Class BooL Copyriglit]^°_ CCEXRIGHT DEPOSIT- J I ■ 1 r '^""^^"""'^I^^BBi^^^^^ \f n / Brevet Brigadier-General William Graves Bates. Commanding Officer, 71st Infantry, 1899-1917; Commanding Officer, 54th Pioneer Infantry. SEVENTY-FIRST NEW YORK IN THE WORLD WAR Compiled By ROBERT STEWART SUTLIFFE Treasurer, 71st Infantry, N. Y. N. G. Regimental Historian &vwcr/^»^ 33 Copyright, 1922, By EOBEET STEWART SUTLIFFE • T I PEINTED IN TeS -aNITElSrSTATES O^HlliE^OiJp ^ / IN FLANDERS FIELDS In Flanders fields the poppies blow Between the crosses, row on row, That mark our place; and in the sky The larks, still bravely singing, fly Scarce heard amid the guns below. We are the Dead. Short days ago We lived, felt dawn, saw sunset glow. Loved and were loved, and now we lie In Flanders fields. Take up our quarrel with the foe: To you from failing hands we throw The torch ; be yours to hold it high. If ye break faith with us who die We shall not sleep, though poppies grow In Flanders fields. Lieutenant-Colonel John McCrae. I HAVE A RENDEZVOUS WITH DEATH . . . I have a rendezvous with Death At some disputed barricade. When Spring comes back with rustling shade And apple-blossoms fill the air — I have a rendezvous with Death When Spring brings back blue days and fair. It may be he shall take my hand And lead me into his dark land And close my eyes and quench my breath — It may be I shaU pass him still. I have a rendezvous with Death On some scarred slope of battered hill, When Spring comes round again this year And the first meadow-flowers appear. God knows 't were better to be deep Pillowed in silk and scented down. Where Love throbs out in blissful sleep Pulse nigh to pulse, and breath to breath, Where hushed awakenings are dear. . . . But I've a rendezvous with Death At midnight in some flaming town, When Spring trips north again this year, And I to my pledged word am true, I shall not fail that rendezvous. Alan Seeoeb. ill CONTENTS PAOB Foreword ix Its Soul Goes Marching On xi War Units in Which 71st Men Served 1 Ways and Means 5 After the Eeturn from the Border — Up-State Service .... 7 At Van Cortlandt Park — The Transfer to the 165th .... 21 Off to Spartanburg — The Farewell Parades 27 The Disintegration 34 Training the 27th Division for War 40 Training the 71st at Spartanburg 49 A Phase of Training at Camp Wads worth 57 To the Hindenburg Line and Through the Hospitals .... 63 The Sergeant's Story 101 Eeminiscences of a Captain 150 After Spartanburg What? 181 The Story of Company L 196 Activities of a Corporal 240 The Story of B Company 243 Kecollections at Easy Chair Gatherings Back Home .... 257 Commendations 270 The 54th Pioneer Infantry 279 The 106th Field Artillery 281 Battles of the 27th Division 292 Killed and Died of Wounds, Accident and Disease 375 Wounded 375 V vi CONTENTS PAOK Decoeations and Citations 376 Individual Eecords of Officers and Enlisted Men 402 History of the Home Eegiment 463 Officers of the 71st Infantry, 1899-1916 512 Summary of the History of the 71st Infantry, 1899-1917 . . . 516 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Brevet Brigadier-General W. G. Bates Frontispiece PAGE Oflaeers, 71st Infantry, McAUen, Texas 4 Machine Gun Company, Orr's Mills, N. Y 20 En Eoute to the Train for Camp Wadsworth 26 Lieutenant-Colonel James Eben 34 Battalion Headquarters, 105th Infantry, near Dickebusch Late . . 62 Walker Farm, near Dickebusch Lake 62 Dickebusch Lake 62 Lieutenant-Colonel Stanley Bulkley 88 German Prisoners, LeSelle Eiver Battle 100 Hunting the Seam-Squirrel 100 The Bund, Dickebusch Lake 150 105th Infantry at Doullens 150 Lys Eiver 172 Dickebusch Village 172 Boni Cemetery 172 Convoy with "President Grant'' 180 Brest 180 40 Hommes and 8 Cheveau Car 180 Corbie 218 Euins of Peronne Cathedral 218 St. Souplet 242 Volnay 242 Eeceiving Eations at Mazingheim 256 Eeading President Wilson's Message to the Kaiser 256 vii viii LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS PAGB Australian Artillery 272 Australian Infantry 272 71st-54th Non-coms, Coblenz 278 Burial of Corporal O'Shea, Coblenz 278 Eeview 54th Pioneer Infantry, Coblenz 278 General O'Eyan, Major Kincaid and Captain Eddy 292 Peronne 292 Prisoners Carrying American Wounded, LeSelle Eiver 320 Hindenburg Line between Boni and Duncan Post 320 Eegimental Headquarters, August, 1918 348 St. Quentin 348 Bridge at St. Souplet 368 German Prisoners 368 Colonel J. Hollis Wells 462 Officers 71st Infantry New York Guard, 1917 490 71st-105th Infantry Post at Funeral of Corporal Steed 520 FOREWORD The facts and statistics herein have been collected with much difficulty. As stated at another place in this book, the old regi- ment when it left the Armory for five months' service in New York State, took with it its records for several years previous. These records, together with all records of the regiment between the time it left the Armory and when it was broken up at Spar- tanburg, were sent to Washington and have not been accessible since that time. When this story was started there was no roster of the old regiment in the Armory and no record of the transfers of the officers or enlisted men to other organizations. This history is the direct result of a desire on the part of Colonel J. Hollis Wells to have it written. Colonel Wells, with his usual attitude that nothing is quite good enough for the 71st, has never hesitated to approve the necessary expense. The writer is greatly indebted to Captain (later Lieutenant- Colonel) Stanley Bulkley, Captain Henry Maslin^ Captain (later Major) Raymond D. Hodgdon, Lieutenant (later Major) Harry Merz, Lieutenant (later Captain) Charles H. Scott and others, for support, counsel and encouragement in the compiling of this book. Captain Scott particularly has been of the greatest assist- ance. ITS SOUL GOES MARCHING ON "There's a divinity that shapes our ends, Eough-hew them how we will." We of the 71st are spiritualists. We believe that the old 71st has a spirit — a tangible, live factor. That even though the regiment were wiped out of existence, by disbandment or disin- tegration, the spirit of the 71st, so interwoven with the history of the Country, the State and the City, would still live and have its influence. Destiny has provided that radium shall be so widely distributed that many tons of material must be searched to locate the smallest unit. But the potency of radium is so great that the minutest particle ever has its influence upon its surroundings. When the old 71st infantry was disintegrated in 1917 at Van Cortlandt Park and at Camp Wadsworth, the soul of the old regiment went marching on. Men who during the war were active members of the 71st, by transfer, enlistment or commis- sion served in over 300 different organizations of the Army, Navy and Marine Corps. And we of the 71st think of these men and of the destiny that so widely distributed them as provided that the spirit of the old 71st might, at least in a measure, be conveyed to all of these different organizations and become a beneficial influence and collectively a power for the winning of the War. At another place in this volume is a list of the many organiza- tions in the Army, Navy and Marine Corps in which 71st men served. This list is not complete, as the lack of records makes it impossible to compile a complete list. But it is sufficiently com- plete to indicate the great war work of the 71st New York Infantry and the great varieties of talent possessed by its men. Their work comprises all branches from the Labor Battalion to General Headquarters. And we are proud of them all, from the man who labored with a shovel and pick to the man who led his Regiment or did executive work at Headquarters. SEVENTY-FIRST NEW YORK IN THE WORLD WAR WOELD WAR UNITS IN WHICH SEVENTY-FIRST INFANTRY MEN SERVED. Aberdeen Proving Grounds. Aero Squadrons: 47th, 314th, 327th, 328th, 491st, 496th, 608th, 609th, 661st, 813th, 826th, 831 St, 836th, 1101st. Ambulance. 107th Sanitary Train, 560th, 603rd, C. R. O. Anti-Aircraft. 2nd M. G. Bn., 3rd M. G. Bn., 5th M. G. Bn. Artillery (Coast). 5th, 30th, 32nd, 37th, 44th, 46th, 57th, 70th, Prov. Repl. Artillery (Field). 1st 10th 11th 15th 34th 43rd 52nd 53rd 55th 59th 63rd 105th 106th 149th 301st 306th 309th 312th 319th 321st 343rd Aviation. Cadets Reg. Air Corps Concentration Camp 56th Rec. 65th Rec. Bakery. 1st Balloon. Army School Balloon Air Service Corps 1st Balloon Co. 71sT NEW YORK Casual. 27th Div. Cavalry. 11th 13th 303rd 305th 310th 314th Motor Co. Chemical Welfare Service, Edgewood Arsenal Dental Corps. Depot Brigade. 53rd 103rd 151st 152nd 153rd 154th 155th 157th 159th 160th 162nd Engineer. 11th 14th 19th 20th 35th 40th 57th 102nd 103rd 104th 116th 209th 211th 212th 303rd Disciplinary Barracks Guard. Guard and Fire. 333rd 339th Headquarters. G. H. Q., A. E. F. G-2, Germany- Eastern Department First Army 27th Division 42nd Division Hospital. Camp Greenleaf Camp Hancock 44th Base 78th Base 79th Base 116th Base 117th Base 214th Base 24th Evacuation 28th Evacuation 3rd Field 23rd Field 107th Field 108th Field 166th Field 30th General 39th General 42nd General Infantry. 10th 18th 22nd 28th 30th 40th 42nd 46th 48th 62nd 105th 106th 107th 108th 110th 114th 145th 146th 148th 159th 161st 162nd 163rd 165th IN THE WORLD WAR Infantry. — Continued Military Police. — Continued 166th 226th 168th 242nd 303rd 25l8t 305th 280th 306th 285th 308th 301st 310th 304th 312th 305th 321st 306th 327th 308th 329th 2nd Intelligence S. 0. S. 330th 2nd G. H. Q. 338th 339th Motor Transport. 340th Grand Division 347th Hq. 2nd Army Corps Labor. Motor Supply 404th Ees. 116th Tr. & M. P. Div. 422nd 305th Brigade Mobile Labor 57th 320th 322nd Machine Gun. 15th 328th 105th 331st 311th 360th 316th 397th 322nd 409th Mechanics. 465th 3rd 'Reg., Anti-Aircraft 472nd Air Service Corps 551st Repair Shops, Washington 607th Q. M. C. Machinists 699th Eepair 16th Motor Tr. Repair 328th Motor Tr. Ordnance. 2nd Reg. Motor 2nd Prov. Dep, Reg. 3rd Co. Motor 4th Prov. Dep. Bn. 4th Reg. Motor 19th Prov. Co. 8th Co. Motor 23rd Prov. Co. 9th Co. Motor 11th Co. Motor Paris. 18th Co. Motor Dist. of, Hq. Guard Medical. Dist. of, Military Police Fort Slocum Enlisted Reserve Peace Commission Guard. Military Police. Photography. 27th School of Aerial 102nd 141st Pioneer. 207th 1st 219th 2nd 222nd 51st 71sT NEW YORK IN THE WORLD WAR Pioneer. — Continued 52nd 53rd 54th 55th 57th 58th 60th 61st 62iid Postal Express Service. Post Office. 708th 741st Intelligence Police 307th Printers. Prisoners of War Escort. 8th Provost Guard. Quartermaster. At Large Farm Section National Army Utilities Detachment 323rd Supply Co. 340th F. T. & H. Co. Eemount. 35th 302nd 306th 307th 330th 331st 333rd 336th Eeplacement. Auto Bn., A. E. F. Central Eee. office Depot, St. Aignan Field Artillery Medical Second Corps 17th Kecruit Co. 21st Eecruit Co. Salvage. 308th Service. 56th Army Service Corps Dep. Serv. Co. Signal. 2nd 4th 79th TO^nd 103rd 113th 116th 117th 302nd 308th 315t,h 321st 326th Aviation Section 3rd Eep. Dep. Bn. 13th Service Co. 34th Service Co. Tank. 1st Prov. 302nd 303rd 306th 307th 331st 344th Train. 102nd Sanitary 102nd Ammunition 117th Sanitary 417th Supply Trench Mortar. 20th 27th United States Marine Corps. United States Navy. Veterinary. 2nd Hospital 7th Eeg. Engineer 9th Mobile VC Aux. Eemount Depot "4-1 X M H +J _ CD 1^ o WAYS AND MEANS Soon after the men of the 71st began to return home the problem came up as to who should write a history of the 71st in the World War and how it could be done. The history of the Regiment from its beginning in 1850 up to the beginning of the World War had been written. For sixty-eight years its activities had been chronicled. To many it seemed impossible to write a World War history of the 71st as it had been completely wiped out by the transferring of all of its men to other organiza- tions. The problem was further made difficult by the fact that the old regiment when it left the armory in 1917 took with it its official records for the previous year or two and these with the records up to the time of the breaking up at Camp Wadsworth had been sent to Washington and were not available. To write the history of the 71st Eegiment in the World War might be compared to writing a family genealogy by tracing its records through the female members who had married and changed their names. The men of the 71st had been wedded to the 105th Infantry, the 165th Infantry, the 106th Field Artillery, the 106th Infantry, the 102nd Engineers, the 54th Pioneer In- fantry and many other organizations, and the history of the 71st Regiment in the World War is embodied in the history of the various organizations with which they served. As will be seen from documents quoted hereafter, about 1400 of the old 71st were transferred to the 105th Infantry, of the 53rd Brigade, of the 27th Division. This story will therefore naturally be, to a large degree, the doings of 71st men in the 105th Infantry. It would obviously be impossible to follow through the itineraries of the 165th Infantry, the 54th Pioneer Infantry, the 106th Field Artillery and the other organizations to which 71st men were transferred in one volume. The reader is referred to ''The Story of the 27th Division," by General John F. O'Ryan; to ''The Pictorial Record of the 27th Division," compiled by Alexander Starlight; to "The Short History & Illustrated Roster of the 105th Infantry," published by Edward Stem & 5 6 71sT NEW YORK IN THE WORLD WAR Co., Philadelphia, 1918; to "The History and Roster of the 54th Pioneer Infantry," pulDlished by that organization at Coblenz, Germany, 1918; to ''The Story of the Rainbow Division," by Raymond S. Tompkins; to ''The History of the A. E. F.," by Captain Shipley Thomas; to *' Father Duffy's Story" and to "The History of the 106th Regiment Field Artillery." In addi- tion to these references no doubt many other books have been published or will be published covering service and battles in which the men of the 71st Infantry participated. After the transfer of all of the members of the 71st Regiment at Spartanburg, S. C, the name "71st Infantry" of course fails to appear in the records or in the war histories. How to get the story of the 71st men in these various organizations was a subject of much thought and discussion. The history of the 105th or the 54th Pioneers or the 165th could be given, but more than this was wanted ; i.e., to show where the 71st Regiment as such came in. Efforts had been made, in rather a weak way, ever since the armistice, to get a line on the official records of 71st men, of which there were over 2800 in the United States Army, Navy and Marine Corps. Well informed officers advised that these records could not be obtained for a long time to come. The War Department was willing but pleaded lack of funds and clerical forces. It acknowledged that the records were in Wash- ington, but said that almost every State in the Union had asked for the official records of its men and that the job of furnishing copies of several millions of cards could not be done without seriously interfering with the other work of the department. The possibility of getting anything like a fairly complete set of indi- vidual record cards seemed hopeless for a while, but after weeks of searching, involving trips to Washington and elsewhere, arrangements were made to obtain copies of these record cards and such record cards are now in the possession of the regiment and abstracts from them are published in this volume. The names of men who enlisted in the 71st Infantry, New York Guard, but were transferred to the United States Army and Navy are rightfully included in this list. There will also appear names of men who were transferred one way or another from the 71st to the United States Army or Navy, but for whom no official cards can be found. AFTER THE RETURN FROM THE BORDER— UP-STATE SERVICE The 71st had returned from the Texas border and was mustered out of the United States service October 6, 1916. It had reached a maximum strength in Texas of over 1600 men ; a good sized organization in those days. Conditions in Europe and upon the high-seas indicated trouble to come for the United States, and when the regiment returned to its armory in New York, drills were at once started and the men kept in service condition. Relations with Germany had been strained for some months and it was no surprise when on March 25, 1917, the President of the United States made his first call for National Guard troops, that the 71st was the first Manhattan regiment to be called. The railroads connecting the great port of New York with the other portions of the country had become vital to the war. Shipments of provisions and munitions of war for Europe to a large degree passed through New York and the railroads carrying such sup- plies in New York State had become prominent as points of possible attack on the part of German agents when the United States entered the conflict. The commanding officer of the 71st Regiment received orders that the regiment would guard and protect railroad property in the First New York District; bounded on the south by New Jersey and Pennsylvania, on the west by Pennsylvania and Lake Erie, and on the north by an east and west line running through Albany and Buffalo, exclud- ing the cities of New York, Albany and Buffalo. Later this territory was decided to be too big for even the 71st to care for and it was reduced in area. At this period it had been decided that military movements in the United States were of such importance that every effort should be made to conceal them from German agents, and when the 71st left for its up-state duty its destination was not given to the Press nor to the general public, and all through this 7 8 71sT NEW YORK service its location was referred to in tlie papers as ' ' Somewhere in New York State." The three senior officers of the regiment upon receipt of orders for up-state duty, in order to arrange for the best possible distribution of the troops to accomplish official orders, arrived at conclusions by what is known in military parlance as '' Playing a Map Game"; that is, the territory to be covered was located on a map and after the contingencies and requirements had been carefully studied, the locations of the troops were theoretically decided. It is interesting to learn that the locations of the various headquarters and companies were not changed from the theoretical points while the regiment was on up-state duty. When the regiment was called out, the town was full of rumors as to its destination. It was stated, unofficially, that the 71st was going anywhere from Honolulu to the Canal Zone. The regi- ment was, however, distributed as follows : Regimental and Third Battalion Headquarters, Middletown. First Battalion Headquarters, Walton. Second Battalion Headquarters, Harmon. Company A, Liberty. Company B, Hancock. Company C, Walton. Company D, Sidney. Company E, Harmon. Company F, Cornwall. Company C, Poughkeepsie. Company H, Hudson. Company I, Kingston. Company K, Middletown. Company L, Middletown. Company M, Moodna, near Washington ville. Machine Gun Company, Orr's Mills. Railroad bridges, viaducts, munition plants and other prop- erty, the destruction or damaging of which would have impeded the operation of the war, were under the protection of the 71st. As it was impossible to guard the entire line of a railroad, a con- ference was held with prominent railroad officials at the armory and those officials were invited to submit a list of the points most necessary to be protected in the order of their importance. The IN THE WORLD WAR 9 engineer of the New York Central Lines agreed that the four points selected by means of the theoretical map work were the best selection that could have been made. The railroads covered were the Hudson Division and the West Shore Division of the New York Central Lines from New York to Albany; the Erie railroad, from the New York State line to Deposit, including the freight cut-off from Harriman to Port Jervis; the New York, Ontario & Western, from Cornwall to Norwich; the Delaware & Hudson for about thirty-five miles each side of Sidney; the Boston & Albany from Albany to the Massachusetts state line ; two important bridges on the Delaware & Ulster; the Lehigh & Hudson River; and the Central New England, including the Poughkeepsie bridge ; in all considerably over 800 miles of track. To perform this work efficiently in- volved the establishment of a large number of small posts and afforded a splendid opportunity for the development of non- commissioned officers, one of the vital needs in organizing the American army for the World War. The details at the posts varied from a corporal and three men to nearly a whole com- pany. The men were subsisted at farm houses, boarding houses, hotels and restaurants, at government expense. The housing and feeding of the men in many cases was largely a patriotic duty as the amount allowed by the government was not sufficient to pay the cost, but the people in the places where the men were stationed received them with open arms and both the farmers and the citizens of the flourishing towns throughout the territory covered saw to it that the men were made comfortable. In some instances the men were compelled to walk long dis- tances from their isolated posts to the places where they were fed. The weather in April was intensely cold and stormy, with snow, ice and rain. A large part of the regiment was quartered in tents, but the health of the men was excellent and most of them took on considerable weight as a result of life in the open. They entered upon their duties with enthusiasm and seriousness. Some of the details took great pride in the appearance of the posts, which were beautified by stone walks, ornamental fences, etc., and in some places vegetable gardens were laid out. The men, as a whole, made a most favorable impression wherever they were located and took an active part in Memorial Day ceremonies, 10 71sT NEW YORK Red Cross drives and other functions. Several hundred men were recruited by the 71st at points up-state during the spring and summer of 1917. Regimental headquarters was established at Middletown and armories at Newburgh, Poughkeepsie, Hud- son and Kingston were used to house troops. No railroad prop- erty was damaged while under the 71st 's guard nor was the running of trains interrupted or interfered with. The strength of the regiment was somewhat reduced while it was on duty up-state owing to the number of discharges granted to men because of dependents. Many of the requests seemed to be without merit, but it was necessary to interpret the orders in a liberal manner. The loss, however, was more than made up by enlistments from up-state locations. The popularity of the companies and details and some of the duty done can per- haps best be shown by articles quoted from New York papers and those published at places where the troops were stationed. When companies were ordered to concentrate at Van Cortlandt Park, New York City, the people up-state expressed keen regret at the departure of the men and many complimentary articles appeared with such expressions as ''The company is composed of exceptionally high grade men"; "They have been on duty here long enough to make a lot of friends who were sorry to see them go" ; ''The boys have shown that they could be good soldiers and gentlemen at the same time"; "New York City has every reason to feel proud of the 71st, the flower regiment of the United States National Guard." From the N. Y. Morning Telegraph, April 2, 1917. 2,000 NEW YORK GUARDSMEN OFF FOR WAR SERVICE ENTIRE SEVENTY-FIRST REGIMENT AND THE THIRD BATTALION OF THE TV7ENTY-THIRD INFANTRY LEAVE UNDER SEALED ORDERS Under sealed orders from the War Department the entire Seventy-first Infantry of New York and the Third Battalion of the Twenty-third Regiment of Brooklyn left their respective armories yesterday assigned to war duty at "points outside of New York City." IN THE WORLD WAR 11 Recruited almost to full war strength, 2,000 members of the two commands in heavy marching equipment, were cheered by hundreds of thousands of relatives and friends as they started out once more. They had only recently returned from the Mexican border, and were the first two units of the National Guard regiments mustered into the Federal service by President Wilson's order to be ordered out on duty. Just where the two commands are headed for is not announced for publication because of requests from the War Department. SEVENTY-FIRST LEAVES EARLY The Seventy-first Regiment was the first to get under way, leaving their armory at Park avenue and Thirty-fourth street shortly before 8 o'clock yesterday morning in three battalions. At 6:30 o'clock last night, the Third Battalion of the Twenty- third Infantry filed out of their armory. The men of the Sev- enty-first received their mobilization orders one week ago, and since that time the regiment has been under arms awaiting orders to leave the armory and take the field for actual service. The mobilization order was not issued to the Twenty-third until last Friday, and it was owing to the fact that only the Third Bat- talion had been completely mustered into the Federal service that that unit alone was ordered to move. Orders to move were received by Colonel Willam G. Bates from Major General Leonard Wood at Governor's Island Satur- day night, and shortly before 8 o'clock yesterday morning the bugle call was sounded assembling the regiment on the drill floor. A few words of advice were spoken by Colonel Bates, after which a prayer for their safety was said by the Rev. William T. Crocker, chaplain of the regiment. In less than an hour from the time assembly was sounded by the regimental bugler, the First Battalion, in command of Major Arthur E. Wells, marched from the armory. There was no music, but plenty of enthusiasm as the column in quick stride marched west through Thirty- fourth street and turned north into Fifth avenue. Major James M. Hutchinson headed the Second Battalion. They marched north in Park avenue. COLONEL BATES IN COMMAND Colonel Bates commanded the Third Battalion. They marched through Thirty-fourth street and turned south into Fifth avenue. 12 71sT NEW YORK Under orders the members of the regiment reported at sunrise yesterday morning and at 7 o'clock ''mess" was sounded. By the time assembly had been sounded the balcony of the armory and all the company rooms were filled with men and women, relatives and friends. From N. Y. Evening Telegram, April 2, 1917. FIRST DETAIL CALLED GUARDS LINE SEVENTY MILES LONG ''SOMEWHERE IN STATE" BATTALION OF 23d ALSO ' ' ON THE FRONT ' ' REGIMENTAL HEADQUARTERS SEVENTY-FIRST NEW YORK INFANTRY (Somewhere in New York) Guarding property of miltary importance in the event of war, the Seventy-first Regiment, the first troops in active service since the President's mobilization call was issued^, is established to-day in the discharge of its new duties. The clocklike precision with which the men achieved the transfer from their armory in New York to the field of activi- ties has demonstrated in a striking manner the immense benefit derived from their sojourn at the Mexican border. There was no confusion, no conflicting orders. Every officer, every man, knew what to do and how to do it. The residents of the place, whose names cannot be divulged, show the utmost enthusiasm over the men's arrival. The headquarters were established on the arrival of Colonel William G. Bates, commanding. In a few hours after the men's arrival, came the long train of motor trucks, carrying the regi- ment 's military baggage, ammunition and all the countless items of equipment which comprises the required outfit of the organization in time of war. The Third battalion was the first to arrive — exactly on time. So were the First and Second, which have gone to different destinations. The fact that they had completed their journeys without a hitch of any kind was attested by telegraphic messages between battalion and regi- mental headquarters. Nothing has pleased Colonel Bates and the other officers of the regiment more than the efficiency shown by the motor truck trains. The Third battalion train made its trip without a IN THE WORLD WAR 13 breakdown or delay of any kind. The train was greeted with cheers as it swept impressively in the town streets. Accom- panied by his adjutant, Captain H. L. Kehlbeck, after estab- lishing headquarters, Colonel Bates made a tour of inspection of the point covered by his regiment, which took him over a route seventy miles long. From N. Y. Evening World, April 7, 1917. 71ST IS SEARCHING MORE HOMES FOR SECRET WIRELESS ONE RADIO PLANT DESTROYED DISLOYAL RESIDENTS ARE FACING SPEEDY ARRESTS Colonel William G. Bates, commanding the Seventy-first Regi- ment, late yesterday, at the head of a detachment, destroyed a pow^erful private radio station. This action followed instantly upon the receipt of confidential intelligence of great importance. It is impossible to say whether Colonel Bates was advised that ''information of military value to the enemy" was being sent from this privately owned and operated station. This was not the only alarming information which caused headquarters to act to-day. Confidential reports were received by Colonel Bates that large quantities of dynamite were stored in houses of two Germans or German- Americans (it is not cer- tain whether the men are naturalized), and that the explosive was to be used at the first opportunity in dynamiting important railroad structures for the purpose of putting railroad systems out of commission and delaying the transportation of troops, munitions and supplies. Colonel Bates acted with expedition. Two detachments were ordered out under arms and they marched to the houses. When these had been surrounded the officers entered at the head of searching parties. Every possible place of concealment was searched, but no explosive was found. The result was similar at the out-buildings and yards. But so definite and apparently conclusive was the information received concerning one of the aliens that the searching officer went through all his personal papers. These failed to reveal evidence to show he was a spy or engaged in other activities against this country, but despite all this the officers were not satisfied. They demanded and 14 71sT NEW YORK received references from this man and to-day his life is being investigated through these. The military authorities have information which leads them to believe there is danger of attempts at violence by aliens or disloyal citizens upon the properties guarded by the Seventy- first, and an even greater danger of military information being conveyed to the enemy through an espionage system. It is regarded at headquarters as certain that the entire territory covered by the regiment will be searched for private radio sta- tions. Officers of the regiment pointed out to-day England's experience upon her entry into the war with these plants and the damage done through them. Colonel Bates has determined to suppress disloyalty with an iron hand. News of the seizure and internment of men may be expected at any time. Prom Hudson, N. Y., Register, May 19, 1917. PRESENTED WITH FLAG Members of the " H " company, Seventy-first regiment of New York City, headquartered here, were presented with a large American flag this week at Canaan, where they are guarding the railroad tracks as they pass into a tunnel. Teachers and children of the Canaan school walked to the tunnel and gave the soldier boys the flag. From Catskill, N. Y., Examiner, May 26, 1917. EXCELLENT SOLDIERS SEVENTY-FIRST GUARDSMEN CONDUCT THEMSELVES AS GENTLEMEN New York City has every reason to feel proud of the Seventy- first, the flower regiment of the United States National Guard. Judging from what Catskill has seen of these khaki-clad war- riors, the regiment is certainly deserving of such a title and of any of the honors which might be extended to them. For the past few months a detachment from Company I has been located in tliis village guarding the big West Shore rail- road bridge, and during that period not one complaint has been made against their conduct, character or sobriety. The guards- IN THE WORLD WAR 15 men are a clean, manly looking lot of young men, and taken individually each one has conducted himself in a manner worthy of the utmost praise. During recreation or while on duty they always possess the same genial manner, with a cheerful salute for all who pass. Their duties are performed carefully and diligently, and under Sergeant Geis, their commander, a sys- tematic method has been adopted in guarding the big bridge. It is a pleasure for Catskillians to have such a representative body of young Americans with them, and their leaving town in July will be greatly regretted. From Comwall-on-Hudson, N. Y., Press, June 21, 1917. ENLIST WITH THE MEN YOU KNOW Company F, Seventy-first Regiment, National Guard of New York State, stationed at Cornwall for several months past, has orders to recruit to war strength of 150 men. This means the addition of nearly fifty men to their existing ranks. In a recent issue of the Press, Captain Maslin made a strong appeal to young men of this vicinity to join the ranks of the guards- men, and some recruits have been secured. The required total, however, has not been reached, and an increased response is earnestly desired. Company F has been with us long enough that our people have become acquainted with them, and know them to be a thoroughly fine lot of men from the captain to the "rookies." A Cornwall young man who joins their ranks does not need to feel that he is going among strangers, but among friends. Cornwall people have given Company F cordial greeting, having in mind ever that our own husbands, sons, brothers or friends may soon be far away from us among strangers ; and Company F, in turn, have proven themselves well worthy our welcome. , Cornwall young men within the selective draft ages would find it more agreeable, we believe, to join their fortunes with this well organized, trained body of men, with whom they are acquainted, than to wait and become members of the new army, where all would be inexperienced, and officers and fel- low comrades might all be strangers. Eighteen to forty-five are the ages acceptable for enlistment in the National Guard and it is urged that men in this vicinity respond to the call. Apply at headquarters in the Corporation Office, Cornwall-on-Hudson. 16 71sT NEW YOEK From the Middletown, N. Y., Times, July 21, 1917. NEW 71ST BAND TO GIVE CONCERT The newly organized band of the Seventy-first Regiment, which is composed of 24 pieces, will give a concert at Camp Thompson Sunday afternoon, at 4 o'clock, to which the public is cordially invited. The band will also render selections at the religious service, Sunday morning, at 9 o'clock. The public is invited to this service. From Hudson, N. Y., Columbia-Eepublican, August 14, 1917. ''H" DETAIL IS HEARTILY THANKED Captain Vogel of the ''H" company. Seventy-first regiment, has received the following letter of appreciation from the local board of exemption: ''The board takes this opportunity to record its appreciation of the highly effective assistance rendered by the detail from Co. H at the time of the physical examination of the men sum- moned for Columbia county's initial quota. The detail in charge of Corporal J. CaUahan was made up of Privates Ryan, Quinn, Hood, Cahill, Carey, McDonald, O'Tool, O'Connor, Ho- sier, Pickering and Nash. Each man was alert and capable and bore himself at all times as a soldier and a gentleman. Their assistance made possible the rapid and business-like conduct of the examination, and we hope that you will convey its appre- ciation to them, and that you and the men of the company will feel at all times that this board is ready and willing to re- ciprocate to the best of its ability." From Deposit, N. Y., Cour.-Jour., August 15, 1917. SOLDIERS LEAVE DEPOSIT On Saturday afternoon the two squads of Co. B, 71st Regi- ment, N. Y. Inf., N. G., who have been guarding the Delaware River and Oquaga creek railroad bridges in this village since April 2nd, left for Hancock, the company headquarters. Mon- day morning at 5:30 Co. B struck tents, which together with their supplies, ammunition and camp equipment, were packed IN THE WORLD WAR 17 and loaded at Cadosia. At 9 :30 A. M. the company had a heavy marching order inspection, following which the grounds were cleaned up in military style. Late in the afternoon the company lined up on the ball field in heavy marching order, each man carrying his blanket roll, knapsack, canteen, ammunition belt, first aid and comfort kits, shovel, hatchet, bayonet and rifle, in all weighing about seventy pounds. Under the personal command of Captain Bulkley, the one hundred and fifty men comprising the company were given the order ''squads right, march," and the procession proceeded through the principal streets of Hancock to the O. & W. village station, north of the town. They were then lined up along- side the track, given orders to "stack arms and rolls," brought to attention, and addressed by Captain Bulkley and Judge C. E. Scott, of Deposit. They were then given leave of ab- sence until 10:00 P. M., when they entrained — thirty-two men to a car, each man a seat to himself, where they slept for the night. Tuesday morning at 6 o'clock the train left for Wee- hawken. It is expected they will camp at Van Cortlandt Park until after the big New York City parade, when they will go to the training camp at Spartanburg, S. C. Deposit is indeed lonesome without the khaki lads about the streets. The company is composed of exceptionally high grade men. From Poughkeepsie, N. Y., Star, August 15, 1917. BOYS OF THE 71ST As the boys of the Seventy-first regiment marched away yes- terday we were impressed anew with their soldierly bearing and their modest yet earnest mien. It is a matter of regret that we had not arranged a little send-off for these boys. They have been on duty here long enough to make a lot of friends who were soriy to see them go. They left their armory in New York on Palm Sunday and ever since have been doing guard duty at the Poughkeepsie bridge and the New Hamburgh tunnel. Under Captain E. W. Strong the boys have shown that they could be good soldiers and gentlemen at the same time. Their good deportment and quiet orderliness have been the subject of com- 18 71sT NEW YORK ment by our citizens. They were tjrpical American boys, and of such, will our armies in France be made up. The Star speaks for our city when it bids these young soldiers Godspeed in the tasks before them. From Monticello, N. Y., Bepub., August 17, 1917. ROUSING SEND-OFF GIVEN COMPANY A OF 71ST REGIMENT AT LIBERTY ON MONDAY — WHOLE TOWN TURNS OUT TO SAY FAREWELL The citizens of Liberty gave Company A, of the 71st Regiment, Captain Hodgdon commanding, a glorious send-off on Monday afternoon. The company, headed by a large band and escorted by the Liberty Home Defence unit. Captain Currey command- ing, made an imposing appearance as they marched to the Fair Grounds, where nearly all of Liberty assembled to give them an ovation. Co. A, the Home Defence Unit and the band were drawn up at attention and the Rev. Mr. Conrad, pastor of the Presby- terian Church, made a very appropriate address. It was a very inspiring ceremony. After the ceremonies the company was escorted uptown and the parade disbanded. Fully 1,500 people were present to do homage to the soldier boys who have been guarding the 0. & W. railroad property and who expect to leave next Tuesday for Spartanburg, S. C. In the evening a farewell ball was held in the dance hall of the Liberty House. The boys left Tuesday morning for Middletown and there was much weeping at their going and we understand many engage- ments were announced. The 0. & W. will now take up the burden of guarding the railroad property and will hire many guards for that purpose. From Sidney, N. Y., Record, August 18, 1917. GOOD LUCK TO THE BOYS A ROUSING SEND-OFF COMPANY D LEAVES SIDNEY WITH GOOD WISHES OF COMMUNITY Sharp at 5 A. M. a score of steam whistles in Sidney, Tuesday, 14th inst., cleared their throats and belched a mighty chorus in IN THE WORLD WAR 19 honor of the departing soldiers of Company D, 71st N. Y. Inf. At the Union Station as their special pulled out on time, a large concourse of people had gathered at that early hour to bid good cheer and Godspeed to the popular and well-liked company. Maidens fair braved the early dawn for what might be a last glimpse of their admirers in khaki. Outwardly gay and cheer- ful as ever, the soldiers wore the smiles that never fade, but could the tale be told many hearts among those uniforms were oppressed, leaving a town where none but friends resided ; where these four and half months the Company had been treated as honored guests. The tramp of marching feet is now no more ; the bugle sound remains silent. Stem duty is ahead. Far beyond in the East across the deep, a bunch of rattlesnakes with spiked helmets threaten the destruction of our homeland. These are the boys in khaki and others who will go from Sidney to help clean up the nest; just the right mettle to "go over the top" in gallant style and Sidney will watch for them good and sharp. The efficient and courteous staff of officers, Capt. F. R. Potter, now acting Major 1st Battalion; Lieutenant E. C. 0. Thomas, acting Company Commander; 2nd Lieutenant K. O'Connor and a non-commission staff of exceptional ability, the mainspring and backbone of all military units, speak most highly of their treatment in Sidney; pouring forth heartfelt gratitude to the citizens of Sidney and to Red Cross Chapter for many esteemed courtesies extended to Company D while in Sidney. The days spent in Sidney will always remain among the most pleasant memories of their army service and the friendships acquired never forgotten. The people of Sidney on their part can say that a better behaved military Company would be difficult to find anywhere. Gangsters and roustabouts were entirely eliminated from their ranks. They comported themselves as soldiers and gentlemen, welcomed into every home. Sidney Chapter R. C. thoughtfully prepared early morning breakfast for the Company before de- parture and each man was provided with lunch for the long journey to Weehawken. Special mention and thanks are due to Mrs. Wm. Turk, of Hotel DeCumber, who as head of the canteen committee, not only planned and ordered the provisions for two lunches each for 150 soldiers, but gave over the use of her entire kitchen to a committee of ladies for making sandwiches and packing the 20 71sT NEW YORK IN THE WORLD WAR lunches. Through the kindness of several Sidney women, 57 dozen of home-made fried cakes were donated and added to the regular lunch of sandwiches, eggs and coffee, money for which was contributed by Sidney's patriotic citizens. Company D, arriving at New York City, proceeded to report at Van Cortlandt Park, New York, and will take part in the big military parade in the city in early September. They will winter at the Na- tional Army headquarters, Spartanburg, S. C, and leave for France next spring to join Gen. Pershing's command. Then will follow a period of intensive training in present methods of warfare in France. The final act will be the clash with the Huns. God give strength of heart and soul to those who battle in righteous cause for Flag and Country; may God forefend all harm and injury. AT VAN CORTLANDT PARK— THE TRANSFER TO THE 165TH The companies of the regiment concentrated at Van Cortlandt Park on August 14, 1917, and remained in camp there until September 29. The men were in splendid physical condition after their five months of military service up-state. Eiife at Van Cortlandt Park consisted in hikes and drills including trench work and other training to be continued at Camp Wadsworth. Soon after arriving at Van Cortlandt stories appeared in the public prints regarding a proposed breaking up of certain National Guard units. Friends of the 71st, in view of its numer- ical strength and efficiency, protested that the breaking up of the 71st was not to be thought of, but on the contrary, that it was highly probable that the 71st would be one of the first National Guard regiments in the country to be ordered to France. This prophecy, however, was not to prove correct, for shortly after reaching New York orders were received to transfer 350 men from the 71st to the 165th Infantry. Great was the consternation of the friends of the 71st at the news of this transfer. Letters of protest from veterans of former wars appeared in the public prints and much bitterness was dis- played. The reason for the transfer was that the authorities at Washington had decided to organize and send overseas without delay a Division which should be typical of the different sections of the country, thereby arousing wide interest among the people in the war and in the war loans about to be brought out. The representation in this new Division from so many different points in the United States would give the press of the country something to publish in the way of overseas news of an intimate local character. "The Story of the Rainbow Division," in describing the organization of that Division, states that the formation of it was brought about by a story in the afternoon papers that a 21 22 71sT NEW YORK Division of American troops was to be formed from National Guard organizations in 26 states and the District of Columbia. The 26 states took in every part of the country except New England. America was sending a ^ ' Rainbow ' ' of hope to Europe. "When the time came to pick a New York regiment, the 69th was selected as a nucleus, being a regiment of loyal Irish with a fine history. Added to the 69th were 350 men from each of the 7th, 12th, 14th, 23rd and 71st regiments, 1750 men. The men of the 71st who were transferred to the 165th did their full duty throughout the war, and of them 44 were killed or died of wounds or disease and 136 were wounded. The itinerary of the 165th Infantry which follows will give an idea of the activ- ities of the men who served in that regiment. ITINERARY OF THE 165TH INFANTRY (1) Headquarters, 42nd Division, arrived in France 1st No- vember, 1917. (2) Successive locations of Division Headquarters since ar- rival in France are as follows: IN FRANCE Location Arrived Left St. Nazaire 1 Nov., '17 6 Nov., 17 Vaucouleurs 8 Nov., '17 12 Dec, '17 Lafauche 12 Dec, '17 26 Dec, '17 Rolampont 26 Dec, '17 17 Feb., '18 Luneville (Lorraine Sector) 17 Feb., '18 31 Mar., '18 Baccarat (Lorraine Sector) 31 Mar., '18 21 June, '18 Chatel-sur-Moselle 21 June, '18 22 June, '18 St. Germain-la- Ville 23 June, '18 29 June, '18 Vadenay Farm (Champagne Sec- tor) 29 June, '18 21 July, '18 La Ferte-sous-Jouarre (Chateau- Thierry) 21 July, '18 24 July, '18 Trugny (Chateau-Thierry Sector) Rear Echelon, Le Ferte-sous- Jouarre 24 July, '18 28 July, '18 Beauvardes (Chateau-Thierry Sector) 28 July, '18 12 Aug., '18 Rear Echelon, Trugny. IN THE WORLD WAR 23 Location Arrived Left La Ferte-sous-Jouarre (Chateau- Thierry) 12 Aug., '18 Bourmont 17 Aug., '18 Chatenois 30 Aug., '18 Colombey-les-Belles 5 Sept., '18 Toul 8 Sept., '18 Moved to Beuvardes August 4, 1918. Ansauville (St. Mihiel Sector) . . Rear Echelon, Bruley 9 Sept., '18 Essey (St. Mihiel Sector) Rear Echelon, Ansauville 14 Sept., '18 Bois de Pannes (St. Mihiel Sec- tor) Rear Echelon, Bouconville. ... 25 Sept., '18 Benoite-Vaux-Couvent 1 Oct., '18 Recicourt 4 Oct., '18 Bois de Montf aucon Rear Echelon, Recicourt 6 Oct., '18 Cheppy (Argonne Sector) 11 Oct., '18 Camp Drachen (Argonne Sector) Rear Echelon, Recicourt 19 Oct., '18 Champigneulles (Argonne Sector) Rear Echelon, Recicourt 3 Nov., '18 Autruche (Argonne Sector) Rear Echelon, Recicourt 4 Nov., '18 Grandes Armoises (Argonne Sec- tor) Rear Echelon, Recicourt 6 Nov., '18 7 Nov., '18 Maisoncelle (Argonne Sector) . . . Rear Echelon, Recicourt 7 Nov., '18 Buzancy 10 Nov., '18 Landreville 14 Nov., '18 Brandeville 16 Nov., '18 Montmedy 20 Nov., '18 IN BELGIUM Virton 21 Nov., '18 22 Nov., '18 Arlon 22 Nov., '18 23 Nov., '18 17 Aug., '18 30 Aug., '18 5 Sept., '18 8 Sept., U8 9 Sept., '18 14 Sept., '18 25 Sept., '18 1 Oct., '18 4 Oct., '18 6 Oct., '18 11 Oct., '18 19 Oct., '18 3 Nov., '18 4 Nov., '18 6 Nov., '18 10 Nov., '18 14 Nov., '18 16 Nov., '18 20 Nov., '18 21 Nov., '18 Left 2 Dec, 18 3 Dec., '18 5 Dec., '18 6 Dec, '18 8 Dec, '18 9 Dec, '18 15 Dec, '18 24 71sT NEW YORK IN LUXEMBURG Location Arrived Mersch 23 Nov., '18 Consdorf 2 Dec, '18 IN GERMANY Welschbillig 3 Dec, '18 Speicher 5 Dec, '18 Birresborn 6 Dec, '18 Dreis 8 Dec, '18 Adenau 9 Dec, '18 Ahrweiler 15 Dec, '18 Some idea of life in the 71st while the regiment was at Van Cortlandt Park may be had from the following article published in the New York Evening World, September 17, 1917 : From N. Y. Evening World, September 17, 1917. MEN OF SECOND BRIGADE ARE MARVELS OF EFFICIENCY AND NEATNESS KNOW HOW TO CARE FOR FOOD WHEN THEY GET IT AND HOW TO COOK AND SERVE IT, AS WELL AS HOW TO CLEAN UP EVERY SCRAP AND PREVENT OFFENSIVE SIGHTS AND ODORS CLEANLINESS AND ORDERLINESS RULE IN THEIR TENTS AND COMPANY STREETS. Five thousand men are keeping house in Van Cortlandt Park. They are the members of the Seventy-first, the Twenty-third and the First. And a more cleanly, orderly, comfortable, boiled- down-to-the-first-principles housekeeping does not exist than that which I was privileged to observe yesterday in the tented town that begins at the entrance to the park's formal gardens and reaches as far as one can see. Doubtless, when they are at home, these tanned, smiling, smoking boys drop cigarette ashes all over the carpet, don't know what the dishpan looks like and never pick up an article of clothing once they have laid it down. In camp they wash all their dishes. They do their own laundry work. They make their beds. They keep their tents in order. They rush after an errant scrap of paper on a company street with the feverish IN THE WORLD WAR 25 zeal of a New England housewife who sees a crumb or a white thread clinging to her carpet. And in each company two or three men cook for the other hundred and forty odd three meals that are abundant, nourishing and decidedly appetizing. Dear mothers and sisters and sweethearts, send your boys all the chocolate cake and jelly you please. It won't be wasted — but, on the other hand, don't worry for fear Tom or Jack is suf- fering from malnutrition. Thanks to the courteous hospitality of Mess-Sergeant F. W. Cleeve, the artist and I messed yesterday with Company L of the Seventy-first. We had hamburger steak with a delicious sauce of tomato, onion and peppers; bread, coffee and canned peaches — a good enough lunch for anybody. And it cost just ISi/o cents per person. Feeding one's family is of course the most important feature of housekeeping. Therefore when we inspected the man-made variety we went at once to the cook tents. The first of these is headquarters mess, and then follows in order the mess of each company at the head of the company street. Two picturesque persons are in charge of headquarters mess. The head cook is a full-blooded Pawnee Indian, Bright Star. He is one, too, in the culinary firmament ; I had some of his beef stew. His associate is W. C. Miller, formerly a champion swim- mer. Just outside the cook tent is the regulation army stove, in which the fire is built in the ground. Over the trench con- taining burning logs is set the low sheet-iron stove, with a big oven and space for boiling and frying. At one side is the in- cinerator — another trench. There was a wash-boiler full of potatoes, a kettle of stew and a forty-quart can of coffee cooking when we arrived. The camp kitchens are marvels of ingenious adaptation. They differ in details, but the general plan is the same. Tables, shelves and cupboards are constructed of the packing cases in which the canned goods arrive. Besides quantities of the latter, oat- meal, crackers, salt, pepper, eggs and spices were set out in orderly rows at the first cook tent we visited. Behind a board nailed upon two cleats were stuck big knives and spoons. Hang- ing to the tent pole was a long wooden paddle for stirring the coffee and three or four big hooks for opening the oven door and lifting hot kettles off the stove. When we arrived at the tent the noon mess was being pre- pared — beans for this group. Each company has its own menu. Into two big pans, 3 feet square and a foot and a half deep. 26 71sT NEW YORK IN THE WORLD WAR Chef Bright Star and Chef Miller turned a case and a half of beans — 36 cans. Then sugar, salt and pepper went in by the handful. The gargantuan proportions of all the dishes, even of the seasoning, make one certain that Uncle Sam never lets his nephews go hungry. For breakfast yesterday this mess had bacon and eggs, fried potatoes, prunes, bread and coffee. For dinner they were given roast ham — four hams ; spinach, 24 cans, and one and one-half bushels of potatoes. Forty quarts of coffee are prepared for each meal. Yet the food cost per man per day is only 40 cents. Each cook tent has its refrigerator. In that belonging to Chef Bright Star I noted potato salad, cold corned beef, salad dressing, syrup, milk, oranges, ham, cake, butter and a little can of triple typhoid vaccine. ''Our men get fried potatoes," Chef Bright Star told me proudly, "and most of the other messes have to get along wdth boiled. Also men from them come here and try to get some of our coffee." Incidentally, Chef Bright Star gets up about 4:15 every morning, although there's nothing about it in the regulations, to give fresh, hot coffee to the band. From his domain we strolled down the line of the Seventy- first, with Mess-Sergeant Cleeve, pursued by appetizing odors. Some of the cook tents are sheltered with mosquito netting. The trench where the waste is destroyed, at the side of Company K's tent, is decorated with a bouquet of asters and a headstone inscribed : Here Lies General Incinerator, A Hot Sport, Erected by Company K, Seventy-first New York Infantry. OFF TO SPARTANBURG— THE FAREWELL PARADES While at Van Cortlandt the friends and relatives of the men were constant visitors to the camp and liberal leaves of absence to the men permitted them to visit their homes for what to some of them was their last home coming. The men were supplied by their friends and the many good women doing war work with articles of comfort and small delicacies and received many a word of encouragement and cheer that helped them during the long period of suffering and discomfort that followed. On August 30 the 71st took part in the farewell parade of the 27th Division. The New York papers were full of words of praise for the showing made by the 71st, which was cheered along the entire route of the parade. In the morning Sun of August 31 a three-column picture was published headed ''New York Guardsmen in Perfect Alignment March Away to War," and was followed by the statement ''The photograph shows the head of the 71st Infantry passing the reviewing stand in front of the Public Library at 5th Avenue and 42nd Street, where the parade was reviewed by Governor Whitman, Mayor Mitchell and other officials. Note the splendid formation and even line of the men of Colonel Bates's command — the men marched with easy, swinging step and were greeted with the plaudits of the multitude throughout the line of march. ' ' On the evening of September 23rd, 1917, a performance for the benefit of the regiment was given at the Hippodrome with the co-operation of the New York Theatrical Managers. A long program was rendered, leading artists of the concert and vaude- ville stage appearing. This benefit was a very great success both from a financial and artistic standpoint and was a tangible, sub- stantial testimonial to the regiment from its friends in the the- atrical profession and other lines of business in New York. The fund raised has been kept intact for the benefit of the families of the men who were members of the 71st during the World's 27 28 71sT NEW YORK "War. Many needy ones have received assistance from the com- mittee administering it. The officer personnel of the regiment while at Van Cortlandt Park was as follows: Colonel William G. Bates, Lieutenant-Colonel James M. Hutchinson, Major Arthur E. Wells, Major James Eben, Major Walter A. DeLamater, Adjutant-Captain Harvard A. Kehlbeek, Surgeon Major Lucius A. Salisbury, Asst. Surg. Captain Arthur R. Addy, Asst. Surg. 1st Lieutenant Charles D. Kayser, Asst. Surg. 1st Lieutenant Sexton C. Roane, Asst. Surg. Dental Corps, 1st Lieutenant Edward L. Mastin, Chaplain William T. Crocker, Adjutant 1st Lieutenant Ernest C. Dreher, Adjutant 1st Lieutenant Francis H. Beglin, Adjutant 1st Lieutenant William L. Forbes, Jr. Company A: Captain Raymond F. Hodgdon, 1st Lieutenant John J. Lane, 2nd Lieutenant Francis J. Ridgeway. Company B : Captain Stanley Bulkley, 1st Lieutenant Harry Merz, 2nd Lieutenant Edward R. Meriwether. Company C: Captain W. A. H. Ely, 1st Lieutenant John J. Callahan, 2nd Lieutenant Albert E. Comstock. Company D : Captain Frank R. Potter, 1st Lieutenant E. C. 0. Thomas, 2nd Lieutenant Kevney O'Connor, Company E : Captain Clarence F. True, 1st Lieutenant Frederic K. Lovell, 2nd Lieutenant Leon A. Eben. Company F : Captain Henry Maslin, 1st Lieutenant Charles H. Scott, 2nd Lieutenant Joseph E. Barrell. Company G : Captain Ernest W. Strong, 1st Lieutenant James H. George, 2nd Lieutenant VACANT. IN THE WORLD WAR 29 Company H: Captain Frederick W. Vogel, 1st Lieutenant Harry L. Conway, 2nd Lieutenant Richard P. Powers. Company I: Captain Stephen J. DeLanoy, 1st Lieutenant Thomas B. Paton, Jr., 2nd Lieutenant Lawrence P. Clarke. Company K: Captain Ellis A. Robertson, 1st Lieutenant Alexander Granat, 2nd Lieutenant Edward Warschauer. Company L: Captain George F. Terry, 1st Lieutenant— VACANT, 2nd Lieutenant Rexford Crewe. Company M: Captain Joseph H. McDermott, 1st Lieutenant Ames T. Brown, 2nd Lieutenant Leo F. Giblyn. Machine Gun Co. : Captain Ernest C. Schroeder, 1st Lieutenant Frederick C. Kuehnle, 2nd Lieutenant Mai-vin L. Atkins, 2nd Lieutenant— VACANT. Supply Company: Captain William R. Fearn, 2nd Lieutenant George G. Fleming. The regiment left Van Cortlandt Park, en route to Camp Wadsworth, S. C, on September 29th, 1917. Perhaps no better description of its enthusiastic reception as it paraded through the city can be given than by quoting the following article from the New York Herald, September 30th, 1917 : From N. Y. Herald, September 30, 1917. GREAT CROWD CHEERS AND WAVES CITY'S FARE- WELL TO SEVENTY-FIRST Infantrymen Last of National Guard to Leave for Camp ''The Gang's All Here," Their Parting Shout Recruits from Brooklyn and Veterans' Association Win Applause New York city gave its last big farewell party to National Guard troops of the State yesterday afternoon, when hundreds of thousands lined Fifth avenue for hours to wish the Seventy- 30 71sT NEW YORK first and the Twenty-third infantry regiments Godspeed on their way to Camp Wadsworth, Spartanburg, S. C, from which train- ing place they will go ' ' across. ' ^ The police estimated the crowd in Fifth avenue from Fifty-seventh to Twenty-third street as the largest which has assembled since the send-off parade. The fact that all workers were enjoying the half holiday and that both Manhattan and Brooklyn were represented by the soldiers brought forth such enormous numbers that it required the police reserves of Manhattan and the Bronx to keep the streets clear. In a sense the farewell was a duplication of those that have gone before. But there were features that made the leaving of the two regiments distinctive. For example, the fact that the Seventy-first is the last Manhattan regiment to entrain for Spar- tanburg made for an enthusiastic showing of patriotism by the crowds. Then, in addition, friends of the Seventy-first know that in all probability when the regiment returns — that part of it which does return — it will not be as the Seventy-first but as some other organization. For the War Department has an- nounced that in all probability the regiment will be split up and the sections merged with other units. TRIED TO REACH WAR STRENGTH The Twenty-third, too, was distinctive in the acclaim it re- ceived, particularly because of the bold endeavor the men made in the last ten days to stave off the same loss of identity which threatens the Seventy-first by recruiting the body to full war strength. In a whirlwind campaign the regiment obtained 829 recruits in ten days, bringing their total force yesterday to 2,542 men, sufficient, believe the officers, to warrant the War Depart- ment in giving them enough men to build the regiment to a war strength of 3,600. Because of orders which first had given the regiment eight o'clock as the time to leave Van Cortlandt Park, when assembly sounded the camps of nearly five thousand men swarmed into activity. Every effort was made to restore again the semblance of a park. Relatives who had arrived early for a last intimate talk found themselves in the way, and gave precedence to military need. Father Thomas S. McGrath, camp chaplain for the two IN THE WORLD WAR 31 regiments by Cardinal Farley's designation, and Miss Guila Morosini, '' daughter of the regiment" for both bodies, and who has treated the men time and again to home delicacies, were among the callers. The men waved them both a spontaneous good-bye. SEVENTY-FIRST LEADS WAY Although the Seventy-first was the first to parade in Fifth avenue, it was preceded at the camp by the Twenty-third. At twenty-one minutes to one o 'clock the Twenty- third entered four special subway trains at 242nd street, and proceeded to Grand Central. There they detrained and waited in Madison avenue until the Seventy-first had passed, when they swung into the ''gateway to France" at Forty-fourth street. The Seventy-first left the camp at one o'clock, and detrained at Columbus Circle. There, with Colonel William G. Bates leading, the 1,860 men. under an escort of mounted police, swung down Broadway to Fifty-seventh and through that street to Fifth avenue. At that point they picked up their guard of honor, the Veteran Associa- tion of the Seventy-first, led by Major-General Francis Y. Greene, who commanded the regiment before the Spanish war. Behind them came the depot battalion, commanded by Lieu- tenant-Colonel J. Hollis Wells, and with him Captain J. Alfred Chard. Dressed mainly in civilian clothing, the "old boys" received a fine hand all along the line of march. They dropped out at Twenty-third street and reviewed the fighters. At fifteen minutes past two o'clock the police cleared Fifth avenue of all vehicular traffic, and until the last of the Twenty-third had swung into Twenty- third street, at ten minutes to four o'clock, the avenue was a solid undulating olive drab wave of marching men. There was only fifteen minutes between the two regiments, that time being allowed the Seventy-first to clear from the ferries in West Twenty-third street before the Twenty-third arrived. The last of the first body had barely passed Forty-fourth street before the Twenty-third marched out and followed in their trail. The enthusiasm that they aroused showed that the crowd was not yet jaded of excitement. The same arrangements met both regi- ments in the parade, the same tumultuous applause, the same 32 71ST NEW YOKK tearful good-byes of relatives, and the same resolute look of deter- mination stamped the faces of the men. Packages containing home cooked food for the train trip to Camp Wadsworth were slipped under the arms of the boys ; little home made wristlets and socks and sweaters appeared here and there, and over the whole there rained from office windows and from the crowds on the sidewalks showers of cigarettes, candy and flowers, with now and then a flurry of money for the purchase of these comforts. CROWD CHEERS VETERANS Perhaps the most applauded section was that consisting of six veterans of the Twenty-third who served in the Civil War and marched under their tattered banner. They were A. M. Wylder, C. H. Cattore, A. A. Bobbins, W. G. Barker, W. T. Shaehe and Leo Wood. The veterans of the Seventy-first received their meed of applause, too, and were not too tired after marching from Fifty- seventh street to Twenty-third street to turn about and march back up Madison avenue to the armory at Thirty-fourth street. As the men of both regiments halted in Twenty-third street to ''take up slack" and wait for the ferryboats, women ran from their homes with pitchers of ice lemonade and enormous cakes, which the men drank and ate with gratitude and appreciation. In the little park at Tenth avenue and Twenty-third street stood hundreds of persons, heads bared, as the men marched by to the boats and singing "Auld Lang Syne." The men picked it up and the volume of melody that they sent crashing across the Hudson was greater than any which had preceded it on the march down town. It remained, however, for the pulling out of the ferryboats to make the men bring in the old classics. Then it was that, packed deep and vociferous, the men bellowed forth as the boat churned its way to Jersey City the same song which every regiment has sung on the same point. It wasn 't ' ' God Be With You Till We Meet Again" or *'The Star Spangled Banner" or ''America." It was "Hail, Hail, the Gang's All Here." The regiment arrived in Jersey City about 5:00 P. M., but owing to delay on the part of the railroad, the first section was IN THE WORLD WAR 33 not loaded in the cars until nearly 9 o 'clock ; the second and third sections were loaded later in the evening. The first section arrived at Camp Wadsworth about 2 o'clock on the afternoon of October 1st, marched to its camp site and proceeded to make camp in a very rough, hilly location. The second section arrived early in the evening and the third section on the morning of October 2nd. The camp site of the regiment consisted of an area on the side of a hill part of which was so steep that it was impossible to pitch tents. The only permanent buildings pro- vided by the government were kitchens, mess-halls, shower baths and sheds for latrines. THE DISINTEGRATION For some time there had been persistent rumors that the New York Division was to be reorganized to form one division under the new tables of organization. In this connection it is interest- ing to note that a man employed in the War Department in a civil capacity and having access to all the inspection reports, having made a careful study of all of them, came to New York and enlisted in the 71st for the reason that the reports as to efficiency made by regular army officers showed that the 71st was the most efficient National Guard organization in the United States. There was a general feeling among the enlisted men, especially among the newer men, that neither the Government nor the State had shown due consideration to the 71st in the skeletonizing of the regiments. In order to aid recruiting the regiment had used the slogan ''Enlist and Go With Your Friends," and this had been spread on billboards from New York to Buffalo and hundreds of men had enlisted in order that they might fight in a regiment with their friends and under officers whom they knew and re- spected. It was heart-breaking to the 71st and its friends to see the splendid organization broken up. The transfers of men to the different organizations as far as possible comprised those who volunteered for such transfers, but naturally a large per- centage of the men transferred went to organizations contrary to their inclination. The transfer of one man to the 165th so affected him that he committed suicide at Camp Mills. In most cases, however, the spirit of the true soldier prevailed and the men, realizing that the transfers were inevitable, accepted this unexpected move as part of the great game and with the resolve to give the best that was in them to their new organiza- tions and to conduct themselves therein in a manner that would reflect nothing but credit upon the old regiment with its war history of 1861 and 1898. The training at Camp Wadsworth 34 Lieutenant -Colonel James Eben, 1st Jnf antry ; 54th Pioneer Infantry; Eastern Department, U. S. A. 71sT NEW YORK IN THE WORLD WAR 35 included^ in addition to the ordinary open- and close-order drills and rifle practice, such advanced World War necessities as trench construction and defense, grenade throwing, bayonet practice and use of the gas mask, all under the instruction of wounded British non-commissioned officers who had been evacuated from the lines and assigned to instruction work in America. The regiment was in camp at Spartanburg for exactly seven months, during all of which time a restless desire to get over- seas and engage the Hun was apparent. The men had been trained to a state of almost physical perfection and had been schooled in the gentle art of killing the enemy to a point where they were often referred to as ''human fighting machines." Under such conditions, with every man ready to settle an argu- ment with his fists at the slightest provocation, there were many individual differences settled with the boxing gloves. But over and above any trifles of this kind the great spirit was foremost of first, last and all the time getting in the best possible condition to represent home and country in the argument overseas. On October 30th Commanding Officer and Headquarters Bat- talion entrained for the beginning of the overseas journey. The story of the trip to Camp Stuart and across the ocean and of the doings of 71st men overseas is told in the accounts following, written by Colonel Bulkley, Captains Maslin, Hodgdon, Strong and Scott, Lieutenant Merz, Sergeant Cochrane and others. General Orders No. 9, Headquarters 27th Division, U. S. A., dated Spartanburg, S. C., October 1, 1917, skeletonized the 71st Infantry by transfers, as follows : HEADQUARTERS 27th DIV., U. S. A., Camp Afadsworth. ^^^^No ^''^^^^l Spartanburg, S. C, October 1, 1917. Pursuant to telegraphic instructions from the War Depart- ment, dated September 11, 1917, this division is organized under the provisions of General Orders No. 101, War Department, 1917, asfoUows:— 36 71sT NEW YORK (b) The 105th Regiment of Infantry. Captain William H. Ely, transferred thereto from 71st N. Y. Infantry. Captain Frank R. Potter, transferred thereto from 71st N. Y. Infantry. Captain Raymond F. Hodgdon, transferred thereto from 71st N. Y. Infantry. Captain Henry Maslin, transferred thereto from 71st N. Y. Infantry. Captain George F. Terry, transferred thereto from 71st N. Y. Infantry. Captain Ernest W. Strong, transferred thereto from 71st N. Y. Infantry. Captain Stanley Bulkley, transferred thereto from 71st N. Y. Infantry. 