, the administration bad made his acts their own, 
 and were not at liberty to disavow them. I carried this letter 
 to the President, and requested him to read the essay, giving 
 him my opinion that the essay was either written under Gen- 
 eral Jackson's immediate inspect'on, or by a person that had 
 access to his private papers; for, that the confidential letter 
 was evidently referred to. A short time after he returned the 
 Gazette saying he entirely concurred with me in opinion. 
 Extract No. 2 of his letter shows that Mr. Monroe now recol- 
 lects the circumstances, to which my letter to him called his 
 attention. 
 
 I must take some further notice of Mr. Wirt's negative 
 statement before I close this commentary. Mr. Wirt com- 
 mences his letter by expressing doubts about disclosing the 
 secrets of the cabinet without the consent of the President, 
 and every member of the cabinet present. I suppose the 
 squeamishness of Mr. Wirt suggested to you the very wise 
 declaration you have ventured upon the same subject. Mr. 
 Wirt's squeamishness yields to the consideration that you only 
 request information as to your own past in the declarations 
 of the cabinet. This he gravely assents to, and then states 
 that you proposed an inquiry into general Jackson's conduct. 
 He then proceeds with nearly two pages, stating what he 
 does not recollect. All that he does not recollect, I do dis- 
 tinctly recollect, and so does Mr. Crowninshield. But what he 
 does not recollect is arrayed by you as evidence against what 
 I and Mr. Crowninshield do recollect. And Mr. Wirt, from his 
 manner of stating his non-recollections, seems disposed to 
 
APPENDIX 247 
 
 countenance the use you have made of his negative state- 
 ments. You are welcome to it. and to the reasoninp with 
 which he has supplied you. Since the dissolution of Mr. 
 Monroe's cabinet 1 have not felt my?elf restrained fi-oin dis- 
 closing any fact that trans])ired in it. While it existed I dis- 
 closed none of its secretrs, and whosoever says I did says what 
 is not true. 1 know of no intrigues to injure you or any other 
 person, either directly or indirectly. Had I I)een called on 
 in the year 182 5, after the od of March, as I was called on 
 by Mr. Forsyth last spring, I should have made the same dis- 
 closures then that I made to Mr. Forsyth. Whether Mr. Wirt 
 remembers the facts contained in my statement is perfectly 
 indifferent to me, even if Mr. Crowninshield had not remem- 
 bered them. But his recollection of the facts is almost as 
 distinct as mine. Mr. Adams' recollection is, that it was 
 proposed to bring General Jackson to trial, and Mr. Crownin- 
 shield's that you were severe ui)on the conduct of the general. 
 
 I believe both of these gentlemen have given the impres- 
 sion that your arguments made upon their minds. Indeed 
 neither of them have intended to give your express words. 
 I am, therefore. notw!tl;standing their statements, of opinion 
 that the proposition ascribed to you in my letter to Mr. For- 
 syth is thereby correct, although "it may be to rate his (your) 
 understanding very low, and may be absurd on its face." 
 I believe I have now gone through your tedious essay, and 
 have been much more tedious than I expected to be; but 
 your insinuations have been so multifarious and various that 
 I could not well be shorter, and 1 have not time to revise It 
 and make it shorter. A few words more about conspiracies. 
 General Noble informed me that for about two weeks before 
 Ninian Edwards set off to the west, in 1823, he lodged in the 
 same house with li'm, and that a person in going to Edwards' 
 room had to pass by his, and that during ti:at time you paid 
 a daily visit to his (Edwards') room, and spent from one to 
 two hours with him. He sent his memorial back to Washing- 
 ton while he was on his journey; it is therefore highly proba- 
 ble that the most of it was written in \Vashington and 
 reviewed and revised l)y you during your daily visits to that 
 compeer of yours. Every person who knew Edwards was con- 
 vinced he never would have ventured upon such a step with- 
 out having received assurances from persons he deemed capa- 
 ble of protecting him.. Your letter of the third of .July to the 
 managers of the Fourth of July dinner in Washington was 
 considered at the time an act redeeming the pledge of pro- 
 tection vou had given bim. It is true Mr. Adams and Mr. 
 McLean "united with you in the letter. Mr. Adams' motive 
 for signing it was apparent. Edwards was his i)olitical sup- 
 porter His son-in-law held the vote of Illinois in his hands, 
 without which it appeared in the event, Mr. Adams could not 
 ■have been elected. Mr. Adams, therefore, had an adequate 
 political motive for doing the act. You could have had no 
 such mofve, nor could Mr. McLean, T believe, have had any 
 other motive for his conduct than that of subserviency to 
 your wishes, and a desire to enabie you to fulfill your iiromise 
 to Edwards. From the time General Xoble gave nie t he 
 information, and that you signed the letter of the od of Jul>, 
 
248 APPENDIX 
 
 I never doubted that the plot against my reputation was your 
 handi- work, and originated in your brain so fertile in mis- 
 chief. And yet you complain of intrigues and conspiracies. 
 I have, through my whole life, been a plain, thorough-going 
 man. When difficulties have arisen I have honestly met 
 them, and under the protection of the shield of integrity have 
 vanquished them. I am now too old to adopt a new course 
 of conduct. I am in retirement, and have no wish to emerge 
 from that retirement. 
 
