152 
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 ■iiiliilii 
 
 iliil 
 
 
 
 
Qass. 
 
 Book -J- 
 
.^r^ 
 
 1 
 
 NARRATIVE 
 
 OF A 
 
 JOURNEY 
 
 FROM 
 
 TULPEHOOKEiS^ IN PEISTISrSTLYAl^IA, 
 
 TO 
 
 ONON DAGO 
 
 THE HEADQUARTERS OF THE SIX NATIONS OF INDIANS, 
 
 MADE IN 1737 
 
 •t-; r 
 
 ZBY 
 
 ^ 
 
 y 
 
 \^ 
 
 COiNEAD WEISEK. 
 
 PHILADELPHIA, 
 
 JOHN PENNINGTOX. No. 10 S FIFTH STREET. 
 
 1853. 
 
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 vN 
 
 1 A 
 
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COLLECTIONS 
 
 OP THE 
 
 HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 I. — Copy of a Family Register in tlic liandwriting of Conrad 
 Weiser, now in (lie possession of Daniel Womehdorf of Womelsdorf 
 Berks County. Translated from the German hy Hiester H. 
 Muhlenberg, M. D., of Reading, Pa. 
 
 In the year 1606, on the 2d November, T, Conrad Weiser, was born 
 in Europe, in the land of Wirtemburg, in the county (amt) of Herren- 
 burg, the village is called Astael, and was christened at Kupingen near 
 by, as my father has informed me. I say, I was born on the second of 
 November, sixteen hundred and ninety-six. My father's name was John 
 Conrad Weiser, my mother's name was Anna Magdalena, her family 
 name was Uebele. My grandfather was Jacob Weiser, my great grand- 
 father also Jacob Weiser. He was magistrate (schuUheiss) in the village 
 of Great Astach, in the county (amt) of Backnang, also in the land of 
 Wirtemburg. In this latter village my ancestors from time immemorial 
 were born, and are buried there as well on my father's as my mother's 
 side. In the year 1709, my mother passed into eternity on the last day 
 of May, in the 43d year of her age, while pregnant with her sixteenth 
 child, leaving children, Catrina, Margareta, Magdalena, Sabina, Conrad, 
 George Frederick, Christopher, Barbara, John Frederick, and was buried 
 there by the side of my ancestors. She was a woman fearing Clod, and 
 much beloved by her neighbors. Her motto was, Jesus Christ I live for 
 you, I die for you, thine am I in life and death. 
 
 In the year above mentioned, namely in 1709, my father moved away 
 from Great Astach on the 24th June, and took eight children with him. 
 My eldest sister Catrina remained there with her husband, Conrad Boss, 
 with whom she had two children. My father sold them his house, fields, 
 meadows, vineyard and garden, but they could only pay him 75 gulden, 
 the remainder 600 gulden was to be paid to my father at a subsequent 
 period, which was never done, so it was made a present to them. In 
 
 Vol. I.— No. 1. 
 
about two months we reached London in England, along with several 
 thousand Germans whom Queen Ann, of glorious remembrance, had taken 
 in charge, and was furnishing with food. About Christmas day we em- 
 barked, and ten ship loads with about 4000 souls were sent to America. 
 
 The loth June, 1710, we came to anchor at New York in North 
 America, and in the same autumn were taken to Livingston's manor at 
 the expense of the Queen. Here in Livingston's, or as it was called by 
 the Germans Loewenstein's manor, we were to burn tar, and cultivate 
 hemp, to* repay the expenses incurred by the Queen in bringing us from 
 Holland to England, and from England to New York. We were directed 
 by several commissioners, viz., John Cast, Henry Meyer, Kicbard Sey- 
 kott, who were put in authority over us by llobert Hunter, Governor of 
 New York. But neither object succeeded, and in the year 1713 the peo- 
 ple were discharged from their engagements and declared free. Then 
 the people scattered themselves over the whole province of New York. 
 Many remained where they were. About 150 families determined to re- 
 move to Schochary,* (a place about forty English miles to the west of 
 Albany.) They therefore sent deputies to the land of the Maquas to 
 consult with the Indians about it, who allowed them to occupy Schochary. 
 For the Indian deputies who were in England at the time the German 
 people were lying in tents on the Blackmoor, had made a present to 
 Queen Ann of this Schochary, that she might settle these people upon 
 it. Indian guides were sent to show the Germans where Schochary was. 
 My father was the first of the German deputies. 
 
 In November, 1713, when the above mentioned deputies had returned 
 from the Maqua country to Livingston's manor, the people moved the 
 same autumn to Albany and Schenectady, so as to be able to move in the 
 spring to Schochary. Bread was very dear, but the people worked very 
 hard for a living, and the old settlers were very kind and did much good 
 to the Germans, although some of a different disposition were not wanting. 
 My father reached Schenectady the same fall, where he remained with 
 his. family over winter with a man named John Meyndert. 
 
 A chief of the Maqua nation named Quaynant visited ray father, and 
 they agreed that I should go with Quaynant into his country to learn the 
 Maqua language. I accompanied him and reached the Maqua country in 
 the latter end of November and lived with the Indians : here I suffered 
 much from the excessive cold, for I was but badly clothed, and towards 
 spring also from hunger, for the Indians had nothing to eat. A bushel 
 of Indian corn was worth five to six shillings. And at this period the 
 \ Indians when drunk were so barbarous, that I was frequently obliged to 
 hide from drunken Indians. 
 
 1714. In the spring my father removed from Schenectady to Scho- 
 chary, with about 150 families in great poverty. One borrowed a horse 
 here, another there, also a cow and plow harness. With these things 
 they united and broke up jointly so much land, that they nearly raised 
 enough corn for their own consumption the following year. But this 
 year they suffered much from hunger, and made many meals on the wild 
 potatoes and ground beans which grow in great abundance at that place. 
 
 • Scoharie. 
 
The Indians called the potatoes Ochna-nada, the ground beans Otacli- 
 ragara. When we wished for meal we had to travel 35 to 40 miles to 
 get it, and had then to borrow it on credit. They would get a bushel of 
 wheat here, a couple at another place, and were often absent from home 
 three or four days before they could reach their suffering wives and child- 
 ren crying for bread. 
 
 The people had settled in villages, of which there were seven. The 
 first and nearest, Schenectady, was called Kneskern-dorf;* 2d. G-erlacho- 
 dorf; od. Fachsen-dorf; 4th. Hans George Schmidts-dorf; 5th. Weisers- 
 dorf, or Erunnen-dorf ; 6th. Hartman's-dorf; 7th. Ober Weissers-dorf. 
 So named after the deputies who were sent from Livingston's manor to 
 the Maqua country. 
 
 Towards the end of -July I returned from among the Indians to my 
 father, and had made a considerable progress, or had learned the greater 
 part of the Maqua language. An English mile from my father's house 
 there liveil several ]Maqua families, and there were always Maquas among 
 us hunting, so that there was always something for me to do in inter- 
 preting, but without pay ! There was no one else to be found among our 
 people who understood the language, so that I gradually became com- 
 pletely master of the language, so far as my years and other circumstances 
 permitted. 
 
 Here now this people lived peaceably for several years without 
 preachers or magistrates. Each one did as he thought proper. About 
 this time I became very sick and expected to die, and was willing to die, 
 for my stepmother was indeed a stepmother to me. By her influence my 
 father treated me very harshly ; I had no other friend, and had to bear 
 hunger and cold. I often thought of running away, but the sickness 
 mentioned put a bit in my mouth; I was bound as if by a rope to remain 
 with my father to obey him. 
 
 I have already mentioned that my father was a widower when he left 
 Germany, and landed in 1710 with eight children, in New York, where 
 my two brothers, Greorge Frederick and Christopher were bound by the 
 Governor, with my then sick father's consent, over to Long Island. The 
 following winter my youngest brother, John Frederick, died in the sixth 
 year of his age, and was buried in Livingston's hu&li, as the expression 
 then was, and was the first one buried where now the Reformed Church 
 in Weisers-dorf stands. 
 
 In the year 1711 my father married my stepmother, whom I have 
 mentioned above, It was an unhappy match, and was the cause of my 
 brothers and sisters' all becoming scattered, At last I was the only one 
 left at home, except the three children he had by my stepmother, viz., 
 John Frederick, Jacob, and Hebecca. Everything went crab-fashion; 
 one misfortune after another happened to our family, of which I always 
 was partaker. I frequently did not know where to turn, and learned to 
 pray to God, and his word became my most agreeable reading. 
 
 But to return to Schochary. The people had taken possession without 
 informing the Governor of New York, who after letting them know his 
 dissatisfaction, sold the land to seven rich merchants, four of whom lived 
 
 *Dorf means village. 
 
in Albany, the other three in New York. The names of those in Albany 
 were Myndert Shyller, John Shyller, Robert Livingston, Peter Van 
 Brugken; of those in New York were George Clerk, at that time Secre- 
 tary, Doctor Stadts, Rip Van Dam. T^pon this a great uproar arose both 
 in Schochary and Albany, because many persuns in Albany wished the 
 poor people to retain their lands. The people of Schochary divided into 
 two parties; the strongest did not wish to obey, but to keep the land, and 
 therefore sent deputies to England to obtain a grant from George the 
 first, not only for Schochary but for more land in addition. But the 
 plans did not succeed according to their wishes, for in the first place the 
 deputies had to leave secretly and embarked at Philadelphia in 1718. 
 As,soon as they got to sea they fell into the hands of pirates, who robbed 
 them as well as the crew of their money, but then let them free. 
 
 My father, who was one of the deputies, was three times tied up and 
 flogged, but would not confess to having money ; finally, William Scheif, 
 the other deputy, said to the pirates, this man and I have a purse in 
 common, and I have already given it to you, he has nothing to give you, 
 upon which they let him go free. The ship had to put into Boston to 
 purchase necessaries for the crew and passengers, in place of those taken 
 by the pirates. When they i-eached England they found times had 
 changed, and that there was no longer a Queen Anne on the throne. 
 They still found some of the old friends and advocates of the Germans, 
 among whom were the Chaplains at the King's German Chapel, Messrs. 
 Bohn and Roberts, who did all in their power. The affairs of the depu- 
 ties finally reached the Lords Commissioners of Trade and Plantations, 
 and the Governor of New York, Robert Hunter, was called home. In 
 the meanwhile the deputies became in debt; Walrath, the third deputy, 
 became homesick, and embarked on a vessel bound to New York, but 
 died at sea. The other two were thrown into prison ; they wrote in time 
 for money, but, owing to the ignorance and over confidence of the per- 
 sons who had the money to transmit which the people had collected, it 
 reached England very slowly. In the meanwhile, Robert Hunter had 
 arrived in England, had arranged the sale of the Schochary lands in his 
 own way, before the Board of Trade and Plantations. The opposite 
 party was in prison without friends or money. Finally, when a bill of 
 exchange for seventy pounds sterling arrived, they were released from 
 prison, petitioned anew, and in the end got an order to the newly arrived 
 Governor of New York, William Burnet, to grant vacant land to the 
 Germans who had been sent to New York by the deceased Queen 
 Anne. 
 
 Towards the end of the year 1720, this William Burnet arrived in 
 New York. In the commencement of the year 1721, I was sent to New 
 York with a petition to Governor Burnet. He appeared friendly, and 
 stated what kind of an order from the Lords"of Trade and Plantations he 
 brought with him, which he was resolved to comply with, but deputies 
 were yet in England, not content with the decision, but could get nothing 
 more done. In the last named year, viz., 1721, William Schtfi" returned 
 home, having quarrelled with my father; they both had hard heads. At 
 
5 
 
 last, in the month of November, 1723, mj father also returned. Seheff 
 died six weeks after his return. 
 
 Governor Burnet gave patents for land to the few who were willing to 
 settle in the Maqua country, namely, in Stony Arabia, and above the 
 falls, but none on the river as the people hoped. They therefore scat- 
 tered, the larger part removed to the Maqua country or remained in Scho- 
 chary, and bought the land from the before-named rich men. 
 
 The people got news of the land on Suataro and Tulpchocken, in Penn- 
 sylvania; many of them united and cut a road from Schochary to the Sus- 
 quehanna river, carried their goods there, and made canoes, and float 3d 
 down the river to the mouth of the Suataro creek, and drove their cat- 
 tle over land. This happened in the spring of the year 1723. From 
 there they came to Tulpehocken, and this was the origin of Tulpehocken 
 settlement. Others followed this party and settled there, at first also 
 without the permission of the Proprietary of Pennsylvania or his Com- 
 missioners ; also against the consent of the Indians, from whom the land 
 had not yet been purchased. There was no one among the people to 
 govern them, each one did as he pleased, and their obstinacy has stood 
 in their way ever since. Here I will leave them for a time, and describe 
 my own circumstances. 
 
 In 1720, while my father was in England, I married my Ann Eva, 
 and was given her in marriage, by the Keverend John Fredrick Ileger, 
 Reformed Clergyman, on the 22d of November, in my father's house in 
 Schochary. 
 
 In 1722, the 7th of September, my son Philip was born, and was bap- 
 tized by John Bernhart von Diihren, Lutheran clergyman ; his sponsors 
 were Philip Brown and wife. 
 
 The 13th of January, 1725, my daughter Anna Madlina was born, 
 was baptized by John Jacob Q*]hl, Beforraed Clergyman, her sponsors 
 were Christian Bouch, Junior, and my sister Barbara. 
 
 In 1727, ray daughter Maria was born on the 24:th June, and was 
 baptized by William Christopher Birkenmeyer, Luthern Clergyman. Her 
 sponsors were Nicklas Feg and wife. 
 
 In 1728, December 24th, my son Frederick was born, was baptized 
 by John Bernhart von Diihren, Lutheran Clergyman ; his sponsors were 
 Nicklas Feg and wife. 
 
 These four were born to me at Schochary. Afterwards, nameJi/, in 
 1729, I removed to Pennsylvania, and settled in Tulpehocken, where the 
 following children were born to me, namely :— 
 
 1730, the 27th February, my son Peter was born, and in 1731, the 
 1.5th February, I had two sons born, who were called Christopher and 
 Jacob; the first lived 15 weeks, the latter 13 weeks, when they were 
 released from the evils of this world and taken to a happy eternity. 
 
 1732, the 19th June, my daughter Elizabeth was born. 
 
 1734, the 28th January, my daughter Margaret was born. 
 
 The 25th April, 1735, my son Samuel was born. 
 
 Tho 18th July, 1736, I had again a son born to me. I called him 
 Benjamin; when he was three months old, the care of the Almighty God 
 took him away; the same year my daughter Elizabeth followed him. A 
 
G 
 
 merciful God will give them all to me again, to the honor of his hap- 
 piness. 
 
 The 11th August, 1740, another sou was born ; I called his name 
 Jabez. The mercy of God removed him from the evil of these days, when 
 he was 17 days old. 
 
 The 27th of February, 1742, another daughter was born ; I called her 
 name Hanna ; the following 11th August she went into a happy 
 eternity. 
 
 The IGth of March of this year, my dear daughter Madlina, went 
 from time to eternity, through an easy death, after a long and todious 
 illuess. Her faith, consolation, and refuge was in the crucified Saviour, 
 Jesus Christ, whom she had vowed herself to in days of health, with soul 
 and body. 
 
 The 12th August, xinuo 1744, my son Benjamin was born. 
 
 My father died July 1.3th, 1760. 
 
 My mother went from time to eternity, on the 10th June, 1781. 
 
 II. — Narrative of a journey, made in the year 1737, hy Conrad Wei- 
 ^er, Jndia)i Agent and Provincial Interpreter, from Tulpeliocken* in 
 t]ie Procinee of Pennsylvania to Onondatjo, the head quarters of the 
 allied Six Nations, in the province of New York. Translated from 
 the German hy HiESTER H. Muhlenberg, M. D., of Reading, Pa. 
 
 In the year 1736, Governor Gooch, of Virginia, requested of the go- 
 vernment in Philadelphia that it should make known to the so called Six 
 Nations, by a regular embassy, that he, Gooch, was desirous of establish- 
 ing a peace between the allied Six Nations living to the north, and the so 
 called Cherikees and Cataubas to the South. And that he, Governor 
 Gooch, had already so arranged, that the latter tribes would send depu- 
 ties by next spring ; to which place the chiefs of the allied Six Nations 
 should also be invited j and in the mean time a truce should be proclaim- 
 ed by them for a year long, to which the others had already agreed. 
 
 I was required to perform this duty, and received regular instructions 
 from James Ljgan, Escj., at that time President. 
 
 17o7. On the 27th February, I left liome for Onontarjo, which is the 
 place where the allied Six Nations hold their council. It is situated in 
 the centre of these nations, on a river which empties into the great lake 
 Onontario, from which the great St. Lawrence flows. I took with me 
 as travelling companions Stoffel Stump, a white man, and an Onontager 
 Indian who had been lying sick here since last summer, but had now re- 
 covered. His name was Oiois-gera. 
 
 * The Tnlpehocken lands, comprisins part of Berks ami Lebanon counties, were 
 settled in 1723, by Germans from Schohary, in New York, who penetrated the 
 forests to the head waters of Susquehanna, where they built themselves canoes, 
 and floated down the river to the mouth of the Swntara, on the head waters of 
 which, and of the Tulpehocken, they settled, on lands which belonged to the In- 
 dians. These lands were purchased by Thomas Penii of the Indians, in 1732. 
 These were then the frontier settlements. — H. H. M. 
 
The Q8th we remained at Tulheo* on account uf the bud weather, and 
 to procure some necessaries for the journey. 
 
 The 1st March we started from ToUteo, which is the last place in the 
 inhabited part of Pennsylvania, and the same day we reached the top of 
 the Kldifanni/ mountain. The snow was about a foot deep. 
 
 The 2nd and 3d, we found nothing but ice under the new fallen snow 
 on the north side of the mountain, which caused dangerous falls to our- 
 selves and horses. 
 
 The 4th we reached >SIiomo/icn,f but did not find a living soul at home 
 •who could assist us in crossing the Snsqu('h<()in<( river. 
 
 The 5th we lay still ; we had now made about eighty miles. 
 
 The Gth we observed smoke on the other side of the river, about a mile 
 above our camp; we went up opposite the place and saw a small hut. 
 An Indian trader was induced by the repeated firing of our pieces to come 
 over, who took us across safely in two trips, but not without great danger, 
 on account of the smalluess of the canoe, and the river being full of 
 floating ice. We were here obliged to leave our horses behind, as it was 
 impossible to get them across. We again lay still today. 
 
 The 7th, we started from here along one branch of the river. The 
 main stream comes from the north-east, we went to the north-west. We 
 found that we had commenced our journey at the wrong time ; all the 
 streams were filled with water and swollen, particularly those we had 
 to cross. An old Shmraiio, by name Jenoni'oiv((iia , took us in his eanoe 
 across the creek ai Zillij-Sqiuu luw."^^ I presented him with some needles 
 and a pair of shoe strings; he was very thankful, and behaved as if he 
 thought he had received a great present. 
 
 On the 8th we reached the village where Shikelimu^ lives, who was 
 appointed by the President to be my companion and guide on the journey. 
 He was, however, far from home on a hunt. The weather became bad 
 and we lay by ; the waters rose still higher, and no Indian could be in- 
 duced to seek Shikelinio until 
 
 The r2th, when two young Indians agreed to go out in search of him. 
 
 On the 16th they returned with word that Shikelimo would return by 
 the next day, which so happened. The waters had again risen by rea.sou 
 of the warm wind and rain, which melted tlie snow in the forests. Seve- 
 ral Indians arrived by water from the Si.x Nations, who reported that the 
 snow was still waist deep in the forests, and that it was not possible to 
 proceed without snow shoes. 
 
 * Tolheo was a gap in the Blue mountain, where the big Swatara breaks 
 throuiih, in Lebanon county, as stated in a letter from Conrad Weiser to Gover- 
 nor Morris, dated Oct. 27, 1755, to be I'ound in Rupp's History of Berks and Leba- 
 non counties, pa^e 44. Thfie was subsequ-^ntly a block house erected at this 
 point, in the old Fiench and Indian war ol 1751, which was ii;arrisoned by a com- 
 pany under Captain Busse,a part of the Penna. battalion of nine companies under 
 Lieut. Col. Weiser, raised for defence ol' th^ frontiers. This name Tolheo, has 
 since degenerated into " T/ie Hole," as the Hole creek. — H. H. M. . 
 
 f Now Sunbury.— H. H. M. 
 
 \ Chislisquake creek. — H. H. M. 
 
 § This ifillage I suppose to have been about Milton or near it. Shikelimo was 
 the lather of Logan, whose speech to Lord Dunmore on the murder of his family 
 by Colonel Cresap is so well related in JefTerson's notes on Virginia. — H. H. M. 
 
The Indians at this place were out of provisions ; our little stock was 
 soon exhausted, as there was a nuoierous family in the house where we 
 lodged. We had expected on leaving home to supply ours'^lves with pro- 
 visions at this place, in which we were entirely disappointed. I saw a 
 uew blanket given for ab?ut one-third of a bushel of Indian corn. Here 
 we began already to suffer the pangs of hunger, and other troubles forced 
 themselves on us. It was with great difficulty that I procured a small 
 quantity of corn meal and a few beaus for the joui'ney. 
 
 The 21st we ventured to proceed on our journey to Onontago. There 
 were now five of us, as Shikelimo acccompanied me, and we were joined 
 by a warrior who had been on a war expedition to Virginia, and was go- 
 ing home in the same direction as we were travelling. In the forenoon 
 we reached the large creek* Camtwrago; it was very high ; we were taken 
 over in a canoe, not without great danger. The next day two English 
 traders attempted to cross, and their canoe was overturned by the the force 
 of the current, one of them was drowned, and the other only escaped by 
 swimming. 
 
 To day we passed a place where the Indians in former times had a strong 
 fortificationf on a height; it was surrounded by a deep ditch, the earth 
 was thrown up in the shape of a wall, about nine or ten feet high and as 
 many broad. But it is now in decay, as from appearance it had been de- 
 serted beyond the memory of man. 
 
 The 22d we came to a village called O/stuago, from a high rock which 
 lies opposite. However, before we came in sight of the village, we 
 reached a large creek]; which looked more dreadful than the one of yes- 
 terday. After repeated firing of our guns, two Indians came from the 
 village to see what was to be done ; they brought at our request a canoe 
 from the village and took us across. We quartered ourselves with Ma- 
 dame Montour, a French woman by birth, of a good family, but now in 
 mode of life a complete Indian. She treated us very well according to 
 her means, but had very little to spare this time, or perhaps dared not let 
 it be seen on the account of so many hungrj' Indians about. She several 
 times in secret gave me and Stoffel as much as we could eat, which had 
 not happened to us before for ten days ; and showed great compassion for 
 us, saying that none of the Indians where we were going had anything to 
 eat, except the Onontagers, which my Indian fellow travellers refused to 
 believe, until we found it true by experience. 
 
 The 2od we lay still on account of rainy weather. Two Indians arriv- 
 ed by water in a canoe made of elk skins, who said that in the high wil- 
 derness the snow was still knee deep. I received from Madame Montour 
 some provisions for the journey. We have now advanced one hundred 
 and thirty miles. 
 
 The 24th we proceeded on our journey from here, and in the forenoon 
 found the snow two feet deep, but as it had been very cold during the 
 
 * TheMiincy creek?— H. H. M. 
 
 t From the description this fortification appears to be of the same nature to 
 those I'oLUul in the Western States, showing that the builders of those great works 
 also resided in Pennsylvania long previous as he remarks, it had been apparently 
 at that early period, deserted long before. — H. H. M. 
 
 t The Loyalsock creek?— H. H. M. 
 
previous night it was frozen so hard that we could walk over the sur- 
 face without often breaking through the crust. In the afternoon we 
 came to a thick forest where the snow was three feet deep, but not frozen 
 so hard, which made our journey fatiguing. We were between two high 
 and steep mountians, a small creek* flowed through the valley in an oppo- 
 site direction to our course. The valley was not broader than the bed of 
 the stream, and on both sides were frightful high mountains and rocks 
 overgrown with carell or palm wood. The passage through here seemed 
 to me altogether impossible, and I at once advised to turn back. The 
 Indians, however, encouraged me to persevere, stating that in a little dis- 
 tance the mountains were further apart, and that we could easily proceed. 
 I agreed at last to go on, the Indians took the lead, and clambered with 
 hands and feet along the side of the mountain, we followed after. I had 
 a small hatchet in my hand with which I broke the ice to give us foot- 
 hold. There was considerable danger of freezing our feet, as we were often 
 obliged to cross the stream and had no space to keep our feet warm by 
 exercise. After clambering in this way we reached a point where the 
 valley began to widen and become more spacious. We made a fire, and 
 waited for our Onontager Indian who was far behind, because he was still 
 weak from the illness he had undergone. In those three hours we had 
 not advanced over one mile. The wood was altogether of the kind called 
 by the English, Spruce, so thick that we could not generally see the sun 
 shine. After we had warmed ourselves and taken some food, we proceed- 
 ed onward, and in the evening made our camp under the Spruce trees. 
 We broke branches to cover the snow whore we lay down, and this con- 
 stituted our beds. We made a large fire on the top of the snow which 
 was three feet deep; in the morning the fire had burned down to the 
 ground, and was as if in a deep hole. We slept soundly after our hard 
 day's journey, but were all stifi" in the morning from the cold, which dur- 
 ing the night had been excessive. We prepared breakfast, which con- 
 sisted of a little Indian corn and beans boiled in water. 
 