1st Lieutenant Harry Merz, transferred thereto from 71st N. Y. Infantry. 1st Lieutenant John J. Callahan, transferred thereto from 71st N. Y. Infantry. 1st Lieutenant Edward CO. Thomas, transferred thereto from 71st N. Y. Infantry. 1st Lieutenant Ernest C. Dreher, transferred thereto from 71st N. Y. Infantry. 1st Lieutenant Frederick K. Lovell, transferred thereto from 71st N. Y. Infantry. 1st Lieutenant Charles H. Scott, transferred thereto from 71st N. Y. Infantry. 1st Lieutenant Alexander Granat, transferred thereto from 71st N. Y. Infantry. 1st Lieutenant John J. Lane, transferred thereto froml 71st N. Y. Infantry. 1st Lieutenant Harry L. Conway, transferred thereto from 71st N. Y. Infantry. 1st Lieutenant William L. Forbes, Jr., transferred thereto from 71st N. Y. Infantry. 1st Lieutenant James H. George, transferred thereto from 71st N. Y. Infantry. 2nd Lieutenant Albert E. Comstock, transferred thereto from 71st N. Y. Infantry. 2nd Lieutenant George G. Fleming, transferred thereto from 71st N. Y. Infantry. IN THE WORLD WAR 37 2nd Lieutenant Rexford Crewe, transferred thereto from 71st N. Y. Infantry. 2nd Lieutenant Joseph E. Barrell, transferred thereto from 71st N. Y. Infantry. 2nd Lieutenant Edward R. Meriwether, transferred thereto from 71st N. Y. Infantry. 2nd Lieutenant Richard P. Powers, transferred thereto from 71st N. Y. Infantry. 2nd Lieutenant Kevney O'Connor, transferred thereto from 71st N. Y. Infantry. 2nd Lieutenant Leon A. Eben, transferred thereto from 71st N. Y. Infantry. 2nd Lieutenant Edward Warschauer, transferred thereto from 71st N. Y. Infantry. 2nd Lieutenant Leo P. Giblyn, transferred thereto from 71st N. Y. Infantry. 2nd Lieutenant Lawrence P. Clarke, transferred thereto from 71st N. Y. Infantry. 2nd Lieutenant Marvin L. Atkins, transferred thereto from 71st N. Y. Infantry. 2nd Lieutenant Francis J. Ridgeway, transferred thereto from 71st N. Y. Infantry. The Commanding Officer, 71st N. Y. Infantry will transfer to the 105th Regiment of Infantry 1,375 enlisted men of appro- priate grades. ******* Non-commissioned staff officers, first sergeants, mess and sup- ply sergeants and bandsmen will not be included in the transfers so made. (c) The 106th Regiment of Infantry. Major Walter A. DeLamater, transferred thereto from 71st N. Y. Infantry. ******* The Commanding Officers, 1st, 71st and 74th Regiments of Infantry, will each transfer to the 106th Regiment of Field Artillery 158 enlisted men of appropriate grades. As far as practicable, the transfers hereby directed will consist of men who have volunteered for this service. 38 71sT NEW YORK The Commanding Officers, 1st, 12th, 14th, 71st and 74th Regi- ments, N. Y. Infantry, will each transfer to the 102nd Regiment of Engineers 87 enlisted men of appropriate grades. As far as practicable the transfers hereby directed will consist of men who have volunteered for this service. « # # # ^ # # VIII. (a) Officers of the Medical Department are assigned as follows : The 106th Regiment of Infantry — Major Lucius A. Salisbury. (b) The enlisted personnel of the Medical Department will be transferred from and to the several organizations indicated as follows : — From To Rank 71st N. Y. Infantry. .106th Regiment of Infantry . . 2 Sergeants 4 Privates, 1 cl. 6 Privates 71st N. Y. Infantry. .105th Regiment of Field Art. .1 Sergeant, 1 cl. 1 Sergeant 7 Privates 71st N. Y. Infantry. . 102nd Field Signal Battalion. .1 Private XIV. Organizations of the division rendered surplus by the operation of this order will retain their original State designa- tions until further orders. By Command of Brigadier General Phillips: FRANKLIN W. WARD, Lieutenant-Colonel, Acting Chief of Staff. Official : Allan L. Reagan, Adjutant-General, Acting Adjutant. On January 3, 1918, the residue of the 71st Infantry was designated the 54th Pioneer Infantry. The 71st officers IN THE WORLD WAR 39 transferred to the 54th Pioneer Infantry were as fol- lows : — Colonel William G. Bates, Major A. E. Wells, Major James Eben, Captain (Regt. Adjutant) Harvard A. Kehlbeck, Chaplain William T. Crocker, Captain Ellis A. Robertson, Captain Joseph H. McDermott. TRAINING THE 27TH DIVISION FOR WAR EXTRACTED FROM ' ' THE STORY OF THE 27th DIVISION,' MISSION OF MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN F. 'RYAN The character of training received by the personnel of the divi- sion very largely determined the standard of their efficiency. Viewed superficially, it does not seem a difficult matter for any experienced officer to prescribe an appropriate course of mili- tary training suited to meet the needs of a particular body of troops. When, however, the problem is carefully examined, it will be found always that there are many circumstances which affect its solution, and which call for decisions that are certain to affect favorably or adversely the general result. In the first place, a course of training suited to an organization that may have had little field experience might not be productive of good results in another organization schooled and experienced in field work. Again, modern war is so comprehensive in its operations and so complicated in its details, that the great number of activi- ties in which the men should be trained is apt to twist training programs from the solid foundation of fundamental necessities to the instabilities of new and attractive specialties. ******* When the war came it was a question which group, the pro- fessional or the citizen officers, were most changed as a result of war service. A score of comments and inquiries every day showed that some of the professional officers for some months after the war commenced were like persons in a dream, so new and extraordinary to them seemed the events that were transpir- ing. Pay day and no men drunk, trainloads of supplies received, unloaded, checked and issued in a period of time usually re- quired for the unloading of one truck, pumping stations in- stalled, pipe lines laid, motors repaired, telephones installed, instruments of all kinds operated by soldiers already skilled in their work. 40 71sT NEW YORK IN THE WORLD WAR 41 There were other interesting considerations and influences which affected the question of training which should be men- tioned. There were numerous officers, most of them British, who sincerely believed that the war would be won with the bayo- net. Others just as sincere advocated that all training should be subordinated to the development of machine gunners and machine gun units. Still others believed in the dominating im- portance of bombs, or of grenades, mining operations, gas, airplanes, or of some other specialty. There existed also a school of officers who believed that the World War marked a complete change in tactical principles and that time expended in ma- neuvers was time wasted. Such officers believed that trench war- fare should be featured in training and every detail of trench operations worked out with the greatest nicety and precision. ******* The training problem at the outbreak of the war was com- plicated by a veritable avalanche of books, booklets, pamphlets and bulletins covering every phase and aspect of the conduct of war, which were delivered at the training camps almpst daily. These came from the War Department and apparently had been prepared hurriedly by officers on duty in Washington. Most of them were reprints and adaptations of foreign books and pamphlets. Some of them were illuminating and valuable. Many were repetitions of other pamphlets^, while a considerable per- centage were obsolete. Out of this mass of considerations, influences, orders, require- ments, recommendations of foreign officers, and textbooks, re- course was had to the reflection that throughout the entire history of war, certain principles in relation to the training of soldiers have never changed. The first of these is that the ideal army is composed of soldiers, possessing, first, moral character and physical fitness ; second, team;- work ; third, expertness in use of weapons and in tactics. With these principles in mind, train- ing programs were arranged and instructors assigned so that no department of training should be featured at the expense of others and all effort directed to the development of a divisional team possessing the qualities mentioned. ******* In the field of physical training it was laid down as a maxim that the physical excellence of a command is not to be judged by the athletic prowess of a few champions, but rather by the physical skill, strength and endurance of the mass. Athletic 42 71sT NEW YORK meets were, therefore, not overencouraged. On the other hand, games employing large numbers were encouraged. So superior seemed the British system of physical training to anything which we had employed in our own army that with slight modifications it was adopted and given over almost wholly to the charge of Major John B. Sharp, the Buffs Regiment, British Army, who was one of the able officers sent to the division by the British Military Mission to aid in the training of the troops. Major Sharp established and maintained a high standard of disciplined efficiency, not only in the work of physical training, but also in all branches of instruction conducted by the British personnel. He was ably assisted by Company Sergeant-Major William Tector of the Leinster Regiment, who was one of the experienced instructors of the British Army Gymnastic Corps. ******* It was the theory of the British system of physical training that the war had shown the necessity for something more than mere m;uscular development in the physical training of soldiers. Raids and local combats conducted by groups and detachments of the British Army early in the war had indicated the de- sirability of some form of physical training which would stimu- late the attention of the men, as well as develop^ their muscles and at the same time tighten the relation between the mind and muscle, so that the latter would become automatically and in- stantaneously responsive to the former and the former instan- taneously resourceful in applying miethods to aid the latter when hard pressed. British combat experience had indicated that groups of fighting men are most effective when their training is such that at the height of the noise and confusion of local com- bat they are, as a team, automatically responsive to commands. The character and diversity of the specialty schools may be understood by enumerating them and giving an outline of their work. They were: GRENADE SCHOOL (Hand and Rifle). All foot soldiers were put through the hand grenade course and a very large percentage through the course in the use of rifle grenades. The course covered an understanding of the make-up and of all de- tails affecting grenades and their uses, with practice in throw- ing and firing dummy grenades, finishing with practice with live grenades. BAYONET FIGHTING AND PHYSICAL TRAINING IN THE WORLD WAR 43 SCHOOL. This was the course through which non-commis- sioned officers and others specially selected to serve as instructors in platoon were schooled in these subjects. MUSKETRY SCHOOL. The course provided by this school was for the purpose of developing expert instructors in moisketry training. The course included theory and practice of rifle fire, methods and effects of fire, and the relation of rapidity, ac- curacy, distance, cover, shelter, visibility and control, to fire effectiveness in battle. AUTOMATIC ARMS SCHOOL. Here were trained the auto- matic riflemen of the Infantry companies in the technical use of automatic arms. These included the Lewis gun, later used by the division with the British army, the light Browning, used by the American army, and the Chauchat, used by the French army. MACHINE GUN SCHOOL. This school constructed its own machine gun range and provided constant training of a practical character in the solution of machine gun problems and the de- velopment of machine gun non-comtmissioned officers. ONE POUNDER SCHOOL. No one pounder cannon were furnished the division until after its arrival in France and, ac- cordingly, the instruction in this field was confined to theoretical work. STOKES MORTAR SCHOOL. This school was in charge of Captain A. N. Braithwaite, General List, British army, who had considerable experience in combat with the Stokes mortar. No Stokes mortars were furnished the division until about sixty days before its departure from Camp Wadsworth. In the absence of these weapons mortars were improvised. Light mor- tars of three-inch gas pipe were constructed by the men, while bombs were made of milk cans and other containers. A great amount of practical experience was had in the selection of primary and alternative Stokes mortar positions, the construc- tion of shelters and dugouts and generally in the work of trench and Stokes mortar detachments in combat. GAS DEFENSE SCHOOL. This school was in charge of Captain Harold H. Deans, of the King's Own Scottish Bor- derers, British army, an exceptionally able and industrious offi- cer, who knew from practical experience and suffering the im- portance of efficient gas defense, he having been badly gassed during active service with the British army. Just prior to the departure of the division for France this officer was returned 44 71sT NEW YOEK to active service with his regiment and was subsequently killed in action. At Camp Wadsworth great attention to the subject of gas defense was insisted upon and all the officers and men of the division were constantly practiced in all phases of this specialty. Officers and men were required at stated periods to drill and work while wearing the box respirator. They were tested practically in detecting various kinds of gas and by con- stant attention to this important subject were impressed with the dire consequences following inefficiency of defense against gas. Every officer and man of the division was subjected to the effects of both chlorine and tear gas, while wearing the respirator, in order that his confidence in its effectiveness mjght be stimulated by actual test. This was done in gas chambers erected for the purpose. Demonstrations were also given out- doors of cloud gas. While occupying the trench system at the camp, battalions were subjected to light clouds of lachrymal gas. The excellence of the training of the division in gas de- fense accounts for the small number of gas casualties sustained by the division during active operations, although most of these operations involved long and violent enemy gas bombardments. CAMOUFLAGE SCHOOL. The school featured the im- portance of utilizing natural cover with or without modification for securing invisibility of troops, rather than to attempt to construct wholly artificial cover and freak objects concerning which so much had been written in the newspapers. This school was most successful in developing throughout the division an appreciation of the security to be gained by invisibility and the readiness with which invisibility may be attained by imagina- tion, resourcefulness and skill, in the selection of natural features of the ground supplemented by the use of available planks, earth, stones, hedges, netting, weeds, etc. ENGINEER SCHOOL. SNIPING, PATROLLING AND RECONNAISSANCE SCHOOL. TRANSPORTATION SCHOOL. The course in this school covered the transportation by rail and ocean transport of troops and material and, as well, the care and supervision of motor cars and wagons. LIAISON AND COMMUNICATION SCHOOL. This course covered theoretical and practical instruction and training in the maintenance of relations between units in battle, both lat- erally and between front and rear, and an understanding of IN THE WORLD WAR 45 and practice with the equipment employed in the maintenance of such relations. These included the buzzer, the telephone, pigeons, flares, rockets, panels, radio, runners, message bombs, wigwag, semaphore and balloon observation. SCHOOL OF EQUITATION. This school was intended pri- marily for such officers and non-commissioned officers of in- fantry and engineers as were not skilled in horsemanship. The offlcers and enlisted men of mounted units were generally good horsemen, and where they were newly commissioned or enlisted, their training in horsemanship was provided for in their own units. SCHOOL FOR BANDS AND FIELD MUSIC. SCHOOL FOR TEAMSTERS, HORSESHOERS AND PACKERS. Reference has been made to the trench system at Camp Wads- worth. It covered a front of 700 yards, while the linear length of trench excavation totaled eight miles. It was complete in every particular. It was occupied by the troops, a battalion of infantry at a time, supported by one or more machine gun companies, and sanitary detachments. The system included shelters and bom^b-proof dugouts. It afforded opportunity for every unit to engage in practical instruction in the use of the pick and shovel, revetment, trench sanitation, the construction of listening posts, barbed wire entanglements, saps, mines, ma- chine gun emplacements and lines of communication. At first, battalions occupied the trench system in turn for a period of twenty-four hours. Later the practice was extended to seventy- two-hour periods. Much of this service was during the hardest kind of winter weather. An improvised trench, representing an enemy front line, faced the front of the system. This trench was occupied at unexpected times during the night by small detachments of troops representing enemy front line forces. These detachments were occasionally form^ed of parties from the Snipers and Reconnaissance School, which conducted minor operations in no man's land for the purpose of wire cutting, gaining information by raids and listening in. These opera- tions served to keep the troops occupying the trenches in a continued state of readiness. The result of this very practical character of trench warfare training was that the units of the division after their arrival in France were enabled to take over trenches from British forces with little difficulty. 46 71sT NEW YORK An improvised rifle range was established on the Snake Road immediately outside of camp limits. This range was used by the Automatic Arms School, by the Snipers' School and for the target practice of recruits. The main rifle range was at Glassy Rock, about twenty-five miles distant from the camp. It was constructed on a tract of 30,000 acres of land, which included facilities for the fire train- ing of the field artillery. The advantages afforded by this great training tract were many. It covered a very diversified terrain, including small villages, woodland, cotton fields and farms as well as rugged mountain sections. It enabled the fire training of infantry machine gunners and of the field artillery to be supplemented by field firing exercises employing the combined arms in action, and it is believed that the field firing exercises carried out there shortly before the division left for France were the most advanced exercises ever executed in this country by so large a body of troops. ^ •!r tF * TT TP ^ Two complete infantry ranges of 100 targets each were con- structed by means of soldier labor. The range included firing lines, both open and trench, up to 1,000 yards. All commands armed with the rifle practiced on this range, as well as all officers and enlisted men armed with the pistol. ******* The machine gunners of the division having completed their elementary course of theoretical and practical training, were sent to the Glassy Rock range, where they worked out many problems in indirect machine gun fire. On one occasion, al- though using the obsolete guns referred to earlier in this chap- ter, they struck 84 per cent of the targets representing enemy forces. These targets were 600 in number and indicated an enemy assaulting in three waves of two lines each. The range to these waves varied from 950 to 750 yards. There were 100 targets to a line, with ten yards' distance between lines, and approximately thirty yards between waves. Five machine gun companies, some with two and somje with four guns fired the barrage. Five hundred and four of these 600 small targets, which were about two feet square, were hit. In all, 1,750 actual hits were registered on the targets struck. This problem was one covering distribution of fire. In the spring of 1918, officers of the division received divisional practice in liaison during battle. Every company and higher IN THE WORLD WAR 47 unit was represented by its officers, signal detachment and run- ners, in the conduct of a battle liaison and communication exer- cise. In these exercises, which covered the country about Camp Wadsworth, communication was maintained by radio, wireless, buzzer, earth induction sets, visual signaling, runners and pigeons. Troops going to and from Glassy Rock were required to march the twenty-five intervening miles. In the fall of 1917, most infantry commands were required to make this march in three days. Later the march was made in two days, and in spring of 1918 every regiment made the distance in one day without straggling. This indicates the physical excellence of the division prior to its departure for service abroad. On all of these marches complete equipment was carried on the person. The practical field training of all troops of the division was completed during the months of March and April, 1918. Towards the end of this training period a series of combined arms field firing exercises, already referred to, were executed on the Glassy Rock track. These exercises included the firing of a barrage by the field artillery brigade for a practice attack by each infantry regiment. Each regiment formed for attack in an outlined system of trenches. Occupation of this trench system took place on a 500-yard front after the artillery had registered its fire for the error of the day. All details of an infantry attack under battle conditions were carried out. At zero hour the artillery fired and a few seconds later the infan- try heard for the first time the scream of the "whiz-bangs" as they flew over their heads and burst a hundred yards in front of the infantry start line. In these barrage problems the ar- tillery fired a standing barrage for three minutes with percus- sion shrapnel. At zero hour plus three minutes the artillery barrage moved forward at the rate of 100 yards per minute in lifts of 50 yards, each gun firing four rounds per minute. At zero hour plus four minutes the infantry in successive waves moved forward. In this manner the advance of each regiment was continued for a distance of 400 yards, when the artillery fire ceased, in order not to expend too much ammunition. The psychological effect upon units which were subjected to these tests was marked. They had, in other words, experienced at least many of the sensations of troops waiting to move forward under a real barrage and then actually participated in an ad- vance behind a rolling barrage. There is no question, but the 48 71sT NEW YORK IN THE WORLD WAR infantry of the 27th Division, as a result of their rather radical training at Glassy Rock, were very much more effective in their first attack in Belgium, when they went forward behind a sup- porting barrage. TRAINING THE 71ST AT CAMP WADSWORTH By IMajor Harry Merz Making a soldier fit. This process has many experts with as many theories and then some. The explanation of the plus lies in the fact that there are so many people in this world who can do things so much better than anyone else ever thought of being able to do them. When the Seventy-first was mustered into the United States service in March, 1917, and sent up state to guard railways, bridges, manufacturing plants, water-works and other public utilities it was forcibly impressed upon our collective minds that these duties were in addition to our other duty of getting fit for anything that came across the boards; that in addition to keeping any energetic Bosche emissary from doing any kind of damage in our territory, we were to get in the maximum amount of military instruction, besides getting hardened to life outdoors. We did. Officers and men were busy morning, noon and night, teaching the rudiments of self-care; that 's all that training is. After a period of six months of watch- ful waiting we were started for a camp down south where the real process of military training was handed out to us. The papers had been full of glowing accounts of the wonder- fully comfortable camps which a considerate Administration had prepared for our boys in the balmy, salubrious climate of the sunny south, away from the rigors of the terrible northern winters with their snow, sleet, rain and zero temperature. Who was it that said ' ' Language is given us to conceal our thoughts ? ' ' Wise man ! After a short interval at Van Cortlandt Park, New York City, we entrained for somewhere in that balmy, salubrious sunny south and landed in Spartanburg, S. C, in September, 1917, and found the town all plastered up with greetings of wel- come, and assurances of courteous and fair treatment. Posters gave the announcement that no overcharges to men in the uniform 49 50 71sT NEW YORK of the United States would be tolerated, coupled with the request that any impositions be immediately reported to the Merchants' Committee. Such reports were usually met with the response; * * Sorry, but those people have not signed the agreement, and do not belong to the Merchants Association. ' ' Few, if any, seemed to, and thereafter we took care of that class in our own way. Eats establishments that took advantage of a uniform very soon found themselves foul of the Medical Department and were declared ''Out of Bounds for Soldiers.'* Result — squeals like pigs under a gate. Camp Wadsworth, named in honor of United States Senator Wadsworth, from the Empire State, was an immense tract of rolling land about three miles from the town that had been cotton fields and pine woods. This distance prevented too close contact and the resultant contamination. Our advance informa- tion had been that our training quarters were to be a cantone- ment, differing from a camp in that barracks were to house the men instead of tents, and our arrival proved once again that the Army is the most unmitigated liar of a rumor-mill that ever happened. There were some wooden houses on the scenery, but most of them were Y.M.C.A. huts and canteens; the rest were mess shacks, with kitchens attached, in the company streets. All the rest of the landscape except D.H.Q. was a rolling plain into which we drove thousands of tent pegs to hold down our homes, for they were to be of canvas. Homes? Well, for want of another name, let it go at that. * ' Take it and like it, ' ' was the slogan, and that was all there was to it. In September and October it was all right, but from then on — well, if the word we 'd like to use had brought some of its reputed temperature we might have been fairly comfortable. We had canvas over us most of which had seen service and better days, and mother earth under us. That and nothing more. Tent floors we never got until late next spring. Ditto tent sides. Fuel was scarce and doled out in scant issue — for cooking purposes only. But the men had to keep warm somehow, therefore woe betide any burnable material that lynx-eyed bunch could locate. Mysterious disappearances were frequent and fires were numer- ous and tell-tale. Many times did the order come: "You will investigate and report which of your men were guilty of stealing IN THE WORLD WAR 51 wood from quarters." It took time to make careful investigation, because the bunch never would peach. Personal reconnaissance was the only method to use, and just about the time we were ready to sign a report that none of our men had any fuel "fire number six" would ring out from the sentry on post. What was left of the tent was wet, holey and wholly un- serviceable. We couldn't identify wood by the ashes, so the report went in just the same. For the next week or ten days the former occupants bunked with their neighbors, while desperate and persistent efforts were made to hound the Q.M. into repair- ing the damaged canvas or issuing new. Climatic conditions gave the flat lie to the glowing accounts we had read in the newspapers about the balmy, salubrious climate of the sunny south. We had more snow, ice, sleet, rain and zero temperature than the northern winters ever gave us. Temperature varied from cool in the early morning to hot during the day. At night it dropped like a plummet — chilly, cold, zero. This formed a nice crust of ice upon the many ponds left by the frequent rains, while the rest of mother earth where our thousands of feet had pounded her bosom during drills re- sembled a cobble stone pavement — fine for the ankles — until old Sol thawed it out, and then there was a sea of mud. The soil in color and sticky qualities had it all over the ' ' Skeeter ' ' state, and didn't match our O.D.'s a little bit. When moist it was as slippery as grease and stuck like a long lost brother. When very wet, which it was mostly, it was smooth, treacherous and deepernell. When very dry, with a good breeze blowing, the Sahara could blush with shame. This is not a knock nor is it intended as such. It is a simple statement of conditions as they were, told without fear or favor by one who was there, went through it all, kicked like blazes along with his men, sometimes risking his shoulder bars for their comfort, but who, like the rest of the bunch from the Empire State, lived through it and came out as hard as nails and fit to fight to the last ditch, as history has shown. We did not expect a Sunday school picnic, and we were not disappointed. A soldier's daily life is routine. By the clock everything is regulated and controlled, and this is the way the clock controlled our movements. 52 71sT NEW YORK DUTY OALiLS Reveille 5 :30 A. M. {First Call for Drill 1 :00 P. M Assembly 5:40 Guard Mount 4-00 Breakfast 6:00 ^^^^^^ 5^00 Sick CaU 6 :25 First Call for Drill 7 :00 Mess 6 :00 Recall ll:'l5 Call to Quarters 9:30 Inspection 11:45 Taps 10:00 Mess 12 :00 This schedule never varied, rain or shine, except on Sundays and holidays when Reveille was an hour later, and the after- noon drills were dispensed with. Pretty fair day when you just look at the hours, but let's see what was sandwiched in between 5 :30 A. M. and 10 :00 P. M. DRILL SCHEDULE 7 :00— 7 :15 Physical drill. 7:15— 7:45 Close order drill. 7 :45— 8 :00 Manual of arms. 8:00 — 8:30 Bayonet exercises. 8 :30— 9 :00 Extended order. 9 :00 — 9 :30 Lectures by officers. 9 :30— 9 :40 Rest. 9:40—10:15 Grenade drill. 10 :15 — 10 :45 Aiming and sighting. 10 :45 — 11 :15 Athletic instruction by Divisional experts. 11:15—11:30 Close order drill. Inspection (men, tents and streets). Mess. Extended order drill. Gas mask drill. More lectures. Close order drill. Platoon movements. N.C.O.'s drill company and platoons. .1:45 .2:00 1:00— 1:30 1:30— 2:00 2:00— 2:30 2:30 3:00 3:00 3:30 3:30 4:00 IN THE WORLD WAR 53 4:00 — 4:30 Rifle instruction — parts, nomenclature, sight setting and windage. 4 :30 — 5 :00 Advance guard and reconnaissance. 5 :00 Recall. 5:12 — 6:00 Rest and clean up. 6 :00 Mess. From then on until taps your time was your own, unless special schools or lectures were ordered, which was not infre- quently the case. Working on the theory that all work and no play made Jack a dull boy, Wednesday and Saturday were set aside as half holidays, and upon these we frequently had a physical inspec- tion, participated in a manoeuver problem instituted for the benefit and instruction of battalion commanders, had a brigade or divisional review, hauled wood or had some such other diversion. Of course our schedule of instruction was changed from time to time, but no matter what the change might be, the chaps at the other end of the field, D.H.Q., never forgot the eight-hour fixture. During our course of intensive training we naturally made some startling discoveries about the ability of our men to absorb or repeal the wisdom imparted. We found a number of embryo Major- Generals in the ranks — fellows who could tell us just how to do it. Not desiring to hide a fellow's light under a bushel, we usually called him out in front of the company and ordered him to drill and instruct the company, a course that never failed to amuse the other chaps, disillusioned the victim and proved beyond doubt that he was just an ordinary wise guy. Never any more brag from him. All of this intensive training had but one object in view, and that was to make the American soldier the best trained, most self-reliant and thorough soldier the world ever knew. By the time we were through with it all our boys had acquired all the skill with the bayonet and rifle, all the intricacies of trench work and all the expertness with grenades and bombs that energy, ingenuity and skill could impart. This, coupled with the wonderful physical condition attained by the months of outdoor life, was of itself enough to make them a dangerous foe to combat. 54 71sT NEW YORK But there was something else, which did not have to be acquired, something that could not be taught; that was the grim determination, inherent in our men, to smash down every opposition, to win at any cost. It was this spirit, buoyed up by their self-reliance based upon their training, that made the American soldier, new as he was, the marvel of the greatest military leaders of the world. This is what Field Marshall Haig said: ' ' It was not possible at the time to speak more than cursorily of the share of the Americans in our attack of September 29, when, on their whole front of about six thousand yards, United States troops broke through the defense of the Hindenburg Line and Canal tunnel, and on the farther right forced the crossing of the Canal itself. It would have been a great achievement for the most experienced soldiers of the Allied Armies. For inexperienced troops, as the Americans were, it was a truly extraordinary performance. ''The American troops referred to were chiefly Southerners (Carolinians) and men from Tennessee, and New Yorkers. All alike went straight into the German defenses, which were of the most formidable kind, and swept on to their «.Hiectives. The impetuosity of their advance made possible the groat ad- vance of the British 9th Corps on their right. It was the South- erners who took Bellicourt and Nauroy, while the New Yorkers, reckless of the intense machine-gun fire on their left, swept on toward Guoy and Mont St. Martin. That some of the latter went too fast and too far, you know. Nests of Germans who skulked in the ramifications of the tunnel, and in various lairs and burrows, were left undestroyed as the advance streamed on, and these were reinforced by other enemy who trickled south- ward through the barrage on the left. Probably if those Ameri- cans on the left had been less whole-hearted fighters, and could have curbed their impatience to get at and kill the enemy in front, there would have been fewer casualties, but the episode would have been less glorious. ' ' Australians were to follow up behind and have spoken to me in terms only of superlative praise of the way the Americans behaved. An English colonel, himself the holder of the Victoria Cross, and something of a judge, has made a memoranda on the American charge and speaks of it in the highest possible IN THE WORLD WAR 55 terms. 'The American dead,' he says, 'lay stretched with their faces to the enemy, and not in one case was there a man moving backwardif when killed.' The success of the southerners on the right was perfect, and without the gallant fighting of the New Yorkers on their left it would have been impossible for the southerners to have made their advance. He concludes by saying — The officers and men did all that it was humanly pos- sible for hrave men to do, and their gallantry in this section must stand out through all time in American history. ''How difficult the ground was is perhaps best shown by the fact that it was not till three days more hard fighting that the Australians succeeded finally in mopping up all the defenses that the Americans had overrun in one splendid burst, and other divisions of home troops completed the capture of Guoy and Le Catelet. The American performance on that day was truly magnificent, as their fighting has been on every occasion when they fought with British troops on this front." Leaves and furloughs were hard to get, as they interfered with the schedule, but they were granted in exceptional cases. Every fellow who wanted to get away, of course, always had an ex- tremely exceptional case, but it didn't always work with the "Old Man"! Along about Christmas, 1917, word came through that every man would be given ten days holiday, not all at one time, however, and never to a greater extent than 10 per cent, of the company strength. Many methods were tried to satisfactorily arrange the time off, but none proved successful. Many schemes for securing preference were exploited, but most of them exploded upon investigation. This one for an example. Brook (not his name) being very anxious to get away for New Years, had this telegram sent to himself: "Betsy dying, come at once." Signed, "Katie." Investigation proved Betsy to be the family mut and Katie his best girl. Brook didn't get away. One part of the order, ' ' No man will be granted furlough unless he can show transportation both ways," was a stumbling block which showed in unmistakable terms the wonderful ' ' comeradie ' ' that existed among our boys. Sometimes as many as half a dozen would chip in to provide transportation for one of their buddies whose turn it was to go. This of course was 56 71sT NEW YORK IN THE WORLD WAR repayable upon return, and there was not a welcher among the lot. Consider for a moment just what this really meant and you will appreciate what at first blush you are likely to regard merely as a loan. From the thirty dollars per month pay nearly all of the boys had to pay family allotments, war risk insurance premiums and liberty loan subscriptions, and when all the deductions were made the average balance in hand for the next month's pocket money was not over six dollars and usually less. Officers having more pay and consequently more ready cash were frequently touched. As most of the boys had of necessity to remain in camp during the Christmas holidays, it was suggested to collect a fund to finance festivities in their behalf, and to give each man some suitable and useful gift. Time was short and collections were not coming in fast until one young girl, who shortly before had distinguished herself by becoming the first first-class woman radio operator in the world, jumped into the breach and carried the scheme to a successful issue. The celebration was a complete success and none of the boys will ever forget it. We carried on until about the middle of April, 1918, receiving instructions, from Allied officers fresh from the front, in the latest way of doing things, and then there were vague signs of something doing; what, when or how, nobody could say, but sure as guns something was about to break. At last, word was officially given that ''We leave here pretty soon.'' We had heard the song, "Where do we go from here, boys? Where do we go from here ? ' ' rendered many times before, but never with the snap and go with which that bunch rendered it then. There was unusual activity in all quarters ; hurry and bustle, but with not a bit of wasted motion. Supplies and extra equipments were issued and then came the welcome order, ''This regiment will break camp at 2 P. M., and entrain at 5 P. M." "MiNEOLA,'' and cheers and yells of satisfaction were heard all over the broad expanse of the training camp which had held us so long. The boys were happy and carefree. Not so the officers, however, who realized only too well that the time of bloody sacrifice was fast approaching and that many of those wonderful boys would make the supreme sacrifice before many months had passed. A PHASE OF TRAINING AT CAMP WADSWORTH By Private Walter A. Davenport in the *'Gas Attack'' INTO THE VALLEY OF BREATH We quit our several jobs, went down to the armory and en- listed. The Colonel spoke the word and we were off down ]\Iain street with the band out front. The women folks wept. The major called us heroes. The clergyman prayed for us publicly and the population, generally, got together and showered us with ten thousand things that added to our naturally curtailed crea- ture comforts. And, to be brief about it, a fairly good time was had by all, if the home newspaper was to be taken seriously. The enthusiastic reporters said that we marched off to the training camps like veterans — grim, stern, self-reliant, deter- mined. The best can be said about that is to repeat that the reporter was enthusiastic. I am one of the minority that loves reporters. SIX MONTHS ELAPSE We'll assume that six months have passed — six months of training for war as war is today. George Waffus, one of us who participated in that lionized departure for the training camp, gets a furlough. George goes home. After mother, father. Sister Sue and Brother Bill and every- body else has had a chance to weep on George 's greatly enlarged chest and wring his Bessemer-processed hands — hands that once were inclined to pulpiness — there's time to sit down, look George over and do a bit of thinking. A DIGRESSION ON THE INSIGNIFICANCE OF MAN One of the real calamities of the war is that every man and woman — soldier and civilian — in these beloved United States 57 58 71sT NEW YOEK did not hear Lieutenant-Colonel Applin, Fourteentli Hussars, Britisli Army, in Converse College Auditorium, two weeks ago. I had a whole bonnet full of ideas for gas attack stories before I heard Colonel Applin speak. They were perfectly sound ideas, I might add. They must have been sound because they had lived through many million words and passed through the typewriters of several hundred aspiring writers and they are just as good today as they were when discovered. Have you ever experienced, to its uttermost, the realization of just how damned unimportant you, as an individual, are? Did you ever stop to think that what you thought made not the slightest difference in the world to anybody? It is not my job, however, to enter upon the somewhat difficult task of putting the Lieutenant-Colonel's speech across in this magazine. Sufficient to say that he said it all and added to it. RETURNING TO PRIVATE WAFPUS But we'll return to Private Waffus. Physically, Waffus is three or four times the man he was when he was wept away that sentimental afternoon six months previous. You comment upoil that by telling him how fine he is looking. But has it occurred to you what Private Waffus, as he stands before' you, represents; just what work it has entailed to make him even half good enough to put up the quality of scrapping that the all-too-efficient Hun compels? The contents of this magazine are censored. If the following gets past the blue pencil at Division Headquarters you may take it as my necessarily limited effort to convey to you just what Major General O'Ryan is doing through Lieutenant-Colonel Tajdor to make us Waffuses in the Officers' Training School fit to fight and impart our knowledge to others. ON BEING GASSED We have been gassed. We have hurled bombs that flew back at us so rapidly that we received the impression that we had thrown them backward. We have vibrated at the safe end of Chauchat automatic rifles. We have speared Dummy Huns on a bayonet run that would discourage the Ringling Brothers. IN THE WORLD WAR 59 You've heard about gas, of course — lachrymatory gas and gas that suffocates and corrodes you and ruins you generally. Ter- rible, isn't it? We, too, had heard all about it. We had re- ceived lectures from British soldiers who knew whereof they spoke — soldiers who had been gassed and had come over here to tell us about it. We were taken over to the beautiful hillock whereon the sealed gas chambers squat. There we were drilled in putting on and taking off the masks. Incidentally you folks have no idea what the word discomfort means until you try on a gas mask or respirator. Did you ever try swallowing a hot water bottle ? Did you ever clip a clothes pin over your nose and then try earnestly to thrust your head into a rubber boot? Sometime cover your favorite pillow with a slip made of Tanglefoot fly-paper and try a nap thereon. We got quite used to the bally thing after a few days. We no longer strangled. W"e were less messy after wearing it for a half hour or so and believe me one can be messy with one's nos- trils clamped together and a two-inch hose between one's teeth. We became so proficient that we could flip the masks on in six seconds. And then they decided to gas us. INTO THE VALLEY OF BREATH In platoons we were ushered into the lachrymator. Captain Stephen DeLanoy received us. We were informed that the gas within those hermetically sealed walls was not as strong as that which we would encounter in the front line trenches. Captain DeLanoy talked about tear gas for several minutes and then announced that we should take off our masks. He pointed to the door and told us that as soon as we could stand the sting no longer we might feel quite free to leave. We took off our masks ! You've heard of speed, of course. You've likely read about Joe Loomis running the hiindred yards, and Dario Resta driving his motor car 115 miles an hour and Georges Guy- nemer battleplaning through the air at the rate of 130 miles an hour and all that sort of speed. They used to cite lightning as the standard to which speed might best be compared. They 60 71sT NEW YORK speak about the light of the sun traveling through space at a rather lively gait. Wrong, my friends, all wrong. EXIT — HURRIEDLY We took off our masks! That which followed would have made Loomis, Eesta, Guynemer, lightning and the jolly old sun tear their hair in pure chagrin. Nothing like it has been seen since soldiers began wearing hats. Before we took off those masks I was flanked by Students Burrell and Mendenhall. Both men are crack sprinters and jumpers. They can do the hundred in twelve seconds in khaki and brogans, and Burrell can jump twenty feet without taking his hands out of his pockets. With all due modesty, I claim that I emerged from that door at a speed something more startling than fifty miles per hour, but Mendenhall and Burrell did it in nothing at all flat. And they could have done better had not several students clung to their blouse tails. As I said, nothing quite like that speed has been seen since soldiers carried arms. It made one think of the possibilities. When we answer first call at reveille with something approximat- ing that speed we'll be walking up and down Europe looking for someone strong enough to make us use both arms in a fight. When we stopped running we were led and shoved to the brow of the hill where we could weep in chorus. We wept like board- ing school girls at commencement time. And then the chlorine tank. We entered the chamber of asphyxiation a bit more seri- ously. One inhalation would not kill us, but that inhalation would ruin the toughest lungs amongst us. No man could have lived in the chamber more than two and a half minutes without his mask. We were warned to wrap all jewelry in handkerchiefs and bury the roll in our clothing. THE REAL THING The gas was turned on. Outside the sun was shining with all the radiance of a Sicilian morning. From the wonderful hill on which the gas chambers rest we could see the Blue Ridge Mountains twenty miles away and all the gorgeous valley be- tween. In a great circle we saw the miles of lovely meadow-land IN THE WORLD WAR 61 and creeks and rolling cotton field. The chamber is heavily sealed, but there are windows on either side — heavy windows that clamp like the doors of an ice box, but clear and wide. Yet none of the jewel-like brilliance of the day came in. Within that squat room there hung a greenish pall that was heavy and de- moralizing. The gloom was like the early winter twilight. The medical corps men were outside. There might be accidents. Captain DeLanoy talked in short phrases through his mask. They asked for volunteers to stay inside and remove their masks. Such men were to take a long, deep breath through the respirator. Then each man was to flip off the mask. He was to hold his breath — hold his breath as he loved his lungs. Captain DeLanoy led the way. He removed his mask without haste. Very calmly he snapped it back after a few seconds. Without sugges- tion of hurry he inflated the face fabric and cleared it — once, twice, three times. Then he cleared the goggles. The men out- side were peering through the windows. The place was made even darker thereby. ''Take off your masks when you are ready," said Captain DeLanoy through the respirator. ''Don't hurry. Don't lose your heads. You are quite all right if you avoid panic. Don 't hurry, but don't fumble." I've seen quite a number of things that are warranted to thrill. I 've seen men hanged, electrocuted, shot and one miserable negro burned to the stake. And, quite unavoidably, I assure you, I have been in places where the chances that I would be carried out were disconcertingly good. A NEV?- SENSATION But this was a sensation quite new. We ripped off the masks, each man doing it in his own time. Personally, I never held anything quite so fiercely as I clung to those lungsful of air I had inhaled through the chemical canister. Everybody was utterly calm. A silver ring I wore had already gone blue-black — the shade of your rifle barrel. My eyes still smarted from the lachrymator. Previously I had snapped the mask on in six seconds and had become rather proficient in the intricate art of wearing the thing. I kept it off in that chamber about five seconds, I figure. But I put it on in one. Certainly it was not 62 71sT NEW YORK IN THE WORLD WAR longer than that. I cleared the mask twice. The third time I cleared it the nose-clip slipped off and I got the smallest sort of whiff of the stuff. I have never smelled a soft, overripe admix- ture of asafetida, ammonia, garlic and crude glue. Therefore I have no idea whether it has that sort of an odor or not. But it is rough stuff — that gas. i 1 W^ ' '"" ■ ^'^ 1 l\l^ . wm^ ^■iill i iliiiiiriiriiiiiiiiinipi'Tiif =■« *\:.''U'^ -wlid Top: Battalion Hea(l(|uaileis loritli lulaiiliy, near Dickebusch Lake. Center : Walker Farm near Dickebusch Lake. Bottom : Dickebusch Lake. TO THE HINDENBURG LINE AND THROUGH THE HOSPITALS By Captain Henry Maslin It was with heavy hearts that we started through the ''Valley of Death" (as the road from the 71st to the 105th Camp ap- peared to me) for we were not only leaving behind officers and men that we loved, but we were taking command of different companies in our new regiment. But it was war. Heart- aches must be borne, old associations and friendships severed, and as 71st men, it was up to each individual officer and man to '•play the game." I was assigned to command Company D, 105th Infantry, and with the exception of ten men of Company F, who had asked me to take them with me (3 sergeants, 2 cor- porals and 5 privates), every man in the new company was a stranger to me. By a Division order, staff officers had been assigned to duty as line officers, and my allotment consisted of two supply offi- cers, neither knowing anything of infantry line work, and two adjutants, one a brigade adjutant and the other recently pro- moted from battalion sergeant-major. At last the order came for us to leave for "somewhere." The men shouted for Mineola — in fact, Mineola had been the shout for three months, as the men wanted to get to New York before going overseas. On April 30th the Colonel and the Headquar- ters Battalion entrained and I, being senior, was in command of the regiment. The field officers had left a few days previously for France. On May 2nd, 20 years from the day I had marched to the Spanish war with the dear old 71st, I left Spartanburg as commanding officer of the 1st Battalion of the 105th Infantry. With pride, but with a heavy heart, I marched behind the band of the 71st Regiment, which had come over to play us to the station and past our old comrades. How lonely it was to pass them and know it was the final separation from some of them ! 63 64 71sT NEW YORK Our destination was unknown when we left Spartanburg, but rumor had it that we were to go to Newport News. The men, however, continued to talk of Mineola and did not give up hope until we passed Richmond. I was in command of the 1st Bat- talion. The first ten days we were stationed at Camp Stuart, at the end of which a Major from the officers' training school relieved me, and I rejoined my company, where only one of my original five lieutenants was left. I was pleased to learn, how- ever, that two 71st officers, Lieutenants Giblyn and Baumert, were with the company. Most of the time at Camp Stuart was taken up with doctors' inspections and issuing clothing. On May 17th we boarded the President Grant and sailed for Brest the following day. Nearly all company officers were given some duty on the voyage and I had a horror of being detailed as lookout in the crow's nest. Climbing to and from that station seemed worse to me than a submarine attack. My detail was to take charge of the guard and the Colonel gave me "Power of Attorney." It was a busy job, but everything ran smoothly until about the tenth day when the Colonel sent hur- riedly for me. We had wondered why our ship was dropping back in the double column that composed our fleet. The com- mander of the ship was with the Colonel, who ordered me to put sentries over two valves that were pointed out. Some one had fooled with these valves, which had caused the ship to slow down. The valves were but three feet apart and two sentries having been placed over them I notified the Colonel that these men had just four inches interval when standing at their posts and suggested that one sentry would be sufficient. He, however, decided otherwise. Later it was found that the valves had been tampered with by one of the crew, of German descent, who was placed under arrest. It was suspected that it had been arranged for him to slow down our ship, which would fall to the rear and be an easy prey for submarines. We had a submarine attack on May 26th, while the men were enjoying some boxing bouts. The lookout had noticed an up- turned lifeboat leaving a wake of water after it and our gun crews opened up. The signal ''to quarters" sounded. Company D was stationed inside, and if ' ' abandon ship ' ' had been sounded that Company would have been one of the last to leave. The IN THE WORLD WAR 65 firing continued and every few minutes I would send a lieu- tenant on deck to find out what was happening. After each shot the men would call out ''Mark No. 8," ''No. 9" and other num- bers, like on a rifle range. The men could not see what was hap- pening and showed a remarkable lack of concern. After that I never had any fear of their conduct under fire, and when the firing ceased the bouts were continued. Another submarine at- tack occurred later on the voyage and we watched the depth- bomb display. Owing to the great number of troops on board but two meals were served each day. But such meals ! When I saw the men get four to six eggs apiece and other rations in the same propor- tion I could not but think of the Regiment *s voyage to Cuba in 1898, when, going to fight for the same flag, the men received meals consisting of hard-tack, stewed tomatoes and occasionally tinned beef, which later we learned was the celebrated "em- balmed ' ' beef. The same menu was served at every meal on the voyage and when the men landed in Cuba their continued rations — when they could get them — ^were hard-tack and sowbelly. No wonder men died like flies in that campaign. I thanked God that our men were going to be fed "fit to fight." In no campaign were soldiers ever better fed than we were on that voyage and with the British. On Memorial Day we steamed into Brest escorted by French airplanes and gunboats. On May 31st we disembarked and marched to a rest camp, where I was again placed in charge of the 1st Battalion, the major having been detailed to take charge of the baggage un- loading party. Our route took us through a poor residential part of the city and the absence of French manhood was notice- able. Only children up to 10 or 12 years of age were there to welcome us, which they did by handing us flowers as we passed. These flowers were sent back by many of us to the United States, as souvenirs of a welcome by France's fatherless children. But we soon learned that other Yanks had passed that way, for we heard on a piano "Hail, hail the gang's all here." I received permission to take the non-coms, into Brest, and 30 of them were the guests of Lieutenants Giblyn, Baumert and myself at dinner, with trimmings of French champagne at $2.50 a quart. It was the farewell banquet for a number of those splendid fellows. 