 I had like to have forgot your charge of infring ing the 
 purity of the electoral colleges. I wrote the letter to Mr. 
 Bai"-y of which you complain, and that was not the only letter. 
 £iut at the time that letter was written I had no information 
 that the electors of Kentucky Vt^ere pledged to vote for you 
 a" Vice-President; nor have I any other evidence now before 
 rttj than your assertion, which every person as well acquainted 
 with you as I am will admit to be very slender evidence. I 
 wrote no letter to any state where I knew the electors were 
 pledged to vote for Vice-President. 
 
 You seem to think I am under the influence of resent- 
 ment. You are mistaken. Resentment is only felt against 
 equals or superiors, and never against inferiors. From the 
 time you established the Washington Republican for th'\ pur- 
 pose of slandering and vilifying my reputation, I considered 
 you a degraded, a disgraced man, for whom no man of honor 
 and character could feel any other than the most sovereign 
 contempt. Under this impression, I was anxious that you 
 should be no longer Vice-President of the United States. I 
 am, sir. your most obedient servant, 
 
 (Signed) WM. H. CRAWFORD. 
 
 To the Hon. J. C. Calhoun, Vice-President U. S. 
 
 MR. CALHOUN TO MR. CRAWFORD, RETURNING HIS 
 
 LETTER OP 2D OCT., 1830. 
 
 FORT HILL, October 30, 1830. 
 
 Sir: The last mail brought me your letter of the 2d 
 instant, but post marked the 23d, which I herewith return. 
 
 I cannot consent to correspond with you on the subject 
 to which it refers. The controversy is not with you, but 
 General Jackson. You, from the first, voluntarily assumed 
 the character of the informer. Under that character only 
 can I know you, which of court:e precludes all communication 
 between us in relation to- the controversy, except through 
 General Jackson. Regarding you in the light I do, you may 
 rest assured that no abuse on your part, however coarse, nor 
 charges against me, however false, can possibly provoke me 
 to raise you to the level of a principal by substituting you in 
 the place of General Jackson in the correspondence. Should 
 you, however, submit to the degradation of the position which 
 you have thus voluntarily taken, and will send this or any 
 
APPENDIX 249 
 
 other statement to General Jackson, and induce liini to make 
 it the subject of any further communication to me. as con- 
 firming in his opinion your former statement, or weakening 
 ray refutation, I will be prepared, by the most demonstrative 
 proof, drawn from the paper itself, to show such pali)al)Ie 
 errors in your present statement as to destroy all conJideuco 
 in your assertions; leaving it, however, to those who have the 
 best means of judging to determine whether the want of 
 truth be owing to a decayed memory or some other cause. 
 
 Having been taught by the past the necessity of taking 
 all possible precaution where I have anything to do with you, 
 I deem it prudent not to dei)rive myself of the advantage 
 which your paper affords me, and have accordingly taken a 
 copy as a precautionary measure. I am, etc., 
 
 J. C. CALHOUN. 
 
 W. H. Crawford, Esq. 
 
 MR. CRAWFORD TO MR.. FORSYTH, 
 
 WOODLAWN, 30th APRIL, 1S30. 
 
 My Dear Sir: Your letter of the 16th was received by Sunday's 
 mail, together with its enclosure. I recollect having conversed 
 with you at the time and place, and upon the subject, in that en- 
 closure stated, but I have not a distinct recollection of what I said 
 to you, but I am certain there is one error in your statement of 
 
 that conversation to Mr. . I recollect distinctly what passed 
 
 in the cabinet meeting, referx-ed to in your letter to Mr.- 
 
 Mr. Calhoun's proDosition in the cabinet was, that General 
 Jackson should be punished in some form, or reprehended in some 
 form; I am not positively certain which. As :\Ir. Calhoun did 
 not propose to arrest General Jackson, I feel confident that I 
 could not have made use of that word in my relation to you of 
 the circumstances which transpired in the cabinet, as I have no 
 recollection of ever having designedly misstated any transaction 
 in my life, and most sincerely believe I never did. My apology 
 for having disclosed what passed in a cabinet meeting is this: In 
 the summer after that meeting, an extract of a letter from Wash- 
 ington was published in a Nashville paper, in which it was stated 
 that I had proposed to arrest General Jackson, but that he was 
 triumphantly defended by Mr. Calhoun and Mr. Adams. This 
 letter, I always believed, was written by Mr. Calhoun, or by his 
 directions. It had the desired effect. General Jackson becsme 
 extremely inimical to me, and friendly to Mr. Calhoun. In stat- 
 ing the arguments to Mr. Adams to induce Mr. Monroe to sup- 
 port General Jackson's conduct throughout, adverting to Mr. 
 Monroe's apparent admission, that if a young officer had acted so 
 he might be safely punished. Mr. Adams said, that if General 
 Jackson had acted so, that if he was a subaltern officer, shooting 
 was too good for him. This, however, was said with a view of 
 driving Mr. :\lonroe to an unlimited support of what General 
 Jackson had done, and not with an unfriendly view to the Gen- 
 eral. Indeed, my own views on the subject had undergone a ma- 
 terial change after the cabinet had been convened. Mr. Calhoun 
 