 The 25th, after breakfast, we proceeded on our journey, the snow was 
 no deeper, and before noon we reached a stream which is a branch of the 
 Otzmachsonf river, which we had left yesterday. The stream we are 
 now on, the Indians call Dia-daclda^ (the lost or bewildered,) which in 
 fact deserves such a name. Wo proceeded along this stream between 
 two terrible mountains; the valley was however now about a half mile in 
 width, and the stream flawed now against this and then again against 
 the other mountain, among the rocks. Here we held a long council as 
 to the best mode of procedure, whether to remain in the valley and con- 
 sequently be obliged to cross the stream repeatedly, or to endeavor to 
 proceed along the sides of the mountains as we had done yesterday. As 
 it was very cold to wade the creek often, we determined to try the 
 mountain's side. As we were clambering along the mountains, before 
 we had proceeded a quarter of a mile Shikelimo had an uulucky fall 
 
 * Quere, wa? it Trout run ? 
 
 fThe West branch of Susquehanna. The orthography of these Indian names I 
 find to vary in different portions of this journal, as if the writer were governed 
 by the ear alone. 
 
 |The Lycoming creek. 
 
10 
 
 •which nearly cost him his life. He had caught hold of a flat stone, 
 sticking in the root of a fallen tree, which came loose, and his feet slip- 
 ping from under him, he fell at a place which was steeper than the roof 
 of a house. He could not catch hold of anything, but continued slipping 
 on the snow and ice for about three rods, when his pack, whigh he car- 
 ried in Indian fashion with a strap round his breast, passed on one side 
 of a sapling and he on the other, so that he remained hanging by the 
 strap, until we could give him assistance. If he had slipped a half a rod 
 further, he would have fallen over a precipice about 100 feet high upon 
 other craggy rocks. I was two steps from him when he fell. We were 
 all of us tull of terror, but were obliged to proceed until we reached a 
 place where we could descend into the valley, which did not take place 
 for a quarter of an hour. When we reached the valley Shikelimo look- 
 ed round at the height of the steep precipice on which he had fallen. We 
 looked at him; he stood still in astonishment and said, I thank the great 
 Lord and Creator of the world that he had inercy on me, and wished me 
 to continue to live lonfjer. 
 
 We soon came to the before mentioned water which had a strong -cur- 
 rent, we therefore cut a pole 12 or 15 feet long, of which we all took 
 hold, and .«o waded together, in case that if any one should lose his foot- 
 ing, he could hold on to the pole. The water reached to the waist, but 
 we crosed safely. We had to suifer from excessive cold, because the 
 hard frozen snow was still 18 inches deep in the valley and prevented 
 us from walking rapidly, neither could we warm ourselves by walking, 
 because we had to cross the stream six or seven times. The wood was 
 so thick, that for a mile at a time we could not find a place of the size of 
 a hand, where the sunshine could penetrate, even in the clearest day. 
 This night we prepared a place to sleep in the same manner as last 
 night. 
 
 During the night it began to storm, and the wind blew terribly, which 
 seemed to me strange. The Indians say that in this whole valley, which 
 is about sixty miles long, it storms in this manner, or snows, every night. 
 It is such a desolate region that I often thought I must perish in this 
 frightful wilderness. 
 
 The 26th, we passed the whole day in travelling along the stream; the 
 mountains continue high, and we were obliged to wade over the creek 
 many times, but it began to diminish in size, so that we could cross it 
 several times on fallen timber. To day Tavagerat fell with such vio- 
 lence from one lug ou anotiicr, that he fainted and lay in that state for a 
 considerable time. We became very mucli fatigued to day, from so often 
 wading the creek in such cold weather ; we also became very hungry ; 
 the provision was poor and little of that. This night we built a hut of 
 branches, because it again became cloudy ; it stormed again terribly and 
 snowed at times as if it wished to bury us, but it never lasted long, and 
 in the morning there was little snow on the ground. 
 
 The Indians believe that an OtJton, (an evil spirit) has power in this 
 valley, that some of them could call him by name and brought him sac- 
 rifices, by which he could be appeased. I asked if any of our party could 
 
11 
 
 do this, or knew his name. They answered no, that but few could do this, 
 and they were magicians. 
 
 The 27th, we followed up tli^ valley and creek; the hills became lower 
 as we continued to ascend, because we had been following up this water 
 from the time we left Madame Montour's. At noon we reached the 
 summit of the mountain. Before we had quite reached the summit, we 
 saw two sculls fixed on poles, the heads of men who had been killed there 
 a long time before, by their prisoners, who had been taken in South Car- 
 olina. The prisoners, who were two resolute men, had found themselves 
 at night untied, which, without doubt, had been done by the Otkon, and 
 having killed their captors and taken possession of their arms, had re- 
 turned home. 
 
 One of the wonders* of nature is to be seen here. The creek already 
 mentioned, is flowing as if on a summit or height of land ; runs with a 
 rapid current towards or against a linden tree, where it divides into two 
 streams, the one stream becomes the water"}" up which we have been tra- 
 velling for three days, and flowing to the South empties not far from 
 the Indian villiage Ohtuaya, into the Quuiachson'^ river. The other 
 stream§ flows to the North and empties into the SusqtieJiauna river, two 
 hundred miles above Shomoken. Both streams finally again unite their 
 waters at Shomoken, where the Otqiiuiachsoii river empties into the Sus- 
 quehanna. The stream flowing to the north, is called the Dawantaa, 
 (the fretful or tedious.) 
 
 We travelled down this stream, and towards evening reached a place 
 where the snow had entirely disappeared, in a grove of white oak trees. 
 The south wind blew very warm, and the weather was pleasant; it seem- 
 ed as if we had escaped from hell ; we lay on the dry ground. I cook- 
 ed for supper as much as I thought would give us plenty to eat, as we 
 hoped soon to reach the Susquehanna river where our Onontager had 
 persuaded us that we would fiud provisions in plenty. 
 
 The 28th we eat our last meal for breakfast, as we believed that by 
 evening at farthest we would reach the river, and started immediately 
 after. The warm South wind was still blowing, and the sun shining. 
 We left the Dawantaa to the right hand, and about ten o'clock reached 
 a water called Oscohu,\\ (the fierce.) Tliis is a rapid impetuous stream, 
 because it flows among the mountains, and because the wind has melted 
 the snow in the high forests. We first cut down a long pine tree, but it 
 did not reach the other shore, and was carried away by the current. The 
 Indians advised that we should wnde through, holding to a long pole, but 
 I would not agree to that because the water was too deep. We knew not 
 what to do ; while we were cutting down the tree the water had risen a 
 foot. As we could not agree upon what was to be done, and were irrita- 
 
 ♦The beaver dam at the head waters of the Lycoming and Towanda Creeks, 
 at the point where the lines of Bradford, Tioga, and Lycoming Counties meet. 
 H. H. M. 
 
 fThe Lycoming Creek. H. H. M. 
 
 j The West Brach of the Susquehanna. H. H. M. 
 
 § The Towanda Creek. H. H. M. 
 
 II This was Sugar creek, as he speaks afterwards of the Indians at the mouth 
 of this creek feeding on the juice of sugar trees. — H. H. M. 
 
12 
 
 ble from hunger, the Indians began to abuse Stoffel^ who they said was to 
 blaaie. that I had not fullowed their advice. When I took his part they 
 treated me the same way, called uie a coward who loved his life, but must 
 die of hunger on this spot. I said it is true, we Europeans love our lives, 
 but also those of our fellow creatures; the Indians on the contrary loved 
 their lives also, but often murdered one another, which the Europeans did 
 not do, and therefore the Indians were cruel creatures, whose advice could 
 not be followed in circumstances like the present. They then wished to 
 make a raft and thus cross to the other shore, which it was impossible to 
 do at this place on the account of the rapidity of the current, and the 
 rocks in the bed of the stream. I said to them that I had so fiir followed 
 their advice, but I now required them to follow mine, and to follow the 
 stream downwards until we reached a quiet place, even if we had to go to 
 the Susquehanna river, because on level land the water was not so rapid 
 as among the hills and mountains. Shikelimo answered that I did not 
 know how far it was to the Susquehanna river; they knew it better than 
 I did ; it was an impossibility. This he said to frighten me, but I knew 
 it could not be more than a short day's journey by following the course 
 we were travelling, because I examined the compass several times every 
 day; I could also tell it by the mountains on the right hand side of the 
 stream as we descended, which appeared to become lost, whereas up the 
 stream they appeared much higher, from which a sound judgment would 
 infer, that a man had not far to go to find the current lessen or cease. 
 Shikelimo retorted that he was the guide, as being a person who had trav- 
 elled the route often, while I had never done so; he would cross there ; if I 
 refused I must bear the blame if I lost my life by hunger or any other 
 accident. He would also complain to the Governor, Thomas Penn and 
 James Logan, of my folly, and excuse himself. The others spoke much 
 to the same purpose, particularly Tairayarat. who was returning from 
 the wars, who said openly, that he was too proud to obey a European. I 
 answered them all, and in particular Shikelimo; it is true, he was ap- 
 pointed by the Governor to be my guide, but not my commander, and 
 since he would not guide me on the path I wished to go, namely, down 
 the creek, and wished to be my master, I set him free from his duty; he 
 might go where he pleased. I intended to be my own guide, and posi- 
 tively to take my own course with my fellow traveller Stoffel, but I would 
 still advise him to obey me this time, whicli I did as a friendly request at 
 parting. T then took my pack and moved off, the Onontager followed me 
 immediately, Shikelimo did not hesitate long after he saw that I was in 
 earnest, and soon followed. Tawagaret remained behind, because, as he 
 said, he w;is too proud and obstinate to follow me. We had gone more 
 than a mile down stream, when I observed that nature had provided every- 
 thing requisite for a safe crossing, the current had ceased entirely, and 
 there was much dry pine timber, which is the lightest wood that can be 
 found for such purposes. Here I threw down my pack and ordered my 
 companions to do the same. On their inquiring the reason, I said we 
 would cross here. When Shikelimo observed the fine opportunity, he was 
 glad, fired off his gun, and shouted to make our companion who remained 
 behind hear. We went to work, and in an hour and a half we had a raft 
 
13 
 
 of the dry pine timber mentioned, ready, and passed over safely. Stoffel 
 and the Onontager crossed again to fetch two hatchets which we had for- 
 gotten, and all was done without any danger. We turned again up 
 stream until we struck our path. My Indian companions thanked me for 
 my good council, and for resisting their wishes so boldly. We travelled 
 rapidly for the purpose of reaching the Susquehanna river this evening, 
 where some Indians resided, and when we came in sight of it we sat down 
 to rest, yet we were in trouble for our obstinate Tawayarat who had re- 
 mained behind. After we had been sitting there for half an hour, we 
 heard a shout, and soon appeared Tawagarat at full speed but very wet. 
 On his questioning us as to how we had crossed, the Onontager related 
 the mode, at which he was surprised, and stated that he had tied several 
 pieces of wood together and pushed off iato the water, but was so hurried 
 away by the current (in spite of his efforts with a pole) that he reached a 
 small island which was just above the place we crossed at, where the raft 
 separated, and he was obliged to wade the remaining distance with the 
 water up to his arm-pits. I reproved him for his pride and obstinacy ; 
 he acknowledged that he had acted foolishly, that he had heard our firing, 
 but was already engaged in making his raft. We proceeded on our jour- 
 ney, well pleased that we were all together again, and the same evening 
 reached some Indians living on the Susquehanna river, where we, how- 
 ever, found nothing but hungry people, who sustained life with the juice 
 of the sugar trees. We, however, procured a little weak soup made of 
 corn meal. I had a quantity of Indian trinkets with me, but could pro- 
 cure no meal. My only comfort this evening was, that whoever labors or 
 is tired will find sleep sweet. 
 
 The 29th we proceeded on our journey at an early hour, but without 
 breaksfast ; reached a dangerous place where the path on the bottom land 
 was overflowed by the river which was very high, and we had to cross 
 a very high mountain which was not much better than the one where 
 Shikelimo had met with his fall. We passed safely, and toward evening 
 we were also safely ferried in a canoe over the great branch of the Sus- 
 quehanna river. All the streams are very high, for the streams had been 
 uncommonly deep this winter. This water is called * Bin-agon, and 
 comes from the region of the Slnlrhcr\ and Gaiaclzcrs.\ There are 
 many Indians living here, partly Gaiuckers, partly Maliikanders.% 
 We went into several huts to get meat, bat they had nothing, as they 
 said, for themselves. The men were mostly absent hunting; some of 
 the old mothers asked us for bread. We returned to our quarters with a 
 Mahikander, who directed his old grey headed mother to cook a soup of 
 Indian corn. She hung a large kettle oFit over the fire, and also a smaller 
 one with potash, and made them both boil briskly. Wliat she was to do 
 with the potash was a mystery to me, for I soon saw that it was not for 
 the purpose of washing, as some of the Indians are in the practice of 
 doing, by making a lye, and washing their foul and dirty clothes. For 
 the skin of her body was not unlike the bark of a tree, from the dirt 
 which had not been washed off for a long time, and was quite dried in 
 
 •The Tio^a river. — H. H. M. fSenecas. — H. H. M. 
 
 iCayugas.— H. H. M. §Mohegans.— H. H. M. 
 
 Vol. 1.— Xo. 1. 2 
 
14 
 
 and cracked, and her finger nails were like eagles' claws. She finally 
 took the ash kettle off the fire and put it aside until it had settled, and 
 left a clear liquor on top, which she carefully poured into the kettle of 
 corn. I enquired of iny companions why this was done, and they told 
 me it was the practice of these and the Shaicanos, when they had 
 neither meat nor grease, to mix their food with lye prepared in this man- 
 ner, which made it slippery and pleasant to eat. When the soup was 
 thus prepared,* the larger portion was given to us, and out of hunger I 
 quietly eat a portion, which was not of a bad taste. The dirty cook and 
 the unclean vessel were more repulsive. After I had eaten a little and 
 quieted the worst cravings of hunger, I took some of my goods and 
 quietly left the hut without being noticed by my companions, and went 
 into another hut, gave the old grey headed mother 24 needles and six shoe 
 strings, and begged her to give me some bread made of Indian corn, if it 
 were only as much as I could eat at one meal. She immediately gave 
 me five small loaves of about a pound weight, of which I and Stoffel eat 
 two the same evening. The Indians eat so much of the soup that they 
 became sick. We had intended to have had a day of rest here, if we 
 could have procured meat, but had to be content to proceed on our 
 journey. 
 
 The 30th we proceeded on our journey without any Ihing to eat except 
 the remaining loaves, which were divided among us five. We passed a 
 dangerous creek by wading in the shallow water, and passing the stream 
 on a half fallen tree which hung across the water. The current was 
 frightful. An Indian from the last village, who was to help us over the 
 water, and show us the path, fell into the water so that we saw neither 
 hide or hair, but soon rose and saved himself by swimming to the oppo- 
 site shore to the one we were trying to roach. Towards evening we ar- 
 rived at the branch Owego; the Indian village was on the other side of the 
 river about a mile off. All the bottom land between us and the village 
 was under water, and the current was rapid. We fired our guns three tin e i, 
 but no one would hear or show himself. If we had not seen the smoke 
 of the huts, we would have thought the village was deserted. We be- 
 gan to prepare a fire and wood for a camp, and having made a long day's 
 journey with hungry stomachs, were about to retire to sleep in that con- 
 dition, and had already lain down, when a great storm came up from the 
 west, with thunder and lightning, and such a violent rain that it was al- 
 most incredible. We could not find a place to lie down, but stood the 
 whole night around the fire. Towards morning it became very cold, and 
 ice formed in every direction; the day before having been very warm, and 
 succeeded by the thunder storm of which it was the cause. At dawn we 
 again commenced firing our pieces, on which a canoe with some women 
 at last came from the villiage, to take us across the river, as we supposed. 
 But they only came over the bottom land to the edge of the river, where 
 they called to us that there were no men in the village, and the women 
 could not venture to cross the raging flood ; which was of so unusual a 
 height, that bottom land was flooded, which had not been the case for 
 many years, and in particular as their canoe^was so small. Tawwjarat, 
 
 •Quere, homony ? 
 
15 
 
 whose home was there, called to thera to venture. When they heard 
 that it was Tawagarat they came across in safety, and stepped on shore; 
 one of them spoke not a word, but wrapped her face in her blanket. 
 The others gave the canoe to the Indians to ferry us across, and after- 
 wards to bring the women. All which was done in three times crossing 
 backwards and forwards, but not without great and imminent danger. 
 One party was landed here, the other there, ia dry places, but still had to 
 pass sundry hollows and ditches in water up to the breast, for the land 
 is very uneven. I went first in the canoe; four of us, of whom two In- 
 dians, went back with the canoe. I had new reasons to praise the pro- 
 tection of Grod, who had rescued us from such imminent peril; the water 
 flew between the trees like arrows from a bow, where if we had struck 
 one, of which there were so many, we must have perished. The Indians 
 gladly received us into their huts, and showed us their compassion. 
 Some of them were old acquaintances of mine from Schohary; they gave 
 us food repeatedly, but each time only a little, so as not to injure our 
 health. They were Gaiuckers. All the men were absent hunting, ex- 
 cept a couple of old grey headed men, who had lodged at my house in 
 Schohary some fifteen or sixteen years ago, and had shown me many fa- 
 vors according to their ability. Tawagarat remained here, and lodged 
 in the hut of his mother-in-law; the woman who had hidden her face 
 was his wife, and did so from modesty. Such is the custom among the 
 virtuous women of the Indian tribes. We remained here to-day to re- 
 cruit ourselves a little, and also to procure provisions for the further pro- 
 gress of our journey. 
 
 April the 1st, we still remained here ; by my reckoning we are now 
 280 miles from home. 
 
 April the 2nd, we started about noon on our journey and reached the 
 water called Oiioto, and were immediately taken across in a canoe. 
 Several families of Onontagers live here, with one of whom, an old ac- 
 quaintance, we took up our lodgings, and were well treated. 
 
 The 3d we reached the village Osteninky, inhabited by Onontagers 
 and Shaicanos. I was at this place in the year 1726, but find my old 
 acquaintances of that period partly absent, partly dead. We had still 
 five days journey according, to the report of these Indians, from here to 
 Oaontwjo, the object of our tiresome journey, as we could not take the 
 nearest route by reason of the numerous creeks, and must keep upon the 
 hills. The family with whom we lodged had not a mouthful to eat. The 
 larger part of this village had been living for more than a month on the 
 juice of the sugar tree, which is as common here as hickory in Pennsyl- 
 vania. We shared our small stock of provisions with sundry sick and 
 children, who stood before us in tears while we were eating. From the 
 time we left Madame Montour's, I generally gave to each one of us his 
 daily portion ; if I gave of my own portion a part to these poor creatures, 
 I met with no sour looks, but if I took from the capital stock to give to 
 them, my companions showed great disatisfaction. But this did not 
 hinder a thief from stealing, while we were asleep, the remainder of our 
 stock of bread, which was but small. This was the first misfortune that 
 happened to us ; the second was, that we hoard the snow was still kqee 
 deep in the direction we were to travel, and that it was impossible to 
 
16 
 
 proceed ; the third was, that the rainy weather in which we had arrived 
 was turned to snow, of which eighteen inches fell in one night; the worst 
 was that we had nothing to eat, and our bodily strength began to fail 
 from many trials both of hunger and cold. Here we were obliged to 
 remain and to pass the time in distress. I could, to be sure, purchase with 
 needles and Indian shoe strings sugar made from the juice of the tree 
 already mentioned, on which we sustained life, but it did not agree with 
 us; we became quite ill from much drinking to quench the thirst caused 
 by the sweetness of the sugar. My companion StoflPel became impatient 
 and out of spirits, and wished himself dead. He desired me to procure 
 a canoe in which to float down the streams until we reached Pennsyl- 
 vania, which might have been done in six or eight days, but not without 
 provisions and not without considerable danger, as the Susquehanna was 
 very high and rapid, and we did not know the channel in such a swollen 
 state of the water. 
 
 But I was now determined on no account to return home without ac- 
 complishing the object of my mission, in particular as I knew the danger 
 of the river. Two weeks before I would gladly have turned back, as I 
 foresaw all the difficulties we must undergo and conquer, but no one 
 would then turn back, or see the difficulties I feared. Stoflfel wished he 
 had followed my advice at that time. I was now, however, so resigned to 
 misery, that I could have submitted to the greatest bodily hardships with- 
 out resistance, since I had been relieved from the tortures of the mind by 
 the wonderful hand of God. I had at a previous period of my life 
 wished that I had never heard of a God, either from my parents or other 
 people, for the idea I had of him had led me away from him. I thought 
 the atheists more happy than those who cared much about God. Oh, 
 how far man is removed from God, yes inexpressibly far, although God 
 is near, and cannot impart the least thing to corrupt man until he has 
 given himself up without conditions, and in such a manner as cannot be 
 explained or described, but may be experienced in great anguish of body 
 and mind. How great is the mercy of the Lord and how frequent ; his 
 power, his goodness, and his truth are every where evident. In short 
 our God created the heavens; the gods of the heuthen are idols. 
 
 But to return to our affairs. I called the Indians together, represented 
 to them the importance of my errand, stated what I was commanded to 
 do by both the governments of Virginia and Pennsylvania, and required 
 of them as faithful allies of the English, and particular friends of the 
 government of Pennsylvania, to furnish me with provisions for my party 
 so that I could reach Onoutago, the end of my journey. Because the 
 business related especially to the allied Six Nations, for whose sake their 
 brother Thomas Penn had taken such an interest in the affair, and had 
 sent me such a journey at an inclement time of year, for the purpose of 
 preventing fui'ther bloodshed unnecessarily and out of mere revenge, and 
 that they might possess their lands and raise their provisions in peace. 
 In the next place I required them to send out two messengers on snow 
 shoes as soon as possible, in advance, who should make known my ap- 
 proach, so that the councilmen of all Six Nations could be called together, 
 which would require three weeks. There was an old war chief from 
 
17 
 
 Onontago present, by whose interference both points were agreed to, only 
 no one knew where to procure provisions for us, or for the two Indian 
 messengers. By general consent a hut was broken into, whose occupants 
 were far absent on a hunt, and so much corn was taken asi was judged 
 sufficient to enable us to reach Onontago. The two runners leceived a 
 i-hare, and the balance, about one third of a bushel, was given to us,which 
 we thankfully received. I had it pounded at the house we occupied, 
 which was not done without loss. Hunger is a great tyrant, he does not 
 spare the best of friends, much less striDgers. KaJopinij, a Frenchman, 
 who had been taken captive when a boy, but now an Indian in appear- 
 ance, if not worse, together with another young Indian, were sent off to 
 notify my arrival to the council at Onontago. The last fall of snow was 
 rapidly disappearing as the weather had again become warm. 
 
 The 6th April the runners started. In the meanwhile an Indian had 
 the kindness to invite me privately to supper. I took Stoffel with me ; 
 he gave us to eat by night on two occasions. A third time, another old 
 acquaintance presented me with four small loaves one evening, which I 
 immediately divided among my companions and the surrounding hungry 
 children. 
 
 These Indians often came to my lodgings, or invited me to their huts 
 for the purpose of talking, (they are very inquisitive,) and thus we passed 
 the hungry hours away, in relating old or new events or traditions and 
 smoking tobacco, which they have in plenty. Among other things I 
 asked them how it happened that they were so short of provisions now, 
 while twelve years ago they had a greater supply than all the other 
 Indians; and now their children looked like dead persons and suffered 
 much from hunger. They answered that now game was scarce, and that 
 hunting had strangely failed since last winter; some of them had procured 
 nothing at all. That the Lord and Creator of the world was resolved to 
 destroy the Indians. One of thoir seers, whom they named, had seen a 
 vision of God, who had said to him the following words : You inquire 
 after the cause lohi/ (jariie has become scarce. I will tell you. You kill 
 it for the sake of the skins, ichich yo%i give for strowj liquor and drown 
 your senses, and kill one another, and carry on a dreadftd debauchery. 
 Therefore have I driven the xvild animals out of the country, for they 
 are mine. If you will do good and cease from your sins, I will bring 
 them back; if not, I will destroy you from off the carth."^ 
 
 I inquired if they believed what the seer had seen and heard. They 
 answered, yes, some believed it would happen so, others also believed it, 
 but gave themselves no concern about it. Time will show, said they, 
 what is to happen to us; rum will kill us and leave the land clear for the 
 Europeans without strife or purchase. 
 
