E 446 
 .!129 
 Copy 2 
 
 A4a- 
 
 -vess. 
 
 Ev>ls cJf ?la\/eiy. i^^<5 
 
AN 
 ADDRESS 
 
 TO THE PEOPLE OP 
 
 ON THE EVILS OF 
 
 SI.AVEI&Y. 
 
 ^' /The frie/rcis of 
 LIBERTY AND EQUALITY. 
 
 "Anne, liceat invitos in seiritutem dare" Dk. Pickard. 
 "Not only the Cliristiaa religion, but nature herself crieo 
 out against State of Slavery : — Pops Leo. X. 
 
 WiLLUM SwAiM, Printer. 
 Grcensborough, N. C. 
 
 1S30. 
 
nus 
 
 To the people of North-Caroh'na. 
 The Board of Manag-crs of the Mann- 
 issiou Society of North - Carolina in 
 General Association, feel in their indis- 
 pensable duty, respectfully to address, 
 not only their immediate constituents, 
 l)ut with them, the people of the State 
 in general. 
 
 WILLIAM SWAIM, Sec. 
 Guilford, March 1830. 
 
 NICHOLAS MTTLLEH, 
 
 PRINTER A STKREOIYPll 
 
 48 Beeluaan-BtrMt, Now Tork. 
 
A respcct.-ible minister of Worcester, Mass. put into my lands, 
 last year, a pamphlet, printed in North Carolina, in 1830, which 
 he and others have so highly recommended, that it was deemed 
 best to re-publish it, for circulation in that old and influential 
 State, and in other Southern States, at the present tune. It is 
 well that the people of those States should know the sentiments 
 of the generation that preceeded them, on the great and all-engross- 
 ing subject of American Slavery. 
 
 The pamphlet is re-printed m a style as similar to tlie original 
 as could be done, considering how superior the paper now used, 
 and the type, etc., are to those used thirty years since. It is 
 printed exactlj' after the original edition, except that Professor 
 C. D. Cleveland, of Philadelphia, has corrected some errors in the 
 passage quoted from the writings of Cicero. 
 
 It is due to the cause of Freedom to say here, that the eman- 
 cipationists of the present day do not agree with everything in 
 this pamphlet; and it is quite probable, that if the author or 
 authors of it were nowUving, they would have improved it ac- 
 cording to the light that has been thrown upon the subject since 
 ts first pubhcation. It is re-published, as a remarkable product- 
 on emanating from a slave-holding State thirty years ago ; and 
 t is commended, not alone to the present generation in slave- 
 holding States, but also to those Northern men, who fall far below 
 the anti-slavery sentiment of Southern men in the 3-ear 1830. 
 Emancipationists in N. C. appear to have believed, in 1830, 
 that slaveholding was an inherent sin, and did not trouble them- 
 selves with the inquiry, "Is it in all cases sinful? Is it a malum 
 in se ?" They believed it to be a sin — therefore to be denounced. 
 Death to slaveholding — was their motto. — May God bless this 
 pamphlet to the enlightenment of the country. 
 
 L. T. 
 
ADDRESS, &c. 
 
 Caeoliniaxs : 
 
 We believe it is generally known 
 that a social institution has, for some years, been pro- 
 gressing, for " the gradual aboHtioii of negro slave- 
 ry" among us : yet we are well aware that our pre- 
 cise views in relation to this subject are but par- 
 tially understood. In the commencement of our in- 
 vestigations, we used the utmost prudence, know- 
 ing the irritable disposition of those, (and at that time 
 many there were,) who, from want of reflection on 
 the subject, felt, or seemed to feel their dearest 
 rights invaded by the least attempt to examine into 
 the policy or rectitude of holding the African race in 
 a state of slavery. We proceeded then as we ought, 
 with all possible caution & reserve ; never venturing 
 to discuss rashly, and seldom stirring the subject far 
 abroad. We thought it not only advisable, but the 
 ouly justifiable course, in the first place to examine, 
 weigh, and deliberate profoundly within our own 
 more immediate circles, the fundamental principles 
 of the institution, and ascertain if possible, from the 
 best human calculations, to what extent could our 
 labours probably succeed, and what would be 
 the probable consequences of giving unrestrained 
 publicity to our doctrines, by circulating them gen- 
 erally throughout the country. All this we trust has 
 
(4) 
 
 been done. We have taken a deliberate survey of 
 lliis land of slavery. We have impartially examined 
 the evil in its origin, its progress, and its present 
 state, as well as its future consequences ; and even 
 in its mildest form, it shrinks from rational inspec- 
 tion — a monster of hideous deformity in its best fea- 
 ture. 
 
 We profess to have considered the matter on all 
 sides, and to have made every due allowance for 
 the peculiar situation of all parties, whether slave- 
 holders, monster slave-holders, or slaves, and seri- 
 ousl}", we cannot longer hesitate as to the course 
 that our common duty, interest, and prosperity de- 
 mand. Discussion has been too long delayed alrea- 
 dy, and is now rendered the more indispensable, as 
 the evil to be removed is daily accumulating on our 
 hands. And we are divinely admonished to " work 
 while it is day, for the night cometh when no man 
 can work." 
 
 Whatever the people of this State may Le with 
 respect to information on other subjects, on this they 
 are very destitute, owing, we suppose, to the " awful 
 delicacy'' we hear so much about, and which we 
 would briefly examine. Then what renders this 
 subject so aicjidly delicate ? Is it the incapacity of 
 the people to investigate it ? Is the di-scussion of 
 this subject delicate because it favors the innocent 
 and condemns the guilty ? Is it delicate because it 
 
(5) 
 
 shows republicans their inconsistency? Is it deJi. 
 cate because it accuses the professors of the Chris- 
 tian Keligion of crimes which a Mahomedan would 
 blush to commit ? Is it delicate because it impeach- 
 es the right to hold human beings as property? 
 Is it delicate because free men are ashamed or afraid 
 for slaves to know that they incline to do them jus- 
 tice ? If any of the above considerations are to re- 
 strain the rational enquiry of this community, fare- 
 well to manly enterprize in North Carolina ! But we 
 yet hope for better things. This is an age of active 
 enterprize. A spirit of inquiry is partially awakened 
 which no earthly authority or artful dissuasion can 
 effectually restrain. 
 
 Under the protection offered by our Constitution 
 in the ISth section of a Declaration of Rights made 
 by the Representatives of the Freemen of this 
 State, we now set out in a calm, and more full inves- 
 tio-ation of the evils consequent on the existence of 
 absolute slavery. And as we cherish no unkind 
 feelings toward any class of our citizens, but prompt- 
 ed by philanthropy and patriotism, we labour 
 to expose inconsistencies, and to hold up to public 
 gaze, and we hope to public execration, principles 
 that tend to destroy our liberties, our morals, and 
 even our souls ; we hope that every man having an 
 
(6) 
 
 opportunity to examine this subject with us, will do It 
 impartially and honestly, in attending to, and inves- 
 tigating the following propositions : 
 
 Pkoposition I. Our slave system is radically evil. 
 
 II. It is founded in injustice and cruelty. 
 
 III. It is a fruitful source of pride, idleness and 
 tyranny. 
 
 IV. It increases depravity in the human heart, 
 while it inflames and nourishes a numerous train of 
 dark and brutal passions and lusts, disgraceful to 
 human nature, and destructive of the general wel- 
 fare. 
 
 V. It is contrary to the plain and simple maxims 
 of the Christian Eevelation, or religion of Christ. 
 
 After demonstrating these propositions we shall 
 briefly state in conclusion, some of the most promi- 
 nent features in the plan which we would adopt for 
 the abolition of slavery. 
 
 PEOrOSITIOX I. 
 
 Our slave system is radically evil. 
 
 The ti-uth of this proposition is generally admit- 
 ted, and it would be still more generalh' avowed 
 were its pernicious efi"ects less: For it is true that 
 absolute slavery, while it tends to destroy the most 
 virtuous principles yet remaining in man, by introdu- 
 
(7) 
 
 cicg: into liis lieart, and eherishing there when thus 
 introduced, the most hateful principles and passions 
 which disgrace human nature, tends at the same 
 time, to render him more destitute of a true knowl- 
 edge of its enormity : as it proportionately effaces 
 from his understanding those ideas of social order and 
 reciprocal justice engraven on his mind by the God 
 of nature. But as the remaining propositions are 
 such as arise out of this, of which they are rather 
 members than original propositions, we shall refer 
 the reader for a further consideration of this sub- 
 ject, to the propositions which follow, where iis vari- 
 ous principles will be attended to. 
 
 PEOrOSITION II. 
 
 Our system of slavery is founded in injustice a)id 
 cruelty. 
 
 Section 1. Of the injustice of absolute slavc7-y. 
 
 To demonstrate the truth of this proposition we 
 shall attend to the terms "linjustiee and cru- 
 elty"' together with some of those circumstances 
 which have attended the introduction and continu- 
 ance of Negro-Slavery among us. And as injustice 
 is the opposite of justice ; and as every act of social 
 beings is founded either in justice or injitstice, we 
 need only examine the term justice, and try our elave- 
 
(8) 
 
 system Ly its principles, feince -nliatcvcr is not 
 according to the principles of justice, must neces- 
 sarily be founded in injustice. — Justice, if we mis- 
 take not, has respect to the conduct of relation, and 
 imports that he who acts according to its dictates, 
 renders in a righteous manner " blessing to whom 
 blessing is due, honor to whom honor &c," and 
 that too, without the least regard to colour, rank, or 
 condition. And one very prominent feature iu the 
 administration of true justice, is, that it distributes 
 rewards and punishments to such individuals sepa- 
 rately and singly, as have merited the same, and 
 that too in the same degree in which the acts as afore- 
 said have merited. Now if this be a faithful descrip- 
 tion of justice, is it not manifest that Negro slavery 
 is founded in injustice ? An unfortunate fellow- 
 creature is kid-napped on Africa's defenceless shore, 
 and by a monster having the form and name, with- 
 out any of the tender sensibilities of a human being, 
 he is taken into a foreign land and sold into perpetual 
 slavery, where he becomes at once the scorn and 
 the slave of a people (falsely termed Cliri.stiaus) 
 whose conduct towards the poor negro, iu many cases 
 is such as would even cause 
 
 " Mercy * * * * to weep, 
 
(9) 
 
 " Should she such treatment rendered 
 
 to a brute." 
 
 " And what man seeing this, 
 
 And having human feelings, does not blush 
 
 And hang his head to think himself a man ?" 
 
 But Still worse I Should the unfortunate creature 
 thus kidnapped ' and sold be a female, her innocent 
 and helpless posterity are doomed to a like 
 state of cruel bondage and suffering, for no other 
 ostensible reason, than that of their ancestor being 
 guilty of a *black skin .' .' If it should be urged that 
 many of the negroes originally brought from 
 Africa were such as had forfeited their lives 
 in their native country ; tliis, by no principle of 
 logic amounts to a sufficient reason for passing the 
 dreadful decree of slavery for life on their innocent 
 offspring : which according to those patriotic veter- 
 ans of 1776, the framers of the Bcdaralian of 
 American Independence, is a flagrant violation of the 
 Law of Kature, & an unjustifiable encroachment on 
 those " self-evidenC and " umdienahle rights" with 
 which God has endowed all men. 
 