250 APPENDIX 
 
 made some allusion to a letter the General had written to the 
 President, who had forgotten that he had received such a letter, 
 but said, if he had received such a one, he could find it, and went 
 directly to his cabinet, and brought the letter out. In it General 
 Jackson approved of the determination of the government to 
 break up Amelia island and Galveztown, and gave it aiso as his 
 opinion that the Floridas ought to be taken by the United States. 
 He added it might be a delicate matter for the Executive to de- 
 cide; but if the President approved of it, he had only to give a 
 hint to some confidential member of Congress, say Johnny Ray, 
 and he would do it, and take the responsibility of it on himself. 
 I asked the President if the letter had been answered. He re- 
 plied, no; for that he had no recollection of having rereived it. 
 1 than said that I had no doubt that General Jackson, in taking 
 Peasacola, believed he was doing what the Executive wished. 
 After that thj letter was produced, unanswered I should have 
 opposed the infliction of punishment upon the General, who had 
 considesed the silence of the President as a tacit consent; yet it 
 was after this letter was produced and read, that Mr. Calhoun 
 made his proposition to the cabinet for punishing the General. 
 You may show this letter to Mr. Calhoun, if you please. With 
 the foregoing corrections of what passed in the cabinet, your ac- 
 count of it to Mr. is correct. Indeed, there is but one in- 
 accuracy in it, and one omission. What I have written beyond 
 is a mere amplification of what passed in the cabinet. I do not 
 know that I ever hinted at the letter of the General to the Pres- 
 ident; yet that latter had a most important bearing upon the de- 
 liberations of the cabinet, at least in my mind, and possibly in the 
 minds of Mr. Adams and the President; but neither expressed 
 any opinion upon the subject. It seems it had none upon the 
 mind of Mr. Calhoun, for it made no changes in his conduct. 
 
 I am, dear sir, your friend. 
 
 And most obedient servant. 
 Hon. John Forsvth. WM. H. CRAWFORD. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 A 
 
 Academy, Carmel organized 2 8 
 
 Acknowledgements due by author 5-6 
 
 Adams, Chas. Francis 154 
 
 Adams, Davis, letter from 5 
 
 Adams, John Quincy. 
 
 Minister Plenipotentiary to the Hague /. .27 
 
 Minister to Russia 119 
 
 Secretary of State 148 
 
 United States Commissioner to Ghent 119 
 
 Diary of 15 4 
 
 Position on Slavery 155 
 
 Consults Crawford 155 
 
 Extract from Diary 15 6-7 
 
 Record in Diary 158-160 
 
 Clark Pamphlet 162 
 
 Antagonistic to State Rights .... 169, 181, 182, 195, 243 
 
 Appointment of Crawford 251 
 
 Letter of 2 4 
 
 Adams, William, British Commissioner to Ghent 119 
 
 Allen, Captain of "Argus" 103, 104, 105, 106 
 
 Alexander, Emperor 130, 221 
 
 Alston, Phil 201 
 
 American State Papers Public Land 33 
 
 Americus, Ga., Home W. H. C. Dudley 5 
 
 W. H. C. Wheatley 5 
 
 Manuscript destroyed by fire S 
 
 Amherst County, Virginia 10, 11 
 
 Anabaptist Church on Klokee 22 
 
 Anderson, .Joseph, of Tennessee 83, 84 
 
 Duel with Tait 65 
 
 Anderson, Ann, wife of David Crawford 10 
 
 Andrews, Judge Garnett, says of Crawford 36, 205 
 
 Area of Georgia in 1818 145 
 
 "Argus," Crawford pays for supplies 108 
 
 Astor, John Jacob, Crawford dines with 104 
 
 Augusta, Ga., captured by British 12 
 
 B 
 
 Bacon's Rebellion 9 
 
 Baldwin, Abraham, Trustee State School 24 
 
 Death of 77 
 
 Baldwin, Mrs 106 
 
 Ballot, Final for President 182 
 
 Balloting for President 175 
 
 Bancroft, condition described by 13 
 
254 INDEX 
 
 Bank charter (1810) 97 
 
 Bank bill vote on 9 6 
 
 Barnett, Joel 42 
 
 Barnett, Nathaniel, sketch of 41 
 
 Barnett, Tv'r., Consul to Havre 106' 
 
