^ 440 SPEECH OF Hon. W. a. RICHARDSON, OF ILLINOIS, DELIVERED IN BURLINGTON, NEW JERSEY, Tuesday Evening-, July 17, 1860. Ma. President and Fellow-Citizens : — I am not here to-night for the purpose of as- sailing gentlemen who may belong to political organizations different tVom that of which I am a member. I believe that the masses of all the political parties in this country are for carrying on and preserving our Govern- ment as our fathers gave it to us. While I am not here for the purpose of assailing the masses of the parties, it is my duty, as it is the duty of every citizen of tliis country, to speak plainly of the leaders of those parties. In this contest, fellow-citizens, we have presented to our view some very extraordi- nary things. We have had four Conventions, presenting as many candidates, representing as many views ; and no one of those Conven- tions has endorsed the Administration now in power in this Government. We have, for the first time in the history of our Gov- ernment, the extraordinary spectacle of a President of the United States, (not endorsed by any Convention,) entering the political arena, and making political speeches for one of those parties. When the President of the United States thus condescends to enter the political arena, I am disposed to treat his sentiments, his opinions, his views, as I would treat those of any other opponent whom I might meet in that arena. The President of the United States has said, in a speech recently made, that we have no regular Democratic nomination; that no one has been nominated by the Democratic party in such a manner as to call upon that party to lend the nomination their support. Let us inquire and see whether the President is not mistaken ; or, if he is not mistaken, whether he has not misstated the facts. I affirm — I am ready to meet any man any- where with that affirmation — that the nomi- nation of Stephen A. Douglas, made at Balti- more, has been made in accordance with the usages of the party — he receiving the votes necessary to constitute such a nomiaation. [Applause.] The two-thirds rule, fellow-citizens, was adopted in 1844. I have not time to-nigh*, to recur to the reasons which induced the party to adopt that rule. The same language that was used in 1844 is the precise language that is now binding upon Democratic Con- ventions ; it is the same language that has obtained in every Democratic Convention from 1844 to 18G0. In 1848, when General Cass was nominated at Baltimore, he received 179 votes, and Andrew Stevenson, of Va., the presiding officer — long the Speaker of the House of Representatives, at one time our Minister at the Court of St. James— de- clared that he was nominated, having received two-thirds of all the votes cast for Presiden- tial nominee. Tlie records show that Gen. Cass received at that time no more than 179 votes. A resolution was adopted then (as a similar resolution was adopted recently at Baltimore in the case of Mr. Douglas) that he be unanimously declared the nominee of the Convention. There were absent from that Convention delegates from the State of New York. They had absented themselves because they refused to give a pledge to abide by the nomination and the platform that might be made by the Convention. Let us pass on. At Cincinnati, when Mr. Bu- chanan himself was nominated, the liighest vote he received was 1G8. Mr. Douglas was then withdrawn bj me, and the next resolu- tion adopted was one declaring Mr. Buchanan the nominee of the Convention. Some of the delegates in that Convention never did and never would consent that their votes should be counted for him. Wliat are the facts in relation to the nomination of Judge Douglas? On the last ballot preceding his being declared the nominee of the Baltimore Convention, he received 18U votes — more than Gen. Cass received in 1848, more than Mr. Buchanan received in 18.'')C ; and immediately after Mr. D«uglas received that vote of ISl.i, the Con- vention declared him unanimously the nomi- nee of the Democratic party. [Cheers. J That resolution, wliich was unanimously adopted, was passed by 225 votes. With what truthfulness, then, can Mr. Buchanan declare that yre liave no regular Democratic nomination? Mr. Douglas -was nominated precisely as Gen. Cass was nominated, pre- cisely as Mr. Buchanan himself was nomi- nated ; and on the ballot preceding his leceiving the unanimous endorsement of the ('onvcntion, ho obtained more votes than | cither of tlio.sc gentlemen received when they were nominated. [Applause.] Fellow-citi- zens, I aslcyour attention to these facts; and I say that Mr. Buchanan was not well in- formed upon this subject, or, if he was, he lias misstated the facts. Mr. Buchanan says another thing. He declares tliat we have no Democratic nomi- nation ; that Democrats are at liberty to vote either for Mr.Douglas or for Mr. Breckinridge. Well, if