 * He [Man] finds tis fellow guilty of a shn. 
 Not COLOURED like his own ; and Laving power 
 To enforce the wrong, for such a worthy cause 
 Dooms and devotes liim as his lawful prey. 
 
 COWPXB. 
 
(10) 
 
 Nor will doctrine of the injustice of absolute 
 slavery lose any of its real weight by the considera- 
 tion of its having the sanction of the Law, if we 
 consider that all men are but •subordinate beings, 
 who are held bound to obey their Creator accor- 
 ding to his own Laws, which he hath ordained, 
 and by which he designs his creatures to be gover- 
 ned, among which that denomiaated the Law of 
 nature (which is nevertheless a divine Law) may 
 and ought to be regarded as having been instituted 
 for the particular purpose to which we now apply 
 it, and to which it has been applied by men of sound 
 judgment and uncorrupted principles in every age ; 
 and to which it was particularly applied by the Fa- 
 thers of our glorious liberty, as they have abundant- 
 ly shown* Nor dare any one doubt the validity of 
 the Law of nature, any more than the right of its Al- 
 mighty giver to a primary part in the government of 
 mankind. It follows consequently that the principles 
 set forth in the Law of nature for the government of 
 mankind are 'primanj or constitutional principles, 
 and that the Laws enacted by men for their own 
 government should harmonize with and acquiesce 
 in them. 
 
 And as no authority can overreach that by which 
 
 * See Declariition of American LvdepeuJeuce aud 
 Bill of Kighto. 
 
(11) 
 
 the law of nature is established, therefore no human 
 Legislature, how lawfully soever it may be con- 
 stituted, can deprive any individual, (he or she being 
 one of God's creatures, and under his government) 
 of any of those "unalienable" privileges guaranteed 
 to him or her in the law of nature, otherwise than 
 they are personally forfeited by the individual or 
 individuals from whom they are taken, without 
 offending the great Governor of the universe. 
 Such laws are therefore founded in injustice, and 
 ought to be repealed without delay, as they oppose 
 divine law, and as such, must be offensive to the God 
 of nature, whose wrath we necessarily incur by 
 suffering them to exist. 
 
 Nor is this doctrine of the law of nature a mere 
 chimera — it is a reality of which every rational man 
 may have the most satisfactory evidence, even in his 
 own breast : for it is there that this doctrhie is fully 
 authenticated and established. It was there that 
 the writer's address discovered this principle. And 
 there can be no doubt but, that the Patriots of 1776 
 discovered the same principle existing in their 
 breasts in a similar manner. And in like manner 
 have good and Patriotic men in all ages dis- 
 covered the same principle, in proportion as they 
 received the aids of reason and revelation. * 
 
 * In further confirmation of the above, we transcribe the 
 
(12) 
 
 And if any man, upon examination find not the 
 same principles existing in his breast also, it is not 
 because of any defect either in the law of nature 
 or in his own original constitution : but it is 
 because he has suffered the undue love of money, 
 which is the "root of all evil," and pride the 
 " mother of vice," to subvert these primary prin- 
 ciples of justice and prosperity implanted in his 
 mind by the God of nature, and thereby to turn 
 nature out of her proper course, and by thus 
 abandoning himself to avarice and selfishness, has 
 introduced into his own heart such an assemblage 
 of carnal desires and avaricious propensities, as 
 in no small degree, to darken his understanding 
 and deprive it of those ideas of social order and 
 reciprocal justice which even exist in minds ex- 
 following noble passage of Cicero cited by Leclantius out of 
 his work De Repoblica. 
 
 "Est quiJem vera lex, recta ratio, naturiE congruens, dif- 
 fusa in omnes, constans, sempiterna ; qua vocet ad oflicium 
 jubendo, vetando a fraude deterreat, quiE tamen neque pro- 
 bos frustra jubct aut vetat, nee improbos jubendo aut ve- 
 tando raovet. Huic legi nee abrogari fas est; neque deroga- 
 ri ex hac aliquid licet, neque tota abrogari potest: nee 
 vero aut per senatum aut per populam solvi hac lege possu- 
 mus ; neque est qujerendus explanator aut interpres ejus 
 aUus ; nee erit alia lei Romae, alia Athenis : alia nunc, 
 alia posthac ; sfd et omnes gentes et omni tempore una 
 
( 13 ) 
 
 pandecl by wisdom and ennobled by \-irtue. Such 
 being the dictates of human instinct — or to speak 
 more correctly — such being the principles set forth 
 in the law of nature, a copy of which is furnished in 
 the breast of every rational individual, we are not 
 surprized on finding them repeatedly set forth in the 
 opinions and laws of men ; — thus we know them, not 
 only in the Declaration of American Independence, 
 and in the Bill of Rights, but in some way or other 
 set forth in some part of the Constitution or Laws of 
 perhaps every State in the Union. In the Constitu- 
 
 \ex et sempiterna et immutabilis continebit ; unusque 
 erit communis quasi magister et imperator omnium Deus, 
 ille legis hujus inventor, disceptator, later ; cui qui non 
 parebit, ipse se fugiet ac naturam hominis aspernatus, 
 hoc ipso luet maximas poenas, etiam si caetera 
 supplicia quK putantur, effagerit." "From which it is 
 clear" says Bishop Watson "that Cicero acknowleiiged 
 a Law antecedent t.> all human civil institutions, and inde- 
 pendent of them, binding upon all, constant and perpetu- 
 al, the same in all times and places, not one thing at Roma 
 and another at Athens ; of an authority so high, that no 
 HUMAN power had a eight to alter or annul it ; having 
 God for its author, in his character of universal Master 
 and Sovereign, taking hold of the very consciences of 
 men, and following them with its animadversions, though 
 they should escape the hand of man, and ihe ponalties o? 
 human codes ": here then is the Law of nature faiily and 
 fully apprehended. 
 
(14) 
 
 tion of the State of Delaware, though a slave-holding 
 State, they are fully set forth thus : — "Through divine 
 goodness all men have by nature the rights of wor- 
 shipping and serving their Creator according to the 
 dictates of their own consciences ; of enjoj'ing and 
 defending life and liberty ; of acquiring and protec- 
 ting reputation and property ; and in general, of at- 
 taining objects suitable to their condition witliout 
 INJURY OF ONE TO ANOTHER. " And a Declaration 
 of the rights of the citizens of North-Carolina, which 
 by the 44, Section of our ConstitutioNj^ is declared 
 to be a part of the Constitution of this State, says, in 
 Section 19 : "That all men have a natural and un- 
 alienable RIGHT to tcorship Almighty God, according 
 to the dictates of their own consciences." While 
 other parts of the above mentioned Declaration of 
 Rights, as well as some subsequent acts of the Gen- 
 eral Assembly, seem to show in a very high degree, 
 the conflicting influence of humanity and prejiulice 
 in the Councils of N. Carolina. The 22, Section of 
 our Declaration of Rights, which as we have shown 
 above, is a part of our Constitution, says that, " No 
 hereditary emoluments, privileges, or honors ought 
 to be granted or conferred in this State.'' And by 
 a parity of reasoning it may and ought to be said, 
 that "No onoluments or privileges,'' the right to en- 
 joy which, being vested in the individual or Individ- 
 
(15) 
 
 uals possessing them, by the law of nature, "ought to 
 be taken away in any case, either in this or any oth- 
 er State in a hereditary manner." -But are not both 
 these rules violated in this State? The son or 
 daughter, in this State, falls heir to all, or a propor- 
 tionable part of the "born sheds" belonging to the 
 estate of his or her Father; and that too without 
 any bequest or other instrument of convej^ance, ex- 
 cept the mere provision contained in the Law of the 
 state. And this principle of descent is a hereditary 
 principle. Now if the circumstance of one man's 
 holding ^notUer in absolute slavery, and of enjoying 
 all the benefits of his sweat and toil, are " emolu- 
 ments and privileges," then it must be granted that 
 the '■'■hereditary emoluments and privileges" conferred 
 in this state are many, very many, notwithstanding 
 the constitution of the state to the contrary. And 
 our " common laic" which is a primary ingredient in 
 the "law of the land," mentioned in Section 12, of 
 our declaration of rights, is said to be founded on 
 "reason and the divine law," and is held to ac- 
 quiesce in them in every instance, any former usage 
 or decision to the contrary notwithstanding. 
 The common law of this state, must therefore ac- 
 quiesce in the provisions set forth in the law of na- 
 ture, in all cases, when the "law of the land" is not 
 
(16) 
 
 rendered otherwise xby some statute or special act 
 passed either by the General Assembly of North 
 Carolina, or by Congress; and that too, according 
 to the Constitution of our State or of the United 
 States, as the case may be, since the law of nature is 
 evidently a divine law, and as such, must be suppo- 
 sed to harmonize with all other laws of divine 
 originc ; as it would be absurd to suppose 
 two dinne principles, opposed the one to the 
 other. The law of nature, the law of reason, and 
 consequently the common law of this State, (as we 
 have shown,) all declare liberty to be the " birth 
 right'' of every human being. Now it is a well 
 known, and universally acknowledged point in law, 
 that every man stands acquitted until the contrary 
 appears in good and lawful evidence ; or in other 
 words that the Law jnemmes every man to be in- 
 nocent, or clear from any alleged charge, &c. until 
 the same be proved by good and lawful testimon_y. 
 Let us then briefly examine our slave system witli 
 respect to this particular. There is one man claim- 
 ing to hold another as his slave, which claim the al- 
 leged slave is not disposed to admit. Now in this 
 trial for liberty, on whom should the weight of 
 evidence rest ? We answer — according to the 
 above principle, if should aJuxiys rest on the cla'm- 
 
(17) 
 
 ant. This opinion is fully corroborated by the sen- 
 timents of the honorable George Wythe, one of the 
 signers of the Declaration of American Independence, 
 and since chancellor in Virginia ; who laid down 
 as a general position " That u-henever one pf^son 
 claims to hold another in slavery the onis probandi 
 (burthen of evidence) lies on the claimant. This 
 sentiment," he continues, "is strongly inculcated in 
 our political catechism, the bill of rigths, and ac- 
 cords with that self-evident principle which makes 
 liberty the birth-right of every human being." Sen- 
 timents like these are honorable — they are the native 
 sentiments of an uncorrupted understanding, and a 
 mind superior to avarice and selfishness, &c. From 
 the view we have taken of the subject, it follows 
 that in the supposed trial for liberty referred to, the 
 alleged slave has only to plead, (not to prove,) that 
 he is a human being, born free according to the 
 invariable law of nature ; and that he had not, at any 
 time, either forfeited or relinquished his title thereto. 
 Now it devolves on the person claiming to prow, 
 that the alleged slave is not a human being; that 
 the law of nature does not entitle every human Icing 
 to liberty, and that the alleged slave is one of those 
 unfortunate creatures for whom it has made no gra- 
 cious provision ; or that he has personally forfeited, 
 