 The Indians living here are on an arm of the Susquehanna which 
 comes out of high mountains, and is a rapid stream. I saw the children 
 here walking up and down the banks of the stream along the low land, 
 where the high water had washed the wild potatoes or ground acorns out 
 of the ground. These grow here on a long stem or root about the size 
 
 * This remarkable language Weiser has put into his journal in large letters, by 
 way of calling attention to it. — H. H. 31. 
 
18 
 
 of a thick straw, and there are frequently from five to ten hanging to 
 such a root, which is often more than six feet long. The richer the 
 soil, the longer they grow, and the greater the quantity in the ground. 
 The largest are of the size of a pigeon's egg, or larger, and look much in 
 size and shape like black acorns. I thought of the words of Job, chapter 
 xxxi. 3 — 8, while these barbarians were satisfying their hunger with these 
 roots, and rejoicing greatly when they found them in large numbers and 
 dug them up. 
 
 On the 7th we agreed to leave this place at once, and again to pass 
 through a great wilderness to reach the end of our journey. We started 
 at 8 o'clock in the morning from this miserable place, where more mur- 
 ders occur than in any other nation. It is called by the Indians in par- 
 ticular a den of murderers, where every year so many are swallowed up. 
 About noon we met our messengers returning, who said it was impossible 
 to proceed on account of the deep snow in the mountains, which was 
 more than knee deep. We debated long, and it was decided by a 
 majority of voices to postpone the journey until better weather and roads. 
 The before mentioned old war chief had accompanied us, because he was 
 a leading man in the war council at Onontago, and wished to accompany 
 me for the purposee of advancing my business to a favorable termina- 
 tion. He was a grey headed man of seventy years, as he showed by cir- 
 cumstantial proofs. He advised me confidently to proceed on the 
 journey, and promised to guide us by such a route, that if we used our 
 best efforts, we would by to-morrow evening reach a country where the 
 snow had disappeared by reason of the open forests. After two days of 
 fatigue and trouble, said he, you will be better off than by turning back 
 with your business undone, after having already undergone so many hard- 
 ships from cold, snow, high water, and hunger. I was pleased with his 
 well meant advice, (for he often called me his son and child,) and bade 
 him lead on ; for he was much interested in the object of my mission. 
 We proceeded on our journey; rainy weather set in, and before night we 
 were in snow up to the knees. We made a hut this evening of the bark 
 of the linden trees which we pealed off. It rained the whole night with 
 a warm south wind which converted the snow into slush. 
 
 The 8th we travelled from early in the morning until evening with great 
 rapidity, in constant rain, through a dreadful thick wilderness, such as I 
 had never before seen. We frequently fell into holes and ditches, where 
 we required the assistance of the others to extricate ourselves. We all 
 lost courage. This was the hardest and most fatiguing day's journey I 
 had ever made; my bodily strength was so exhausted that I trembled and 
 shook so much all over, I thought I must fall from weariness and perish. 
 I stepped aside, and sat down under a tree to die, which I hoped would be 
 hastened by the cold approaching night. When my companions remark- 
 ed my absence, they waited for me some time, then returned to seek me, 
 and found me sitting under a tree. But I would not be persuaded to 
 proceed, for I thought it beyond my power. The entreaties of the old 
 chief and the sensible reasoning of Shikelimo (who said that evil days 
 were better for us than good, for the first often warned us against sins 
 and washed them out, while the latter often enticed us to sin) caused me 
 
19 
 
 alter my resolution, and I arose. But I could not keep up with the 
 old man who was the leader and a good walker. He often waited for the 
 whole party. We slept on the snow again that night 3 it rained the 
 whole night, but not violently. 
 
 The 9 th, we prepared breakfast before day, and set out early in cloudy 
 weather. Before noon we got out of the thick forests into scattered 
 groves where the snow had disappeared, as the old man had assured us. 
 We seemed to have escaped out of all our troubles in this delightful re- 
 gion, especially as the sun broke through the clouds and cheered us with 
 his warm rays. If the snow and the forests had remained the same as 
 yesterday, we must all have perished before reaching Onontago. But hun- 
 ger was still pinching us ; to eat a little corn meal soup was of no benefit, 
 for it was only meal and water ; the wheat bread and good meal had not 
 only left the stomach, but the limbs also. We were now on high moun- 
 tains, and to-day we passed the first waters flowing into the great lake 
 Onontarioj or the Saiat Lawrence, out of which the famous river Saint 
 Lawrence flows, which passes through New France or Canada. From all 
 appearances this is the most elevated region in North America; wc 
 passed several small runs on the left hand, which join the lake just 
 mentioned. To the right were others which joined the Susquehanna; a 
 day's journey from here, there are waters emptying into the Hudson to 
 the east, and to the west at some distance are the waters joining the 
 Meshasippia. We reached several small lakes and ponds, at one of which 
 the Indians said an evil spirit in the shape of a great snake resided, who 
 was frequently visible. The Indians refused to drink here. 
 
 The 10th we left our camp quite early, as we hoped to reach the end 
 of our journey this day. About noon we passed the hill on which, by 
 Indian tradition, corn, pumpkins and tobacco first grew, and were disco- 
 vered through an extraordinary vision. As we felt sure of reaching Onon- 
 tago, we cooked the balance of our meal in a great hurry, and hastened 
 onward. It began to rain hard. To-day we made forty miles, the timber 
 was principally sugar trees. This evening we reached the first village of 
 Onontago to our great delight. Not a soul remained in the houses, all 
 came running out to see us ; they had been made acquainted with our 
 coming by the old chief a quarter of an hour previously, who had prece- 
 ded us for that purpose. They came in crowds to the house we occupied. 
 I found here several acquaintances, but they were surprised at my misera- 
 ble aspect ; one said it is he ; another said no, it is another person alto- 
 gether. It is not the custom among these people, for a stranger who has 
 come from a distance to speak until he is questioned, which is never done 
 until he has had food set before him, and his clothes dried, in which 
 things they did not allow us to want. 
 
 Honor and praise, glory and power be given to the Almighty God who 
 rescued us from so many and various evils and dangers, and saved us from 
 death and destruction, from doubt and despair, and other hazards. 
 
 When on enquiry by the assembled males, I answered that I was sent 
 to them by their brethren, Onas (Thomas Penn) and James Logan, 
 with an extraordinary commission ; a messenger was immediately sent to 
 the chief village, about four miles off", to make known my approach, and to 
 
20 
 
 ascertain the wishes of the council, whether I should remain here, or 
 was to go forward. At midnight the messenger returned, with advice 
 that a house was prepared for me at the main village, where my arrival 
 was anxiously awaited. 
 
 The 11th of April we were accompanied at an early hour to the vil- 
 lage, and to the house which had been prepared for us ; it was that of a 
 man named Anuioar-ogon, a relative of one of the chiefs, who received 
 us kindly. After we had been left to ourselves, and had eaten some- 
 thing, the head man or chief came in, gave me a string of wampum ac- 
 cording to the law and custom of their country, said I was very welcome 
 on account of the message I was commissioned by brethren Onas and 
 James Logan to deliver to their council. That I could deliver it as 
 soon I wished. I thanked them for their good will, and delivered a 
 string of wampum in token of the greeting from their brethren Onas and 
 James Logan, with a request that the whole council of the Six Nations 
 might be called together as scon as possible, for the objects of the embas- 
 sy I was sent on related to the whole of them, and were of great impor- 
 tance. They answered that of each nation, there were some chiefs 
 present except of the CauJncA-os, which need be no obstacle. Those 
 present were fully empowered to transact affairs of importance. The 
 following day was therefore appointed to give me an audience. 
 
 The 12th April they assembled at my lodgings to the number of 
 about forty men, who all entered with great gravity and pride. When 
 they were all collected to hear me, their President said to mc that 
 they were ready to hear me. I arose and delivered my message in the 
 Ma(jua language which I spoke with the most facility, and which they 
 all understood. After each principal subject, of which there were two, I 
 delivered to them a belt of wampum and a string of eight Mufter long 
 in the name of the Grovernor of Virginia, and Thomas Penn, proprietor 
 of Pennsylvania. They resolved to give me an answer in two days to 
 the part relating to the truce, and to the congress at Williamsburg. 
 
 After all was over, a feast was prepared. The food was brought in 
 by other chiefs and set down in the middle of the house in a variety of 
 vessels. Each one brought his own dish and spoon, and helped himself 
 to as much as he chose. After the feast was over, the discourse turned 
 on the events of our journey. At a signal from the sjieaher they all 
 went away, to allow us to retire to rest. I received in the evening al- 
 ready an intimation of the answer, which was full and satisfactory. 
 
 The 13tb, Shikelimo was very sick, and also Stoffel, which was pro- 
 bably caused by imprudence in eating, but in two days they were again 
 well. 
 
 The 14th, the council again assembled, together with all the males 
 who were at home, and the whole of my message was repeated by the 
 upcaker, and I was asked if it was correctly stated in all points. On 
 my answering yes, the speaker proceeded, and their answer was given at 
 large, with the remark that I should comprehend it fully, so as to be en- 
 abled to report it correctly to the Governor of Virginia and Onas. They 
 agreed to the truce, but decided against Williamsburg, and chose Albany 
 
21 
 
 as the place of the congress, all which can be seen in my English jour- 
 ral more at large, with all the speeches and incidents. 
 
 These Indiiins wished me to remain with them a month, until my 
 strength should be restored ; they showed every possible kindness to me, 
 and we had no scarcity of food. 
 
 I became very sick, so that I expected to die ; for half an hour I could 
 neither hear nor see. My host gave me medicine after I had recovered 
 my senses and could tell him to what cause I attributed this sudden at- 
 tack ; the medicine made a strong impression on my stomach and bowels, 
 succeeded by a violent vomiting. After taking the medicine I was or- 
 dered to walk briskly until it operated, which took place in about half a 
 mile from the village, where I lay until I became insensible. Towards 
 evening I was found by several Indians, who led me home where a bed 
 had been provided. At midnight I was well ; other medicine was then 
 given to me, and in the morning I arose perfectly restored, except that I 
 felt weak. 
 
 I went with my host and another old friend to see a salt spring, of 
 which there are great numbers, so that a person cannot drink of every 
 stream on account of the salt water. The Indians boil handsome salt 
 for use. These Indians, who are otherwise called Onontcujtrs (people of 
 the hills,) are the handsomest, wisest, and the bravest of the Six Nations. 
 They live in huts made of bark, which are very convenient ; some of 
 them are 50, 60 to a 100 feet long, generally about 12 or 13 feet wide. 
 In this length there are generally 4 to 5 fires and as many families, who 
 are looked upon as one. The country is hilly, but there is a small val- 
 ley which is very fertile, and yields almost incredible crops of corn, 
 which is plentiful about here. The Europeans from Oswego, as well 
 as Niagara, often come here for corn. 
 
 These Indians did all in their power to detain me longer, but I could 
 not be content. I M'as tired of the Indian country and affairs. At my 
 request they procured provisions for my return journey, and also a man 
 to carry them and my pack. 
 
 On the 18th we took leave, (with my Stoffel and Shikelimo) for the 
 purpose of returning home, if it should please the Supreme Being. The 
 gods of the heathen are idols, the God of Israel created the heavens; 
 he has a strong arm, but is patient, merciful, of great kindness, and is 
 found by those who seek him. He is God. 
 
 This evening we reached the place where the Indians make bark ca- 
 noes, on a creek passing by the village of Otsen-inky, of which we have 
 already spoken. We peeled a chesuut tree and made a canoe. Cax- 
 haycn, who accompanied us, understood this work very completely. The 
 weather set in bad, so that we had to lie by under a bark shelter. Snow 
 fell a foot deep. 
 
 On the 22nd, we embarked in our newly made bark canoe, and pushed 
 off; Caxhayen returned home. The first day we met many obstacles 
 from fallen timber. This creek* is about the size of the Titlpcnpm- 
 hacken. We had to unload the canoe several times to mend her. We 
 crossed several lakes, and before night we reached a more rapid stream"]' 
 
 * Quere, was it Otsetic creek? f Quere, was it Tiontoga creek? 
 
22 
 
 wliicli flowed among the hills with such rapidity as can hardly be de- 
 scribed. We shot several ducks which are very plenty, and missed a 
 deer and a bear. 
 
 On the 23rd we reached deeper water, a river which comes from 
 Oftc«V/o,* joins it at this point; the water was very high and rapid. 
 tSaristaqua of Osfcn-inki/ who was hunting, fired his gun on seeing us, 
 and called to us. We turned to shore, which we reached in a few min- 
 utes, but had been carried down a mile since he had fired. He joined 
 us, and I related what had taken place in Onontago, at which he was 
 pleased. We left him, entered our canoe again, and by night reached 
 Otsen inky. Fired at a bear and missed. 
 
 The 24th we pushed off early, in half an hour reached the Susquehan- 
 na river, passed to-day Onoto, Owego, down to the Dia-ogon. We found 
 that at the last village we had forgotten our Onontago salt. 
 
 The 25th we embarked early, got a companion, a relative of Shikeli- 
 mo, but who was of little use, except to help us eat. We passed the 
 spot which we first reached after leaving the desolate wilderness, the 
 mouth of Oshcalui and Dawantaa. Shot several ducks and a turkey. 
 Passed several fine bodies of land, partly level, partly timbered. 
 
 The 26th we reached Sr((hanto-wano,-\ where a number of Indians 
 live, Shawanos and Mahickanders. Found there two traders from New 
 York, and three men from the Maqun country who were hunting land; 
 their names are Ludwig Rasselman, Martin Dillonbach, and Pit de Ni- 
 ger. Here;}; there is a large body of land, the like of which is not to be 
 found on the river. 
 
 Oq the 27th we embarked; about noon we met some Pennsylvania 
 traders, who gave us some rum. 
 
 On the 28th we reached Shomoken, here Shikelimo took leave of us 
 and went home. Stoffel accompanied him, to brirjg the things we had 
 left in his care, as saddles and bridles, and returned this evening on 
 horseback. In the meanwhile I had paddled down the river on this 
 side, to enquire after my horse of the Indians who were now encamped 
 here. When I went on shore and looked into the forest, the first object 
 I saw was my horse, about 20 rods off, and in fact not far from the 
 spot where I had left him, when going up. Stoffel's horse could not be 
 found at this time. 
 
 The 29th we set ofi" over the country, on the 30th we reached ToJheo, 
 and on the 
 
 1st day of May reached home in safety. Honor and praise, power 
 and glory, be given to Almighty God for ever and ever. 
 
 [Here follows a German Hymn. — H. H. M.] 
 
 •Quere, was it Chenango river? fQ^^re, the Lackawannoch river? 
 
 JQuere. Wyoming valley ? 
 
23 
 
 III. — Copy of a Journal of the proceedings of Conrad Weker, in Jiis 
 Journey to Ohio, with a message and present frorn the Government of 
 Pennsi/lvania, to the Indians there. 
 
 Avgust tlie Will, 1748. Set out from my house,* came to James 
 Galbraith that day, 30 miles. 
 
 The 12th, came to George Croghan's,"j' 15 miles. 
 
 The 13th, to Robert Duuning's, 20 miles. 
 
 The 14^h, to Tuscarora\ path, 30 miles. 
 
 The 15th, lay by on account of G. Croghau's men coming back sick, 
 and some other affairs hinderins^ us. 
 
 The I7th, crossed Tuscarora hill; came to the Black Log lodging 
 place, 20 miles. 
 
 The 18th, had a great rain in the afternoon ; came to within two miles 
 of the Standing Stone, 24 miles. 
 
 The 19th we travelled but 12 miles, and were obliged to dry our 
 things. 
 
 The 20th, came to Frankstown, but saw no houses or cabins. Here 
 we overtook one half of the goods,§ because four of George Croghan's 
 men fell sick ; 20 miles. 
 
 The 21st lay by; it rained all day. 
 
 The 22nd, crossed Allegemi\\ hills ; came to the clear fields,^ 16 miles. 
 
 The 28d, came to the Shawnee cabins, 34 miles. 
 
 The 24th, found a dead man on the road who had killed himself by 
 drinking too much whiskey. The place being very stony we could not 
 dig a grave, and he snielled very strong; we laid him between two old 
 logs, and covered him with stones and wood, and cut a great many sap- 
 lings over him and went on our journey. Came to the 10 mile lake;** made 
 32 miles. 
 
 The 25th, crossed Kishyminity river ; came to Ohio that day, 20 
 miles. 
 
 The 26th, hired a canoe, paid 1000 black wampum for the loan of it 
 to Loystown ; our horses being all tired we went by water, and came that 
 niglit to a Delaware town ; the Indians used us very kindly. 
 
 The 27th, set off again in the morning early by rainy weather. Dined 
 
 * Near Womelsdorf in Berks county. — H. H M. 
 
 t In P.^niisboro, Cumbpiland County. Croshan was an Indian trader, who was 
 to guide Weiser, and forward tne goods. — H. H. M. 
 
 X The Tu*carora path seems to have led from the upper end of the Cumberland 
 valley, piobably from near Shippensburg to the Standing Stone, now the town of 
 Huntii.gdon.— H. H. M. 
 
 § Accordiu;; to Gordon's History of Pennsylvania, page 257, goods to the value 
 of one thousand pounds were sent as a present, and the instructions to Weiser are 
 also t:iven.— H. H. M. 
 
 II At Blair's gap, where the Indian path crossed the Allegheny mountain. — H. 
 H. M. 
 
 ir Qiiere, the head waters of Clearfield creek, one of the head waters of the 
 West Branch of the Susquehanna ?— H. H. M. 
 
 •* Quere, Ten Mile Lick ?— H. H. M. 
 
24 
 
 in a Sinicker town, where an old Sinicker* woman reigns with great au- 
 thority; in her house we dined, and they used us all very well. At this 
 and the last mentioned Delaware town they received us by firing off a 
 great many guns, especially at this last place. We had saluted the town 
 by firing off four pair of pistols. Arrived that evening in Loystown,f 
 we saluted the town as before, and the Indians fired above one hundredd 
 guns, and great rejoicing appeared in their countenances. From the place 
 where we took water, that is from the old Shawano's town, commonly called 
 Chartierstown, to this place, it is above 60 miles by water, but about 
 35 or 40 by land. 
 
 The Indian council met this evening to shake hands with me, and to 
 show their satisfaction at my safe arrival. I desired of them to send 
 a couple of canoes to fetch down the goods from Chartier's old town, 
 where we had been obliged to leave them because of our horses being all 
 scalled on their backs, and tired. Gave them a string of wampum to 
 enforce my request. 
 
 The 28th lay still. 
 
 The 29th, the Indians set off in three canoes to fetch the goods. I 
 expected the goods would, by the time they could land at Chartier's old 
 town, all have come from Frankstown, as we met about twenty horses 
 of Gr. Croghan's at the Shawano cabins, in order to fetch them. 
 
 This day news came to the town, that the Six Nations were on the 
 point of declaring war against the French, for the reason some of the 
 French had imprisoned some of the Six Nations' chiefs who came to them 
 as deputies. A council was held and all the Indians acquainted with 
 the news, and it was said the Six Nations' message was by the way to give 
 all the Indians notice to make ready to fight the French. That day my 
 companions went to Caskasky, a large Indian town, about thirty miles 
 off. 
 
 The 30th I went to Beaver creek, an Indian town about eight miles 
 off, chiefly Delawares, the rest Mohocks, to have some belts of wam- 
 pum made. This afternoon rainy weather set in which lasted about a 
 week. Andrew Montour came back from Caskasky with a message from 
 the Indians there, to desire me the ensuing council might be held at 
 their town. We both lodged at this town at George Crogan's trading 
 house. 
 
 The 31st, sent Andrew back to Caslcasl-ij with a string of wampum, 
 to let the Indians there know that it was an act of their own that the en- 
 suing council must be held at Loystown ; they had ordered it so last 
 spring when George Crnghan was up, and at the last treaty in Lancaster 
 the Shawanos and Tw'chtweesX were told so, and they stayed according- 
 ly for that purpose. Both would be offended if the council was to be held 
 at Caskasky. Besides this, my instructions bind me to Loystown, and I 
 could not go further without giving offence. 
 
 September the 1st. The Indians at Loystown having heard of the 
 message from Caskasky, called a council, and sent for me to know what I 
 
 * Queen Aliquippa. — H. H. M. 
 
 t Loystown was about 12 or 14 miles below Pittsburg, on tiie right bank of 
 the river — H. H. M. 
 
 t The Miami nation, I believe.— H. H.M. 
 
25 
 
 was resolved to do, and told me the Indians at Caskasky were no more 
 chiefs than themselves ; and last spring they had nothing to eat, and ex- 
 pecting they would have nothing at my arrival ordered the council should 
 be held here; now their corn is ripe they think to remove the council, 
 but they ought to stand by their word ; we have kept the Tweechwees 
 here and our brethren the Shawanos from below on that account. I told 
 them of the message I had sent by Andrew and they were content. 
 
 The 2d the rain continued ; the Indians brought us a good deal of 
 venison. 
 
 The 3d. Set up the Union flag on a long pole; treated all the com- 
 pany with a dram of rum. The king's health was drunk by Indians and 
 white men. Towards night a great many Indians arrived to attend the 
 council. There was great firing on both sides. The strangers first saluted 
 the town at 'about a quarter of a mile distance, and at their entry the 
 town people fired furiously, also the English traders, there were about 
 twenty of them. At night I was taken sick with the colic ; got bled. 
 
 The 4th was obliged to keep my bed all day, and was very weak. 
 
 The 5th I found myself better. Scaylmhadi/ came to see me; had 
 some discourse with him about the ensuing council. 
 
 The 6th, one canoe with goods arrived, the rest did not come to the 
 river. The Indians that brought the goods found our casks of whiskey 
 hid by some of the traders; they had drunk two and brought two to the 
 town. The Indians all got drunk to night, and some of the traders 
 along with them. The weather cleared up. 
 
 The 7th being informed the Wantats had a mind to go back again to 
 the French, and had endeavored to take the Delawares along with them 
 to recommend them to the French, I sent Andrew to Beaver Creek with 
 a string of wampum to inform himself of the truth of the matter. They 
 sent a string in answer to let me know they had no correspondence that 
 way with the Wantats, and the aforesaid report was false. 
 
 The 8th had a council with the chiefs of the Wantats, inquired their 
 number, and what made them come away from the French, what corres- 
 pondence they had with the Sis Nations, and whether or no they ever 
 had any correspondence with the Grovernor of New York. They in- 
 formed me that their coming away from the French was owing to the 
 hard usage they received from them; they would always get their young 
 people to go to war against their (the French) enemies, and would use 
 them as their own people, that is, like slaves, and their goods were so 
 dear, they (the Indians) could not buy them. That there were one 
 hundred fighting men came over the lakes to the English; seventy were 
 left behind at another town a good distance off. They hoped they 
 would follow them. That they had a very good correspondence with the 
 Six Nations these many years, and are one people with them ; that they 
 could wish the Six Nations would act more briskly against the French. 
 That above fifty years ago they made a treaty of friendship with the 
 Grovernor of New York at Albany. They showed a large belt of wam- 
 pum they received then by the said Governor as from the King of Grreat 
 Britain. The belt was 25 grains wi'de and 265 long, very curiously 
 wrought ; there were seven images of men holding one another by the 
 Vol. I.— No. 1. 3 
 
26 
 
 hand; the first signifying the Governor of New York, (or rather as they 
 said the King of Great Britain,) the second the Mohacks, the third the 
 Oneiders, the fourth the Cayuckers, the fifth the Onontagers, the sixth 
 the Sinickers, the seventh the Wantats, and two rows of black wampum 
 under their feet through the whole length of the belt, to signify the road 
 from Albany through the five nations to the Wantats. That six years 
 ago they had sent deputies to Albany with the same belt to renew the 
 friendship. 
 
 I treated them with a quart of whiskey and a roll of tobacco. They 
 signified their good wishes to King George and all his people, and were 
 mightily pleased that I looked upon them as brethren of the English. 
 
 This day I desired the deputies of all the nations of Indians on the 
 waters of the Ohio to give me a list of all their fighting men, which they 
 promised to do, 
 
 A great many of the Indians went away to-day because the rest of the 
 goods did not come, and the people in this town could not find provision 
 enough, the number was too great. 
 
 The following is the number of every nation's fighting men, given to 
 me by their several deputies in council in so many little sticks tied up in 
 a bundle. 
 
 The Sinickers, 
 
 " Shawanos, 
 
 " Wantats, 
 
 '' Zisagechroanu, . 
 
 " IMohacks, (among whom are 27 French Mohacks,) 
 
 " Mahickans, 
 
 " Onontagers 
 
 " Cayuckers, 
 
 " Oneiders, 
 
 '' Dela wares, 
 
 Total, 789 
 
 The 9th, I had a council with the Sinickers; gave them a large string 
 of wampum, black and white, to let them know that I had a charge from 
 the President and Council in Philadelphia, to make inquiry who took the 
 people prisoners, lately taken in Carolina, one thereof being a great man, 
 and that by what discovery I had already made, I had found it was 
 some of the Sinickers did it. I therefore desired them to give me their rea- 
 son for so doing; and, as they had struck their hatchet into their 
 brethren's body, they could not expect that I could deliver my message 
 with a good heart before they gave me satisfaction in that respect. For 
 they must consider the English, though living in several provinces, are 
 all one people, and doing mischief to one is doing mischief to the other. 
 Let me have a direct and plain answer. 
 