that is his opinion, why is it that, under his Administration, every Federal offi- cer in the United States is turned out of oflfice as soon as it is known that he is for Mr. Douglas, [applause,] and they leave in office those who are in favor of Mr. Lincoln? for I declare to you that, in Illinois, there are four office-holders who are Republicans, supporters of Lincoln, where there is one in favor of Mr. Dou -we -will take away all prohibition ; -we -will confer upon the people of the Territories the newer to dispose of these questions for them- selves." Hence, in the very next Territo- rial bill that was passed by Congress, the ■bill organizing the Territory of Washington, 2t was declared that all prohibitions or laws passed by Congress prior to September 1, 1848, should be inoperative and void, and that the people should have tlio power to dispose of all these questions for themselves. In that bill was enunciated the great doctrine of non-intervention, all previous prohibitions iiy Congress being rescinded, and the power l)eing conferred on the people to settle for themselves the questions in regard to their internal affairs. That bill passed the House of Representatives by a two-thirds vote, and it passed the Senate unanimously. Here are the Compromise measures of 1850, here is the action of the two parties in 18-52, here is the action of Congress in 185-3, all proceeding upon the ground that the peo- ple of the Territory shall themselves dispose of all these questions according to their wishes, subject to no other limitation than the Constitution of the United States. [Cheers.] In 1854 Congress passed what is known as the Kansas-Nebraska bill. What is that bill? As you know, great excitement was produced in the Koi'thern part of this country by the passage of that bill. Many men honestly believed that, in that measure, it was the purpose of the Democratic party to break down every barrier and to establish slavery in all the Territories of the United States. That charge was denied by the Democratic party. But we were overwhelmed at the North; our opponents swept districts, States, everytliing from beneath our feet. Still, in • that Kansas-Nebraska bill, we had only asserted the same doctrine to which Whigs and Democrats were pledged in 1852 and which was ratified by the action of Con- gress in 1853. It is true we repealed the restriction of 1820; but we did so in order that we might leave nothing binding upon the Territory, so that the people miglit for themselves dispose of tiicse questions in regard to their domestic institutions. [Ap- plause.] We next come to the Cincinnati platform. And here, it is saiil, our action was liable to a double constructicm. Well, it is very easy to determine wiicther or not that is so. When we adopted that Cincinnati platform, wc nominated James Buchanan for President, and JohnC. Breckinridge for Vice President. Each of those gentleman gave a construction to the Cincinnati platform. Mr. Buchanan, in his letter of acceptance declared that under the operation of the Kansas-Nebraska bill, " the people of a Territory, like tliosc ' of a State would decide for themselve.9 whether slavery shall or shall not exist with- in their limits." [Applause.] Mr. Breckin- ridge, when he went home to Kentucky, declared, in a speech to his constituents there, that this question was left to the peo- ple of the Territories, that they might dis- pose of it for th.emsclves. Now men come forward and say there were two construc- tions. But both the candidates gave to that platform the same construction; they adopted the same construction which the Democratic party to-day gives to that platform, ami those acts of legislation — that power was conferred upon the people of the Territories to dispose of these questions for themselves. Is there any man in this assembly who will stand up and tell me tliat in 1856 he con- strued that platform differently. If he adopted a different construction, why did he vote for Buchanan and Breckinridge? There is no man in America who misunderstood tliis platform. ["That's so," and applause.] No honest men will rise and say so. [Cheers.] No argument can be made in favor of any other construction that would not disgrace a man in any justice's court in the land. [Applause.] But, fellow-citizens, wc are now told that there is some division in the Democratic party. Even in New Jersey, it is said, there are some men who think that the Cincinnati platform meant exactly what Mr. Buchanan and Mr Breckinridge in 1856 said it did not mean. Gentlemen have the right to change their opinions. In this country, in this en- lightened age, it is the duty of every gentle- man when he changes his opinion to avow it. When a man is satisfied that he has been in error, I respect him for changing his opinion. But for men who, declaring that they stand where they stood in 1856, avow