(18) 
 
 or voluntarily relinquished his title thereto ; which, 
 should he fail to establish any or all of the above men- 
 tioned particulars, amounts to a sufficient pre- 
 sumption in fiivour of the alleged slave's liberty, and 
 as such, he ought to have it. "Not so," say some of 
 our law expositors, " our law presumes all Africans of 
 the full blood, who may be claimed as slaves, to be 
 such, until the contrary is proved," see Gober vs. 
 Gober I. Taylor's reports, page 164, where this 
 doctrine is laid down by the Judge in his charge. 
 This being the case relied on by the advocates of 
 slavery, for the establishment of the 2^Tc^»mption of 
 slavery founded on colour, we shall give om-selves, 
 and our readers if they please, the trouble of exam- 
 ining the case itself, as well as the profound reason- 
 ing of Chief Justice Taylor on this occasion — 
 
 Gober vs. < — Tre.':pass and false imprisonment. 
 Gober f — Plea, tliat the plaintiff is a slave. 
 " It appeared in evidence that the plaintift', when 
 an infant, apparcnthj about eight days old, was 
 placed in a barn by some person unknown ; and that 
 the defendant, then a girl oi about tivclve years of age, 
 found him there and conveyed him home, and had 
 kept possession of him ever since, treating him with 
 humanity, hut claiming him as her slave. The 
 plaintiff was of an olive colour, between blacJc and 
 yellow, had long hair, and 2>romi>tent nose." These 
 
(19) 
 
 facts being ascertained by the Court, by proof and 
 inspection, the Judge proceeded to give the following 
 charge : "I acquiesce in the rule laid down by the 
 defendant's counsel, with respect to the presump- 
 tion of every black person's being a slave. It is so, 
 because the negroes originally brought into this coun- 
 try were slaves, and their descendants mast remain 
 such until manumitted by proper authority. If there- 
 fore a person of this description should claim his 
 freedom, he must establish his right to it, by such 
 evidence as will destroy the force of fre&umption 
 arising from colour." But I am not aware that the 
 doctrine of presumption against liberty has ever 
 been urged in relation to persons of mixed, or to 
 those of any colour between the two extremes of 
 white and black, and I do not think it reasonable 
 that such a doctrine should receive the least coun. 
 tenunce : Such persons may have descended from 
 Indians in both lines, or at least in the maternal; 
 they may have descended from a ichitc person in the 
 maternal line, or from mulatto parents originally 
 jree; in all which cases the offspring, following the 
 condition of the mother, is entitled to freedom. 
 Considering how many probabilities there are in fa- 
 vour of the liberty of those persons, they ought not 
 to be deprived of it upon mere lyresumption, more 
 
(20) 
 
 especially as tlie right to hold them in slavery, if it 
 exists, is in most instances, capable of being satisfac- 
 torily proved." Doubtless every true friend of lib- 
 erty, will be found to acquiesce in the soundness of 
 the views of this " distinguished jurist'' in relation 
 to persons of mixed blood; but we must candidly 
 and fully dissent from the specious reasouiug by which 
 it is inferred, that every black person should be pre- 
 sumed to be a slave. We aro convinced that no 
 circumstance or consideration whatever, can render 
 unqualified and absolute slavery consistent n-ith that 
 instinctive sense of right of which every man may 
 find more or less in his own breast. But could any 
 cu-cumstance justify it in any degree, is it not still 
 evident, that that circumstance cannot be mere 
 colour of the skin, or even any other natural circum- 
 stance whatever. But says Judge Taylor : — " It is 
 so, because the negroes originally brought into this 
 Country were slaves, and their descendants mnst 
 continue such until manumitted by jTrofer aiithcrity." 
 Then the doctrine which pres^imes the existence of 
 slavery, and which Judge Taylor would confine to 
 negroes of the whole blood, is made by the same 
 gentleman to depend, not so much upon tlie colour 
 of the skin, as upon the circumstance of the " negroes 
 originally brought into this country" being slaves. 
 But we would ask by wdjat means they became such ? 
 
(21) 
 
 Were they "originalbj" slaves? Or T^■ere tl.ey not 
 "originaihj" robbed and plundered of their liberties 
 and made slaves bij arhitranj means contrary to all 
 juslice and jnopriety ? We are not saying too much 
 when i\'e answer this last qnestion in the affirmative; 
 as we could abundantly show from authentic docu- 
 ments. * Having laid down his premises whereon to 
 predicate the doctrine of the jyresmnpnon of slavery, 
 Judge Taylor proceeds to argue its hereditary prin- 
 ciple, from the laws of necessity — "And their descen- 
 dants," continues he, ''must continue slaves until 
 manumitted by proper authority." We would re- 
 gard it as no small favor to have this last phrase 
 ''proper authority^' fully elucidated. We should be 
 glad to know what ideas men in general, and learn- 
 ed men in their individual capacities as statesmen, 
 politicians, &c. may have with respect to the 
 "p,roper authority;^ by which the emancipation of 
 slaves should be regulated On this, how artfully 
 soever some may reason, and how cautiously soever 
 they may proceed, touching only such cords as vi- 
 brate with the greatest consonance to the tune of 
 self-interest, we have no desire to conceal our senti- 
 ments. We believe that as aU men are created, 
 
 • See Clarkson's History of the abolition of the sljtk 
 TRADE by the British Parliament. 
 
(22) 
 
 equally and unalienably entitled to liberty, the child 
 of a slave is as much entitled to his freedom at a 
 proper age, as the child of a free <pcrson, and as 
 such ought to have it. We hold that laivi which de- 
 termine the contrary are capitally joijust, and such as 
 in truth no human Legislature has a just right to 
 oiact, since such laws must be opposed to the will 
 of the Almighty Governor of the Universe, and his 
 ■will must be svirreme. And hence we believe that 
 this will of the Supreme Being constitutes the only 
 '■'■ inofcr autliority" by which manumission should be 
 regulated. On this subject we would say with Plato, 
 that "No mortal can make laws to purpose" unless 
 made in conformity with the divine ^cill — that is, no 
 human authority can give sanctity or justice to a law 
 w-hich violates the law of nature, or any other princi- 
 ple in the will of the Almighty ruler of the world. 
 Such laws must therefore be a curse instead of a 
 blessing, to those, by, and for whom they have been 
 enacted. Neither are they sanctified by Judge Tay- 
 lor's principle of necessity, since this great truth still 
 remains, " That which is morally icrong, cannot 
 be iwliticalbj right." (C- J. Fox.) 
 
 But to return to the subject after this seeming di- 
 gression : — If Judge Taylor has proved any thing in 
 favor of the 2^>'^sumj)tion of slavery, his arguments 
 
(23) 
 
 operate with as much force against those of the mix- 
 ed, as against those of the whole blood ; and the •pre' 
 smnption of slavery is as unreasonable in relation to 
 Africans of the " whole blood," as it is in relation to 
 any colour that can possibly exist between " the two 
 extremes of black and ivliitc." For it is not only 
 evident that " the negroes originally brought into this 
 country" were "robbed and plundered" of their 
 liberties, and deprived of them by the most glaring in- 
 justice and inhumanity ; but it is also true, that there 
 has been heretofore, and still are, many Africans of 
 the whole blood who are declared to be free, and 
 for whose benefit and protection as free hen, the 
 power of government has been wielJed whenever it 
 has been thought by the ruling authorities, to be ne- 
 cessary. And further — it is an evident fact that 
 much the largest portion of those of mixed blood are 
 claimed and held as slaves, while by far the greatest 
 number of those whom we call free negroes, are Af- 
 rican descendants, of the full blood. The causes 
 which conspire to produce this astonishing fact, are 
 chiefly such as must bo apparent to every person 
 who has attentively considered this subject ; but be- 
 ing such in general, as tend to promote an unlaw- 
 ful intercourse between white or free males, and 
 female slaves; whether of the whole or mixed blood, 
 more than they do a similar intercourse between 
 
(24) 
 
 hlaclc males and white females, they belong more 
 properly to Proposition 4, of this address, to which 
 ]ilnce we refer the reader for their further considera- 
 tion. It is therefore inconsistent with sound reason, 
 with the divine Law, and consequently with the 
 common law of this State, thus to trifle with the natu- 
 ral rights of mankind, and with God the great and 
 sovereign donor of those rights, by making the mere 
 colour of the skin, amount to a sufficient presump- 
 tion against a fellow creature's liberty, and this 
 " mere presumplioti" the means of depriving him of it. 
 Is this just? Does conduct like this comport with 
 the dignity and virtue of a "free, christian"^ and inde- 
 pendent community?" Let us hear what a former 
 Legislature have said on a subject in some respects 
 similar — In the preamble to an act passed in 1798, 
 running thus : " Whereas, by an act of Assembl}-, pas- 
 sed in the j-ear 1774, the killing of a slave, however 
 wauton, cruel, and deliberate, is only punishable in 
 the first instance by imprisonment, and paying the 
 value thereof to the owner : which distinction of 
 ciiminality between the murder of a uhitc person 
 and one that is equalhj a hwnan being, but merely 
 of a different complexion, is disgraceful to humanity, 
 and degrading in the highest degree, to the Laws, 
 AND PRINCIPLES of a Jree, christian and indepcnderU 
 
(25) 
 
 COMMUXITT." Now if tbis "distinctio)! of crimi/iali/y" 
 between tbe murdering of a ''white perso/i" and one 
 that is "equallij a human Icing'" but "merely of a 
 different complexion " is in reality so " disgraceful to 
 hi/mamty" ani "degrading to the laws and principles 
 of a free christian and indepen dent community ; is 
 not any "distinction" founded upon tbe same 
 circumstance, (tbe circumstance of colour,) more 
 or less so , in proportion as it is made to affect 
 tbe persons against wbom it is exercised ? And as 
 next to life, liberty is the greatest earthly boon en- 
 joyed by mortals, or rather as liberty is that alone 
 which can render temporal existence truly desirable, 
 what distinction therefore, founded upon " mere co- 
 lour^' can be more "disgraceful to humanity" and 
 " degradiiig " to our holy religion, to our virtue and 
 even to our liberty itself, than that which ^«r- 
 svmcs" one man to be a slave and another to he, free, 
 their circumstance being in every respect tbe same, 
 except in the " colour of the skin ? " Neither can this 
 doctrine of the presumption of slavery be supported 
 by the constitution of this State. The 12, and 13, 
 Sections of our Declaration of Eights declare " That 
 no free man ought to be taken, imprisoned, or dis- 
 eised of his freehold, liberties, or primlcgcs, or out- 
 lawed or exiled, or in any manner destroyed or de- 
 
(26) 
 
 prived of his life, lihcrty, or property, but hj the 
 law of the land ; " and that when this in the case, the 
 person thus deprived is " entitled to a rcmcdij by 
 enquiring into the lawfulness thereof," and asserts 
 that " such remedy ought not to be denied or delayed." 
 Now as this "remedy" is to be had \ij "enquiring 
 into the lawfulness thereof," it is certain that nothing 
 herein can be reasonalily construed so as to favour 
 the presianption against liberty in any case, but alto- 
 gether the contrary. But notwithstanding this con- 
 stitutional protection of the Ubertirs of all free me?i 
 within this State, yet when the doctrine of the pre- 
 sumption against libcrhj as laid down by Judge Tay- 
 lor prevails, it jeopardizes the liberties and fortunes 
 of hundreds of our citizens, many of whom are in- 
 dustrious and honest men. 
 