66 71sT NEW YORK Our ''rest'' at Brest consisted of many drills and unloading parties and we were pleased to get an order to move. Our train trip was to be one of 33 hours and rations were issued to cover that period. Here for the first time we came in contact with the celebrated French box car for 8 horses or 40 men. All legs were ordered inside the cars. This would have been easy with 8 horses but it was impossible to get 80 human legs in and they hung out in spite of the order. Forty men could not sit down in one of these cars at the same time, so they had to sleep in relays. We were much depressed after passing Rouen when we learned of the sudden death on the train of General Michie, our Brigade Commander. Train loads of wounded Frenchmen and carloads of German prisoners were coming from the front and at one station a cattle-car full of prisoners was on an opposite track. I heard threats from some of the men and warned them that prisoners of war must not be insulted. I was informed that a German Officer had been sneering at them. I then saw his sneering face and felt that the men were justified. We detrained near a British rest camp, where we were served with a steaming hot meal of stew, bread, jam and tea. Hurrah for the British! The regiment then assembled in an adjacent field and the men were ordered to discard garrison shoes, one uniform, one pair of leggings and various other articles and to pack them in the barrack bags to be left in the field. We then resumed our march to another British camp where a second meal was ready for us. The First battalion's first billeting was at Nueve L'Hopitale and here we found a British officer and some non-coms., our in- structors in preparatory work for the trenches. We also found a number of men who had been in the fighting incidental to the big drive made by the Germans in March. Most of them belonged to the 6th Manchesters. It was interesting to hear them speak so casually of their March retreat. One of six that were left out of a company said to me: ''We are certainly glad to see the Ameri- cans, Sir. We are glad you came in. But, don 't you know. Sir, if all the other powers drew out of this, England would fight it alone." This was the spirit of an English boy of eighteen, two months after the most powerful German drive in the war, while IN THE WORLD WAR 67 waiting for replacements for his company. It was the Spirit of Mons! While at Nueve L'Hopitale we received the British rifle, steel helmets and gas masks and began to feel that we were near the goal. After about ten days' work the battalion marched to a town called Chepey. Captain Malcolmson, of the 6th Manches- ters, our British Instructor, said, ' ' I want to look your company over at close range as it marches by. ' ' As the company passed he inspected them closely and tears filled his eyes. He said, '^My God! This is Kitchener's army over again. We have nothing like this now ; we have nothing left but boys. ' ' On the night of June 12th, while enjoying the hospitality of some British officers in their quarters, an orderly brought me an order from Regimental Headquarters to report next morning for a tour of duty as an observer with the British in the trenches. The trip to the trenches was made on the top of an old London bus with other detailed officers of the regiment and division. Each officer was accompanied by his striker. The stores of am- munition, booming of the big guns, airplanes, resting British troops, and observation balloons showed that we were approach- ing the front line. Then came the British cemeteries, well kept, with white crosses giving the name, organization and rank of each occupant; not a pleasant sight for a fellow going into the trenches for the first time. About five miles in the rear of the line we were taken by British guides to our various destinations, but before leaving for mine I was invited to dinner at Brigade Headquarters of a unit in a London Division. I will never for- get that dinner. We had a brandy and soda as an appetizer, Bass' ale with the dinner and port wine as a cordial. And the meal was served in courses. When I finished, well — it was a "bloody fine war" so far. My assignment was with Company C, 7th London Regiment, commanded by Captain Symonds, in the front line trenches near Albert. Within a day or two I had met nearly all of the officers in the trenches. I was the first American they had met and they were curious to hear of America and the number of troops we were sending over. Quite a number of boys in the British Regi- ment had had very little rifle practice. At night marking disks were placed in No-Man 's-Land and at dawn Captain Symonds 68 71sT NEW YORK and his Lieutenants from the fire step of the trenches would teach them to shoot at the disks. On the sixth day I was informed that a gas-projector attack would occur that night. A box barrage was to be laid down, the troops would put on gas-masks and at midnight five hundred gas-projectors were dropped inside the box barrage. Expecting the Germans to answer with a barrage the troops were withdrawn to the support trenches, but everything was quiet up to nine o'clock the following morning on the German side. That afternoon I was taken to DouUens, where the regiment was to arrive the next day. At Doullens I took off my leggings, blouse and shirt and started to scrub off the chalk and mud accu- mulated at Albert, when a Tommy sauntered along and said, '* 'Ello, Sammy! 'Ow the bloody 'Ell are you?" I replied, ''Bloody well, all right, Tommy! How are you?" We talked over the war quite a while, he believing all of the time I was a private. He would probably have been shell-shocked if he had learned that he had been talking to an officer. The 2nd and 3rd Battalions arrived at Doullens next day and I^ejoined my company at Beauval, five miles distant. Inten- sive training was continued, and the Boche was very busy bomb- ing from airplanes at night. Eleven horses of the supply train were killed by one shell. The companies were assigned to various reserve trenches built by British labor troops. Gas lectures, etc., were held at Doullens, the officers of the 1st Battalion hav- ing to hike five miles each way. We were ordered to entrain the next day at Doullens. The men had not been paid in three months and were practically with- out money. They were paid the next morning. Wine was cheap and they enjoyed themselves as the law allowed. Captain Mal- colmson remarked to me that I would have a lively company when they assembled, but I replied that it was a five miles hike to Doullens and all up-hill. WTien the first sergeant turned the company over to me he reported that there was a Highlander in the ranks, and sure enough there was one of the King's Own Scottish in the front rank, wine and all, ready to march away with the Americans. At Beauval a touring car with four stars whisked by followed by a ear with two stars. General Pershing IN THE WORLD WAR 69 and General O'Ryan had arrived and I was ordered to prepare my company for inspection by General Pershing. A good soldier never makes excuses. The men had not been paid for three months and had looked upon the wine of France without a thought of the future. I prepared the company for inspection better than I had ever prepared one before. I marched on General Pershing's right, with General O'Ryan and his staff following, and then — a miracle! Along the front rank every man looked to the front, and I thought the unsteady ones must be in the rear rank. Then along the rear rank and the line of file closers. Not a move anywhere. Every head and every eye to the front. And the inspection had taken half an hour, with the company standing at attention. As I saluted General Pershing he smilingly said, ''Very good. Captain; use conmion sense with your men." I was mystified. How did it happen ? When I asked my first sergeant he said, ''When Colonel Ford said, 'Prepare your com- pany for inspection by General Pershing,' the men said 'Get to it; don't get the Captain in wrong.'*" They were wonderful fellows and showed wonderful discipline ; forty minutes at atten- tion and not a movement in the ranks ! We arrived at Wulverdinghe on the afternoon of July 3rd and spent a quiet Fourth of July. After a few days we arrived at Tilques for rifle and live-grenade practice. When we left the range I left Lieutenant Baumert with a platoon to clean up and turn over to a battalion of the King's Scottish. They were royally treated by the Scottish Officers, and after dinner the Colonel desired to see the American pack. Baumert sent his striker for his ( Baumert 's) pack and asked the Colonel if he would like to see the interior. Baumert unrolled his pack, forgetting that it contained a bottle of champagne. The Colonel, however, much enjoyed Baumert 's discomfiture and the champagne. Tilques proved to be the cleanest town we had seen in France. Captain Strong and I obtained permission to go to St. Omer to get supplies for our companies^, and we found a large number of British artillery officers there, one of whom was being jollied by three of his associates. I whispered to him: "They are trying 70 71sT NEW YORK to get your goat.'* He looked at me and said, '^But, sir, I haven 't a goat. ' ' Our next halting place was Trappist Monks' Farm, where we received nightly visitations from German airplanes, and the whirr of falling bombs was very common. I took the company for a tour in the support trenches at Poperinghe. I was the only officer with the company at that time, and when the Lieutenant- Colonel was about to detail two lieutenants to me I told him that I knew my sergeants were thoroughly competent to command platoons. Colonel Liebman said, ''Fine work." The platoons were commanded by Sergeants Percy Flynn, Thomas Rowe, Arthur Hoffman and A. D. Stern, all 71st men, and they did splendidly. "We were relieved from this tour on a beautiful moonlight night. As we started back we heard the dreaded sound overhead and it seemed to us that Jerry was tracking us back. At one point I halted the company for nearly an hour in the shadows, and it took more than four hours to get back to our quarters, when it could have been done normally in an hour and a half. We had not been back more than ten minutes when bombs began to drop, but there were no casualties in our battalion. And then came our first tour of duty in the trenches. Shelling was going on intermittently, an English labor battalion being under observation from Mt. Kemmel. Captain Strong and I were laying in the open and I was dozing, when a shell exploded very close to us and in a moment dirt and small stones were dropping upon us. Some of the men of the labor battalion ran towards us, but we were not hurt. I stood up and found a crater made by a shell in which a conical tent could have been placed upside down. It was but sixteen paces from where we were lying to the edge of this crater. The next day we were to go into the trenches, and I impressed upon my company that we were only to hold the trenches and there was to be no attack. That they must keep their heads down. That sniping had caused a number of casualties in the West Yorkshire Regiment, who were to be our companions in this first tour. I told them I wanted to bring every man back from that tour and begged them to follow my advice. We left Trap- pists' Farm in column of twos, fifty paces between platoons, two IN THE WORLD WAR 71 hundred paces between companies. Company D was the last company and I was mounted, at the rear of the company. The night was very dark, and as we advanced some one near the head of the column called, "Gas.^' I dismounted to put on my gas mask and put my arm through the reins — as I thought — and walked along for a few moments. Then I put out my hand to pat my horse's neck but didn't touch anything. I took off my mask quickly and about 20 paces back found my horse munching grass. As I started to rejoin the column a Company of Scotch- men espied us and called out, "Take them off, Sammy, and get a little air." We must have looked foolish to them. During daylight we were under observation from Mt. Kemmel and men in support were forbidden to show themselves, as it would have resulted in immediate shelling by the Germans. A young British artillery officer was very cordial, and the day after I arrived asked if I would like to see a show ; that is, would I like to see the guns go off. I answered in the affirmative, and we climbed a ladder to the attic of a dilapidated cottage. There was a telephone there and a Mr. Ritchie at the other end of the line was informed that an American Officer was present and to please put on a show for him. The answer was that they could not put on a show just now as they were going to have tea, but that they would have it at five o'clock. At that hour the Lieu- tenant and I took up a position where we could see through the almost roofless cottage with our field glasses, and he commanded ''Fire, No. 1." We could then hear the report of the gun in the rear and the Lieutenant would tell me where the shell would explode. Corrections would then be made over the phone to the operating officer at the battery. The five guns composing the bat- tery were fired twice, and it was a very interesting experience to me. I asked the Lieutenant if they started a show every time the notion struck him, and he replied that they had to fire twenty rounds of harassing ammunition every day from each gun. After four days in support Company D went into the front trenches and relieved Company B. Captain Young, of the West Yorks, with his company, was occupying these trenches and my company was to be squadded with the British. I found him to be as courteous as the other British officers, and he did every- 72 71sT NEW YORK thing possible to give me sound information and instruction on front-line work. The sector was one where it was a case of heads down in the trenches, for sniping was in the air. It was not possible to reach the trenches during the day without getting a sniper's message. Bodies of English, French and Germans killed in the March drive were still lying around. Part of the ground in the rear of the trenches was impassable owing to the mud, and this was in July. The ''mud of Ypres'M And the British had held this place for four winters ! A sniper had been peppering a part of the line, and a British sergeant reported to Captain Young that they had located the sniper 's nest and would like permission to go out that night and get him as he came back to his post at dawn. The Captain gave permission and the sergeant said that the Americans wanted to come out with him and asked if a couple of them could go. I agreed, and the Sergeant and two Yanks crept into No-Man 's- Land and toward the German line. At dawn next morning they reported that the sniper had not come back, but that they had brought back the contents of the nest, which consisted of a rifle^ a German helmet, a tin of material for blacking the face, two tins of rations and the canister of a German gas-mask. On the canis ter was stamped, "Made in 1911." Captain Young told me that this was the first material proof they had that Germany had pre- pared for gas warfare prior to 1914. The gas canister was sent to General Haig's Headquarters. When the company was withdrawn from the trenches I found how well they had followed my instructions to keep their heads down. The British who had shared the trenches with us, totaling 100 men had 8 killed and 16 wounded, while my casualties, with a Company of 200 men, were one slightly wounded. We were then pup-tented for a rest near Abeele in a field in the rear of a Belgium farm house. The men were much incensed when the woman of the house took the handle from the pump so that they could not get water, but the handle was replaced. A splendid looking Belgian farm horse in the field had become a great lover of cigarettes. He would hold his head up, open his mouth and the men of the company would throw cigarettes to him, which he would swallow whole. Before we left he would IN THE WORLD WAR 73 follow us all about, and was in marked contrast to a police dog in the house who would not make friends. While resting here, we saw a battalion of Highlanders going into the trenches for a tour of duty. They came along the road by companies, 500 yards apart. Each company was preceded by a piper, who played them into the shell-swept area as uncon- cernedly as if he were route-marching on the roads of Scotland. These ''Ladies of Hell" looked business-like in their khaki cov- ered kilts, with their caps tilted over one ear, and as they passed us they said, "It's all over, Sammy, we're going up to finish it this time. ' ' And they looked quite capable of keeping their word. Captain Young, of the West Yorks, had said to me, "If the English would fight like the Scotchmen the war would have been over a year ago. When a Scotchman clears out a machine-gun nest he doesn't understand the Hun's 'Kamerad/ but when an English soldier, after losing possibly half his comrades, captures a nest, and the Hun throws up his hands. Tommy says, 'sure,' and proceeds to share his cigarettes with the men who had killed his chums." He also told me that when the West Yorks were holding trenches close to the German line, in winter when an at- tack was impossible, the Germans would bring their band close to the front line and hearten their men with good music, and the West Yorks would applaud. The West Yorks were relieved by a Scotch Regiment one night and the next afternoon after the German concert the Highlanders, who take their pipers right into the front-line trenches with them, serenaded the enemy. When the Germans heard the pipers they thought the Scotchmen were coming over and vacated the front-line trenches at once. Captain Young added, "A German will never wait to cross bayonets with a Scotchman." At this place our regiment's heart was saddened at the death of Lieutenant- Colonel Liebman who was killed by direct shell hit on August 9th while enroute to the front line to look over the second battalion. He had been invited to dinner at British Brigade Headquarters at Walker's Farm, and as he was leaving the mess room a shell tore away one of his legs. Colonel Liebman had been in charge of the 105th for about 4 months at Spartan- burg and all of the ofificers had a very high regard for him. The Major of the 1st battalion took command of the regiment 74 71sT NEW YORK and I was placed in command of the battalion. Three days later the Major left for a school near Paris and I was in command of the regiment for a few days. The old 71st looked pretty good about this time, Captains Ely, Bulkley and Maslin commanding the battalions and not one 71st man with the transport or supply details. At this point King George visited the troops, but we were in the trenches. I had ridden as one of the King's Cavalry (16th Queen's Lancers) escort, under command of Troop Sergeant- Ma j or Robertson (the present Sir William Robertson) from Dublin to Kingstown thirty years before, when the King was Prince George, and he and his brother, Prince Albert Victor, had represented Queen Victoria at her Jubilee celebration. If I had met the King I would have told him of the incident, and he was democratic enough to have talked it over. An English officer said to me, "The only time we get the 'wind up' (nervous) is when the King visits. He goes to the front-line trenches and converses with the men and we are always afraid something will happen to him." And the Germans had some knowledge of the King's visft, for an hour after he had passed to the rear and gone through the town of Watou it was shelled. We relieved the 106th Infantry and fell back to Oudezeele, where we made practical use of our front-line education and had airplane signalling demonstrations. While at Oudezeele a number of officers from the regiment and division were promoted and returned to the United States for details to new divisions about to be formed. When we started for Dickebusch I noticed that Captain Strong, commanding the leading company, looked very much under the weather, but he was plodding along without complaint. I suggested that he ride my horse, but he would not agree to this suggestion, and I made it an order. That evening we rested close to the Poperinghe support trenches and at night were guided by British runners to our various sectors at Outre Farm. Everyone in our battalion began to sneeze, and an English officer said that it was just sneezing gas and would not do any harm. It did not leave any bad effects. The next morning I visited my four companies and found all in good condition, notwithstanding the shells were falling thickly. That evening I relieved Captain IN THE WORLD WAR 75 Egan and the 3rd battalion of the 107th Infantry, which bat- talion had had quite a number of casualties, and that morning a daylight attack had been made by the Germans on the sector occu- pied by Company L of the 107th. A few days previously a German armed with a grenade had come into Co. L's trench, when most of the men were resting or sleeping, and tapped one of them on the shoulder with a grenade and said, ' ' Come on ! " By the time the men had recovered from their surprise the Ger- man had returned to his own trenches with the American behind him so that they could not shoot. One of the Captains of the Battalion having left for an offi- cers' school, the acting battalion Commander and the four com- pany Commanders were now all 71st Regiment officers — Bat- talion Commander, Captain Maslin; Company A, Lieutenant Callahan; Company B, Lieutenant O'Connor; Company C, Lieutenant Merz; Company D, Lieutenant Giblyn. Captain Strong, while his company was in support, was ordered by the surgeon to the nearest casualty clearing station. He came to my headquarters and said, **The doctor says I must go back, but I will return in time to take my Company to the front line, in three days." I told him that he had been ordered to the hospital and that if he returned while we were in the trenches I would place him under arrest for disobedience of orders. He then left. And how I missed him ! He had served under me from private to first lieutenant and a better officer never wore a uniform. My headquarters was at Indus Farm, and the second day after taking over a Lieutenant-Colonel of British Artillery paid a visit, with ' ' Cheerio ! Who 's in command here ? " I responded that I was, and he said he was the man in command of our big guns, ready to open up at any time we needed them. He spent half an hour with us, much interested in happenings in America, and as we related incidents there, he would exclaim, "Quite!" and as he became more interested, ' ' Quite ! quite ! quite ! ' ' We enjoyed his visit very much, and as he started to leave he asked if we would like to see a barrage. I said that it would be very interesting and went with him to his headquarters where, for my entertainment, he opened up every gun he had on the Ger- man trenches, and this was at twelve o 'clock noon. A new Brigadier-General having arrived, Colonel Andrews 76 71sT NEW YORK again took command of the regiment with, his headquarters at Walker ^s Farm about 500 yards behind me. About this time the Germans began to vacate Mt. Kemmel and the front trenches could be reached during the day without the men being observed. Companies G and H, which had been in support, were sent over in daylight to straighten out a gap in the lines and met with very little resistance. The Germans had fallen back, leaving an occasional nest of machine gunners to cover their retreat. Some prisoners were brought back, one of whom had been a barber in Brooklyn. He told me that it was understood in the German trenches that the war was going to end before Christ- mas; that Germany was not going to win, but that there would be a compromise. This was late in August, 1918, and there was no intimation in our forces that peace was so near. The prison- ers were without gas masks, and the Brooklyn barber stated that they had thrown them away when they were captured. He said the German gas was not strong enough for their own men to need a gas mask, but that the gas sent over by the Americans was terrible. Two of the prisoners did not look more than six- teen years of age and belonged to the Prussian Guard. How different from the Prussian Guard of 1915 ! These two prisoners had been supplied with cigarettes and bread and a member of my company, one of their escort, informed me that they had received these rations from my company. He said I had told them at Spartanburg to treat the enemy as soldiers and to be kind to prisoners when we took them. The following day, when I relieved Company G, I found that the men had not eaten for 24 hours. The roads were being shelled at a lively rate, the Germans having the range of all places held by us and the British, and as they fell back from Mt. Kemmel we were strafed continually. As Company G was com- ing back to its support trenches I informed Mess- Sergeant Gillig, an old 71st man, that the company had not eaten since it went over the top the day before. He said he had a fine meal ready for them and had been waiting for their return. Ten minutes later a shell hit the last platoon of Company G as it was nearing its good meal and well earned rest. A number were killed, includ- ing Sergeant Walter DeForest, for years a member of the 71st and who had come back to the regiment when it was called for IN THE WORLD WAR 77 war service. Years ago DeForest, a recruit of Company G, was confined to his home with rheumatism. I called to see him and found him suffering intensely, with his arms and hands lying helpless. I asked if I could do anything for him, and he replied, "Make me fit to drill," And now he was dead! But he was only one of many of the old 71st men who came from all parts of the United States to rejoin the regiment and who gave up their lives in Flanders' Fields. At this time a detail of nineteen men, British Engineers, called the ''Booby Corps," was attached to my battalion for rations and duty. It was the duty of this detail to comb the ground taken from the Gennans for the purpose of locating any traps that might have been placed before they retired. I included these men on the three-day ration return and received their 57 rations. On the next ration return the Britishers had been detached, but the extra 57 rations had arrived. I remarked to a British officer that these extra rations had been received and that I hated to send them back. He said in a surprised way, ' ' Why should you think of sending them back?" And I answered that if I didn't I would have to pay for them. He said convincingly, ''Oh, keep them; you will be bloody Avell killed before a month." I kept the rations, and the Britisher was nearly right; 30 days later I was lying helpless in a shell hole and sixty per cent, of the bat- talion was either killed or wounded. On August 31st an order was received from Regimental Head- quarters to move a company forward to take position at Vier- straat Ridge. Two parts of that order I will never forget ; first, I was ordered to move forward at once; second, I was to keep in contact with the units on my right and left. I sent forward Com- pany D under command of Lieutenant Giblyn and instructed him to contact with his right (the 106th Infantry) and to find out what orders had been received by their left company. He re- ported that no orders had been received by the 106th for an ad- vance. Captain Bulkley, commanding the 3rd Battalion, and I agi-eed to wait until we could make some arrangement for get- ting forward ammunition, etc., for our advancing companies, as it would have been criminal negligence to have sent a body of troops 500 yards to a new and unknown position without reserve supplies. At 8 P. M. the rations had arrived and other arrange- 78 71sT NEW YOEK ments were completed, so keeping in contact with Captain Bulk- ley's company on my left I moved forward, placing Lieutenant Merz with Company C in the trenches vacated by Company D and sending forward a reserve company to support Lieutenant Merz. There were no casualties in Company D in going forward that night, but the next day we were suffering from our exposed flank. My right flank was "in the air," with the flank of the 106th Infantry that should have been contacting me still in its old position 500 yards to the rear. I ordered Lieutenant Calla- han to send patrols from his company to protect my right flank from the German attack. Sergeant Sharp, of the old 2nd Regi- ment, was in command of these patrols and succeeded in keeping the Germans from our right. Lieutenant Giblyn's company was under heavy shell-fire, machine-gun and sniper's fire and suffered a number of casual- ties, among them being Lieutenant Baumert and 1st Sergeant Albert D. Stern (both 71st men), who were gassed. All wires were quickly put out of business and runners had to be used, most of whom were killed or wounded before getting back to their companies. I sent a messenger to the Headquarters of the Major com- manding the battalion of the 106th on my right at 9 A. M. explaining my position, but up to that time no advance had been made by them. At about noon they started. The Germans were expecting them and they were met by a murderous machine- gun fire. Their casualties were heavy and a large number were taken prisoners. They did not succeed in hooking up with my right. The next day found Company D very much exhausted, but that afternoon I got information that we were to be relieved in the evening by a battalion of the British Essex Regiment. I got the information to Lieutenant Giblyn immediately, knowing what it would mean to my old company. I felt like a ''piker" at Battalion Headquarters while my heart was suffering with my men. The relief was made by the Essex, these poor fellows having been 42 days in the front line. They were taken from another part of the line that day to relieve us. At 4 :30 A. M. the last platoon of Company D had passed Headquarters and I started for the place where my battalion was to entrain for some IN THE WORLD WAR 79 resting point. I was grieved when I noticed its haggard appear- ance and I broke down when I shook hands with Lieutenant Giblyn who looked 20 years older than when I had seen him three days before. General O'Ryan was at this point to encourage us and as we boarded the flat cars I heard the old song, ''Pack up your troubles in your old kit bag," and I saw the men singing right at me. We had made that our war-song at Spartanburg and here, after an awful ordeal in the trenches, they reminded me of it. Brave fellows ! The Colonel later said to me, ' ' Captain, the spirit and morale of your company was wonderful on the flat cars this morning." It was; but he did not know that it was the love between officers and enlisted men that prompted that song, commenced in Spartanburg when we played the game that knew no favorites; giving a ''square deal" equally to the 2nd and 71st men. On the evening of the day before we left the trenches the Ger- mans shelled Indus Farm terrifically and continued it for an hour. There was little protection there from shell-fire, but it looked as if my Battalion Headquarters, an old cottage par- tially sandbagged, would be safest, and I ordered every man I had (36) in there during the bombardment, and did not have a casualty. It was a changed Indus Farm when the shelling ceased, most of the sheltered trenches used by the runners hav- ing been leveled and one corner of the headquarters cottage torn away. But again Company G was to suffer. This company was in support near me, with a platoon in an old cottage not more than 10 yards to the rear. A shell tore directly through the wall killing and wounding between 20 and 30 men. Here I witnessed courage that made the young American soldier a hero in the war. One of the wounded men from Company G was brought over on a stretcher, and I heard him say as he waited for the surgeon, "Don't you fellows write to my mother that I am badly hurt. If you do I will get square with you. " That was courage unexcelled. The boy's name is David Moran, a 71st man. Our trip on the flat cars took us to the Abeele airdrome, where the battalion horses met us and a good meal was awaiting the weary men. It was about one mile to our billets, so I mounted 80 71sT NEW YORK and led the battalion back, all singing, "Pack up your troubles in your old kit bag." At the Abeele airdrome the cemetery was located where Colonel Liebman had been buried, and here I made a list of the 71st men killed in Companies D, F and G, obtaining emergency addresses and all possible details as to their deaths, which information I sent to Mrs. Maslin, who wrote to each man's relatives giving them the information. While here we learned that Lieutenant Conway, acting Sec- ond Battalion-Adjutant, had died of wounds received a few days before. A piece of shrapnel struck Lieutenant Conway in the back as he was leaning over the Sergeant-Major's shoulder looking at some reports. It was fate again, for Lieutenant Con- way had arisen to go about some other duty and if he had not been there at that moment the shell would have killed the Ser- geant-Ma j or instead of him. After three days' rest we left the airdrome and rumor had it that we were leaving Flanders and "the mud of Ypres." For once rumor was true, and we found ourselves at Doullens, where the whole regiment was billeted. Three months before, on our first halt there, the inhabitants were few and the troops were many. Now we found business resumed, very few troops, and the people moving their furniture back to their homes. It was like coming back from Hades to Heaven. There were several good hotels, plenty to eat and drink and the men had received a month's pay two days prior to the last tour of trench duty. A large number of British officers came for a few days' rest here and occasionally we would have guests. After we had been at Doullens for about ten days I remarked to one of them that we were having a good time and that I wondered when our next move would come. He said, "You are being fattened up for the next killing, you know. We always know that something is coming when we are sent to rest in a big town for a few weeks. In about another ten days you will be up again." And he was right, for within ten days we were at the front again and the "big killing" was very close. Our stay at Doul- lens was taken up with drills, a tank demonstration and a divi- sion maneuver. The Brigade Commander had ordered that gas masks and steel helmets should be worn at all drills and maneuvers. It was a good order, as it gave the men an oppor- IN THE WORLD WAR 81 tunity to accustom themselves to their ''tin Lizzies^' and gas masks, but the men did not like either of these articles, especially when they were not within even hearing distance of the big guns. A tank demonstration one morning entailed a twelve-mile hike for the round trip. Remembering the advice of General Pershing to use common sense with the men, and the day being quite warm, I paraded the battalion in overseas caps and without gas masks. It was the first time we had seen tanks. Each battalion had a different day for the demonstration, so I did not expect any of the ''wax works'^ to be present, but after the show commenced, to my horror, the Brigade Commander appeared, and a little later a German airplane was heard, probably scouting. Our steel hats were six miles away ! If the Brigade Commander had only left his there, too! Suppose Jerry began to drop bombs! After the demonstration the Brigade Commander inquired, "Where are your, steel helmets and gas masks?" I replied that I did not think it was necessary to wear them. He said, ' ' Don 't you know that an order was issued to wear them at all drills and maneuvers?" I acknowledged that I did, but said that I did not consider this either a drill or a manoeuvre ; that the steel hats were in a filthy condition and that I had given orders that they should be cleaned and oiled by Retreat that evening; that responsibility was wholly mine. The steel hats were cleaned by the next assembly, with the exception of those of Lieutenants Merz, Giblyn, Callahan and 'Connor, who had forgotten to tell their strikers to clean them. Captain Bulkley noticing the shin- ing helmets next day asked what gallery I was playing to. Perhaps the Brigade Commander saw them, too, for he made no report of the occurrence. One evening Lieutenant Merz invited a Canadian officer, some other officers and myself to dinner, and during the course of the evening an officer criticized the English soldiers. The Canadian officer's reply was, "I am a Canadian and have been here since 1916. I want you to know that never has an Australian or Canadian soldier gone over the top first when English soldiers were present. The English soldier is an unassuming fellow, modest in victory and uncomplaining in defeat; and don't you forget that there are 450,000 of them buried in France." While here we had a divisional maneuver that covered two 82 71sT NEW YORK days. My battalion was the advance guard the first day and the rear guard the second day. One of the long halts was close to a rest camp of British air officers and with their traditional hospitality they entertained our battalion officers in their quar- ters. One of the British officers asked me when I was going on leave, and when I stated that there was no chance at present, but I hoped to get one, as I had a number of relatives in Eng- land and Ireland, he smiled broadly and laughingly informed me that I was the first American who had answered in that way. The others had said, ' ' Oh, Hell ! We don 't want any leave ; we want to finish this war and get back to the United States." Our ''fattening period" drew to a close, and soon it was the popping of guns instead of corks at champagne dinners. My battalion was ordered to entrain at 7 :30 A. M. September 23rd and to proceed to some point beyond Peronne. The other bat- talions were to leave Doullens earlier on the same morning. On the evening of September 20th the officers of the battalion were the guests of Lieutenant Merz at a dinner in his billet prepared and served by his French landlady and her daughter, and on September 22nd the battalion officers were my own guests at a dinner held in the British Officers' Mess. We were agreeably surprised to learn that the British had solved the making of a Manhattan cocktail. It was a glorious war between September 7th and 22nd for the 105th ! We entrained on the morning of September 23, accompanied by a battalion of 106th Infantry, commanded by Captain Blais- dell, and I, being senior captain, was in command of the train. It was a memorable journey, filling us with awe. It was about 35 miles to Peronne^ and after we passed Amiens it was through vil- lages with not one house standing. The journey was a very slow one and we saw at close range the awful havoc of the four years of war. We passed Albert, where I had been on duty with the 7th London Regiment three months before, but now the Germans had been driven back for miles. As we reached Peronne we passed rest areas of Australian troops, a number of whom were on a small lake fishing in a unique way. One man would throw a hand grenade into the water and the others would quickly leave the spot. When the grenade would explode they would return and pick up any fish floating on the water. We passed IN THE WORLD WAR 83 over the Peronne Bridge, which resembles the Harlem River Bridge, and detrained at Tincourt at 9 :00 P. M. It had been a very tiresome trip for the men, with forty in cars not large enough to properly accommodate more than fifteen. We had taken more than thirteen hours to travel about 35 miles. We were met by a member of the Red Cross, who reported they had hot chocolate for the men and requested that they have their mess cups ready as they passed the kitchen so that they might be filled to the top. It was a Godsend and put new life into the men, who have never forgotten the Red Cross chocolate at Tin- court, close to the Hindenburg line. The next morning, September 24th, orders were received from Regimental Headquarters to be prepared to go into the trenches to take over from the British at a moment's notice. At about 2 o'clock in the afternoon the three Battalions Commanders with their Adjutants rode almost up to the support trenches. It was a ride long to be remembered, both from its serious and comic sides. We started at a trot and in a few moments were in the shell-swept area; then the horses became unmanageable. They first cantered and then galloped. I would perhaps be leading the column when a shell would explode in front and my horse w^ould turn around and gallop back ; then perhaps Captain Bulk- ley would lead and a shell would explode in front of him and his horse would turn-tail and bring up in the rear. Each one of the six officers had a turn at leading the column and then trailing at the rear, through no choice of his own. It was impossible not to laugh at the mix-ups caused by these very frightened animals. We passed an ambulance that had been shattered by a shell. My battalion was to relieve the 8th London Regiment. I directed my Adjutant to notify the company commanders as to the details for the take-over and Captain Bulkley and I mounted and rode together back to our battalions. But this ride was dif- ferent. The horses were going back to their corral, the shells were still dropping, but the horses' efforts were all in one direc- tion. The battalion was met by British guides that evening, and each company was reported in position by 9 :00 P. M. On the morning of the 25th runners reported casualties by shell-fire, 84 71sT NEW YORK and inspection showed the companies to be in support trenches not under observation by the enemy, but in a shell-swept area. Company D having gone ' ' over the top ' ' at Vierstraat Ridge was placed in reserve trenches, and it had no casualties between Sept. 24th and 28th. Companies A, B and C suffered equally from the shell-fire, but Company B, under Lieutenant O'Connor, of the 71st, was under heaviest fire. An attack on Guillemont Farm by parts of the 105th and 106th Infantry was arranged for Sept. 27th. A trip along the trenches that afternoon found the men keeping well down on account of shell splinters. Shortly after returning to battalion headquarters. Regimental Headquarters telephoned for a com- pany to be sent forward to Major Gillett who was meeting strong opposition at Guillemont Farm. The order was^, ''Get this done quickly and notify me the moment your company leaves its trenches." I figured that it would be a welcome change to Company B to get a chance to fight back instead of suffering casualties in a shell swept sector, and Lieutenant O'Connor was ordered by telephone to prepare his company as quickly as possible to report to Major Gillett. In 12 minutes Lieutenant ^Connor telephoned, "Company B is moving for- ward." This fact was reported to the commanding officer, who exclaimed, ' ' Fine ! Fine piece of work ! " To Lieutenant 'Con- nor belonged the credit; packs had been rolled, supplies gath- ered and the men moved forward in 12 minutes. On Sept. 24 Company B, with a strength of two officers and 138 men, took over from the British. On the night of Sept. 29th there were only 12 men left — 2 officers and 126 men were casualties in five days. Two of the remaining twelve men received the D. S. C. They were both old 71st men — Sergeants Kirk and Boykin. Company B was attached to a 106th Battalion, commanded by Major Gillett, until noon of September 28th and its only casual- ties occurred as it left to go forward to Guillemont Farm. Sep- tember 27th a dashing young Australian, Lieutenant Sheldon, reported to me as our Intelligence Officer. He had come over with the first Australian contingent and was to go home on a six months' leave in a very short time, such leaves being granted to all Australians of the first contingent. He was a wonderful chap, but was nearing the ''Valley of Death," as on September IN THE WORLD WAR 85 29th he was hit, fatally, as he sat beside me. Strewn over the ground here were many unburied German dead, and we would come across rifles sticking in the ground with upstanding butts and cards attached stating that a certain number of unknown Germans were buried there. Early in the morning of September 28th orders were received from Regimental Headquarters to with- draw at noon. At 9:00 o'clock a British artillery Colonel occu- pied my headquarters. It was plain that if artillery was going to take over ground held by infantry a ''big show" was scheduled. A great change had taken place in less than four days; not an artillery gun was to be seen on September 24th, but now they were standing hub to hub scattered all over the open country. The battalion made its own protection about 1,500 yards to the rear of the headquarters I had been occupying and among the British guns on September 28th. Here and there dead gunners lay, killed by shells that continually plowed the ground. The Germans knew something was to happen, for their shell- fire increased during the afternoon and again in the evening. At about 7:30 P. M. a regimental runner brought me an order to report at ''7:00 P. M." He had been trying to locate me since 5 :00 P. M. I was informed by the Commanding Officer that Lieutenant-Colonel Berry would command the first bat- talion in the attack next day. I was thankful for the oppor- tunity to be again with my own company. In March, 1917, 1 had declined a majority and my heart was still with my company. At the conclusion of a conference, however, the Commanding Officer informed me that I was not to take command of my company. Our mission was to capture two villages, involving severe fighting, as a quarry ran through one of the villages. Our in- formation was that we would meet no opposition until late in the afternoon as the ground up to the villages had been "mopped up." I never learned why the original order relieving me of the command of the battalion was not carried out, and until 11 :30 P. M. was busy collecting information from all sources as to the next day's program. We were to carry two days' rations, were to be supplied with a British water bottle for each man in addition to our own canteen and were to rendezvous at a given point at 5:30 A. M. September 29th, necessitating our moving 86 71sT NEW YORK from our former sector at 3 :00 A. M. Lieutenant Sheldon, the Australian officer, had just returned from a trip over the ground which we were to cover between 3 :00 A. M. and 5 :30 A. M. the next day. He was to be the ''eyes'' of the battalion. He had been fighting over this sector for two years and knew the ground thoroughly. An Australian officer was placed with each bat- talion for this same work. We were to ''step off" at 5:50 on the morning of September 29th under the protection of a barrage which was to lift its fire 100 yards every five minutes until 10 :30 A. M. My battalion was ordered to make arrangements for an advance at 3:00 A. M. This left two hours to issue rations, water bottles, shovels, hand grenades and to get the water carts up, and it seemed an im- possible task. But Lieutenant Sheldon took charge and by 2 :30 A. M. we were ready. I lay down then for a few minutes' rest, when at 2 :45 a Lieutenant of Company B was led to me in a state of collapse. When his gas mask was taken off it was found he had been gassed and water was streaming from his eyes. He reported that a shell had exploded in the company trench, buried a number of the men and that Lieutenant 'Con- nor had been fatally wounded. In ten minutes more we were to move. A lieutenant was put in command of the stricken company, but Lieutenant O'Connor and his shell buried men had to be left where they were, to be picked up later by stretcher bearers. It was a heart-chilling morning; a heavy fog enveloped us and the air was gas laden. It was impossible to march over the ground in gas masks and it was left to each man to judge when to use his mask. Most of us breathed through our mouth-pieces without putting on the mask. We reached our rendezvous at the ordered time under Lieutenant Sheldon 's guidance, the Ger- mans shelling us incessantly. Each company commander was ordered to place his company in yawning holes made by the shells. I shuddered to think that if a shell should strike in one of these holes a whole company would be wiped out. At last the zero hour arrived, and we moved forward under British artillery fire that seemed to dwarf the German fire. We went over open ground, across trenches and over barbed wire, meeting no one, IN THE WORLD WAR 87 but suffering shell casualties, leaving the men as they fell, after administering first aid. My battalion advanced in artillery formation — diamond shape — Company A led. Company D on the right. Company C on the left, Company B in the rear and the machine-gun platoon 50 yards in the rear of the diamond. At 7 :30 A. M. a smoke screen enveloped us until it was impossible to see a radio compass, but we could tell, by the flash of the exploding shells when we got too close to our barrage. Then we got no response from the right company. The smoke screen was pure white, without odor, and when it lifted a little Company D was not in sight. Lieu- tenant Merz, with Company C, was ordered behind Company A and Company B was the third and last company. The ma- chine-gun platoon had lost its direction in the smoke screen and I never saw it again. A second smoke screen was dropped as we were advancing along a sunken road. As it lifted I saw to my right the back of a German trench, which was cleared by Company A, who brought back a German prisoner. We con- tinued along the sunken road, and at 10:00 A. M. the smoke screen lifted and we found ourselves marching parallel to and about 100 yards in the rear of a long line of German trenches on our right. The Germans were standing looking back at us in a surprised and startled way. Our road was then level with the gi'ound and there was no protection. The battalion was ad- vancing in column and if the Germans had opened fire our casualties would have been great. We charged the trenches over 100 yards of open ground, and their cry of "Kamarad" was soon heard and their hands were raised in surrender, although some of them ran from the trenches and into shell-holes and dug outs. While the companies were engaged in this round-up about 20 men, battalion and company runners, were ordered to take what- ever protection they could in the broken ground near the road, as machine-gun nests and snipers were to be expected. While standing watching the good work of Company C, under Lieuten- ant Merz, these men shouted that there were more Germans who were running from another trench away from us. As I led this detail toward the trench it was met with upraised hands and ''Kamarad." The prisoners were assembled in open ranks with arms in the air and I made a personal inspection for grenades, 88 71sT NEAV YORK etc. Their fright gave way to relief and one of them exclaimed, ' ' Oh, Messieur, you are so good to us ! My wife, my children ! ' ' and made an effort to throw his arms around my neck. There were 33 of them, members of the 184th regiment of Infantry from Hamburg. They were well uniformed, looked well fed and only three weeks at the front, but they had no fight in them and were happy not to be killed. When the companies as- sembled their prisoners, a total of 2 officers and 77 men was found, taken without a casualty on our side. We had been marching at the rear of German trenches with the ground infested with machine-guns and our only safety from their fire was their fear that they would hit their own men whom we had taken prisoners. The prisoners were marched, well spread out on the flank, toward the German trenches and we got safely away without the loss of a man. I was informed that the Third Battalion was in trenches about 200 yards to my left, so as I marched along the road the enemy was on my right with their backs 100 yards from my flank and the battalion of our own regiment on my left with their backs about 100 yards from my left flank. They were back to back, lost in the smoke screen and my battalion had been marching in column between them. I was guided, by an Adjutant, to where the Third Battalion was and found them in good trenches. I met Captain Bulkley, its commander, who had been wounded in the head and had a bandage wrapped around his forehead. Blood had run over his face and dried and he was a sorry spectacle. But he was what was needed just then, as he was an example to his men at a time when it took an example to steady the men in a trying time when dangers surrounded us. My battalion was placed in shell holes about 100 yards in advance of the trenches occupied by the third battalion, while we made an estimate of the situation. The Lieutenant- Colonel said on the night of the 28th that this ground would be ' ' mopped up ' ' and that I would meet no opposition until the afternoon, when I was to fight for the villages, but at 10 :00 A. M. we had taken prisoners and the ground we had passed over was filled with scattered Germans from the trenches and it was certain that machine gunners were in our rear. The ground had 7iot been mopped up. Guides had been sent to a designated spot to meet a tank Lieutenant-Colonel Stanley Bulkley, 71st Infantry— 105th Infantry. IN THE WORLD WAR 89 which was to report at 10 :00 A. M., but had not arrived. Just prior to taking in the German prisoners we had met a tank and the officer in charge had inquired where the 107th Infantry was ; that his orders were to report to that regiment. I could give him no information, and he said: ''For God's sake, Captain, attach me to your unit ! I have been wandering around all morning and don't know where to go," but I could not order him to attach himself to my battalion. It was likely our tank commander was looking for us, but the smoke screen had upset a lot of carefully laid plans. Our mission was the capture of the villages, so we agreed that no matter what conditions were be- hind us our duty was to go on. The sun was shining and there was no firing and we advanced in deployed artillery formation, to lighten our casualties if we should be met by shell fire, which seemed probable. The silence was oppressive and ominous, and after going forward about 800 yards with three companies with- out machine-gun support, with nothing on my right or left flanks, I wondered why I met no opposition for we were now 1000 yards behind the trenches where we took in the German prisoners. Then we noticed some Germans about 500 yards on our right, and about 200 yards to our front in a depression in the ground, and, impelled by some inner caution, signal ''To the rear'^ was given. Immediately after C Company came under machine gun fire, but Lieutenant Merz by good judgment and cautious maneuvering avoided casualties. After our return from France that 800 yards unopposed advance was discussed^ and it was agreed by the company commanders that the de- pressed ground marked the Hindenburg Canal line and if we had advanced to it not a man of the battalion would have es- caped. We again took up position in the shell holes opposite the en- trenched Third Battalion, and sent a runner to the Lieutenant- Colonel with a message, giving my position and reporting, "Have taken 77 men and 2 officers prisoners; the tank has not reported ; the ground has not been mopped up ; probably ma- chine-gun nests in our rear. Suicidal to advance. Send instruc- tions by messenger." I do not know if this message reached Duncan's Post. While awaiting an answer I noticed a wounded German lying abreast of and to the right of the Third Battalion 's 90 71sT NEW YORK trenches. After a few minutes I sent a runner to Captain Bulk- ley, who had established his headquarters in a shell hole abreast of and at the left of his battalion trenches, to find out if he had received any information from regimental headquarters, and shortly thereafter my Adjutant went over to Captain Bulkley. Company B was placed in a fighting position in advance of where Companies A and C rested in the shell-holes so that we would not be surprised by a German advance over the ground we had just left. The firing had again ceased and after an- other fifteen minutes' delay I decided to go over and confer with Captain Bulkley myself, but instead of going obliquely to my right, the quickest way to reach his headquarters' shell-hole, I went to see if I could do anything for the wounded German I had noticed. Then I walked along the front of the Third Battalion trenches to reach Captain Bulkley. When about to step into the headquarters shell-hole machine-gun fire opened and I was shot by a sniper and fell in. (Captain Maslin, desperately wounded, lay in the shell-hole for 27 hours, alone. His experience during that period is de- scribed in another place in this history. At the end of 27 hours he was found by the Battalion Surgeon and others and received surgical attention, when he was again left alone in the shell-hole. His story here continues from the point where he received surgi- cal attention). And now I was alone again. I wanted to get on the Red Cross train and get back to the hospital. I was afraid that they would never get me out of that shell-hole. Shelling commenced again and it seemed an age until I heard voices — quarreling — in Ger- man. It appeared that I was to have unpleasant visitors, but my fears vanished when someone called out ''It's me, Captain; everything is all right, ' ' and a pale-faced German came into the shell-hole and sat down near my feet. He was followed by one of our men who had gone for hot tea and I noticed that he had on the German's steel hat. I asked him why he had brought that fellow in and he said it was to help carry me back on the stretcher; that he was coming back with the tea and saw the German standing near a dugout. He had told the German to come along, but instead of doing so the German had thrown a potato-masher (hand-grenade) and had run into the dugout. He IN THE WORLD WAR 91 had dodged the grenade and had followed the German and had given him a good licking. The tactical way to invade an enemy dugout was to invite the occupant to, "come up, or be blown up." If no one appeared on this invitation a couple of hand grenades were thrown in, and after the explosion the dugout was entered. This young American, however, with a canteen of hot tea in his hand had chased a German into his own dugout with the possibility of there being a number of other Germans there, had beat him up with his fists and then had brought the German and the hot tea to me. The Yanks had original ways of doing things in the w^ar. The hot tea put new life into me and the youngster berated his prisoner at a great rate. The German would answer back in a very frightened tone. The shelling was quite heavy again and I directed the pugnacious Tank to give back the poor fellow's steel hat, as he was apt to get hit in the head, and to put on his own helmet. The stretcher bearers arrived, but the shelling was so heavy it was found advisable to wait, and we did not leave the shell- hole until five P. M. They found something wrong with the German's arm and he was not able to handle the stretcher, but they gave him my pistol, belt, haversack, etc., to carry and he preceded the stretcher as we started back to a casualty clearing station. It seemed as though we went through miles of trenches, the four men carrying me slipping, sliding and struggling over mud holes, stones and barbed wire. As we passed through the trenches held by Company C I heard angry exclamations against the German and saw one of the Sergeants point his pistol at him. I said, ''Don't do that, Sergeant" and he replied, ''But we have only forty men left and he may be one of their machine gunners." I explained that it all had occurred in war where we had tried to get them and they had tried to get us, and the German was not harmed. When the Division returned from France I learned this Ser- geant (Johnson) had taken command of Company C when Lieu- tenant Merz was wounded and had received a Conspicuous Service Cross for splendid work. He had organized three stretcher parties on the night of September 29th and had tried 92 71sT NEW YORK to reach me, but the shell-fire was too heavy. The runner, who had left me in the shell-hole to get a surgeon, had told Sergeant Johnson where I could be found. After the message had been given to the surgeon, Sergeant Devlin, a 71st man, with two other men, guided by the runner, tried to reach me that after- noon and got within twenty-five yards of the shell-hole, but machine-gun fire made it impossible to come all of the way. They had carried a shelter tent half to use instead of a stretcher. At 10 :00 P. M., exactly one week from the hour when I had detrained at Tincourt, I was there placed on a British Hospital train. The journey back on the stretcher and later in an ambu- lance must have knocked me out for the surgeons dosed me with morphia and an English nurse — God bless her! — gave me some champagne. When the morphia and champagne acted together I began to feel that it wasn't such a bad war after all. A voice in an opposite berth asked me how I was feeling, and I replied that I could have sung "The Star Spangled Banner" only the regulations made it necessary for me to stand up, and I could not do that. It was an English officer who had spoken to me, the car containing a number of English and Australian officers. When I said that I had been shot through the body by a sniper he told me that I was lucky as they usually shoot one through the head and you ' ' Go West. ' ' An Australian officer in that car paid the highest possible com- pliment to the American soldier. He said, "I'm an Australian Captain, and I think my fellows are good soldiers; but what the Americans did on the 29th was wonderful. I didn 't think it could be done." The next morning, after breakfast on the train, an orderly asked me what I would have to drink with my lunch. I stated that either tea or coffee would do, it made no difference. He said that they had port wine, brandy, Scotch whiskey, Bass' ale and stout and that I could have my choice. The journey to Southampton, by way of Rouen and Havre, is not very clear to me. I remember, however, being carried into the railroad sheds with hundreds of other stretcher cases and splendid English girls coming to us with cigarettes and candy. I found then that I was going to London — Tottenham. When we reached London ambulances were at the station and we were IN THE WORLD WAR 93 smoothly and quickly transferred from the train; in fact, everything ran like clock-work from Tincourt to London. The ambulances were donated and driven by English merchants and men of means who for physical reasons were not fitted for army service, and a woman rode in each ambulance with the patients. In my ambulance was a woman whose heart was very tender and v,'ho every few moments would fix the pillow under my head or give me other attention, then she would turn to the occupant of the other stretcher. I wondered who he was until he spoke to the nurse, and then I said, ''For goodness sake, Ryan, the last time I saw you you were in Doullens and were making a speech about 'Troy, the best city in America.' " It was Lieuten- ant Ryan who had been transferred from Company D when I took command at Spartanburg. On the ambulance trip to the hospital an inventory of my equipment showed that I had on me the money belt containing the Company's money. It had not been taken, as I requested, when hit. I sent this money through the Y. M. C. A. back to the Company in France where, I understand, it was used for a Thanksgiving blow-out. My puttees and uniform were cut off at the casualty clearing stations, but some thoughtful person had placed in the empty pockets of the money belt the snap shots of my wife and daughter that I had carried in my blouse pocket. For a few days after I had arrived at the Tottenham Hospital, (Base 29, a Denver unit) I was not much interested in any- thing. The change to a snowy bed and a sweet-faced nurse seemed like a dream. My nights for the first three weeks were delirious and I lived over again the morning of September 29th, with the battalion in shell-holes, awaiting the zero hour. I tried each night in my disordered brain to place four companies in three shell-holes while under heavy German fire. It was agony, and only one who has had the responsibility of a large number of lives under such conditions could appreciate the