 The 10th, a great many of the Indians got drunk; one Henry Nolling 
 had brought near thirty gallons pf whiskey to the town. This day I 
 made a present to the old Shawano chief, Cackkawatchiky, of a stroud 
 watchcoat, a blanket, a common matchcoat, a shirt, a pair of stockings, 
 
 
 
 163 
 
 
 
 162 
 
 
 
 100 
 40 
 
 Ioh< 
 
 icks,) 
 
 74 
 
 15 
 
 35 
 
 . 20 
 
 
 
 15 
 . 165 
 
27 
 
 and a large twist of tobacco. I told him the President and Council at 
 Philadelphia remembered their old and true friend, and would clothe 
 his old body once more, and wished that he might wear out these clothes, 
 and live so much longer, as to give them an opportunity to clothe him 
 again. There were a great many of the Shawano Indians present; 
 among others, the Big Huming and the Bride, being two of them that 
 went off with Peter Chartier, but protested against our traders. Cackca- 
 watchiky returned many thanks, and some of the Six Nations did the 
 same, and expressed their satisfaction to see that a true man was taken 
 notice of, although he was now grown childish. 
 
 The 11th, I staved, in concert with Greorge Croghan, an eight gallon 
 cask of whiskey, belonging to the aforesaid Henry Nolling, who could 
 not be prevailed upon to hide it in the woods, but would sell it and 
 drink himself. 
 
 I desired the Indians in council to send some of their young men to 
 meet our people with the goods, and not come back until they heard of 
 or saw them. I begun to be afraid they had fallen into the hands of the 
 enemy; so did the Indians themselves. Ten warriors from Niagara 
 came to town by water. We suspected them very much, and feared that 
 some of their parties went to meet our people, by hearing of them com- 
 ing down the river. 
 
 The 12th, two Indians and Robert Callender, went out to meet our 
 people with the goods ; had orders not to come back before they saw 
 them, or to go to Frankstown where we left the goods. 
 
 The same day the Indians made answer to my request concerning the 
 prisoners taken in Carolina. Thaiiat/ieson, a Sinicker, spoke to the fol- 
 lowing purport, out of doors, in the presence of all the deputies of the 
 other nations. The speaker directed his discourse to the English in 
 general, had a string of wampum in his hand, and said, Brethren, you 
 came a great way to visit us, and many sorts of evil might have befallen 
 you by the way, which might have been hurtful to your eyes and your 
 inward parts ; for the woods are full of evil spirits. We give you this 
 string of wampum to clear up your eyes and minds, and to remove all 
 bitterness of your spirits, that you may hear us speak in good cheer. 
 Then the speaker took the belt of wampum in his hands and said, 
 Brethren, when we and you first saw one another at your first arrival at 
 Albany, we shook hands together, and we became brethren, and we tied 
 your ship to the bushes, and after having had more acquaintance with 
 you we loved you more and more, and perceiving a bush would not hold 
 your ship, we then tied it to a big tree, and ever since good friendship 
 continued between us. Afterwards, you, our Brethren, told us a tree 
 may happen to fall down and the rope rot wherewith the ship was tied; 
 you then proposed to make a silver chain, and tie your ship to the great 
 mountain in the Five Nation's country, and that chain was called the 
 chain of friendship. We were all tied by our arms together with it, and 
 we, the Indians of the Five Nations, heartily agreed to it, and ever 
 since a very good correspondence has been kept between us ; but we are 
 very sorry that, at your coming here, we are obliged to talk of the acci- 
 dent that lately befell you in Carolina, where some of our warriors, by 
 
28 
 
 the instigation of the Evil Spirit, struck their hatchet into our own body, 
 for our brethren, the English, and wo, are of one body, and what was 
 done we utterly abhor as a thing done by the Evil Spirit himself. We 
 never expected any of our people would do so to our brethren, we there- 
 fore remove our hatchet, which by the Evil Spirit's order was struck 
 into your body, and we desire that our brethren, the Grovernor of New 
 York, and Onas,* may use their utmost endeavors that the thing may be 
 buried into the bottomless pit, that it may never be seen again ; that the 
 chain of friendship, which is of so long standing, may be preserved bright 
 and unhurt. (Gave the belt.) 
 
 Then the speaker took up a string of wampum, mostly all black, and 
 said. Brethren, as we have removed our hatchet out of your body, or, 
 properly speaking, out of our own, we now desire that the air may be 
 cleared up again, and the wound given may be healed, and every thing 
 put in a good understanding, as it was before, and we desire you will as- 
 sist us to make up every thing with the Governor of Carolina. The man 
 that has been taken prisoner we now deliver up to you, he is yours. 
 (Laid down the string and took the prisoner by the hand and delivered 
 him into my hand.) 
 
 By the way of discourse, the speaker said that the Six Nation warriors 
 often met Englishmen trading to the Catawbas, and often found that the 
 English betrayed them to their enemy, and some of the English traders 
 had been spoken to by the said speaker last year in the Cherokees coun- 
 try, and told them not to do so. That the speaker and many others of 
 the Six Nations had been afraid a long time, that such a thing by some 
 of their warriors at one time or another would be done. 
 
 The same day had a council with the Sinickers and the Onontagers 
 about the Wantats, to receive them into our union. I gave a large belt 
 of wampum, and the Indians gave two, and every thing was agreed upon 
 that should be said to the Wantats. The same evening a full council 
 was appointed and met accordingly. A speech was made to the Wantats 
 as follows, by AsscrharJm, a Siuicker. Brethren, the Jonontaty Hages, 
 last spring you sent this belt of wampum to us (having the belt then in 
 his hands,) to desire us and our brethren, the Shawanos, and our cousins 
 the Delawares, to come and meet you in your retreat from the French, 
 and we accordingly came to your assistance and brought you here, and 
 we received you as our own flesh. We desire you will think you are 
 now joined to us and our brethren, the English, and you are become one 
 people with us ; then he laid that belt by, and gave them a very large 
 string of wampum. The speaker took up the belt and said. Brethren, 
 the English our brethren, bid you welcome, and are glad you escaped out 
 of captivity; you have been kept as slaves by Onontio,"}" notwithstanding 
 he called you all along his children, but now you have broke the rope 
 wherewith you have been tied and become freemen, and we, the United 
 Six Nations, receive you to our council fire, and make you members 
 thereof, and we will secure your dwelling place to you against all manner 
 of danger. (Gave the belt.) 
 
 ♦Penn, or the Government of Pennsylvania, 
 f The French. 
 
29 
 
 Brethren we the united nations and all our Indian allies, with our breth- 
 ren the English, look upon you as our children, though you are our 
 brethren; we desire you will give no ear to the Evil Spirit that spreads 
 lies and wickedness. Let your mind be easy and clean, and be of the same 
 mind with us, whatever you may hear: nothing shall befall you but what 
 of necessity must befall us in the same time. (Gave the belt.) 
 
 Brethren, we the Six united Nations and all our Indian allies, with 
 our bethren the English, are extremely glad to see you here, as it hap- 
 pened just at the same time when our brother Onas is with us, we joint- 
 ly by this belt of wampum embrace you about your middle, and desire 
 you to be strong in your mind and heart; let nothing alter your mind 
 but live and die with us. (Gave the belt and the council broke up.) 
 
 The 14th, a full council was summoned, and every thing was repeated 
 by me to all the Indians, that had passed in Lancaster at the last treaty 
 with the Twichwees. 
 
 The news was confirmed by a belt of wampum from the Sis Nations, 
 that the French had imprisoned some of the Six Nations' Deputies, and 
 thirbr of the Wan tats, including women and children. 
 
 The Indians that were sent to meet our people with the goods, came 
 back and did not see anything of them, but they had been no further 
 than the Shawanos' old town. 
 
 The 15th, I let the Indians know that I would deliver my message to 
 morrow, and the goods I had, and they must send deputies to me on my 
 returning homewards, and wheresoever we should meet the rest of the 
 goods I would deliver them to them, if they are not taken by the enemy, 
 to which they agreed. 
 
 The same day the Delawares made a speech to me, and presented a bea- 
 ver coat and a string of wampum and said. Brother, we let the President 
 and Council of Phihidelphia know, that after the death of our chief man, 
 OlumapieSj our grand children the Shawanoes came to our town in order 
 to condole with us over the loss of our good King, your brother, and 
 they wiped off our tears and comforted our minds; and as the Delawares 
 are the same people with the Pennsylvanians, and born in one and the 
 same country, we give some of tlie present our grand children gave us, to 
 the President and council in Philadelphia, because the death of their 
 good friend and brother must have effected these as well as us. (Gave 
 the beaver coat and a string of wampum.) 
 
 The same day, the Wantats sent for me and Andrew, and presented 
 us with seven beaver skins, about ten pounds weight and said, they gave us 
 that to buy some refreshment for us after our arrival in Pennsylvania, 
 wished that we might get home safe, and lifted up their hands and said 
 that they would pray God to protect us and guide us the way home. I 
 desired to know all their names; they withal behaved in every respect 
 like people of great sense and sincerity, for the most part were grey 
 headed men; their names are as follows : — Totornibiadases, Taganayiosy, 
 Sonachqua, Wanduny, Taruchiorus their speaker. The chiefs of the 
 Delawares that made the above speech are Shawanapon and Achaman- 
 tama. 
 
 I now made answer to the Delawares and said, Brethren, tlie Dela- 
 
 3* 
 
30 
 
 wares, it is true wliat you said, that the people of Pennsylvania are your 
 brethren and countrymen ; we are very well pleased at what your child- 
 dren the Shawanos did to you. This is the first time we had public no- 
 tice given us of the death of our good friend Oluraapies. I take this op- 
 portunity to remove the remainder of trouble from your hearts, to enable 
 you to attend in council at the ensuing treaty, and I assure you the 
 President and council of Pennsylvania condole with you over the loss of 
 your king, our good friend and brother. (Gave five strouds.) 
 
 The two aforesaid chiefs gave a string of wampum, and desired me 
 to let their brethren the President and council know they intended a 
 journey next spring to Philadelphia, to consult with their brethren over 
 some affairs of moment. Since they are now like orphan children, they 
 hoped their brethren would let them have their good advice and assist- 
 ance, as the people of Pennsylvania and the Delawares were like one 
 family. 
 
 The same day the rest of the goods arrived. The men informed me 
 that they had ten days rain, and the creeks rose, and that they had been 
 obliged to send one sick man back from Frankstown to the inhabi|ants, 
 with another that attended him. 
 
 The neighboring Indians being sent for again, the council was appoint- 
 ed to meet to-morrow. It rained again. 
 
 The 17th it rained very hard, but in the afternoon it held up for about 
 three hours; the Deputies of the several nations met in council, and I 
 delivered to them what I had to say from the President and council of 
 Philadelphia. 
 
 Brethren, you that live off in Ohio, I am sent to you by the President 
 and council of Pennsylvania, and I am now going to speak to you on 
 their Honors' behalf. I desire you will take notice and hear what I 
 shall say. (Gave a string of wampum.) 
 
 Brethren, some of you were in Philadelphia last fall, and acquainted us 
 that you had taken up the English hatchet, and that you had already made 
 use of it against the French, and that the Frenchmen had very hard heads, 
 and your country afforded nothing but grass and sticks, which were not 
 sufficient to break them. You desired your brethren would assist you 
 with some weapons sufficient to do it ; your brethren the President and 
 council promised you then to send something to you next spring by 
 Tliarachiauayon, but as some other affairs prevented his jouruey to 
 Ohio, you received a supply by George Croghan, sent to you by your 
 brethren. But before George Croghan came back from Ohio, news came 
 from over the great lake that the King of Great Britain and the French 
 King had agreed upon cessasion of arms for six months, and that a peace 
 was very likely to follow it. Your brethren, the President and council, 
 were then in a manner at a loss what to do; it did not become them to 
 act contrary to the command of the King, and to war against the French, 
 but as your brethren never missed in fulfilling their promises, they have 
 on a second consideration thought proper to turn their intended supply 
 into a civil and brotherly present, and have accordingly sent me with it ; 
 and here are the goods before your eyes, which I have by your breth- 
 ren's order divided into five shares, and laid into five different heaps, 
 
31 
 
 one heap thereof your brother Assaryquoh* sent to you to remember his 
 friendship and unity with you, and as you are all of the same nation 
 with whom we English have been in league of friendship, nothing need 
 to be said more than only this, that it is a present from your brethren the 
 President and council and Assaryquoh, and shall serve to strengthen the 
 chain of friendship between us, the English, and the several nations of 
 Indians to which you belong. A French peace is a very uncertain one, 
 they keep it no longer than their interest permits, then they break it 
 without provocation given them. The French King's people have been 
 almost starved in old France for want of provision, that made them wish 
 and seek for peace ; but our wise people are of opinion that after their 
 belly is full, they will quarrel again and raise a war. All the nations in 
 Europe know that their friendship is mixed with poison, and many that 
 trusted too much on their friendship, have been ruined. I now conclude 
 and say that we the English are your true brethren at all events, in to- 
 ken whereof, receive this present. 
 
 The goods being then uncovered, I proceeded, *' Brethren, you have 
 of late settled the river of Ohio for the sake of hunting, and our traders 
 followed you for the sake of hunting also; you have invited them your- 
 selves. Your brethren, the President and council, desire you will look 
 upon them as your brethren, and see that they have justice done. Some 
 of your young men have robbed the traders, but you will be so honest as 
 to compel them to make satisfaction. You are now become a people of 
 note, and grow very numerous of late years, and there are without doubt 
 some wise men among you. It becomes you to act the part of wise peo- 
 ple and be more regular than you have been for some years, when only a 
 few young hunters lived here. 
 
 (Gave a belt.) 
 
 Brethren you have of late made frequent complaints against the traders 
 for bringing so much rum into your towns, and you desired it might be 
 stopped, and your brethren the President and council made an act accord- 
 ingly, and put a stop to it, and no trader was to bring any rum or strong 
 liquor into your towns. I have the act here with me, and shall explain 
 it to you before I leave you, but it seems it is out of your power to stop 
 it entirely. You send down your own skins by the traders to buy rum 
 for you ; you go yourselves down and fetch horse loads of strong liquor. 
 But the other day, an Indian came from this town out of Maryland with 
 three horse loads of liquor, so that it appears that you love it so well that 
 you cannot be without it. You know very well, too, that the country 
 near the Endless mountain aifords strong liquor, and the minute the tra- 
 ders buy it they are gone out of the inhabitants and are travelling to this 
 place without being discovered. Besides this, you never agree about it ; 
 one will have, the others won't have it, (though very few of them) a 
 third says we will have it cheaper. This last we believe speaks out of 
 your heart, (here they laughed.) Your brethren, therefore, have ordered 
 thai every cask of whiskey shall be sold to you for five booksf in your 
 towns, and if the traders offer to sell whiskey to you and will not let you 
 have it at that price, you may take it from them and drink it for nothing, 
 
 • Who is intended ? H. H. M. 
 t Quere, Buckskins ? 
 
32 
 
 (Gave a belt.) 
 
 Brethren, here is one of the traders whom you know to be a very so- 
 ber and honest man ; he has been robbed out of the value of 300 books, 
 and you all know by whom. Let therefore satisfaction be made to the 
 trader. 
 
 (Gave a string of wampura.) 
 
 Brethren I have no more to say." 
 
 I delivered the goods to them having divided them before into five 
 shares ; gave a share to the Sinikers, a share to Kayuckers, Onontagers, 
 Oneiders, and Mohacks, the third share to the Delawares, the fourth to 
 the Wantats, Zisagechroanu, and Mahickans, the fifth to the Shawnoes. 
 
 The Indians signified great satisfaction and joy, and were well pleased 
 with the cessation of arms ; the rainy weather hastened them away with 
 the goods into some houses, and night coming on, the speech was delivered 
 to the Delawares in their own language by Andrew Montour, in my pre- 
 sence and some of the traders. 
 
 I acquainted the Indians I was resolved to leave them to-morrow and 
 return homewards. 
 
 The 19th Scahuhad//, Tanughrhhon, and Oniadagnrehra, with a few 
 more, came to my lodging and spoke to the following purport. 
 
 Brother Onas, we desire you will hear what we are going to say to you 
 in behalf of all the Indians on the Ohio. Their deputies have sent us 
 to you; we have heard what you have said to us and we return you many 
 thanks for the kindness in informing us of what passed between the king 
 of Great Britain and the French King. In particular, we return you 
 many thanks for the large presents ; the same we do to our brother As- 
 sariquoh who joined our brother Onas in making us a present. Our 
 brethren have indeed tied our hearts to theirs; we at present can but re- 
 turn thanks with an empty hand till another opportunity serves. To do 
 it sufficiently we must call a great council and do everything regular, in 
 the meantime look upon us as your true brethren. 
 
 Brother, you said the other day in council, if anything befell us from 
 the French we must let you know of it; we will let you know if we hear 
 anything from the French, be it against us or yourselves. You will have 
 peace, but it is most certain that the Six Nations and their allies are upon 
 the point of making war against the French. Let us keep up a true cor- 
 respondence, and let us hear always of one another. 
 
 (They gave a belt.) 
 
 Scahuhady and the half king with two others had informed me that 
 they often must send messengers to Indian towns and nations, and had 
 nothing in their council bag (as they being beggars) either to recompense 
 a messenger or to get wampum to do their business ; and begged I would 
 assist them with something. I had saved a piece of strouds and a half 
 barrel of powder, one hundred pounds of lead, ten shirts, six knives, one 
 pound of Vermillion, and gave it to them now for the aforesaid use. They 
 returned many thanks and were mightily pleased. 
 
 The old Siiiicker Queen from above, already mentioned, came to inform 
 me some time ago that she had sent a string of wampum of three fath- 
 oms to Philadelphia by James Dunnings, to desire her brethren would 
 
33 
 
 send her up a cask of powder and some small shot to enable her to seud 
 out the Indian boys to kill turkeys and other fowls for her, whilst the men 
 are gone to war against the French, that they may not be starved. I told 
 her I had heard nothing of her message, but if she had told me of it be- 
 fore I had parted with all the powder and lead, I could have let her have 
 some, and promised I would make inquiry ; perhaps her messenger had lost 
 it on the way to Philadelphia. I gave her a shirt, a Dutch wooden pipe 
 and some tobacco. She seemed to have taken a little affront because I 
 took not sufficient notice of her in coming down. I told her she acted 
 very imprudently not to let me know by some of her friends who she was, 
 as she knew very well I could not know by myself. She was satisfied, 
 and went away with a deal of kind expressions. 
 
 The same day I gave a stroud, a shirt and a pair of stockings to 
 the young Shawano, King Capechque, and a pipe and some tobacco. 
 
 The same day, about 12 o'clock, we set out for Pennsylvania, and tra- 
 velled about twelve miles ; rainy weather. 
 
 The 20tli, left a horse behind that we could not find. Came to the 
 river; had a great rain ; the river not rideable. 
 
 The 21st, sent for a canoe about 6 miles up the river to a Delaware 
 town. An Indian brought one, we paid him a blanket, got over the 
 river about 12 o'clock. Crossed Kiskaminity creek, and came that night 
 to the round hole, about twelve miles from the river. 
 
 The 22d, the weather cleared up ; we travelled this day about 35 
 miles, came by the place where we had buried the body of John Quen, 
 but found the bears had pulled him out and left nothing of him but a few 
 naked bones and some old rags. 
 
 The 23rd, crossed the head of the West Branch of the Susquehanna ; 
 about noon come to the Chcasts. This night we had a great frost, our 
 kettle standing about four or five feet from the fire, was frozen over with 
 ice thicker than a brass penny. 
 
 The 24th, got over Allegheny hill, otherwise called mountains, to 
 Frankstown, about 20 miles. 
 
 The 25th, came to the Standing Stone; slept three miles at this side; 
 about 31 miles. 
 
 The 26th, to the forks of the wood about 30 miles ; left my man's 
 horse behind as he was tired. 
 
 The 27th it rained very fast ; travelled in the rain all day ; came 
 about 25 miles. 
 
 The 28th, rain continued ; came to a place where white people now 
 begin to settle, and arrived at George Croghan's in Pennsbury, about an 
 hour after dark ; came about 35 miles that day, but we left our baggage 
 behind. 
 
 The 29th and 30th, I rested myself at George Croghan's, iu the mean 
 time o<ir baggage was sent for, which arrived. 
 
 The 1st of October reached the heads of Tulpenhocken. 
 
 The 2nd I arrived safe at my house. 
 
84 
 
 IV. — Letter from Mr. Remhrandt PeaJe to a Member of the Historical 
 Society of Pennsylvania, on the First Experiments of Fitch and Ful- 
 ton in Steam Navigation. 
 
 Philadelphia, Jan. 13th, 1848. 
 
 Dear Sir, — I cheerfully comply with your request to commit to paper 
 some incidents of which I live to bear testimony, in relation to the origin 
 of Steam Navigation. I do this the more readily, because Romance too 
 often usurps the place of History, and disguises every branch of know- 
 ledge, as I know it does my own particular Art ; there being many per- 
 sons who take little interest in its history unless they are excited by 
 the most marvellous anecdotes of painters. I leave to others the investi- 
 gation of the first conception of Steam Navigation — the Chronology of the 
 idea — and shall merely relate the events of which I was an eye-witness j 
 with the conclusions which must be drawn from them. 
 
 In the spring of 1785, hearing there was something curious to be seen 
 at the floating bridge on the Schuykill at Market Street, I eagerly ran 
 to the spot, where I found a few persons collected, anxiously gazing at a 
 shallop at anchor below the bridge, with about 20 persons on board. On 
 the deck was a small furnace, and machinery connected with a complex 
 crank, projecting over the stern, to give motion to three or four paddles, 
 resembling snow shovels, which hung into the water. When all was 
 ready, and the force of steam was made to act, by means of which I was 
 then ignorant, knowing nothing of the nature of a piston except in the 
 common pump, tlie paddles began to work, pressing against the water 
 hachwards as they rose, and the boat, to my great delight, moved 
 against the tide, without wind or hand ; but in a few minutes it ran 
 aground at an angle of the river, owing to the difficulty of managing 
 the unwioldly rudder, which projected eight or ten feet. It was soon 
 backed ofi" and proceeded slowly to its destination at Gray's ferry. So 
 far it must have been satisfactury to Mr. iurcii, in this bis first public 
 experiment. I was not in the way of hearing anything of his views, 
 but understood that soon afterwards he repeated his experiment on the 
 Delaware, with improved paddles at the sides of the vessel ; which is in- 
 correctly recorded ashis/ns/ experiment. It induced several gentlemen 
 to furnish him with the means of going to England for the purpose of 
 prosecuting his invention — but he died on the voyage. It is known 
 that Mr. Fulton was 'a fellow possenger, and there is every reason to 
 suppose that they freely conferred on the subject of Steam Navigation, 
 being both men of frank and liberal minds. Mr. Fulton's motive in 
 going to England was to cultivate his t;tlent for painting, and to place 
 himself, as he did, with Mr. West, who spoke to me of his character 
 in the highest terms. Although he was successful in a great degree, 
 of which his works bear evidence, yet he feared that America might not 
 afibrd sufficient encouragement in the fine arts. He therefore decided 
 to visit Paris, and devote his studies to civil engineering, as affording 
 a better field for enterprise in his beloved native country. 
 
85 
 
 It was fortunate for him that just as he was about to start, Barker's 
 patent Panorama of London was opened. Fulton adopted the device, 
 and in Paris, taking out a patent of importation, engaged with a capital- 
 ist in building two Panoramas on the Boulevards, and from them open- 
 ing the passage Panorama, a covered communication with a populous 
 part of the city — the prototype of other Arcades. These statements I 
 have from himself. Thus furnished with the means, he prosecuted his 
 studies ; and afterwards, on his way to America, passing through London, 
 was fortunate to buy, at Boydell's, the great pictures of " Lear in the 
 Tempest," and the " Madness of Orphclia," by West, " Orlando," by 
 Raphael West, and the original paintings, by Smirke, for Barlow's 
 Columbiad. These pictures he liberally lent, during many years, to the 
 Pennsylvania Academy of Fine Arts — an institution which I had origi- 
 nated, and for the commencement of which Mr. Joseph Hopkinson was 
 induced to procure the necessary funds from his numerous friends. 
 These are also historical facts, sufficiently interesting to be thus incident- 
 ally introduced. It is due to the reputation of Mr. Fulton to say, that 
 his most ardent ambition was so to employ his talents as to accumulate 
 the means of promoting the Fine Arts, by the formation of a great Gal- 
 lery of the choicest Works. 
 