 Man-stealing has been received as a crime of great 
 magnitude for nearly four thousand yeare ; and under 
 some of the wisest and best administrations, has been 
 punished with death. But should a wretched villian 
 succeed in stealing a free black person in any part 
 of the world, and in conveying such free black per- 
 son within the limits of this State, the poor negro, 
 instead of finding protection under our humane laws, 
 from the injustice of this relentle.ss cannibal, is, ac- 
 cording to Judge Taylor's hypothesis, presumed to 
 be a SLiVE by these very laws v.hich were framed 
 
(27) 
 
 to protect the inmccnt and punisli tlie guilty ; wliile 
 the wretch who is guilty of a crime for which he 
 would have suffered death under the law of Moses, 
 is not only protected from punishment, but also ai- 
 ded in the accomplishment of his ungodly and hateful 
 purpose, by those very laws which were instituted 
 to suppress violence and usurpation, and to encour- 
 age virtue and manly enterprize by protecting the 
 rights, privileges, and liberties of our general citi- 
 zenship. Surely it is both unjust and cruel thus to 
 trifle with the liberties of our fellow creatures, espe- 
 cially as there can no inconvenience arise from the 
 opposite doctrine. For as Judge Taylor remaiks 
 in relation to Africans of the mixed blood, so we 
 may say of all, that " The right to hold them in 
 slaver}-, if it exists, is in most cases capable of being 
 satisfiictorily proved. " We therefore think, and 
 we trust that every true Republican who may ex- 
 amine the subject, will think, that liberty, which is 
 the acl-noicledgcd "birthright" with which God has 
 endowed " every human being, " ought not to be 
 wrested from any individual upon " mere 2^>'cstmip. 
 iion." But whether it be consistent or inconsistent 
 with the true principles and spirit of this government, 
 and laws now in force in this State, to presume a 
 person to be a slave merely because he has " a skin 
 
(28) 
 
 not colom-od like our own," will probably be doubt- 
 ed, notwithstanding it is proved to be contrary to 
 reason and justice as well as to the divine Law, in 
 as much as it was so held by Judge Taylor, whoso 
 decision was aftenvai-ds confirmed. * And this prin- 
 ciple as we have shown, is a foul stain on our char- 
 acter as a free, enliglitened, and religious people. 
 And as the sovereign power in this government is 
 vested in the people, who may and ought to have 
 any regulation or change in their laws whenever a 
 majority of them shall concur in the regulation or 
 change required, we call upon the friends of human- 
 ity, of virtue, of patriotism, and above .all, of religion, 
 to awake to a sense, not only of this, but of the ma- 
 ny principles of injustice, inhumanity and irreligion 
 which attend our system of slavery ; and to continue 
 their protest against measures so iinjnst to the unfor- 
 tunate African, and so disgraceful to the spirit and 
 principles of a free and religious eommunit}-, until 
 we shall succeed in rendering to mankind (tlie negro 
 as well as the wldte man,) both true and impartial 
 justice ; by which alone can glorious liberty be ren- 
 dered perpetual, and we be enabled to transmit free- 
 dom as an unsullied patrimony to posterity. 
 
 Sectiom II. On the cruelty of slavenj. 
 
 » Vol. H. HaywooJ's Reports, 170. 
 
(29) 
 
 We have seen in the preceding section much of 
 the injustice with which our slave system so plenti- 
 ful!}' abounds. Much as our sense of justice and 
 social order have been shocked during the survey, and 
 much as our just abhorrence of such measures may 
 have been excited, we are 7roio about to enter upon 
 the investigation of a feature in our state economy 
 where the finer sensibilities of our natures must fre- 
 quently be put to the rack .' and where our warmest 
 sympathies must surely be excited in behalf of suf- 
 fering innocence in a manner much more overpow- 
 ering than any thing we have yet witnessed in this 
 tragical system .' Now, as injustice is the withhol- 
 ding from a fellow creature, that to which he is en- 
 titled by the ''Magtia Cliarta" of his Creator, the 
 law of nature, or some other laws in connection 
 therewith ; so cruelty is the withholding of those acts 
 of brotherly kindness and humane treatment from a 
 fellow creature to which he is entitled — as a man 
 and as a member of the great brotherhood of human 
 beings. As injustice is the absence of justice, so 
 cruelty is the absence of mercy ; and between these 
 two last, mercy and cruelty, there is no vacuum : 
 Every individual, as a social being, is either an ob- 
 ject of the mercy or cruelty of others. He is either 
 treated humanely, according to the dictates of kind- 
 ness, by his fellow creatures, or he shares in their op- 
 
(30) 
 
 pression, inhumanity and violence. To oppress a 
 fellow creature, over whom we may have justly ac- 
 quired an ascendency, or whom misfortunes of any 
 kind, may have sunk ■ndthin our power, is of course 
 cruel. And hence the cruelties connected with 
 slavery aje almost, if not altogether incalculable. 
 To set this part of our subject more fully before the 
 reader, we shall proceed to notice some of those 
 circumstances of cruelty which Lave attended the 
 introduction and continuance of slavery among us. 
 And here our attention is first arrested by the slave- 
 trade, which is of two kinds — foreign and domestic. 
 The foreign, or African slave-trade, deserves first to 
 be considered. And here, when we turn our atten- 
 tion to Africa, we see it, though naturally a fertile 
 country, well adapted to agricultural and commer- 
 cial enter]3rize, yielding to the withering and destroy- 
 ing influence of the slave-trade. Cantoned out into 
 many separate nations or principalities, they wage 
 intestine wars almost continually, for the purpose 
 of obtaining prisoners of whom to make slaves, chief- 
 ly for the purpose of selling them to a people falsely 
 termed chrisliaiis, many of whom hold, at the very 
 time that they are riveting their chains of cruel 
 bondage on their brethren, that "all men are crea- 
 ted KQi'.Ai,," and that liberty is the "birth-right of 
 every human being." But finding the poor deluded 
 
(31) 
 
 African willing to sacrifice his brother to manimon- 
 they resort to the most nefarious measures to excite 
 him to this cruel act, by breeding wars and exciting 
 feuds among them, by occasioning a necessity or 
 exciting a desire for foreign goods, productions, &c. 
 and then refusing to trade the same to them for any- 
 thing except slaves. And the African, too often hav- 
 ing no greater or higher desires than those of sen- 
 sual gratification, and having, in conseqitence of being 
 long inured to scenes of the grossest superstition and 
 amazing cruelty, lost, or stifled in a great measure, 
 those native feelings of humanity, which so distin- 
 guish the virtuous and the good, dares to sell his 
 brother into absolute and perpetual slavery. And 
 could we be present and witness this shameful 
 traffic, as it has long been carried on there, what 
 sorrow and disgust must it create in every philan- 
 thropic mind ! "We should there behold the merci- 
 less slave-traders, like greedy vultures hovering 
 around the dreary shores of bleeding Africa. There 
 we should see honour — justice — humanity — virtue 
 — all proscribed, and cruelty and inhumanity going 
 forth in all their dreadful forms to complete this 
 wretched drama of human oppression and misery. 
 There we should see troops of savages violently 
 seizing and forcibly bearing away the most inno- 
 cent and helpless objects, that might chance to fall 
 
(32) 
 
 within tlioir grasp. There we slinuld hclidld tlie 
 "stoutest hearts failing them for fear,'' tlie ino>t 
 proud and dauntless spirits of African greatness, 
 sinking down appalled ; and the most innocent and 
 worthy, suffering all the indignities and hardships 
 that can he supported or inflicted by human beings. 
 And how must humanity bleed within us, while see. 
 ing a helpless fellow mortal thus sei/.ed and in a 
 merciless manner hurried off in the midst of cries and 
 entreaties sufficient to soften tlie most relentless heart 
 in which remains any sense of humanity? 0! what 
 must be the agitation and apprehension of this un- 
 fortunate victim of human injustice and violence 
 while be is hurried on to his fatal destiny 1 The 
 thoughts of being parted from his native country, 
 from his tender relatives, his father, liis mother, or 
 perhaps his affectionate wife and tender offspring, 
 become almost insupportable to human Jiature, and 
 at once awaken in his distressed bosom a tlionsand 
 etings of the keenest and most painful sensibility. 
 But when arrived at the place where the wretch 
 who dares to purchase this object of human com- 
 miseration, has been waiting to receive his cargo of 
 human cattle, he is disposed of in a manner which 
 shocks all the finer feelings of our nature. Here he 
 is immediately loaded with irons, and confined in 
 the loathsome prison of a slave ship, ^Yhere he soon 
 
(33) 
 
 find?; t!iat even the "Icmhr incnics nf ihc wicked ave 
 cruelties." It will doubtless be adinilted by all that 
 the conduct of the Africans in seizing, and making 
 slaves of each other is highly culpable : But the 
 conduct of those of civilized nations, who engage in 
 this traffic is still more so, since they are found to 
 sin against greater light and knowledge, and in a 
 manner that is in no respect less criminal. Nor does 
 it appear that the conduct of the African slave tra- 
 ders is in itself better or less cruel in any respect 
 than that of the savage Africans. It is certain that 
 they kidnap with as much cruelty when an oppor- 
 tunity offers, as do the African savages. But be- 
 sides this there are other cruelties practised on 
 these suffering mortals, by the African slave-traders 
 over which, for the honor of human nature, we would 
 draw a veil, did not justice demand that they should 
 be made public? Having collected his cargo of 
 suffering victims, and made the same fait, by means 
 of irons &c. the merciless tyrant commences his in- 
 human expedition, laden with human misery, and 
 distress. Alas ! what must be the anguish of these 
 iLelplr.-ix, and may we not sa}-, truly hopeless beings 
 while the unfriendly breeze is hurrying them far, far 
 from their native land — the land of their fathers, with 
 which they leave every earthly object calculated 
 to cheer them or even to render life supportable. 
 