mental tor- ture of that delirium. But through all of the suffering there were amusing incidents. There were 34 wounded officers in my ward. Two of our order- lies were ' ' artists, ' ' one with heels that sounded like sledge ham- mers and who could be heard a long while before he was seen. One day he forgot to bring a fork with my dinner, and when I 94 71sT NEW YORK told him of the fact he grasped his hair with both hands and ex- claimed, "Curses!" I asked him what he was before he had gone in the army and he said he had been an actor. Another orderly was a big husky. Every time I looked at him and thought of the youngsters fighting at the front I wanted to bawl him out. One day I blurted out, ' ' What is a big bruiser like you doing here, hanging around a hospital and letting the little fel- lows do the fighting?" He indignantly replied that he was a cook w^ho had gone A. W. 0. L. and had been sent there. I felt very much at home in the hospital, for some of the nurses had drilled at the 71st Regiment Armory, New York, and knew Colonel Wells very well. We had many a chat about the Colonel and other 71st Officers. One day a cheerful voice asked, from the entrance to the ward, ''Anybody here from Virginia?" The officers were from all the States, and one of them replied in the affirmative, when a smiling woman came into the war, and spoke a few minutes to the man from Virginia; then she went to each patient's bed with witty and pleasant conversation. I learned that she was from Virginia and was the mother of four children. When T told her I was from New York she said, ''You poor miserable Yan- kee," and before I could recover from my surprise, she con- tinued, ' ' but we have a way of getting square with you fellows — we marry you. I married one." And I answered, "That is why you, a mother of four children, look so young and are so full of sunshine." She certainly radiated happiness, and when she left us said that we knew where she lived and when we got out to come and see her as we would always be welcome. It was Lady Astor, now a member of the British House of Commons. She was the brightest being we met in London. It was a great relief to us when the armistice was signed. Though we were all more or less helpless, we had a feeling of slacking — that is, resting in comfortable beds while our men suffered the horrors of the front. I had here as fellow patients Captain Bulkley and Lieutenants Callahan, Giblyn, Van Hol- land and my Adjutant. I learned that all of my Battalion offi- cers, with one exception, had been wounded on September 29th. Major Gillett, of the 106th Infantry, and Major Egan, of the 107th Infantry, were also fellow patients. Lieutenant Merz was IN THE WORLD WAR 95 in an English hospital and I saw him often. He supplied over 100 men of the 105th Infantry with cigarettes while they were in the Tottenham Hospital. I was very much affected when my mail was received from France to get a number of letters from men of Companies D, F and G who had been wounded on September 29th. Among them was a letter from Lieutenant 'Connor with the good news that he was quickly convalescing from his wounds. Late in Novem- ber and in December the 105th men came to London on leave, and I was delighted with the number of Company D men who came to see me. One day ten of my non-coms, were around my bed. They were fine looking fellows, well groomed, in new uni- forms, and I was proud of them. After they left the ward the nurse said that we certainly had a lot of nice looking chaps in the company and when I told her that the best looking men were the privates and that those present were only non-coms, she be- lieved it. General 'Ryan paid a visit to the hospital and I wanted very much to ask him to come and see me, but did not feel presentable, as the flu. had killed our two English barbers and I had not been shaved for a week. To me General O'Ryan had been the ideal soldier in Belgium and France and I was very proud of him. The General and his division staff were always ''on the job." I remember one night in the Dickebusch Lake sector, as the Germans were strafing our battalion headquarters as they re- tired from Mont Kemmel, being surprised at a visit from Major Kincaid (now Adjutant General of the State of New York). I figured that he was up there on ''official business," but found out he had just made a friendly visit to see how we were getting along. We had a "cup of tea" together, and Major Kincaid left "to take a trip around and see how the others were getting along!" It was no spot just then to visit unless there was a duty to perform. But how the enlisted men enjoyed these "friendly front line visits" of their officers! No officer came home from the war unpopular with his men if he " came up to see how they were getting along ! ' ' From the men who visited me I learned of two cases of gal- lantry, the first that of Private Melvin Campbell, who enlisted in Company F, 71st Regiment at Cornwall-on-the-Hudson and 96 71sT NEW YORK who transferred with me to Company D, 105th Infantry, and was shot in the leg on September 29th. His leg was bandaged, but he would not fall out. He continued until he collapsed and was taken to the rear and was in the hospital for four months with that wound. The other case was that of Corporal Rode, of the 71st, one of only six left out of a platoon of forty men. He had been shot in the thigh and when he reached his objective his comrades suggested that he had better go to the rear when it got dark. Rode replied that there wasn't a German in the army who could make him go back. The next day he went back to a casualty clearing station ; General O 'Ryan was there, and as the wound had festered asked him when he was hit. Rode answered, ''Yesterday, sir." The General asked him why he hadn't come back to have the wound dressed, and Rode replied, ' ' There were only a few of us left, sir, and I wanted to go on. ' ' That was the spirit of the 71st. Both of these men received a Conspicuous Service Cross, and Rode is now back in the 71st as Sergeant in Company K. In the middle of December we got the welcome news that we were to return to the United States on the Mauretania's next trip from Southampton. We left London on December 22nd, sailing for Brest to pick up a homeward-bound regiment of in- fantry, and on Christmas Eve sailed for New York. Before leaving London we had been supplied with lounging robes, pa- jamas and other articles by the Red Cross, and again we were pleasantly surprised. by their thoughtfulness. With the excep- tion of the men in the ship 's hospital, wounded officers and men were quartered in staterooms. On Christmas morning we found Santa Claus had landed from a seaplane in mid-ocean and had left a full stocking in each cabin. Each man found a woolen stocking tied with red, white and blue ribbon and inside of that was its mate, together with a pipe, tobacco, cigarettes, chocolate, nuts and an orange. And every day on that homeward trip the Red Cross made a daily visit with fruit, candy and cigarettes for the men who were confined to their cabins. Noisy welcomes to returning casuals had been discontinued, and when the Mauretania reached her pier on December 30th the only welcomers were sweet, uniformed Red Cross women, waving flags. They came aboard as soon as the ship was docked, IN THE WORLD WAR 97 and we enjoyed their hot coffee in New York as we had enjoyed their hot chocolate on the Hindenburg Line. Glorious Red Cross ! It was a wonderful feeling to be back in New York, and as ambulances took us to the Polyclinic Hospital we received along the streets and avenues courteous treatment and salutes on the part of the New York policemen, and I know I speak for my wounded comrades when I say that special consideration was always shown us by the police force as we hobbled through the city after our return. I had great longing to get down to see Colonel Wells and the new 71st Regiment, and in the second week of January, 1919, I managed to get into a uniform, the first time since Septem- ber 30, 1918, and was taken down to a regimental review. Of course it was a new regiment and I did not expect to see much from a military standpoint, and I was amazed as the review and drill progressed. Companies E and F put up an exhibition drill that was the equal of any exhibition put on by the old regiment during my twenty-eight years of service in it. If I have ever been lionized it was at that review. Colonel Wells had surrounded himself with officers who were high-class gen- tlemen and close students of military matters and I shall never forget the warm welcome they gave me at that review. I went to the regimental games the following week and was astonished to see the armory packed to the doors, because during the years previous to the war the officials formed a large part of the audi- ence. When one took into consideration that the regiment had been built up with new officers and had lost hundreds of men by the draft and enlistment in the United States army and navy the question would come up as to how it was ever accomplished. I was pleased to find my old company and battalion com- mander. Major A. J. Bleecker, back in the new regiment as Captain of Company I. I had been first-sergeant and first lieu- tenant under Captain Bleecker and served with him through the Spanish war. To-day, twenty-three years later, I'm proud to call him one of my best friends. Late in January, we were transferred to Long Beach, the Nas- sau Hotel having been transformed into a general hospital in October, 1918, and though a corps of nurses and doctors had 98 71sT NEW YORK been on duty there from that date, we were their first patients. We were met with open arms as they had been idle waiting for the wounded men. If men were ever petted and pampered, it was the ' ' charter ' ' patients at the Long Beach Hospital by that splendid corps of 45 American nurses, headed by Miss Cleland. And it soon began to look like the old-home crowd. Men were coming to Long Beach from the various debarkation hospitals and soon I could count fifty men of my old battalion. My room was crowded daily as we swapped stories of ''over there." Long Beach was not far from New York and a goodly number of patients commenced going A. W. 0. L. When they returned they were incarcerated in the hospital for a term equal to the length of their absence. The doctors imposed the sentences and to my mind the punishment was very light ; but the delinquents were not satisfied and would come to me for advice. One morn- ing, a very indignant chap came to me and told me he had been given seven days and the doctor had changed it to fourteen days, and he thought he should take it up with the C. 0. of the hos- pital. I asked him if he had said anything to the doctor that caused the sentence to be increased and he answered: — ''When he said ' I will give you seven days, ' I asked him, ' Are you sure you can spare it?^ " I told him he was lucky he did not get three months, and that might be his sentence if he interviewed the commanding officer. While at Long Beach the patient-officers and doctors tendered a reception and ball to the nurses and social set of the resort. On the night of the affair two neat looking sergeants came into my room and intimated how much they would like to attend. I suggested it was possible, but, they said that it was only for the officers. They were two gentlemanly fellows, neatly uni- formed and shod, so I gave them a note to two officer bed pa- tients requesting they lend their blouses to the sergeants, who went to the party, and one was introduced during the evening to his own doctor and nurse. The nurse later remarked to me that she had a patient the picture of that lieutenant. Early in March an order came to vacate the Long Beach Hos- pital after it had been in operation for only fifty-five days. My next transfer was to Williamsbridge, to General Hospital No. 1, and here were quartered Lieutenants Merz and Gibljm and later IN THE WORLD WAR 99 Captain Hart, a 71st officer who had left the Regiment to go over with the Canadians, but when America declared war had returned to our service as Captain in a machine gun battalion. While we were at this hospital the 27th Division parade was held, and we "marched" in autos. It was a wonderful day, won- derful weather and a wonderful crowd. New York State came to New York City to welcome its own National Guard Volunteer Division. I was very proud to be designated by Colonel Wells as one of a committee of five to proceed to Newport News to welcome home Colonel Bates and the 54th Pioneers — the regiment built on the foundation of the old 71st at Spartanburg, S. C. Two days after the parade of the 27th Division, I was also very pleased to receive from Mayor Burns, of Troy, a personal invitation to be the guest of that city at a celebration tendered to members of the 105th Infantry. Fifty per cent of the battalion I com- manded was from Troy, and when the Mayor went to Camp Upton, they requested him to invite Lieutenants Merz and Gib- lyn and myself to accompany them and take part in the Troy parade. The city of Troy had chartered the Steamer Rens- selaer to transport the Troy troops from New York and a delegation consisting of Mayor Burns and several members of the Troy Board of Commerce met their boys at Camp Upton at their muster out of service. The Trojans gave the 71st offi- cers who had commanded their boys over there a wonderful re- ception, and the Freedom of the city was ours. A dinner was tendered by Colonel Wells and his officers to the returning 71st officers and later to Colonel Bates and the offi- cers of the 54th Pioneer Infantry. Never was the 71st spirit so strongly marked as it was in the welcome given to the Colonel and members of our old regiment after our return from France. It touched our hearts and we will never forget. In October, 1919, Captain Hart, Lieutenant Merz and myself were transferred to a hospital at Fort McHenry, Md., for fur- ther treatment, and early in 1920 we were transferred to Fox Hills, Staten Island. I cannot refrain from mentioning two of my brother 71st offi- cers whom the fortunes of war took from us — because they were needed in other quarters. While at Spartanburg, S. C, Captain 100 71sT NEW YORK IN THE WORLD WAR DeLanoy, later Major, was appointed Camp Gas Instructor and detached from the Division. Later he toured the camps of the United States, preparing the troops in Gas Defense in whirl- wind style before they left for France. While in the hospital at Fort McHenry, I spent several week-ends with Major DeLanoy at the Edgewood Arsenal, where he was in supreme command. Captain George F. Terry, after getting his baptism of fire in the Dickebusch sector, was, because of his professional ability, transferred from the 105th and ordered to the First Army, at Le Ferte-sous-Jouarre, and assigned to duty as Railhead Offi- cer, 111th Corps, at Chateau-Thierry, and later at Mezy-sur- Marne, Souilly Rampout, Dombasle-en-Argonne, Bellicourt and St. Dizier. He received a citation from the Commanding Gen- eral of the American Expeditionary Forces for Exceptionally Meritorious and Conspicuous Services and the New York State Conspicuous Service Cross. Lieutenants Lovell and Gregory (both of the 71st) who had served under me in the front lines were sent back as instruc- tors at one of the Army Schools, much to their sorrow. They were a big loss at the front, but a great help as instructors, among their pupils being captains, majors and lieutenant-colonels. After occupying a bed in eight different hospitals and being under treatment for nearly two years, I was discharged from the United States Army as "totally permanently disabled" on September, 8, 1920. It is a great honor to have fought and suf- fered for The Flag, and occasionally now, when the clouds hang low, I think of the men cf Company D, and hum our old war song, "What's the use ol worrying? It never was worth while; Pack your troubles in your old kit-bag. And smile — smile — ^smile ! ' ' Top: German Prisoners Taken in Le Selle River Battle. Bottom : Hunting the Seam Squirrel. THE SERGEANT'S STORY By Sergeant H. J. Cochrane, Jr. Company M, 71st Infantry Sometime in April, 1918, after much preparedness and many rumors, as is usual among men in uniform, we received our mov- ing orders. Hurrah — we were going to Mineola. So farewells could be said to our families, sweethearts, etc., we were to have three whole days to ourselves to do this. We were going to sail from . As usual, general rumor lost out, for we detrained at Newport News after riding all night. General rumor again came forward; we were to be equipped here and then go to Mineola. After hearing Mineola so much and often it became our slogan; on all occasions it was "mineola 'ray!" — in fact in September the following year it was "Mineola" as the boys went over the top on September 27th. The breaking of camp at S was done in the usual soldierly manner that the 71st had had drilled into. There was little excitement, everybody worked and when time came to entrain, the camp of the 71st (now the 105th) was ready to receive the next tenant. Several nights before leaving, the boys of old M (71st) got together and decided that it would be a bully idea to go back to our mother company and say "so-long" to "Mac" (Captain J. J. McDermott). A soldier is a queer being, always grousing, and most of us had done our share of that against "Mac," but way down deep in our hearts we had a very tender spot for the man who had mothered us when we needed mothering and fathered us when we needed fathering. The visit was an abso- lute surprise to "Mac" and one that none of us forgot for days to come. A brave little man, trying to act as if: "Well, boys, we are soldiers and have to take things as they come," but all surface appearance of happiness was mere sham for each of us 101 102 71sT NEW YORK held back a tear and our jokes and laughs sounded mighty flat. When we did say ' ' Good night, Captain, ' ' there was that chok- ing feeling in our throats that gets there at a time when a chap is leaving home; one of those hurts in the heart that is pleasant in memories. Two days later, with colors flying and band play- ing, the 71st and 2nd (now the 105th) marched away; as we passed the old home site the band played ''Auld Lang Syne," and the dry eyes among us from the 71st could be counted on your fingers. The trip from Spartanburg to Newport News was a most uneventful affair ; usual rumors prevailing — going to sail right away, etc. After spending eight months under canvas, the city-like ap- pearance of Camp Stuart with its barracks laid out row after row was a pleasing sight to us. No tents to pitch; no latrines to dig, no making of Officers' Headquarters; simply walk in and occupy your apartment. We had visions of a fine time, the town right near and everything rosy. Dreams ! Mere dreams ! The camp was a prison surrounded by eight feet of heavy wire and a guard every so many feet outside the prison. (Later on we found prison camps were guarded just so.) Orders came out that no one was to leave camp and no passes were to be issued. After eight months of soldiering even the youngest in length of service simply accepted the orders for we had learned that the best way to accomplish our desires was to keep mum and then try to overcome the obstacle. One way to pass out the main gate was solved by changing hat cords and strolling out. If stopped, appear injured to think that as a medical-corps man they would question your right to leave and enter at will. We developed so many medical and supply men that the authorities became suspicious and that ended that means of exit. M Company went on guard the second night in Stuart, so some of our courageous and more adventuresome brothers decided that it was urgent that they find a less conspicuous way of leaving camp than through the main gate. It was decided that tunneling under the fence at an exclusive spot and one far remote from the M. Gr. (Main Gate) and a spot that was not cov- ered thoroughly by the guard was a bully idea. Had the 0. D. (^ Officer of the Day) chanced to stroll along the southeasterly end of the camp about midnight of M's guard trick, he would IN THE WORLD WAR 103 have discovered six of his usually lazy men industriously en- gaged in making a shallow grave which would pass under the fence. It was just wide and deep enough for a man to lay on his belly and wiggle, snake fashion, and come out the other side. The sod was carefully removed and the hole finished; the sod was then replaced (being held up by boards) . Lucky it was that no one went there the next day for it might have resulted in a broken leg and a discovery. M Company, or I should say a chosen few of M, were seen in town the following night. The stay at Stuart was a continuous case of whistles and fall in and away we would go for physical examination or issue of ordnance and that was all. Then came the rumor ' ' going to- morrow, ' ' with great excitement ; but to-morrow found us there. They issued us enough clothing, shoes, etc., to fill a ship. Guess they had a surplus and wanted to get rid of it for later on they lightened our packs considerably. On May 16th an order came out to be ready to move the next day. Ready ! Hadn 't we been ready for months? Mineola! A night of hilarity and crap shooting? Yes, I participated and made a handsome winning. Friday, May 17th and we were off. Hiked through the town of Newport News toward the water and on to a ship. ''Don't we go to Mineola?" was the question from all sides. The sailors' information was, ''No, next stop Brest, and no free lunch." The President Grant proved to be a giant of a liner but I then realized how sardines felt when jammed into a can. Every- thing below decks was filled with bunks. They were comfortable for we had been in training so long that we were used to most anything. The bunks were placed one above the other, 6 feet long and 2 wide, usually three tiers with just enough head-space between for you to get in and out. In order to dress, one had to do it lying on his back or try and find space in the aisle. TRY AND FIND SPACE ! Ventilation was fine but the light- ing system rotten; the chap with a light over his bunk was envied by all. The ship began to shimmy a bit and someone says "We're off," others yelled "Mineola" and then after eight months of training and six of guard duty we are off on the Big Adventure that held so much surprise in store for us. Did we desire to go on deck and say farewell to the U. S.? We did! But the authorities thought it much better that we stay below 104 71sT NEW YORK and rest ; so stay below we did, but under compulsion. Through the port-holes we could see the Chamberlain at Old Point Com- fort and then nothing but water. We ran aground while going out of the harbor, so fifteen tugs came to our rescue and pulled us off. We couldn't wait for the tide; not with the 71st on board. Things like running aground never held us up before and we were never held up after. Company L under 1st Lieut. Charles Scott, 71st, was quar- tered in the compartment with M under Captain Curtis of the 2nd. As usual, L and M got along famously ; that is, until some of the noisy members of L started a fracas. A noisier group of men I have never heard and they had an able leader of noise in Guinea Etes. Naturally the disturbance made by the members of this racket squad was resented by the members of M and hard feelings crept in. These hard feelings were nothing; for like a man beating his wife when an outsider steps in, the two com- bined against the outsider. So it was with L and M. This feeling between the two companies has existed for years, but always in a good-natured way. We had our first meal about four o'clock on the 17th and learned that from then on we were to be fed twice a day only, namely, 8 A. M. and 4 P. M. To a soldier, two meals a day was an insult, but I knew of several men who didn't care if they never saw food and these men were the ones who protested the hardest about two meals. The mess-hall was forward on one of the upper decks which served as our recreation room and smoking room after dark. The morning of the 18th found us far from land and with permission to roam at will, except where the sailors didn't want US; hence the expression ''You can't stand there, soldier," their polite expression for ''beat it." On each bunk was a life-pre- server which we found when allotted our sleeping space and on the 18th we received instructions that at no time were we to be separated from friend preserver; it was to be worn at all times. We called it our Sea Jerkin. The various units were assembled and marched to various sections of the ship and given posts. These positions were known as Abandon Ship Positions and at calls, such as the shriek of a huge siren, we all made as much speed as possible to those positions. The first day they drilled 'US twice in Abandon Ship. Every man had a duty to perform, IN THE WORLD WAR 105 there was no mad rush or excitement, simply get to your post in the shortest time possible. Sunday, May 19th. Ran into a shower but soon passed through into the sunshine. More instructions; no matches al- lowed ; no food below decks ; no lights after dark. In the bunk space, very dark blue lights were used as they cast no shadows and could only be seen when near to them. This was done to prevent any lurking sub from spotting us. Bully! Just dis- covered we have a couple of Y. M. C. A. men aboard who dis- tribute books among the men and checkers and other time-killing devices ; to-night we have a movie show. Monday, May 20th. Beautiful day at sea, calm and quiet. During the night several ships joined our convoy; if they do this every night we will have quite a fleet with us. Began exer- cises to-day up on deck, a bit of setting-up and then a run around the ship. Fine idea for it keeps the men in condition and at the same time keeps up discipline. Food still bully but two meals a day don't seem to keep me full. Several of the men have lost their food and their desire to eat, although it 's as calm and quiet as a millpond. Tuesday, May 21st. Thought it strange to go two days and no sign of medicos. Everybody fell in and were examined for any strangers in our clothing ; with the washing facilities at our disposal (salt water) we may have them before the trip is over. One of the ships in the rear fell out of line and went back to pick up a man who fell overboard. Some scare he must have had; but that's not all he got; besides a bath he probably received a fine bawling out by his C. 0. See very little of Waldrat, Turner or Ross. The Officers stick to their quarters but they are very pleasant to me when I do see them. Wednesday, May 22nd. 'Our first touch of weather and for a landlubber I am weathering it very nicely. The smaller ships of this convoy don't ride as nicely as the President Grant, so the cooks should have it much easier on a smaller ship for they have less men to feed and then a few less during rough weather. Our first trick of guard started to-day; three companies to turn the trick, only 430 posts. Nothing startling doing a trick of guard aboard ship. Only about nine more days of this and then 106 71sT NEW YORK France. Have always wanted to go abroad but never dreamed of a free passage. Pretty soft for some of us. Thursday, May 23rd. Left the Gulf Stream in the rear dur- ing the night and are now heading into overcoat-weather and rough going. Several of the boys are looking for fish over the rail and if it holds rough the seekers of things in the deep will have plenty of company. N. C. 0. schools have been started; glad of that for it means another source for breaking the weight of time. Great doings ; two ships heading home passed us ; first sign of life we have seen since the 17th. Friday, the 24th. I mentioned something about it getting rough ; well, it sure did kick up something scandalous during the night and added numerous rail-clingers to the few of yesterday. So far I have managed to hold my own, but I'm not bragging. The noises some of the sick ones made during the night reminded me of the Bronx Zoo at the hour the lions were fed. The old ship did some great stunts; raised up on her hind legs so dog- gone high at times I thought she would keep on going over. One sick lad remarked, ''God, I can lick the Kaiser on land, but I'm a son-of-a-gun, he's got me licked on water." The sailors tell of a nigger on the last trip over who threw his mess-kit over- board as he had no further use for it. Not me though, for my stomach is yelling for food. Saturday, the 25th. Still going, but from the change of scen- ery I think we are in the same place. Abandon Ship calls sounds more frequently now that we are entering the war zone. One of the calls caught me under the shower but I had to report just the same^ and let me state, a slicker and our Sea Jerkin is far from pleasant on a cool windy deck when the wind sneaks up underneath. Meals are falling off; they started too well. This morning they fed us corned-willy that was impossible; guess some poor horse failed in his physical, so we got him. Sunday, the 26th. Our 9th day and still going strong. Look- ing for our escorts; destroyers, in other words; for we are now very much in the war zone, and a bit of protection will be ap- preciated. Monday, the 27th. Supposed to pick up our convoy of destroyers but to date no signs of them; one lone battleship to protect us ; the pick of the navy man the guns aboard our ship, so we should worry about friend sub. Spoke too soon, for we IN THE WORLD WAR 107 spotted one this afternoon and our navy gunners quickly dis- played their shooting ability by getting him. The battleship threw shots so near to the bow of the Pocahontas that we expected to see her go down. Seems the sub started to come up between the PocaJiontas and the President Grant, but she never came up she went down. Were the men scared ? No ! At the first shriek of the siren they started for points of vantage, up in the rigging, over the sides, any place to see where and what all the trouble was about. At the check report at our posts we had all present in M, but it took some of us an unusual length of time to arrive at our positions. May 28th. Still going but very watchful now as we are in a very dangerous zone and only a day or so to port. May 29th. Picked up by a fleet of destroyers to-day who are to see us safely into port. After looking at large steamers for twelve days, these little terriers of the sea seemed like peanuts as they bobbed up and down on the waves. Owing to the danger- ous territory we were ordered to remain fully dressed at all times ; this meant sleep in our clothes ; well, there was one advantage in that order, we didn't have to dress in the morning. Suddenly a siren shrieks, guns begin to bark, the fleet fall in single line and the destroyers began to tear back and forth all around us like so many fox terriers after a rat. They drop their depth-bombs which, as they go off under the water, send geyser-like columns of water into the air. We couldn't see anything t.o cause all this commotion, but from the actions of the destroyers and the way they threw depth-bombs, we began to think the entire German navy had come out for us. They got one sub I know of, for at the explosion of one of the depth-bombs, a geyser which is usually white, caused by an explosion, was dark and oily look- ing; fragments of something different than water flew; bubbles came up and oil floated around and away from the spot which a moment before had looked so innocent to us. The "carrying on " of the men was commendable ; their officers should have felt proud to have men under them who could carry themselves so well at such a time. There was no excitement other than ''What's it?" ''Where is the . . .?" "There goes! Whoope!" I have seen just such excitement at a foot-ball game, but each man was master of himself. Discipline was there. After this exciting incident things promptly went back to normal; grous- 108 71sT NEW YORK ing began, appetites were yelling for food and the incident was promptly forgotten. May 30th. Decoration Day, but there is going to be no parade for us. A day of celebration though for we sighted land; air- planes came out to welcome us and incidently keep an eye open for any lurking German sub that might feel a bit playful and think our guard would be relaxed owing to the nearness of land. The entrance to the harbor of Brest is most picturesque, very quaint surroundings and very old-world looking. No giant buildings against the sky line, no giant ocean liners against gigantic piers; here and there an American liner which had landed her troops, was anchored. Dotted along the shore were queer looking little wooden boats or a string of barges such as we have seen being towed up the Hudson. The buildings were little low things such as we have seen in our geography and had laughed at their simplicity. The old world began to show us something new. The President Grant slowly picks her way into the beautiful harbor and drops anchor. The men are ready to go ashore for we were anxious to stretch our legs and get going. On May 31st the troops were ordered ashore, leaving M com- pany of the 105th and part of L, same regiment, and a detach- ment of the 108th to unload the entire ship of its non-soldier cargo. Naturally there was grousing aplenty from those who had to stay aboard and take the place of stevedores. "We worked two shifts, one from 6 P. M. to 6 A. M. and from 6 A. M. to 6 P. M. After eight months of intensive training we never thought we would have to learn the art of stevedores, handling derricks, loading and unloading grain, beef and huge packing cases of supplies. At first we thought this detail an imposition on a com- pany of M's standing, but when reports began to come back to us from the men who had gone ashore that water was scarce and meals poor, we began to realize that with the hard work we were doing, we, at least, had regular meals and a dry bunk to sleep in. For men who had never done such work, we broke all records. An ordnance officer told me he had never seen men work with such vigor and that he wished he had such men under his command. Stayed aboard and unloaded until late on the 3rd of June when we finished, and went ashore and hiked for the main body, pass- ing through the quaint old town of Brest. Leaving the quay IN THE WORLD WAR 109 behind we wind up a hill, while on either side of the road, kid- dies besiege us with ''Donnez moi un cigerette pour le pere dans la trench." Shabby looking little beggars, bare legs and huge wooden shoes that make a sound like a runaway horse as they clank-clank alongside of us. Big sister was much in evidence too and she begged her share of ciggies. It was in Brest that we saw our first French soldier, better known to us as "Froggie." So this was the chap we had come over to help out. A dirty field blue uniform, spirals of the same color ; but behind this uniform of blue he had an elan we had not acquired as yet. We were carefree, we had not suffered the hardships he had endured ; we were full of boyish enthusiasm; he had been that way back in 1914. The hike was only about five miles, and with the sights of a strange land before us, it passed very quickly. Our packs seemed like ton weights on our backs for we still carried many articles of comfort we thought necessary but later on found we could get along without. About 9 P. M., M company lined up, took inter\^al, and pitched pup tents. The site for the camp had been made during the time of Napoleon and still remained as it had been in his time ; each company was tented in squares with dirt parapets surrounding each square. It was here we had our first encounter with French profiteers, and from prices they quoted us for their wares they evidently had the idea that America's soldiery were bloated millionaires. Eggs, 8 cents each and only ordinary eggs at that and from an ordinary hen ; only difference from our American hens was that they under- stood French. This profiteer in eggs didn't linger amongst us very long for he was shooed out of camp, but he returned later and sold his hen fruit for six cents each. The Y. M. C. A. gave a show this afternoon, ''Baby Mine." The costumes were far from Broadway style and the scenery was home-made but the show itself was well acted and thoroughly enjoyed by us all. Part of the 105th moved out to-day and entrained for our next stop. Where, remains for us to find out, for things are now being done very quietly and quickly. Water is scarce and they allow us but a canteenf ul a day ; this is used for shaving, bath- ing and drinking. Allow myself a cup full and with this police myself thoroughly. First I shave, wiping the razor and lather 110 71sT NEW YORK on any kind of a rag ; in this way keep the hair out of the water. The shave finished I wet my body with a rubber sponge then soap quickly and lather up ; this act accomplished I rinse off with my sponge; after drying off, a little powder is used and the bath and shave is completed. June 6th found us on our way again. From Brest we en- trained. Speaking of trains, have to call them such but fail to see any resemblance. The car itself is about half the length of our cars ; they have so many compartments to a car, the entrance being on the side ; each compartment has two doors, one on each side. There are three kind of cars : 1st, 2nd and 3rd class. First class is upholstered and the seats are comfortable. Second class, covered seat; while third class is entirely of wood. There are no wash-rooms or toilets or any other bits of comfort. Water? Yes, plenty of it along the route but you only get that when you stop, and you usually stop miles away from water. Such is life. They placed us into these compartments, eight men to a com- partment; gave us three days' rations and we were off. The rations consisted of bread, canned beef, canned tomatoes. After two days and nights of traveling we finally pulled into a termi- nal (or it looked like one for there were more than two lines of tracks) ; it was really a yard or a turning point for there was a net work of rails. This place had been a town called Noyelles. Out we piled and into a field close by. Details, details and still more details. Cars had to be unloaded of regimental property, then after unloading it was reloaded into lorries (trucks). It was at Noyelles that we received our barrack bags and were told that we were to take out the things we wished to take with us as from that time on whatever we had was to be carried on our backs. Most of our bags contained such things as sweaters that our sweethearts had made, helmets, socks, extra uniforms, etc. The majority of us had packed in cartons of cigarettes, cigars, fancy soap, and many other articles of comfort, having previously been told that our barrack bags would always be with us. The next war will find us a rather light traveling outfit for we have no desire to equip back area men. They failed to inform us where the dressing rooms were, so we did our changing of clothes in the open. This failed to phase the peasants who lined the field on all sides to see what the American soldier looked like. They IN THE WORLD WAR 111 gained a fine impression for they had a wonderful chance to see how we looked, uniformed and otherwise. After rolling our packs, repacking and marking our bags we fell in and marched away. We packed all our worldly possessions on our backs and fortunately the hike was only a few miles. It was up here we met our first English soldier, ''Tommy" to us ever after; a queer sort of duck with his '^ 'Ow are you, Sammy?" the Aus- tralian *'Auzzi" with his ''HeUo, Digger," also the New Zea- lander, the latter two more along our lines than Tommy. Passed through several small towns and finally halted in the town of Grand Laviers. The advance agents, so to speak, had picked out our billets, and as we came into town each platoon leader was assigned a house or shed which was to be his home until the next move. In the States each company always had all four platoons in the same place, but in France the platoons were quartered in any place available; sometimes a platoon would be half a mile from Company H. Q. The farther away the better, for that meant less detail. By way of celebrating our arrival in this town, Jerry serenaded us with an air-raid. Along about midnight, everybody asleep, when suddenly we heard the crash of artillery fire and the rattle of machine guns. Naturally all this meant something, but to us rookies it was entirely new, so we all had to investigate the reason for this celebration. Look- ing out of the windows we saw search-lights sweeping back and forth across the sky and somewhere up there we could hear the br-r — br-r of airplanes and realized that we were in an air raid. On the floor above, an attic. Corporal Rhodes (''Dusty" to us) came out of his sleep in time to hear one of Jerry's bombs go off ; " Dusty ' ' lost no time turning out, for, as he started for the stairs he let out a yell, "Heads up, one Corporal, one steel hat and a gas mask coming through, ' ' and with that he descends with a rush. Jerry evidently found things getting too warm for him up there, with anti-aircraft and machine-gun fire bursting around him, so he turns and starts home, dropping a bomb every so often. Several dropped near enough to be uncomfortable, but no damage was done to us, although there was some fine pock- marks in the landscape. Jerry's approach caused the natives to disappear; where to, we found out the next day. Seems they 112 71sT NEW YORK had community bomb-proof dugouts wMcb everybody had helped to make^ so whenever Jerry paid a visit they would hot-foot it to the raid-cellar. While at Grand Laviers they gave us our gas- masks and changed our rifles, giving us English ones in place of those we had. The only spot where we could drill was three miles from quar- ters, so every morning we would receive our noon ration of food, and hike to our little field. Here we were taught a bit of every- thing: grenade throwing, machine gunnery and other things we never had back home. It was also here that we received the order that from now on we were to wear our blouses on all occasions. It seemed that because ''Tommy" had to wear his, we had to wear ours. If ''Tommy" had been in the habit of doing something we had to change our mode of living and do as he did. Guess they were trying to make "Limies" out of us; didn't know whether we came over to learn how to dress or how to fight. Abbeville was a short distance from Grand Laviers, so one afternoon, having some time off, Corporal DeBous and myself strolled over in that direction; on the way, ran into the "Red Bands" (British M. P.'s). Having lived in New York all our lives, we found them much easier to handle than the N. Y. police. Happening to pass an English camp, we stopped in to look them over, when I suddenly spy a sign "sergeants' mess." Well, being a sergeant myself, decided I would investigate, so Jack and I start to stroll in. Jack never got in as he was in- formed that this was for sergeants only, so I had to proceed alone to do my investigating. With a promise to Jack of an early return, I ventured in. Received a fine welcome, several bottles of Bass' Ale and then returned to Jack with the news; this re- sulted in our exchanging coats that Jack might become a ser- geant long enough to get some ale, while I waited behind a bush with his coat. On Monday, June 17th, we packed up and left. When we started, our packs were rather large and bulky, but as we pro- ceeded they kept diminishing in size, so that by the time we marched into Franleau, they were rather small. The hike was mostly up hill, one of those long hilly hikes that seemed as if the hill had no top. In the march to Franleau, M Company was IN THE WORLD WAR 113 out of luck, for we discovered that our camp site was four miles back. Seems that a guide who w^as sent out to lead us away from the main road for the purpose of saving us several miles niMng had missed us. These extra miles nearly proved fatal to M com- pany's hiking record, a record we were proud of, for no matter where, how long or how hard the hike was, M Company always had the least number of stragglers and men falling out. It was Lieutenant Turner who saved the day. For some of the men who were all in, he w^ould carry a pack for one or a rifle of an- other; and as the men recuperated a bit he would return the equipment. While in the Franleau Sector, we had our first actual firing of machine guns, as we called them; they were really automatic rifles, Lewis guns. Our drilling continued daily, rain or shine, and the men were getting harder and harder each day. Hikes that at one time were hardships to us now became mere jaunts. After training here for five days, we were ordered in, so on June 22nd M Company picked up the main body of the Regiment and started on what proved to be a three-day hike. The first day we hiked twenty miles or more and it was one of those heart- breaking kind. Fortunately, the day was cloudy and cool w^hich was in our favor. Lieutenant Walradt was commanding the company, all our other officers having gone up front for in- structions. Each day of hiking finds us with lighter packs than the previous day. All surplus equipment was forgotten by us ; extra shoes, tent pole and pins, etc., was only extra weight and no benefit to us (at the time), so why carry them? Our officers told US: "All property short will have to be paid for." "Fair enough," says we, but why carry it?" "Tommy" carried none of it and we were doing everything he did. The hike ended in the town of Oneaux, a small hamlet that boasted of nothing; just an ordinary, everyday French village. Somehow our billets looked like castles ; we were all in, but M Company didn 't lose a man. June 23rd found us up bright and early, tired and stiff but ready. With only twelve miles to go, we went off in our usual spirits, but somehow the twelve miles seemed more like twenty. Lost a man to-day, but as he turned his ankle severely he was forgiven by us all. About five o'clock we pulled into the town of Heuzecourt, a thoroughly fatigued outfit but ready for any- 114 71sT NEW YORK thing. There is one thing we have acquired from the British, the rolling kitchen, which thus far is the only sensible thing we have adopted. While we are hiking the next meal is cooking, so that when we reach our destination the kitchens are rolled into their place and the food issued. Each day's march brought us nearer the front. The peasants along the line of march greeted us most friendly, but that was all they did. A poor lot, for the three years of war sapped their surplus capital and they live on their land. No young men were seen except a cripple here and there who was unable to bear arms. The old men and girls did the work of their sons and brothers. June 24th. We started on the last leg of our long hike ; only had ten miles to go and that was divided into two periods; five miles before the noon mess and the last five miles after mess. The thoughtfulness was appreciated; somebody must have rea- lized that the men were tired. Before we started, a mobile shower-bath rolled into our billets and we had our first warm bath for weeks. Such a treat would have been appreciated much more if it had come just after the hike, but a warm water bath is a treat at any time, so there was no kick from any of us. In the early afternoon of the 24th, we marched through the out- skirts of the city of Doullens ; it was there we saw our first large body of English soldiers who lined the streets as we hiked through. From them came such remarks as ' * Cheerio, Sammy ! ' ' and " 'Ow yer mockin ute?" At that stage of the game, we had no reply to their questions; we didn't know them then. An army that marched singing and whistling, after a three days' march, was evidently a novelty to them at that time. They did the same thing three years previous. Three years of war would have changed us too. Our enthusiasm instilled a new feeling in them for they realized that the Yanks were there at last and one of the best divisions in the States. They had seen a division of the national army and, they told us later, there was no compari- son between the two divisions; we (so they said) looked different, acted different and were different. Doullens was quite a town; had streets (real streets), a shop- ping district and restaurants. Think of it, real restaurants! Well, wasn't that immense! Go and get a meal any time you desired, provided you had the price, but at this time, most of us IN THE WORLD WAR 115 were stone broke, not having received our pay for two months. But just wait until pay-day comes ! For the first time since leav- ing the States, the entire Battalion was within bugle distance of B. H. Q. (Battalion Headquarters). They billeted us in what had been a chateau, a monstrous large set of buildings, four stories high and built in the shape of a half -moon, with a large court yard facing the Somme River. Companies K, L and M occupied the one entire building; M, as usual, had to go to the roof. After having slept on hay in most of our billets, wooden floors didn't lend the impression of a feather bed, but we slept and it was dry. On the outskirts of the town there was a large Canadian Hos- pital which most of us were anxious to see. For several days prior to our arrival Jerry had come over on air raids and de- liberately bombed this house of mercy, demolishing one of the main buildings and killing a number of wounded men. On the roofs of the hospital large red crosses were painted, nevertheless, Jerry circles above and drops his parachute lights (lights that illuminate the country for miles as they sail slowly down) and then he deliberately drops several bombs on the undefended buildings. Plain barbaric murder and one that stamped a desire in our breasts to return evil for evil. Everyone of us said, *'Just wait until we get at the , we'll show 'em." Our drill schedule was changed; 50 minutes for bayonet exercise, a certain time for grenade drill, another period for field problems, etc. Fine idea for it broke the monotony of doing the same thing all day. We hike to a range, set up tin cans and other objects, setting them along the top of an improvised trench ; these articles served as Germans. Our problem was to capture that objective. It was something real we could cope with. Our lines deploy, machine guns support us from the flank and we advance in thin lines, firing as we advance, then at a signal we charge. Won- derful ! Fills us full of desire to get up front and duplicate it. We could have done this every day, if they let us. Buddy (Dusty) Corporal Rhodes had gone up to the front line for instructions, and the tales he told of his experience held us spellbound. Dusty was a first-class comedian and his narrative was well colored for our benefit. Jerry paid us a visit, as was usual, but did no damage. The 116 71sT NEW YORK anti's barked away but it merely served as an incentive to roll over and pick out a new soft spot on the floor. Such things as air raids had lost their novelty; the men no longer woke and looked for cover; getting to be hardened veterans, even though we had never seen a real trench. During the attack Jerry dropped a monstrous bomb a very short distance from our bil- lets but fortunately it was a dud. Had it gone off, there would have been a number of us who would have been A. W. 0. L. at morning roll call. Most of the platoon sergeants had gone into the lines for instructions, so on the 28th I received orders to re- port and proceed to the front with a Captain and several non- coms, from the 105th. We reported to headquarters on the 29th as per orders and there stood a lorrie to take us to the front. No hiking ! Something has gone wrong when they ride us ! At last we were off for the front, the place we had been itching to see for months and months, and now we were heading there fast. Passed through town after town, most of them mere piles of brick and twisted iron; their chimneys standing, sentinel like, over the once busy little towns. Albert was the largest town (or what had been a town) we passed through. As we approached nearer the front, places where towns had been were more dam- aged than those further in the rear ; these towns were absolutely level with the ground, but you can tell where the town had been by the comparison of color ; town sites that were, were gray and reddish while the surrounding country was green. After hours of riding, the lorrie stops and we pile out into a beautiful field of poppies where birds sing. A wonderful day and not a sound to disturb. Suddenly, out of the ground, sev- eral Tommies emerge from their dugouts and greet us. We exchange greetings and tell them of our mission, then the fun begins ; they start to kid us. Ha-haw, kid us. New Yorkers, eh ? When they found that we believed about one-half of what they told us, they ceased trying to impress us with their fairy-tales. ' ' Where 's the front line V ' ' Hup a ' whys. " " Well, let 's go. ' ' They gave me a guide and away we went. Naturally, there was a bit of questioning, and I asked most of them, ''Was it always quiet like this ? " " How far is the line away ? " ' ' Do you have many casuals?" The answers were, ''Woit a bit. Sergeant, 'e throws a few 'bout dusk." ''Ow a bit," ''Verra few," ''Well, IN THE WORLD WAR 117 'eres headquarters, sir," and with that he leaves me. Head- quarters ? The sign read that way, but all I could see was a hole in the ground, so I stuck in my head and yelled. Was invited down and met the Captain, a pleasant English chap and rather young for a C. 0. Chatted a bit and then received instructions as to how to get to Platoon H. Q. and find Sergeant H. I fol- lowed instructions explicitly ; wound down a trench ; then, as in- structed, came up on top and walked along the top. After doing this for what seemed a mile, I suddenly beheld a Tommy, calmly smoking a cigarette; he squatted on a fire-step, his back to the trench with his Lewis gun alongside. "Where is Sergeant H.," says I. "Down a bit," indicating with his thumb, not even look- ing at me. "Well, where in h is the front line?" "Yer on hit noo. ' ' I was no time removing myself from the exposed posi- tion. As I slid into the trench, Tommy was all pep and attention, begged my pardon, didn't know I was a Sergeant. Seems a sergeant in the English army was some boy. After leaving this lad I sauntered down the trench for nearly 100 yards before finding my second guard. (Over 100 yards of trench and only two men visible ; a fine way to conduct a war !) Told this to the sergeant when I met him. "Well, yer see, it's a cushy place 'ere and 'es 'bout three 'undred yards away and 'e 'as to cum up a bit of grade. If we leaves 'im halone, 'es a leven us halone. ' ' Spent three days up there with the Tommies and found them to be a fine lot of boys. Young, to be sure, and fed up with the war. They answered all questions I could invent and returned the compliment by questioning me. Received my baptism of heavy artillery fire and must admit that my knees smote one upon the other. A shell coming over to us could be heard com- ing for seconds before it came anywhere near, but to me they all sounded alike ; felt sure they all had my name upon them. Sev- eral of "his" heavies struck near us but did little damage, ex- cept to my feelings. Learned up here that Jerry was a methodi- cal cuss, for every evening at five he had what Tommy called his "mad half hour," for about twenty minutes or more "he" would shell heavily, then cease until morning. As dusk creeps up, "Stand-to" begins; that is, all men in the lines line the trenches and are ready in the event of a raid. After this work 118 71sT NEW YORK begins, wiring is strung out front and all work that cannot be done during the light of day is done. Rations come up and are divided. Two A. M,, Tommy has to have his tea. A man slips out and reconnoiters out front. All night long Jerry sends up star-shells or Very lights; these illuminate the country for quite a distance around and are most annoying when one is out scouting. Jerry is fluffed, has his wind up, scared stiff, so up go his lights continually; he's taking no chances on a surprise at- tack. Found my first cootie while up there which made me a real soldier. If I stayed there much longer, would have been as lousy as the sergeant I was sleeping with; he picked them off without even removing his shirt. Went on my first patrol the previous night and fortunately can tell a bit about it. Seems that the sergeant who took me out had been gassed and had a nasty hacky cough which would start going at various times. On account of this cough, he had been told to refrain from patroling, as he only endangered the lives of the men with him. I didn't know this, so we started out, walking upright. I felt terribly large for some unknown reason. How far do we go ?" I whispered. ' ' Eh ? " Again I asked in a louder tone of voice and felt sure I could have been heard in Berlin. ' ' Dunno, ' ' says he, when he stepped on something that snapped. I jumped, my heart jumped, my tin hat raised up as far as the chin piece would permit. ''Are there any Germans out here?" ''Plenty of them." (Encouraging to me!) "How do they go, single or otherwise?" "Pairs, braces, flocks, 'ow ever you likes 'em." (Rather fresh, thought I.) Then he tells me, "If you runs across any, 'it 'em, don't shoot, for the flash would give yer away, and you'd be a corpse." A corpse — that' was me ; any killing to be done would be one sided ; I felt that, "he'd" do it, not I. We became more careful now; we separated and got on our hands and knees. Not a sound to break the stillness, except my heart pounding against my ribs. It seemed that Jerry must be able to hear that thump-thump. No ? — He's deaf then. By lying flat on the ground I was just able to see the sergeant; as he moved I moved, but about half as much ; this stillness was getting on my nerves. Suddenly a noise like a sneeze and a stifled cough, then up flies two Very lights, and I simply freeze to the spot, my IN THE WORLD WAR 119 heart sneaking up into my throat. What was it ? The sergeant had suddenly developed a fit of coughing, but it didn't last long. This evidently disturbed Jerry, for he sent up Very lights more often. Personally, I had gone far enough, but the sergeant con- tinued on, so I couldn't quit, and kept going too. We came to ''his" wires and stopped. I had no desire to pass through, so lay down by a post and listened. Cemetery quietness prevailed ; so quiet it hurt my ears ; when suddenly this quietness was shat- tered by much strangling and an explosive cough. Jerry didn't wait for any light this time but opened up with a machine gun and then Very lights. The bullets kicked up all around us, spattering dirt over us and pebbles hitting our tin hats. Nat- urally, pebbles hitting my hat sounded like hail. Thought sure I was hit, but not feeling any pain, realized what it was. When the lights went out and the machine gun let up, I promptly faced to the rear and started to crawl for our lines. The desire to get back overcame any thought of safety, so I sprang up and tore over the field for the lines. Had I been timed, I sure would have broken a record. Went through our wire, which fortunately was very lightly strung, and into the trench with a rush. Fortune was again on my side for no one ran a bayonet into me. I learned later what a foolish thing it was to enter a front line trench in such a manner. It is best to announce your arrival and save a funeral. July 1st found me on my way back to the company ; right glad too was I to be back among the boys. Was pestered with ques- tions which I staved off until I had taken a bath and policed my clothes for cooties. Our first pay came across and the celebration befitted the occasion. This was the first money received by some of the men since back home, so naturally they went wild. Not a thought given to saving any. Why save when to-morrow we all go into the lines on our maiden trip. Suppose you're killed, money wouldn't help any. July 3rd we spent waiting for Gen- eral Pershing to inspect us: packs were ready and our equipment fairly shone. Never saw him, but a major caught his for saluting with a riding-whip. We left Doullens during the night of July 3rd on flat cars. Our kitchens were hauled aboard and after all was ready we made ourselves at home. Trying to sleep on a flat car in action is like trying to sleep on a fence ; the only reason 120 71sT NEW YORK we didn 't fall off was because we were packed in so tight that we couldn't roll over. At daybreak the train came to a stop amid the clatter and grinding of brakes; whistles blew and we piled out into the town of Wizernes. After unloading, they marched us to a field and there fed us. Fortunately, they parked M in a spot which boasted of a very small creek about a foot wide. The fresh water was a blessing, so for once we did not grouse. After mess and a smoke, we pushed on. A fine day for hiking and the men go to it with a relish. After some hours we hit the outskirts of St. Omer. From rumors floating back to us, we were half way there. Some rumor ! For after marching a bit further, we began passing the head of our column coming back. "What's the big idea ? You guys going back home ? ' ' and other friendly remarks. Everything is 0. K. Somebody simply read the map wrong which resulted in our marching about four miles out of our way and to a canal which had no crossing, so we had to retrace our steps and begin all over again. Things like that usu- ally had a wonderful effect on our morale. Grouse ? It was one continuous kick from then on and men began to fall out. ''Ah whadda I care? Let 'em go. Where's the guy with a rubber map leading us anyway ? Bet the is riding a horse ; he should worry about us." We passed through St. Omer, St. Martin, Tilques and followed along a picturesque canal into Watten and then into Wulverdinghe, where we billeted. Two men from M had to fall out with bad feet; one, Chevaleux, our interpreter, and a new man who had been assigned. Much to my disgust, Lieutenant Turner made me fall back, with instructions to get them in. First I had to inspect their feet, then first aid was gone through ; after that we set out. I had no map and only a vague impression of the name of the town we were going to. A lorry came along in which I placed my cripples and rode into St. Martin where we had to get off. Waited for another lorry, then rode to Tilques where we ate and drank to our heart's content. Another lorry we took carried us miles out of our way into an English camp. Back to Tilques; this time we are right for we landed in Watten, but it was about 8 P. M. and dark. Inquiring, we find out the outfits are billeted in the next village up a long winding hill. So again we start out and only went a short dis- tance when we overtook three Tommies who were in a very jovial IN THE WORLD WAR 121 and liic-cy mood. As I said before, a sergeant is mucli respected by a Tommy, so I informed them of my rank and asked where they were going. With much unsteadiness of body, they an- swered: ''Hup the 'ill, Sir (hie)." I then ordered them to take the packs. Much to my surprise they did with no comments, we adjusting them to their backs and continued our journey. " 'Ell- ish 'eavy packs these. " "Do you think so ? " " Break a bloke 's bloody back (hie) " The British pack was entirely different from ours, his being more like a sack which hung low on the back and usually empty, while our pack rode high and as yet we carried a bit of surplus. The next day (July 5th) there was no Reveille, but at 9:30 they fed us breakfast and we were preparing for the day off to celebrate the Fourth and clean up. We had part of the day off at any rate. About 10 A. M. the Iodine Slingers put in an appearance and we had to fall in for inspection, cooties, etc. Late in the afternoon, several of the sergeants from old M, 71st hiked into town for a regular meal and some champagne. Had plenty of each. July 6th we packed up and