 Barnett, Samuel 217 
 
 Barnett, William 5 5 
 
 Barbour, James, 158 
 
 Barlow, Mrs., 106 
 
 Barrett, Dr. R. D., writes of the Crawfords 10 
 
 Bassano, Duke of IDS, 115, 117 
 
 Bayard, United States Commissioner to Ghent 119 
 
 Bayard, James A 160 
 
 Beck, Mrs. Mary Tait, furn.shed letters 5 
 
 Benevento, Prince of 2 20 
 
 Benton's, Thos. H., Thirty Years' View American Govern- 
 ment 157, 180 
 
 Berlin decrees of 9 8 
 
 Berrien, Ga 194 
 
 Bewick, W., poem to John Crawford 9 
 
 Bibb, W. W 68 
 
 Blackshear, General 171 
 
 Bourne, Syivanus, letter to 118, 119 
 
 Brent, Frank P 5 
 
 Britain, Great, two wars with 7 
 
 War 1812 declared 9 7 
 
 Broad River settlement, charter of 34 
 
 Brownson, Nathan, Trustee State School 2 4 
 
 Bryan, William J 149 
 
 Bowdoin, Mr. Temple 114 
 
 Buckeye Creek 69 
 
 Burr, Aaron 36, 78, 141 
 
 C 
 
 Calhoun, John C, Carmel Academy 30, 97 
 
 Secretary of War 148, 151, 154, 167, 204 
 
 Letter from Crawford 238 
 
 Letter to Crawford 2 48 
 
 Calhoun, J. S 199 
 
 Calhoun, Patrick 28 
 
 Camden jail, Andrew Jackson confined in 14 
 
 Carnes, Thos. Peter 35 
 
 Resigned judgeship 4 9 
 
 Castlereagh, Lord 222 
 
 Caucus, Presidential 173 
 
INDEX ' 255 
 
 Census of Georgia in 1 S 1 u 14.") 
 
 Cliappell's Miscellanies ■'•'>■'> 
 
 Charleston, S. C, defended by Lincoln 1 :3 
 
 Charlotte Fort, duelling ground 41) 
 
 Cheeves, Hon. Langdon, President U. S. Bank 14(j 
 
 "Chesapeake," American Frigate 79 
 
 Chester District, Crawford family moved to 12 
 
 Circuit, Northern of Georgia, Crawford appointed judge.. 206 
 
 Claiborne, Hon. .1. F. II., on Crawford 163 
 
 Clark and Crawford jiarties 7 
 
 Clark, Elijah, partisan bands of li'> 
 
 Chimerical scheme of 27 
 
 Clark, Elijah, .Ir 6S 
 
 Clark, .John, attended school 46 
 
 Hook entitled "Consideration of Purity and Princi- 
 ples W. H. Crawford" 7;',, 151, 161, 229, 23S 
 
 Challenge to Crawford 72 
 
 Correspondence 51-7 4 
 
 Letter 63 
 
 Clark, J. F. author Ante-Slavery Days 154 
 
 Clary, Robt 69 
 
 Clay, Henry, in Clerk's office 2 7 
 
 "Great Harry of the West" 83 
 
 Reply to Giles 93 
 
 References to Crawford 93, 97 
 
 United States Commissioner to Ghent 119 
 
 Letters from Crawford 120, 124-14S, 151, 160 
 
 Antagonistic to State Rights 169, 194 
 
 Clay, .Joseph, Trustee of State School 2 4 
 
 Clinton, George, Vice-President Senate 96, 144 
 
 Clinton, Sir Henry, Commander Royal Army 13 
 
 Cobb, Capt. Howell 64, 68, 205 
 
 Cobb, Thos. W 28, 35, 179, 184, 204 
 
 Cocke, Natt 218 
 
 Code Duello, Gov. .J. Lyde Wilson, author of 45 
 
 ('ollege, Franklin 204 
 
 "Colonies Lost" 15 
 
 Committee on Impeachment 164 
 
 Cone, Francis H 205 
 
 Cone, .ludge Spencer, anecdote 37 
 
 Counties of Georgia in 1810 145 
 
 "Conf.ideration of the Purity and Principles of W. H. 
 
 Crawford 75, 161 
 
 Conservative Senate Chamber visited by Crawford 110 
 
 Constitution of Georgia adopted 24 
 
 Fifty-fourth Section 24 
 
 Constitutional right held by New England 81 
 
 Constant, Benjamin 130, 13 5 
 
256 INDEX 
 
 Continental currency 23 
 
 Convention, Hartford, considering secession 81 
 
 Cook, George 4 8 
 
 Cooper, Hon. sketch ("Americaniis") 1G3 
 
 Corn Tassel's case of 203 
 
 Cornwallis Fort at Augusta, Ga 15 
 
 Cosby, Richmond T 61 
 
 Counties and area of Georgia in 1818 145 
 
 Cotton experiment in planting 231 
 
 Court of St. Cloud, Crawford Minister to 99 
 
 Crawford, Angelina 9 
 
 Crawford, Ann 10 
 
 Crawford, Bennett 10 
 
 Crawford, Bibb 213 
 
 Crawford, Caroline 184, 185, 197 
 
 Crawford, Charles 10 
 
 Crawford, David 9 
 
 Crawford, Capt. David 9 
 
 Crawford, David, son of Captain Crawford 10 
 
 Crawford, David, son of Joel 10 
 
 Crawford, Elizabeth, wife of Nicholas Meriwether 9 
 
 Crawford, Elizabeth 10 
 
 Crawford, Fanny 10 
 
 Crawford, George W., remark on family 10, 205 
 
 Crawford, Peter 235 
 
 Crawford, John, Earl of valor at Gratzka 9 
 
 Crawford, John, born in Ayshire, Scotland 9 
 
 Crawford, Joel 10 
 
 Camden jail 14 
 
 Crawford, L. G 208, 100, 101 
 
 Crawford, Hon. Martin J 10 
 
 Crawford, N. M 100, 213 
 
 Crawford, Nathan 10 
 
 Crawford, Mrs. Susana Girardin 5, 185 
 
 Portrait 209 
 
 Crawford, Miss Susanna 41 
 
 Crawfordiana, Library Congress 5 
 
 New York State 5 
 
 Crawford and Clark parties 7 
 
 "Crawford Place," description of 11 
 
 Crawford, Wm. H., in National Portrait Gallery 7 
 
 The boy 12 
 
 Accepts Clark's challenge 72 
 
 Elected Senator 82 
 
 Marries 77 
 
 Speech on bank 84 
 
INDEX 257 
 
 Crawford, Wm. H. 
 