(34) 
 
 Their miseries must at this time be intolerable, height- 
 ened, as well by the remembrance of former enjoy- 
 ments now gone forever, as by the just anticipation 
 of those inexpressible sufferings to which they will 
 most likely be exposed through the remainder of 
 their earthly career. But besides the horrors con- 
 nected with intolerable servitude, there aie miseries 
 more insupportable and cruel than we can easily im- 
 agine, inseperably connected with conBnement in a 
 slave ship. Here we might see a brother suffering 
 death in all the agonies of human woe, by the 
 side of a brother, who in consequence of his own 
 confinemeat can afford him no assistance, no not so 
 much as to raise his sinking head, or wipe the tear 
 tliat "stagnates in his eye." And of every cargo of 
 these unhappy beings thus seized and confined, there 
 are doubtless many whose wretched existence is ter- 
 minated ere they reach the place of destination. 
 But those who are enabled to survive the perils of 
 the sea, as well as the horrific confinement and bru- 
 tal treatment which they undergo in the slave ships 
 are at length brought into market, and sold like cat- 
 tle, or in a manner no less brutal. And here these 
 miserable creatures often fall into hands, that treat 
 them the remainder of their days, with the utmost 
 barbarity, working and beating them like oxen and 
 feeding them but little better than dogs. By such 
 
(35) 
 
 treatment as -n-e have been describing, the sprightly 
 and spirited African is soon reduced to a lieartliroken, 
 dispirited and miserable slave, ahnost 7iakcd and 
 starved, moaping over some of our lovely fields, 
 which seem silently to weep for the misery and op- 
 pression which they bear ; or perhaps groaning un- 
 der the lash of some cruel master or overseer, while 
 they often express the alarm and consternation which 
 they feel on such occasions by a strange species of 
 wild and haggard-like smiling, bordering on gliastli- 
 ness. Here we behold them doomed to serve a. 
 people who are accustomed to look upon their 
 whole race with a kind of contempt, exercising to- 
 wards them an obstinate prejudice from which nei- 
 ther intelligence, virtue, nor religion has been founi 
 sufficient to screen them. Thus circumstanced they 
 find themselves cut off from every means of better- 
 ing their situation. 
 
 The laws which exist respecting them, exist only 
 to oppress them, without affording them any solid or 
 real protection in any one instance, * as we shall 
 presently proceed in some degree to show. But w& 
 proceed now to notice another abominable practice 
 in this traffic, which is the domestic slave-trade. As 
 though it were not cruelty enough to have touched 
 every string of painful sensibility in the negroe's 
 
 * Vide Stroud on the slave laws. 
 
(36) 
 
 heart, by tearing him forcibly from his native Africa, 
 he must still be held subject to a new trial of this 
 kind whenever it may best suit the selfish aud ava- 
 ricious views of a cruel master, thirsting for gain 
 or panting for cruel revenge. And if we have been 
 accustomed to look upon African slave-traders with 
 disgust, let us turn our attention homewards for a 
 moment, and see if we have not among ourselves, 
 men of similar character. "\Ve doubt not however, 
 but many of those men engaged in the domestic 
 slave-trade have been accustomed to regard African 
 slave-traders as very depraved and cruel men ; and 
 are very unwilling to rank with them, in point of 
 character. But we hope they will do themselves 
 the justice of entering calmly with us, into an in- 
 vestigation of the principles and nature of the do- 
 mestic slave-trade, while we briefly contrast it with 
 the African slave-trade,— And first :— We would ask 
 what is the primary object of the African slave-tra- 
 der ? Gain, must undoubtedly be the just aud only 
 proper answer to this question. Now permit us to 
 ask the domestic slave-trader what is his primary 
 object .' The same answer must invariably be giv- 
 en : gain. The desire of amassing wealth becomes 
 the predominant desire ere he is jncparcd for this 
 inlmman traffic ! Should the domestic slave-trader 
 plead iu extenuation of his conduct, that those no- 
 
(37) 
 
 groes whom he buys and sells, were slaves before 
 he bought or sold them, and can only be such aficr 
 wards, and that in many cases their circumstances 
 are really bettered by the exchange of masters which 
 it has occasioned; all this will prove nothing in his 
 favour, as it is the prinnples and motives existing in 
 the heart, which, like main springs, exert a controlling 
 influence over the man, in producing the actions of 
 which we are speaking, and not the particular de- 
 gree either of good or harm done to any individual 
 thereby, which we are investigating. — But secondly: 
 the African slave-traders obtain their subjects in any 
 way that they can, without the least regard to the 
 attachments or relationships either filial, parental, or 
 conjugal, existing between the captured negro and 
 tho=e he is leaving behind him. In hke manner the 
 domestic slave-trader purchases his subjects wher- 
 ever he can obtain the best bargains, without any 
 regard * Xo the condition of the slave, in relation to 
 any of the above mentioned particulars, and sells 
 them again by the same rule. And although he does 
 not crowd them down in the gloomy cells of a slave 
 ship, yet he often loads the miserable creatures wilh 
 irons in such a manner as to render their very exis- 
 tence burdensome. It may however, be oljected 
 " There are doubtless some cxceptio.^s to this rule, but 
 
(38) 
 
 to the African slave-traders, that they sometimes 
 kidnap and bring away those who were free, with- 
 out paying an equivalent for them. Nor can we 
 entirely vindicate the character of the domestic 
 slave-traders from this disgrace of the human char- 
 acter, some of whom are at times too notoriously 
 guilty of this abomination, as we could make appear 
 were it necessary, with but little inconvenience to 
 ourselves. And although the instances of kidnap- 
 ping in the history of the domestic slave-trade, are 
 much more rare than in that of the foreign, yet we 
 believe, and facts authorize the belief, that few have 
 engaged in the former, with a view of amassing 
 wealth, but have shown a disposition to obtain 
 slaves in any way which the laws and existing cir- 
 cumstances might permit. And it is a shameful 
 fact that more or less, annually, of the free negroes, 
 chiefly children, are taken and sold into slavery. 
 From these facts it follows that, although the Afri- 
 can slave-traders accom])lish in some instances, more 
 cruelty and inflict more injustice than the domestic 
 slave-traders do, it is not because of any superior 
 goodness of heart which the latter have more than the 
 former; but it is because such cruelty and injustice 
 are either unnecessary or impracticable. 
 
 The domestic slave-traders often sunder the stron- 
 gest and most endeared ties of nature and destroy 
 
(39) 
 
 every prospect of earthly enjoyment, which may 
 have been left to the poor negro, 
 
 Negroes are hmnan beings, and are capable of lev- 
 ing, and of being endeared to each other, especially 
 iu the tender relations of husband and wife, parent 
 and child, &c. And the pleasures arising out of their 
 relations, though very much alloyed by the exis- 
 tence of slavery, may nevertheless be enjoyed im- 
 perfectly even by the slave. But in consequence of 
 this traffic in human souls they are often deprived of 
 these last remains of earthly felicity, which, though 
 enjoyed by them very imperfectly at best, are inex- 
 pressibly dear to them, as they constitute their en- 
 tire store of earthly happiness. That we may per- 
 ceive the heinousness and iniquity of our slave system 
 in this respect, let us suppose a case — such a case as 
 often occurs in the course of passing events. Here 
 is a slave who, according to the best matrimonial 
 rights existing in this country, with respect to slaves,* 
 has vowed at the altar of Hymen, and is united to 
 the woman whom he loves, and by whom he is loved 
 in return, by many endearing ties. They entered 
 piously and seriously into this union, and have been 
 living chastely, and as far as could be expected, com- 
 fortable together. This union is rendered still more 
 complete by the tender pledges of their mutual love, 
 
 • Such as they have instituted among themselves. 
 
(40) 
 
 which r,re growing up before them. But they mnst 
 part ; — Yes clearly as husband and wife, parents and 
 children are connected together, they must now bo 
 sundered by a cruel master and a hard hearted pur- 
 chaser. Here wo must be struck, (if aught can 
 strike us,) with the injustice which often attends 
 human laivs, wliile we witness a weeping husband 
 ruthlessly torn from the tender embraces of a heart- 
 broken and worse than a widowed wife ; parents in 
 agonies of grief, taking a final adieu of their beloved 
 children ; and children in return, bereaved of the 
 parental superintendence of affectionate, perhaps 
 praying parents, and thrown upon the mercy and 
 faith of beings from whom they have nothing to ex- 
 pect but labor and oppression. And yet these ob- 
 jects of human commiseration are as we have said, 
 human beings, — nay more — some of them are true 
 believers in Christ, — legitimate members of his mys- 
 tical body and heirs of his glorious kingdom. Let 
 such therefore, as engage in the buying and selling of 
 sucli slaves, with an intention to enslave them, or 
 who lidlding thcni as property, exercise over them an 
 unnecessary, and (as many do) an inhuman oppres- 
 sion, attend to our Saviour's declarations : "Inas- 
 much as we have done this unto one of these little 
 onrs, ye have done it unto me." "Better for a man 
 that a mill stone were hanged about his neck and he 
 
(41) 
 
 cast into the clfjiths of the Sea, than to offentl one 
 of these little okes." But it may be asked, why 
 do these things exist? Hath it not been said — "Those 
 whom God hath joined together let not man put 
 asunder ?" Truely — But our law knows no such 
 thing as marriage among slaves ! This brings us to 
 show what we before promised, that the laws of this 
 State afford no solid or substantial protection to the 
 slave in any one instance. This we shall briefly do, 
 by laying down a few propositions, which we give 
 as the true spirit and meaning of the laws now in 
 force in this State. And first : — The laws of this 
 State afford the slave no protection in his conjugal 
 rights. This is evident, inasmuch as the law 
 knows no such thing as marriage among them. And 
 it is just, further to observe, that as there is no law 
 to guard the sanctity of marriage among slaves, so 
 tiiere is none to restrain them from any of these 
 abominations in this respect, to which they, in con- 
 sequence of their degraded situation, are particular- 
 ly prone. Hence adultery, fornication, polygamy, 
 incest &c. are no violations of the law of this State, 
 provided the same be committed among slaves only. 
 And in the midst of the beastly, and the rude, we 
 find the chaste virgin exposed to their capricious 
 lusts, and rude assaults, without even the poor 
 privilege of complaiuin" ; especially if the same 
 
(42) 
 
 Bhoulil have to be made against a monster who is 
 white. 01 shame, 01 scandal to the human char- 
 acter. Secondly: the slave in North-Carolina, is 
 not protected by law in his right in property, in any 
 case : so express are the laws in relation to this par- 
 ticular, that should a humane master permit his 
 slave to raise and claim "live stock," the property so 
 raised and claimed by a slave, is liable to be seized 
 and sold for the public benefit. Thirdly: Nor is 
 the slave protected by law in his person. It is true, 
 there are laws in existence in this Slate, with re- 
 spect to this last, but in such a manner as to render 
 them of no re.al advantage to the slave. Thus the 
 law says, that, an allowance "of at least one quart of 
 corn a day," shall be given to the slave. But it is 
 manifest that the slave can have no redress, should 
 even this small quantity be denied him ; since the 
 slave cannot, in such a case, 2>rosecu/e his master or 
 owner, or prove any thing in this matter, or in ,nny 
 other, against him, either by his own, or the evidiiiro 
 of other African descendent, to the fourth generation. 
 And it is also true, that laws have been passed to 
 prevent the murder of slaves I But if a wretch, being 
 white, wishes to abuse, or even murder a negro, he 
 has only to embrace an opportuTiity of doing it, when 
 no u-Iiitc ]]crso/i is present. And a slave may, in 
 certain cases, be even latcfuUy killed, [viz.) First: for 
 
(43) 
 
 lurking in swamps, and pilfering in the neighborhood, 
 being a rioiaway, a slave may he ouliawed by any 
 justice of the county wherein such runmcay may be 
 discovered, and may afterwards be lawfully killed 
 by aiy jjerson. Secondly : He may be laicftdly Jdll. 
 ed in the act of resistance to his lawful owner or 
 master. Thirdly : And where no such resistance is 
 made, the humane laws of this State can find means 
 of excusing or commuting the murder of slaves. 
 In 1798, an act was passed to prevent the murdering 
 of ilaves, but lest this act should be found to impose 
 too great a bar against the cruel abuse of slaves, the 
 third seclion provides that the penally which the act 
 inflicts, shall not be incurred when the slave dies 
 under "moderate correction^ The law must be ac- 
 knowledged lenient since the "correction" must be 
 moderate." But to call a correction "moderate" 
 which is sufficiently severe to produce death, is a 
 solecism too glaring to require a criticism, and too 
 monstrous for sober legislation. As in the above, 
 so in all other instances; there must ever exist ihe 
 same difficulty in the negro's obtaining, even that 
 small degree of justice to which the laws seem to 
 entitle him, so long as he is compelled to prove 
 everything respecting the aflair by ii-ldle witnesses. 
 And why is ihis the case? Why are hhuh men pre- 
 vented from giving evidence against uhite men. 
 