hiked back to Tilques; not in the village proper but outside a bit. A very short distance and easy going. Here we found a tented camp ; each tent was camouflaged. We learned this was a rifle range and was there for target practice and musketry school. We didn't hike enough those days, so the previous night several of us hiked five miles to town for some beer. July 7th. After finishing target practice we packed up and hiked four miles to St. Martin where we were billeted. The fourth platoon, like the last company of a regiment, was set by itself, so after the other platoons had been assigned we had to continue our hike a bit until we found a billet. Fortunately we discovered a fine large shed with plenty of straw at one end, so we had things ''cushy." Water right in the yard and no first-sergeant at hand to annoy us. Our drill-field was adjacent to our shed, so all we had to do was fall in, march a few feet and drill. With all these good features, we had a bad one, we had to hike for our "chow." Ran into Mike Stoneham, an old M- 71st man, doing M. P. duty. Last time we saw Mike, he was a three striper; now he's a buck private. Seems he ran afoul of some French firewater and lost his stripes. Otto Luchtenberg, 122 71sT NEW YORK one of our old sergeants who had gone overseas ahead of us for instructions, reported back to the company. The old Dutchman had put on weighty otherwise he was the same droll Otto with his girlish ways. (Hope he sees this.) From July 7th until the 14th we stayed in St. Martin and drilled; here we learned the latest formations for attacking various types of positions. We hiked to the range at Tilques where we were taught to throw real grenades, shoot rifle grenades and attack a dummy trench with all infantry weapons. On Sunday, July 14th, our day of rest, we hiked into St. Omer where we entrained ; this time we rode in the famous ' ' Cheval 40 Hommes," the entire night. These famous box-cars reminded me of our old horse-cars ; about the same size. If they put straw in and don't pack too tight, a fellow can at least rest up. The morning of the 15th we passed through Wormhandt and saw our first American troops; some National Army bunch! Oudezeele was our destination, but first we had to detrain at Winnezeele, unload and hike to Oudezeele. There they spread us all over the country. Most of the companies got billets. M Company, as usual;, got the left-over, which, this time, proved to be an open field. For the first time since our arrival we had to pitch our pup tents for our stay in this sector. As it had rained most of the time during our travel, the ground was far from dry, but by that time we had become hardened, so wet ground meant nothing. Our company area boasted of a pond, the usual French pond cov- ered with a green scum, but, if drained and boiled properly, one could wash and clean equipment. In an area now that makes us realize that a war is on, for we can hear the rumble of big guns, and at night we see the sky in the East is red and hazy from heavy firing. We go into the city of Cassel, which is about five miles from here, and built on the top of a high hill. One can go to the East wall of the city, and see in the distance the bursting of our heavy artillery shells. The front line is only nine miles away, as the crow flies. Divisional H. Q. is near by and for the first time since our arrival all the outfits are in the same area. Jerry raided us nearly every night but inflicted no damage. July 16th was a big day — we lost our campaign hats and canvas leggings; from then on it was trench cap and spirals. A fine looking sight we made ; half of us didn 't IN THE WORLD WAR 123 know how to lap the spirals. Could see where Reveille would have a number of late arrivals unless the boys got up earlier than first call. July 17th. Jim Hoffman and Van Holland, of M 71st and Marcus Kipp of the 2nd received their commissions for shave- tails and amid congratulations left us for their new outfits. Hated to see the boys we soldiered with leave us but such is war. July 18th we marched to the showers for our annual bath. Won- derful showers; the shower part is the size of a half dollar and contains six holes for the water to trickle out ; four of these holes were usually clogged up. You are first ordered to undress and line-up to receive instructions ; one minute under to get wet, then the shower is turned off ; one minute to soap, then the shower is turned on for two minutes and you rinse. Bully idea; warm water is a real treat, but most of us would have enjoyed a longer stay. One rainy night Baldy and I were rudely awakened by the bull-like voice of our old friend from the Ash Can district, regi- mentally known as Squazzo, demanding to know where his pla- toon headquarters was. He soon found out and then he informed us that he couldn 't locate his equipment and would the Sergeant fix him up a place to sleep. Baldy and I talked it over and decided to let him sleep between us. A bad break, for, in the morning, both Baldy and myself felt an itchy feeling under our shirts; so after Reveille we made an inspection of our persons and found that, during the night, we had acquired quite a family of cooties. Squazzo was sent for. ''Squazzo, take off your shirt. '' ''Ah, Sarg., I ain't got no cooties." ''No? Take off your shirt." Squazzo does as ordered and we help him "read." Cooties ? Simply alive with them. Squazzo spent the rest of the day sitting about with his towel serving as breeches, for his cloth- ing was put through the boiling process. Sunday, July 21st, we packed up and headed for the line. We passed through Oudezeele into Winnezeele, then to Watten, southeast to Abeele and finally halted at Remy Siding, a deserted English camp. This hike was a heartbreaker. The heat was intense and our blouses nearly wore us out; but they would rather see us fall out from exhaustion than to order those damn blouses off. Suddenly the sky opened up and a deluge broke 124 71sT NEW YORK loose, soaking us through in no time. We came to a field and pitched our tents and stayed for the night. Wet or no wet, we all slept, for we were tired. In the morning we moved into Nison huts, large steel huts the shape of half a circle, and waited for orders. We didn 't have to wait long for orders came through that we were to move forward that night and take up position in a reserve line of trenches known as the Westoutre Line. These trenches were merely outlined affairs about waist deep and mud soaked from the rain. Before darkness fell, we moved up a way, under cover of a camouflaged road, and waited for night. Here we were under observation, so our movements were slow and cautious. Stop every little while and fall out to let lorries and wagons pass for the front. We were in range of Jerry's guns and an occasional shell would suddenly shriek its way through the air and land uncomfortably near us. We moved up this road in columns of platoons with about 75 yards distance between each unit, so that if a shell landed on the road, losses would be reduced. Finally, about 9 P. M. we reached our destination ; our guides met us and each platoon sergeant was escorted over his particular sector by the sergeant he was relieving, then he returned and posted his men. Company H. Q. was located on the remains of what had been a farm, in a spot known as Ellarsyde, and quite some distance from the 4th platoon. When I met the sergeant I was taking over from, I asked him questions pertaining to con- ditions. He informed me that a short distance away there is a giant naval gun which fires at long intervals and that when this gun goes off, the flash lights up the country for some distance around, and the explosion is terrific. His parting words were — ' ' Don 't let this get your goat for it 's not a shell. ' ' He no sooner finished this statement when the inky darkness was split by a blinding flash, and as we hit the bottom of the trench the report shook the ground. We both got up, looked at each other, and with a sheepish grin (I couldn't see it but knew it must be there), he informed me "that was it." The next time it went off I was prepared, so didn't mind it so much. None of the boys had any idea of sleeping ; this experience was too novel ; couldn 't afford to miss anything, but fortunately ''he" missed us on sev- eral occasions. Along toward morning "he" began dropping IN THE WORLD WAR 125 them a bit faster. We could hear them coming with their Br-r-r-r-r- Crash, several of them striking so close that they threw dirt and mud into our trenches. The w-r-r, as a piece of shrapnel sped by, usually made us duck. During the night of the 23rd ''he" shelled us from 9 P. M. until 1 A. M. and from 3 to 5 A. M. ; this continued shelling being his method of trying to silence our artillery which was thickly scattered throughout that sector. About midnight, the gas alarms began to clang, so we don our masks and for four hours suffer the tortures of Hades. Along towards daylight we got the "All's clear" and removed them. Four hours in a gas mask is far from pleasant ; the nose piece hurts, your jaws get tired holding onto the mouth-piece and you can 't see a thing, for the heat from the face fogs the eye pieces. To add to the discomfort of the men. Lieutenant Rudin and I thought it would be a good joke to throw bits of mud at or near the men every time a shell came our way. By lying on our bellies we could see the boys outlined against the sky, so when a shell began its song and headed our way, someone would yell "Duck." Down all would go; at this moment^ Lieutenant R. and I would heave a handful of mud into the trench ; then the fun began. The remarks coming up from the trench-divers was laughable. "Gosh, clos't, warn't it?" "Whoof, it trew mud on me. " "A chunk got me on the hat. ' ' We kept this up until our arms grew tired. Lieutenant R. threw a stone which hit Joe Utter on the tin hat; the sound of stone against metal made quite some noise and scared poor Joe sick. During the day our movements had to be guarded ; men desiring to go from one posi- tion to another had to move singly, for here we were under observation of Mt. Kemmel and any massed movements would have drawn a barrage. The 4th platoon being nearest to our kitchen, it was up to us to carry the rations to the men further up. We got along very nicely and no shell to disturb us; but at one time when most of the boys had their mess-kits full of stew, we suddenly heard the song of a shell; no one laid their kits down, we simply dove, mess-kits and all into the trench. Tony No wick (a big Swede from up-state) had his foot in Corcoran 's stew; another lad had his or somebody else's stew all over him. The surprising part of these movements was that the slow-moving boys developed 126 71sT NEW YORK remarkable ability to keep up with the fast movers. Early this morning, day-break, M Company had its first casualties. Jess Graham, 71st (skinny freckled-face Jess) was hit on the head by a shell-fragment. The same shell got a lad from M, 2nd. For- tunately for these lads, they were sleeping in the bottom of the trench and the shell exploded at the top or parapet which re- duced part of the force. Had they been standing, they more likely would have received a set of wings instead of wound stripes. Rained one of the nights we were in and the result brought back memories of Texas in 1916, when the rain made mud that oozed knee-deep through shoes and leggins and was slippery as slush. This was only a sample of what was in store for us. The night of the 23rd brought our relief, so we turned over our bit of trench to the new outfit and hiked back to Remy Sid- ing for a rest. We needed rest, for most of us had not slept for forty-eight hours or more. The next time we go in, we will regu- late our living according to the conditions of trench-life; sleep in the day and work after dark. The night of the 25th we hiked about 10 miles in the rain to the reserve line, part of us going to Opium Farm and part to Melon Farm. Hiking at night is most tedious for as you near the lines transports have the right-of- way. You go ahead, stop, "fall out on the right" until you are disgusted with the way they run things. We got in early, so were initiated into the ''Night Workers." Went out at 10 and re- turned about 2 :30 A. M. Our detail was to improve on a series of trenches. Jerry evidently was suspicious or knew we were there, for he kept shelling in our vicinity most of the time. He dropped one so close to Jimmy Manning that he could smell its breath. Good thing it wasn 't more than a dud. Along about 3 A. M. the rations came up and were divided among the men. Was just getting ready to ''cock off" when a Tommy 's voice inquired : " Is the Sergeant about ? " He was, so I followed my guide to Tommy's headquarters and received our first rum issue. As the rum ran from the keg it reminded me of molasses for it was thick and heavy. The quantity issued for my platoon was just enough for one man, I thought. Water is added to thin it before it is issued. A few remarks to the Sergeant issuing the rum had the desired effect, for he invited me to a IN THE WORLD WAR 127 drink on the side and it proved to be a most potent beverage. When I assembled the fourth platoon to issue their rum to them it had to be done by tablespoonfuls. As each man came up he opened his mouth and received three spoonfuls. Having a heavy odor of rum about my person I was accused of consuming the men's issue. Some of them would have kicked had they been issued a cupful. During the afternoon word came through that we were going up and that at dusk we were to report to the English and split up with them ; a Tommy platoon and one of ours ; we to take orders from Tommy and receive instructions from him. We were given our map designations as to where to report with our respective platoons. Trying to read maps and locate objects in inky black- ness where you can 't light a match is far from easy. After wan- dering about muddy roads and making inquiries dumb luck fell our way, for we found our Tommy platoon-sergeant. When I informed him that I had forty men with me, he wanted to know if I had brought the entire company along. His platoon con- sisted of sixteen men. We set out; where, we didn't know; but we followed along, plowing through roads and fields, and wound up along railroad tracks and finally, after much wallowing through mud, came to a halt at the Bund by Dickebusch Lake. The platoons were met by guides from the platoons we were relieving, and away we went to our positions. M Company occupied positions in Ridgewood and along the Bund, the 4th platoon taking over a ridge which ran along the lake side. Wasn't so bad for us for bevies had been dug into the side of the ridge and at least shed the rain somewhat; some were so low that a man couldn't sit up straight in them while others were a little more comfortable. No lights could be lit unless the en- trance was well screened for Mt. Kemmel like a giant sentinel stood guard over us, and any lights would mean troops, and that meant a hail of shelling. These bevies had been built for protection from shrapnel only and were covered with sand-bags and stray sheets of metal. A direct hit on any of them would have resulted in death to the occupant. For some days we lived in Dickebusch and became real veterans. We learned how to take care of ourselves, to work at night, when to duck for cover and when to stand fast; we 128 71sT NEW YOEK learned to tell the different sound of shells, duds and gas shells ; we learned how to conserve our water and food and became efficient in a number of stunts. A Yank is quick to grasp things ; the Tommies were most surprised the way we went into it all. On the night of the 30th Jerry was particularly vicious; he shelled and machine-gunned us for an hour. One of his ''heav- ies" dropped into a wagon-train that had just finished unload- ing our rations and was preparing to go back. This shell got twelve men, killing two and injuring the rest. Mike Cuddiby (from 2nd) our Mess-Sergeant, was literally riddled with shrap- nel, having sixteen holes in various parts of his body. He later died from the Flu. A bunch from the 4th platoon were string- ing wires this same night along a ridge near our bevies ; every- thing was going fine; the Tommy Sergeant was instructing. Suddenly several of us heard what we thought was somebody tapping on a taut wire ''ting-ting." We kept on asking ques- tions and receiving no replies, when we discovered we had been deserted. There at the foot of the ridge was friend Sergeant beseeching us to "get off the bloody ridge afore you get a blighty." Eealizing that the ting- tinging we heard was some- thing different than tapping on a taut wire, we dove into the shelter of the ridge. Our diving would never have won a medal for gracefulness. Things would be wonderfully quiet, when suddenly the pup- pup-pup of our machine guns would open up from one of the ridges near us; they would keep up a heavy firing for several minutes, then stop. Quietness for about a second, then "whr-r-r," as Jerry would start shelling, searching for our guns. Soon as our guns ceased, he would pick up his equipment and beat it for safer quarters, while we had to stick and take the gaff. A great game, you do something and I pay for your fun. Air battles were a daily occurrence, but we would always pile out to witness them, for they were exciting. A plane falling in flames after a game battle was lustily cheered by the men. The English sure had the most stoical lot of aviators; odds meant nothing to them. They would do what they set out to do ; if they didn't, down they would come, but seldom alone. I have seen one English plane battle with four Jerries and get away. Day in and day out, dusk to dark, "Stand To." Just before IN THE WORLD WAR 129 dawn until it was light — ' ' Stand To. ' ' On a very misty or dull morning we "Stood To" longer than on bright mornings. Each night, rations came, details carried them up, and they were divided. All the boys became cooks; they made a McConackie (canned stew) taste like roast chicken. The eats were bully, not a great variety, to be sure, and some of us could have eaten more than received but, nevertheless, there was no kick. One morn- ing, the platoon sergeants were sent for and reported to B. H. Q. (Battalion Headquarters), where we were turned over to Tommy sergeants to receive instructions as to the location of our emer- gency trenches, a line we would occupy should we for any reason have to retreat. We started in our various directions. The ser- geant who was to guide us knew less about where we were sup- posed to go than I did. I knew we were somewhere near Dicke- busch Church. The fog was thick and the grass (knee-high) was soaking wet. For an hour we stumbled about, falling into shell- holes and wading through swamps; at last he guessed this was the spot. I was glad he guessed, for just about that time I was ready to go back to headquarters. We never used those reserve trenches. During that trip we all became well inhabitated with our pets, the cooties, who recognized no superior rank and bit the officers just as hard as they did us. At ''Stand To" July 31st we had a close call of losing a perfectly good raspberry-topped Corporal by the name of Joe Utter. No doubt he will recall his close shave. Joe was standing by his Lewis gun, head against the stock, when, crash-bang, and a second later the gun was parted from where it had been; a bit of shrapnel had plowed its way into the jacket. August 3rd after dark we had a busy night; ration-parties were rushed up ; M Company was relieved by the English outfit; we went in with the Buffs and went back to a support position about three hundred yards from the Bund. A miserable place to be quartered for there was very little room. They stuck us in elephant huts and in the cellar of an old farmhouse ; this house was surrounded by a moat, full of smelly, stagnant water. An elephant hut is nothing more than a half- circular affair of steel with heavy ribbing; on the inside they looked like the ribs of any large animal ; this was reinforced with concrete, steel railroad rails, sand bags, etc. Usually large 130 71ST NEW YORK enough for fifteen men, we jammed twenty in. To add to our misery, it rained; that meant mud and meant that our lower limbs would be in a plaster cast, for Belgium mud had the happy faculty of sticking and staying. Our canned heat gave out but we had a light issue of food and all were tired. Everybody was in a vituperative mood. We had to heat our food some way. Our dubbins (waterproof grease used on our shoes) would burn nicely, so we wrapped this in burlap and cooked with that ; smoked like Hades but it threw heat. Bacon-grease would bum, candle scrapings, everything and anything that gave heat, was pressed into service. All dur- ing the night we were shelled but that failed to keep us awake. It's a great feeling to fall asleep with the sound of ''heavies" bursting about. The ground shakes, and well, perhaps the next one will have your name on it. At 7 A. M. on August 3rd we thought Hell itself had broken loose for we went through our first barrage and shortly after Jerry returned one. We had been under shell-fire, but this was a novelty. Mud flew, shrap- nel burst, but it wasn't one here and there; they fell row on row. Any troops going forward through such a storm of fire would have been cut to pieces. This barrage of ours was laid at a zero hour, at which time the Buffs went ''over the top" on a raid; their object being a certain brewery which Jerry had. They were to get prisoners. The whole thing was a surprise and worked beautifully; gained their objective and captured their prisoners. They lost heavily but got what they went after. Our second platoon had planned to make the raid in conjunction with the Buffs, but orders came through that American troops with the British were not to participate in raids, etc., until further orders. About 10 P. M. the same day, our relief, the 9th Norfolk, came in and took over. Were we glad to see them? Rather! We were told before we started that we had 16 miles to cover and it was slippery and muddy under foot and we were dead tired and ready to sleep standing up. The hike was one we will never forget. We filed out in columns of twos ; so dark that you could barely make out the man ahead. It rained a bit; we were wet and dog-tired. The hike through the mud was killing. Jerry shelled most of the trip out but the majority of us didn't care a IN THE WORLD WAR 131 damn about shells ; we were just moving. Well, if we got hit we wouldn't have to hike any more. We stumbled, slipped and cursed most of the trip, but no one fell out. When whistles blew and word came down for us to halt for our customaiy ten min- utes rest, we simply dropped where we were and slept. At the end of ten minutes, word ran through the lines — "Forward, March." Automatically, the boys would get up and stumble on, sleeping as they hiked. About daybreak we came into and passed through the town of Poperinghe. On the outskirts in the fields we found that our kitchens had been brought up and the cooks had a piping-hot breakfast ready for us at 6 A. M. That was a life-saver. Tired as we were the food and bit of rest snapped our morale from zero to one hundred per cent.; we were ready to continue. About 9 A. M. we pulled into Trappist Farm where they gave us a day of rest. W^e took advantage of it and cleaned up. Most of us had no money, not having been paid in over two months. Our cigarettes were gone. A fine state of affairs, but thanks to Lieutenants Ross and Turner, arrangements were made whereby the men could borrow small amounts to procure the much desired weed. The following day found us still feeling the effects of our hike, but along towards noon a whistle sounded ; ''M-A-I-L" yelled a sergeant. Stiffness, sore feet and all our troubles were forgotten. Some of the men broke Charlie Pad- dock's record for the 100, in their desire to get up front. Then back to the tents and for some time the camp was unusually still. Received our first batch of drafted men as replacements. We had had no casualties but could stand more men. They had been drilled a bit but not as much as we. A fine type of lads and willing to learn, so it wasn't long before they had shaped themselves and became one of us. The only unpleasant part of that camp site was the presence of a British observation balloon a short distance east of us. Jerry- would shell this balloon every now and then during the day; every time he did start breaking shrapnel about this balloon we would have the pleasure of listening to shrapnel and shell frag- ments "plopping" in the fields around us. As long as they only "plopped" it was 0. K., but a fellow couldn't tell when the sound might change to "Thump," as it found a mark on one 132 71sT NEW YORK of us. After a week's stay at Trappist Farm, we packed up one hot morning and hiked to Hardiford. This was familiar ground to us for it was near Oudezeele and we had been there just be- fore our trip up. M Company went into billets as a company for, fortunately and for a change, the billeting officer found billets left over that would accommodate M without spreading us all over the country (an unusual feat for we usually received what was left over after the other companies had been quar- tered). From reports in American newspapers, France had no crops and was starving. From my observation, the country round about us produced some of the most wonderful crops I have ever seen ; potatoes, wheat, rye and other necessities. The Red Cross had headquarters in Oudezeele, so for the first time since our arrival we felt a touch of the home-land. They gave us soap, cards and many other American things we had been unable to get. The great shortage was smokes, cigarettes being at a premium (American ones as well as English). On Sunday, ''Baldy," a sergeant from the old 2nd N. Y., and I. started on a tour of the surrounding country. We left camp early after morning mess and went to the main highway and waited for lorries to come along. We spent the entire day hopping lorries to the different towns about there, searching for cigarettes. At the end of the day we had traveled about 30 miles and added about 30 cigarettes to our supply on hand. In the English canteens each man is allowed so many cigarettes a day and there is no doubling on the line. On this trip we ran across an airdrome and hung around it for an hour, hoping to get a ride, but no such luck. The nearest I came to it was to climb in and get ready, when an orderly came running across the field and in- formed the lieutenant who was to take me up that it was ' 'taboo " for American soldiers. Big doings on August 14th; we received our June pay and celebrated the occasion. Most of us journeyed to eat-emporiums and did damage to French fries and eggs ; although our food was excellent, a change was beneficial. M Company played several games of baseball, winning them all. The crack team we had in Spartanburg had not forgotten how to play our national pastime. The fighting in these games was great ; one would have thought we were playing for the title of the army. We beat B Company IN THE WOELD WAR 133 on their own grounds and a week later Divisional Headquarters team became our victims to the tune of 11 to 2. We trained daily, rain or shine, and we had become so used to this that the days off weighed on our hands. One day in particular we had maneuvers (or they called them such). The entire regiment marched to a trench near Hardiford, took position, shot up a few signal rockets, an airplane flew overhead dropping signal flares (that meant nothing to us) then higher officers talked things over and voted the maneuvers a success, and we hiked back to our quarters. The hike was pleasant at any rate. At 7 :35 on August 21st we started one of those hikes that we swore would never be forgotten ; but somehow a hike comes later that throws the particular hike ' ' we won 't forget ' ' into the back- ground. The day was hot and the roads dusty and still we had to keep our blouses on, because Tommies hike in theirs. Every fifty minutes we were given ten minutes' rest, then up and at 'em again. Wasn't it hot! Each rest-period found it harder to get up and get going than the previous stop. At noon a half hour to pile some food down and off we go. About 3 P. M. we came to a halt, fell out and spent the rest of the afternoon resting up and waiting for night to fall, so we could move up to a position in the reserve. We were soaked through with perspiration and the thought that we had to stay in the same clothes for a week or two was far from refreshing. As night fell we moved forward but at a slow pace. Stop — go — stop — go, an occasional shell bursting at hand, but fortunately for us no casualties in M. We spent the night in deserted and tumbled-down huts and dug-outs in a woods southeast of Dickebusch. Jerry shelled these woods most of the night but never did locate us. It rained during the night and our already damp equipment became more damp. Sleep ? Few of us did for we were too tired and weary to even sleep. The following night the various companies met at a given junction of a road and we proceeded forward to Dickebusch along a railroad track. It was hard walking along these tracks for we slipped and stumbled over the ties; it was also difficult traveling on each side of the tracks on account of the sand. Shells landed along the route continuously. The shells at first caused us to drop until they exploded — then go on. We, however, 134 71sT NEW YORK got tired of ducking and gave it up and took chances of getting hit, except when one sounded particularly close. One of these particular close ones was too close to be encouraging; we heard it and ducked. At the explosion, ''Baldy" and I could feel the hot breath of a fragment as it swished between us. ''Woof,'' said ''Baldy" — ''guess it had our address but couldn't spell our names." I agreed with him. Every now and then a dud came over, or we thought them duds, but some bright gas N. C. 0. had been told that gas shells failed to make a noise upon ex- ploding. So many duds fell that he began to scent gas, so we suffered. Orders came down the line to don masks. For fifty minutes we kept them on and almost sweated blood as we hiked. To sit still with a mask on is far from pleasant but worse when hiking. Most of us removed the mask itself but kept the nose and mouth piece in place. About 9 P. M. we pulled into Dickebusch where we felt at home, having been initiated in trench life in the very same sector, but this time we billeted in several shell-torn houses that had been reinforced on the inside, leaving the outside looking the same as when Jerry damaged them. To have repaired the out- side would have caused Jerry to shell them heavily. Life on this trip was a duplicate of our first trip in. Jerry strafed us con- tinuously. The trenches were just the same ; food came up every night and we lived the same as we did on our first trip in. Only difference was that we knew how to act this time. During this tour it rained fifty per cent, of the days ; the men were soaked and covered with mud, but, as was usual, their spirits ran high. The second day in, Bill Niece came down with a temperature and was sick as a pup, so he was sent back to the R. A. P. (Regi- mental Aid Post) for treatment. Was feeling sick myself; dizzy, aches in every joint and generally bad, so I reported with him. The Doc. there looked us over, took temperatures (mine was 102.3) and ordered us to go back, pack up our packs and report. Bill felt too sick to make the trip, but somehow I managed to go back to my platoon, turned it over to ' ' Baldy, ' ' get Bill 's duffle packed and with the aid of one of the boys returned to the R. A. P. From there they sent us further back to the A. D. S. (Advance Dressing Station) where they put us through the same tests, but by an English Doc. this time. Bill couldn't hike, IN THE WORLD WAR 135 so they put him on a stretcher carried by two Tommies. Glad I walked, for every time they heard a shell coming they dropped the stretcher and ducked. Went to another Aid Post; the Doc. there went through the same procedure, only this time we are tagged; Biirs read— '' Gas— slight " ; mine read, ''Trench fever, touch of gas." At this station we stayed for the night. In the morning they stuck Bill in an ambulance and away he went. (Two years later I met Bill in New York. He told me that after he left me he had some trip, ending in England, then home.) After hours of waiting, they informed me that the hospitals were overcrowded and I was to go to a D. R. C. (Divisional Rest Camp). A horse- ambulance took about ten of us back to the camp which was only a short distance from Trappist Farm. Most of us were blame sick, but with medical attention would soon be 0. K. Upon arrival at the camp, a sergeant checked our tags and assigned us to tents, six in a tent. No cots, ground soaked and one blanket. For well men this would have been fine, but for those with a high temperature, we considered it a raw deal and expressed ourselves to that effect. I, being the only sergeant present, was elected to see the camp C. 0. to get more blankets. Fortunately I had previously met the C. 0. and after explaining conditions he had four blankets issued to each man. Mighty poor camp, little medical attention and scanty rations. To add to the situa- tion, it rained a little every day. I stood this for a week for I was too weak to do much, but little by little came around so that when the company came out I was strong enough to return. Suffered our first death casuals this trip. Corporal Charlie Brust and an Italian chap who had been a replacement were killed by a H. E. (High Explosive). Charlie was a fine kid, one of the obsei-ving type and one who could be depended upon. Charlie and the wop had been instructed to take a position in a shell-hole out front of the line a bit and act as observers. An 0. P. (Out Post). Here they were to spend the day. In the Kemmel sector the country was flat, so it was impossible for them to do much observing by looking over. In Spartanburg we had been told that a trench-mirror placed on a long stick would make a fine periscope in the event of necessity. Charlie had evidently recalled this, for he pressed his mirror into service 136 71sT NEW YORK as a periscope. The mirror, flashing in the sun, caught Jerry *s eye and what went through his mind we shall never know; per- haps he thought it an advance signal post, for he dropped sev- eral heavies near the 0. P., one of them taking effect. On August 31st the Division engaged in its first attack. The attack was a surprise and a complete success. The boys encountered little opposition except from machine-gun fire which was annoy- ing, but caused no casualties in M. The Lewis gun crews were much in evidence by their recklessness, some of the bigger men firing from their hips. When night fell we had advanced a mile and occupied a section on Vierstraat Ridge. This point was established and most of the night was spent reconstructing. September 3rd we were relieved and marched to a railroad junction at Proen where we entrained for Doullens, but not until we traveled from 11 :30 P. M. to 4 A. M. in a downpour. Thirty men were packed in a car, so between the uncomfortable feeling of being soaked and so many men in a car, sleeping was impos- sible. This trip in Doullens they put M Company in what had been a convent ; during the stay there one or two sisters kept it in order. Received our first bit of news of our old buddy Ser- geant Jimmie Hoffman, now Lieutenant Hoffman. Also from Jamie DaCosta, another old M boy, now First-Sergeant in L Company, 165th. The drill field was about an hour's hike from our billets; first we drilled up a long hill, then down the other side where we spent the day drilling; our afternoon's drill would* be up this same hill and down the other side again. Drilling to us those days was play; we worked hard for we all realized just what it meant. Bayonet drill we once would stall through, but now we pitched into it with a vengeance. For eighteen days, days that were free from excitement, we stayed in Doullens. All our money had been spent on food and wine, so that when we pulled out on September 22nd most of us were broke. While in Doullens I had been detailed to Battalion Head- quarters as Battalion Ordnance-Sergeant. In a way I was pleased for it permitted me to keep off my feet, my left leg hav- ing gone back on me, due to old injuries and the additional strain of late. Hikes to me were torture, for the pain in my leg would not permit me to sleep and I would be all in the fol- lowing day. Several days of hiking would have me worn to a IN THE WORLD WAR 137 frazzle. The only objection I had to going away was that it kept me from the boys I had soldiered with so long. My duties as Ordnance Sergeant were simple ; I had to have so much ammuni- tion on hand at all times, grenades, Lewis guns, etc., and check them daily. They gave me six mechanics to keep things in repair and no one to boss me, so I really drew my first ''cushy" job in the army. The company entrained at Doullens during the night of September 22nd and rode to Tincourt where they billeted in deserted bevies for a day or so before moving forward. Here the regiment left most of their surplus equipment, for from then on big things had to be accomplished. September 25th M relieved an English Company of the 18th Division B. E. F. and took position in front of the town of Ronssoy. The English had been unable to remove several nests of German machine gunners who had positions on Guillemont Farm and Quennemont Farm and who were causing much loss and were in the way of an advance, so on September 27th the 106th Infantry with M and K of the 105th went over the top at daybreak to capture these positions. At zero hour, a thick haze hung over the fields, but as the barrage dropped the outfits swept forward. The haze was a big handicap ; the smoke of the shells bursting and mixing with the fog added to the difficulty of seeing. M lost its first-sergeant and two other sergeants as they came from their trenches. Along a sunken road Lieutenant Rudin went down and died where he fell, but the boys kept on ; the men became separated; Lieutenant Turner had gone on, where, nobody knew, and the fourth platoon men were with him. The battle raged back and forth for these positions that were well fortified and gallantly defended. Attacks and counter at- tacks raged throughout the day. As Jerry would come out to meet the boys, they would go into shell-holes, then reorganize and counter. Big Roy Ganung went ''West," shot by machine gun fire at the furthest point of our advance. ]\Ionks ]\Ionguzzi went back to get a Lewis gun that had been dropped; this act cost ]\Ionks his life. Little Herbert Boers went down fighting. The men following Lieutenant Turner reached their objective and passed over and far beyond, but the main body of the attack could not go through. Here this little body of men consolidated and fought it out alone. Lieutenant Turner, they say, fought 138 71sT NEW YORK like a superman; he asked no quarter and gave none. Gill (2nd) and Mike Neary (10th) were found dead as we advanced two days later, but from the Germans lying around and among them, they gave more than they received. Jimmy Manning and Abe Zirt along with a new man were captured and taken to the rear. As Jerry swept forward to overcome this stubborn little garrison, they undoubtedly were surprised to find that such a small fighting unit could execute such damage. Their ammuni- tion gone, their comrades killed, these three sat down and waited patiently for what was in store for them. M 's casualties were heavy, for I saw many of our boys as they passed through the Aid Post at Longreues — Hasselbarger, Gus Herren, Matson and others whom I have forgotten. By the night of the 28th we established our new line and were relieved and the 105th went back to the supports. Old Walt Klinge, one of the few old timers of old M 71st, single handed broke up what was to have been a counter attack. He was decorated for this. The boys marched back to St. Emilie for the night and understood they were to receive a couple of days' rest, for they had earned it. In a heavy rain they made camp and rolled in, only to be pulled out early on the memorable 29th and rushed forward for this great battle, to act as moppers up. The shelling by both sides during these days was intense, Jerry continu- ously shelling all roads, night and day. During the night of the 28th tank after tank was lined up and put in condition for zero hour of the 29th. In front of Jerry's lines lay barbed wire entanglements that looked impregnable; never before had wire been strung so heavily, for Bony and LeCatelet were the north- ern strongholds of the famous St. Quentin Canal. Impossible to capture, was Jerry's thoughts; no human beings could get through these entanglements to capture the machine gun nests on the other side. At 5 :29 on September 29th our barrage fell ; heaven and earth were breaking up ; Hell broke loose. A barrage such as this one had never been heard or seen before. The ground trembled from the concussion of all types of artillery throwing their steel mes- sages of death into the German lines. Company M and the rest of the 105th were in support, supposedly to mop-up as the first wave passed on. In their excitement IN THE WORLD WAR 139 and desire to get into the fight they advanced too quickly for soon after fire began to pour into their ranks from the rear. Jeriy had come up from his hole and was back-biting. The 27th were surrounded but history fails to give credit or decora- tions to our Majors for Lost Battalions^, and with the aid of the Australians the 27th fought its way through. Prisoners began to pour into the rear, a sickly looking lot ; wizen and drawn looking of face, far from powerful looking, and they seemed pleased to be captured for they truly were sick of war. At day- break on the 30th the writer had to go up front to locate Bat- talion Headquarters. Rations had gone up the night before but the advance had been so rapid that the drivers failed to locate the troops. Taking a lad by the name of Morris, I started out, passing through St. Emelie. The road to Ronssoy was straight and leading to the front. Jerry was shelling this road, not heav- ily but heavy enough to make it very uncomfortable. About 300 yards ahead of us two Auzzies were heading for Ronssoy. Sud- denly Morris and I crouched low for we heard a ''heavy" com- ing and it sounded close, so we ducked. As we did, the shell hit directly in front of the Auzzies. When we reached them, both were dead ; one having lost both legs, the other, part of his head and an arm. Coming into Ronssoy, at the junction of the road we found our Medical H. Q. D. They were dead tired for they had been rushed night and da}^ caring for our wounded. As we came up the Ronssoy road I witnessed a sight never to be forgotten. For miles, north and south, our artillery stood practically wheel to wheel, firing as rapidly as the guns could be loaded and fired. The smaller calibre guns in the first line ; 100 yards behind and wheel to wheel heavier guns; back of them, still heavier guns. Leaving Ronssoy behind we passed "Death Valley;" here we saw the havoc of war. Men, mules, horses and all matter of equipment lay strewn about. Such waste, human and other- wise! So this was the price of war. Stretcher-bearers slowly wended their way back towards Ronssoy, carrying their ghastly loads ; they were dead tired but kept on their errands of mercy ; never a complaint escaped their lips. After much searching, I finally found Headquarters, but there was no need sending up food for they were to be relieved that 140 71 ST NEW YORK night. Late in the afternoon of the 30th, with the Germans in retreat, the boys rested and began souvenir hunting, collecting all they could lay hands on ; German pistols, watches, anything. George Seheussler with several others was sitting on the ground, talking over the events of the day, when a wiz-bang suddenly exploded quite some distance away. No thought was given to the incident as it burst so far away; it seemed harmless. Fate played a nasty trick, for a bit of the casing flew and struck George in the back. I am told he smiled and said, ''I'm hit," then quietly fell backwards and passed on to his Maker, with a smile on his face. To have passed through the dangers George had and come out scarless, then to be killed by a stray, seemed a cruel turn of fate. x\ll of us were as dirty as hogs and mud-caked; our under- clothes were black for we had not been out of them for over a week; w^hen rest periods came, we did very little washing, for any moment might bring an order to move up forward a bit. When our relief came in on the 30th we went back into the Peronne sector, Tincourt Woods, or thereabouts. Jerry had occupied this territory a few days before, but the only thing left to remind us of him was his war material scattered about. The territory had been occupied by him for four years and he evi- dently intended staying four more years. The following weeks were weeks of continuous hiking short distances but always within shell range and sound of the front. We passed through Bellicourt, Nauroy, Joncourt, Montbrehain, Brancourt, Fremont, Bohain, all of which towns had been in Jerry's hands for four years. The few remaining inhabitants who had been prisoners during the past four years received us with tears in their eyes. ' ' Vive le American ! ' ' They had been half fed. When they ate our food they appreciated its superior quality. Coming into the town of Busigny late at night and the day fol- lowing its evacuation, I had a rather unpleasant experience. It was dark, no lights could be lit, so we scattered seeking any avail- able place in which to sleep. Morris and I saw a house, so walked in. There was a bed there but we learned that most beds were infested with bugs, so we rolled into ponchos and slept in a corner on the floor. Morris asked me, ''Do you smell anything, Sergeant?" "Yeh, pretty rotten, isn't it?" Nevertheless, we IN THE WORLD WAR 141 went to sleep with our noses covered. Upon awakening at day- break we discovered the cause of the odor. On the bed in the room was the dead body of an old lady. How long it had been there, we couldn't tell, but judging from conditions, she must have been there for several days. We reported our find to the sanitaries who gave her a respectable burial. Every day it rained a bit and we kept moving always forward. New sleeping quarters every night; any place with overhead covering was acceptable. Rumors always floating — ''Going sixty miles back and rest for thirty days," etc. We moved, all right, for along toward 8:30 on the 16th orders came through to move up and relieve the 30th Division, on LeSelle River. Most of M had rolled in for the night but they sprung up and in a very short time packs were rolled, wagons loaded and off they went. On the 16th Ernie Dames and Al Loeffler, sergeants of old M 71st, received their appointments to attend the 0. T. S. At 4 A. M. our barrage was laid and continued for hours be- fore the attack; then along toward daybreak, LeSelle River was stormed, the river forded and the heights beyond on the verge of falling. The battle raged all day of the 17th in a drizzling rain, the heights falling the following day. Jonc de mer Ridge fell before our assault. The Ridge in our possession, the St. Maurice River lay before us and a hard nut to crack. For two days, the 19th and 20th, our artillery pounded, our machine- guns poured unending streams of lead across and the Infantry attacked, but failed to cross until late in the afternoon of the 20th. Jerry 's defense was wonderful but the undaunted courage of the men of the 27th finally broke his morale and he fled. Our casualty list ran heavy but those killed were few. Honest John Kelly, Jack DeBoess and Stish Stevenson were wounded. At one time casuals were coming back in such large numbers that the Supply Company was formed and was prepared to go into the lines. On the 21st after five days of continuous fighting we were relieved. Each man had done his bit and captured his share of prisoners. Some had done more conspicuous things than others; captured machine-gun nests single handed; but they never re- ceived mention for these deeds^ let alone Congressional Medals, yet word came to us of a sergeant in a draft outfit from Ten- nessee being awarded the highest military medal for conspicu- 142 71sT NEW YORK ous bravery in action. He had done no more than some of our boys. From the time of our relief until the 24th when we landed in Roisel, the town we were to entrain from, we hiked. We averaged 15 miles per day; two of the days it rained and was very cold. We slept where we could, washed very little and stayed filthy very comfortably. On the 25th M entrained and pulled out of Roisel, waiting down the tracks for the other Battalions and troops to entrain and load. The supply train had orders to be at a siding at 5 :30. Reporting on time, we found things not ready for us. It was cold, so several of us lit a fire, sat around and watched the traffic as it crossed and recrossed the road passing over the tracks. We were sitting about 100 yards away, when suddenly we heard a sis-s-s and the ground trembled and the crossing started Heaven- ward. At that place there was a lorry with six men heading south, in front a water-wagon drawn by two horses ; going north, a motorcycle and side-car. The lorry rose up, standing on its rear wheels, the water-wagon and horses were lifted and thrown about forty feet, while the motorcycle was thrown to one side. The driver and helper of the lorry did not receive a scratch, but the lorry was buried in debris. All of the men were dug out unharmed except one who was dead. Both horses and driver of the water-wagon were instantly killed, while the motorcycle and driver were unharmed. Whether the Germans had left a delayed mine or some other contrivance behind we never found out, but we did realize what it would have meant had a troop train been passing over at the time of the explosion. On the night of the 26th after many delays we pulled into Corbie, piled out, unloaded and hiked to the town of Dewars (or Deours) . The hike was made after nightfall, so our billets were not inspected the night of our arrival. The day following our arrival we had to ourselves. Clothing and equipment were washed and the cooties removed from our shirts, and we slowly returned to our normal selves. Our ranks were much thinner, but every day or so one of the old timers returned from the hos- pital and gradually M began to look like its former self. There were twenty old faces missing that would never pass in review again, but somehow circumstances caused us to overlook their absence. We missed them more after returning home and losing IN THE WORLD WAR 143 the barbaric conditions we lived under. Each day was identical with the previous one ; we drilled a bit, played a little and every night had a bit to drink. Most of the days were cold, so bathing became a once-a-week affair, for taking a bath in the cold wind was far from pleasant. Received some more pay while in Deours, so once again the boys smoked and ate French fries and eggs for a change. On November 11th about 11 A. M. we heard the rat-ta-tat-tat of a drum; the inhabitants of the town came running from all directions and gathered about an old man who stood very quiet until everybody in the vicinity had gathered about; then he announced (in French) that the war was over. Germany had signed a truce. Not a sound was made when he finished. The women cried, the old men sniffed, then bedlam broke loose ; everybody hugged everybody else. Suddenly bells began ring- ing, artillery began firing, causing most of us to look up, ex- pecting an air raid; not seeing anything we began to wonder what all this excitement was about. "Yive la American, tres bon" — and a free drink to America. Smoly-hokes, some- thing must have happened. Our bugles blew Assembly and we rushed to our respective commands and fell in. It was then we learned the cause for the Froggies' hilarity. Whip (Captain Whipple) announced to the company that Peace had been de- clared. Fine, grExVT — but little cheering — ' ' Mineola ! ' ' shouted one lad. "When do we go home?" That night I started on a seven-day leave. I had drawn two months' pay and won some money rolling the African Dominoes, so was flush and Paris my next stop. Bade the boys good-bye and with Corporal Cusson (2nd) hiked and lorried to Amiens, where we found the town had gone mad with the news of Peace; fireworks going off, lights lit and everybody making merry. Arriving in Paris about 5 A. M. we checked in to the M. P. 's and were granted a twelve-hour pass until our train for St. Malo. Paris too was Peace crazy; everybody was happy and all showed it. Personally I had such a bully time that I had to duck the M. P. 's all the next day until I could catch the train to the leave area. While in Dinard received orders that instead of reporting back to Amiens I was to proceed to Bouloir (105th H. Q,) in the Le Mans area. Arriving there found I 144 71sT NEW YOKK was three days ahead of the outfits, so hiked and rode to where the Division Headquarters was to be. Coming into town I ran into Captain Potter. We looked things over, gathered informa- tion from some men of Divisional H. Q., then seeing about twelve Fords lined up picked one out for the 105th and rode back to Bouloir where we billeted. A day before the arrival of the out- fits I went to La Roush with the billeting officer and selected the billets that were to be for M Company. My command of French though poor sufficed to win me a bed in the home of an old French couple with whom I lived for my entire stay in the LeMans area. From November 23rd until February when we left for Brest we lived like kings. Had regular drill schedules but the officers took the men out into secluded spots and drills were called off until recall when we marched back to our billets. Inspections held daily but inspection by the Major on Saturdays was en- joyed by us all, for there was intense competition among the four companies of the Battalion, M Company winning most of them. (Yells from I, K and L!) One day we received word that General Pershing was to review us. Much hustle and bustle cleaning equipment for the big event. We marched to Cam- paigne, a field near Le Mans, and about 12 miles distance, in little over three hours, and, as was usual, we simply stood up for hours until the General arrived on the scene; then hours of standing at attention while he inspected the Division. It's fine being inspected by your General but it's no fun. In February they began giving us what they called Embarkation Inspection ; we would march to a field, lay out our equipment, then some officer we had never seen before would check us up. Checking up consisted mostly of a brisk walk up one line and down the next. If a man was short anything, the front rank passed it to the rear rank and vice versa. One day our barrack-bags ap- peared on the scene ; but only the bags ! The contents had been removed — no doubt by some of the hard working, long-range snipers from the S. 0. S. and other back- area units. One day in February we packed up, full packs, and hiked in a downpour to the railroad near Le Mans and started what was to be our last train journey in France. Heading for Brest was the rumor, and for once the rumor was correct. They packed IN THE WORLD WAR 145 forty men in a car and in some cars more, but heading for home, we should worry. We rode all night, the next day and the night following. The second morning, bright and early, we had our first glimpse of the ocean. ''Mineola!" was the cry set up. There was much going ahead and stopping, but finally we came to a dead stop. ''All Out!" and away we went to the famous mud-camp at Brest. Big improvement since last we saw it. Tents with floors ; Y. M. C. A. and K. C. huts, and shops of all kinds graced the road, but the camp still boasted of the mud that made it famous. The day we arrived it was cold and gloomy, but our spirits ran so high weather conditions were forgotten. We marched to the extreme end of the camp where they assigned us our tents. The last time we had been under canvas our company streets had been wide and dry even in wet weather, but here the streets were narrow and we had to walk on duck-boards to keep from becoming buried in the mud. At mess time we had to fall in, march half a mile, line up and pass through stiles and pass the counter where you held out your mess-kit in which they splashed your ration. After this act you wended your way into a large hall with high tables from which you ate. Finishing, you passed through another turn-stile, de- posited any refuse into cans set aside for that purpose, then passed to the washing stands where your equipment was cleaned. The day after our arrival we had little time to ourselves. First we fell in for fatigue and general policing; then a hike in the rain to the farthest end of camp where we waited our turn to receive physical inspection and examination for cooties; they even gave us a bath and an exchange of underwear and other clothing urgently necessary. This procedure continued for two days, until we were all tired of undressing and dressing to show ourselves (like so many horses at auction) to some Iodine Slinger. Two days in camp and then orders that on the following day we were to embark and sail for home. That was a fine rumor; most of us failed to believe it, for hadn't the men at Brest told us that they usually held incoming troops there for at least ten days. For once, in all the time we served in France, a rumor came true, for the following day we packed up and hiked back over the same road we had come over just about nine months before. It was a bleak, cold day, the day we left our camp in 146 71sT NEW YORK France, and while passing through Brest a heavy cold wind- driven rain began to fall which soon soaked us through. We had to be carried by lighters to the Leviathan and each lighter could only carry about two to three hundred men. M, being the last company in line, had to patiently wait its turn. Standing for hours in a cold rain waiting our turn to board the ship was nerve taxing but I failed to hear a complaint. Slowly we worked our way to the shelter of the dock and there received the numbers of our sleeping quarters. For another hour we patiently waited, but under shelter this time, where we could get hot drinks from the K. of C. and the Y. M. C. A. booths. Finally, in the later afternoon, M piled into the lighters and away we went. Pulling alongside the Leviathan we had to crawl through an opening that let us into the bowels of this giant liner. As we crawled through, sailors directed us to our quarters. We did little wondering about the ship for most of us were dog-tired and dripping wet. After resting and getting some food we felt better. About eight o'clock a call was sent out for volunteers to load the coal. The sooner the bunkers are filled, the sooner we would start home. Every man stepped forward, names were taken, reliefs made, and once again the 105th became stevedores. How the boys did work ! They flew in- to the job the same as they did into Jerry. They passed coal all night long and part of the next day, until all the barges were empty and the bunkers filled; then we removed from our body and clothes as best we could the signs of our labors. The trip back was lacking in excitement of any kind. We played cards, visited our friends in the various companies and did everything possible to speed up the time that was weighing so heavily on our hands. It was calm most of the home trip but on the fifth or sixth day out we ran into a heavy storm which caused severe discomfort to some of the poor sailors among us. At 2 A. M. on March 7th the writer was pulled out of his bunk to do a trick of guard for two hours. Guard now simply meant that each compartment had to have a sergeant always awake in the event of any unforseen incident happening. Fin- ishing my trick at 4 A. M., I woke my relief sergeant and saun- tered up on deck. It was a wonderful morning to be on the deck of an ocean liner; it was cold but refreshing and we were IN THE WORLD WAR 147 heading into a strong head-wind. The sailors were beginning their early morning duties, ropes and chains being straightened and decks scrubbed. The first sign of dawn was beginning to show itself in the East; firsts a faint sign of light, then gradu- ally from gray the sky-line began to take on a faint pink and soon after touches of orange began to herald the approach of the sun. Over the starboard side I began to imagine 1 saw a broken outline of something standing against the sky-line. As the light became brighter, this outline began to stand out more prominently. Whoops! Land! And I bolted below to in- form the boys. I wasn't the only one aboard who had seen land for the cry passed through the entire ship. A few came on deck but many of them thought more of sleeping than the sight of land. When passing the Ambrose Lightship, our decks were crowded with men who shouted their greetings in response to the whistles and waving from the lighter boats which began coming out to meet us and escort us in. By the time the Leviathan poked her nose into the narrows, the men on board had taken up every position that would afford a view; they were in the rigging, on the giant freight booms, they were everywhere they could get a foothold ; the port-holes outlined happy faces. Each and every one of us were straining our eyes to be the first to see dear old Liberty, to gaze once again on the skyscrapers we knew so well. As we crept up to quarantine small craft loaded with wel- comers began to poke their way through the early morning mist. Upon nearing the Battery, what a sight ! The harbor was packed with boats of all kinds and each boat packed to capacity. Whis- tles shrieked, flags waved. The faster boats came alongside and anxious people with uplifted faces called, asking if so and so was there. Excursion boats with bands playing the familiar airs ; airs that we had marched away to. The shores were lined ; skyscrapers extended their welcome. What a sight — WHAT A welcome! At first we failed to respond, we felt something within us that we couldn 't understand ; a lump rising in our throats, a tugging at the heart-string. More and more boats sailed out, more bands began to play, but the band that struck up ''Hail, Hail, the Gang's All Here" received a frigid silence. The gang wasn't all there, and at just such a time as 148 71sT NEW YORK this the tune was unappreciated. Tugs came out and slowly the Leviathan was warped into her berth at Hoboken. No time was lost; we were unloaded soon as the gang-planks could be laid, and away we went. The K. of C. — Salvation Army and Y. M. C. A. tried to out-do each other. They fed us, gave us candy, cigarettes and even handkerchiefs. We were loaded on to fer- ries and taken to Long Island City where we entrained for Camp Upton. My, such a greeting — the ferry-house was jammed; the lane to our train was lined with wives, sweethearts, friends and the curious; they gave us everything they had; gum, candy, anything we asked for we received. Then we were loaded on trains, real trains, two men to a seat, soft seats. Some difference between these and our 40 Hommes 8 Cheval. It was dark when we reaehed Camp Upton but we felt at home, for this wasn 't the first time we had made camp in the dark. They assigned us to barracks; each man had a cot and so we spent our first night in the old U. S. When things were straightened out a bit there was a general scramble for a telephone booth, for we N. Y. boys had families who needed a bit of hello-ing. The morning following our arrival we were marched away to the de-lousing baths. As we entered we were handed a barrack- bag in which we stuffed our clothes, then turned them in to be placed in the high-pressure steam furnaces which killed any vermin or their eggs that might be in the clothes. We then adjourned to the showers for the first real hot bath we had in months, with no time limit. Next on the list was to retrieve our clothes and dress. Any clothing that was torn or unserv- iceable could be exchanged at the Q. M. in the dressing room. No man was to leave camp without permission for the M. P.'s would stop you. Yes? The M. P.'s didn't stop us, and personally I think it very wise on their part that they didn't. Formations consisted of Reveille, when a roll check was made. The attend- ance was fair. March 26th we entrained at Mineola and came into the 71st Regiment Armory in preparation for the parade on March 27th. Those who lived in New York were permitted to sleep at home ; the others spent the night at the armory. Early Tuesday, March 27th, a beautiful day but entirely too hot for parading in full equipment, found the various units of the 27th in their respective places in the side streets of lower IN THE WORLD WAR 149 New York. The parade was to start at 9 o'clock sharp. It did, but M, after hours of restless waiting, started at 11 :15. Orders were to hike for twenty-five minutes and rest five. All New York seemed to be present; the streets, every available window and other places of vantage were utilized. The reception tendered us was wonderful but none of us cared a hang for parading. Such heat — it was Hell ! The streets threw hot breath back into our faces and we received no rest ; then they double timed us for five or six blocks ; quick time for four blocks, then more double time. Men began to fall out in a dead faint, yet no rest. From 8th Street to about 100th Street we received no rest, then as troops began to clog about 116th Street and the streets below to 110th Street, where General O'Ryan reviewed us, they had to bring us to a halt. We had lost all interest in parades by that time for we were absolutely fagged out. People showered us with fruit, candy, gum ; anything they had they threw to us. After the parade we were put on trains and taken back to the 71st Armory and dismissed until the following day when we entrained and went to Camp Upton. There we stayed four days, turned in equipment and government property, received our final medical examination, checked up all company paper-work and on April 1st, 1919, they handed us our discharges, gave us our final pay and $60 as a present and we became civilians once again. No one to order you about, no more details, no more anything except to try and readjust one's self to conditions enjoyed by civilians. REMINISCENCES OF A CAPTAIN By Major Raymond F. Hodgdon There was no sleep for anyone in camp that night and each succeeding day saw four more companies depart. Many officers from our old regiment were present to see us off and there were many wives and sweethearts, somewhat stunned by the sudden change of events. Those poor wives! I close my eyes and can see their tear-stained faces as they were that day when we marched out of camp. I can also picture the battlefields where I last saw their loved ones, many of them old friends. I can see their death-blue faces, their glassy eyes staring at me and those awful shell-torn bodies twisted in every conceivable position, or blown in every direction. It is not very pleasant to run across and recognize the severed leg or arm of a comrade, for one ex- pects any moment to find his head. * * * The bunk arrangement below decks for the men was an in- tricate affair and appeared like a maze until it had been studied and gone over a few times. The food was excellent and though the men received only two meals a day, they were well satisfied, a condition which I had never known to exist before and only once since; that was after an advance and our mess sergeant had received rations for 176 men when we had only 49 left to feed. * * * The weather was ideal and we spent most of the day lolling about the decks. There was no excitement the first half of our voyage, except now and then a man lost his hat overboard, when his comrades would beat him over the head until he found a sock or something to pull over his ears. We were wearing campaign hats and under the circumstances I thought the men who lost theirs were small in number. However, the Colonel thought 160 Top: Overlooking the Bund, Diekebusch Lake. Bottom: 105tli Infantry at Doiillens. 