themselves in favor of a slave-code in the Territories, I have no respect — not a particle [applause:] they are entitled to none. Either they are stupid or else they are not truthful. [Cheers.] Fellow-citizens, I might trace the course of Mr. Breckinridge from 1850 down to the present time, and show that whenever he has spoken upon this subject, he lias always stood upon the same ground that was occu- pied by him and Mr. Buchanan in 185G. In 1850, Mr. Breckinridge oft'cred in the Ken- tucky Legislature, of which he was then a member, a resolution declaring that Congress had not the power cither to establish or pro- hibit slavery in the Territories, that that right belonged to the people of those Territo- ries. In 1854, while the Kansas and Nebraska bill was under consideration in the House of Representatives, Mr. Breckinridge declared tliat he would vote for no law to establish slavery, because that involved the power to prohibit slavery ; that he was opposed to either establishment or prohibition. In 1856, Mr. Douglas and Mr. Breckinridge spoke from the same stand, at Tippecanoe, Indiana, and they both took the same ground; they advocated the same doctrine ; they gave the same construction to the Cincinnati platform. [Cheers.] And now those gentlemen who advocate the election of Mr. Breckinridge have the effrontery to come forward and say that neither he nor they have changed their position. But they say they are only for ^^proiecting''' slaverJ^ What do they mean by "protec- tion ?" I do not suppose that there is a State in this Union, that has a law establishing slavery. Those States that desire to have the institution of slavery within their limits, pass laws to protect it — mere municipal laws, police regulations ; and when they do that, they establish slavery. Mr. Breckinridge now says he is only in favor of " protecting" and is opposed to "establishing" it. What is "protecting," but establishing?" Do not deal with us in this double sense. Deal with us as if we were men — as if we were your equals in manhood, in honor, and in intellect. We are not to be deceived and cheated by this quibble ; for it is nothing more, nothing less. [Applause.] Then, fellow-citizens, the party to which I belong is, not only as to nomination, but as to principle, standing under the time-honored flag that has been borne by the Democratic party. There we intend to stand, and fight all opponents, I care not by what name they may call themselves. The diiference between the Republican party, and the party to which Mr. Breckin- ridge belongs is this: They are both in favor of intervention. Mr. Lincoln says : " We will intervene to prohibit slavery in the Ter- ritories;" Mr. Breckinridge says : " We will intervene to protect slavery in the Territo- ries." The Democratic party, standing by its time-lionored doctrines and usages, says to each of them, "Stand off! Non-interven- tion by Congi'ess'witli slavery in thj States and Territories !" [Great applause.] ^But, fellow-citizens,. I know not how it may be with you, but my belief is, that the twenty millions of people residing in the Northern States have discussed this question of slavery quite long enough ; that there are other great interests to which they ought to look. What a spectaele does your country present to-day ! For the last four years, un- der the Administration of James Buchanan, you have been discussing and agitating the question of slavery. What position does your commerce occupy ? What is the state of the national finances ? During this Ad- ministration your Government, in a time of profound peace, has contracted debts at the rate of $20,000,0U0 per annum. This Ad- ministration, discussing the negro question, has involved us in a debt of nearly ^100,000,- 000. Is it not time that we should say to Congress, distinctly, emphatically, that we mean to banish this slavery question to the Territories, where it belongs, and we intend to turn our attention to other great interests, that concern the prosperity of the country? Now, I suppo.se there are none of us who are not satisfied that, on the subject of the tariff, there ought to be material changes. — How is it? The collectors of your ports are becoming rich ; your Government is becom- ing poor. Is it not time that we sliould establish a home valuation upon every article that is brought into the country, so that we may prevent fraud ? Is it not time that we should discuss and investigate whether, upon many articles, it is not our wise and just policy to-day to levy specific duties, to the end that honest revenue may be collected, and that we may have the great interests of the country protected? [.Applause.] These important interests cannot receive proper attention so long as this eternal negro ques- tion is before Congress. If either the Republican party or the party supjiorting Mr. Breckinridge succeed — the