(44) 
 
 while the latter have all the advantages of evidence 
 against the former ? Is it because the black man is a 
 wretchedly depraved being, who will not speak tho 
 truth? Then why not say that men of this ignor- 
 ant ai;J depraved character whether ichite or black 
 shall not be entitled to give evidence against men 
 of a contrary character? Now our law very right- 
 eously determines, that no atheist, or person denying 
 the existence of a Superior Being, and the aceounla- 
 hilily of man to the same, &c. shall be good evidence 
 in any Court of Law, or Equity in this State. Our 
 law-framers could not have been actuated by motives 
 of the same kind, in fixing the fate of the Africans 
 in this particular: since it is a fact which we presume, 
 none, who admit tie truth of revelation (and our 
 law is founded on this admission^ that there are 
 mmy slaves as well as free negroes, who are con- 
 scicnlioiishj and devotedly religious; while on the 
 'other hand, there are many examples of as drsperate 
 depravity among the tchile, as among the black jrop- 
 uhition of this country. And further, there are 
 among the black people, both slaves and fixe men, 
 whoso mere assertions would be received and ac- 
 credited sooner by far, by their respectable neigh- 
 bours, than even the oaths of many uhile men. And 
 as the palladium of our civil institutions, is that of 
 
(45 ) 
 
 trial by jury, no danger could Le juslly appieliended 
 from the admission of their evidence in most cases ; 
 since they must always appear before a court under 
 disadvantages; the prejudices of the jurors, court &c. 
 most generally being against them, would prevent 
 any undue diflbrence being paid to their testimony . 
 And the prejudices of education, which white people 
 universally exercise more or less, towards the negro 
 in this country, affords a conclusive argument in favor 
 of this position. But before we dismiss this subject 
 we would drop an admonition to such as are dispo- 
 sed to take advantages of the negro under the present 
 existing laws, that they be careful how they act 
 thus ; since all the transactions of the present I'fe 
 will be reconsidered in a future Court, where Christ 
 himself will be the Supreme Judge, (see Act. xvii, 
 31) and his Apostles and saints subordinate judges, 
 &c., and where many of those on whom the law now 
 imposes silence, will doubtless become the swiTlest 
 witness against you. Fourthly : One more, and we 
 shall have done with this part of our subject. The 
 laws make no provision for the education or moral 
 improvement of the slaves; but rather the contrary: 
 since they permit the master to exercise an exclu- 
 sive control over the slave; who, in general, seems to 
 think 'he has done enough, if he kept tho slave 
 
(46) 
 
 bnsih' at work, without affording liici any facilities 
 by which to elevate himself in the scale of being, bj' 
 devoting a portion of his time to the acquisition of 
 learning and mental improvement. The truth is, the 
 advocates of slavery have thought the best way of 
 maintaining their dominion, was to keep these miser- 
 able creatures in ignorance. And a large portion of 
 our law-framers being of this class, they have ever 
 maintained a system of slavery calculated, in their 
 opinion, to keep them secure in this respect. Hence 
 learning, though in a very small degree diffused 
 among the coloured people of a few sections of this 
 State, may be said to be almost unknown to that race 
 of beings in North-Carolina, where the sciences have 
 been so long cultivated. Nor is the little instruction 
 wliich some of them have received, and by which a 
 few among the thousands of our coloured population, 
 have been taught to spell, or perhaps to read iu 
 "easy places," iu the least owing to any legal pro- 
 vision for the same : but solely to that charity 
 which "cndureth .all things," and is willing to suffer 
 reproach, for the sake of being instrumental in "de- 
 livering the poor that cry," and in "directing the 
 wanderer in the right way." And even charihj with 
 all her store of precious gifts must stand at a dis- 
 tance, .Tud see thousands of precious souls die in 
 ignorance, their minds a moral desert, benighted. 
 
(47) 
 
 and wretched ; while sin, in all its deadly forms 
 conies in to comjilete their ruin, -withoat being ahle 
 to afford tliem any assistance : provided sucli be the 
 unrighteous will of the tnan who claims a title to 
 property in these " human souls." These things we 
 hold to be improper in themselves, and highly dis- 
 pleasing to the God of Heaven, " who hath of one 
 blood created all men," for the express purpose of 
 glorifying him. But is it not morally certain that 
 the slave, if kept in ignorance, will be unable to 
 glorify God in that degree, and to that extent, origin- 
 ally designed by his maker? Certainly it is : For 
 while it is said that "The Holy Scriptures are 
 able to m.ike wise unto salvation," and to furnish the 
 man of God to "every good work," it is also said 
 that the " unlearned wrest these things to their own 
 destruction." But further, we contend that the 
 withholding of mental improvement and moral cul- 
 ture from the slaveis a robbery — a sacrilege against 
 Heaven — against God himself : Because it deprives 
 him of much service and adoration, which these ig- 
 norant creatures, aided by an education in letters, 
 and moral as well as religious principles, might 
 have rendered to him. Yet to our great mortification 
 and the mortification of every true christian who has 
 impartially thought on, and weighed this subject, we 
 
(48) 
 
 somctimBS mept with lii^h-toned proppssors of religion 
 who are guilt}' in this res])ect. " O tell it not in 
 Gath, neither publish it in the streets «f A^kiilun." 
 May God vindicate his injured cause, and su\e our 
 Holy Religion from such disgrace. 
 
 It will be in vain that any nif^y attempt to con- 
 ceal or extenuate these facts, or to make them appear 
 in any respect less heinous than what is here rep- 
 resented. The Declaration of Eights says, that: 
 — "Through divine goodness ali, men have a ?taluml 
 and vnalienable niGHT to worship Almiglity God 
 according to the dictates of tlieir own consiliences." 
 Yet we must add that, Tiirough human injustice 
 and oppression, this "right" is substantially taken 
 from the slare, and is vested in the master, who may 
 give or u-itlihold, in tliis matter (so far as it is 
 possible for human authority to control it,) just as 
 he pleases. "Tiiese things ought not to be ;" and 
 they are such as call for immediate redress. 
 
 TROPOSITION III. 
 
 Absolute slavery is a fruitful source of jrride, 
 idlcMss and tyranny. 
 
 This proposition is proved to be true by the 
 common experience of mankind ; and in a nianne- 
 too, th.at must force conviction upon every iniprcju 
 diced and observing understanding. Uut it may 
 
(49) 
 
 nevertheless, be asked, when does slavery begin this 
 mighty work in the human soul? — We answer, as 
 soon as embryo reason begins to exert itself, it is, 
 through this medium, perverted, and the little strength 
 which it has acquired, is, by a wretched application, 
 turned to its own destruction. The little child be- 
 gins to view itself in contrast with its Hack asso- 
 ciates ; and while it discovers that these little crea- 
 tures, as well as their fathers and mothers, are all 
 destined to labour for white jxoplc, it imagines itself 
 attached to a superior race of beings. And when 
 grown a little larger, it finds these unwholesome ideas 
 greatly strengthened by being permitted to command 
 Tom and Bet to this or that, according as its whims 
 or fancies may direct. These things dispose the 
 heart to pride, and not unfrequently to tyranny itself. 
 This disposition to "look down" on the part of man- 
 kind which does not possess the same advantages 
 with ourselves, and which has been so successfully 
 implanted in the minds of these little musters and 
 mistresses, by a comparison of their own exalted 
 worth with that of the degraded negroes, grows and 
 strengthens with them. They next begin to com- 
 pare themselves with the more humble and desti- 
 tute of the neighbours, and find their own superior 
 greatness more fully demonstrated : and the same 
 
(50) 
 
 contempt wliich ihey clicrish for tlie negro tliey now 
 begin to cherish towards tlie white peasantry, les- 
 sening, however, in proportion as tliey advance fvom 
 poverty and humble life towards wealth and afflu- 
 ence. It is here also, that the disposition to "grind 
 the face of the poor," and to "oppress the hireling 
 in his wages," so common among the wealthy, and 
 by far too common with the middle classes of our 
 citizens, receives its first impulse. The children of 
 these parents who own slaves, and think, or seem to 
 think it not amiss to slorm and drive, with all the 
 hurry and fury of which they are capable, learn to 
 act in a similar manner. And it is a fact too well 
 known (at least by the poor) to admit of successful 
 controversy, that the man who %\ill ojipress and 
 abuse his own slaves, will also when an opportunity 
 is afforded, oppress his indigent neighbour, or any 
 one else over whom be may have gained an advan- 
 tage. This principle .strikes at the root of our repub- 
 lican institutions, and if suffered to become sufficient- 
 ly strong, would overturn even our liberty itself. 
 Hut there is no alarming prospect at this time, of such 
 principles getting to such a height among us, if they 
 be timely and sufficiently opposed by the people, 
 whose privilege and interest is to oppose them. Yet 
 this much is certain, that by such principles as these, 
 our fine gold has become dim, and nuich of our ri- 
 
(51) 
 
 sing glory has been lost ! We might say mucli more 
 ou this subject, but as it may be necessarj", in atten- 
 ding to the next proposition, to advert to some things 
 primarily embraced in this, we defer their conside- 
 ration until called up in support of facts more lamen- 
 table, yet not less true than those embraced in this 
 proposition. 
 
 PROPOSITION IV. 
 
 Absolute slavery mcreases depravity in the human 
 heart, and flourishes a train of dark and brutal 2^as- 
 sions and lusts, disgraceful to human nature atid 
 destructive of the general welfare. 
 