 In the year 1807, on a visit which I paid to Mr. Fulton in New York, 
 I found him seriously disturbed in his nerves, complaining of the too kind 
 persecutions of his friends, who wished him to abandon his projects of 
 Steam Navigation. He told me they almost made him crazy. A few 
 days after this, however, he invited me to a ship-yard on the East River, 
 to witness his first experimental demonstration, in America. Wben I 
 was admitted to the yard, to which only his intimate friends were invited, 
 I perceived, some distance up the river, a common flat hottomed scotc, 
 with a number of persons on board, in the act of being turned round to 
 return. When it began to move, and advanced on the calm water, 
 against the tide, at the rate of four miles an hour, it seemed like a huge 
 tortoise, paddling onwards with its fore feet, and produced in me the 
 most lively sensations. As the scow touched the wharf, I jumped on a 
 broad plank which crossed it midway, where Fulton stood alone, and 
 seizing his hand, congratulated him on his success. With stiifened arm 
 energetically pressed downwards, he held my hand without reply, or re- 
 garding me; whilst his eye, during some moments, glanced from one 
 wheel, across his steam pots, to the other wheel, each in diameter only 
 four feet, and half submerged — then suddenly recognizing me, he gaily 
 shook my hand, exclaiming — " Yes, now I have it, the^ (meaning the 
 wheels, and throwing his hands aloft), the^ must be of lan/e diameter, 
 and but little sunk in the water." Those who would detract from Mr. 
 Fulton's reputation, say, that in crossing the Atlantic, after the death of 
 Mr. Fitch, he became pos.sessed of his papers and inventions — himself 
 deserving no credit. The idea of icater wheels, instead of paddles, oc- 
 curred to many, and doubtless to Fitcli, at the time of his departure for 
 England ; but it will be manifest, that if Fulton took his idea from 
 Fitch, that idea must have been to employ small wheels, which he used 
 in his first experiments ; and I am the feeling witness to declare, that 
 
36 
 
 whilst my band was grasped in his, was the mome^it when the convietioin 
 flashed ou his mind, that all that waf? necessary for the application of 
 steam power to navigation, was to employ wheels of laiye diameter, and 
 but little submerged. 
 
 Emboldened by his present success he immediately, in connection with 
 Chancellor Livingston, engaged to build a steam-boat for the North River ; 
 which, on its first passage up, produced all the excitement which is 
 so graphically described by Judge Story. To Fulton it was the calm real- 
 ization of his hopes and purpose ; yet on the minds of those who had 
 heard nothing of it previously, the appearance of such a wonderful novel- 
 ty had all the charm of romance, which the historian was at liberty to 
 describe, but not on his page to perpetuate the error that it was his 
 first experiment. It remains to the credit of America that she had the 
 benefit of Steam Navigation /ti'C years before it was adopted in England. 
 
 I remain respectfully yours, 
 
 Rembrandt Peale. 
 
 V. — A letter from James Logan to the Society of Friends, on the suh- 
 ject of their opiwsition in the Legislature to all means for the Defence 
 of the Colony, September 22, 1741. 
 
 My Friends, — It is with no small Uneasiness that I find myself con' 
 cerned to apply tiius to this Meeting: but as I have been longer and 
 more deeply engro.-<sed in the Affairs of Government, and 1 believe I 
 may safely say, have considered the Nature of it more closely than any 
 Man besides in the Province : as I iiave also from my Infancy been 
 educated in the Way that I have since walked in, and I hope without 
 Blemish, to the Profession; I conceive and hope you will think 1 have 
 a Right to lay before you the heavy Pressure of Mind that some late 
 Transactions in this small Governuient of ours has given me ; through 
 an apprehension, that not only the Reputation of Friends as a People, 
 but our Liberties and Privileges in general may be deeply affected by 
 them. 
 
 But on this Head, I think fitt to mention in the first Place, that when 
 above two and forty years since, our late Proprietor proposed to me at 
 Bristol, to come over with him as his Secretary, after I had agreeably 
 to his Advice taken time to consider of it, which I did very closely be- 
 fore I engaged, I had no scruple to accept of that, or of any other Post 
 I have since held : being sensible that as Government is absolutely ne- 
 cessary amongst Mankind, so, though all Government, as I had clearly 
 seen long before, is founded on Force, there must be some proper Per- 
 sons to administer it. I was therefore the more surprised, when I 
 found my Master, on a particular occasion in our Voyage hither, though 
 coming over to exercize the Powers of it in his own Person here, 
 shewed his sentiments were otherwise : but as I have ever endeavoured 
 to think and act consistently myself, observing that Friends had laid it 
 
37 
 
 down as a Principle that bearing of Arms even for Self-Defence is un- 
 lawful, being of a different Opinion in this respect, tho' I have ever 
 condemned Offensive War, I therefore in a great Measure declined 
 that due Attendance on their Meetings of Business that I might other- 
 wise have given. I must here nevertheless add further; that I propose 
 not in offering this, to advance Arguments in Support of the lawfulness 
 of Self-Defence, which amongst those who for Conscience Sake con- 
 tinue in a Condition to put strictly in Practice the Precepts of our Sa- 
 viour, would be altogether needless ; but wherever there is a Private 
 Property, and Measures taken to increase it by amassing Wealth ac- 
 cording to our Practice, to a Degree that may tempt others to invade it, 
 it has always appeared to me to be full as Justifiable to use Means to 
 defend it when gott, as to acquire it: Notwithstanding which I am S:en- 
 sible our Friends have so openly and repeatedly prolessed their Prin- 
 ciples on that Head to the Government, and they have thereupon been 
 so much distinguished by their Favours as a peaceable People, from 
 whom no Plots or Machinations of any kind are to be feared, that 1 
 shall consider this, as I have said to be their standing and avowed 
 Principle, and only offer to your Consideration, what 1 conceive to be 
 a clear Demonstration, that all Civil Government as well as Military 
 is founded on Force ; and therefore the Friends as such in the strict- 
 ness of their Principles, ought in no manner to engage in it; As also, 
 that as We are a Subordinate Government, and therefore accounta- 
 ble to a Superior one for our Conduct, it is expected by that Supe- 
 rior, that this Province as well as all the other British Colonies shall 
 make the best Defence against a Foreign Enemy in its Power, as it 
 was required to do by the late Queen Anne in the last Freivch War, 
 upon which the then Governor raised a Militia of three Companies of 
 Volunteers, but for Want of a Law for its support, it dropt in about 
 two Years after — and the like Orders may undoubtedly be expected 
 again, when another War with France breaks out which is said now to 
 appear unavoidable. That it is of the greater Importance to Britain, as 
 it is for other Reasons most assuredly to Ourselves that the Countrey 
 should be defended, as it lies in the Heart of the other British Colonies 
 on the Main : And that it is well known in Eurofjc that from the vast 
 Conflux of Peoi)le into it from Germany and Ireland, numbers who can 
 bear Arms are not wanting for a Defence, were there a Law for it, as 
 there is in all the other British Colonies, I think without an exception. 
 That all Government is founded on Force, and ours as well as others, 
 will be indisputably evident from this — King Charles IL,in his Grant of 
 this Province to our Proprietor, directed that the Laws of England for 
 the Descent of Land and the Preservation of the Peace, should continue 
 the same, till altered by the Legislative Authority: and our Government 
 continues on the same Plan, with Judges, Justices, Sheriffs, Clerks, 
 Coroners, Juries, &c., all of whom who act by Commissioners, have 
 them from the Governour in the English Form : the English Law is 
 pleaded in all oxir Courts, and our Practitioners copy as near as they ean 
 after the Practice in Westminster Hall. By that Law, when the Peace 
 is commanded even by a Constable, all Obedience to that CommaQd 
 
 Vol. 1— No. 1 4 
 
38 
 
 manifestly arises from a Sense in the Person or Persons commanded 
 that Resistance would be punished ; and, therefore, they cliuse to avoid 
 it: but in Civil Cases of more importance the Sheriff who is the prin- 
 cipal acting Officer executes the Judgments of the Court upon those 
 they were given against, which they are obliged to comply with, how 
 much soever against their will, for here also they know Resistance 
 would be in vain ; or if they attempt any, the Sheriff is obliged by the 
 Law, without auy Manner of Excuse, to tlnd a sufficient Force, if to be 
 had in his County, to compel to a Compliance. And in the Pleas as 
 the Crown, besides that he is obliged to put to Death such Criminals of 
 by the Law have been condemned to it, He, as general Conservator of 
 the Peace, is likewise invested by the same Law with proper Powers for 
 suppressing all Tumults, Riots, Insurrections and Rebellions on whatso- 
 ever Occasion tbey may arise, as far as the Posse or whole Force of his 
 County may enable him; and for this end he receives, together with his 
 Cooiniission, the King's Writt of Assistance, requiring all Persons with- 
 in his District, to be aiding to him in these and all other cases, by which 
 if need be, they may freely use Fire Arms and all manner of destructive 
 Weapons, and are not at all accountable by the Law for any Lives they 
 may take of tlsose in the Opposition, anymore than a man is on the High 
 Road for killing another who attempts to rob him : And such as refuse 
 to assist the Sheriff are by the same Law liable to Fine and Imprisonment, 
 from whence 'tis evident there is no Difference in the last Resort, between 
 Civil and Military Government, and that the Distinction that some affect 
 to make between the Lawfulness of the one and the other is altogether 
 groundless — as none are killed in the Field, so none are punished with 
 their Good will ; a superior Force is employed in the one case as well as 
 in the other, and the only difference that I have ever been able to disco- 
 ver in their Essentials is, that the Sheriff being but one Person in his 
 County cannot possibly assemble any very great number together on any 
 regular Method or Order, as in case of any Insurrection in the city Phil- 
 adelphia would soon appear: but on the contrary in a regular Militia 
 every man knows his commanding officer, and whither to repair on a pro- 
 per call — and from these Premises it certainly follows that whoever can 
 tind Freedom in himself to joyn in Assembly ia making Laws, as par- 
 ticularly for holding of courts, is so far concerned in Self-Defence, and 
 makes himself essentially as obnoxious to censure as those who directly 
 vote for it. 
 
 But further, it is alledged that King Charles II. very well knew our 
 Proprietor's Principles when he granted him the Powers of Government 
 contained in the charter: To which 'tis answered, that amongst the other 
 Powers granted to the Proprietor and his Deputies, He is createil by the 
 charter a Captain General with ample powers to levy Wjir against any 
 Nation or People not in Amity with the Crown of England, which in 
 case he were not free to do by himself he might by his Deputies : and if 
 he is invested with Powers to make an Invasive War, much more is it to be 
 expected that he should defend his country against all Invaders. And I 
 am a Witness that in those two years, or somewhat less, that the Proprie- 
 tor took the Administration on himself when last here, He fjund him- 
 
39 
 
 self so embarrassed between the indispensable Duties of Government on 
 the one hand, and his Profession on the other, that he was determined if 
 he had staid to act by Deputy. 
 
 It is further alledged by our Friends, that no other was expected than 
 that this should be a Colony of Quakers, and it is so reputed to this day : 
 that they are willing themselves to rely on the sole Protection 
 of Divine Providence, and others who would not do the same should 
 have kept out of it, for nobody called or invited them. But it is answered 
 to tills, That the King's Charter gives free leave to all his subjects with- 
 out Distinction to repair to the country and settle in it : and more particu- 
 larly the Proprietor's own Invitation was general and without exception : 
 and by the Laws he had passed himself, no Country, no Profession what- 
 ever, provided they owned a God, were to be excluded. That 'tis true our 
 Friends at first made a large Majority in the Province, but they are said 
 now to make upon a moderate computation not above a Third of the In- 
 habitants: That although they alledge they cannot for conscience sake 
 bear x\rms, as being contrary to the peaceable Doctrine of Jesus Christ, 
 (whose own Disciples nevertheless are known to have carried Weapons,) 
 Yet without Regard to others of Christ's Precepts, full as express against 
 laying up Treasure in this World, and not caring for To-morrow, they are 
 as intent as any others whatever, in amassing Kiches, the great Bait and 
 Temptation to our Enemies to come and plunder the Place : in which 
 Friends would be very far from being the only sufferers, for their neigh- 
 bours must equally partake with them, who therefore by all means de- 
 sire a law for a Militia, in a regular Manner to defend themselves and the 
 country as they have in the other Colonies. 
 
 That in the last French War, Pensilvania was but an inconsiderable 
 Colony, but now, by it's extended commerce, it has acquired a very great 
 Reputation, and particularly that Philadelphia has the Name of a rich 
 City, is known to have no manner of Fortification, and is, as has been 
 said, a tempting Bait by Water from the Sea : and by Land the whole 
 country lies exposed to the French, with whom a war is daily expected : 
 That the French in their last War with England were so greatly distres- 
 sed in Europe, by a current of yearly Losses, that they were glad to set 
 quiet where they might, but now it is much otherwise, as they appear 
 rather in a condition to give Laws to their Neighbours : That our Indians 
 unhappily retiring Westward have opened a ready Road and Communica- 
 tion between this Province and Canada, by their settling at Allegheny, a 
 branch of that great River Mississippi, which branch extending a thou- 
 sand miles from it's Mouth where it enters the said River, reaches even 
 into this Province; and between it's Waters, and the Western Branches 
 of Susquehanna, there is but a small Laud-carriage : That the French ex- 
 ceedingly want such a countrey as this to supply their Islands with pro- 
 visions, and our Rivers for an easier Inlet into that vast country of Lou- 
 isiana wliich they possess on Mississippi than they now have by the bar- 
 red Mouth of it, that empties itself a great way within the shoal Bay 
 of Mexico : and they have many large nations of Indians in Alliance 
 with them, to facilitate their conquests : for all which Pteasons our nume- 
 rous back Inhabitants, as well as others, ought to be obliged to furnish 
 
40 
 
 themselves with arms, and to be disciplined as in other Colonies for their 
 own proper Defence, which would be no Manner of charge to the Publick, 
 and but little to Particulars. 
 
 These, I think, are the principal Arguments adduced by those who 
 plead for a Law for Self-Defeuce, to which I shall add these other weighty 
 considerations, that may more particularly aifect Friends as a People. 
 
 The Government, and particularly the Parliameut of Britain, appear to 
 have this War very much at Heart, in which they spare no charge in fit- 
 ting out large Fleets with Land Forces, and expect that all their Colo- 
 nies will in the same Manner exert themselves, as the Assemblies of all 
 the others have in some measure done, ours excejited, not only in their 
 Contributions, but they have also generally a regular Militia for their 
 Defence. 
 
 Our Friends have recommended themselves to the Government not only 
 by their peaceable Deportment, as has been already observed, but by com- 
 plying with it's Demands in chearfully contributing by the payment of 
 their Taxes towards every War. Yet they are admitted into no Offices 
 of the Government above those of the respective Parishes where they live, 
 except that some have undertaken to receive Publick Money : and though 
 tolerated in their Opinions as they interfere not with the Administration; 
 yet these Opinions are far from being approved by the Government, that 
 when they shall be urged as a Negative to putting so valuable a country 
 as this, and situate as has been mentioned, in a proper Posture of Defence, 
 those who plead their Privileges for such a Negative, may undoubtedly 
 expect to be divested of them, either by act of Parliament, or a Quo- 
 Warranto from the King against their charter, for it will be accounted 
 equal to betraying it. And this, besides the irreparable Loss to ourselves, 
 must prove a Reproach and vast Disadvantage to the Profession every 
 where. 
 
 'Tis alledged the Governor made a false step last year, in encouraging or 
 suffering our Servants to inlist, for which he has been abridged by the 
 Assembly of the Salary for a year and a Half, that had for many years 
 before been allowed to our Governors. But as this is interpreted by the 
 Ministry as a Proof of his extraordinary Zeal for the King's Service, his 
 conduct herein, as also his Letter to the Board of Trade, bowever dis- 
 pleasing to us, will undoubtedly recommend him the more to the Ptegard 
 of our Superiors, in whose Power we are, and accordingly we may expect 
 to hear of it. 
 
 Our Province is now rent into Parties, and in a most Unchristian man- 
 ner divided : Love and Charity, the grand charactertsticks of the Christian 
 Religion, are in a great measure banished from among the People, and 
 contention too generally prevails : But for the weighty Reasons that 
 have been mentioned in this Paper, it is not to be doubted that those who 
 are for a Law for Defence, if the War continues and the country be not 
 ruined before, must in Time obtain it. It is therelbre proposed to the se- 
 rious and most Weighty consideration of this Meeting, Whether it may 
 not at this Time be advisable, that all such, who for conscience sake can- 
 not joyn in any Law for Self-Defence, should not only decline standing 
 Candidates at the ensuing Election of Representatives themselves, but 
 
41 
 
 also advise all others who are equally scrupulous to do the sarae — and as 
 Animosities and Faction have of late greatly prevailed amongst us, and at 
 all times there prevails with too many, an ill-judged parsimonious Dispo- 
 sition, who for no other reason than to save their money, though probably 
 on some other pretence, may vote for such as they may think by their op- 
 position to the Governor, may most effectually answer that end : That 
 such Friends should give out publickly before hand when they find they 
 are named, that ttiey will by no means stand or serve, though chosen : and 
 accordingly — that the meeting recommend this to the Deputies from the 
 several Monthly or Quarterly meetings in this Province — all which from 
 the sincerest Zeal for the Publick Good, Peace cf the Country, and not 
 only the Keputation, but the most Solid Interest of Friends as a People, 
 is (I say again) most seriously recommended to your consideration by 
 Your true Friend and Well wisher, 
 
 JAMES LOGAN. 
 Stenton Sept. 22, 1741. 
 To Robert Jordan and Others, the Friends of the Yearly Meeting for Business 
 now convened at Philadelphia. 
 
 On examination of the Minutes of the Yearly Meeting for 1741, it 
 appears that James Logan addressed a letter to Robert Jordan and oth- 
 ers, which was produced to that Body. In conformity to custom in such 
 cases, the paper was referred to a Committee: and Samuel Preston and 
 others were selected for the purpose of examining it, vvlio reported 
 " that the subject matter of the Letter related to the Civil and Military 
 Affairs of the Government, and in their opinion it was unfit to be read 
 to the Meeting.^' 
 
 Extract of a Letter of R Peters to J. Penv. 
 
 "' The Yearly Meeting being held the Week before the general Election, 
 Mr. Logan by his son William sent them a Letter, wherein he is said to 
 enlarge on the defenceless state of the Province, and of the ill consequences 
 that may ensue on men of their Principles procuring themselves to be 
 returned to Assembly, but his good Design was eluded by the following 
 expedient. Some Members moved that a Committee might be appoint- 
 ed to peruse the Letter, and to report whether il contained matters which 
 were fit for the meeting to take into consideration — accordingly Rob't. 
 Jordan, Jno. Bringhouse, Ebenezer Large, John Dillwin and Rob't. 
 Strethill were appointed to inspect the Epistle, and report whether it 
 contained matters proper to be communicated to the meeting at large. On 
 examination they reported that the Letter containing matters of a Mili- 
 tary and Geographical nature, it was by no means proper to be read to 
 the general meeting, but some persons who understood those matters 
 might be desired to consider and answer it. Rob't. Strethill singly de- 
 clared that considering that Letter came from one who was known to 
 have had abundance of experience, was an old member, and had a sin- 
 cere affection for the Welfare of the Society, he was apprehensive should 
 this Letter be refused a reading in the Meeting, such a proceeding would 
 not only disgust him but the Body of Friends in England, especially as 
 
 4* 
 
42 
 
 it might be supposed to contain several things that were intended for the 
 good of the Society at these fickle and precarious times — but Jno. 
 Bringhouse plucked him by the coat and told him with a sharp tone of 
 voice, " Sit thee down Robert, Thou art single in thy opinion." Mr. Lo- 
 gan, in resentment as I suppose of such treatment caused thirty copies to 
 be printed off to save the trouble of copying, with a design to send them 
 to his friends in England, but whether he will or no is now doubtful, 
 tho I will persuade him if possible to send one to the Proprietors, it 
 is said, but I advance this without knowing anything from him of the 
 matter that either by the persuasion of Mr. Logan or in a conference 
 that was held at his house with some of the principal members of the 
 Meeting, he has altered his mind, keeps the contents a secret, and is dis- 
 posed to suppress the Whole. However he has promised the Governor, 
 Mr, Allen, and myself, the reading of it but under secrecy at this time 
 wliich I can't account for. 
 
 NOTE. 
 The following passage from Franklin's Memoirs refers to what occurred between' 
 Penn and Logan on their voyage to America, and referred to above, (page 36 near 
 the end.) 
 v~ " The Honorable and learned Mr. Logan, who had always been of that sect, 
 \ wrote an address to them declaring his approhaUon o{ defensive war, and support- 
 ed his opinion by many strong arguments : he put into my hands sixty pounds to 
 be laid out in lottery tickets for the battery, with directions to apply what prizes 
 
 I might be drawn wholly to that service. He told me the following anecdote of 
 his old master, William Penn, respecting defence. He came over from England 
 
 ' when a young man with that proprietary, and as his secretary. It was war time, 
 and their ship was chased by an armed vessel, supposed to be an enemy. The 
 captain prepared for defence; he told William Penn and his company of Quakers 
 that he did not expect their assistance, and that they might retire into the cabin, 
 which they did, except James Logan, who chose to stay on deck and was quar- 
 tered to a gun. The supposed enemy proved a friend, so there was no fighting: 
 but when the Secretary went down to communicate the intelligence, William Penn 
 rebuked him severely for staying upon deck and undertaking to assist in defend- 
 ing the vessel contrary to the principle of Friends ; especially as it had not been 
 required by the captain. This reprimand being before all the company, piqued 
 the secretary, who answered : " 1 being thy servant, why did thee not order me 
 to come down, but thee was willing enough that I should stay and help fight the 
 ship when thee thought there was danger." 
 
43 
 
 VI. — Accounts of the Overseers of the Poor of the City of Philadelphia, 
 (llarch 29th, 1758, to March 2bth, 1759.) 
 
 [These accounts are kept in Pennsylvania currency, in which one pound was 
 equal to two dollars and sixty-six and two-thirds cents of our present currency* 
 
 City of Philadelphia for Dishursements for the Poor. » 
 
 175S 
 March 29 
 30 
 31 
 
 April 3 
 4 
 
 11 
 
 12 
 
 13 
 
 14 
 
 15 
 19 
 
 21 
 24 
 25 
 
 27 
 May 1 
 
 DR. 
 To Cash to Hannah Catt 
 Camphor 
 Cash to Catharine Denny for nursing an orphan 
 
 child 2 weeks 
 2 A cords of wood, cording, &c. 
 A tin lanthorn, 
 Pieces greea binding, 4s., 1 piece colored 
 
 thread, 4s. 
 12} lbs. flax, a Is. 
 
 Sending a woman out of town, charge 
 
 " Hannah Kenny and child out of town 
 15 bushels turnips a Is. 'Id. 
 
 4 loads tan and wheeling 
 Haling Ellis Havord's goods to Alms House 
 C. Priscilla Cowley for nursing and laying 
 
 out Elizabeth Havord 
 Jas. lluuiidge's charge going into the country 
 Catharine Denny 1 week nursing a child 
 Haling McLoud's goods to y* Alms House 
 Cash to Hannah Catt 
 
 2 qts. oatmeal Is. Ad., J pt neatsfoot oil Is. A^d. 
 Hugh Crott's charges to Burlington 
 John Jervis's bill for books, &c. 
 Catharine Denny 1 week nursing a child 
 2 pieces check linnen bought at vendue 
 Carter's bill for haling, &c. 
 Expenses removing a woman with a blind 
 
 child to Burlington 
 
 1 lb. butter, Is., camphor, 6f7. 
 
 Vial sp. sal. vol., 9(f., 1 lb rosin, Ad. 
 
 2 cords wood, and cording, Ad. a 12s. 
 
 3^ yds- linnen for a shirt for Hugh Crott, a 3s. 
 Hannah Catt 2 weeks nursing a child, a bs. 
 Jacob Turner 
 
 Peter Fretter, mending spinning wheels 
 Mary Pane y*" Midwife for delivering a woman 
 Charles Dickinson, assisting him to go tc 
 
 Maryland 
 ] 2 cedar posts and haling 
 Jane Hart for keeping Robt. Muron a little boy 
 
 £ 
 
 s. 
 
 d. 
 
 
 5 
 
 6 
 
 
 10 
 
 
 1 
 
 14 
 4 
 
 8 
 
 2 
 
 
 12 
 
 3 
 
 
 1 
 
 9 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 6 
 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 11 
 
 6 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 6 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 8 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 2 
 
 18 
 
 8 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 6 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 6 
 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 
 10 
 
 6 
 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 6 
 
 
 13 
 
 6 
 
 
 2 
 
 6 
 
44 
 
 City of Philadelphia for the Poor. 
 
 1758 
 
 DK. 
 
 £ 
 
 s. 
 
 d 
 
 May 2 
 
 To David Cummins for keeping Sus. Brownhold 
 1 year 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 S 
 
 To Margaret Low 
 
 
 1 C 
 
 
 \l cord wood and cording 
 
 
 19 c 
 
 
 A cow 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 Pieces of linen for Barnett's shift necks 
 
 
 
 c 
 
 4 
 
 Hannah Catt, one week nursing a child 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 7 
 
 2 negroes wheeling Catharine Shannon to Alms 
 House 
 
 
 1 
 
 e 
 
 8 
 
 Turning an old beggar out of town Is., his 
 coifee Is. 2(f. 
 