71sT NEW YORK IN THE WORLD WAR 151 otherwise and issued an order that if it continued, the Company Commander concerned would be tried — or words to that effect. I do not know under what Article of War the charges could have been drawn up but as the Colonel lost his own hat the next day we heard no more of the matter until the following afternoon, when our daily paper aboard ship, "The Lee Rail" published these few lines : Doughboy, Doughboy, hang on to your hat, Whatever else betide. For should you lose it overboard Your Captain will be tried. But should the Colonel lose his hat — Apple sauce. To a land lubber the engine room of an ocean liner is a maze. Gigantic driving wheels were jumping up and down and in and out until we were sure at least one of them would hit us. I was afraid to put out my hand for fear of getting mixed up in the machinery and in that short half hour I saw more submarines than there could possibly be in the whole German Navy. It was terribly hot and noisy and we nodded now and then to a fifteen- minute description, of which I heard not a word for my mind was too busy with the U-boats. Ducking through a low, narrow archway, we came into the boiler room — where men stripped to undershirts and blue jeans fed coal into the furnaces at the rate of seven shovelsful every two minutes. I take my hat off to these stokers, heroes unseen, mostly unthought of, who, if we were torpedoed, would surely die like rats in a trap. TP TP W One day a general stopped an army driver and asked what he had on his wagon — the load looked as though a large family was moving out. ''Officers' bedding rolls. Sir," answered the driver. *'Who owns the top one?" "Lieutenant Callahan, Sir." "Throw it off and leave it by the roadside." The General then departed, most likely to superintend the packing of his several trunks. That bedding roll looked like the outfit of a piano salesman. However, the striker who packed it 152 71sT NEW YORK had watched the proceedings with the General and somehow or other it arrived at its destination 0. K. I have heard that when the lieutenant was wounded, months later, his mountainous bed- ding roll followed him safely to a hospital in England. The lieutenant may have had a wonderful striker or perhaps he was just plain lucky. My bedding roll, down to regulation size and weight, had been lost three times, pilfered twice (that's how it became ''regulation") and I finished my third month of exist- ance Over There with only a toothbrush and a handkerchief. The only articles of clothing I had then were those required by law and civilization. In a small town in Belgium I entered a shop and asked the woman back of the counter (who, by the way, spoke English) for some tooth paste. She handed me a tube about the size of a cigarette, so I said: "Two, please; how much?" "Two francs-fifty each." It was near the end of the month and I was all but broke. Five francs meant half of my bank roll, but there were enlisted men of my own regiment present and I didn't care to appear cheap, so digging for my last ten francs, I gave her a weak smile (the Old Hawk!) and said: "Rather dear, isn't it?" She shrugged her shoulders and replied : "Officer, plenty money," * * * This was the first and last chance we officers had to examine our trunks, so we opened them forthwith. Here and there a "chink" wearing a childish grin — and pajamas — would stroll in and stand around our opened trunks and if he saw anything which interested him it was examined very carefully. They were as quick as lightning and though we watched them closely, many a valuable article disappeared in the twinkle of an eye. Occa- sionally an officer would offer a cigar or some cigarettes; im- mediately the grin disappeared, a greedy hand snatched the smoke and then the "chink" would grin and stroll on. Our boys were "on to" these fellows, however, and a Yank actually IN THE WORLD WAR 153 sold a useless watch to one of tliem. I hope it was the "chink" who pinched my flash-light. A question arose during our stay in France, and at least one American newspaper took it up and invited Yank soldiers to send in their views as to whether French girls were more at- tractive than American girls. My advice to any American who is in doubt on this subject is to "See America First." * * «= The average layman thinks a striker is a soldier who cleans an officer's boots, but he is far from correct. A striker is a soldier who is detailed to look after an officer's things, and on the battle-field he takes care of the officer. In order to do both of these jobs well he must be an efficient soldier and whenever an officer is found dead on the battlefield there is generally an enlisted man dead or wounded lying near him — that's the striker. * # * There were two dining-rooms for officers at B. H. Q. ; one was in the dugout and the other was up "on top." Luncheon was generally served "on top" when the Boche artillery would per- mit it but it didn't appear as though he would stand for it that day (evidently having been notified of my arrival) for there was any amount of harassing fire going on and some of these shells came mighty close. Eventually a fellow can judge when a shell is about to hit nearby and many times during that meal an officer would stop in the act of raising his cup to listen — and then I would hear it coming — whmmmmmmmm — Bang! "Where did that one go, Sergeant-Major?" "Well over, Sir." That meal was a terrible ordeal for me and a hundred times at least I cursed my too vivid imagination. They opened the agony with soup but it w^as too loose for my kind of spoon, so I passed. Next came some fish^ which I managed to swallow, bones and all. I assured them I didn't care for meat and potatoes but I buttered some bread — and my fingers — cut it into small pieces, and when nobody was looking I tossed a piece into my mouth. They had beer, lime juice and Scotch whiskey and I took the 154 71sT NEW YORK Scotch, after which I was able to drink my coffee without spilling over half of it. The British officer lives fine even on the front line, and I was glad I had brought my striker along, for he picked up some points regarding "Cooking under difficulties" which did not appear in our cook book. At that time British officers were new to me, and though no one could be treated with more consideration than I was, still I could not feel at home. I imagine it was their quiet reserve which made me feel a little uncomfortable for I have always been strong for a good laugh, even at B. H. Q. The Medical Officer was a man after my own heart and I believe he surmised my feelings for with many a joke or witty story he soon had me at my ease. He was almost an American, that M. 0., and I hoped^ but never expected, to see him again after my few days in the line with the British. He was soon to rejoin his cavalry regiment somewhere near the coast, while I was bound for the Lord knows where. Several months later I was on the front seat of an ambulance, bound for a British hospital, when I spied him standing on a street corner. He saw me at the same time and we both waved. I was the only patient and the lady driver pulled up to the curb and I stepped out to greet him. There we stood on a busy street corner in Abbeville, the faultlessly dressed Britisher and the dirty, muddy, bandaged and I must acknowledge ''lousy" Yank. I was mighty glad to see him and from the grip he gave me I think it was mutual. What a big, handsome chap he was, somewhat addicted to the ladies, but who could blame him — he was heart-free and I have no doubt in his own set back home he was much petted and spoiled by those selfsame ladies. # * * In years to come many a mother will save up her pennies to search France for her boy's grave and many of them will search in vain, for one shell of medium calibre will obliterate a grave forever. However, we are seldom obliged to bury a man in the front line. After an advance^ details are sent out to gather the dead, graveyards established and as well taken care of as any back home but of course we have no impressive headstones. A IN THE WORLD WAR 155 quiet spot in Flanders marks the resting place of a beloved offi- cer of our regiment, the first to go " sorry "^ — Lieutenant-Col- onel Morris N. Liebmann, killed in action, 4th August, 1918 — R. I. P. On his left rests a lieutenant and on his right a private. During the day a young lady visited the people with whom I was billeted and I noticed on her waist a miniature pair of U. S. crossed rifles and, as she spoke English, I took the liberty of asking her regarding this ornament. She told me her brother was a Y. M. C. A. worker and that he taught French to the soldiers at Camp Wadsworth, Spartanburg, S. C. For several months that chap was within forty feet of my tent in that south- ern camp, and now I met his sister in a small village in Northern France, not very far from the Boche front line. w * * The Bund around Dickebusch Lake gave it the appearance of a bowl and though it was shelled day and night by the Boche, one could move in comparative safety by hugging the inner rim. After passing the eastern edge of the lake, we found ourselves in the open and the guide led us along a battered narrow-gauge railroad which the Boche at the time was shelling. Every few minutes machine gun bullets would come zipping over and we were forced to hug the ground. However, from this point I had little or no trouble hugging the ground for I was always falling into a shell hole or just crawling out. Sad to relate, many of these shell holes had cold, cold water in them; in fact, I think all of them did. We were nearing Ridge Wood, in the center of which company headquarters was located, and on the eastern edge was that part of the front line which was to interest me for the next few days. * * * We were challenged by a sentry at company headquarters: ''Hew are Yew?" My guide answered, ''Norfiks" — (Norfolk Battalion). The blanket over the entrance was moved slightly. I ducked ^ Killed— died. 156 71sT NEW YORK my head, stepped inside and nearly fainted. In a chair facing the door sat a Tommy, whose face in the candle light was the color of slate. His eyes were glassy and he was dirt from head to foot. He had been buried by a trench mortar shell and almost suffocated before his comrades could dig him out. The M. 0. also found he was injured internally. Just as I stepped inside company headquarters a big shell exploded outside and soon there was a call for stretcher bearers. Two machine gun officers had been hit; one lost his right leg and the other lost his life. It looked like a busy evening for the M. 0. We were about fifty yards from headquarters when some- thing whizzed by the back of my neck so close I felt the breeze of it. When I questioned my companion regarding this, he laughed and said, "Somebody must be throwing stones at us." Perhaps it was ''three shots for a nickel" but at any rate I prayed that sniper wouldn't win a cigar for any work he might perform on me. * * * It is an intricate problem to feed a company in the line. In Flanders our kitchens were at times eight and ten miles back of the line. Each morning the mess-sergeant who remained with the kitchen was informed of the actual trench strength of each platoon. After the food was cooked it was placed in burlap bags, tied with a platoon number, and at night it was brought to B. H. Q., on limbers. The company ration parties carried from B. H, Q. to company headquarters where the supply sergeant distributed to the platoons. After a trip of this description in a burlap bag, food is often in poor condition and of course it is cold. Generally, threads of burlap hung to each article of food, but we became accustomed to giving our victuals a ''hair-cut and shave" before using. Sometimes a shell would hit in the midst of a ration party and when the remainder arrived at com- pany headquarters, three or four men and an equal number of bags would be missing and somebody would be S. 0. L.,^ for no more food could be brought up until the next night. * * * ^ Soldier out of luck. IN THE WORLD WAR 157 A company commander in the front line gets little or no rest for he is up all night writing reports or visiting his line, and it is generally 8 or 9 A. M. before he can lay down for a few hours. By this time, however, the battalion commander has been up for an hour or so, shaved and had breakfast, and like- wise the regimental commander^ who begins to ''raise Cain" over the 'phone with the battalion commander. Possibly the brigade commander has been ''sticking pins" into the regimen- tal commander; at any rate, B. H. Q. gets the buzzer working to company headquarters and this continues throughout the day. Between these outbursts a captain manages to get in about three hours' sleep in fifteen-minute snatches. About ten P. M. the regimental commander lays his weary head upon his pillows, thoroughly satisfied the brigade commander is after his "scalp" and that the company commanders in the front line are ' ' laying down" on their jobs. * * * In many places the parapet had been worn or shot away and the Jerry snipers watched these spots like hawks. At night they trained machine guns on them and a shot came cracking over every minute or two, followed by a short burst. We tried on many occasions to patch up these bad spots but every morn- ing Jerry came over, flying low, and if he noticed any repairs he would signal his artillery and in ten minutes the place was worse than before. However, with the aid of camouflage, we worked elsewhere. * * * . The Boche sent up some wonderful lights — rockets and flares and golden rain — and made no-man's land as bright as day. It was over an hour before we could move on and it was nearing daylight when we an^ived at our own company headquarters. We had some close shaves along our own line — just missing one Boche patrol — and from running in a crouched position I ached from head to foot. There is no doubt war is a young man's game — d — n young. * * * A British officer told me of a chum who sat on the parapet in the front line while a sniper took a hasty shot at him : Ping — 158 71sT NEW YORK ''I wonder if he is shooting at me!" Ping — *'I believe he is." Ping — another officer's name added to the casualty list. Eleven P. M. found us ready. The men had taken what cover was available and I had gathered some newspapers and was trying to read. Promptly at zero hour down came our barrage, followed immediately by hundreds of warning lights over the Boche lines, and then down came his counter barrage. What a hellish din it was! There is no describing it. Trench mortar, gas H. V.,^ shrapnel, aerial darts, rifle grenades — every conceiv- able kind and size of death dealing projectile landed north, east, south and west of that bungalow. In less than five minutes I wished from the bottom of my heart I had taken the British cap- tain 's advice and taken to the trench, for I felt sure they couldn't miss forever — even if they tried. * * * Two platoons were quartered on the west side of Dickebusch Lake just outside the Bund. They were subject to some shell fire occasionally but were otherwise comfortable and safe. The other two platoons were quartered in ditches and bivies near company headquarters which was situated about 600 yards south of the Lake. After leaving the edge of Dickebusch Lake, a narrow trail leads south to company headquarters and from dusk to dawn this trail was swept by machine gun fire and shells. Every night someone was hit for there was no way of out judging those machine guns and there was no use of ducking. One gun zip-zipped its bullets along the top of the ground while another sent them over at the height of a man's chest, so we trusted in the Lord and hiked through it. * * * Our company pitched their pup tents in a field and dug in. The farmer who owned the field did not want us there and his wife felt the same way and took pains to let us know it. Of course nobody would care to have his best pasture dug up but this was war and as I had received orders to dig in, the farmer was S. 0. L. These people knew they would be reimbursed for *High Velocity. IN THE WORLD WAR 159 any damage done and their only reason for howling was to fore- stall any arguments regarding the large and somewhat unrea- sonable claim for damages they would eventually present and Uncle Sam would pay. One farmer, on being told soldiers would camp on his land the next day, hitched up his plow, ran a few furrows and presented a claim for a crop of vegetables. That's patriotism for you with a vengeance. * * * The Boche was a methodical old geezer and generally had good reason for anything he did or did not do. I do not know what his reason was for not shelling Cassel but he never did to my knowledge. Perhaps the Kaiser intended using it for a sum- mer home after the war. The Boche did some very strange things. There was a certain cross-road in Flanders which he shelled at the same hour every day and never at any other time. If troops arrived near this place around the strafing hour they sat down and waited until the ''show'* was over and then moved on in comparative safety. * * * I remember seeing in a magazine an etching by some American artist, showing the low hanging archway one must pass under before entering the square in Cassel. Many times I have passed under it but never noticed its beauty until this American put it on paper. I suppose during my stay in France I passed many such beauty spots unnoticed which, under ordinary circum- stances, would have given me a thrill. However, after being over there beyond the gold stripe period and in action a few times, I found the only thing that could thrill me was the sight of the Statue of Liberty, backed by taU buildings. * * * The last time I visited Cassel and the hotel I sat at a table near the window where I could view the surrounding country and as I gave my order I became aware of a conversation taking place just back of mine. It was between an Australian and a big Tennessean, and if anyone is in doubt as to the unity of the Blue and the Gray that conversation would have furnished 160 71sT NEW YORK him with an earful. The Digger asked: ''Say, Sammy, how many troops do yon chaps expect to have in France by next winter?" "Now, look-a-yere, Digger — don't call us Sammies^ — it don't sound grown up." "Well, old top, what do you call yourselves?" "Wa-al, I don't guess we're nothin' 'cept Americans, though some call us Yanks. ' ' "I understood you chaps from the Southern part didn't like the name of Yank. ' ' "Wa-al, we fought that mattah out between ourse'ves and to our own satisfaction some years back and I guess if the Presi- dent of the United States cain stand for it, it won't hurt me none. Anna-how don't call us Sammies. Mile., encore cham- pagne." * * * We practiced sending and receiving all different kinds of re- ports and it reminded me of a conversation I had with a French officer back in the States. We were talking of the constant flow of orders and "red tape." These orders, emanating from divi- sion, brigade, regimental or battalion headquarters, are the line officer 's nightmares and hardly a day goes by which does not see at least one of them from one of the above H. Q.s. One may come from the office of the division commander stating that something or other which has happened of late must cease at once. The brigade commander tacks on the information that it will not be tolerated in the brigade. The regimental commander DEPLORES the existence of such conduct in his regiment, and the battalion commander calls the attention of company com- manders to the "above indorsement" and adds that "discip- linary action" will be taken against the officer who permits this conduct to continue. Perhaps a soldier in X company has stolen some bread but by the time his company commander has thor- oughly digested the communication he feels as guilty as though he personally aided the culprit by "laying kiggy" for him out- side the bakeshop door. Thinking of this, I told the French officer I would be glad when we got across and into action for orders and communica- tions would then be a thing of the past. IN THE WORLD WAR 161 ' ' But, my dear Captain, you have mees-take ; she is more dan worse in zee front line." He was correct — she was. * # * As I look back, I realize we line officers were often too hasty and too quick to judge. Often it was nobody's fault that an order went astray or was lost and least of all the fellow we swore at, the chap at division headquarters. For instance, an order may be issued at 9 A. M. from division headquarters and at that hour it was not only a feasible order but an imperative one. Nevertheless, if the enemy shelled heavily and all wires were down, the order might not reach the front line until 9 or 10 P. M., at which time conditions might have changed to such an extent as to make it impossible of execution. There is no one to blame except the Boche but it is of no use to swear at him for that was "done to death" long before we entered the war. * * * Communication between units and from front to rear is called liaison. At times it becomes well nigh impossible to maintain liaison but an officer is never excused if the several means of communication break down for he must in some way keep in touch with headquarters and the units on his right and left. Many times in the front line at Dickebusch our "one-lung" wire to B. H. Q. would be broken by a shell and it might take the lineman an hour to locate the break or he might be picked off before he could repair the wire. Under these circumstances if an important message is awaiting transmittal to B. H. Q. a run- ner must carry it even in daylight or under heavy shell fire. * * * Every possible means is used to maintain army liaison. Wire- less, telephone, telegraph, buzzer, lamps, flares, rockets, flags, pigeons, dogs, baloons and flying machines. They all fail at times and we are obliged to fall back on the old reliable runner. These men have been known to carry messages through bar- rages when every other means have failed. Runners are born, not made, though they must of course re- ceive special instruction to properly fit them for their important and dangerous work. They must be possessed of a good sense 162 71sT NEW YORK of direction and be able to find their way about by night as well as by day. They must be familiar with maps and be able to read a compass ; they must have good eyesight, hearing and wind, and be quick-witted, daring and resourceful. One might imagine it would be hard to find men of these qualifications but after looking around carefully they can be located, sometimes in the most unlikely men. They are often fellows who cannot keep out of trouble when the troops are back in rest billets but give one of them an important mission, coupled with danger, and he will seldom fail. Of course they often get hit and I don't be- lieve there is one of my personal runners who doesn't wear a wound chevron. There may have been messages sent me which I did not receive, but I cannot remember a single case of a mes- sage of mine sent by runner which failed to reach its destina- tion. Each company and platoon train four men as runners (liaison men) who work in pairs. They are never sent out singly except to accompany an officer and many of them have saved an offi- cer's life at the sacrifice of his own. In Dickebusch two trips from company headquarters to B. H. Q. was about all a pair of runners could stand in twelve hours. They went straight over the top of the ground and if the shelling and machine gun fire was not heavy, they could make the round trip in one hour and a half. If, however, they were held up by fire or the ground was muddy and slippery, they had a tough time of it. I have seen my runners return from B. H. Q. in the Dickebusch sector almost exhausted and covered with mud up to their hips. In Flanders the runners cleaned their clothes by scraping them with sticks. I sent a pair of runners with a message for an officer whose location I could give only in a general way. They started at 5 :30 P. M. and by 11 :00 P. M. I gave them up for lost— killed or captured. They returned at one o 'clock in the morning, hav- ing delivered their message in the rear of what had been a few hours before the enemy front line and they brought back an answer. Most important of all they had used their eyes and were able to give an idea of conditions in a sector which had just become our front line. IN THE WORLD WAR 163 It is dangerous to report a man ''killed in action" unless his death is thoroughly established for should he later turn up in the hospital, sick or wounded, the officer making the report is sub- ject to trial by court-martial. It was for this reason many men were reported missing in action and later reports listed them as killed or wounded. These contradictory reports were doubt- lessly trying on the folks at home, but what was an officer to do — if he wished to stay out of jail? I inquired of the men regarding a certain Corporal whom no one had seen since early in the battle and was about to list him as "missing" when a runner spoke up: "Corporal ? Oh, he's " sorry, "^ Captain. I saw his body in the first Boche trench we passed over." I knew this must be so for that runner would never report a man killed unless he made a careful examination of the body. * * * Another important job in the company is carrying rations. Ration parties are told off each night and every man takes his turn at this very important and dangerous work. The enemy is always on the watch for these chaps and after a careful study he knows approximately what time the rations are brought up and where they are dumped, what time the ration parties start out, their route and probable time of return. With precision and regularity Jerry strafed these parties and often made a hit. There was a B. H. Q. located at the Bund at Dickebusch Lake and the rations for the support battalion were distributed from this point. Ten o 'clock every night the limbers would come lum- bering up and a few minutes before that Jerry would start his strafing. The shells were generally a bit over or a trifle short but one night when the Tommies were holding the line, a hit was finally made and what a hit it was ! The limbers were up and the ration parties were assembled around them when this shell landed in the middle of things, killing most of the men and all of the mules. It was a luck shot but an unfortunate one and somebody went hungry the next day. I always heaved a sigh of relief when the ration party reported in. * # • * Killed. 164 71sT NEW YORK Of all the thankless, unromantic jobs in the service the army cook tops the list. He is always the first man up and the last to bed and nobody has a kind word for him. Some of the caustic remarks flung- at him from the mess line would rile even an iron man. "Well, Old Pots and Pans, what kind of corned- willie do we get to-day?" ' ' Hey, cut out the samples. I 'm going to eat it if it kills me. ' ' ^ ' What are you doing, Mr. Hoover, saving up for Christmas ? ' ' "Chuck a few more Boche helmets into that stew. Cookie; it's getting — werry — werry — thin. ' ' "Any seconds?" When we were in the line the cooks had a hard job of it for besides preparing the food some of them accompanied the lim- bers forward and the Boche shelled the roads searching for them. After unloading the rations they loaded up with any dead that may have been sent down from the line and started on their homeward trip, generally through the same old shell fire. * * * As we neared the support line we met the division com- mander who had evidently been up to have a look around on his oM^n hook. I was somewhat dubious as to our reception when we arrived abreast of the General, for Lieutenant Bergen and I were carrying heavy canes, in violation of a recent order issued from G. H. Q., A. E. F. I am not strong for the carrying of canes by American officers, but in the front line in Dickebusch they were absolutely necessary. I had heard of the General stopping his car in order to correct a soldier whose blouse was not buttoned but I knew him to be a reasonable man and felt sure he would fail to make mention of the "tent poles" we were carrjdng in to the front line. As we arrived within saluting dis- tance, a staff officer who accompanied the General said — most likely for our benefit — "I see they are getting the habit. Gen- eral ! ' ' and he cast a heavy, critical eye at our canes. The Gen- eral gave us such a bright and cheery "Good morning. Gentle- men, ' ' I felt like making faces at the staff officer. # # « If there is one place more than another that is unhealthy for infantry, it is in the vicinity of artillery. All our carefulness IN THE WORLD WAR 165 for the past weeks went for naught for the Boche soon got our range and the first hit killed one of our boys and wounded about eight more. The artillery vamoosed and I was obliged to order the company into their battle position in a nearby trench. A few shells hit my domicile but found "nobody home" except some of my personal equipment. My one and only shirt was hanging on a bush and after a shell hit it squarely I could find neither the bush nor the shirt. * * * It was almost 3 A. M. when we were ready to move out and with a lieutenant acting as guide we started for the front line by way of the Hallebast Road. This road was the only means of approach to the front line in that sector and was there- fore a favorite target of the Boche. He was shelling the front line as we started, so for the first mile or two we were 0. K. We had to pass a cross-road called Hallebast Corners, which had been nicknamed "Suicide Corner" or "Dead Man's Corner" — I have forgotten which, but it makes little difference for both were correct — and we put on what little steam was left in us passing this spot. When about a mile from our destination we came within range of the Boche shell fire and were obliged to drop to the ground each time one of his 5.9s came whistling over. To get a fair idea of the sound of an approaching big shell start whistling in a high key, gradually increasing the volume and speed and at the same time gradually drop to a low note. To put on the finishing touches, close your eyes and picture a bright flash followed by a loud detonation and a rush of wind against you. If you say "Bang" loud enough and have a little imagination, you can almost frighten yourself. I shall never forget the shell which came over just before we reached our destination — a trench which the day before had been the front line — its whistle could be heard in the distance and we stopped to listen. It must have been a big one and as the sound of it grew louder — and louder — and louder — down we dropped — Bang! It sounded like an earthquake and was so close I was sure many of the men had been hit ; in fact, I thought it landed in the road. We waited a few seconds and then down 166 71sT NEW YORK came the junk — dirt, stones, gravel and pieces of shell pelted us. Some men were bruised but by some miracle no one was seriously hurt and we jumped for the trench before the next one landed. # # # All soldiers on the battle-field are souvenir fiends, regardless of orders against this practice. Many soldiers have lost their lives through this thoroughly American — and Australian— trait. A captured Jerry major once gave the following description of the different Allied soldiers he had fought against : ''The Frenchman fights for his country: the Englishman for his king, but the American and Australian fight for souvenirs, and he would kill a man d — n quick for one." We were not quite as bad as that but we had a reputation with Jerry for being rough, which was very good for our morale and very bad for his. A Boche prisoner once gave me his Iron Cross and appeared very anxious to get rid of it. He most likely preferred giving it away to having it taken from him (picking his own robber, so to speak). I intended sending that cross home but just before going into action I turned it over to an officer to mind for me and have never seen him since. I suppose if I do locate him some day he will explain: ''Well, that's how you got it." It is best to get rid of Jerry souvenirs before going into action for if a fellow is captured with one on his person his chances of seeing the Statue of Liberty are practically nil. A Yank found a dead Jerry who had an American dollar bill and a package of Camels in his pocket and "it was well for him he died when he did for he wouldn 't have lived much longer if he hadn't." # # # Jerry threw over "beaucoup" gas that night and in our rat- hole we officers were obliged to wear our masks for almost two hours in one stretch and we had several stretches. We were lucky he didn't keep it up all night for if there is one thing I miss, it is my "rolling." After that first stretch I had just lighted a "pill" and a deep cloud of "Bull" was comfortably resting in the lower recesses of my lungs when the alarm again sounded. One eventually holds his breath unconsciously while IN THE WORLD WAR 167 adjusting the S. B. R.^ and I did it this time, with the result that I blew a cloud of smoke through the flutter valve and all but coughed the mask off. Gas alarms are no respector of per- sons and I saw a lieutenant get caught with a mouthful of ''Bully Beef." I am thankful I do not chew tobacco. It was shortly after 5 A, M. when the one thing I feared would happen confronted me. A lieutenant from the preceding com- pany ran back to inform me that one of his connecting files had lost touch with the troops ahead, and we were lost. Lost — and zero hour 5 :50 A. M. — 35 minutes left and I had not the slight- est idea how far we were from the ''tape.'' I knew we were to "jump off" at Yak Post, which could be easily located on my map but how was I to orient myself in the dark. I had my own company and half of another and our battalion could ill afford to lose one-third of its strength at this time, for we were weak in numbers before starting. I wonder how many officers have been ruined as troop com- manders through just such an unfortunate circumstance as now confronted me. In this war there was no time to make or listen to excuses or extenuating circumstances — a fellow was either a leader of men or he was not, and it required only one mistake to relegate an officer to some job well back of the line, where he would never again have an opportunity to redeem himself. It was a very hard rule, for what man lives who will not make one mistake ? Still, men 's lives and the greatest war in history were at stake and the A. E. F. was not overseas to test the ability of officers. It looked very much as though I would soon be pack- ing my grip for a bulletproof job well to the rear. I had a vision of myself walking into regimental headquarters a few days later, armed with a sweet smile and a snappy salute, and addressing the "Old Man" something in this manner: * ' Good-morning, Colonel ; awful sorry I could not be with you in that attack the other day; fact of the matter is I got lost — how's your wife?" We had just turned into an unimproved road, which was lined with dead bodies and along which a transport was moving. * Small box respirator. 168 71sT NEW YORK None of the drivers could tell me where they were going or where the road led and the Boche shells would not permit of any loiter- ing about, so facing the column about we marched back to the main road where there was some protection for the men and I could get a chance to consult my map and compass^ — I. didn't have the heart to look at my watch. I decided to move back along the main road and take the first turn to the right. It was only a guess but we had no time to scout around and I must be one of two things — either right — or terribly wrong. We had hiked only a hundred yards or so when we ran into our battalion intelligence officer^ out on the hunt for us. Allah be praised! Day was breaking by this time and I saw we were off our course, so we swung to the right until my compass needle indi- cated we were traveling 103°. We saw many of our tanks, some moving ahead, some mopping up the trenches we passed over and others had run onto some mine fields and blown up. Death in a tank must be frightful. I saw one chap who died crawling out of one and he was practically cooked. * * * We passed many of our own dead and wounded and the number was increasing as we advanced. Some of them looked at us in a dazed sort of way while others weakly appealed for aid. One of the bitterest experiences in war is the necessity of pushing on to the objective, disregarding the pitiful appeals of the wounded. Sometimes during a short halt or a lull in an action it is possible to give first aid to a comrade, but should a well man stop to assist each wounded one the objective never would be reached. Not a very humane way of looking at the matter but what little humanity exists in war is evident only after the battle and consists of burying the dead. * * * General Sherman, were he alive to-day, could not express, at least in print, his opinion of present-day warfare. Nobody could, and I doubt if a really vivid description of one of this war's big battles will ever be told by a man who actually took part in one. In order to see and explain a battle, one must view IN THE WORLD WAR 169 it from a vantage point well to the rear or flank where most of the horrors and thrills are not felt. On the other hand, a man who has taken part in a battle sees the horrors and experiences the thrills but remembers very little of it a few days after it has taken place. God in his mercy has so constituted the human mind that it cannot retain those frightful scenes and experiences for any length of time. The battle which I am trying to describe is at the present writing only six weeks old and yet there is a haze over my memory and the battle scenes are fading, slowly fading in a mist of forgetfulness. I am thoroughly convinced the average case of so-called shell shock is nothing more than inabilitj^ to throw off the mental pictures. I saw a soldier in a dressing station w^ho was tied to a cot and his hands were strapped to his body. His face was in ribbons from his own finger nails and he was frothing at the mouth. Shell shock? Perhaps, but I think it was horror and mental pictures. Of course, there is such a thing as shell shock but the sufferer gen- erally loses his reason and dies. More of our boys were dropping as we advanced and we could feel the machine gun bullets whizzing by us and zipping through the grass at our feet. One went through the map which I was foolishly carrying in my hands and I woke up to the fact a war was going on. We were now advancing from shell-hole to shell- hole and as I made for one slightly to my left, one of my ser- geants dropped into it and pressed his hand against his side. That soldier would have been on his way to the officers' training school within forty-eight hours but he died before reaching the dressing station. There could be no specified distance for each of our rushes; when the fire got too hot we dropped for cover and when it swung in a different direction, we hot-footed it again. I re- member legging it for a shell-hole and, dropping into its narrow and uncomfortable bosom, I beat a Jerry machine gunner by sec- onds. As his bullets crack — crack — cracked the outer edge of that dent in the ground, I tried to crawl into my tin hat. When a bullet cracks the chap at the other end is altogether too aw- fully close for comfort. He gave it up after a time and I beat it for a shell-hole which had reached its maturity. 170 71sT NEW YORK Jerry was certainly picking off officers, but the only deter- mined attempts made at me were in that narrow shell-hole and the bullet which went through my map. It never dawned upon me to put that map in my pocket. I felt like the colored soldier I read of in the ''Stars and Stripes.'^ This darky was one of a working party out in front of the wire when suddenly Jerry came over. The working party started for home "toot sweet" and this chap, hanging on to his pick, legged it for all he was worth. Some one shouted to him: ' ' Sam, why don 't you drop that pick ? ' ' Sam answered : ' * Man, I ain 't got time to drop it. ' ' # # ^ It was about this time that Captain F. R. Potter of my regi- ment dropped into the trench and as he was senior to me, he took over command. Dear old Potter with his inevitable steel pointed cane and his wonderful vocabulary of English, sweet and pro- fane. Captain Potter had found himself in the same boat as myself ; being unable to advance his company he had come forward alone to have a look around. We had little fear of a reprimand for if we had not taken the trench the Boche would surely have done so — at any rate he gave us a h — 11 of a scrap for it for almost 24 hours. Captain P. and I were surprised but glad to see each other for we knew most of the company C. O.s had been picked off. Cap- tain P. is short of stature and we attributed his escape to that fact, but as I am of the bean-pole type we attributed my escape to my disreputable appearance for I surely was a "bum" and no self-respecting sniper would waste a shot on me. The seat of my breeches had parted and departed, blouse and leggings were torn, and I was dirt from head to foot, due most likely to my tumble into that deep shell-hole. A big British issue watch was hanging out of my breast pocket, for all the world like a rube on Broadway, and my little gold wrist watch, a present which I valued very highly, was a sorry sight to see. All in all, neither Captain P. nor I were pickings for a machine gunner, though if they had picked him that day they would have saved them- selves a lot of trouble a few weeks later. « * # IN THE WORLD WAR 171 When the smoke screen lifted at 11 :00 A. M. the Australians had not as yet readied our position. They evidently had trouble getting forward and would naturally be delayed if we were. A tank which was to precede them came lumbering along through the still remaining smoke and as it drew near we could hear the machine gun bullets smashing against its front and sides. We hailed the crew of this tank as she reached our trench and noti- fied them of what was holding us up on our right. The little slit in the tank's side closed with a snap and crashing across our trench she started for the nearest machine gun nest, followed by our cheers. She had traveled only a few yards when she sud- denly stopped, the trap door on the top flew open and a man vaulted out. While he was still in mid-air an explosion took place inside the tank and black smoke and flame shot through the trap-door. The Boche had blown her up with anti-tank guns. Soon another tank came along and we rushed from her path as she bumped across our trench. To our great amazement she turned around, recrossed the trench and pumped lead at us and she was so close it is a miracle that nobody was hit. Swearing in his very best form Captain P. "surrendered unconditionally" to the crew and then gave them a piece of his mind (or, I should say, a chunk of his mind) and directions. However, in a few moments this tank was also out of action and the crew in King- dom Come. * * * In our company we had but one case of funk in the presence of the enemy and as the soldier eventually proved himself, I feel I can mention the incident without injury to the uniform, our company, or the man himself. I believe this soldier was suf- fering from mental stampede, which is a disease known only to those members of the medical profession who have been through front line duty and though it may not appear among the popu- lar ailments listed in medical journals, it nevertheless exists^ and there is often good reason for it. A fellow sometimes gets blue and lonesome when he is in the line and this feeling often lasts for days. It is not the ordinary kind of lonesomeness but constant danger and narrow escapes in dreary, muddy trenches, coupled with thoughts of home, will lay a weight on a fellow 's chest and a lump rises in his throat which 172 71sT NEW YORK cannot be swallowed for days, especially when he is "fresh fish.'* Perhaps a letter hasn't been received in months and when it does arrive brings the announcement of the only girl and the chap next door having been married, mother is sick and the doc- tor 's bill unpaid, the kids are in need of food and clothes, and the Government allotment is, up to the day the letter was sent, a myth. Perhaps a little self-pity crops up. "Why should he be forced to suffer these added trials ; isn 't he doing enough, stand- ing in water, sleeping in mud and eating food which sometimes stinks, besides facing death every minute of the day and night ? ' ' Pool all these joys and hand them to a man whose mind is not naturally strong and something is bound to happen. We were in reserve at Dickebusch when Private made his mistake. One evening he and another soldier were sent by their platoon sergeant to company headquarters for some water. The Boche was sending over gas shells, and when it came time to return Private could not be found. That night he was reported missing by his platoon sergeant who attached a note explaining the circumstances. After a thorough search to make sure he had not been hit, I was obliged to report him A. W. 0. L. in the face of the enemy, a very serious charge. There was not a soldier in the A. E. F. who did not know the penalty for desertion before the enemy. Generally the lightest sentence was twenty years at hard labor, besides finishing out the war at the most hazardous tasks, and the death sentence was also possible. Private was turned over to me under guard when we came down from the line, he having been apprehended by the military police at Calais. It generally went hard for soldiers picked up in seaport cities. Not even a genius could ever con- vince a military court that absence from his regiment and pres- ence in a place where ships left for America were purely acci- dental. I was ordered to prefer charges against Private under the 75th Article of War, and he was to be tried by a general court which was then sitting. We had very few cases of deser- tion in our division and that court could be relied upon to make a man suffer who brought disgrace upon the old 27th. Private was examined by a medical officer and a report was made as to his mental condition. I made several inquiries Top: Lys River^ Scene of Wicked Fighting between Hi.jth infantry and 119th Prussian Guards. Center : Dickebusch Village. Bottom: Boni Cemetery in the Distance, Where Many 105th Infantry Men Were Buried. IN THE WORLD WAR ITS among his former comrades and, though most of them despised him for what he had done, they agreed he had been morose for some time previous to his desertion and it developed he had been crying after receiving a letter from home. In my report I stated the accused had never appeared strong-minded and be- cause of home troubles was, in my opinion, mentally unbalanced at the time the offense was alleged to have been committed. I was in hopes that my report might lessen his sentence a few years or at least save his life. While awaiting trial he was under arrest in the company street and was given all the unpleasant jobs to perform. No one was permitted to talk to him, and very few cared to and when there was no work for him to do, he was taken out to drill under armed guard. No one wanted to be in the same squad with him and his life during this period must have been hell on earth. Often I spied him in ranks without rifle or side arms, and the forlorn look on his face gave him the appearance of a whipped dog which does not know which way to turn. A few days before his trial was to take place we were ordered into the line north of St. Quentin. The poor devil began to see some real war scenes now and in his mental state it must have been agonizing. Shells whistled and dropped close to us shortly after we detrained and it was not long before dead bodies were common sights. I would not have swapped places with that soldier for a million dollars cash and the positive assurance I would never be brought to trial for in a few short days he must have fought a hundred battles with himself and by himself. He knew he would soon be in action, possibly without a rifle or any means of protecting himself ex- cept with his hands, and he dreaded that battle-field only God and himself knew how much. He also knew his every act would be watched closely and the slightest movement in the wrong direction would bring a former comrade 's bullet crashing through his brain. Perhaps that bullet would come whether he did wrong or not. The very thought of it must have brought a chill and I venture he would have peddled his very soul to have stamped out forever that one act of folly. The men of his platoon were very bitter toward him for be- sides the disgrace he had brought them he was causing them 174 71sT NEW YORK extra work, for somebody must stand guard over him day and night and it is a wonder they did not finish him off themselves. The night before we went over his platoon sergeant came to me to protest: "Captain, I earnestly request this prisoner be taken from our platoon for he is beginning to show signs of funk again, is making the men nervous, and if he is not left behind or some other thing done with him, I am afraid he will not be alive when we start forward to-morrow morning." I could not blame the men of that platoon for they were proud of their unit and like all soldiers were perhaps a little super- stitious. Nevertheless, my orders would not permit me to leave the prisoner behind and it would have been unjust and sure death had he been detailed to another platoon. My only course was to take him over myself. I said nothing about him to my headquarters detachment and they were too busy to notice him when he appeared amongst them the next morning. I wondered if he would fake being gassed and try to avoid the trip in that way, but he did not and I noticed he had scrounged a rifle and some ammunition. As we started over the top 1 forgot him entirely and so did every man in headquarters detachment for we all had our work laid out and no one had time to bother or think about the pris- oner. If ever he had a chance to beat it, he had it then and nothing in the world could have prevented him from going to the rear had he cared to. Many men were being hit and it would have been a very simple matter for him to drop into a shell- hole, ram his bayonet into the fleshy part of his arm or leg, and in less than twenty-four hours he would have been in a clean bed in the hospital. He did none of these things, however, and I cannot understand why he stuck it out for his only chance of beating that trial was to get himself killed. To go through the hell of that battle, knowing he was coming back to twenty years of hard labor and disgrace or death required guts of a strong character. We had gone several hundred yards before I thought of him and, turning around, I suddenly found him in place and his eyes were glued on me. Those eyes made me uncomfortable and when I again looked at him all I could see were his eyes, still glaring at me. I began to wonder if he was waiting an opportune IN THE WORLD WAR 175 moment to let me have it in the back. The last time I saw him things were getting hot and he flashed me a glance as I jumped for a shell-hole next to his. The next morning, when things quieted down and I was on my way back to B. H. Q., I heard a weak voice say: ** Captain, is this the way to the dressing station?'' It was Private and another soldier was helping him along. I asked : ''What's the trouble. Son?" *'They got me, Captain." ''Bad?" "I think so — hit me three times." I could see the pain and pride in his face and I was as proud of those wounds as he was. I offered to look up a stretcher, but he refused it, saying he could walk if his companion stayed with him. That boy lay in a shell-hole twenty-four hours with a bullet hole straight through him — the bullet entered his stomach and came out his back — and some time during the night he received two more wounds. After we came out of the line I sent a communication to the Regimental C. 0. stating in full the facts relating to this soldier's case, and three days later I received an answer. "From— CO. Infantry U. S. A. To —CO. Company H— Infantry U. S. A. Subject — Private " 1. If the conduct of Private in the recent engagement was all that it should be and if in the opinion of his Company Commander the case warrants it, then, in the presence of Private and his comrades, the attached charges will be destroyed. ' ' I was unable to destroy those charges in the presence of Private but I did so before his comrades and Private was notified. I do not know whether Private was sent to some other division or whether he was sent home when he became strong enough to travel but I do know when he is mustered out the fol- lowing remarks will appear on the back of his discharge paper: 176 71sT NEW YORK ''Wounded in Action— 29th September, 1918. Service^ — Honest and Faithful. Character — Excellent. ' * I hope mine reads as well. * # * The next day we marched to Fremont, a town which had been sacked but very little damaged by shell fire. My rolling kitchen pulled into a yard which resembled a barnyard back home for everything was present but the chickens and livestock. One of the cooks discovered a poor old man half dead from cold and lack of nourishment, lying on a bed in a sort of servants' quar- ters. The poor old fellow was ninety-two years of age and it was a wonder the past few days of warfare had not killed him, for at least one of our shells had landed within a few yards of his meagre quarters. The cooks got him into the house and built a fire in the kitchen stove and it wasn't long before he was hand- ed a cup of hot tea and some bread which he devoured raven- ously. Someone handed him a cigarette and he wanted to eat that also but after some more food and drink he was handed a pipe and tobacco and it surely did look good to see him sitting by the fire, puffing away for dear life. Somebody has said that "War would not be possible except for the brutal condition of the human male mind." I wish the man (or was it a woman?) who made that statement could have been present in that kitchen that afternoon. Many a hardened soldier who had with pride killed his man on more than one occasion stuck his head in the doorway to see if anything could be done for ' ' the kid. ' ' There were many civilians in Busigny and the surrounding towns who had been under German military rule since early in the war, and they were delighted with the change. Lieutenant Morris made arrangements with a family who lived near our ditch to fix up some lunch for us, and when they heard it would be for officers, they got out the best in the ice box. Lieutenant Morris must have been mistaken for a striker when he made these arrangements for when we walked into the kitchen and sat down at the table, the whole family who were present showed IN THE WORLD WAR 177 evident signs of surprise. Evidently the Boche officers looked and acted differently. No soldiers preceded us to open the door and call the inmates to attention nor did we show importance. We were just two hungry Americans who were ready to show appreciation and pay for the feed which they laid out and this last surprised them more than anything else. After lunch I sat playing with the youngest member of the family, a boy of four years, while Lieutenant Morris tried out his atrocious French on the mother and father. The little fellow and I were getting on famously until I heard Lieutenant Morris notify his parents that I was le captain and that spoiled the party. His mother rushed over and scrubbed his face and hands, at the same time giving him a hundred instructions which frightened both him and me. When we left I could still see bewilderment in her face. ... "A captain who liked to talk to babies — Yes, these Americans are surely strange people.'^ # # «: It seemed to me as we started forward that the Boche artillery loosened up before ours. At any rate, we were in his barrage from the start. I do not know how often infantry have walked through an enemy barrage in this war but it certainly could not have been done as a regular thing every morning, or Peace would have come in 1914. After advancing about three hundred yards we came to a sunken road which for tough looking sights has never been equaled in my experience. Dead men, wounded men and pieces of men were everywhere — here a leg or arm, there a trunk or a head. The sight would have been an excellent test for strong stomachs had not most of us been already nauseated from gas. * * * Regardless of what trouble they were having at the river, we could not stay in that sunken road another minute, for the shells were dropping around us like fire crackers and every second men were hit. I had just decided to order the company forward when a 5.9 shell, the burst of which deafened me, landed a few yards to my left, — at the same time a few hundred sledge-ham- mers hit me back of the left ear. My lights did not go out but I went to my knees, and it was such a determined whack that I 178 71sT NEW YORK thought it was all over but the burlap. I immediately became the proud possessor of a watermelon which was bleeding and I felt sure that hunk of iron had carried on. One of my men helped me to a niche in the side of the bank and put a dressing on me, and as black spots passed before my eyes I wondered if I could hold out for one more smoke, and I believe I put that question to the soldier who patched me up. The black spots before my eyes persisted and were followed spasmodically by waves of weakness which convinced me I was soon to kick in. I pictured some of my brother officers who had gone ''sorry" ^ in the last scrap and wondered if the burial party would take into consideration my length of limb or be obliged (as they were with one long officer) to give me a couple of try-ons before my grave fitted me properly. * * * I found Lieutenant Giblyn stretched out on the floor with sev- eral other wounded and, though the place was filled up, they made room for us and I leaned back against the wall, resting my "two heads" against the cool bricks. About 10 A. M. some stretcher bearers from my owti company arrived with about twelve Jerry prisoners to pick us up, and though they offered to take Lieutenant Giblyn immediately, he refused to budge until the more serious cases had been taken care of. Finally, four Jerries placed him on a stretcher and with one of my own men helping me, we started for the dressing station in St. Souplet, about a mile down the road. * * * As each wounded man arrived he was brought to an examining room where, if necessary, his wounds were redressed and he was retagged. They were then brought outside and placed in rows to await transportation to the rear, the urgent cases being placed separate. One Jerry soldier who was tagged ' ' urgent ' ' took his place with our own men in the first ambulance going to the rear, regardless of the Jerry officer next to him, who had waited for an hour. If that soldier got to the rear quickly his life might be saved whereas it was perhaps too late to save the officer's leg. ^KiUed. IN THE WORLD WAR 179 Those doctors were there to save lives, not legs or officers in par- ticular, and they knew their jobs and did them well. About 4 in the afternoon we ' * walking wounded ' ' were placed on lorries and transported nine or ten miles to the railhead, where we boarded flat cars on a narrow-gauge military railroad. I will pass hurriedly over that railroad trip to the C. C. S.,^ except to say it was cold and it rained. I had heard of women nurses receiving military decorations for their heroic work with the wounded and I thought it more or less bunk but after seeing that C. C. S., I am strong for giving every decoration the Allies possess to any woman who served in one. Back in the base hospitals a wounded man was little more than a curiosity to the occasional visitor, for if his leg or arm was badly shattered it was neatly bandaged and held in place by one of those new contrivances which surgery has developed in this war. In the C. C. S. that night every man had been hours in transit from the battle-field, his dirty bandages were soggy with blood and his body was dirty and generally covered with vermin. Still these women of mercy grabbed each fellow as he was brought in, cut away the dirty clothing where necessary, and with many a cheery word and gentle touch his old bandages were replaced with clean ones and he was as comfortable as he could be until he arrived at the Base and his limb sewed up or cut off, whichever the case might be. * # * All of the British officers were on parade. Their kits were never more than a few days behind them and most of them had brought their strikers along whereas after my bath I hadn't even a suit of underwear. One of the nurses, judging my needs, dug up from somewhere a suit of underwear, some socks and an American Red Cross comfort bag which contained a shaving outfit, soap, toothbrush and powder, comb, mirror and about everything I needed, except money and outer clothing. I felt like the chap whose new suit fitted him fine except the coat and pants. * * • * Casualty Clearing Station. 