 Speech "' 4 
 
 President Pro. Tem. Senate 97 
 
 Offered cabinet folio liy Madison 9 8 
 
 Appointed Court St. Cloud 99 
 
 Diary of 100. 115 
 
 Letter from Adams offering cabinet position 191 
 
 Appointed judge Northern Circuit 197 
 
 Chairman State Convention 2 02 
 
 Letter from Adams (facsimile) 251 
 
 Crawford letter to Calhoun 238 
 
 Crawford letter to Tait 228 
 
 Crawford letter to Forsythe 2 49 
 
 Crawford, W. H., Jr 213 
 
 Crowninshield, Benjamin W., Secretary Navy 148, 240 
 
 Cumming, Col. William 176, 200 
 
 Curchard, Susan 126 
 
 Currency, national, report on by Crawford 146 
 
 D 
 
 Dangier, General, Maritime Prefect 105 
 
 Davis, John 160 
 
 Dawson, William C 205 
 
 Decatur, Commodore, approves Fulton's plan 104 
 
 Department, War, Crawford's report on Indian tribes .... 138 
 
 Treasury directed by Crawford 139, 159 
 
 DeStael, Madame 126 
 
 Diary Crawford, in possession L. G. Crawford 100 
 
 Diary W. H. Crawford 101-116 
 
 Dickens, Asbury 183, 220 
 
 Dooly, George 20 
 
 Dooly, Col. John, Georgia Militia 15 
 
 Dooly, John M., reputation for wit 49, 194 
 
 Duel arrangement for Clark and Crawford 73 
 
 Duello Code 44, 45 
 
 Dudley, Geo. M., husband Caroline Crawford 8, 144, 205 
 
 Extract sketch 211 
 
 Dudley, W. H. C, author indebted to for portrait 5 
 
 E 
 
 Early, Eleazer, map of Georgia 145 
 
 Early, Peter 36, 135 
 
 Easley, R. O. D. K., letter from 63 
 
 Ebenezer, donation made to 2 4 
 
 Edwards. Ninian, member Congress from Illinois 164 
 
 "A. R. Plot" 236, 245 
 
 Edgefield District, Joel Crawford moved to 12 
 
 Elbert Superior Court 213 
 
 Electoral College, counting vote of 18 8 
 
 Electors' vote, table of ..,.,,,, , , 178 
 
258 INDEX 
 
 "Ellet's Women of the Revolution" 16 
 
 Elliott, John, to General Blackshear 171 
 
 Embargo, Jeffersonian party 98, 80, 81 
 
 Embassy,- Crawford resigns 126 
 
 F 
 
 Fancytown, Crawford dined at 101 
 
 Fanning, atrocities of 15 
 
 Facsimile letter, Adams to Crawford offering appointment, 251 
 
 Federalist, Crawford accused as 236 
 
 Few, William, Trustee State School 24 
 
 Flournoy, Col. Thomas 64 
 
 Floyd, Mr 164 
 
 Fredericktown 101 
 
 Fulton, Robt., met Crawford in New York 103 
 
 Gaines, Gen. E. P 151 
 
 Gaines, G., letter from 62 
 
 Gallatin, Hon. Albert S3, 176 
 
 ■ View of W. H. Crawford 160 
 
 Gallatin, U. S. Commissioner to Ghent 119 
 
 Treaty concluded 124 
 
 Gallatin, Mrs 103, 104 
 
 Gambier, Lord, British Commissioner to Ghent 119 
 
 Gazeter. Sherwood's 2 3 
 
 Genealogy of Crawford 9 
 
 "Gentlemen of the Green Bag" 35 
 
 Ghent Treaty of Commissioners appointed by United 
 
 States and Great Britain 119 
 
 Britain 119, 155 
 
 Georgia, map of, by Eleazer Early 145 
 
 Georgia Reports 204 
 
 Gibson, Mrs 101 
 
 Giles, Hon. W. B., of Virginia 79, 83 
 
 Spoke against United States Bank 93, 163 
 
 Gilmer, Governor Geo. R., author of "Georgians" 16 
 
 Wrote of Nancy Hart 21, 205 
 
 Gilmer, T. M 35 
 
 Girardin, Louis 31 
 
 Girardin, Susanna 31 
 
 Glass, .Josiah 6 9 
 
 Goulhon, Henry, British Commissioner to Ghent 119 
 
 Government, Continental 13 
 
 "Grandmother Stories from Land of Used-to-Be" 104 
 
 Granger, Erastus, United States Indian agent. ,,,,...... 137 
 
INDEX 259 
 
 Gratzka, battle of 9 
 