 
 2 
 
 c 
 
 10 
 
 6 cords wood and cording, a lis. Id. 
 
 3 
 
 7 
 
 
 11 
 
 41 a u 
 
 2 
 
 10 
 
 r 
 
 
 William Shipley's account to this date 
 
 31 
 
 17 
 
 c 
 
 
 Hannah Catt one week nursing a child 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 2 c. 1 qr. rice of Jos. Reynolds, a 13s. 
 
 1 
 
 10 
 
 1 
 
 
 2 poor women 
 
 
 2 
 
 t 
 
 13 
 
 13 yds. ticking a Is. 
 Lydia Ellis 
 
 
 13 
 2 
 
 
 
 9 cords wood and cording a 10s. 2d. 
 
 4 
 
 11 
 
 ( 
 
 15 
 
 Samuel Crispin for Margaret Grant's child's 
 coffin 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 8 c. 1 qr. old junk of Lightfoot's, a Is. Qd. 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 
 1( 
 
 
 Haling do. to Alms House 
 
 
 1 
 
 e 
 
 16 
 
 77 ells ozinbrigs of Ogden & Hewes, a 19rf. 
 
 6 
 
 1 
 
 11 
 
 17 
 
 i cord of wood to Mary Mackinary, a woman 
 lying in 
 
 
 7 
 
 i( 
 
 
 Jas. Davis's account for making a fence 
 
 2 
 
 5 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 5 cords wood and cording, alls. 2d. 
 
 2 
 
 15 
 
 i( 
 
 18 
 
 Peter Fretter, mending spinning wheel 
 Hannah Catt, one week nursing child 
 1 gallon train oil of David Deshler 
 Grranny Ganderwitt for laying Mary Mackinary 
 
 
 2 
 
 5 
 
 3 
 
 10 
 
 
 19 
 
 1 lb. pepper 3s. Qd., red precipitate 6(7. 
 Miry Mackinary, lying in 
 
 
 4 
 5 
 
 
 
 b\ cords wood and cording, a 10s. 2d. 
 
 2 
 
 13 
 
 r 
 
 t 
 
 20 
 
 4 yds. coarse linen, a 9d. 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 21 
 
 Barbara Charleton, assisting her towards Lan- 
 caster 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 22 
 
 Eliza Bell for Jane Kelly's rent 
 
 
 15 
 
 
 
 William Brown's account for flour 
 
 21 
 
 12 
 
 
 23 
 
 Mary Mackinary's being nursed, for which I 
 
 paid the nurse 
 Mary Gaffy 
 Ann Richardson 
 
 
 7 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 e 
 
 
 8 cords wood and cording, a lis. 2d. 
 
 4 
 
 9 
 
 4 
 
45 
 
 City of Philadelpliia for the Poor. 
 
 1758 
 
 DR. 
 
 £ 
 
 s. 
 
 ~d. 
 
 May 24 
 
 To Charles Smith for mending wheelbarrows 
 Margaret Camphle, to send her out of town 
 John Morton for Math. Stacej's quarter rent 
 Haling Michael Wharton's goods to James 
 
 
 5 
 
 2 
 10 
 
 
 
 Eddy 
 
 
 1 
 
 6 
 
 25 
 
 6 c. 2 qrs. middlings, and porterage Is. 6t?., 
 
 
 
 
 
 at lis. 
 
 3 
 
 13 
 
 
 
 6 bbls. rye meal, a Is. 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 Hannah Catt for this and the ensuing week's 
 
 
 
 
 
 nursingchild, lO.s., calico for child, 2s. 8(/. 
 
 
 12 
 
 8 
 
 26 
 
 14 f cords wood and cording, a lis. 2(7. 
 
 8 
 
 4 
 
 8* 
 
 
 Ruth Freeman for Nicholas Wharton's rent 
 
 1 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 7f yds. linsey woolen, a 2s. St/. 
 
 1 
 
 
 8 
 
 27 
 
 Mary Mackinary 
 
 Mary Pain for laying Ann Morrison 
 
 Mary McGaflFy 
 
 
 5 
 10 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 Wm. Peters for taking McLoud to workhouse 
 
 
 1 
 
 6 
 
 
 Jos. Yarnell's account for carting 
 
 5 
 
 1 
 
 6 
 
 29 
 
 Vinegar 
 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 
 Margaret Yard's charges to Newtown 
 
 
 1 
 
 6 
 
 
 Physick for a poor woman 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 31 
 
 39 c. 25 qrs. middlings, a lis. 
 A poor family in Hall's Alley 
 
 21 
 
 11 
 1 
 
 4 
 
 June 3 
 
 Benj. Fuller's account for 265 J yds, dowlass 
 
 16 
 
 6 
 
 3 
 
 5 
 
 Dougherty Jones's account for shoes 
 Mary McGaffy 
 
 3 
 
 18 
 2 
 
 
 7 
 
 Ann Fitzgarell, assisting her to New York 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 \^\ cords wood and cording 
 
 9 
 
 1 
 
 6 
 
 8 
 
 Hannah Catt for nursing child this week and 
 y<^ next 
 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 100 rails 
 
 1 
 
 5 
 
 
 9 
 
 6 yds. linen for shift necks, a 3s. 6fZ. 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 AVm. Purcill 2s., gi cerat. trinr, 6cZ. 
 
 
 2 
 
 6 
 
 
 4 J cords wood and cording 
 
 2 
 
 10 
 
 3 
 
 10 
 
 John Rowcn's charge 3s. 4(7. for taking Ann 
 
 
 
 
 
 Auborn on the road to Chester, to her child 
 
 
 3 
 
 6 
 
 
 Charge in binding out Mary Fitzsimmons 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 Mary GafFy 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 8 cords wood and cording 
 
 4 
 
 9 
 
 4 
 
 14 
 
 John Yarnell's account for haling 
 
 3 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 Sundry check linen bought at vendue 
 
 4 
 
 3 
 
 2J 
 
 16 
 
 Wm. Pristle 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 17 
 
 Elizabeth Ben's rent paid to Wm. Keith 
 
 
 15 
 
 
 19 
 
 Mary Gaffy 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 22 
 
 Hannah Catt for nursing child this and y« en- 
 suing week 
 
 
 10 
 
 
46 
 
 City of Philadelphia for the Poor. 
 
 1758 
 
 DR. 
 
 £ 
 
 s. 
 
 (/. 
 
 June 22 
 
 To expenses in transporting Jno. Hayns' wife 
 and child to Motherkill 
 
 
 11 
 
 6 
 
 23 
 
 Rum at haymaking 
 
 Pair shoes to Thomas Ashton 
 
 Henry Mansfield 
 
 
 3 
 8 
 2 
 
 
 24 
 
 Vinegar 
 
 Jas. Campbell's expenses in getting him into 
 y« Hospital, being a released captive 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 25 
 
 A pair trowsers for James Downey 
 Mark Miller, mowing lot at Alms House 
 
 
 6 
 9 
 
 
 27 
 
 Mary Gaffy 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 85 cords of wood and cording, a lis. 2(1. 
 
 1 
 
 19 
 
 1 
 
 28 
 
 Wm. Brown for flour, as per Jas. Eddy's order, 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 
 7 cords wood and cording, a \\s. 2d. 
 
 3 
 
 18 
 
 2 
 
 
 Linen frock for Samuel Hopkins 
 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 William Carr, for getting his saw mended 
 
 
 3 
 
 6 
 
 
 Jane Welsh for Adams, (blind,) quar- 
 
 
 
 
 
 ter's rent 
 
 1 
 
 15 
 
 
 
 Henry Mansfield 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 July 1 
 
 Deborah Yieldhall, expenses to Brunswick 
 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 James Baxter, for his quarter's salary, &c. 
 
 7 
 
 12 
 
 8 
 
 3 
 
 Lime and white-wash brush 
 
 
 7 
 
 
 6 
 
 Hannah Catts nursing a child this and y^ next 
 
 week 
 Sending a man into the Jerseys 
 
 
 10 
 
 9 
 
 7 
 
 Wm. Keith for Eliza Bonn's iron pot 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 John Wallace's bill for wood, being 12 cords 
 
 6 
 
 10 
 
 3 
 
 8 
 
 Henry Wolley (a poor man) 
 1 liquorice ball to W. Dod Ad., shiftnecks to 
 M. Neal Qd. 
 
 
 2 
 
 6 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 Wm. Plumstead for administering to Eliza 
 
 Havords 
 Sending Robert Morris, from the workhouse, 
 
 over Schuylkill 
 
 
 17 
 
 2 
 
 
 11 
 
 John Hill's account for coffins 
 
 4 
 
 16 
 
 
 14 
 
 John Relfe's account for 160 ells ozinbrigs 
 
 
 
 
 
 a 18d. 
 
 12 
 
 13 
 
 4 
 
 
 Amount of pension book from March y^ 31st 
 
 
 
 
 
 to June y 23d 
 
 67 
 
 14 
 
 
 
 A dose rhubarb for a poor woman 
 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 20 
 
 1 yard linen for womens' shift necks 
 Hannah Catts nursing a child this and y^ next 
 week 
 
 
 3 
 10 
 
 6 
 
 25 
 
 1 hhd molasses of 91 gallons of Wra. Jack- 
 
 
 
 
 
 son, a 2s. Id. 
 
 11 
 
 15 
 
 1 
 
 26 
 
 Edward Harrington, for Mary Mclnary's rent 
 
 1 
 
 
 
47 
 
 GlUj of Philadelphia for the Poor. 
 
 1758 DR. 
 
 July 26 Butter for Catharine Hollidaj, lying in 
 
 John Hill's charge in going to Northampton 
 Moses Foster, for conveying a D. woman out 
 of town 
 27 Eliza Lindsey, to recover her clothes, and sub- 
 sistence some time in the country 
 Aq. Cerrap's nigr. for y*^ alms house 
 29 Mary Pain, for delivering Eliza Gibbons 
 31 Eleanor Hopkins, cash 
 Ann Copeland, " 
 Aug. 1 Jno. Rowen, for removing Ann Copeland and 
 Mary Copeland out of town 
 Jno. Baxter, for boards for hog pen 
 Cash for butter to Eliza Gibbons 
 Jno. Hill 
 
 Hannah Catt, for nursing child this and y^ next 
 week 
 
 8 2 doses salts 
 
 9 Marg. Ewe's charges to Burlington 
 James Rumidge 
 
 10 John Yarnell's account for carting 
 Carrying a woman to work-house 
 
 11 Sending Mary Mullon and 2 children out of 
 town 
 
 Duncan Leech's account for haling 31 loads 
 
 tan 
 1 oz. liquorice balls to W. Koiler 
 Vial drops to Susanna Perkins 
 14 George Gibson, to pay for lodging Zd., 1 lb. 
 
 sal. eps. 4(/. 
 
 16 A linen frock for Isaac Corren 
 
 17 H. Catt, for nursing child this week and y<? 
 next 
 
 Granny Pauling for laying Cath. Holliday 
 
 18 A pair shoes for Matthew Stacey 
 21 189 gallons molasses, bought of Robert Jep- 
 
 son, a 2s. Qd. 
 
 Haling ditto to alms house 
 Eliza Blair, cash 
 
 do. a bottle Godfrey's cordial 
 23 Doughty Jones's account for shoes 
 20 Sarah Howell, for making Cath. Atkinson's 
 gown 
 Jno. Morton, for Matthew Stacey's quarter's 
 I rent 
 
 29l Eliza Blair, cash 
 
 £ 
 
 23 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 
 10 
 
 
 8 
 
 
 12 
 
 6 
 
 3 
 
 
 5 
 
 9 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 6 
 
 
 2 
 
 € 
 
 10 
 5 
 
 
48 
 
 City of Philadelphia for the Poor. 
 
 1758 
 Aug. 29 
 30 
 31 
 
 DR. 
 
 Sept. 5 
 
 10 
 
 14 
 
 15 
 
 16 
 
 22 
 
 23 
 
 26 
 
 28 
 
 29 
 30 
 
 Oct. 2 
 
 7 
 
 9 
 
 10 
 
 £ 
 
 To Charges in sending Pliebe Hervey out of town 
 A bottle sweet oil for y« alms house 
 Cath. Dardis, for Mary McGraffy's quarter's 
 
 rent 
 Hannah Catt, for this and y*" next week, nurs- 
 ing child 
 Mary Hobbins, cash 
 Charates of warrant and serving, against Ch. 
 
 Neal 
 Peter Hines, for Mary Hobbins's accommo 
 
 dation 
 Elizabeth Blair, cash 
 Physick for y*^ flux, to Mary Graffy's child 
 Hannah Catt, nursing child this and y^ next 
 
 week 
 Jas. Eddy's order 
 
 Peter Hines, for Mary Hobbins's accommoda- 
 tion 
 Lydia EUer's sick child, cash 
 Hannah Catt, for a sick child 
 17 cwt., 8 qrs., 4 lbs., Midlings, of James 
 
 McTare, a 8s. ^d. 
 
 Peter Hines, for Mary Hobbins's accommo 
 
 dation 
 Jas. Davis's account for Carpenter's wharf 
 Eliza Carter, cash, per order 
 John Crepson's account 
 Jas. Whitehead's account 
 Hannah Catt, for y*' sick child 
 Lydia Ellis, for her sick child 
 Jas. Eddy's order 
 Granny Paul, for laying L. Loyd 
 Wm. Shipley's account for meat 
 Mary Hobbins, for her accommodations 
 Hannah Catt, for nursing child this and y« 
 
 nest week 
 John Baxtors, for his quarter's salary, &c. 
 Jane Welsh, for Wm. Adams' quarter's rent 
 Thos. G-regory's account for casting bell for the 
 
 alms house, deducting for old bell 
 Amount of pension book from June y^ 30th 
 
 to Sept. 22d 
 Cash to poor woman and child 
 
 do. to Henry Smith, his wife and child sick 
 Pocket book, for poor use, 3s. 9'/., and for 
 
 lb. candles for tailor at almshouse 
 
 10 
 
 .61 
 
 63 
 
49 
 
 City of PJiiladelphta for the Poor. 
 
 1758 
 Oct. 12 
 
 13 
 
 14 
 
 19 
 
 21 
 
 23 
 
 24 
 
 25 
 
 26 
 
 31 
 
 Nov. 1 
 
 7 
 9 
 
 10 
 11 
 12 
 17 
 
 18 
 
 25 
 
 28 
 
 DR. 
 
 To Charges attending y^ discovery and appre- 
 hending Pleasant Straiten 
 John Hill's account for coffins, &c, 
 Eliza Carpenter, in Hall's alley 
 26 1 of hay, weighing and hauling to alms 
 
 house 
 Vial gutt pectoral for Wra. Herbert 
 Cash to Jane Clark, moving her, with two chil- 
 dren, out of town 
 do. to Mary Yard, do. 
 Cash to Eliza. Carpenter, in H. alley 
 do. to Mary Pane, for laying of Catharine 
 
 Cosgrove 
 Cash to Margaret Allen, a sick woman, to con- 
 vey her to Burlington ; 51 liquorice 
 Cash to Elinor Hopkins 
 do. to Daniel Goodman, for Ea. Carpenter 
 do. for qt. of rum for tailor 
 do. to Wm. Test, for sweeping chimney at 
 
 alms house 
 do. paid Paul Beck's necount for 11 day& 
 
 tailor's work at alms house, a 2s. 4(1. 
 do. to John Rowan, for conveying Thos. Trip 
 
 out of town 
 do. for load of tan for Perkins, and vial sp. 
 
 camphor, a dd. 
 
 do. to Hannah Pearson, for part curing Mary 
 
 Carter's scald head 
 do. for 9 cwt. 1 qr. middlings, a 10s. Qd. 
 do. for 17 cwt. 2 qrs. do. a 10s. 
 do. to John Rowan moving Cath. Cosgrove 
 do. for 1 doz. pewter spoons 
 do. for 31 1 yds. of Linsey of James Miller, 
 
 n 2s. Gd. 
 do. for 2 ps. worsted quality's binding 
 do. for 7 yards of linsey woolsey, a 2s. bd. 
 do. for %k yards do. a 2s. Ad. 
 
 do. for .^ss. camphor to Belandi Millar 
 do. to Capt. Campbell, freight for Rachel Me- 
 
 guire and children to Carolina 
 do. to Wm. Young, earthenware for a horse 
 do. gave a poor woman 
 do. Paul Beck, for making 2 coats and 2 
 pair of breeches 
 29 do. for warrant and serving on John Kearns 
 
 Dec. 1 do. to Hannah Sawer, just laid in 
 
 Vol. I.— No. 1. 5 
 
 £ 
 
 Oh 
 G 
 
 6 
 
 10 
 6 
 
 10 
 
 £) 
 
 10 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 10 
 
 6 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 7 
 
 6 
 
 5 
 
 S 
 
 11 
 
 3 
 
 10 
 
50 
 
 City of Philadelphia for the Poor. 
 
 1758 DR. 
 
 Dec. 4 To cash for digging grave for Wm. Herbert at 
 the Presbyterian burial ground 
 
 6 do. 11 yards of linsey woolsey, a 2s. 6c?. 
 
 7 do. for 7 cwt. 2 qrs. middlings, a Ws. 
 do. to Bridget Asbec, come from hospital 
 
 10 do. to Mary Brown, ill of y^ flux 
 
 11 do. to Jon. Guest, for pair shoes for Mary 
 Koyle's child 
 
 do. to Mary Betterton for bread, on account 
 
 of Wm. Carter's donation to y"^ poor 
 do. paid John for giving publick notice 
 
 12 do. paid John Hill, for coffins, &c. 
 14 do. Doughty Jones, his bill for shoes 
 1 6 do. to Diana McCulough, quarter's rent for 
 
 Eliza. Carter 
 do. for 18 yards linsey woolsey, a 2s. 6f?, 
 do. to poor woman, to pay for lodging 
 18 do. paid Joseph Harmer for half year's rent 
 
 of Michael Walton 
 20 20 cwt. 2 qrs. 21 lbs. middlings, a 1 Os. 9(7. 
 23 Cash to convey IMary Neal out of town 
 26 do. to Ed. Beach's wife 
 
 do. to James Hunter, for 2 doz. of men's 
 stockings, a 35s. Qd. 
 
 George Morrison's account 
 27| Cash for ferriage 2 women to y" Jerseys 
 28 1 do. for 3^ napt cloth for boy at hospital 
 do. for 1 5 oznabrigs for do 
 
 Amount of pension book to y" 15th instant 
 
 29 Cash to Granny Pauling, for laying Peg Neal 
 do. for 2| yards oznabrigs for alms bouse 
 do. to John Baxter, his quarter's salary to 
 
 the 29th inst., and his other account 
 
 30 do. to Joseph Mattson's wife and children 
 do. to llosemarini Burd 
 
 1759 
 Jan. 2 do. to Jane Welsh, quarter's rent for Adams, 
 
 y'^ blind man 
 do. for taking man to workhouse, and convey- 
 ing him from there to Charleston 
 do. for ps. worsted binding for almshouse 
 do. paid John Hill, his bill 
 do. to Wm. Shipley, his bill to y" 27th Dec. 
 5 yards broad cloth for two men's coats 
 5 yards oznabrigs for the above, and lining 
 2 pairs of breeches 
 
 £ 
 
 1 
 11 
 
 3 
 32 
 
 
 16 
 
 
 2 
 
 57 
 
 13 
 
 
 10 
 
 
 3 
 
 8 
 
 10 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 15 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 2 
 
 bO 
 
 
 1 
 
 15 
 
 
 6 
 
51 
 
 City of Philadelphia for the Poor. 
 
 1759 
 Jan. 
 
 13 
 
 14 
 
 18 
 21 
 
 27 
 29 
 31 
 
 Feb. 1 
 
 12 
 
 15 
 
 17 
 
 20 
 
 DR. 
 
 To cash for petticoat for Farrell's child 
 
 do. gave a poor woman 
 
 do. paid Richard Howard, for making sundry 
 clothes for poor 
 
 do. paid John Morton, quarter's rent for 
 Matt. Stacey 
 
 do. gave James Kelly 
 
 do. gave Rosemarini Burd 
 
 do. to Rachel Loftus, for making Eliza Lind- 
 sey's gown 
 
 do. to Joseph Mattson's wife 
 
 dy. to Dorothy Lunan, y*^ smith's wife 
 
 do. for oatmeal for alms house 
 
 do. paid for sweeping chimney at alms house 
 
 do. gave Jeptha Smith 
 
 do. gave John Burden, his family very sick 
 
 do. to John Hill's account 
 
 do. for 12 yards linsey woolsey, a 2s. Qd. 
 
 do. gave Eliza Knowland's child 
 
 do. for 12 cwt. 2 qrs. 20 lbs. Middlings, 
 a lis. 
 
 do. paid George Fudge for oven 
 
 do. paid for burial of Ann Barrett from Hos- 
 pital 
 
 do. paid Rachel Gardner, for laying IMary 
 Dawson, 10s. and gave her 5s. 
 
 do. paid Mary Betterton for bread, being part 
 of Wni. Carter's donation 
 
 do. paid John for publishing do. 
 
 do. to Mary Dawson, lying in 
 20i yards of oznabrigs for 3 shirts, 2 shifts, 
 and 1 apron, a Is. 4f?. 
 
 do. paid Duncan Leech for 4 loads of dung, 
 to make hot-bed at alms house 
 
 do. for 6 cwt. middlings of Josiah Jackson, 
 a lis. 6r/. 
 
 do. to Mary Dawson 
 
 do. to Isaac Moss, for Thos. Dodge's Coffin 
 
 do. to Mary Catin, with blind child 
 
 do. for 4 yards oznabrigs for a shift for Ra- 
 chel Glover 
 
 do. paid Isaac Greenleaf, on the hospital 
 account for our patients 
 
 do. to Mary Dawson 
 
 do. to Joseph Howel's account for leather 
 Expenses for burial of Ed. Pitts 
 
 13 
 
 s. 
 
 d* 
 
 1 
 
 9 
 
 
 6 
 
 6 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 
 2 
 
 6 
 
 o 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 2 
 
 6 
 
 
 8 
 
 7 
 
 6 
 
 2 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 12 
 
 6 
 
 10 
 
 
 2 
 
 6 
 
 3 
 
 9 
 
 10 
 
 
 17 
 
 15 
 
52 
 
 City of Philadelphia for the Poor. 
 
 1759 I 
 Feb. 23I 
 
 26 
 
 27 
 
 March 3 
 
 10 
 
 14 
 15 
 
 16 
 17 
 
 20 
 21 
 23 
 
 26 
 
 DR. 
 
 Cash to Mary Agncw 
 do. to Eliza. Berry's sick child 
 do. to Samuel Wotheril, mending pump 
 do. to Mary ])awson 
 
 Ferriage of Alice Holland to y"^ Jerseys 
 
 Liquorice ball for several in the alms house 
 
 Kobert Finch 
 
 Cash gave a poor man and his wife 
 
 Hauling meal to y^ alms house 
 
 Amount of pension book from Dec. 22d, 1758, 
 to March y^ 9t.h, 17.59 
 
 3 yards linsey, for alms house, a 2s. Qd. 
 
 Mary Dodge, her children sick 
 
 Marg't Neal, cash 
 
 Doughty Jones's account for shoes 
 
 Cash paid William Moses for William Hos- 
 kin's clothes 
 
 Margaret Neal, cash 
 
 Jerem. Halden's wife, cash 
 
 Cash to Mary Bourns for keeping a child, call- 
 ed Hannah Baker, 82 weeks, a 3s. 
 
 Eliza Lindsey, cash 
 
 Marg't Neal, do. 
 
 Jas. Whitehead's account 
 
 Ephr. Smith's account for meal 
 
 Matthew Stacey's rent, paid to Jno. Morton 
 
 2 ps. cotton romalls, bot of K. & Ab. Usher 
 
 Errata June Sth 
 
 Benj. Marshall's account for sundries, Aug. IG 
 
 Tin ware for alms house 
 
 John Hill's account for coffins 
 
 John Baston's account, with quarter's salary 
 
 Dung for y*^ garden 
 
 Granny Pauling for laying Sail Lunan 
 
 Coffin and digging grave for M. Stacoy's wife 
 do. do. Jeptha Smith 
 
 William Shipley's account for meat 
 
 Benj. Losly's account of boards for y^ fence 
 
 Jas. Trueman, for 4| bush, turnips 
 
 2 week's pension, taken from y^ book, from 
 ye 16th to y« 20th inst. 
 
 Duncan Leech, for hauling dung to alms house 
 
 Valent. Smith, for ditto 
 
 John Hood for ditto, and wood to pensioners 
 
 Hugh Forbes for tubs, &c., for y^ house 
 
 Jacob Shoemaker's account for burials 
 
 £ 
 
 57 
 
 1 
 
 16 
 
 
 10 
 
 
 17 
 
 
 17 
 
 54 
 
 15 
 
 1 
 
 11 
 
 
 4 
 
 9 
 
 7 
 
 1 
 
 15 
 
 ] 
 
 17 
 
 6 
 
 12 
 
 2 
 
 5 
 
 6 
 
 91 
 
53 
 
 City of Philadelphia for the Poor. 
 