 Proofs of this proposition are abundant. We 
 cannot long survey any one feature of slavery, with- 
 out receiving some fresh confirmation of its truth. 
 But we shall at present, detain our readers but a 
 short time on a subject which must be such as to 
 sicken the heart of the philanthropist, and to cause 
 misanthropy itself to blush. To describe the gross 
 ignorance into which nearly all our slave population 
 are sunk — the deplorable corruption of morals, the 
 natural offspring of such ignorance, everywhere 
 seen among them, and these, like descending streams 
 of destructive lava, bursting from the summit of this 
 amazing mountain of human depravity, and exten- 
 ding its influence throughout our State, v.ithering the 
 
(52) 
 
 tenderest plants and blasting the opening flowers 
 of human greatness wherever they come, throughout 
 the various walks of society, would be a task of no 
 ordinary undertaking. That the conduct of the mas- 
 ter towards his slaves has, in general, a tendency to 
 kt'cp them ignorant and depraved, is a fact which 
 must lie admitted by all. And although there are 
 some honourable exceptions, (blessed be God !) yet 
 is it not true in the main, that slaves arc grossly 
 ignoi-ant.and depraved? Let a general examination 
 into the character and morals of slaves, pai-ticularly 
 in those parts of the State where they most abound, 
 and where they are under the control of overseers 
 &c. decide this question. And yet these ignorant 
 — these depraved— these too-often vicious domestics 
 were the viissrs of most of those whose fortunes 
 entitle them, (at least in their own estimation,) to 
 high distinctions among us, and who, having received 
 their frst rudiments among these intelligent slaves, 
 (and that, too, doubtless, to the detriment of both 
 their understanding and habits) think themselves 
 entitled to sit at the helm of Government. If wo 
 consider how many of those who live on the sweat 
 and toil of their unhappy domestics, who, relying 
 on their wealth for their future success and enjoy- 
 ments, grow vain and insolent, and wide they 
 nejrlcct ail useful business, look down with haughty 
 
(53) 
 
 pride on the bumble and Laborious, supposing labor 
 beneath the dignity of gentlemen — we say, cast 
 a glance over the final destiny of the innumerable 
 host that come under this description, and we are 
 made to exclaim — How many thus sink down into 
 insignificance, and whose very memories rot, who, 
 otherwise, might have lived to the latest posterity, 
 as monuments of human greatness I How many 
 such become the very nuisances of society, and are 
 remembered by their enemies with execration and 
 by their friends with remorse 1 Reflections of this 
 kind will lead ns into a correct estimate, in this re- 
 spect, of the evils of slavery. It is not necessary to 
 mention the transcendant sin of intemperance, or the 
 more extreme sin of theft and plunder, engaged in, 
 too often, by those who are too proud to endure 
 ■poverty, and too much the slave of indolence to labour 
 honestly for a support. These evils -which have 
 spread so widely through our country, owe their 
 origin more to the existence of slavery, either di- 
 rectly or indirectly, than to any one extreme circum- 
 stance whatever. 
 
 It is slavery that has rendered labour disgraceful, 
 in so much, that to labour is to be like the negroes ; 
 and it is slavery that gives idleness its charms, since 
 the idler is, in this respect at least, like the gentle 
 
(54) 
 
 man* To exemplify this fact let lis contrast oursclve8 
 as a community, with those oiilxa free States; there we 
 see all classes work, without thinking it in the least 
 disgraceful — There it is that hirelings are not afraid 
 of working like negroes, as is too often the case 
 with them in this country — there it is that the 
 liale sons of Columbia enjoy the sweets of domes- 
 tic lifi', while the labour which they undergo condu- 
 ces greatly to the health, both of mind and body, 
 and tlie establishing of the same in virtue. The 
 "active mind of man" is seldom idle ; and when not 
 in the pursuit of improvement, it is apt to fall an ea- 
 sy prey to some vice, which, when it has gained 
 admission into the human breast, seldom ceases to 
 triumph until it has fathered upon the individual all 
 its kindred. It was not until the evil spirit men- 
 tioned in the scriptures, found the house "empty" 
 (unemployed) that he was able to enter with "seven 
 other spirits more wicked than himself :" so it is 
 witli idlers generally ; — the Devil takes this advan- 
 tage of them, first inflaming their desires of sensual 
 happiness, vitiating their tastes and corrupting their 
 minds generally, imtil he, by these means succeeds in 
 * It will be seen here that we speak not of true gentle- 
 men, but of lliose useless property-made gentlemen who 
 place that trust in wealth, which others place in rectitude 
 
(55) 
 
 leading his unhappy captives, first to the "shades of 
 insignificance" and thence to the "mansions of mis- 
 ery." But we have not time to pursue this subject 
 through all its labyrinths ; we trust, however, that 
 the contemplative reader will follow it out and sup- 
 ply whatever may be wanting. 
 
 We have said, that slavery nourishes a train of 
 brutal passions and lusts, disgraceful, &c. In sup- 
 port of this part of our proposition, many considera- 
 tions might be urged, one of which, however, must 
 suffice for the present. We had occasion to remark, 
 in a former part of this address, that the chastity of 
 the female slave is not protected by law ! Ko, not in 
 the least ! The most virtuous and chaste of this 
 degraded race are daily exposed to the hateful 
 lusts of the most incestuous, without the poor priv- 
 ilege of either defending or complaining against 
 such diabolical treatment. The disgrace of such an 
 outrage on virtue and the sacred rights of social or- 
 der, we would fain, (for the honour of our country,) 
 conceal, were it not proclaimed against us by the 
 tawny skins of a numerous host of mulattoes, many 
 of whom recognize among their masters, owners &c. 
 the relations of fathers, brothers, sisters &c. yes: 
 dreadful as it may seem, man literaLly 
 
 "Chains his brother and exacts his sweat." 
 And sure if angels ever weep at the follies and crimes 
 
(5G) 
 
 of mon, it must Ije -n-lien thcs cmploj'ed. Amalga- 
 mation lias been professedly deprecated by our le- 
 jrislators, and people generally, as one of the sorest 
 evils that could befal us in this respect : and laws 
 have been enacted to prevent free negroes from in- 
 termarrying with white people, while strange to tell, 
 not one legislative effort has been made to prevent 
 the abuse of f<!male slaves, bj' whom, or under what 
 aggravating circumstances soever the same might be 
 offered. These circumstances, with others no less un- 
 favorable to our moral and political character, make 
 primary ingredients in ihat monument of our country's 
 disgrace, which, unless it be demolished by the virtues 
 of our present or succeeding citizenship, can only fall 
 w^ith our remembrance as a people, and not until 
 the last laurel has dropped from our brow, and our 
 last fading glory is exti.ict ! We might enlarge on 
 this painful subject : we might treat of the force of 
 temptation, particularh- when coming from a quar- 
 ter to meet the cordial approbation of our natural 
 passions and desires ; and in the accomjilishment of 
 which no formidable bar is interposed. We might 
 sliow how reason is here overpowered and dethro- 
 ned : how the remonstrances of virtue, already de- 
 cayed and emaciated, become vain and futile ; bow 
 m.m, ]r(iif u|iiin sensual gratification, rushes on, 
 brutifit's liiniself, inflames his passions but the more, 
 
(57) 
 
 prepares himself for the practice of almost every 
 vice, and at once submits to be carried by the cur- 
 rent of his cLimorous incliuations into the whirlpool 
 of vice and dissipation ; but we forbear. Thus we 
 have given a faint and verj' imperfect representation, 
 which, it is believed, falls far below the reality ; but 
 such a one as is by no means flattering, either to the 
 wisdom or virtue of our country. 
 
 One remark more shall close our observations on 
 this subject. If this be the nature of the case, is it 
 not a matter of surprise that these things have not 
 excited the attention of our legislatures before now? 
 Truly they cannot be ignorant of this evil ; but still 
 tlfey have approbated, or at least winked at it. We 
 are certainh' entitled to enquire into the cause of this 
 neglect. Has it been then, as they have said, "Be- 
 cause this subject needs no legislative interference?" 
 Facts the most incontestable declare the contrary. 
 Has it been because the evil to be removed was one 
 too great to be exterminated, either in part or in 
 whole? We think not. Has it been because the 
 appeals on this subject have not been sufficient to 
 elicit the feelings of humanity, and awaken the voice 
 of justice ? surely not. Must we then conclude that 
 there is not virtue enough among us as a people 
 to correct even the grossest of irregularities? And 
 
(58) 
 
 are we not authorized to fear that the Ipgislativo 
 functionaries among us, hjive designedly neglected 
 this subject, lest by imposing any restraints on the 
 licentious in this respect, they should also abridge 
 their own enjoyments? Carolinians! reflect on 
 this subject! It is one that demands your attention. 
 The evil here complained of has alread ruined ma- 
 ny of your sons? It is the hateful mildew which 
 tarnishes the virtue of many a promising American 
 youth, and is the cause of more debauchery than all 
 other causes conjoined ! Let the peoj^e — the virtu- 
 ous, the intelligent people, call "loud and long" for 
 redress on this subject, until virtue triumphs over 
 vice, and liuiiiauity over cruelty. 
 
 PROPOSITION V. 
 
 Slavery, absolute and uncotulifionnl, is no less 
 contrary to the christian religion than to the dictates 
 of justice and humunity. 
 
 It may seem superfluous, after having dwelt so 
 long on the evils and miseries of slavery, to say any 
 thing in relation to its anti-christian character ; for if 
 what we have said already be true, it must be appa- 
 rent to all serious and sober thinking people that a 
 system fraught with so much injustice and attended 
 with so many pernicious consequences, cannot 
 possibly be consistent with the simple and disinter- 
 
(59) 
 
 ested truths of the religion of Christ. But the at- 
 tempts which worldly-minded and selfish professors 
 are daily making to reconcile slavery which Chris- 
 tianity, constitute our apology for detaining our 
 readers awhile on this part of the subject. And 
 here we shall first attempt to show that slavery is 
 inconsistent with the Mosaic or Jewish policy : and 
 secondly, that it is contrary to the most obvious du- 
 ties and requirements of the teachings of Christ. 
 
 First. We have said that slavery was inconsis- 
 tant with the Mosaic or Jewish policy. It is true 
 that a sjKcies of slavery existed among the Jews, 
 both before and after the giving of the law, but the 
 rigor and perpetuity which characterize our slave- 
 system was not tolerated among the Jews ; nor was 
 the servitude known among that people of that 
 absolute nature, practised. No Hebrew was at 
 liberty to continue a Hebrew whom he had pur- 
 chased longer than six years against his will. Thus 
 in Exodus XXI cliaj). 2, 3, ver. it was admitted 
 that in such cases the sei-vant should "sen-e " his 
 master "six years" and the "seventh" he should go 
 out free. In Deuteronomy, XV chap. 12, ver. the 
 Bame principle is recognized, and applied to Hebrew 
 servants, both male and female ; and here also they 
 are declared to be free on the seventh year. And in 
 the last paragraph of the XXXIV chap, of Jaemiah, 
 
(60) 
 
 we find God by tlie mouth of the prophet, reiterating 
 this sacred statute, censuring the Jews in the highest 
 degree for not observing it, and threatenir^ to visit 
 them with sioord, famine ^-c. and to scatter tliem 
 among all nations for such disobedience. 
 