 Griffin, Judge John 50 
 
 Grundy, P^'elix, on Adams 153 
 
 Gwinnett, Button 44 
 
 H 
 
 Habersham, James, Trustee State School 24 
 
 Hall, Holing, letter to 229 
 
 Hamilton, Alexander 82 
 
 Hamilton, James A 209 
 
 Hammond, Dr. Jabez 141 
 
 Hampton, Gen. Wade 33 
 
 Hansen, William, Jr 199 
 
 Harper, Robt. Goodloe ^^ 
 
 Harris, Fanny, mother of W. H. Crawford 10 
 
 Harris, Isham G H 
 
 Harris, Judge John W 1 1 
 
 Harris, Lieutenant-Governor Sam H 
 
 Hart, Capt. Benjamin 17, 20 
 
 Hart. Benjamin, Morgan, John Thomas, Lemuel Mack, 
 
 Sally Keziah 1"^ 
 
 Col. Thomas of Kentucky 17 
 
 Hart, Nancy, story of 17 
 
 Hart, John, father of Watkinsville, Ga 21 
 
 Hart, county named for Nancy ■ 21 
 
 Hay, Maj. Gilbert, second in Crawford and Clark duel 72 
 
 Hayne, Robt. G 194 
 
 Henry, Patrick 1 1 
 
 Hobby, W. J., owner of Augusta Chronicle 5 9 
 
 Holt. Hines 199 
 
 House, Old Block 19 
 
 Houston, John, writes to Mr. Jay 14 
 
 Trustee State School 2 4 
 
 Houston, William, Trustee State School 24 
 
 I 
 
 Independence, Declaration of, urged upon Colonies 11 
 
 Indians, Creeks and Cherokees 150 
 
 War with Seminoles 150 
 
 Ball game between Cherokees and Creeks 203 
 
 Corn Tassel's case 203 
 
 Ingersoll, C. J., letter to 206 
 
 Intelligencer, National, Washington, D. C 166 
 
 Impeachment of Crawford 164-167 
 
 Irwin, Gov. Jared, burned Yazoo documents 34 
 
 Findings in "Court of Honor" 65 
 
260 INDEX 
 
 J 
 
 Jackson, Abraham, findings "Court of Honor" 65 
 
 Jackson, Andrew, wounded by officer 15 
 
 District Attorney 27 
 
 Victory at New Orleans 
 
 98, 141, 144, 148, 150, 151, 182, ISG, 190, 208, 243 
 Candidate for President 234 
 
 Jack's Creek, Battle of 4 7 
 
 Jackson, Fort, Treaty made at 145, 150 
 
 Jackson, James, Partizan bands of 15 
 
 Yazoo Fraud 3 3 
 
 Duel with Robt. Watkins ■ 3 9 
 
 Duellist 44 
 
 Jacksonian Pamphleteers answered by W. H. Crawford. . .170 
 
 Jefferson, Thomas on Committee from Virginia, 11, 79, 82, 98 
 Letter to W. H. Crawford 192 
 
 Jeffersonian Party, Embargo of 7 8 
 
 Jenkins, Charles J 205 
 
 Johnson, Richard M 158, 235 
 
 Jones, Hon. Seaborn 199 
 
 Jones, Hon. William, Secretary Navy 116 
 
 K 
 
 Kentucky 8 
 
 Kettle Creek, Battle of . . 15 
 
 King, William R 158 
 
 King of Prussia 221 
 
 Kiokee Creek, Settlement on 22 
 
 Kiokee Baptist Church 22 
 
 L 
 
 LaFayette, General 105 
 
 Meeting with... 107, 111, 113, 114, 126, 188, 199, 224 
 
 Lamar, Lucius Q. C 199 
 
 Lamar's Digest of Law 43 
 
 Lamar, J. R., Address 4 3 
 
 Lane, Patience 21 
 
 Legislature of Georgia fixed county seat of Richmond 23 
 
 Legislature appropriates land for schools 24 
 
 Legislature appropriates for Watkin's Digest 39 
 
 Legislature appropriates for Marbury and Crawford Digest, 40 
 
 Legislature, Crawford elected to 43 
 
 Legislature of Massachusetts declared against war of 1812, 9 8 
 
 Legislature of Georgia presented with petition by Craw- 
 ford 205 
 
 Lee, Richard Henry, on committee from Virginia 11 
 
INDEX 261 
 
 Legare, Hugh S 204 
 
 "Leopard," British ship 79 
 
 Letter from young men of Augusta to President Adams. . .217 
 Letters from President Adams to young men of Augusta. .218 
 Letter from President Adams to young men of Augusta. . .218 
 