 1759 
 March 26 
 
 DR. 
 
 Thos. Clifford's account, paid per y® Mayor's 
 
 order 
 Hospital account against ^Mary Boardman, 
 
 7 weeks 
 George Morrison's account 
 Dr. Shippen's salary 
 
 To our commissions on £1189, a 9c? per £ 
 Balance due 
 
 Errors excepted. 
 April y«= 20th, 1759. . 
 
 £ 
 
 s. 
 
 d. 
 
 10 
 
 18 
 
 9 
 
 1 
 
 8 
 
 
 14 
 
 10 
 
 1 
 
 50 
 
 
 
 1103 
 
 4 
 
 10 
 
 4.4 
 
 11 
 
 9 
 
 41 
 
 4 
 
 2 
 
 1189 
 
 00 
 
 9 
 
 Christopher Marshall, 
 'James Eddy, 
 Hugh Forbes. 
 
 Phllada. ss, Aug. 20th, 1759. 
 
 Please to pay Robert Towers, William Faulkner, James Stevenson 
 and James James, Overseers of the City Poor, the sum of Fifty pounds 
 6s. l^d., being the balance settled and remaining in your hands. 
 
 Tho. Lawrence, Mayor. 
 
 To Christopher Marshall, "1 
 
 James Eddy, | ^^^ Overseers of the City Poor. 
 
 (xeorge Morrison, ( •' 
 
 Hugh Forbes j 
 
 [Endorsed thereon.] 
 Received from Mr. Christopher Marshall, Fifty pounds, six shillings 
 and one penny half penny, the contents of the within order. 
 £50, Qs., Id. 
 
 Jas. Stevenson. 
 Sept. Ist, 1759. 
 
 5» 
 
54 
 
 City of Philadelphia for the Poor* 
 
 1758 
 
 Oil. 
 
 £ 
 
 s. 
 
 d. 
 
 April 10 
 
 By Cash of Kobt. Strettle, fining a woman for 
 swearing 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 11 
 
 " Jno. Mc Michael for non-attendance 
 
 on jury 
 " Thos. Lawrence for non-attendance 
 
 on jury 
 
 1 
 1 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 " Jacob Duchee for fining Ralph Col- 
 lins for swearing 
 
 
 10 
 
 
 28 
 
 " James Eddy 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 May 10 
 
 " George Morrison 
 
 231 
 
 14 
 
 6 
 
 17 
 
 " James Eddy 
 
 220 
 
 
 6 
 
 June 22 
 
 " Jacob Duchee for a fine collected by 
 him 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 80 
 
 " George INIorrisou 
 
 1 
 
 14 
 
 6 
 
 July 5 
 
 " Joseph Merriott 
 
 32 
 
 6 
 
 11 
 
 11 
 
 " Jno. Hill for ground rent of Wm. 
 Carter's legacy due to the old over- 
 
 
 
 
 
 seers 
 
 2 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 " Jno. Hill for ground rent of Wm. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Carter's hgacy due to us 
 
 2 
 
 12 
 
 
 15 
 
 " Sarah Steward for quarter's rent of 
 
 
 
 
 
 house late Eliza Havord's 
 
 1 
 
 15 
 
 
 22 
 
 " Capt. Mitchell for expenses in bury- 
 
 
 
 
 
 ing of John Lindsey 
 
 1 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 " Capt. Mitchell, his fine for swearing 
 
 
 
 
 
 three oaths 
 
 
 15 
 
 
 
 " Jane Kelly for y rent we paid for her 
 
 
 15 
 
 
 24 
 
 *' John Dalvil, his fine for swearing 
 
 
 15 
 
 
 25 
 
 " George Morrison 
 
 114 
 
 14 
 
 6 
 
 28 
 
 " Thos. Fisher for delivering two sows 
 taken up for the poor y*^ belonging 
 to Wm. Ranberry 
 
 
 15 
 
 
 29 
 
 '' James Welsh for entertaining M. 
 Collins 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 Aug. 2 
 
 " Widow woman for restoring a little 
 
 
 
 
 
 black pig taken to y* Alms House 
 
 
 7 
 
 6 
 
 5 
 
 " George Adam Hough for restoring 
 him two pigs taken up to y** Alms 
 House 
 
 
 10 
 
 
 7 
 
 " John Baxter for 200 lbs. oakum at 
 
 
 
 
 
 ZUl. 
 
 2 
 
 18 
 
 4 
 
 8 
 
 " Dr. Edward Shippen, Jr., 5 fines, viz.: 
 Aquila Jones, George Bryan, Thos. 
 Smith, John Jones and John Jen- 
 nings, for refusing to serve as con- 
 stables, at £5 each 
 
 25 
 
 
 
55 
 
 City of Philadelphia for the Poor. 
 
 1758 
 Aug. 11 
 
 15 
 23 
 
 24 
 
 28 
 
 Sept. 1 
 15 
 
 18 
 
 23 
 
 28 
 
 By Cash of Wm. 
 
 CR. 
 
 butcher, for restoring 
 
 30 
 
 11 
 
 Oct. 7 
 
 a 
 
 9 
 
 (C 
 
 12 
 
 li 
 
 16 
 
 a 
 
 20 
 
 (C 
 
 26 
 
 tc 
 
 31 
 
 K 
 
 Nov. 1 
 
 five little pigs 
 
 Thos. Parson for restoring sow and pig 
 
 George Boardman for 22 weeks for 
 
 his mother Mary Boardman being 
 
 in y'^ hospital from April y^ 1st. to 
 
 Sept. 2 a 2s.per week. 
 
 John Stamper for fines collected of 
 some person for profane swearing 
 
 Thomas Manney for i years' ground 
 rent, being part of William Carter's 
 legacy 
 
 Y^ Mayor for a fine rec'd of Mary 
 Zebulun for entertaining negroes 
 
 James Eddy 
 
 John Stamper being a fine 
 
 Daniel Dupree for an old pair shoe 
 buckles and gold ring lately belong- 
 ing to William Allison dec'd 
 
 William Cockbour for swearing 
 
 John Stamper he rec'd for do. 
 
 Peter Barry 
 
 John Cormick by the hands of David 
 Thompson for Mary Redman's ex- 
 penses while in alms house 
 
 William Shipley for cow 
 
 Peter Barry 
 
 Mary Chesnell for entertaining 
 strange woman 
 
 Peter Barry 
 
 Y^ Mayor, Thomas Lawrence, a fine 
 he rec'd for profane swearing 
 
 David Welsh for five weeks of his 
 child in the alms house a 3s. 6(/. 
 
 The Mayor a fine for petty larceny 
 
 Rudolph fine for Pr. swearing 
 
 Mary Pemlet for being in alms house 
 some time 
 
 Y^ Mayor a fine he received of Capt. 
 Gash for refusing to entertain y^ 
 officers billitted on him 
 
 James Claxton for P. swearing 
 
 Y* Mayor a fine of James Parrock 
 for refusing to serve constable 
 
 Y* Mayor for restoring 2 pigs to y^ 
 owner 
 
 1 
 123 
 
 d. 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 12 
 
 16 
 10 
 
 15 
 
 15 
 4 
 
 17 
 
 5 
 
 16 
 
 10 
 
56 
 
 City of Philadelphia for the Poor. 
 
 1758 
 Nov. 6 
 
 10 
 
 18 
 
 25 
 
 28 
 Dec. 1 
 
 4 
 
 6 
 
 10 
 
 12 
 
 26 
 30 
 1759 
 Jan. 6 
 
 21 
 
 29 
 
 Feb. 1 
 
 CR. 
 By cash of Jane White on acount of Catherine 
 CosgTove 
 
 *' James Coultass late Sheriff, being a 
 
 fine paid by Laughlane McCIane 
 
 for kissing of Osborne's wife, after 
 
 hia commissions and writing bond 
 
 was deducted 
 
 " Sarah Steward a quarter's rent due 
 
 11th of Sept. for house late Eliza 
 
 Havord 
 
 " Annia Boles for firing chimney 
 
 " Henry Bowman for firing chimney 
 
 " Mayor for fines for P. swearing 
 
 " George Morrison fine for short cord 
 
 wood rec'd of Joseph Allen 
 " Jacob Duche a fine for a person en- 
 
 tertaining McKnight's negro wo 
 man 
 Y^ Mayor for fines he received 
 James Eddy on account of Jon. 
 
 Kearns 
 James Eddy on poor account 
 Y^ Mayor for fines he rec'd 
 John Stamper for fines he rec'd 
 Y« Mayor for fines for P. swear- 
 ing 
 Ed. Beach for one mo. providing for 
 his wife due this day, to be contin- 
 tinued 
 John Mitchel on John Kearns' acc't 
 George Morrison, including his acc't 
 Joseph Morris, ground rent W. C. 
 
 For pigs delivered 
 
 For poor sailor of Capt. Farris 
 
 Hospital collections 
 
 For box sold belonging to William 
 
 Herbet 
 Susa Steward, rent for Havord Hay 
 Joseph Willingpott for P. swearing 
 John Heathcote one year's ground 
 
 rent 
 For profane swearing 
 Jacob Shoemaker for 3 years' ground 
 
 rent to the 5th of January, 1758 
 a 30s. 
 
 24 
 
 65 
 
 6 
 
 4 10 
 
57 
 
 City of Philadelphia for the Poor, 
 
 1759 
 Feb. 1 
 
 10 
 22 
 
 28 
 
 March 6 
 
 10 
 
 14 
 
 16 
 
 20 
 21 
 
 22 
 
 23 
 
 CR. 
 
 By cash of David Welsh for his child being in the 
 alms house 
 
 " George Boardman for 22 -weeks for 
 
 his mother Mary Boardman, in y 
 hospital from Sept. 1, to this date 
 a 2s. 
 
 " Fine of Robert Strettle for petty lar 
 
 ceny 
 
 " For old chest at alms house 
 
 " James Eddy 
 
 " Alice Jefry's father 
 
 " Jeremiah Halden for his wife's ac 
 
 commodation in y*" alms house 
 
 u ye Mayor for fines rec'd for profane 
 
 swearing 
 
 " Israel Dawes for maintaining and other 
 
 charges on child Hannah Little 
 
 " Half a year's ground rent for a lot in 
 
 Second street, being Carter's dona- 
 tion rec'd of Richard Robinson 
 
 " Nicholas Stonemate for our right in 
 
 ye lease of a house late belonging 
 to Eliza Havord, deceased 
 
 " Cameron & Drinker for ground rent 
 
 in Race street, being Carter's dona- 
 tion 
 
 " Jeremiah Halden for his wife's ac- 
 
 commodations in y" alms house 
 
 " Sarah Steward for rent of a house late 
 
 Eliza Havord's, deceased 
 
 " Jno. Stampers for fines received 
 
 " William Jackson, Edward Kearney 
 
 Andrew Reed, David Hall, John 
 Fisher, Mordecai Yarnall and Reu- 
 ben Heyns, being a fine for each of 
 their chimneys being fired each 
 a 20s. 
 
 " Morton for four weeks accom 
 
 raodations for his wife in y'' alms 
 house 
 
 " George Boardman for his mother's 
 
 accommodation in the hospital 7 
 weeks a 2.s*. 
 
 *' David Welsh for 7 weeks accommoda- 
 
 tion for his child in y® alms house 
 a 3 s. 
 
 £ 
 
 s. 
 
 2 
 
 12 
 
 2 
 
 4 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 15 
 
 72 
 
 16 
 
 
 10 
 
 2 
 
 10 
 
 1 
 
 10 
 
 11 
 
 
 5 
 
 4 
 
 7 
 
 
 3 
 
 6 
 
 1 
 
 10 
 
 1 
 
 18 
 
 
 15 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 
 14 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
58 
 
 City of Philadelphia for the Poor 
 
 1759 
 March 23 
 
 26 
 
 Aug. 6 
 
 Sept. 1 
 
 CR. 
 
 For 8 cwt. oakum a 26s. 
 
 150 lbs. oakum 
 
 Joseph Thomas, flour brander 
 
 Joseph King, late do. 
 
 Jno. CressoD for Solomon's accommo- 
 dation in y® alms house 
 
 Tax collected by George Morrison 
 
 Jacob Shoemaker for one year's ground 
 rent of a lot at Center, Carter's do- 
 nation 
 
 Philip Kensey for his negro in alms- 
 house 
 
 James Eddy 
 
 David Sheller's note of hand rec'd 
 
 Jeremiah Halden, part of his note 
 
 Nicholas Stonemate's note rec'd 
 
 Ground rent Carter's legacy due by 
 William Logan 
 
 Balance brought forward 
 
 This sum short cash in one of the du 
 
 plieates 
 
 Balance to paid the succeeding 
 
 overseers 
 Paid James Stevenson the above ba 
 
 lence being £50 6s.lJ(7. 
 
 £ 
 
 .s. 
 
 d. 
 
 3 
 
 18 
 
 
 1 
 
 16 
 
 
 13 
 
 15 
 
 10 
 
 27 
 
 5 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 
 6 
 
 36 
 
 17 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 10 
 
 
 1 
 
 12 
 
 
 47 
 
 15 
 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 12 
 
 6 
 
 2 
 
 15 
 
 
 1189 
 
 00 
 
 10 
 
 41 
 
 4 
 
 21 
 
 9 
 
 1 
 
 11 
 
 50 
 
 6 
 
 u 
 
59 
 
 VII. — Proclamations hy the Provincial Governors and Coiinrih of 
 
 Pennsylvania. 
 
 (From the originals in the possession of the Society.) 
 
 1. A Proclamation continuing persons who were in office at the 
 decease of Lieut. Governor Andrew Hamilton, in their respective posts; 
 
 -JU 
 
 THE GREAT I 
 SEAL OF 
 PENNSYLVANIA. | 
 
 I 
 
 By the President and Council for if Government of y' Province of Pensil- 
 vania and Counties annexed. 
 
 A PROCLAMATION. 
 
 Forasmuch as it hath pleased Almighty God in his all-seeing Provi- 
 dence to Remove from us by Death our late Lieut. Governor, Col. 
 Andrew Hamilton, And Whereas by Virtue of a Commission from Wil- 
 liam Penn, Esq., True and Absolute Proprietary and Governor in Chief 
 of this Province of Pensilvania and Territories thereunto belonging, 
 under his Hand and Great Seal, bearing date y^ twenty-eighth day of 
 October, One Thousand Seven Hundred and One, all and singular 
 ye Powers, Jurisdictions, and Authorities whatsoever, necessary for 
 ye well Governing of y*^ said Province and Territories, and for y^ Admin- 
 istering, Maintaining, and Executing of Justice, and providing for 
 ye safety and well being of y^ People, are upon our said Lieut. Govern- 
 or's decease devolved upon us, y^ Council, dominated and Appointed for 
 ye same. We, therefore, y^ said Council, in our care for ye welfare of 
 ye State and Government of ye said Province and Territories, and to 
 prevent all failures in ye Administration of justice therein, that might be 
 occasioned by ye aforesaid Governor's decease. Doe hereby Ordain and 
 Declare that all Cora missions Whatsoever issued by ye said Lieut. Gov- 
 ernor during his administration of ye said Government, shall be, continue 
 and remain, in full force and Virtue till further order shall be given in 
 and about ye Same, and that all Persons Whatsoever who have or enjoy 
 any Place, Post or Benefit, by Virtue of any Commission under our said 
 Late Lieut. Governor, Shall Continue to Enjoy y^ same until they be 
 Determined as aforesaid. And we doe further Charge and Require all 
 Magistrates, Officers, and Commissioners whatsoever, who act by any 
 Commission Derived from our said Proprietary and Governor, that they 
 diligently Proceed in y'' Performance of their Respective Trusts and 
 Charges in ye said Government, for ye safety and well being thereof. 
 Given under our Hands and ye great Seal of ye Government at the 
 
GO 
 
 Council Chamber in Philadelphia, y^ fourth day of y^ third month, 
 
 (May) iu y*^ Second year of y*^ reign of our Sovereign Lady Anue of 
 
 England, &c.. Queen, Annoque Domini, 1703. 
 
 John Guest, Caleb Pusey, 
 
 Samuel Carpenter, John Blunston, 
 
 Samuel Finney, T Story, (another name nearly worn off.) 
 By Order of y^ President and Council, 
 
 James Logan, Secretary. Edward Shippen, President. 
 
 2. A Proclamation by Lieut. Governor Evans for defence against 
 France and Spain. 
 
 . ^ 
 
 THE great 
 
 seal op 
 pennsylvania. 
 
 ^ sr 
 
 By the honorable John Evans, Esq., with her Majesty's Royal Approbation, 
 Lieutenant Governor of the Province of Pcnsilvania and Counties annexed. 
 
 A PROCLAMATION. 
 
 Forasmuch as The Queen's most Exellent Majestic and the Best of 
 her Majestie's Allies are now Engaged in a Vigorous Warr against 
 France and Spain, for Maintaining and Preserving the Liberty and Bal- 
 lance of Europe, which as it Engages the Subjects of the said Crowns 
 and States in open hostilitie, So it laies her Majestie's Subjects in this 
 Government under a Necessity of being well armed and disciplined, as 
 well for the honour and service of her ^lajestie as for tlie Defence and 
 Preservation of our Religion, Lives, and Liberties, all which her Majesty 
 having duly weighed and Considered, was Graciously pleased to Command 
 that due preparation should be made in this Government for the Defence 
 and Security of the same, against any attempt that might be made upon 
 it by the Enemy during this time of Warr. Therefore, in Obedience 
 to her Majesty's Koyal Commands, and to the End that the Lihabitants 
 of the said Counties might be in a Posture of Defence and Readiness to 
 withstand and Repell all Acts of hostilitie that the Enemy shall attempt 
 against them, I doe hereby stvietly Command and Require all Persons 
 residing in the said Counties, that forthwith they Doe Provide themselves 
 with a Good firelock and Ammunition in Order to Inlist themselves in 
 the Militia which I now am sotting in this Government, and Every In- 
 habitant thereof as aforesaid shall without delay Repair unto and InH.st 
 himself with the Officer or Officers Commissioned to Command in that 
 District where such Inhabitant dwells. And I Doe further Command all 
 Persons that they take due notice hereof and give obedience, and be to 
 their utmost aiding and assisting to the said Officers in all things relating 
 
61 
 
 to the Exercising the Power Given thera in their Commissions, as they 
 will answer the Contrary at their Peril. Griven under my hand and Great 
 Seal at Philadelphia, the sis and twentieth day of May. in the third year 
 of the Reign of Our Sovereign Lady Queen Anne over England, &c., 
 Annoqe JJomini, 1704. 
 
 God Save the Qkeen. 
 
 John Evans. 
 
 3. A Proclamation by Lieutenant Governor Evans against Immor- 
 ality and Profaneness. 
 
 . A . 
 
 THE GREAT 
 
 SEAL OF 
 
 PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 ■ ~r ' 
 
 B\j the Honourable Collonell John Evons, Lieutenant Governor of the Province 
 of Pennsylvania and Counties annexed. 
 
 A PROCLAMATION, 
 
 Against Immorality and Profaneness. 
 
 Whereas, it hath Pleased Almighty God from the Treasures of his 
 Infinite Goodness to extend his favours in an Eminent degree, and pour 
 down His peculiar Blessings upon this Colony, from the first Erecting 
 thereof, as well by Bestowing a happy Success on the Endeavours of its 
 Inhabitants, and crowning what so lately was a Wilderness with a large 
 affluence of all the Necessaries and Comforts of life, as by supporting it 
 in an undisturbed Peace and Tranquility during all the Commotions that 
 have deeply afflicted other parts of the Christian World, and Continuing 
 to us the Enjoyment of those Manifold Mercies, which rightly used tend 
 to make a people truly happy. All which divine Bounties as they loud- 
 ly call for the most humble and hearty Acknowledgments, so they ought 
 more deeply to Impress a just sense of the Great obligations upon us, so 
 to regulate our Lives, with Care and Circumspection, in a true Obedience 
 and Conformity to God's holy Laws, that we may not. Instead of making 
 grateful Returns, by Impiety or Negligence provoke the just rage of the 
 Almighty to withdraw his divine Protection, and inflict on Us the 
 severe Chastisement of his Just displeasure. 
 
 Notwithstanding all which I cannot but be sensible that too Many for- 
 getting all those obligations, that as persons professing the Holy Chris- 
 tian Religion they indispensably lye Under, have given themselves a 
 Loose in their Lives and Conversations, and manifestly trampled on their 
 Positively known Duties in many Vicious Practices and Immoralities, to 
 the great offence of Almighty God, in the breach of his Divine Laws, 
 
 Vol. I— No. 1. 6 
 
62 
 
 as well as of our Civil Institutions, and to the scandal of sober Men and 
 great discredit of this Clovernnient ; Which Practices, if not timely pre- 
 vented, may terminate in an Utter Depravation of manners, through the 
 Encouragement taken from those fatal and pernicious Examples, by per- 
 sons whose better Education and Inclinations might otherwise have re- 
 strained them within the Bounds of Sobriety and Virtue ; but from those 
 many Instances sett before their Eyes, are in danger of being hurried on 
 not only to their own Ruin, but of becoming acces^sary to the Incensing 
 and drawing down upon Us the Vengeance of Heaven. 
 
 In a deep Consideration of which, and to the end that all possible Dis- 
 couragements may be given to the Growth of these Enormities, I have, 
 through a sense of the duty I owe to God and ye Care of the People com- 
 mitted to my charge. By and with the advice and Consent of the Council 
 of this Province and Territories, thought fit to Publish and Declare, that 
 I will Discountenance and severely Punish all manner of Vice, Immorality 
 and Profaneuess in all persons whatsoever within this Government, that 
 shall be guilty of the same. And I doe hereby strictly forbid all manner 
 of Debauchery, Lewdness, Drunkenness, profane Swearing, Cursing, 
 Rioting, breaking of the Sabbath, Night walking at unreasonable hours 
 without Lawful Business, and all other Disorders whatsoever that are 
 contrary to the Duties of a Christian Life and the Rules of true Virtue. 
 And I doe strictly Command and Require all Magistrates, Justices, 
 Sheriffs, Constables, and all Officers whatsoever, and others her Majesties 
 good Subjects, that they not only bo regular and Circumspect in their 
 own lives, that, by their good Examples, they may incite those that be- 
 hold them to the Practice of Virtue, but also that they be very Diligent 
 in the Discovery and effectual Prosecution of all ofi'enders, and that they 
 rigorously putt in Execution all the good and whr^lesome Laws and Ordi- 
 nances provided against the aforesaid and such other Immoralities, with- 
 out favor, partiality, or Affection to any person whatsoever, as they will 
 answer it to Almighty God and incur my utmost displeasure. And for 
 the more effectual publication hereof, I doc require and Command the 
 Justices of Quarter Sessions at their respective County Courts in this 
 Government, and the Mayor and Recorder of the City of Philadelphia, 
 that they cause this my proclamation to be publicly read in open Court 
 immediately after their charge is given to the Grand Jury. Also that 
 the Ministers of the Churches and Several Congregations within this 
 Province and Territories, Cause the same to be Read in the time of 
 Divine Service, at their respective places of Y\'orship, at least six times 
 in every year, And that they be very diligent in Discouraging all manner 
 of Vice and Immorality in their Auditors, in Exhorting them to the exer- 
 cise of Piety and Virtue. Given at Philadelphia the Ninth day of Octo- 
 ber, in the third year of the Reign of our Sovereign Lady Anne, by the 
 Grace of God of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, Quetn, Delei.der 
 of the Faith, &c., and the twenty-fourth of the Proprietaries Government, 
 Annoq*^ Domini, 1704. 
 
 God save the Queen. 
 
 John Evans. 
 
63 
 
 4. A Proclamation for a Thanksgiving for the Victories over the 
 French. 
 
 [T/ii'y Proclamation has beoi iniick mutilate I.} 
 
 THE GRKAT 
 
 SEAE OF 
 
 PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 By the Honorable Collonel John Evans^ Lieutenant Governor of the Province oj 
 Pennsylvania, and Counties of New Castle, Kent, and Sussex, in Delaware. 
 