one seeking to prohibit slavery, the other to establish or protect it — you will not be able to give your attention to anything else than this agitating question. Why was it that the last Congress did not efl^ect any modification of our present tariif? They saw tliat we were falling in debt every year, the Government not coiect- ing revenue as it ought, yet no remedy was provided. AVhy ? Was not the taiirf bill deferred, that they might discuss this ques- tion of slavery in the Territories? Are you not, then, ready to repudiate any party that will longer press upon your consideration tliis question of slavery, to the exclu.sion of all olliers? In my judgment it is our duty to endeavor to banish this subject forever from the halls of Congress. Let us turn our attention to other and more worthy objects. Why is it that we see so much in the public press in regard to the mail to California ? — The Califoi-nia Senators permitted their mail- bill to be deferred, and finally lost, by con- senting to take up Mr. Davis' resolutions — resolutions contemplating no practical legis- lation, but merely involving the discussion of this eternal negro question. [Applause.] I ask you again, whether we shall not best consult our material interests by banishing this question from Congress, and referring it to the people of the Territories? ["Yes! yesl" and great applause.] And, fellow-citizens, why shall we not thus refer it ? In so doing are we not carrying out the great doctrine that underlies our in- stitutions ? For what did you fight your Revolution ? AVas it not for the right to reg- ulate your domestic affairs for youi-selves 'i If you resisted the British Government be- cause of its interference in regard to your internal concerns, ought you to attempt to impose your legislation upon the Territories? Wliyai-e not the people of the Territories ca- pable of taking care of these questions for themselves? The inhabitants of the Terri- ,tories go from the State of New Jersey, from Pennsylvania, from New York, from all of our States. They are your friends, your kindred, your sons, j'our brothers, " bone of your bose, and flesh of your flesh." While they remain here in your State, they are ca- pable of exercising the elective franchise, of enjoying all the rights of suffrage. They vote for members of the Legislature ; they become members themselves; in their legis- lative capacity they determine what is for the interest of New Jersey. Why is it that these men, who are your equals, while they remain in this State, are not capable of taking care of themselves and determining their own interests and necessities when they go into the Territories? [A voice, "they are."] Witliin the State, they have the pan- oply of manhood around them, its diadem is upon their brow ; but the moment they cross the Territorial lines and cease to be citizens of the State, you say you ought to legislate for them, you ought to determine whether they shall have slavery or sliall not have slavery! The doctrine of the Democratic party is non-intervention by Congress with slavery in the District of Columbia, in the States, and in the Territories, leaving the people to dispose of the question for them- selves. [Applause.] Fellow-cit izens, is there any mode by which you can remove this agitating question from our national councils? If you adopt the Republican doctrine, you must keep it before Congress ; if you adopt the Breckinridge doctrine, you must keep it before Congress. Your representatives will go on for four years more discussing the negro question, to the exclusion of important measures of legislation demanded by the interests of the country. So far as regards any measures for ailvanc- ing the national prosperity, you will be left precisely where you are. In the meantime your public debt will swell to two or three hundred millions of dollars — this you will have to pay for enjoying the privilege of dis- cussing this negro question ! [jjaughter and applause.] Between the position of Mr. Breckinridge and that of Mr. Lincoln, the great body of conservative men in tliis country can have no choice. Either position keeps the ques- tion before the Congress of tlie United States for discussion, making it a subject of unpro- fitable discussion for years. The Democratic party proposes to transfer this question from the Congress of the United States to the Ter- ritories. Let the people decide it one way or tlie other, as they please ; let them change that decision whenever they please. It is their right; it ought to be their privilege. It is the best means of settling the question, and, in my judgment, the only moile by which you can ever administer this Govern- ment in harmony and tranquility. I have spoken of the princii^les that divide the parties. I propose now to speak, for a short time, in reference to the candidates. In regard to the claims of