 Letter from Crawford to Tait 220, 223, 234 
 
 Letter from John Q. Adams to Crawford offering appoint- 
 ment 251 
 
 Letter from Calhoun to Crawford 248 
 
 Letter from Crawford to Forsyth 249 
 
 Lewis, Maj. W. B 208 
 
 "Liberty Hall" 211 
 
 Library of Congress 5 
 
 Library, New York State B 
 
 Literary Messenger, Southern 135 
 
 Lincoln, Major General, to defend Charleston 13 
 
 Livingston of Louisiana 164 
 
 London, John 51 
 
 Lloyd James, Massachusetts 83 
 
 Longstreet, A. B 204 
 
 Lovett, Hariot Meriwether 104 
 
 Lowndes, Rawlins 12 
 
 Lumpkin, John 35 
 
 Lumpkin, Joseph Henry 208 
 
 Lumpkin, Hon. Wilson 4 7 
 
 M 
 
 Macon, -Nathaniel 158, 163, 179, 186 
 
 Macardur, Secretary to Barlow 108 
 
 Madison, James 79, 81, 82, 97 
 
 Policy of 98 
 
 Appoints Crawford Minister to Court of St. Cloud 
 
 99, 135, 139 
 
 Facsimile of note from Crawford 140 
 
 Majors, Virginia preacher 21 
 
 Map of Georgia 1818 145 
 
 Marlon, Francis, partisan bands of 15 
 
 Marbury, Capt. Horatio, Secretary of State 40 
 
 Marbois, Count Barbe 110, 111, 130 
 
 Marshall, Rev. Daniel of Kiokee Baptist Church 22 
 
 Matthews, Gov. George, and Yazoo Fraud 33, 35 
 
 Maxwell, J. Benjamin, Findings "Court of Honor" 65 
 
 May, Mr 108 
 
 Massachusetts boasts of Adams 8 
 
 Massachusetts in line of Nullification 135 
 
 MacAllister, Matthew . . . , 32 
 
262 INDEX 
 
 MacAllister, Judge, Savannah, Ga 102 
 
 McArthur, Duncan, of Ohio 164 
 
 McDuffie, George 177, 204, 243 
 
 McCorkle 20 
 
 McGehee, Hugh 35 
 
 McKinnie. John . 219 
 
 McKinley, William 149 
 
 Mcintosh, Gen. Lachlan 44 
 
 Meigs, Josiah, President University of Georgia 44, 204 
 
 Meigs, Return Jonathan, Postmaster General 148 
 
 Merriwether, Frank 35 
 
 Meriwether, Valentine 213 
 
 Milan, Decrees of 9 8 
 
 Milledge, John 41 
 
 Milledgeville, dinner to Crawford 199 
 
 Miller, Andrew J 205 
 
 Miller's "Bench and Bar" 163 
 
 Missouri Compromise discussed 168, 232 
 
 Mitchell, D. B., Findings of "Court of Honor" 65, 162 
 
 "Monitor," Washington, Ga., card by Clark 50 
 
 Monocacy River 101 
 
 Monroe, James. Letter to Crawford 125, 141, 145, 148 
 
 Moore, Geo 73 
 
 Moore, Judge John 196 
 
 "Monticello," Sage of 192 
 
 Mount, Martre 132, 220 
 
 N 
 
 Napoleon 99, lOO 
 
 Receives Crawford 115, 124, 128, 221 
 
 "National Portrait Gallery," sketch Crawford 7 
 
 Necker, Financier 126 
 
 Nemouro, de Dupont Ill, 130 
 
 Nelson County, Virginia 11 
 
 Nesterode, Count 221 
 
 New England at point of rebellion 81 
 
 Ney, Marshall Ill, 220 
 
 Nullification 207 
 
 O 
 
 Original letter to Adams in possession of Dudley 251 
 
 Otis, H. G 158, 235 
 
 Owens, Mr 164 
 
 Owens, Dr. Thos. M., State Archives Alabama 5, 219 
 
INDEX 263 
 
 Page, Henry, owner "Crawford Place" 11 
 
 Paralysis of Crawford 174 
 
 Parish. Daniel 5 
 
 Parker, Mr. D 106 
 
 Parties, Crawford and Clark 66 
 
 Party, Whig, Birth of 9 7 
 
 Parsons, Theophelus 160 
 
 Pendleton, Judge Nathaniel 32 
 
 Petersburg, Historic 6 4 
 
 Pettigrew, J. L . 204 
 
 Phillips, Ulrich B., University Wisconsin 3, 5. ISl, 217 
 
 Pickering, Timothy 160 
 
 Politics, Partisan in Georgia 75, 161 
 
 Pollard, William 116 
 
 Pope, John, of Kentucky S3 
 
 Population of Georgia in IS 10 145 
 
 Portrait Judge Chas. Tait 70 
 
 Portrait Mrs. Susanna Crawford 209 
 
 Q 
 
 Quincy, Resolutions of 114 
 
 R 
 
 Rains, Gen. Gabriel J., inventor torpedo 104 
 
 Randolph, John 9S, 15S, 168, 169, 194 
 
 Rawdon, Lord, Atrocities of 15 
 
 Representatives, House of 13 
 
 Revolution, American 9 
 
 Richmond Academy 2 8 
 
 Rockfish River, Valley of 11 
 
 Rogers, Mrs. Loula Kendall 16 
 
 Roosevelt, Theodore, in Life of Thomas H. Benton 157 
 
 Russell, United States Commissioner to Ghent 119 
 
 Russell, Jonathan 161 
 
 Rutherford, William 99 
 
 S 
 
 Savannah captured by British 12 
 
 Seaver, Ebenezer 220 
 
 Secession of New England States feared 81 
 
 Secretary of Treasury tendered Crawford by Adams 251 
 
 Sentinel, Southern, iiublished song 56 
 
 Simmons, A., Letter from 63 
 
 Sparks "Memoirs of Fifty Years" ..,.,,,., 66 
 
264 INDEX 
 
 Sketches of Governor Perry of South Carolina 204. 
 