180 71sT NEW YORK IN THE WORLD WAR I do not wonder pedestrians are put under arrest for getting in the way of the Parisian taxi-driver. Anyone who would take a chance in front of one should be hung. This chap who had me for his fare was Mr. Taxi himself for he kept tooting his one- lung horn and everybody as far as I could see got out of his way, but there must be some old people in Paris who cannot do a 22- foot broad jump. Nevertheless I could not discover where this taxi driver buried his dead. He was most likely a very popular man in town and I felt quite sure Marshal Foch must have heard I was on my way to The Richmond in his taxi. When we drove up to the entrance I hopped out, said a prayer of thanksgiving, and went inside to fight for a room. Top: Destroyer on Convoy Avith "President Grant." Center: Brest, Looking Toward the United States. Bottom : 40 Homnies and 8 Cheveau Car. AFTER SPARTANBURG WHAT ? By Major Harry Merz Joyous news ! We leave here for somewhere — plaee not desig- nated — soon. Such was the word passed late in April, 1918. Somewhere? Anywhere after spending the fall and winter and early spring in this burg. Anything or place after the incessant Squads East, the hammer and pound and grind under the balmy skies and in the salubrious climate of the balmy sunny south at Camp Wadsworth. Mineola! Hail, hail, the gauges all here! But not a darned one of us wants to stay. Let's go ! Camp Wadsworth was a hardening process all right enough. W( kicked like selected army mules at conditions and housing; both were bad enough but even the proverbial soldiers' grouch coidd not be made an excuse. After a week of hustle and bustle making the life of the Supply Officer a burden, while plaguing him for things he didn 't have and couldn 't get — sizes to fit — we entrained and landed at Newport News. Wasn't so far away bi it was somewhere else and that suited the soldiers' disin- cliiation to stay put. From the trains we marched to Camp Stuart and there got the surprise of our soldier lives. '^Gee whizz, where the devil is the camp? This place is full of real wooden houses built to live in ! Two stories ! Say, buddy, rub your eyes and tell me what do I see! Has the Skipper gone daffy? W^hat's that he said to the Top Sarge?" ''Open your ears, you apple knocker ; can 't you understand English when she is spoke? Skipper just ordered the Top to send a detail of twenty men to the head of this street for iron beds!" ''Lordy! Whatinells happened? Ain't there going to be no war for us; have we really become too proud to fight?" Luckily not yet. The American population is slow to speak but when it does, LOOK OUT, Mr. Bosche, take notice and don 't forget. At Camp Stuart we were very comfortably housed, two pla- 181 182 71sT NEW YORK toons in a building, each man with his own bed with a spring and mattress, plenty of light and air, and a great big mess-hall. And, wonder of wonders, a real honest-to-goodness range to cook our meals. Coal range, too ; no more smarting acid vapors from wet wood to blear your eyes and choke you. Mess-sergeants and K. P.'s were in clover and we got plenty to eat and good too. Kinder made your feel like the calf being fattened for slaughter, but we enjoyed the process. Lots of drills helped to keep us in condition and from putting on too much fat. "What time there was between eats and drills was spent in exchanging 11 EE 's for 7I/2 B 's, assorted feet. 'Twas mostly a hopeless task, but an extra or heavier pair of socks would take up surplus space. Tactical criss-cross exchanging made it possible to get a nearly- fit in blouses and breeches, but sometimes it was a perfectly hope- less job and buddy with a thirty- eight for a thirty-two chest watched his chances when the other fellow wasn't looking and made the swap unbeknownst to the other. There was a howl of course but as you couldn't prove it what's the use of kicking. All done. We're loaded for keeps; double equipment all round. Officers' Call sounds and we report at the Old Man's quarters where we are informed in strictest confidence that we embark on the Grant the end of this week but the men must not be told yet for fear it might leak out. Conference over we depart for our quarters and get as much as twenty yards away and this is the conversation we overhear among a knot of men. ''Surest thing you know. We're gonna sail on the Grant on the eight- eenth." Wireless! MAY 18, 1918 The long-looked-for day has arrived. We paraded through the quaint little town, acclaimed by a cheering populace swelled to three times its normal size by visitors. We board the Grant, the siren blows a long warning screech; we slip away from the dock and land upon an uncharted mud bank, and stay there till morning. Saucy, snorty little tugs push, pull and poke, our engines turn over and we're off. On our way, we don't know where. Hail, Hail, the Gang 's All Here, so whatinell do we care ! But a bit later when the glorious U. S. A. begins to fade I IN THE WORLD WAR 183 from view a strange silence overtakes that wonderful bunch; every eye is strained to get the last view of "The land of the free and the home of the brave. ' ' Most of us want to give a good rousing cheer ; we feel like it. But the nearest any of us can get to it is that peculiar feeling that begins with a gasp and ends with a lump in the throat which you can't swallow. We sit down on deck or anywhere else where there is room — there isn't much for there are over 6,000 men aboard. Not one feels any better than the other. Each is doing a lot of thinking about the loved ones at home. Every mother's son is doing a lot of wondering — never mind what — but there's many a glistening eye in the bunch. Mess Call sounds, and we get busy for that meal any- how. What the next call of its kind will produce in the line of attendance and inclination mere man knoweth not. Every man was assigned to his berth by the naval officers on board; each stowed his equipment within easy reach and settled down to life aboard ship and spent all his time on deck in the fresh air. Uncle Sam 's domain was way out of sight by this time and most of the outfit were having their first experience on the briny deep ; some, moocha some, between gasps and gulps gave expres- sion of strong desire for the up hill and down dale of that part of ten-a firma they know best. No use, buddy ; take it and like it ; don't have to keep it if you find any trouble about it; there's just as good fish in the sea as ever were caught and there'll be long after you're through. Led by the Huntington we proceed to the rendezvous where the rest of our convoy, eleven ships, meet us and away we go for "over there." Officers are assembled on C deck where all neces- sary instructions for fire drill and abandon ship are given. De- tails for boat stations and commanders are made and men are assigned as lookouts. The officers who got the assignments for the crow's nest felt that they were very important commodities until they took a peek at their stations "up ever so high way up in the sky ' ' and a good look at the ratlines they had to climb to get there. Then in a burst of consideration for the feelings of their juniors they came to the conclusion that while these were very important stations it was a shame that the younger element had been so shamefull}^ neglected in being deprived of an oppor- tunity to show their ability. We were perfectly willing to do 184 71sT NEW YORK the encouraging while they did the climbing. It's so nice up there half way to the sky, especially in a good roll and that com- fortable jazz of a quartering sea. You're welcome to your cradle, buddy; ours rocks plenty much down here. If your bough breaks, baby will fall and there'll be a splash, that's all. Second day out; nothing happened except many inspections oversides; rank didn't count, they were all rank. The men like sardines in a box, set up in racks called bunks, were as comfor- table as pigs on ice, but the novelty more or less, rather less, compensated for the discomforts which were unavoidable under the circumstances. Life belts had been issued with orders to wear them at all times; never could tell when they would be needed as the tin sharks abounded ready to carry out the Spur- loss Versenkt order. There were many discussions as to the merits of these preservers. Two men of C Company were en- gaged in speculation as to whether these things would keep you afloat one hour or ten when a sailor happened along to whom they confided their doubts. Sailorman looked at them quizzi- cally for a moment or two and asked, ' ' Ever look inside of one of those things?" ''Certainly not; weren't allowed to cut them open." ''Oh, hell, slip it off and look on the inside." Suiting the action to the words he pulled off his own and there in white letters was stenciled the words "For practice only." Two very much astonished doughbo3^s beat it for the top sarg's quarters and blurted out : ' ' Hey, Top ! These things are only for prac- tice and whereinell do we get the real ones when something happens?" "For practice only" merely distinguished those preservers which had been used for instruction purposes from the regular equipment of ships. Joshing and practical jokes were not confined to the main deck nor below. Up on the officers' deck a knot of officers were dis- cussing futures and some things a little closer. Captain Trum- ble, our Supply Officer, remarked to Captain Harry Maslin: "Getting kind of rough, don't you think." "Oh, shucks, this isn't anything," was the answer; "wait till you get to the Bay of Biscay, then you will see something rough. Why, it gets so bad there that the waves are upside down; but you can always tell when it's going to be rough because the sailors always put pewter dishes on the tables when a storm is coming. Say, or- IN THE WORLD WAR 185 derly, will you kindly find out for me what kind of dishes they are putting on the tables in the Ward Room, and report at once!" Orderly returned after a lapse of time. He was hep and saluting with a good snap reported : ' ' Pewter dishes, Sir. ' ' Captain Trumble, who had never seen anything rougher than a creek, beat it for his stateroom and was seen no more for the rest of the day. On another occasion Captain Potter was hold- ing forth on Mai de Mer, its prevention and cure, to a bunch of his brother officers. ''Of course," said he, ''when one of those damned sailors comes along with a nice fat piece of pork with a string tied in the middle, swallows it and then imitates a cham- pagne bottle by pulling it out suddenly it's all off." Ditto Cap- tain Trumble and the rest of us. Urgent business elsewhere. Many an hour we spent watching the maneuvers of those wasps of the sea, the destroyers which were escorting us. It sent thrills through us to see them darting about with a bone in their teeth and kicking up a stern wash which betokened the speed at which they were going. Many times and often did we hold our breath when they went over on their beam ends while going about almost in their own length, wondering if they ever would right themselves. No question about it of course ; they were built for rough work and the men in command knew their business, but most of us were land-lubbers and didn't know. The sailors on board the Grant overhead some of our comments. With a disdainful smile they merely commented: "Wait till you see those birds really working, then you will hold your breath." A day or two later we got a thrill none of those on board will ever forget. Everything was calm, the regular routine was going along as scheduled, we had just gone through the Station Drill and were on our way to quarters at about four in the afternoon, when the siren let go with a deafening, ear-splitting screech. Bang went a gun and all hands raced to their stations faster than ever before. No need to tell us there was something doing for we felt it, and when we got on deck we saw a sight that nearly split us with enthusiastic admiration. There were the destroj^ers way over on their sides, their decks awash, plowing along as fast as their wonderful engines could drive them, burying their noses in the seas and throwing up clouds of spray that sometimes hid them from view, when suddenly something 186 71sT NEW YORK slid overboard with a splash. It was an Ash Can containing ninety pounds of T N T. On they speeded, two more splashes caused by Ash Cans from the Y guns and about they came, rac- ing full speed, crossed each other's course so closely that all of us expected a collision, two more cans went over, and then away from what was going to happen. On board the sturdy old Gramt we distinctly felt the vibra- tions of the explosions that followed. Up went six beautiful geysers of green water and spray followed by a thick murky black smoke and then came pieces of something that betokened the end of the lesson for Tin Shark number one. Several days later we were again summoned by the alarm, but this time we happened to be on deck at drill. We saw the upturned bow of a life-boat floating at a suspicious angle. Every gun at once got ready for action, but before one of them could fire a shot from the Huntington hit it squarely and smashed it into match-sticks. Whatever was under it was Spurloss Versenkt as the destroyers could find no trace of anything. In our convoy was the Pocahontas, a former United Fruit Liner converted into a troop ship. On one of her trips she had an encounter with a Bosche sub^, and escaped with nothing more serious than a perforated smoke stack and the radio: "Missed you this time. Get you on your next trip." Her next trip was with our convoy. One afternoon the alarm was sounded in a way that meant business. Something was in among our ships; what it was none of us knew or ever found out, but Pocanhontas suddenly went full speed ahead, bore directly down on the Grant and came within 100 yards of poking her nose into our ribs. One hundred yards is not so very close when measured in feet and inches, but it was plenty close enough to make a good many wonder how wet the water would be. There was a deal of wig-wagging between Huntington, Pocahontas and Grant, and some of our boys who were fairly expert signal men claimed that Pocahontas reported having rammed a sub. ' ' I hae me doots, ' ' says canny Scot. So had most of us, because the land-lubber who can read a gob when it is slinging his arms about just simply ''aint." We sailed the briny deep for an- other day, none of us any more interested in anything but when do we get there? Regular routine work, morning drills, with six IN THE WORLD WAR 187 laps around the decks as an exerciser in which company officers participated while the higher-ups did the grinning ; ditto for the afternoon session. Regular inspections of the men's quarters and equipment were made. This is where the juniors had a chance to be spectators for captains and above had to do this job. There was a set schedule for this and right in the middle of one off went the siren with one of its blood-curdling screeches. In jig-time every man was at his station; check roll was hastily made, reports went in and then those of us who were on the star- board side saw an exhibition that was worth while. The destroy- ers went whizzing along hell-bent-for-election, diving into the heavy seas as though they were trying to reach bottom, with their noses bobbing about like corks on the ocean, dropping ash cans on their way and then off they dashed as though no longer in- terested. There were a number of dull rumbling explosions, columns of water shot skyward topped by a thick black smoke, and it was officially stated that another of Von Tirpitz's hopes had gone to Davy Jones's locker. Two for this trip. Ash cans did the business. No, they weren't the kind our D. S. C. makes us put our refuse into. They were tin cans con- taining ninety pounds of T N T, one of the most powerful ex- plosives ever made. There was an exploding contraption at- tached which could be set to raise ructions at any desired depth. This was somewhat of a secret but in general worked this fashion : There was a detonating cap inserted in the can attached to a fuse which ended at the top of the can. Fixed on top of this was a fulminating cap attached to a trigger released by a spring. This spring snapped when the can of T N T went down the full length of its mooring wire. The buoy attached sank so far and no more; the can of T N T and the buoy parted company, the spring snapped, the fuse was ignited and off went the explosive. It was not necessary to hit the sub. The concussion of the ex- plosions down deep in the water was sufficient to crush in the sides of the sub, and if there was no internal explosion all hands went to the bottom like, so many rats in a trap. Terrible punish- ment, but it fitted the crime of sinking defenseless passenger ships with all on board. It fitted the crime of torpedoing ships protected under all usages of warfare by the Geneva Cross. Whoever failed to respect hospital ships loaded with wounded 188 71sT NEW YORK and dying soldiers^ even if they were enemy combatants, de- served and got no more sympathy than is granted to pirates. Our dangers of the deep were at an end. We were nearing the shores of France after a twelve-day trip and entered the harbor of Brest on June 1st, 1918. The Leviathan and the ill-fated Lincoln were there when we arrived and the Lincoln went out the next day on her final trip with our mail on board. After our landing we played at longshore work handling the thousands of bags of mail and tons upon tons of supplies brought in by three ships as well as our own. The mail from the LincoVn and Leviathan was enough to completely block up the dock. It was there for a week after we left. This job finished, we were marched to the eats station. Never will one of us forget that place nor the wild boast of a still wilder Irishman, a Cap- tain Q. M, (we don't know his name) who boasted that he could feed and had fed 3,000 men an hour with his facilities. No wonder ! One look at the culinary arrangements, another at the product produced and we were ready to concede that so far as we were concerned he might treble his figures but he couldn't feed one of us. Chow went into the garbage and we went hungry. Then came our first hike on French soil. Though it seemed like walking up the side of a house, loaded down as we were with our double equipment, on a road that seemed harder than any- thing shoe leather had ever been called to tread upon, we tackled the job with the usual grim determination that has been the out- standing feature of the Yank when called on. The road was white as chalk and covered all over with a sharp flinty substance that played havoc with the soles of our shoes. It looked like broken glass, but in reality was a very brittle stone which was found in profusion in the chalk beds which abounded in that territory. Less than quarter way up, the boys began to double over to relieve the strain on their backs. On the sides of the roadway a great crowd of little French kiddies, boys and girls ranging from knee high to fourteen years, trudged along looking at the soldiers who had come from America to fight for France, Not a word escaped them. Big sad eyes looked at us with wonder and admiration. Suddenly one youngster pulled out a little tin whistle, there was a squeak or two and then upon our astonished ears burst the familiar air : IN THE WORLD WAR 189 Hail! Hail! The gang's all here, What the Hell do we care, What the Hell do we care. Hail! Hail! The gang's all here, What the Hell do we care Now. Every back in that gang stiffened as if it contained a steel rod ; there was just one unanimous shout of approval. A kiddie with a tin whistle had roused the fire in their hearts, and they nego- tiated that hill as though it were the sidewalk on Broadway. Hands dove into pockets and a shower of coins went to the kid- dies as a greeting from the Yanks. They scrambled for them, of course, amid gleeful shouts, but what the youngsters of the male sex were mostly interested in were our smokes. Climbing a hill we naturally marched route step and there was no harm in the urchins dodging into our column, clasping the loose hand of soldier boys and joining with the bunch in singing some of our march tunes. But just as soon as a song was finished out came a grimy little hand with the request ' ' Un cigarette pour Papa. ' * That sounded enough like "United States"; the cigarettes were handed out liberally and the kids went upon the side of the road- way, pulled out a match, scratched the seat of their pants in approved fashion and lit up. Papa got none of those cigarettes. Up the hill — and ye Gods what a hill it was — and then on to the Pontanezon Barracks. We are not in position to take sides in the discussion that took place as to its merits or demerits. When we were there our camp was pitched in a quadrangle away from the Barracks, on the other side of and higher up than the gully about which there was talk. We bivouaced in pup tents. The place was dry as a bone and clean and we were very comfortable. The air was wonderfully pure, the country beautiful and the natives the essence of cordiality. Surely Les Americaines they are brave men to come to fight for La Belle France and our homes. N'est pas? We must show them that we are their friends. No sooner had we pitched camp than along came a rosy-cheeked girl with a basket on her arm. Smilingly she ap- proached a group of our boys and ''Desirez vous des ceufs?" said she to one of them. ' ' Gee ! Whattells she parleying ? " " Don 't know but guess she wants to sell you something. Look into her 190 71sT NEW YORK basket, you bonehead. " They looked and ''Gee fellers, fresh eggs," was the howl they set up. There was a concerted rush, a scramble, and then, "Line forms on this side." First man on the line annexed six ceuf.s and handed out a fist full of French coins of various sizes and denominations. His eyes popped when Mademoiselle calmly took one after the other and he gasped when she quietly said: "Encore." Rapid fire French had taught him that this meant do it again. She got half a franc apiece for them. The bargain concluded, he decided that the easiest way to crack an egg was to bump it on his steel helmet. There was just one squash and yolk and white slid down the back of his neck as though they were used to it. The darned things weren't hard- boiled at all, they were raw. Another rush brought the whole bunch of buyers alongside the demure maiden. In every possible way they tried to explain that she should boil the eggs for them, but it was no use. "Compris" was all the answer she gave. Invention is the mother of necessity. A stray tin can, enough water to fill it, a bit of fire from dry twigs, and in jig time raw eggs were boiled eggs. They were good, they were the very best fresh eggs we had ever tasted and it was immediately decided to have a mess of eggs for breakfast. Accompanied by the mess-sergeant, who spoke French, and a detail to do the lugging we proceeded to the house of our friends. Mess-sergeant was instructed to ask had they any more eggs to sell. Frenchy said, ''Ah, oui, beaucoup, monsieur." Easy as falling off a log. Friend "rapid-fire" said that was "Oh, yes, plenty, sir. ' ' We accompanied the peasant to his barn and right then and there our desire for an egg breakfast went into the dis- card. Crate upon crate were the eggs piled, and every crate bore this brand in plain United States : ' ' Cold Storage Eggs. Packed in Chicago, U. S. A., 1916." We had comed-willie hash and bootleg next morning. After a short stay here we hiked some kilometers and finally reached a railroad back at Brest and here for the first time glimpsed the famous 48 's. Dinky little cars that looked like toys compared to the freight cars we had in the United States. "40 Hommes — 8 Cheveaux Lengthwise, ' ' was the stencil mark on the side of each, and one ride in them as far as Neuelle served to fix them in our minds for all time. Those who had no knowledge IN THE WORLD WAR 191 of French bothered the life out of those who did ''compris." ' ' Does our luggage go in them ? " " No, you chump, can 't you see the marks on the cars 40 Hommes 8 Cheveaux Lengthwise?'' That don 't mean baggage. " " Oh, have a heart. I can make out the lengthwise stuff. Course the cars run lengthwise, but what's all that other 40 and 8 stuff about?" "That, you boob, means 40 men — 8 horses lengthwise. ' ' We got in. Forty Hommes was the legend but 50 Hommes was the load plus our dunnage. Not another could be squeezed in. The Cheveaux? Oh, they stayed outside in the legend. All on board everybody waiting for the next move, and then we heard a series of shouts and beheld an apparition in gorgeous blue uniform all bedecked with gold lace somewhat after the style of our ''Wax Works" in pre-war days. He was the boss of the railroad and insisted upon being recognized in his authority. With a flourish that put a major-general to shame, he waved a little brass trumpet, about half the size of our new and muchly cussed bugle, put it to his mouth and two measly little toots came out of it. That was all, but it must have had a magic in- fluence on the choo-choo at the front end of our train, for the whole shooting-match went scooting along the track like a thing possessed. Travel by rail in those days in France was uncertain and precarious. Go awhile and stop longer was* the rule. P. R. (Personal reconnaissance) was a frequent necessity, as the avions (airplanes) had an uncomfortable habit of practicing marks- manship on the roadbed, very often with disastrous results, more often just close enough to the tracks to give you a first-hand view of what a shell crater looked like. Some of them were big and deep enough to accommodate a two-story house with room to spare, and needless to say we were duly impressed with the explosive power of the Bosche's contraptions. There are many details about the 48 's that are hardly worth mentioning. Some we dare not. The scenery from the cars on our trip was very interesting, and some of it beautiful, until we got to the vicinity of Abbeville, a railroad center where Fritzie had vented much of his venomous spite and plenty of bombs. Air raids were of frequent occurrence and many of the houses in the town were blown to bits. The railroad yards had received tHeir full share of attention and twisted rails, smashed cars, broken-up engines 192 71sT NEW YORK and shacks formed a picture of wanton destruction that is almost beyond description. From Abbeville we went on to Neuville, where we detrained, marched across the railroad and piled our luggage preparatory to an exercising drill. We didn't drill, but we got considerable of a shock when the order came down the line, ''All men will dis- card their excess equipment. One uniform, two changes of underwear, one pair russet and one pair hob-nailed shoes, the necessary toilet articles and ponchos will be carried. All else will be piled on the salvage heaps. Squad and kit bags in- cluded. ' ' What the men wanted to know, came at the shoulder bars with a rush in the form of innumerable but terse questions. We couldn't tell them any more than what the order said, but we did tell the boys ''Don't waste words. Pick out the best you have, make a hurry-up change and discard the rest of your duds." None of us could see any earthly sense in packing this far like overloaded mules. Surely the Tommies couldn't wear our clothes — there Avere no other Yanks ahead of us who needed them. Well, orders is orders, so we dumped our things on the salvage heaps and parted from many a cherished souvenir from our bestest with heavy hearts and journeyed on to Beauval. Preparatory drills and exercises, limbering up hikes, guard duty, grenade practice and trench drills were our main occupa- tion, and as a side issue we showed the Froggies how to clean up a fairly dirty town. We were not yet within the fighting lines, but all the regulations in effect where Hell was breaking were enforced here. No lights after dark was an order that was rigidly carried out because the airmen were extremely busy and lights were very apt to draw a visitation from them, as one artil- lery bunch found out while they were seated about an open jSre. Some of their men and horses went out of business in a hurry when a bomb from one of Jerry 's planes dropped in their midst. Our next stop was a little town called Neuelli Hopital, and there the officers met the order "Turn your trunks in to the Supply Officer by 11 A. M. for shipment to Paris or London for storage. Nothing but what you can carry will be taken. Bag- gage will be limited to 50 pounds per officer, including bedding- roll." This meant that all the half dozen of each kind of article — extra heavy woolen socks, white shirts and collars, extra cuffs. IN THE WORLD WAR 193 shoes, trench boots and the hundred and one things which the War Department had ordered us to purchase at an expense of about three hundred dollars — were classed as unnecessary and dispensable. We had to buy them, make affidavit that we had them, and now we were to pack them for storage. Fine busi- ness, but we packed them. Next came the order sending us to the East Poperinghe Line for practice. This was said to be a quiet sector. Maybe it was before we got there, perhaps it was after we left, but during the time we were there Fritzie made noises in plenty and slammed over samples of about everything Krupp ever made. He wasn 't a bit stingy about the quantity he sent over and sure was proud of his variety. Looked to us as if he had a surplus and was afraid it would spoil on his hands, so wanted to get rid of it quickly. We were reasonably sure that we knew all his brands. When he stopped for rest our artillery sent him a rush order of goods made in the U. S. A. They were good salesmen and delivered on the spot where Bosche ha'd his ammunition dumps and off went five hundred or a thousand shells with one terrific bang. Our rifles and machine guns were busy at the same time and the "Got Mit Tins" bunch kept quiet for a while. This was a daily performance, interspersed with raids and counter raids, trips out into No-Man's Land and sniping. After a week of this we went to the back area for a well earned rest. We had received our baptism of fire, not without some losses, and we felt pretty much like veterans. We had held this line from July 9th to August 20th, and then moved to the Dickebusch sector, where we had an action on August 21st, and held this line until August 30th, when we made an advance on Vierstraat Ridge. On August 31st we fought a battalion in the vicinity of Mount Kemmel and then advanced on Wytschaete Ridge September 2nd. While we were in the trenches at Dickebusch, the Bosche snipers held command of No-Man's Land and the tops of our trench lines. Any exposure was almost sure to result in a sore head if not worse and the men were ordered not to show them- selves above the parapet. One afternoon a big fellow landed in our trench, went off with a terrific bang, blew three or four fellows about like cards and two landed on top of the trench; one chap was almost buried in the dirt while another was blown 194 71sT NEW YORK along the length of the trench. Luckily nobody was hurt, but the chap who took a flier along the trench felt around to see if he was all there and then looked for his buddies. He saw two of them up on top of the parados, strictly against orders, and im- mediately shouted to them: ''Hey, you fellows will get Hell if the lieutenant catches you up there; come down quick." They slid down none the worse for wear and immediately countered with the remark, "And what do you suppose he will say to you if he asked you to explain your move by the numbers ? ' ' That same night Fritzie wanted to know who was in our line and at- tempted a raid. So far and no further, Fritzie, for we laid down a grenade barrage, perhaps the first of its kind the Yanks had put over on him, and he decided that home was the place for him. On or about the 26th of August a machine gun sniper held command of part of our trench which had been broken down by a shell, at a point where it was necessary for our men to pass. Every time a man attempted to pass zipp-zipp would go a burst of bullets. It was very uncomfortable for the men and they reported the facts to the top sarge, who after a while got tired of the grouches and reported the facts to the officer in command. The officer was busy signing reports on reconnaissance and other matters which H. D. Q. had to receive hourly and merely growled: '*Tell the men to keep down." After a bit of P. R. the sniper was located, a few Hales Grenades went his way, fol- lowed by a couple of clips from a rifle, and the coast was clear. No more sniping. A certain Yank has that Bosche's belt buckle as a souvenir. After the advance on Wytschaete Ridge we re- tired to the rear area where we enjoyed a much needed rest, during which we had practice in all kinds of attacks, prepara- tory to our next show. We got back to a place called Heidebeke, and there entrained for Doullens on September 4th. Here again our famous eight-hour schedule went into effect and we all worked like beavers preparing for further fighting when next we went into the line. On September 20th we were ordered forward to the area opposite the Hindenburg Line, the much vaunted Gibraltar of the Bosche defense line. On September 27th we fought the battles of The Knoll, Quinnemont Farm and Guille- mont Farm and on September 29th went in for the Hindenburg IN THE WORLD WAR 195 smash. Zero hour was about 5 :50 A. M. We were on the line before that, probably about 5:30, and with every nerve tense waited for the fateful minute. Exactly on the second our guns opened out with a roar that defies description. Every machine gun sent a leaden hail as fast as its mechanism could drive, and away w^e went out there into inky blackness. Out there where we knew the enemy was, but not a man faltered. We moved like a huge steam roller. Our orders were explicit. ' ' Every unit will take its objective and hold it to the last man." Those were Gen- eral 'Ryan 's orders to us and, so far as human power, will and courage could control, we determined to obey. On we went in one wild dash with never a let-up for nearly six hours. We had no barrage, we could not have one to help us because of the very nature of our undertaking. Nothing that Fritzie could send our way had any effect on our advance until we hit a sunken road where the enemy laid down a smoke screen on us and then we had to stop to get our bearings. As soon as we got straightened out, on we went and our battalion, the First of the 105th Infantry, commanded by Captain Harry Maslin, formerly of the Seventy-first New York, had the signal honor of penetrating over 1,000 yards deeper into the enemy line than any other unit that day. Captain Maslin had under him that day four companies of the 105th Infantry, each one commanded by a former officer of the famous Seventy-first New York In- fantry. We participated in a glorious victory, but we paid a terrible price. Every officer in the battalion was seriously wounded and most of the men were killed or wounded by the frightful hurricane of machine gun fire we were subjected to at a time when there was no possible chance of getting shelter. After the battle of the Hindenburg Line on October 1st, what was left of the regiment went behind the fighting lines, for rest and reorganization. On October 17th it was engaged in the battle of LeSelle River, near St. Souplet. On October 18th occurred the battle at Jonc de Mer Ridge in the vicinity of Arbre Guernon, and its fighting ceased with the engagement at St. Maurice River near Catillon October 19th, 1920. On October 20th the 105th moved back to Corbie for rest and training and on November 28th went to the Le Mans area for training, re- filling and preparations for departure to Brest for embarkation. THE STORY OF COMPANY L— 105TH INFANTRY SPARTANBURG TO HANDIFORT By Captain Charles H. Scott The 105th Infantry broke camp at Spartanburg on May 1st, 2nd and 3rd, 1918. Captain Stanley Bulkley (71st) and Second Lieutenant George Howard left on Sunday, April 28th, with the regimental detail on a secret mission. This was all that was known at the time as to what their leaving meant. During the next four days First Lieutenants Carlin and Smith, and Second Lieutenant Meriwether (71st) were busy day and night checking up property in the 106th Infantry, while officers of the 106th Infantry checked up the 105th. Orders and counter orders flew about every few minutes. The men furbished up their equip- ment; turned in old or wornout items, both quartermaster and ordnance, and drew new; marked all property not previously done and saw to it that all mess and other company property was in good shape. Boxes for shipping company property over- seas were made and proudly lettered — ''Co. L, 105th Inf., A. E. F." On Thursday, May 2nd, First Lieutenant Charles H. Scott (71st) returned from New York, where he had been on leave of absence, arriving in camp at 3 P. M. Being the senior officer he took command and was advised the company would move the next afternoon. Within fifteen minutes orders were received to have baggage ready at seven o'clock the following morning, and a little later this was changed to read nine o'clock that same night, again changed to seven o'clock and at about five o'clock changed to "At Once," with the note that the wagons would arrive at the head of the company street immediately. By 5 :45 P. M. the last load of company property and officers' baggage had gone. That night officers and men slept in their blankets on the floors of their tents, and thus spent their last hours in the 196 71sT NEW YORK IN THE WORLD WAR 197 home that had been theirs during seven long weary months of training and waiting. The Call had come! During the last evening and the early hours of the following morning the com- pany officers had an interesting time trying to sell to officers of Pioneer outfits remaining in camp such of their effects as they did not want or could not take with them — particularly the huts which had been built underneath the tent coverings. First- Lieutenant Carlin was the lucky one — he disposed of his hut for ten dollars! Lieutenant Scott was the last Officer of the Day and Company L the last to do guard duty in the old camp. Friday morning, May 3rd, the company moved out about nine o'clock following Company M. The 10th N. Y. Inf. which was Camped beside the 105th sent their band to play us all out of camp, but Joe Mode brought over the 71st band, placed them at the head of Company L and played for us on the first leg of our journey to "Over There." Down the road in front of the 71st camp we marched, shouting hail and farewell to the men and officers whom we knew so well, and on toward the quartermaster's stores with the waiting train on a siding there. All along the way our friends from other outfits lined the road to wish us ' ' Good Luck " ; as we passed the 47th camp, they turned out to a man to hail First-Lieutenant Carlin who came to the 105th from that regiment. No 71st man in Company L will ever forget Joe Mode and the 71st band, nor the last march behind them. Broken up, scattered in various organizations as we were, the 71st spirit still lived ! That band played it into us once more ; we took it to France, to the firing line, and were ready to take it to Berlin. Rumors as to where we were to go had of course been numerous. We had learned the advance party were in New York, so thought that good reason to believe we would go there too. Others had heard we were to go to Newport News and that rumor was per- sistent. Charleston, New Orleans, Panama and many other places were also included in the rumors. At any rate, no official information was given out and our departure was supposed to be secret. Well it was, if you count all Spartanburg and half the United States out — otherwise it was pretty well known. We got aboard the cars to find ordinary day coaches had been provided for all — officers and men alike. We were advised by Captain Hall of K Company (who was in command of the bat- 198 71sT NEW YORK talion) that a strict censorship would prevail on all correspond- ence, and that company commanders must read and 0. K. all mail sent out. So everybody got busy writing letters. The usual train regulations prevailed, with platform sentries, inspections, etc. The train started for the coast — so Charleston became the best bet for our destination. At Columbia, S. C, after joking with a large number of soldiers from Camp Jackson who had come down to see us pass through (more secrecy!) we turned north and knew we were at least headed for Richmond. So New York again loomed up ahead of us. "We turned the cushioned seats lengthwise and managed to sleep in fairly comfortable fashion. Meals were served hot, cooking being done on field ovens mounted on a baggage car in the usual manner. At Rich- mond, next morning, the train turned down the James River and at last we knew — it was to be Newport News ! Running for several miles through a large Q. M. camp, which we learned was Camp Hill, we at length reached Camp Stuart Saturday, May 4th, disembarking from a siding close to our bar- racks. These barracks were a new experience for us; it was significant that our men did not like them, complaining that it ' ' did not seem like soldiering. ' ' The first thing we noted was that quite a number of ladies had already arrived to visit members of the two battalions that had preceded us; this caused a grand rush to telephone and telegraph stations with the result that we, too, soon had visitors. We stayed at Camp Stuart for thirteen days. Part of the time was taken up with ordinary drills, guard duty and other like duties. But the principal job was to draw and issue overseas equipment. This came in many different lots at all conceivable hours. Identification disks were issued and stamped only to be changed in style of wording three or four times until they measured up to the very latest requirements received from France. Among others, we received the recruit kit (consisting of safety razor, brush and comb, tooth brush, shaving brush, and soap) ration bag, breech cover, rifle wire-cutters, bomb-bucket, rifle grenade discharger, Very light pistol, folding saw and additional revolvers. A number of the men had been left behind, sick, at Camp Wadsworth. Some of these began to arrive, having gotten out of hospital by fair means or foul and in some way or other made IN THE WORLD WAR 199 their way to us. One of these was little Danny Mahar (71st) who refused to surrender the service record with which he had been sent to hospital, found out our location and came on by himself to join us; sick and almost unable to stand he got by the doctors somehow and sailed with the company; thereby adding still an- other to former evidences of his pluck — the pluck that later, on the battle-field, earned him the D. S. C, the British Military Medal and the French Croix de Guerre with palm. Men who had been on furlough came back. Others who had been A. W. 0. L. showed up. One man who had been gone for ninety-one days returned ; the company commander interviewed him and learned of the wonderful time he had been having in New York ; on ask- ing if his idea in joining the company was simply to get a free trip across with plans to go A. W. 0. L. to Paris, was very quickly made to realize that this man really wanted to fight and so he was returned to full company status without action of any kind. But he surrendered a book of ''Good Addresses" in Paris which was turned over to the First- Sergeant as company prop- erty. This man shall be nameless for he made good during all the fighting ; he did his full duty and gave no trouble ; but af tei the Armistice he returned to his A. W. 0. L. habits. It was inci- dents like these which proved that Company L really wanted to fight ! While at Newport News we learned that Major DeKay had been transferred out of the battalion definitely — on account of sickness. A new commander came to us, Major Herbert Barry, a former captain of Squadron A., N, G. N. Y., who had gone to the Officers' Training School (O. T. C.) in Spartanburg and graduated with a majority. The new major had a hard job tak- ing command in the midst of all the work and bustle of these preparations to embark, getting his equipment together, and getting acquainted with his outfit. One remembers distinctly how he sat down three times on his freshly lettered trunks and had to borrow carbona from Lieutenant Scott to get the paint off his breeches. Company L received a new second-lieutenant, one John C. Cipperly, a graduate from the Spartanburg 0. T. C, who came out of Company D, 105th Inf. We looked over this long, lanky six-footer curiously and decided he was 0. K. Lieu- 200 71sT NEW YORK tenant Meriwether was promoted to First-Lieutenant and trans- ferred to Company I. We had equipment and medical inspections without number, of both men and officers. We turned in report after report of items of which we were short and finally received them all. The officers were compelled to display to the major a full equipment and to buy any of the required items of which they might be short. Many a time in France we wondered why the higher au- thorities had caused us to spend our good money for many of those things — particularly those six white shirts and dozen col- lars. Our four sergeants graduated from the 0. T. C. but not yet commissioned, Holmes Smith (71), Albert Spony (71), Francis A. Nolan and Francis P. Thornton (71) also purchased a part of their officers' equipment and placed it in trunk lockers to go with the officers' baggage^ — for it was known their commissions were likely to come through any day. Officers not already provided with them bought Sam Browne belts. Among property bought for the company was a new typewriter; this machine went all through the campaign with Company L, and came home with them to Camp Upton. Absentees on account of sickness and one or two who had failed to find us on their return from furlough, began to cut down our number. Medical inspections came along and also took away a few. When we finally made out the passen- ger lists, we were compelled to omit the names of Sergeant Don- nelly (71), Sergeant Leonard (71), Corporals Heiser (71) and Kennedy, and Privates Sheid (71), Lavecchia, Tescher, Nelson, Lloyd Mulford (71) and Vines. The list as finally completed showed 4 officers and 206 men. In addition to visiting with those who came to see us, we had the pleasure of bathing at the nearby beach. Another pleasant memory is the ''Spread" given us by the ladies of Newport News ; this occurred in the company mess hall ; our talented mem- bers sang, danced and did other stunts similar to those at the Christmas celebration in Spartanburg. Our evening parades constantly demonstrated the steadiness of the Regiment. On May 16th was held the last parade, at which the officers joined the Colonel at the reviewing point and the Regiment marched past under command of the non-coms. It certainly was an in- spiring sight. As one officer wrote home, ' ' It made me feel very IN THE WORLD WAR 201 proud to have had a hand in developing such an organization — I'll take my chances with them anywhere." On May 15th the visitors had nearly all disappeared. Barrack bags and heavy baggage were packed and shipped. General Michie, our Bri- gade Commander, assembled the officers, telling them that while we were to be separated for a time, he expected the Regiment to function up to a high standard and exhorted us to play the game to the limit. He sailed on another ship than ourselves — we never saw him again. On May 16th Lieutenant Carlin and a detail left us to go aboard ship as an advance party to arrange for our accommodations. At 11 A. M. on May 17th, 1918, we marched out of Camp Stuart on our way to the docks. Friday certainly was moving day for Company L. Through part of the city and down back streets to the dock where our ship awaited us, lay our way. As usual, there was a long wait at the gateway entrance to the actual dock. The com- pany broke into single file in the rotation of their names on the passenger list — practice for this had been held in camp — walked up a steep runway which led to a covered dock, along inside this to an opening with a gang-plank to the ship. Here the line halted ; each man answered to his name as it was called from the passenger list and stepped aboard. Members of the company advance detail met us as we came aboard and conducted us to our bunks. The men's quarters were forward on the third deck below the main deck. The quarters were airy and clean, but very crowded. Bunks were of canvas, three to a tier. Passageways between tiers were scarcely wide enough for an average pair of shoulders to pass. The light at best was dim — at sea when only blue lights were allowed at night, it was practically dark — good practice for night work on the battlefields later on. Officers were given cabins strictly according to seniority ; field officers each had an entire cabin, all line officers were three to a cabin and the cabins were very small. We found our ship was the President Grant, a former German merchant ship. It is interesting to note that the company commander's wife had advised him fully a week before of the name of the ship and date of sailing ; this was two or three days before he was officially advised with injunc- tions to strict secrecy ! While he was out of camp on pass, nearly a week before sailing, Sergeant D. S. Scott (71) also learned 202 71sT NEW YORK from some sailors he met, the name of the ship on which we were to go over. However, we had no information as to our destina- tion and so far as the writer is aware no one, at least from the line officers down, knew what it was until our actual arrival. The rest of that day and ni^ht the ship lay at the dock taking aboard baggage. We found the entire 105th and one battalion of the 108th were on board. We spent our time getting acquainted with the ship and visiting each other. We also mailed our ' ' Safely Arrived ' ' post cards in bags which were taken off during the night. We sailed the morning of May 18th but soon got stuck on a mud bank which delayed us several hours until tugs pulled us off. Meanwhile the organization was more or less re-arranged to con- form to the requirements of the Navy. The men received two very hearty meals per day. This they supplemented by pur- chases at the Y. M. C. A. canteen on board, to say nothing of the time the ship 's stores were broken into and L men had a big feed. There were excellent sanitary arrangements and shower baths. Regular times were taken for exercise, but this consisted princi- pally of running about the decks. Guard duty required the whole company, as posts were very numerous. Strict rules had to be observed regarding those parts of the ship which could be visited. ''Can't stand there, soldier!" was an injunction often heard. Lieutenant Carlin drew crow's nest lookout duty, Lieutenant Smith, Sergeant Spony and Sergeant Nolan the same on deck, Lieutenant Cipperly the policing detail, which left Lieutenant Scott the supervision and general duties of the company. There were many inspections of the company quarters. Enter- tainments in the form of band concerts and moving pictures were provided for men and officers. Generally, the life was pleasant and easy. At first while in the Gulf Stream, the weather was hot and quite uncomfortable in quarters and cabins — later it grew cooler. There was a library on board from which books were obtained ; most of them were supplied by the Westchester County Red Cross. Wireless bulletins were received from the U. S. and published to the men through the first-sergeants. The officers were entertained in royal fashion. Seats at the dining tables were according to seniority. The food was as good as any first class hotel — three meals per day. Band concerts, IN THE WORLD WAR 203 moving pictures and community singing were provided in the dining room each evening. The first moving picture shown was *' Atonement" in five parts. Sunday there were religious exer- cises. A paper called ' ' The Lee Rail ' ' was issued of which Cap- tain MacArthur of Company A was the editor and Lieutenant Scott in charge of the actual production — we used the ship's print shop to get it out. Officers and non-com. schools were held in I. D. R. There were eight or nine ships in the convoy as it left Newport News, joined the second day out by four or five more which we understood came from New York. We were escorted by one battle cruiser. Abandon Ship drills were held several times each day. On assembling at our posts the roll was called and reported to the adjutant. At first we called the roll by name, but later we found it quicker and easier to call it by the bunk numbers. Our positions were beside life rafts on four raised platforms — two each side of the foremast ; this we shared partly with Company M. Incidentally, we wore our life pre- servers continuously and used the pockets as a scrap basket. The fourth day out we had our first submarine scare. The Abandon Ship alarm sounded about 10 :00 A. M. Rushing to the deck, we were just in time to see that cruiser turn short about^ apparently in her tracks, and commence firing at some point near the center of the convoy, meanwhile steaming across the front of the convoy. We rushed to our stations and called the roll — there were two men absent, who seemed to be accounted for by duties in other parts of the ship which made it practically impos- sible for them to reach us. INIeanwhile the gun on our port bow commenced to fire. The men of the 105th could not be restrained — they climbed up the rigging and all other available places, cheering the shots and having the time of their lives. Afraid? Not they ! But it was only an overturned life boat — though the navy took no chances. On May 26th we were met by the fleet of destroyers and on May 27th had our second submarine scare. This was a real one. But the submarine was sighted quite a little distance off and taken care of by the destroyers who either sunk it or caused it to take flight, — we really could not tell which. On May 30th, in sight of land, we experienced our third attack, which was very real. Many saw the periscope and the actions of the destroyers were thrilling. It was all close in. The way those 204 71sT NEW YORK little insects of ships surrounded the spot and criss-crossed about in the shape of a figure 8, dropping their depth bombs, was a sight not to be forgotten. In one whale of an upheaval from a bomb we could see oil and pieces of wreckage. One submarine was through. Two destroyers dropped behind and later, after we had arrived in port, one destroyer passed us towing a German submarine behind it which had been captured ! We heard later that the commanding officer of that destroyer was decorated for the job. This same Decoration Day brought us into port. It was Brest ! This beautiful harbor certainly did look good to us. We steamed in and dropped anchor not far from the Leviathan which had already discharged her troops. We lay there overnight. But that night at dinner the officers wore their Sam Brownes for the first time ! The next day we were taken ashore by lighter. Here we had our first contact with the British, as the sergeant in com- mand of the lighter was of the British Army ; his efficient meth- ods were noted and commented upon. Landing practically upon a street alongside some railw^ay tracks, we looked about curiously. Of course, there were some French soldiers, and with a thrill we saw one or two German prisoners at work under the eye of a French sentry. Then came the march up a steep hill through some of the narrow cobbled streets. Little children ran along with us, taking hold of our hands and many requesting — ' ' Ciga- rette for my fader" — they could not say much more in English but explained somehow that father was in the trenches. Later, after we had tried some French tobacco, we thoroughly under- stood why they preferred American cigarettes ! Several times we heard them sing ''Hail, hail, the gang's all here!" — ^so we knew they had met American soldiers before us. We noted the Breton headdress on some of the women and the universal wooden shoes. In fact, every instant we realized more and more that this was France ! On we went, out beyond the old moat surrounding the ancient part of the town and several miles into the country. At last we reached a point where we turned down a narrow lane and into a field surrounded by high dirt hedges, moss covered. We found it w^as known as the Pontanezon rest camp, being just out- side the Pontanezon Barracks. Both fields and barracks dated from Napoleon's day, the high hedges being built to conceal the IN THE WORLD WAR 205 drills and maneuvers of his troops. Here we pitched pup tents and began to look around. First thing we found was that water was very scarce; it came to us in a water cart of the style with which we were to become so familiar, and was chlorinated. How we did hate the taste of that water. In fact, we soon learned there was very little good water in France and thereby under- stood why the people were so addicted to their vin rouge and vin blanc. Furthermore, we observed they know how to use it and not abuse it ; we saw very few drunken people over there. Also we soon learned to treat it in the same manner ourselves. That evening the men of the Company began to take lessons in French ; Corporal E. J. Brown, who could speak the language, was found surrounded by a group of L men just outside the camp limits talking to a French girl, while the others under his direction practised various phrases which they hoped to use on their own later on. That night as the shadows began to fall — dusk comes about 10 P. M. at that time of the year — a group sat gathered on top of a hedge playing various musical instruments brought along with them. Every one about gathered around, and led by the musicians, sang war songs and songs of home. Chief among the musicians was Al Spony (71) of L Company and his guitar. Here was a man to gladden a company commander's heart. With his guitar and his songs he cheered us countless times. Who of L Company will forget his songs on the weary hikes? How he would peal out "Well be together sweethearts — love will find a way" — and some of us quoted that line in our letters home. Today with his wooden leg — he left a good one in the Argonne — he is the same bright, cheery, cheerful soul that he always was. Every man in L Company is grateful that Lieutenant Spony was with us over there. Two days later Lieutenants Carlin and Smith brought up the remaining half of the company which had been left behind with Company M to unload ship. Not much could be done in the way of drilling, but some time was taken up with hikes along the roads. A great batch of A. E. F. printed orders was received with injunctions for officers and non-coms, to read and digest them all — it was impossible. There was a great deal of time which hung heavy on the men's hands. Of course they were wild to go into Brest and view a French city, but orders were against 206 71sT NEW YORK all passes. The company commander tried to get through the Major permission for the men to go into town by groups in charge of an officer, as had actually been done in one or two other companies, but was unsuccessful. At last there came a night when practically all of L Company, if not with the permission, at least with the sympathetic good will of the company commander, broke through the guard lines and went into town. Most of them returned before taps. Many, however, were returned under guard with little notes from the Provost Marshal who we found out later took this means of sending them in rather than hold the men for charges, because he had once been a member of the National Guard of New York and had a feeling of comradeship for them. The company commander still has many of these notes — they form a prized part of his souvenirs de guerre. The next day the battalion was paraded down the side of a road and Major Barry publicly reduced to the ranks nearly all the non- coms, of Company L. Then he ordered the company commander to write the usual request for reduction. This was done with the notation that it was by direction of the C. 0. 