Mr. Breckin- ridge, I do not believe there are enough Breckinridge men in this part of the country to require from me much argument addressed to them. The great and powerl ul party hero are the Republicans. It is with them the Democracy have to contend. Whom have they presented as their candidate for the Presidency ? Have they put forward a tried statesman ? Have they presented a man who has won renown by brilliant achieve- ments on the battle-field? AVhat great act has Mr. Lincoln performed? What great measure has he brought forward? What legislation to advance the interests of the country has been consummated through his exertions ? Let his admirers answer, if they can. Six years of my life I had the pleasure or the misfortune, (I do not know which it was,) [laughter,] to serve with Mr. Lincoln in the Illinois Legislature. During that period, what measure did he ever advocate that looked to the interests of the State ? Why, fellow-citizens, he once got a law passed providing for building a I oU-bridge across Salt River, [laughter,] and I hope lie will find it necessary to geta steamboat with which torim up Salt River. [Laughter.] But I ask, as I have asked in Illinois, what act of his, what measure of his is there that may challenge our approbation or vindicate his fitness for theproud position to which lie aspires ? What prominent place has he occupied ? lie was two years a member of Congress. He and I took scuts in Congress together in 18t7. What was his poi^iiioa (here? What great mcasiii-c (lid he bring forward or advocate ? Let us review his history: , On (he 3d of January, 1848 — after our ar- my in Mexico had fought a series of victori- ous battles, unparalleled in history, termi- nating in their taking possession of the cap- ital — .Mr. Hudson, of Massachusetts, offered a resolution proposing to withdraw the army this side of the Rio Grande, and proposing further that (he President should make peace with Mexico, surrendering all claim "to in- demnity for the past and security for the fu- ture." For (hat proposition Mr. Lincoln voted, although in the State of Illinois, many of our families were clad in mourning for sons and brothers thathad been lost in those bloody battles! Suppose his policy had prevailed, where would we have been to-day'' Struggling as wo were in 1840, with distress and disasters ; for remember (hat since the acquisition of California, the gold that has been throv/n into circulation from that source has amounted to over $800,000,000. Jlr. Lincoln proposed (o throw away that conquest, or that purchase, whatever it may be called, and to leave the land in the hands of Mexico, with those treasures to lie buried forever ! Again, on a proposition offered by Mr. Ashmun, the president of the late Re- publican Ccjnvenlion, Mr. Lincoln voted to declare that that war had been unconstitu- tionally and uuneccssarily begun by the President of (he United States. That is his record in reference to (he war. True, his friends declare that he voted I for supplies of men and money (o carry on | that Avar. I have not examined (he record ; I shall not do so, for the reason that if he believed (he war unconstitutional and unjust, he committed perjury whenever he voted for supplies of men and money to carry it on. [Applause.] After these votes, Mr. Lincoln went home ; and the district (hat by her val- orous sons had contributed so largely to those conquents in Mexico, excused him from serv- ing further iu Congress. [Laughter.] There were some o(her propositions which Mr. Lincoln made Miiile he was in (^'ongress, and I propose to discuss them all. You need not be alarmed, it will not take me very long for his record is very short. [Laughter.] On one occasion, when he had this ncgrophobia upon him, he introduced a bill to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia. IIow do you suppose lie intended (o abolish it? Abolisii it right out? No? Here is the l)is(rict of Columbia, over which, as all agree, (Congress has absolute jurisdiction, yet Mr. Lincoln in his bill proposed to refer the quest i(in of abolition to the white voters in tlie District. If they voted "yes," slavery should be abolished; If they voted "no," it should continue. Now, the Republicans tell you that you ought not to trust this question of slavery to the people of the Territories. They want to induce you to believe (hat the people will not decide it pro- perly ; yet Mr. Lincoln, before he became a candidate for the Presidency, thought that in the District of Columbia the people ought to decide whether or not they would have slavery.. [Applause.] But he did not exactly propose to set the negroes free. By his bill, the President of the United States, the Secretary of State, and the Secretary of the Treasury were constituted appraisers. In each case, this body of appraisers were to set a value upon the negro ; if the owner agreed