 Skinner, Oliver 69 
 
 Speech, Crawford on Bank 84, 94 
 
 Spencer, Mr., Largest man in the world 11 
 
 Smith, Elizabeth, wife of Capt. David Crawford 10 
 
 Smith, Dennis 68 
 
 Smith, John, Senator from Indiana 77 
 
 Smith, General 84 
 
 Smith, Samuel ..83,94 
 
 Stael de Madame 126 
 
 Stael, de Baron 130 
 
 States' Rights, Crawford advocate of 169 
 
 Stephens, Alexander H 206 
 
 Stith, William 32 
 
 Stovall's Life of Toombs 206 
 
 St. Cloud, History of 224 
 
 Sturges, Daniel, draws map of Georgia 145 
 
 Sunbury, donation made to 22 4 
 
 Swertchhoff, Consul Russian Legation 104 
 
 T 
 
 Tait, Judge Charles, letters in archives of Alabama 
 
 5. 31. 149, 152, 162, 212, 225 
 
 Tait. Portrait 70 
 
 Letter to 231, 234, 236 
 
 Taliaferro, Col. Benjamin 3 5 
 
 Duel with Col. Willis 44 
 
 Tarleton, Atrocities of 15 
 
 Tatnall, Josiah, Senator 27 
 
 Taylor. J. W., from New York 164, 208, 232 
 
 Tennessee 8 
 
 Thomas, John 35 
 
 Thomas, Thomas W 205 
 
 Toasts at Milledgeville dinner 200 
 
 Tompkins, Governor 144 
 
 Torpedo, Gen. Gabriel Rains, inventor 104 
 
 Toombs, Robt. A 206 
 
 Torrance, William H 199 
 
 Tory 15 
 
 Tory Pond 20 
 
 Treasury, Crawford Secretary of 146, 152 
 
 Treasury, Portfolio tendered Crawford by Adams 251 
 
 Treaty of Fort Jackson with Creek Indians 145, 150 
 
 Treaty of Peace 22, 226 
 
 Troup, Geo. M 68, 149. 198, 232 
 
 'Trumpet," Republican, of Louisville, Ga . .52 
 
INDEX 265 
 
 u 
 
 United States Bank 82 
 
 Crawford's speech on 84 
 
 Debate on 9 4 
 
 Vote taken 96 
 
 Re-incorporation of 139 
 
 University of Georgia, Charter granted 24 
 
 Upson, Stephen 35, 205 
 
 V 
 
 Vaile, Mr., American Consul 106 
 
 Vaile, Mr. Eugene 126 
 
 Van Buren 175 
 
 Van Antwerp 103 
 
 Van Allen. Peter Lawrence 45, 46 
 
 Duel with Crawford 49 
 
 Van Rensalaer 107, 109 
 
 View of Georgia in 1818 145 
 
 W 
 
 Waddell, Dr. M ses 28, 167, 204 
 
 War of 1812 47, 225 
 
 Ward, Hon. James 200 
 
 Warner, Judge Hiram 203 
 
 Wardlaw, Chancellor 204 
 
 Wardlaw, Judge 204 
 
 Washington, Ga., donation made to 24 
 
 Watkins, George, "Digest" 39 
 
 Appointed with W. H. Crawford 40, 217 
 
 Watkins, Robert and Yazoo Fraud 32 
 
 "Digest Georgia Laws" 38 
 
 Waxhaw Settlement 14 
 
 Waynesboro, Donat-on made to 24 
 
 Webster, Daniel 158, 160, 164 
 
 Welborn, Johnson, Letter from 62 
 
 Wellington, Lord 104 
 
 Wells, Lieutenant Governor, duel with Jackson 44 
 
 Wheatley, Col. W. H. C. 5 
 
 Whig 14 
 
 Birth of party 97 
 
 Whig, The "National" on Crawford iiOl 
 
 White's Historical Collections 16 
 
 Whitesides, ^'enator Jenkins 94 
 
 Wilde, Richard Henry 176, 193 
 
 Williams, Thos. H 235, 237 
 
266 INDEX 
 
 Williamson, Col. Micajah 50 
 
 Wilkes County 16 
 
 Wilson, Dr. Peter, school of 27 
 
 Wilson, Gov. J. Lyde 45 
 
 Wilson, Judge H., in Yazoo Fraud 32 
 
 Wirt, William, "British Spy" 28, 35 
 
 Attorney General 148, 203 
 
 "Woodlawn," County seat of Crawford 77, 196, 213 
 
 Worth=ngton, Miss 101 
 
 Wright, Gov. -James 12 
 
 Y 
 
 Yancey B 235 
 
 Yazoo Fraud, Times of 7, 32 
 
 Young, George A 202 
 
H 45 89« 
 
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