 Whereas, The Glueen's most Excellent Majesty by her Royal Pro- 
 clamation given at her Court at K**** the one and twentieth day of 
 May last, most devoutly and thankfully acknowledging ihe * * * * Al- 
 mighty God in Continuing to her M ijesty his Protection and Assistance 
 in * * * * and For Disappointing the Boundless ambition of Fr » * * 
 Majesty, is now engaged, and in Conjunction with those of her Allies 
 under the Command of His Grace John Duke of Ma* * * *, Greneral of 
 Her Mijesty's Land Forces, a Signal and Grlorious Victory in Brabant 
 over the French Armies * * * *^ restoring the greatest part of the 
 Spanish Netherlands to ye Posssession of the House of Austria, in the 
 person of * * * the third, by the Happy and wonderful progress of the 
 Confederate Forces, and also in Blessing the Arms of Her Majesty and 
 those of Her Allies with (xreat Success in Catalonia and other parts of 
 Spain, Was Grraciously pleased in Consideration, that such Grreat and 
 Public Blessings doe call for Public and Solemn Acknowledgments, to 
 Appoint and Command, with the Advice of Her Majesty's Privy Coun- 
 cil, that a Greneral Thanksgiving to Almighty Grod for these Mercies 
 should be observed in her Dominions. And Whereas, t have received 
 Directions together with the said Proclamation, from the Right Honora- 
 ble the L'^rd Commissioners of Trade and Plantations, that in conformity 
 to Her Majesty's Royal Pleasure in Her other Dominions, I should also 
 appoint in this Her Majesty's Province, a Proper and Special day for a 
 Solemn Thanksgiving to Almighty God for the mercies aforesaid. I have 
 therefore, in obedience thereto, thought fit to Appoint and Command 
 that on the sixteenth day of January next ensuing, a Solemn General 
 Publick Thanksgiving be observed by all her Majesty's Loving Subjects 
 within this her Mijesty's Province and in the Counties aforesaid. On 
 which Day all Persons are Required to Refrain from their usual Labour 
 and Employment and Repair to Divine * * in the Publick Places of 
 Worship, Devoutly to return to Almighty God, the Author of all Bless- 
 ings, most humble and hearty Thanks and Acknowledg;nents For his 
 aforesaid mercies * * they tender the Favour of Heaven upon pain of 
 being Punished * * * mners of Her Majesty's Royal Commands in the 
 Pe * * * Religious and Necessary * * * *. Witness my Hand and 
 the Great Seal of the Governaient at Philadelphia, ******* Year 
 
64 
 
 of the Reign of our Sovereign Lady Anne of England, Scotland, France 
 and Ireland, Queen, Defender of the Faith, &c. ARnoq<= Domini. 1760. 
 
 God Save The Queen. 
 
 John Evans. 
 
 VIII. — Letter from Mr. Andrew Banlcs of Juniata Counti/, on the 
 EarJy History of tliat County. 
 
 [This Letter was received in reply to the Circular issued by the Society 
 a few years since. In the fourth volume, part second, of the Memoirs of 
 the Society, published last year, the Circular and several of the replies 
 to it may be found.] 
 
 About the year ] 758 Capt. James Patterson settled on the Juniata 
 river on the spot where Mexico now stands, his object appears to have 
 been to trade with the Indians for their lands ; he obtained from them 
 all their lands lying north from that place for the distance of three or 
 four miles lying on Doe run ; the original title of all those lands was 
 vested in him. Although a trader he, as it appeared, did not rely upon 
 the peaceful habits of those he traded with, for in order to keep them iu 
 awe he converted an oak log into a cannon and discharged it frequently 
 in their hearing, which greatly intimidated them. On a certain occasion 
 when the men were absent from the rude station, the barking of a dog 
 drew Mrs. Patterson's attention, when to her great surprise she discovered 
 a large group of Indians making their way towards her. She at once 
 stationed herself beside the mimic cannon, menacing defiance, calling 
 aloud " Come on you yellow dogs you," whereupon the whole batch dis- 
 appeared under covert of the thicket. 
 
 About the year 1760 and subsequently, came a number of individuals, 
 principally Irish or their descendants, from York and Adams counties, 
 but principally from Cumberland county along the waters of the Cone- 
 doguinet. They were generally persons about to set out into the world, 
 their families were mostly small, and generally in low circumstances. 
 About the period above alluded to William Maclay, late of Harrisburg, 
 settled on the Juniata, where Mifilintown, the seat of justice of Juniata 
 county now stands ; the house that he occupied is yet in a good state of 
 preservation ; and about the same period Robert Nelson settled on the 
 " Cedarspring ;" the old mansion is yet standing; a part of the other 
 cotemporary settlers were James Purdy, William Henderson, James Gib- 
 son, William Sharon, Hugh Sharon, Alexander Armstrong, Hugh 
 McAlister, James Dickey, Nathaniel Dickey, Samuel Mitchel, Samuel 
 Sharon, and others. 
 
 Mifilintown was first improved as a town about the year 1786. Its 
 improvement was very sluw until the county was disannexed from Mifflin 
 in 1829, since which time some valuable improvements have been made 
 Besides the necessary public buildings, two brick churches, one Presby 
 
65 
 
 terian, the other Lutheran, have been erected, and an iron foundry and 
 other valuable improvements were made in 1844. 
 
 Mrs. Charlotte Thompson of Delaware township in this county, who 
 is grand daughter to Capt. James Patterson above alluded to, informs 
 that she has in hor possession a large number of papers which belonged 
 to her grandfather, among which are a number of letters in correspon- 
 dence between him and other officers in the army of General Forbes in 
 1758, and during the French war at various periods. These documents 
 are said to contain much valuable information ; copies can be had on ap- 
 plication. In 1773, when the writer first visited this country, the im- 
 provements generally were a small but or cabin house, and barn of like 
 description, with a few acres of cleared land. Improvements progressed 
 very slowly until about the beginning of the present century, when a 
 number of German emigrants from Lancaster, Berks, Montgomery, 
 Chester, and other eastern counties, bought out a large number of the 
 original inhabitants, and from that time the county began rapidly to im- 
 prove. The improvements now generally are a frame, stone, or brick 
 dwelling house, a stone or frame bank barn, and other necessary build- 
 ings in proportion ; and the lands are all cleared with the exception of 
 hill lands for timber and fuel. 
 
 Seventy years ago, and many years subsequent, wild game were very 
 plenty in our forests. It consisted of deer, benr, wolf, some panthers, 
 wild cat, otter, raccoon, squirrel, rabbit, and beaver. The fowl were 
 turkey, pheasant, pigeon, partridge, &.c. Game of almost every kind gra- 
 dually disappeared, the writer has not known of deer's being caught for 
 the la<t nine or ten years, and the same may be said of every other spe- 
 cies of game, with the exception of the red fox, who fully maintains his 
 ground. It has been an ancient observation that the red fox extirpated 
 the grey, and such appears to be the fact. 
 
 The first emigrants found this county an unbroken forest, in the midst 
 of which they settled, exposed to numerous privations, as no supplies 
 could be had nearer than their native places, and when they did furnish 
 supplies from their industry, they had to take it over the mountains from 
 thirty to forty miles to get it ground. 
 
 I do not know of any person who have made any historical collection 
 either ancient or modern. 
 
 The inhabitants of this part of the state are, and have been an agricul- 
 tural people, whose attentions were not drawn to these objects. 
 
 The early court records of this county were deposited in Carlisle up till 
 the year 1789, when what is now Juniata, MiiBin, and Centre counties 
 were disannexed from Cumberland and denominated Mifflin County ; con- 
 sequently the early court records are to be found at Carlisle and Lewis- 
 town. 
 
 I have no knowledge of any state or county maps further than such as 
 are contained in our Geography. 
 
 Do not know of any medals or ancient coins ; have not seen any of the 
 Continental money for many years. 
 
 I have no ancient documents of historical interest. 
 
 I have no drawings either public or private. 
 
 6* 
 
G6 
 
 I have not any documents as those mentioned. 
 
 Such documents are not to be expected from a private citizen. 
 
 The Universities of Penn. are matter of history. 
 
 Mifflintowu, the capital of Juniata county, was laid out into lots and 
 began to be improved, as a town, about the year 1786, was incorporated 
 immediately after the county was organized, in 1880. Thompsontown 
 had a few years later origin, and Mexico still later ; but the Postmasters 
 of these places are more competent to identify their true origin. 
 
 The township of '•' Fermanagh " in its original dimensions contained 
 what is now denominated " Walker" township, lying on the south side 
 of what is now designated <' Fermanagh," and also " Fayette," lying N. 
 i^. Its present dimensions are four miles square. 
 
 With respect to population generally, it has become a matter of history 
 by the late census; and in regard to births, longevity and deaths, hav- 
 ing never kept any record beyond the limits of my own family, the wri- 
 ter can exhibit notbing specific. There was, however, a gentleman by 
 the name of James Butler, Esq., many years a citizen of this county, 
 who kept a record of all the births and deaths, which fell under his notice, 
 until his death which happened about two years ago at the age of 87 
 years. His papers would be a good acquisition ; they can be obtained 
 (or at least, copies) by applying to James Matthew, Esq., Mifflintown. 
 
 1 he first epidemic which prevailed in this country was in the year 
 1703 ; it was a nervous fever and very mortal ; it was more general 
 along the Juniata river, but it also extended widely over the interior of 
 the country. The next that prevailed, commenced in 1803, in the month 
 of August. It was awfully mortal, a bilious fever, the author knew an 
 instance in the small village of iVIifflintown, of four deaths in the course 
 of one evening, two of them in one house; it prevailed with great malig- 
 nity for two successive years, after that it became milder. The next 
 epidemic which prevailed was a Typhus fever, it commenced in Decem- 
 ber, 1812, it raged unabated till about the month of June, 1813, when 
 It subsided by degrees. All the different grades of constitution yielded 
 equally before it. A few hours, or at most a few days, three or four 
 days at most, brought on a crisis; the more robust the patient, it appear- 
 ed the more fatal. It appeared to be most fatal in winter. The summer 
 heats commence generally about the middle of June, and continue til! 
 the last of August, the latter is generally the warmest month, the ther- 
 naometer rising to 86, 90, and sometimes even 95 degrees of Farhenheit. 
 Winter commences about the last of December and continues till the 
 middle of February. The country is made up of alternate ranges of 
 hill and valley ; in the flat lands limestone prevails, and in the higher a 
 gravel ; the agriculturists begin to reckon the latter soil the best as being 
 more certain when duly attended to. The products are those of the other 
 parts of Pennsylvania, viz : — wheat, rye, corn, oats, buckwheat, some 
 barley, with potatoes and other vegetables. The general employment of 
 the inhabitants is agriculture, which is well attended to, the various 
 mechanic arts recieve their due attention. The merchants generally pur- 
 sue their business with much industry and regularity, and all the differ- 
 ent classes, when duly attending their pursuits seldom fail of a compe 
 tencv. 
 
67 
 
 No Biograpbical notices have fallen under my notice otLcr than those 
 contained iu history. 
 
 I have not any knowledge of such tables as those asked for. 
 
 We have no public library. 
 
 The first newspaper established in this county was edited by Michael 
 Duifey, iu Mifflintown, about the year 1794, it was discontinued in a 
 year or two, and two others have been established. The " Mifflin Eagle" 
 was published by B. N. Gallaher a series of years, and afterwards by Sam'l 
 G. Nesbit, but now discontinued, and five years since the " Spirit of the 
 Times" was established by Samuel Sheack, and and edited by James Gr. 
 Sample. 
 
 The only original author either of prose or poetry which this county 
 has at any time produced, was James Butler, Esq., already noticed, who 
 used to indulge himself in framing a kind of doggerel verses, mostly 
 satirical, notwithstanding which, they possessed some degree of merit; 
 some of his pieces were published, one in particuhir on the subject of 
 St. Clair's defeat, which of course was tragical. It possessed considera- 
 ble merit, and was published, but not now in circulation as far as known. 
 He also wrote and published a novel entitled "Fortune's Foot-Ball," 
 >Yhich possessed some merit ; liy having recourse to his papers, manu- 
 scripts, &c., they no doubt can be procured. 
 
 No history of any of our towns or townships, or of our county, has been 
 published, or materials collected for such purpose as far as known. 
 
 About the year 17152, the inhabitants undertook to build a church for 
 the Presbyterian denomination. Tbey raised it one story, when they 
 were driven away by the Indians. Four years elapsed before their re- 
 turn ; they then found it damaged, and threw it down and erected one 
 on a larger scale. It was built near the Cedarspring and denominated 
 the " Cedarspring church." It is now in ruins. In the year 1773, at 
 the earliest period known to the writer, a Mr. Kennedy otficiated as 
 stated pastor; they had erected a dwelling house near the church, and in 
 which he lived. On some misunderstanding's taking place, he did not 
 stay long, and about the year 1777, the congregation prepared a call for 
 a Mr. Hugh Magill, and he accepted. He continued his labors till about 
 the year 1707 ; being worn down by age, he declined. A call was then 
 prepared for Mr. Matthew Brown, who began his ministry in the year 
 1801, and continued three years and left. In 1804 a call was accepted 
 by Rev. John Hutchison who continued to officiate 39 years ; he died 
 the 10th day of November last. 
 
 The congregation being large, for the sake of convenience a separation 
 was made and two churches erected, one at Mifflintown and the other near 
 Mc'AUistersville ; a charter was obtained by the style of the " Presby- 
 terian Congregation of Cedarspring, composing the Congregations of 
 Mifflin and Lost Creek " and so it remains. A congregation of " The as- 
 sociate reformed " Presbyterians have existed here since about the year 
 1775, when William Logan became its Pastor. They erected a church, 
 which is still in good preservation, about the year 1794, having previous 
 nothing but a tent to assemble at. It is still a' respectable congregation 
 
68 
 
 under the Pastoral Charge of a Mr. Shields. Not aware of any inscrip- 
 tions either on or about any of the churches other than the orJinary 
 raonuraeiital notices. 
 
 Have no knowledge of the dockets in the offices at the seat of Justice. 
 
 A professor of the law will be best able to satisfy in that case. 
 
 The same answer. 
 
 There were three mounds known to the writer at the early history of 
 this country. One at the junction of the Aughwick creek and the Juni- 
 ata river near the tuwii of Newtnn-hamilton, in Mifflin county ; one at 
 the junction of the Kishicoquillas, at or near Lewistown in the same 
 county; and one at the junction of the Cocolaumaus near Millcrstown, 
 in Perry county. The tradition of the country is, that a war existed be- 
 tween the Delawares and the Tuscaroras, that a pitched battle ensued at 
 the former phice, at which the latter tribe was defeated, when they re- 
 tired down the river to the mouth of the Kishicoquillas, and there made 
 a second stand, and were again defeated. Thoy retired again to the lat- 
 ter place, made a third stand, and were a third time defeated, which last 
 conflict so much weakened the Tuscaroras that the nation became ex- 
 tinct, not being afterwards able to raise any more warriors. There is not 
 any person now living here who was contemporary with the Indians. 
 Have not any knowledge of Indian relics in this place. The writer has 
 read many eopjecture.'i relative to their origin. Such as their being 
 sprung from the ancient Hebrews, on account of their proneness to offer 
 sacrifices to their deities, in which there is much similarity, together 
 with the structure of the language of some of the tribes. Some historians 
 have been convinced of the fact; but sfill it is vague conjecture after all 
 that has been said : with respect to the Indian names of rivers, mountains 
 &c., those names have all some peculiar meaning in the Indian dialect, 
 for instance, the Alleghany, Ohio, and Mississippi, all mean the same 
 thing in three diff"erent dialects, and signifies iclute icatrr. 
 
 There are not any soldiers of the revolution now living in this neigh- 
 bourhood. The writer of this article recollects it distinctly. The sub- 
 ject of the revolution is matter of history, and has been generally read; 
 the inhabitants of this county were all ]fhi(/s^ and the writer well re- 
 members the fearful forbodings which took possession of many of our most 
 staunch whigs on the receipt of some unfavorable news. The first troops 
 that marched from here were those who joined the army of General 
 Montgomery, destined for Quebec. The writer had a first cousin on that 
 expedition, belonging to the company of the brave Hendricks, who fell 
 at the head of his company fighting at "The barriers ; " but the fate of 
 those worthy men is well known in the history of our country.* The 
 next troops that marched were two companies of volunteers, each com- 
 pany containing 80 men besides their officers ; the one commanded by 
 Captain Gibson, the other by Captain Purdy. They repaired to the 
 camp in the beginning of the year 1776, and performed a tour of two 
 months ; afterwards the troops marched agreeably to their draught, 
 which Older was continued. The writer also well recollects the enthusi- 
 
 • See the narrative of John Joseph Henry, of the expedition against Quebec. 
 
69 
 
 astic joy manifested on tbe capture of Cornwallis, and the patriotic songs 
 of those days are still familiar. 
 
 No doubt need be entertained that the documents alluded to in the 
 foregoing, can be had, (copies at least) if not the original. 
 
 A SONG OF THE REVOLUTION ON THE EVENT OF A VICTORY. 
 
 Hark ! Hark ! The joyful news that's come, 
 Sound, sound the trumpet beat the drum, 
 
 Let manly joys abound. 
 Let Freedom's sacred ensigns wave, 
 Supported by the virtuous brave, 
 
 Our victory is crowned. 
 
 From East to West from South to North 
 The brave American sons stood forth, 
 
 All terrible in arms. 
 Their rights, their freedom to maintain. 
 Undaunted tread the bloody plain, 
 
 And smile at war's alarms. 
 
 Montgomery claims our just applause ; 
 He to assert fair freedom's cause 
 
 Domestic peace forsook ; 
 The sword he grasped and boldly on, 
 Till ebbing lite was fairly aone, 
 
 His valor never shook. 
 
 Kind Providence our troops inspires 
 With more than Greek and Roman fires, 
 
 Therefore our cause prevails ; 
 Preserved by Heaven, a virtuous few 
 Tyrannic legions shall subdue, 
 
 For Justice seldom fails. 
 
 Let brimful bumpers flow around, 
 And songs to their just praise resound, 
 
 Who have their bravery shown. 
 To Mercer and Montgomery, 
 To Mifhin, Gates, and Green so free, 
 
 And Glorious Washington. 
 
 Thus I have very imperfectly sketched a few of the reminiscences of 
 this country, agreeably to the questions proposed, hoping that it may not 
 be altogether uninteresting, however imperfectly executed. They are 
 some few of the results of my observation during a period of 72 years ; 
 all which is respectfully submitted. 
 
 Andrew Banks. 
 Fermanagh township, Juniata County, Penn'a. 
 
70 
 
 IX. — A Sermon preached on the eve of the Battle of Brandy wine (^Sep- 
 tember 10, 1777,) hy the Rev. Joah Trout, to a large portion of the 
 American Army. 
 
 (Communicated by Mr. John H. Lick of Fredericksburg, Lebanon County.) 
 
 " They that tale the sword shall iierish hy tiie sword .'^ 
 
 Soldiers and Couatrymen, — We have met this evening, perhaps for the 
 last time. We have shared the toil of march, the peril of fight, and the 
 dismay of the retreat; alike we have endured the cold and hunger, the 
 contumely of the internal foe and the courage of foreign oppression. We 
 have sat, night after night, beside the camp-fire ; we have together heard 
 the roll of tlie reveille which called us to duty, or the beat of the tattoo 
 which gave the signal for the hardy sleep of the soldier with the earth 
 for his bed and knapsack for his pillow. 
 
 And now, soldiers and brethren, we have met in the peaceful valley on 
 the eve of battle, while the sunlight is dying away behind yonder heights, 
 the sunlight that, to morrow morn, will glimmer on scenes of blood. 
 We have met amid the whitening tents of our encampment, in time of 
 terror and gloom, have gathered together, God grant it may not be the 
 last time. 
 
 It is a solemn moment. Brethren, does not the voice of nature seem 
 to echo the sympathies of the hour? The flag of our country droops 
 heavily from yonder stafi"; the breeze has died away along the green 
 plains of Chadd's Ford — the heights of the Brandywine arise gloomily 
 beyond yonder stream — all nature pauses in solemn silence, on the eve 
 of to-morrow. 
 
 " They that take the sword shall perish by the sword." And have 
 they not taken the sword ? 
 
 Let the desolated plain, the blood-trodden valley, the burned farm- 
 house, the sacked village and the ravaged town, answer — let the whiten- 
 ing bones of the farmer strown along the fields of his homestead answer — 
 let the starving mother with her babe clinging to the withered breast 
 that can afford no sustenance — let her answer with the death-rattle ring- 
 ing with the murmuring tones that mark the last struggle of life — let 
 the dying mother and her babe answer. It was but a day past and our 
 land slept in the quiet of peace. War was not here — wrong was not 
 here. Fraud and war, misery and want dwelt not among us. From 
 the eternal solitude of the green woods, arose the smoke of the set- 
 tler's cabins, golden fields of corn looked forth from amid the waste of 
 the wilderness and the glad music of human voices awoke the silence of 
 the forest. 
 
 Now, behold the change. Under the shadow of a pretext, under the 
 sanctity of the name of Grod, invoking the Redeemer to their aid, these 
 foreign hirelings slay our people. They throng our towns, they darken 
 our plains, and now encompass our post on the lovely plain of Chadd's 
 Ford. 
 
71 
 
 ''They that take the sword shall perish by the sword." Brethren' 
 think me not unworthy of belief when I tell you the doom of the British 
 is near, when I tell you that beyond the cloud that now enshrouds us, 
 I see gathering, thick and fast, the darker cloud and the blacker storm 
 of Divine retribution. They may conquer us to-morrow; might and 
 wrong may prevail, and we may be driven from this field — but the hour 
 of God's own vengeance will come. 
 
 Aye, if in the vast solitudes of eternal space, if in the heart of the 
 boundless universe, there throbs the being of an awful Grod, quick to 
 avenge and sure to punish guilt, then will George of Brunswick feel the 
 vengeance of the eternal Jehovah. A blight will be upon his life, a 
 blight will be upon his children and upon his people. Great God, how 
 dread the punishment ! A crowded populace, peopling the dense towns 
 where the man of money !hrives, while the laborer starves, want striding 
 among the people in all its forms of terror; an ignorant and God-defy- 
 ing priesthood chuckling over the miseries of millions, a proud and merci- 
 less nobility adding wrong to wrong and heaping insult upon robbery and 
 fraud; crime and want linked hand in hand and tempting men to deeds 
 of woe and death — these are a part of the doom and retribution that 
 come upon the English throne and the English people. 
 
 Soldiers, I look around upon your familiar faces with a strange inter- 
 est. To morrow morning we will all go forth to battle, for I need not 
 tell you that your unworthy minister will march with you, invoking 
 God's aid in the fight — we will march forth to battle! Need I exhort 
 you to fight the good fight, to fight for your homesteads, for your wives 
 and children ? I might urge you by the galling memories of British 
 wrong ; I might paint all this again in the vivid colors of the terrible 
 reality, if I thought your courage needed such wild excitement. But I 
 know you are strong in the miglit of the Lord. You will march forth to 
 battle on the morrow with light hearts and determined spirits, though 
 the duty of avenging the dead may rest heavy on your souls. 
 
 And in the hour of battle, when all around is lit by the lurid cannon- 
 glare, and the piercing musket-flash, when the wounded strew the ground 
 and the dead litter your path, then remember that God is with you j God 
 the awful and infinite fights for you and will triumph. 
 
 You have taken the sword, but not in the spirit of wrong and ravage. 
 You have taken the sword for your homes, your wives, your little ones ; 
 for truth, for justice and right, and to you the promise is. Be of good 
 cheer, your foes have taken the sword in defiance of all that man holds 
 dear; they shall perish by the sword. 
 
 And now farewell ! Many of us may fall to-morrow : God rest the 
 souls of the fallen ! Many of us may live to tell the story, and in the 
 memory of all will ever linger the quiet scene of this autumnal night. 
 
 Solemn twilight advances over the valley, the woods of the opposite 
 heights fling their long shadows over the green of the meadow; around 
 us are the tents of the Continental host, the suppressed bustle of the 
 camp, the hurried tramp of the soldiers too and fro among the tents, the 
 stillness and awe that mark the eve of the battle. 
 
72 
 
 When we meet again, may the shadows of twilight be flung over a 
 peaceful land. God in heaven grant it. 
 Let us pray : 
 
 A PRAYER. 
 
 Grreat Father, we bow before thee, we invoke thy blessing, we depre- 
 cate thy wrath, we return thee thanks for the past, we ask thy aid for 
 the furure ; for we are in times of trouble, Lord, and sore beset by 
 foes, merciless and unpitying. The sword gleams over our land, the dust 
 of the sod is dampened with the blood of our neighbors and friends. 
 God of mercy, we pray thy blessing on the American arms. Make the 
 man of our hearts strong in thy wisdom ; bless, we beseech thee, with 
 renewed life and strength, our hope and thy instrument, even George 
 Washington. Shower thy counsels on the Honourable the Continental 
 Congress. Visit the tents of our host, comfort the soldier in his wounds 
 and afflictions ; nerve him for the fight and prepare him for the hour of 
 death. 
 
 And in the hour of defeat, O God of hosts, do thou be our stay, and 
 in the hour of triumph be thou our guide. Teach us to be merciful. 
 Though the memory of galling wrongs be at our hearts knocking for 
 admittance, that they may fill us with the desire of revenge, yet let us, 
 Lord, spare the vanquished, though they never spared us. In the hour 
 of death do thou guide us to the abode prepared for the blest. So shall 
 we return thanks to thee through Christ our Redeemer. God Prosper 
 THE Cause. Amen. 
 
/ 
 
 6 /S2. 
 
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