to take the price named, they were to give him an order upon the treasury ; and your money was to go to pay for that negro, who had, perhaps, served out the best of his life as a slave in the District of Columbia. [Laughter.] The doctrine of the Democratic party interposes, and says, "Hands off! Non-intervention by Congress with the subject of slavery !" Let us look at the question involved in this proposition, and see how the beauty of the Democratic doctrine of non-intervention ia displayed in contrast with the doctrine thus propounded by Mr. Lincoln. Do you favor the idea that your money should go to buy the negroes in the District of Columbia ? I am opposed to it. I do not v.ant this Government to become a great negro-purcha- ser. In the section of country where I was reared, and which is now my home, the man who engages in (ho purchase and sale of negroes is considered degraded. In my judgment, the Government which engages in their purchase and sale is also degraded. We want nothing (o do with slavery. Let the people, when they get tired of slavery, dispose of the question for themselves as you have done. Allow me to say here, that in regard to (his doctrine of allowing the peo- ple to determine the question for themselves, we .might court investigation from the P..e- publican party. We might recall to their attention the fact that at the formation of our Constitution, every State in the Union except one was a slave State, j-et, under the operation of this right of the people in the States to dispose of the question for them- selves, one half of the original States have become free States. [Applause.] AVe want no Congressional prohibition upon the subject. But this bill of Mr. Lincoln's may fore- shadow something else. In his contest two years ago with Mr. Douglas, Mr. Lincoln declared : "In my opinion it [the slavery agitation] will not cease until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. ' A house divided against itself cannot, staud.' I believe thin Government cannot endure 2Jermancnt!i/ half slaus and half free. I do not expoct the Union to bo dissolved. I do not expect the honso to fall; but I do ex- poet it ^vill cease to bo divided. /( loill become ail one thing, or all the other." Now, we know perfectly well that sl.avery ncvov ^yill extend into New Jer.icy ; we Icnow it never will go into New England ; wo know it nevei' will go into the North-west, so rap- idly settling with energetic Avhito men. It can find no foothold there, and no foothold here. What is the meaning, then, of Mr. Lincoln's proposition ? These Republicans will tell you "Wc only propose to prohibit ilavery in the Territories." But Mr. Lin- cola says that the States must become all free or all slave. Now, how is he going to bring that about ? I know of but two ways in which he can accomplish it. He must cither do it as John Brown attempted to do it — by violence, by force, by war — or ho must buy the slaves. I do not know of any other method. Now, I do not understand the Re- publican party to be in favor, and I do not chai'ge them with being in favor, of such raids a'j that of John Brown. If j'ou are opposed to such proceedings, how is Mr. Lincoln to carry out his views ? What is the process? Are you in favor of purcliasing thj slaves by appropriations from the Na- tional Treasury ? I know of no other means by which the thing is to be accomplished. Are you in favor of mortgaging the white men — you, your children, and your children's children — to buy these negroes in the South- ern States and to set them free? That is a question for you to determine ; for, whenever you embark in that Quixotic cntcrj)rise, you do mortgage the white man that the negro may become free. I repeat again, the great doctrine of the Democratic party is non-in- tervention ; let t'ne people do as they please. [Cheers.] I have exhibited to you the career and the principles of Mr. Lincoln. Do you propose to commit this great Government, with all its proud memories, with all its bright hopes, into such hands as his? Reflect upon tlie solemn duty that is imposed on you. Oh ! do not commit this Government, the only perfect one upon earth, int'o such dangerous hands — hands that are not able to manage the Ship of State. [Applause.] After thus glancing at Mr. Lincoln, what man is there in this country, standing with the regular Democratic organization, who cannot turn with pride to his candidate ? [Loud cheers.] Trace Judge Douglas from his boyhood up. Mark his political career — as member of the State Legislature, as Secretary of State, as Judge of the Court of Appeals, as member of the National House of Representatives, as a Senator of the United States. [Applause.] AVhatevor emergency has arisen, he has shown ability and courage to meet it r.s a statesman oup;lit. You iir.d him entering tho National House of Representatives, and put- ting at