 The principal causes of slavery among tlio He- 
 brews were. First, poverty which obliged tbcm ti 
 sell themselves. Leviticus XXV, 39, and Semndly, 
 the commission of theft for which they wore not 
 able to make amends. Exod. XXII. 3. And from 
 the example of the widow, whose oil Elisha mul- 
 tiplied, it seems that the demands of creditors exten- 
 ded to the enslaving of the children of insolvent debt- 
 ors. //. Kings IV. 1. In all this we find notjiing to 
 justify the slavery that exists among us, which has 
 been marked with cruelty in every period of its 
 existence. Those Hebrews servants, or slaves, were 
 not only entitled to go out/zte on the seventh or 
 sabbatical j'ear ; but if they were not then disposed 
 to leave their wives and children, and make use of the 
 privilege, "they might claim their liberty atid thai of 
 their children, in the Jubilee, or fiftieth yeai P 
 Lev. XXV. 40. But it is alleged that besides this 
 enslaving of Hebrews by Hebrews, "there existed 
 another species of slavery among the Jews, a species 
 of slavery which fully justifies the system now exis- 
 ting among us." To this allegation, we reply— F«m<> 
 
(61) 
 
 that it is very uncertain whctUer tliis allegation be 
 founded in truth or not, — and Secondlij, if it is, it 
 proves nothing against our argument in the present 
 instance. 
 
 First then, we contend that the allegation is itself 
 founded in doubt, or uncertainty. God's covenant 
 with Abraham and with his seed after him was, 
 that they should duly circumcise every male among 
 them, as well him that was bought with money of 
 any stranger, as he that was a native descendant of 
 Abraham. Gen. XVII. 10 — 12. Jewish commentators 
 agree that this command was strictly construed and 
 faithftilly practised. Thus it is said by Maimonides, 
 "Whether a servant be born in the house of an Is- 
 raelite, or whether he be purchased from the breth- 
 ren, the master is to bring them both into the 
 covenant. But he that is born in the house is to be 
 entered upon the eighth day, and he that is bought 
 with money on the day on which the master re- 
 ceived him, unless the slave be unwilling. For, if 
 the master receive a grown slave, and he be unwill- 
 ing, his master is to bear with him, to seek to win 
 him over by instruction mid by love atid kindness, for 
 one }'ear, after which should he refuse so long, it is 
 forbidden to keep him longer then the winter months, 
 and the master must send him back to the stranger 
 from whence he came, for the God of Jacob will not 
 
(G2) 
 
 accfipt the worship of anj- other than a williiis heart." 
 And by a comparison of Genesis, Chap. XVII, Verse 
 10, with Romans, Chap, IV. Verse 9 — 12, it is cer- 
 tain that those who receive the right of circumcision 
 were consecrated to the service ot the true God. * 
 And these circumcised strangers were called by the 
 Jews, proselytes of justice, because they embraced 
 the whole law of Moses, and engaged themselves to 
 live holy and justly. "And they, therefore," (says 
 the learned and the pious Claudius Florius, in his 
 celebrated treatise on the manners, customs, rights, 
 &c. of the ancient Israelites, pag. 129) "had the rank 
 and privilege, of Katural Jews." This sentiment 
 is also corroborated by the learned Mr. Home who 
 says, "although the constitution of the Jewish polity, 
 and the laws of Moses allowed no other nation to 
 participate in their sacred rites, yet they did not 
 exclude such as were willing to qualify themselves 
 for conforming to them." 
 
 From the above considerations, and others that 
 might be adduced, it is propable that the slaves which 
 were bought of strangers and afterwards became 
 circumcised, enjoyed all the privileges of eufranchis- 
 ment, cs])ecially in the year of Jubilee : for t^t. Paul 
 says of such, that they were "debtor to do the 
 
 'H lilies liiiruJuciiuii la the criiical oiuily ul ilie Holy 
 Scriptures. 
 
(63) 
 
 whole law." And surely if they "must do the whole 
 law," they, in turn, would reap the benefits conferred 
 by the law. This opinion is generally strengthened 
 by the command of God, in Lev. Chap. XXV. 
 Ver&e 10— "And ye shall hallow the fiftieth, and pro- 
 claim liberty thrmiglwut all the laiul, unto all the 
 inhabitants thereof: and it shall be a Jubilee unto 
 you ; and ye shall return evenj man unto his possess- 
 ions, and ye shall return eoery man unto his family." 
 But since there are some authorities which favor 
 a diflerent hypothesis with respect to the nature of 
 that slavery into which strangers were brought by 
 Jews, we shall leave, as all who duly -weigh both 
 sides of the subject must leave it, in a degree of 
 doubt and uncertainty ; for as Mr. Stroud has justly 
 remarked : "it is a subject not to be discoursed on 
 with the freedom of ordinary criticism, and on 
 which there is an obscurity which leaves the mind 
 unsatisfied." 
 
 But suppose we give up the ground altogether, and 
 let the friends of slavery have the advantage of the 
 position they have taken in this respect, instead of 
 deriving any support from this circumstance, their 
 cause is rather weakened, since we, being Gentiles, 
 should, by the same rule, act towards Gentiles as 
 Jews did towards Jews similarly circumstanced. 
 "The only legitimate inference, therefore, which, 
 
(64) 
 
 in a comparison with Mosaic regulations, analogy 
 furnishes, is, that our conduct to slaves should be 
 the same as was the conduct of Israelites to Hebrew 
 slaves. 
 
 Sccondltj. If slavery be inconsistent with the 
 Mosaic or Jewish polity, it is still more so with the 
 precepts of Christ. The Mosaic dispensation was, 
 in some respects, a dispensation of bondage, but the 
 Christaiii or gospel dispensation, is in every respect, 
 a dispensation of liberty. The genius of the gospel 
 is "■mildncxs, gentleness (aid brothery kindness," kc 
 And the great and ruling maxim by which Christ 
 would have his followers to regulate their conduct 
 is this: "All things, whatsoever ye would that men 
 should do unto you, do ye even so unto them." 
 This rule is applied in reference to our conduct to- 
 wards all men. And in addition to this, or rather 
 by way of inforcing it, we are commanded by Christ, 
 to "be merciful, as our heavenly father is merciful ;" 
 and St. Paul has enjoined the doing of good to all 
 men. On these plain scriptures, the sense of which 
 is too plain and obvious to be overlooked by any 
 devout seel;cr of truth, we think it entirely unneces- 
 sary to ofler any comment. Surely no serious and 
 sober - thinking christain will, with these scriptures, 
 and a thousand others of similar import, before his 
 
(65) 
 
 eyes, attempt again to reconcile slavery with Christi- 
 anity. No, brethren; — if you find your hearts to be 
 evil, by unjustly and unmercifully enslaving your 
 fellow creatures ; by living in pampered ease and 
 affluence on the labors, toil and sweat, or may we 
 not say, the "Jlesh and blood,"' of the poor African, 
 do not insult the common sense of mankind, and put 
 that religion which you profess to love, to the blush, 
 by prostituting the mild and gentle doctrines of the 
 gospel to the support of a principle and practice 
 which shock every native idea which mankind 
 have of natural and universal justice! May the spir- 
 it which inspired these holy men of old, who wrote 
 the sacred text as they were moved by the Holy 
 Ghost, save us from "wresting it thus to our own 
 destruction I" 
 
 The following principles, most of which are de- 
 ducible from the foregoing remarks, we give as the 
 primary principles held by us as a Society — together 
 with a brief outline of the plan which we would ad- 
 opt for the abolition of the evil complained of; and 
 
 First. We hold, with the venerable founder of 
 our republican institutions, that liberty is the tinal- 
 icnable birth-right of every human being ; and that 
 God has made no difference in this respect between 
 the ivhite and black. 
 
(66) 
 
 Snondhj. We believe that, in a national and in- 
 dividual point of view, the negro is entitled to the 
 same measure of justice with the white man, and 
 that neither his skin, nor any other material conse- 
 quence attending him, can afford a reasonable pre 
 text for his oppression. 
 
 Thirdly. "We believe that the evil is one which 
 afl'ects every part of the community, in a greater or 
 less degree; and may therefore be termed a national 
 evil ; and that both emancipation and colonization 
 are necessary to its removal. 
 
 With regasd to emancipation, we hold 1st, that 
 it should be gradual; so conducted as not to inter- 
 fere witli the rights of property; — But 2ndly, that 
 it should bo universal. This however, is not e- 
 nough. — The debt which we owe the negroes is not 
 sufficiently paid by merely suffering the oppressed to 
 go free. We believe it to be the duty of our coun- 
 trymen, to use all possible means to enlighten and 
 elevate the minds, ennoble the hearts , and improve 
 and elevate the character of the negroes among us, 
 that they may be prepared both to enjoy and appre- 
 ciate liberty, and to discharge the important duties 
 assigned them by their creator, as well to himself 
 as to their fellow creatures, with honour to Gcd 
 and benefit to mankind. 
 
(67) 
 
 In order to remove this alarmijig evil which is 
 threatening in its aspect, and which if continued 
 long enough, must be so destructive in its conse- 
 quences, we would recommend the following : 
 
 First. Let a law be enacted, preventing the 
 further introduction of slaves into the State for sale 
 or hire. 
 
 Secondly. Let a law be enacted, facilitating in- 
 dividual emancipation, by allowing such masters as 
 wish to liberate their slaves, to do so ; provided the 
 liberated slave be capable of earning a comfortable 
 livelihood. 
 
 Thirdhj. We would recommend a lav,- to facil- 
 itate individual emancipation still further, by au- 
 thorizing negroes to make contracts with their 
 masters by which they may purchase their own free- 
 dom. 
 
 Fmirthly. We would recommend the passage 
 of laws imposing still further restraints upon the 
 abuse of slaves, and affording the unlawfully abused 
 slave, at the same time, easy means of redress. 
 
 Fifthly. We would recommend a law providing 
 for the instruction of slaves in the elementa- 
 ry principles of language, at least so far as to enable 
 them to read the Holy Scriptures. 
 
(68) 
 
 Sixthly. We would provide by law that all chil- 
 dren in this State after a certain period, should be 
 free at a certain age ; and from and after the passing 
 of said act, no negroes should be removed from the 
 State ill such a way as to lose the benefit of said act 
 upon their posterity. 
 
 i^mii^ 
 
The committee appointed by the 
 General Association of the Manumis- 
 sion Society of North - Carolina, to 
 draw up an address to the people of 
 the State, and to report the same to 
 the Board of Managers of the said So- 
 ciety for publication, respectfully re- 
 port the forgoing. 
 
 AMOS AVEAVER, Chairman. 
 
nl 
 
 IxAp'll 
 
 -41