case the Jioart of Andrew Jackson, because, in regard to declaring martial lav,' at New Orleans, Mr. Douglas placed Gen. Jack- son's defence upon the proper ground, pcrmit- tingthc oldhero to go down to hisgr.avc with this painful subject removed from his thoughts. In the Senate of the United States it has been the fortune of ]\Ir. DoughiS fo cneounter our country's brightest intellectrj; and, let me say, that, since tlie death of Clay and of Webster, he has stood in that Senate without a peer, and without an equal. — ■ [Gi'cat applause.] In his onward march, it hnsbccomo neces- sary for him to encounter at times the preju- dices of his own constituents ; it has become his duty to brave the opposition of Senates and Presidents. He has met them all with- out shrinking, and in defence of the right has marched on, though Presidents frowned and Senates opposed. [Cheers.] In concluding these basfy remarks, fellow- citizens, lot me impress on your minds the fact that there is but one mode by v^'hich wc can get rid of this vexatious and irritating slavei-y question, and that is by adopting the doctrine which is recognized by the Consti- tution of the L'nited States, of leaving the question to each separate organized commu- nity to dispose of it for themselves, thus making the discussion local, not national. — AVe oppose the one party of the South, and the other of tho North, because they propose to make the question national. We desire to make it local, to leave it to the people in the Territories, in the States, and in tlie District of Columbia. This, it seems to rac, is a ground upon which all conservative men can unitedly stand. Hero let me say that, though Judge Douglas and myself have been warm, devoted friends for twenty-seven years, and though there is no man upon tho earth whom I would rather see President than him, yet above his political advancement, I prize the peace and harmony of the country ; and if we can suc- ceed in banishing this agitation from the National Legislature, it is of minor conse- quence how mere questions as to men are determined. I invoke you, tlien, you national men, you conservative men, you men who think it is your duty to transmit this Govern- ment with all its blessings to your children, bright and unimpaired as your fathers gave it to you, to-rally round this conservative doc- trine, this conservative platform. Casting behind us all local and temporary considera- tions, it is our duty in this great emergency, vihon the poace of tKc country is hieimec-d, •when onr institutions are in danger, to forget men, to look only at gver.t principles. Fello-iT-ciiizens, this Government ig all the hnri:a2"C that I received IVom my farlicr ; it Is the only patrimony that I expect to trans- mit to my children. I Avor.ld rather give it to my boys as my father gave it to me, >Tllh every avenue to fortune and to lienor open, than bestow upon them all the mines of Cali- fornia. Hence it is that I would rise above every mere consideration as to men, if we can imite upon a great principle — a pi'inciplc which will secure peace and harmony in this G ovcrnmeht. When such an issue is involved men sink into insignificance and arc ultcviy lost. [Applause] I am going, fellow-citizens, in a few days, to my home in the North-west. I expect to enter actively into the battle there. I sli;.;! stand benearh that Democratic Sag uuilcr which I have stood from boyhood's hour up to this time. [Applause.] I expect to deal L^omc hard blows at the Republicans, and I expect to receive sorjc blows in return. I do not anticipate tliat I shall be obliged there to talk against Mr. Breckinridge; for there arc not enough Breck- inridg*! Mftn theva to make mile-posts along the public highways. [Laughter.] What- ever doctrines may have obtained, whatever heresies may have sprung up, those people of the North-west are not in favor of making this Government a great establishment to propagate slavery, and to do nothing else. I5ut I expect to fight the doctrines of the Republicans, which, in my judgment, are equally dangerous to the peace of the coun- try. I shall oppose those doctrines with all my power, and wherever the opportunity may offer. I shall endeavor to persuade the members of the Republican organization to abandon their position and to stand by the rights of the people of the Territoj'ies; to preserve our institutions as our fathers gave them to us, and to leave this Government, when we go hence, standing like the angel in Revelation, with one foot upon the land and the other upon the sea, with her counte- nance beaming upon the sons and daughters of the nation and invoking the down-trodden and oppressed of every clime to come here and be free. (The' speaker retired amid enthusiastic, long-continued cheering.) Ringwalt <£• Broicn, Printers, PMla. LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 011 895 846 9