3rd Battalion, and First-Sergeant Cavanaugh took the papers direct to the Regi- mental-Adjutant, seizing the opportunity to explain the affair in full. Shortly the Major and Lieutenant Scott were called before the Colonel where it was quickly decided that there should be no reductions. The Major later called these non-coms, before him individually and reinstated them. This ended the incident. ]\Tajor Barry next day marched the battalion to a nearby village and treated every member to a drink of vin rouge at the es- taminet. We began to have our troubles about washing. One or two canteens per day supplied very little with which to do every- thing. So there came a time when the Major led us all a few miles away to where there was a stream wandering through a meadow. The companies were lined up along the stream. Came the order to wash dirty underclothes. The only underclothing present was on the person. Surprise and delight! Soon there were hundreds of naked bodies splashing about in the water — and the underclothing was washed. Again we were marched to the Pontanezon Barracks where we all had the privilege of hot shower baths. While lined up waiting the order to march back IN THE WORLD WAR 207 to camp we saw the 131st Infantry go out of the barracks where they had been quartered. They were on their way to the train to move toward the front. They were a fine looking outfit and we wished them good luck as they passed. Now we learned that a great deal of the company baggage brought over with us was to go no further. Consternation seized us for those boxes contained many extra articles, some forbidden ones, that we had individu- ally decided to bring over. A grand rush for the docks where we broke into the boxes and salvaged what we could. Also great relief on the part of company commanders when they learned that in France there was no property accountability for them, only responsibility, and that they would not be held accountable for property so taken away from them — and supply-sergeants, too, felt the relief. At last came our day to move, June 5th. We went back down through the town to the railroad tracks beside the water where we found the box cars, "hommes 40, chevaux 8," awaiting. Forty men to a small car ! Not enough room for all to sit or lie down at one time ; it had to be done by turns. The officers were more comfortably quartered in cushioned compartments. Tinned food and biscuits were issued for three days. We were on the road forty hours, travelling through the northern part of France. We saw the orchards of Normandy, fields, gardens and the inter- minable hedges. Orders were for all legs and arms to be kept inside the cars — but they were too crowded and parts of anatomy would stick out. Here and there stops were made which gave us a few minutes to stretch our legs. We saw old men, women and children, but no young men, except a few in uniform. At the stations we saw groups of refugees with their pitiably small bundles, generally in charge of Y. M. C. A. or newspaper men. We passed through several cities. At Rouen we learned that General Michie had died on a train at this point from heart fail- ure and that Colonel Andrews was now brigade commander. At one point we passed a group of German prisoners who pointed to us, then ahead and drew a finger across their throats. Just then the train stopped. The officers had the job of restraining the men from rushing on those Germans then and there. A little later we stopped at a point where a train was drawn up filled with British soldiers fresh from Palestine, and there was a quick 208 71sT NEW YORK fraternization of both men and officers. At last we reached our destination, Noyelles, at the mouth of the Somme River. Detraining, we were marched across the tracks into a field. Here the barrack bags were brought to the men and they were ordered to strip, put on clean underclothing and best uniforms and roll their regulation equipment into the pack. All other material was repacked in the bags which were piled up to be taken away. They were not seen again until the fighting was over. It was hard to part with banjos, guitars, books and other items that had been brought over to ease the hours of expected camp life, but it had to be done. Lieutenant Carlin was ordered by the Major to get rations and bring them to our next camp ; the location of the ration dump and our destination both being un- known. Little we realized then that such problems were to be frequently put up to various individual men or officers — not once did any one fail. We marched off to a British camp nearby where we were given a hot meal of stew^ with crackers, jam and cheese, by the British Army Service Corps. Then out along our first road in the rear areas down which a host of British had marched before us. As the Tommies lined up to see us go the men of L sang ' ' Tipperary, ' ' followed by some of our own songs. Then silent trudging. Suddenly, as the dust began to choke, up from the lines of L Company rose this song to the tune of '' Blighty '^ ''Take me back to dear old New York, New York is the place I want to be. Take me over there, drop me anywhere, Anywhere from Harlem to a Jersey City pier. Take me back to dear old New York That's the only place on earth for me. Let the English have their Blighty, The French their nighty nightie. But New York is the place for me!" New York, however, was many a long mile away. Three miles or so of hiking brought us to a little village — Port Le Grand. Here we were billeted, which billets we found con- sisted of barns and similar places for the men, while the officers IN THE WORLD WAR 209 were quartered in peasant homes. It may have seemed a little rough just then, but we all look back to Port Le Grand as the most pleasant of our many stopping places. During the after- noon we received our rolling kitchens and Lieutenant Carlin arrived with the rations. We found that we were indeed with the British for their ration was issued to us. It was difficult at first to make it satisfying, but in a few days our efficient mess-ser- geant and cooks had mastered it, so that we learned to do very well. The second day we had our first issue of Australian rabbit, which was quite a change from the everlasting beef of the Ameri- can ration. Here is a copy of the British ration allowance as handed us to study : Fresh meat (or frozen) — Sub. Preserved Meat — Bread, soft — Bread, hard — Rice — Oatmeal (3 weekly) — Bacon — Butter (3 weekly) — Cheese — Fresh vegetables] — or ^ — Dried vegetables J — Jam — Coffee — Sugar — Substitute when condensed milk is sweetened 2V Condensed milk — Salt — Pepper — 1 oz. Mustard — 1 oz. Pickles (3 weekly) — 1 oz. lb OZ. 9 oz. 16 oz. 10 oz. 1 oz. 2 oz. 4 oz. 2 oz. 2 oz. 8 oz. 2 oz. 3 oz. 1 oz. 3 oz. !y2 oz. 1 oz. 1/4 oz. Tobacco and cigarettes (Smokers only) 2 oz. Matches (2 weekly) 1 box Toilet paper Coffee was substituted for tea after a week or two when our Division complained that they did not like the tea, and soon 210 71sT NEW YORK many a Tommy came to our kitchen to get some of our coffee which they rapidly learned to like. Also we soon found that the substitute for fresh meat often consisted of Maconichie — that tinned stew. Lieutenant S. S. Curtis joined the battalion a few days later and took over the duties of supply officer, thus reliev- ing Lieutenant Carlin. Our water carts were delivered to us and placed in charge of Corporal Richard Reid (71) whose service in getting water up to the company, often under fire, never failed. I Company was quartered in the same village with us, M and K being in another village about two miles off, with bat- talion headquarters located in a chateau midway. We marched on our second day to a field near these headquarters where we were met by a training cadre from the British who gave us daily, by lecture, demonstration and practice, up-to-the-minute instruc- tion in trench warfare. While here we received our Lewis guns. That same night First Sergeant Jesse Cavanaugh, Sergeants D. S. Scott (71), C. N. Nagle (71) and several others sat up all night in the orderly room with the sergeant instructor from the British and mastered the handling of that weapon. This was simply typical of the spirit that every man in L Company showed at every oppor- tunity to fit himself for the actual work down front. We marched to a nearby town and received British steel helmets and gas masks ; we turned in our American rifles and received British in return. At the end of one of our days of drill, the battalion was grouped on the field while Colonel Campbell of the training cadre gave a demonstration of bayonet work using as his "pal" a British sergeant whom we recognized as the pugilist "Bom- badier" Wells. The idea that we were getting toward the front had a wonderful effect upon the company as a whole. They were eager to do everything that would advance our progress to the firing line. Officers no longer gave orders in the usual sense of that word — they merely indicated what was to be done. The non-coms, noted that the British sergeants were housed together as a separate unit, so they located a house that might be so used for themselves, obtained permission from the company com- mander, and occupied the quarters selected. But they did more — they observed the manner in which the British non-coms, actu- ally took over the handling of the company and undertook to do IN THE WORLD WAR 211 the same in L Company. From that time on the company was run by the non-coms. ; and well it was that they did so, for the time soon came when corporals found themselves in command of platoons under fire — and they commanded them. Three or four days after our arrival we were ordered to send a non-com. to the front for observation and experience; the choice fell to Sergeant Holmes Smith (71), one of our 0. T. C. graduates, who was thus the first L man to go under fire. On June 15th Lieu- tenant Scott was also sent to the front lines before Albert for the same purpose. Lieutenants Smith and Cipperly both were sent to British schools, leaving Lieutenant Carlin alone in com- mand of the company. It was while at Port Le Grand that Lieu- tenant Cipperly discovered his wonderful liking for British jam, the liking that led to his famous order at the jump off for the attack on the Hindenburg Line — on being asked by Sergeant Scott (71) for orders, he replied, ''I am going to sleep. Wake me up when the battle starts and don't let any one touch my jam." The first evening we were in Port Le Grand we noticed the vil- lagers, old and young, making their way at dusk with bundles of bed clothing in their arms out of the village, leaving every house empty, and learned they were going to caves built into banks in the fields round about. Of course, we knew it meant there must be danger from air raids, but we could not understand it, as we knew we must be at least fifty miles from the front. In a few days some had been to Abbeville, not far away, and saw there the effects of bombs that had been dropped. Also on our way to the drill field we were pointed out a spot that had been used as a corral and bombed, killing a number of horses. On June 16th we had our first experience. The Boche came over dropping bombs about; the archies (anti-aircraft guns) opened up and there was general excitement. So far as L men were concerned, it simply meant a chance to see something ; the general orders to stay under cover were forgotten and every one was out to see the show. But at least we realized there was indeed danger even for these people so far from the front. June 17th came a move. A framework had been built up over the ration wagon to enable more luggage to be carried, the men were getting used to the steel helmets and gas masks and our 212 71sT NEW YORK progress under the instructions of the training cadre was satis- factory. We hiked about twelve kilos across the Somme and into Franleau where we were billeted. Accommodations were not as good as at Port Le Grand, but we continued our training and had a little rifle practice on a nearby range. Lieutenants Cipperly and Smith came back from school, Lieutenant Scott came back from the front and Lieutenant Carlin went away to school in his turn. It was here we saw our first evidence of German atrocity. The company was lined up in a large courtyard when out from a door in a far corner came a chair pushed by a woman who then dragged herself along by it and alternately pushing and drag- ging she came out into the yard where she looked long and ear- nestly at us and made unintelligible sounds — she was a refugee who had suffered unspeakable tortures at the hands of the enemy. Here, too, we met our first Australians, two big fine looking chaps who bespoke our hospitality which we gladly gave. On June 22nd we started on a three-day hike, the first day taking us about twelve miles once more across the Somme, through Abbeville and on to the village of Oneux. Near Abbeville we passed a detach- ment of German prisoners, about one hundred in number, march- ing in columns of squads and in charge of only two or three British guards; much to our surprise, as they approached they broke into the goose-step and the one German officer in the lead saluted. At Oneux we sprawled along the village street for quite a while waiting to be billeted; we were hot and tired. A commotion arose beside a house across the way where a woman tried to stop some soldiers from using her pump and well. This woman ac- cused the men of threatening her ; an investigation showed no L man had been present. Down the street was a crude arrange- ment for a shower bath, consisting of a wooden tank with pipes running out, into which small holes had been punched. It was necessary to fill the tank by a bucket brigade, passing the pails of water up ladders to the tank. Most of the men of L Company worked on this job and many of them had baths. Crude, but pleasant. While much more primitive it reminded many of the shower bath at Sterling's Ranch in Texas during our experience on the Border in 1916. Next day, the 23rd, we hiked about twenty miles to Heuzecourt. No baths, poor billets, and gener- IN THE WORLD WAR 213 ally unsatisfactory conditions. This day we were passed by the 108th riding forward in trucks, which did not add to our joy in hiking. However, we were learning the details of march discipline as conducted in France; the slow rate (about two miles actually covered per hour) the distance between com- panies, the necessity for keeping off the fields which were culti- vated down to the very roadside, the value of our canteens of water, even though it was chlorinated, the sense of omitting every last ounce from the pack that could be done without, and the necessity of foot inspection and care of the feet, for these rough, pebbly roads of France were making many footsore. We had been taught all these things at Spartanburg, but we learned their true value in France. On the twenty-fourth we hiked another twelve miles into Doullens. The company was at the head of the battalion and entered the town singing; their appearance and spirits made an excellent impression on the British officers gathered to watch our entrance, some of whom rushed forward to congratulate the company commander upon such a splendid body of men. Doullens we found to be quite a good sized city that had been for some time the British General Headquarters, but not since the German offensive of the previous March. The entire bat- talion was billeted in several good size buildings on three sides of a small court. The fourth side opened out on a stream which was soon filled with the men taking a much needed bath. L Company was located in an old rickety building that had evi- dently been used in the wine business ; the building next door still contained some of the machinery and some of us took pleasure in trying to start it up. The stairs in our billet were narrow and shaky ; one could not help but wonder how the men on the top floor would ever get out in case of an emergency; in fact, on mak- ing a practice evacuation of the building, we found it took well over ten minutes for all to descend — and this was in daylight. Also this building was very dirty. On the whole it was the worst billet the company had been placed in thus far. This was the first town of any size where the men had been permitted to wan- der about. Naturally, they tried to take it apart to see how it was made. Vin rouge, champagne, and cognac were easily ob- tained, and we took our fill of it on this our first real opportunity 214 71sT NEW YORK — it would have been better if the entire Regiment had been allowed to blow off steam back in Brest. Dl-ills started at once. Though we were only twenty miles or so back from the front, we marched into the fields not very far away, and continued training, now, however, without the con- stant supervision of our instructors. In fact, within the week the training cadre pronounced their work finished and that the Regi- ment was ready for front line duty. Our drills commenced to develop more into attack movements in the wave formation varied by study, in groups, of the various weapons under instruc- tion of our own non-coms, who had specialized in them. Here, too, we adopted the British method of dividing into groups in different parts of our field, doing different things for short periods with frequent changes. This made the work more inter- esting and resulted in faster progress. More details went away to school; Lieutenant Smith, Sergeant Pulver, and Private Flaherty (71) to the American Infantry "Weapons school at Langres ; Lieutenant Carlin returned to the company. Sergeant D. S. Scott (71) went to the front for observation. Many of the men went out on their own trying to reach the front for at least a look and got as near as they could, turning back only when ab- solutely stopped by the British from going further. We could hear the guns at times, and by going up a little hill nearby could see the flashes at night. All felt that we were about ready to go in arid were wild to get there. Meanwhile, various groups were being trained in special work and certain men received assign- ments to individual duty ; Sergeant Cunningham as company gas non-com., Sergeant Ball and Corporal Roy Thomas (71) in charge of the Lewis guns, Privates Lanfear, Salisbury, Bartlett and Shean (71) as runners. While here we evidently constituted part of the reserve force of this front. June 29th we were taken out to a line of trenches about twelve miles back of the front and garrisoned them for a day, placing all units in positions that would be held in case of attack. This seemed more like getting into it. Kitchens were located in the rear of our lines and food carried up to us by details. We could see the shells bursting in air down at the front, the observation balloons, and many airplanes. In a town about two miles off to our left front was located the headquar- IN THE WORLD WAR 215 ters of the division holding this sector. That night after march- ing back to our billets we had an experience which showed us we were getting nearly into it. A German plane came humming high over our heads, the archies opened up all around, directed by the searchlights which flashed their beams about until they located the enemy plane and then surrounded him in the glow of their lights. But he got over us and dropped three bombs into a corner of a field just across the stream from the company billet and not more than fifty feet distant. There was a great crash, some glass was broken, but no one was hurt. However, this oc- currence showed the danger of leaving L Company in such a flimsy and hard to empty building; so the next day Major Barry located a large building, evidently a former brewery, at the other end of the town, and the company changed quarters to this billet ; it was a great improvement. Doullens was the first town where we had been able to purchase many little things required. Also it was the first opportunity to augment the ration by purchase of supplies; some 1,250 francs were expended in this manner, ob- taining fresh cabbage, carrots, onions, potatoes, beans, macaroni, tomatoes, and other foods which made a pleasing variety to our diet. Sergeants Donnelly (71) and Leonard (71) who had crossed with another unit joined us here. While at Doullens the company was reorganized and the men assigned to permanent squads in accordance with their duties under the wave formation. This gave Headquarters Platoon four officers, the first-mess- and supply-sergeants, the company clerk, four cooks, two buglers and two men assigned from the sanitary detachment ; First Platoon had three sergeants and five squads ; Second Platoon, three sergeants and five squads ; Third Platoon, three sergeants, the sergeant detailed as company gas non-com., and five squads; Fourth Platoon, three sergeants and seven squads. The company runners, while not strictly in accordance with regulations under this formation, were assigned to places in rifle squads, as were also other men detailed for special duties not provided for in the peace time administration of the com- pany. On July 1st we received our first pay since landing in France, that for the month of May. Also the same day word was re- ceived of the birth of Sergeant Nagle's (71) son, since we left 216 71sT NEW YORK the U. S. A. This good news and the receipt of pay putting money into many pockets that had been empty for weeks, caused the entire company to commence a celebration that lasted all night and into the next day. July 2nd we were inspected by General Pershing and for a wonder got by without criticism. But certain hints dropped as to the weight of packs and extra shoes bore fruit in lightened loads that night when we packed up and entrained for a new station. As we waited by the railroad tracks for our train we were joined by men from the 39th Cana- dian Artillery who informed us they were to ''Fire over us" — we did not realize then they meant in action down front. After midnight we entrained for our second experience in the side door Pullmans. All the rest of that night we slowly traveled and well on toward noon of the next day. We detrained at a village called Wizernes about three miles southwest of St. Omer. Here we marched a short distance to a field for a short rest and to cool our feet in a passing stream while waiting for the cooks to get ready for mess. But what a disappointment ! The mess- sergeant and the company commander had planned to have a good meal and so there had been prepared the night before a hash of fresh meat and fresh potatoes which had been cooked and left in the containers overnight. They had not thought (what any housewife could have told them) that this could not safely be done, their only idea being that it could be quickly warmed and a good hot meal served. But it had turned sour. However, as there was nothing else to be had, it was eaten. Soon after noon we started out; reaching the outskirts of St. Omer the wrong road was taken and we went about two miles southeast before the error was discovered when the battalion faced about and upon reaching St. Omer again, took a roundabout route, passing through Tilques, Serques, to the road along the Canal de L'Aa, crossing this at Watten and up a steep hill round the back way into Wulverdinghe where we arrived just as it grew dark — about eleven o'clock at night. This hike of twenty or more miles be- came known throughout the battalion as the ''rubber-map march." It did not add to our joy to learn the other battalions had made it by the direct route in about four hours. But more disastrous to L Company was that sour hash. Many men became sick and though they struggled hard, a number found the hill IN THE WORLD WAR 217 just before Wulverdinghe too much for them and literally fell by the roadside. It was along the canal road that we saw a num- ber of Belgian families and some Belgian soldiers. The girls and women hailed us with every evidence of joy in our coming ; one went so far as to kneel in the roadside and kiss the shoes of the officer in the lead. At Wulverdinghe we found waiting us, sitting on a fence be- side one of our billets, Private Sheid (71). He was greeted with shouts of joy. Here we also found a Chinese labor unit and dur- ing our stay there were several amusing incidents of our deal- ings with these men; one will not forget McCluskey's (71) sale of the watch to one of them and his rage at finding it would not go. That first night we were very tired and turned in immedi- ately — we had messed on the road during the hike. Next morn- ing at rather a late hour the company commander started out to have a sort of reveille. Reaching the barn in the second story of which the sergeants were quartered, he climbed up the ladder and called them to get up, then departed to other billets to start things going. On returning to this barn there was no one stir- ring in sight, but he watched the ladder being slowly drawn up and disappear into the loft. He had a trick for that. Going back to the cook wagons about one hundred yards away where Bugler Gilprin (71) was about, he caused mess call to be sounded. Down came the ladder, out came the sergeants and likewise the men from other billets. They were met on the road by the company commander and a reveille formation was held there before mess was served. This was July 4th — Independence Day. We interested ourselves in looking over the earthworks thrown up about ; this we found was the rear defensive line of the Brit- ish trench system. Revetments, barbed wire, and other trench work interested us greatly. Our day in the G. H. Q. line in front of Doullens had been instructive, but here we had the op- portunity to study details. Also these trenches were different. They were dug only a foot or two into the ground ; most of the protection was above ground in the form of breastworks. Shortly after noon we found that Major Barry had been transferred quite suddenly and had left. He was made Claims Officer for all American troops in the British area, and be it said that in this 218 71sT NEW YORK job he did excellent work, receiving the commendation of the higher authorities. Captain Hall of K Company took command of the battalion. Also this day we lost two or three men because of sickness, and had our first experience of making out their papers for transfer to hospital; it certainly seemed strange to have them go off we knew not where and to take their names from our roster. Here also we heard the continuous rumble of the guns at the front ; at night we could even see the flashes and an occasional brilliant light of a flare or star shell. July 5th we moved again. This time we hiked to some open fields west of Tilques where we found a rifle range. Our quarters were tents, British bell shaped and camouflaged. This was an agreeable change from the stuffy dirty billets. We were glad to be free from manure heaps, cows, chickens and pigs. The work on the range was interesting: our men quickly adapted them- selves to the feel of the British rifle; they kept up the high standard of marksmanship which had been so fully developed at Spartanburg. While here we were joined by Private Lavec- chia. July 7th we were joined by Captain Bulkley (71) and Lieutenant Howard who had been at school in the American area with the rest of the regimental advance party. It was a joyous greeting they received. Every man crowded forward to shake hands and express pleasure at the reunion; the kitchen excelled itself to provide a specially good meal ; as their baggage had not arrived it seemed as though every man in the company wanted to give up a blanket to help make them comfortable. And they were just as glad to see us. Captain Bulkley took hold with his usual thoroughness, making all feel that the company was now com- plete. While at this place, flocks of British planes passed over us going and coming from their work over the lines ; one known as the ^' crazy count" gave us a thrilling exhibition, flying close over our heads until we almost ducked, and doing loops, spirals, tail spins and other stunts galore. This also was the first time the entire regiment had been assembled in one camp since leav- ing Brest ; when the last day the machine gun company marched in we were really all together; visits between men and officers of the various battalions became the order of the day. On the morning of July 8th we hiked a few miles to St. Martin au Laert. We rested awhile just outside the town, Major Lane's >««.-^t^^*t....v^^>- ■ Top : The Eest Area — Corbie. Bottom : Peronne Cathedral. IN THE WORLD WAR 219 battalion of the 102nd Engineers passing us at that time; they looked good and were in fine spirits. On arrival the men were all billeted in an abandoned chateau, really not so bad. As for the officers, there was room for three in a magnificent chateau and for two more in a peasant home further down the road. Captain Bulkley put it up to the lieutenants to choose, so Carlin and Scott elected the peasant home^ — reason, it looked like ''eats." Captain Bulkley, Lieutenants Howard and Cipperly therefore shared quarters at the Chateau La Cour Blanche — they certainly had luxurious surroundings. Next day Monsieur A. Mortier, who was in charge, took us through the buildings and gardens which were all well worth seeing. The two lieutenants in the peasant home, however, immediately made arrangements for a good meal, when just as it was about to be served, along came the Captain and the other officers who caught them by looking in through the window — that dining room at once became the mess for all the company officers and many good meals were en- joyed there. While at this place a complete check up of com- pany property was made. The equipment of each man at this time makes an interesting exhibit. The following is a copy of the list as made out : ENLISTED MAN'S PRESENT EQUIPMENT (St. Martin au Laert) 1 Service hat 1 Oil and thong case 2 O.D. shirts 1 Bayonet 1 Blouse 1 Bayonet scabbard 1 Breeches 1 Web-belt 1 Leggins 1 Haversack and Pack-car 2 Pr. hobnail shoes rier 2 Undershirts 100 Rounds ammtmition 2 Underdrawers 1 Ration bag 3 Pr. socks 1 Breech cover Toilet articles 1 Blanket Razor 1 Slicker Hairbrush 1 Shelter half and rope Comb 1 Tent pole and five pins Toothbrush 1 Meat can and cover Shaving brush 1 Knife 1 Waist-belt 1 Fork 1 Helmet 1 Spoon 220 71sT NEW YOEK ENLISTED MAN'S PEESENT EQUIPMENT— (Contiwwed) (St. Martin au Laert) 1 Rifle 1 Canteen 1 Overcoat 1 Canteen cup 1 Gas mask 1 Canteen cover Extra blanket not with men 1 Steel helmet Entrenching tools ; shovel, pick Rifle grenade discharger or wire-cutters Very pistol Rifle wire-cutters Revolvers Bomb bucket Folding saw While billeted here we received our signal flash lanterns. Air raids occurred both day and night; however, as the Bosche seemed to be after St. Omer we were not much bothered. There was drilling in the nearby fields. We marched four or five miles to the other side of Tilques where we found a range and had further rifle and pistol practice together with hand grenade and rifle grenade experience using live bombs. Toward the end of our stay the battalion commander, Captain Hall, was ordered to a tour in the trenches, so Captain Bulkley found himself in command of the battalion and Lieutenant Scott once more in command of the company. The nearness of St. Omer was a cause of pleasure to all of us — visits of both men and officers were made during off duty hours; shopping in the quaint stores, purchases at the British canteen and visits to the various estaminets proved an agreeable relaxation. Moving day came around all too soon. July 14th we took the train just outside St. Omer — hommes 40, chevaux 8 — for a six- hour roundabout ride to Winnezeele. From that point L Com- pany marched to billets about one mile north of Oudezeele. The company went into pup tents, spread along the edge of one of those combination ditch and breastworks trenches which ran around the sides of the large fleld where we were camped. Here we were ordered for the first time to dig out the earth underneath the tents for about eighteen inches, and to pile it up a foot or more in thickness, with sod covering, all around the tents ; lying in these holes with the wall of earth around gave pretty fair protection from flying splinters. It was quite worth while, for air raids were of nightly occurrence, though no bombs fell in our fleld. Company headquarters was established in Lieutenant ^i IN THE WORLD WAR 221 Scott's billet a hundred yards down the road. Here the com- pany typewriter, carried with us on all our hikes, went into action. Corporal Galbraith (the company clerk) and First- Sergeant Cavanaugh were exceedingly busy bringing all records up to date. So was Supply-Sergeant Grooms with his property accounts. Drilling continued, mostly in the wave attack and bayonet fighting while wearing the gas mask. Several day and night marches in gas masks were undertaken. Also, there were more baths at the division bath house near Division Headquarters at Oudezeele. Wrap leggings and overseas caps were issued, completing the transformation into the garb of the A. E. F. After a few days we were all delighted to have Lieutenant How- ard 's promotion to first-lieutenant come through; but at the same time he was transferred to another battalion and detailed as Aide to the Brigade Commander. We felt as though Company L had lost one of its best officers. With his usual loyalty to his comrades Lieutenant Howard protested that he would prefer to stay as a Second and remain with his platoon — but he found that in the army ''Orders is orders" and he had to obey. About this same time word came that our four O. T. C. graduates w^ere commissioned and their papers with assignment orders were on the way ; that evening Lieutenants Spony, Thornton, Nolan and Smith took their places in front of the center of each platoon and retreat was held in that formation. Now we found a vacancy for a sergeant. A study of the company corporals by the com- pany commander and the first-sergeant narrowed the choice to Corporals Thomas (71), Stephens (71) and Tracy Brown It was determined to hold a competitive drill of these three to de- cide the matter. After retreat the company was held in line at ease; these three were brought front and center and the plan explained ; the competition was conducted by Lieutenant Scott ; it was won without question by Corporal Brown ; the recommen- dation was made out and forwarded. Sergeant Leonard (71) was hit by a motor truck and both legs broken, thus losing to L one of its duty-sergeants. Lieutenant Carlin was sent to a British grenade school and Lieutenant Cipperly to a British gas school, leaving the company commander the only officer with the company. Captain Hall who had been ordered down front returned, but upon Captain 222 71sT NEW YORK Hall 's initiative and with the approval of Regimental Headquar- ters, Captain Bulkley remained permanently in command of the battalion. Came word that we were about to move forward. Two trips for reconnaissance were made by company com- manders of the battalion ; the first under Captain Hall when the Abeele Line system of trenches was located, and the second under Captain Bulkley when the East Poperinghe line further forward was inspected. This last excursion took us into the empty and partially battered town of Poperinghe, and forward into a sec- tion of the line held by the 30th Division where we came into contact with some of the officers and men who were to be our comrades all through the fighting. On the twentieth of July we moved definitely forward. We went back through Winnezeele, northeast to Watou, crossing a wooden bridge into Belgium, southeast to Abeele and again northeast on the Poperinghe Road about halfway to that town to a point on the Abeele map in section L 22 where the Savoy cot- tages were located; a distance of ten or twelve miles. Passing through Watou we noticed a grave of a Sergeant Jesse Cava- naugh which occasioned remarks to our ''top kicker" that as he M^as dead already he would not likely be killed a second time. Just before reaching Abeele we halted to make sure all gas masks were in good order and fell out two or three men who went back with the battalion gas officer to exchange their masks, joining us later. The last half of this march was through a pouring rain ; we arrived at the Savoy cottages wet to the skin and filed into the court yard, the entire battalion lining up along the walls in such manner as to screen us from observation from Kemmel Hill. The Poperinghe Road was hung with a camouflage screen about twenty feet high, partially hiding traffic from the same point. In fact, we began almost to feel the eyes from that dread hill searching us out; a sensation that continued every hour of our stay in the Ypres Salient. While we waited, big pails of coffee were made in the cottages where some English soldiers were bil- leted, most of the men in the battalion getting some; and they needed it, for all were cold as well as wet. Captain Bulkley did not like the idea of putting the entire battalion in the field about this place which was east of the Poperinghe Road and in full view from Kemmel Hill; so with IN THE WORLD WAR 223 his Adjutant, First-Lieutenant Ernest Dreher (71), he sought out the British Major in charge of the area to obtain better loca- tions. Company L went just across to the west of the road where was another field with a barn and a good hedge all round, thus getting the benefit of the camouflage on the road. The rolling kitchens were parked under the shed to the rear of the barn; some of the men found room in the barn, others under the shed ; the rest rolled up in their blankets, slickers and shelter halves, burrowing into the hedge where they were fairly well protected. There seemed no place for company headquarters, but Corporal E. J. Brown discovered a new brick addition to the barn which was evidently used as living quarters, located the owner in a nearby estaminet and induced him to come in person to open his home to us. This man was Mr. William Boucquey. He gave us his address as Luttertap, Belgium. The house had three rooms, two of which were turned over to us. Mr. Boucquey was most hospitable, making a fire and opening a bottle of wine, also fetching from somewhere a perfectly good mattress which was placed on the floor of the smaller room. The first-sergeant, com- pany clerk, orderlies and as many more as the place would hold were invited in to sleep. Next day the main room was made into the company office with all that means of the confusion of work, men coming and going and general disorder. Perhaps we presumed too much, for it seems that First-Lieutenant Clark, commanding Company I of the 106th, was billeted with his company in this same field after their first trick down front, but was not allowed the use of these rooms because "the last Americans who had been there made such a mess of the place ! ' ' The men of L Company pitched shelter tents in a row close to the hedge, ditched, dug out and walled them ; ' ' cutched ' ' them by throwing mud over the canvas as a sort of camouflage. Drills were started, but only one platoon at a time in order to present as small a body under observation as possible. The whine of shells passed overhead at frequent intervals, some dropped in the fields about, but none among us. There was an observation balloon located in the next field which when it went up drew the fire of the German batteries. Bugler Eggers (71) was sent away to a British school for instructions as a stretcher bearer. 224 71sT NEW YOEK One of our tasks was to undergo a four-hour trick in wearing the gas mask. While here the new second-lieutenants received their commissions and assignments transferring them to other Divisions; they left us with the good wishes of all, to travel to their new stations via Paris ! The night of July 21st brought an incident that stands out as clearly indicating the spirit of L Company. An order was received calling for a detail of about half the company to go forward for some special duty not named. We did not know how far forward, but it seemed to indicate a trip ''down front." The company was assembled, the order explained and volunteers asked for the detail. Remem- ber, those men were still cold and wet from the rain which had fallen for twenty-four hours. Their food had been none too good, many were footsore — most still weary from hiking, it was nearly time to turn in for the night and this job meant not only going into further danger but also the loss of the night's sleep. Every last man in the company volunteered! The company commander eventually had to order the detail by squads and was besieged for half an hour after by all the others seeking a chance to get in the detail. He has never forgotten the choke in his throat and the swelling of his chest as he gazed upon these men who really wanted to fight! They were true volunteers. Un- fortunately, the experience was nothing like what was expected, though the detail did undergo some shelling and spent an hour or more wearing their gas masks; however, without casualties. The water wagon trundled back and forth continuously; their route took them through Abeele which was constantly shelled, but by dodging through between the bursts of fire they escaped injury. The night of July 22nd we moved forward to occupy the East Poperinghe line of trenches. We were advised there were indi- cations the Germans were about to make an advance through the Ypres Salient and that if not stopped before, it was deter- mined to hold the East Pop. line, that it was our duty to garrison these defenses prepared to fight, that it meant we were really in the reserve for any action that might ensue. We marched up the road nearly to Poperinghe, then turned east for about two miles to Mandalay Corners and thence filed into our positions, relieving Company A (Captain MacArthur) of the First Battalion. We IN THE WOKLD WAR 225 found ourselves in the left sub sector of the battalion front, Company M going in on our right. "We found the front line of our sector as shown on the Poperinghe Map (28 N. W. 3, scale 1-10,000) commenced at a point on the Renninghelst road about one hundred yards south of Mayo Corner, running about 800 yards south to G 20 d 10.20 which is approximately 600 yards west of Busseboom. We occupied the entire system in our sector, one platoon gar- risoning the front line in sentry groups ; one platoon likewise the support line about two hundred yards to the rear; another the strong point which was located in the southwestern part of our sector, and stretched from the support line to the reserve line, a distance of 600 yards ; the last platoon in the reserve line. The kitchen was located beside a house just in rear of the reserve line. Company Headquarters were established in Anjou Farm on the southern end of the support line. The message '* Relief complete 10:05 P. M.," was forwarded by runner to Battalion Headquarters at 10 :10 P. M. Shortly after we arrived, the shelling began ; it was rather heavy, causing all to take cover in the trenches; no one was hurt though several had their first narrow escape. Regular stand to and stand down were held. Naval guns located a short distance in front of us fired at regular intervals, shaking the ground with the thunder of their dis- charge. All through the night there were gas alarms, keeping the company commander busy visiting the various posts and testing for gas. Toward morning we heard there were two cas- ualties in M. Company. Soon after daylight the company com- mander and his orderly, Private Alfred Dupre^ went over to M headquarters to visit. On returning across the fields some large shells came over, seeming to follow up these two, the last one land- ing within five yards — but it was a dud. Later in the day while going over to make connection with the company of the 30th Division on our left, the same thing happened. Later a British officer explained they were actually sniping at these two with 5.9 's. It seemed wasteful, but we later learned it was indeed a practice with the Boche. All of this shelling, with the knowledge that we were really in reserve, gave us the sensation that here was almost the real thing at last. We found five guns of the 104th Machine Gun Battalion in our sector ; we fraternized with 226 71sT NEW YORK their men whom we found to be good fellows. It started raining soon after we took over and kept it up all during our trick in this position. The trenches were all shallow, affording no biwies for the men; but they rustled about, salvaged some sheets of corrugated iron which they placed over the trench, camouflaged with mud and crouched underneath. Our kitchen did very well, serving good hot meals. We were much interested in observing the natives who came to the fields round about harvesting their crops that they had evidently planted before the Germans pushed forward in this section, and apparently unmoved by the possible danger. But Kemmel Hill stuck up like a sore thumb dominating the entire area so that the Germans seemed to be able to see even the move of a hand. A visit to a British Headquarters not far be- hind our kitchens was very pleasant until the Brigadier, happen- ing to glance out the doorway, noticed our men sitting on the roof of the house where the kitchen was located, watching the guns round about that were shelling Mount Kemmel, waving their hats and cheering as the clouds of dust told of hits upon the crest of that stronghold. He became quite excited, shouting to them to get down off that roof and wanting to know if they wished us all killed — then turning to the company commander requested him to get those men oft' that housetop at once. His idea was correct; the kitchen was moved; within twenty-four hours that house was blown to bits. The night of July 24th we were relieved by Company K, going back to our quarters at L 22 where Lieutenant Cipperly joined us, having returned from school. The next day was exceedingly busy. We knew we were going down to the real front. Company commanders were taken down to the new sector and given information regarding the positions, returning the same day. Our service records were written up to date and sent with the field desk back to the Personnel Officer at regimental headquarters. About noon First-Sergeant Cavanaugh was ordered away to Officers' Training School; he protested strongly at leaving the company just as it was about to go to the front, but he, too, found that ' ' Orders is Orders. ' ' Supply-Ser- geant Grooms in addition to his other duties took over the work of the top kicker. Orders came to move at 5 :00 P. M. Trench IN THE WORLD WAR 227 stores, rations and water in petrol tins for one da^^ were placed on the limbers. Five men were found with defective masks, Cor- poral Johnston and Privates Augustine, Dallas, O'Breiter and Talmadge ; these were exchanged for new ones. Mess was served at 4:00 P. M. after which the kitchen moved out to join the battalion dump. They took with them the mess-sergeant, four cooks, four kitchen police and two or three men who while not really sick w^ere not ph3'sically fit to go forward. At 5 :00 P. M. the company started out with the platoons in numerical order. Headquarters consisted of two officers, first-sergeant, company clerk, two attached sanitary men, three attached signal men and five others — total 14; the first platoon (Sergeant Nagle, 71) had three sergeants, five corporals, one mechanic and thirty privates — total 39; the second (Sergeant Ball) had two sergeants, six corporals, one mechanic and twenty-eight privates — total 37 ; the third (Sergeant Donnelly, 7]) had three sergeants, eight cor- porals, one mechanic and twenty-seven privates — total 39 ; the fourth (Sergeant Scott, 71) had three sergeants, seven corporals, one mechanic and twenty-four privates — total 35; grand total 164. This was our actual strength for this tour at the front; schools, sickness, details and those with the kitchen accounted for the rest. The limbers carrying eight Lewis guns and twenty-four boxes of ammunition were at the head of the company. The order of march by companies was I, K, L, M ; two hundred yards between companies, fifty yards between platoons with the proper con- necting files. The men carried filled canteens, one day 's rations, toilet articles, one blanket and mess kit, beside one hundred rounds of ammunition. All extra clothing, blankets, overcoats and other articles had been turned into the battalion dump. We marched up the road to "Pop," through that town, along the Ypres highway, which was hung with camouflage, to the out- skirts of Vlamertinghe where we turned south. All along other troops had debouched upon the road ; we saw heavy guns being drawn by tractors into forward positions, ''archies" mounted upon trucks dashed along, for Boche airplanes were about. As w^e proceeded south the road narrowed ; we met a column of mixed British and 30th Division men so that each of us broke into 228 71sT NEW YORK columns of twos; we came to a light railway along whicli moved a train of small open trucks filled with British going forward. Nearer and nearer we moved to the area of bursting shells and seemingly into the ring of fireworks going up all about and apparently closing in behind us. There were halts and waits, but at last we got into the vicinity of Walker Farm where we found Captain Bulkley, cool as ever amid all the confusion and danger, giving orders for the unloading of the limbers and the despatch of the units to their positions. Each platoon took its Lewis guns and ammunition by hand and proceeded under a British guide to the first British unit to which they were to be attached. Company headquarters with the first and second platoons (by this time in single file) went to Nepal Farm where they joined Company D of the First Buffs; the third and fourth platoon to bivvies just back of Indus Farm where was the headquarters of the 2nd Yorks and Lanes, to which they were attached. We thus found ourselves in the Brigade reserve. At Nepal Farm we found Captain Johnson in command of the British company, with Lieutenants Lister, who had just received his M. C. decora- tion, and Hill. The men were distributed around in the biwies about, water brought up in petrol tins by the British was dis- tributed, and all settled down for the night. We were warned, however, that just before daybreak our artillery was to throw a barrage of gas shells; when this occurred we listened to our first experience of the continuous whine of shells flying over- head into the enemy lines. Next day Lieutenant Cipperly went over to stay with the third and fourth platoons. The men gradually aroused and gazed about ; they found their bivvies were really huts that had been built up behind a bank or hedge that gave cover from ob- servation and covered with dirt and sod. We all looked about curiously, fraternized with the ' ' Tommies ' ' and asked innumera- ble questions. Captain Johnson and the company commander went off to inspect ground forward where work was to be done. That night the platoons went out with the British company as a work- ing party. We first went to battalion headquarters of The Buffs where we obtained picks, shovels, and rolls of barbed wire ; then proceeded to a point near Maplaquet Camp and located a short distance in front of the ruins of the village of Dickebusch, IN THE WORLD WAR 229 where we were to continue the work of fortifying the Viverhoek Switch. Onr orders were to dig trench posts at points already located, to erect wire barriers with a gap every fifty yards of diagonal cut, using sign boards to indicate same, to wire the Dickebusch road and to concentrate the work upon the trench posts and drainage of them; also to salvage duck boards and other articles needed from the abandoned Malplaquet Camp. Just as we reached the position, a burst of shells came over causing the British to break for cover; we were not slow in fol- lowing their example. Shortly we reassembled and the work began. We worked away for several hours with the shells whin- ing overhead and bursting round about, but accomplished a great deal under the guidance of our British comrades, gradually finding ourselves occupying a section of the field without them. About one o'clock the shelling became particularly severe, caus- ing all to seek shelter in the trench posts just dug. This con- tinued for an hour or more; some of the shells seemed to fall exactly where Sergeant Ball and his detail had been working; a walk over there showed his trench post all smashed in but no sign of the detail. There commenced a search all over the field with shouts for ''Sergeant Ball-l-l" — but no answer. Mean- while the men were urged to continue their work for our orders were to stay out until 3 A. M. and they did so. Finally a ser- geant of The Buffs came out looking for us with word that Cap- tain Johnson had ordered the entire party back and that Ser- geant Ball and his detail had gone with them. That order had not reached the rest of us. So we filed back, our job pretty well completed according to directions, turned in our implements at battalion headquarters and returned to Nepal Farm. Then we had our first issue of British rum. My, but it was good ! We slept late the next day. On arousing the men found a pool of water near some of the bivvies was good to wash up in, both persons and clothes. Toward evening Lieutenant Scott went over to Indus Farm where he visited the third and fourth pla- toons and then with Lieutenant Cipperly reported to Captain Bulkley at the headquarters of the 2nd Yorks and Lanes, then forward on reconnaissance in preparation for the move next day. With a guide showing the way the path led to the bund around Dickebusch Lake; shells came over and a stop was made in the 230 71sT NEW YORK little ravine beside the bund. Some one started playing a piano in a shelter dug into the bund; the tunes were "Auld Lang Syne," ''Home, Sweet Home," and others similar; it seemed weird and uncanny at such a time and place with the whine of the shells and the crash of their bursts all about. On down to the headquarters of the company garrisoning the Viverhoek Switch where Lieutenant Cipperly joined Captain Cran of the 2nd Yorks and Lanes for a visit to Ridgewood while Lieutenant Scott inspected the Dickebusch Front Line; then all back again to Viverhoek where we met Captain Terry (71) and First Lieu- tenant Granat (71) of Company I who were doing their trick in this position. Back to our own company. We found the third and fourth platoons had been out on a working party near us while the first and second platoons had continued their work in the same place as the previous night. Next day the men wan- dered about considerably, causing the British uneasiness because of possible exposure of our position to those eyes on Kemmel Hill; they found some potatoes in a nearby field which they cooked and added to their ration. It was the night of the 28th that we moved into the front lines. We said good-bye to our British hosts, hiked over to Indus Farm where we were joined by the third and fourth platoons, moving on across the light railway through the bullet swept field beyond, down to the bund. Here the guides with each platoon took charge, leading the four platoons to the various companies of the 2nd Yorks and Lanes who were occupying the sector. Com- pany Headquarters and the second platoon went to Company D, Captain Hankinson, in Viverhoek Switch ; they occupied bivvies inside the walls of the old chateau in that position, crossing a little wooden bridge over the moat to the accompaniment of a number of whiz bangs and a storm of bullets. The first pla- toon went to the Dickebusch Front Line occupied by Company B, Captain Tennant, taking biwies in the forward part of the bund which was at the left of their sector. The fourth platoon went to Company C, Lieutenant Frazer, occupying bivvies in the trench position Ridgewood. The third platoon went into the trench posts to the right of Ridgewood joining Company A, Cap- tain Cran. Lieutenant Cipperly was located with Captain Cran at his headquarters. Lieutenant Scott joined Captain Hankin- IN THE WORLD WAR 231 son of Company D. These company headquarters were a jolly place. Eats, cards and songs, to say nothing of perfectly good Haig & Haig, all helped to while away the time not occupied in duties. Stand to and stand down were serious business for all the platoons, especially in the early mornings when they were com- pelled to gaze for an extra hour or two through the thick mist for signs of the enemy. We learned the real value of our jobs, sent up practical intelligence reports, located our battle positions and occupied them twice each night. For the two platoons in the rear there were ration parties to carry food and water to their comrades in the front, also working parties on the defenses of their positions. Here we first learned that the war was stopped for tea and visits were made between the various company head- quarters. Jovial hosts those British were; they always had a bottle ; we became impressed with the necessity for this means of entertainment so that Company L headquarters took steps to be properly provided. Visits were made to the positions of the platoons and incidentally to some of the posts of the 105th Machine Gun Battalion who were occupying this sector with us. Captain Bulkley also visited the entire sector, bringing added cheer and confidence by his presence with his old company. The night of the 29th Lieutenant Carlin joined company headquar- ters having returned from school, taking off his helmet as he entered the hut and wiping the sweat from his forehead with the words "When, but it's a hot night!" and causing loud ex- plosions of laughter from the shivering crowd about; for this was the usual effect of walking about among the shelling at night no matter how cold or wet it might be. The men in their various positions were all doing good work, receiving the commendations of the commanders of the companies to which they were attached; Sergeant Lee and Sergeant Scott (71st) who were both in the '' sacrifice positions" with their men being especiallj^ remarked. Private W. S. Rhodes was wounded, receiving a bullet crease in the head, thus earning the first wound stripe in the company. During the 30th Lieutenants Carlin and Scott walked about together; there was a bullet- swept path from company headquarters to the chateau where the second platoon was quartered which had to be traversed at 232 71ST NEW YORK a run between bursts of machine gun fire; in the rear of com- pany headquarters was a very good latrine properly screene4 with sand bagging, but on observing the numerous bullet holes it did not seem so good; toward dusk a proper reconnaissance was made of the Dickebusch Front Line in preparation for the next move. This day Corporal Yokes was wounded, a bullet piercing his lung. That night Private Alonzo D. Allen was killed by an explosive bullet which shattered his thigh and abdo- men while he was working forward on a ration party ; his com- rades loyally bore him through the storm of bullets back to battalion headquarters. This was our first death and hit us all hard. Back at B. H. Q. Captain Bulkley went out, lifted the covering from this man of his own company and gazed long at the body ; the Commanding Officer of the Yorks and Lanes tried to tell him that he would have to get used to such things but the reply was "Those men are too good for that." The night of July 31st we moved into the Dickebusch Front Line on our own, the British retiring from the sector ; they left Lieutenant Morehouse of Company B, 2nd Yorks and Lanes with company headquarters as advisor and one non-com. with each platoon. The first platoon being already in position stayed where it was; the fourth platoon to bivvies just to the rear of company headquarters which was on the right of the sector about one hundred yards from the Dickebusch road ; the third platoon also to bivvies in the bund at the left of the sector; the second platoon into bivvies dug into trench posts along the front line of the position. Lieutenants Cipperly and Scott went to com- pany headquarters, Lieutenant Carlin remaining in the position where he was (on account of being near to the bivvies of the first and third platoons in the bund) and which now became the headquarters of Company M whose guest he became. The head- quarters of Company L were in the cellar of a ruined farm house ; this was shared with the Machine Gun unit in the sector. What with officers, their orderlies and two sets of signalmen it was a very crowded place. The first-sergeant, company-clerk and runners were in what was left of a ruined barn about twen- ty-five yards away; bullets constantly swept the space between so that to go from one to the other required good judgment as to the time between bursts of fire and a quick sprint. At 1 :45 IN THE WORLD WAR 233 A. M. on Au^st 1st a message was sent to battalion headquarters *'No rations for officers arrived. Are tliey still on limbers or at Bn. Hq. r ' It was the private thought that McMaster of L Com- pany who was acting as orderly for Captain Bulkley might have ''salvaged" the bag containing rations for L officers — for we knew he was a mighty good orderly. But there were none for us at B. H. Q. though Captain Bulkley sent down some from his own supply. At 3 A. M. the message "G x 42 — can take 5 ' ' was sent to the C. 0. third battalion, which was the code message for relief completed. Toward morning the lieutenant of the machine gun unit ar- rived, having been delayed because a shell had fallen among one of his platoons killing five and wounding nine; for him, too, it was his first losses and weighed heavily both on heart and mind. Toward daybreak our friends Company D of the 1st Buifs made a raid into the German lines in front of Scottish Wood; the storm of shells passed over our heads, soon answered by the Bosche barrage. This was terrific, lasting several hours, burst- ing shells hitting all about us, for we were exactly in their bar- rage line. Private Sargent (71) was on duty as gas sentry at the doorway of company headquarters where he w^as compelled to listen to the zzh-zzh-zzh of machine gun bullets passing close by and watch the shells burst seemingly everywhere at once — enough to make any man jumpy. This was the time when Lieu- tenant Cipperly established his record as a sleeper; he had started a snooze just before the fracas began, slept all through it and never woke up until after it was all over. Evidently the Buffs took some prisoners for we received an order to be on the lookout for escaped German prisoners, but at noon on Aug. 2nd were compelled to send back the message ''German prisoners not seen." While in this position we had our chance to exam- ine the S. 0. S. rocket and other fireworks, to study the defense orders with the hair raising sentence "This position will not be abandoned for any cause," to plan our own details of battle positions, to handle our own ration and water details and to gather the data for the situation, intelligence, ration, ammuni- tion, casualty and numerous other reports which were due back at B. H. Q. by 5 A. M. each day. We observed several airplane fights and saw one come down in flames over Scottish Wood, the 234 71sT NEW YORK Germans immediately shelling the spot presumably to make sure of its destruction. On August 1st we received our orders for relief the next night as follows: I No. 2 SECRET OPERATION ORDERS by Capt. Stanley Bulkley, Commanding 3rd Batt'n., 105th Inf., USA. 1 Aug. 18. 1. Relief. On the night of 2-3 August the 3rd Battalion, 105th Inf., U.S.A. will be relieved by the 9th Norfolk Regiment in the right sub-sector of the Brigade front. 2. Details 105th Inf. 9th Norfolk K Co. will be relieved by C Co. right subsector front I Co. '' " '' " A Co. left '' " line L Co. " " " *' B Co. DICKEBUSCH front line M Co. " " " '' D Co. VIVERHOEK SWITCH. 3. Guides Each company will furnish one guide from each platoon, of which one will act as guide for Company Headquarters, they will report at HECLA FARM (H.25.b.90.00) at 10:00 P.M. 4. Stores All defense schemes, photographs, stores and petrol tins, etc., will be handed over. Particular care must be taken in checking and handling over all stores in the Battalion, and receipts taken in duplicate will be forwarded to Battalion Headquarters by 10 :00 P.M., 2 Aug. 18. 5. Advance Party, 9th Norfolk. The 9th Norfolk Regiment are sending up to-night an advance party con- sisting of one Officer per Company and one NCO per Platoon, who will acquaint themselves with the line, and take over all stores. All informa- tion will be afforded them,. 6. Advance Party, 105th Inf. Lt. Hobbs, Co. I, and 1 NCO from each company will report to Battalion IN THE WORLD WAR 235 Headquarters at 10:00 P.M. to-night and will proceed as billeting party to area TRAPPIST FARM (K.17.b.2.3.) and arrange for accommo- dations for Battalion upon arrival there. 7. Rations. Rations to-morrow night will be dumped in new area under direction of Lt. Hobbs. 8. Limbers All Lewis Guns will be brought to Battalion Headquarters immediately upon relief and placed on limbers. Numbers 1 and 2 of each section will march down with limbers to new area. Officers' mess kits and baggage will be dumped for removal to new area at Battalion Headquarters before midnight. Transport Offi- cer will arrange to have necessary transporta- tion at Battalion Headquarters by 12:00 P.M. m^idnight, for removal of same. 9. Dispositions on relief. The following will be the disposi- tions of the Battalion upon relief. The Battalion will proceed to TRAPPIST FARM (K.17.b.2.3.) by companies. 10. Completion of relief. Completion of relief will be reported to Battalion Headquarters by wiring ''G-36-to hand." 11. Route Upon reporting completion of relief all com- panies will proceed to INDUS FARM and re- turn to designated area via YALE SIDING — YPRES-POPERINGHE ROAD— MAND ALA Y CORNERS— ABEELE, marching in security formation, distance of 200 yards between pla- toons. 12. Arrival at new area. Arrival at new area will be reported to Battalion Headquarters by runner. ACKNOWLEDGE. Copies to : By order of S. BULKLEY, Capt. 1— 9th Norfolk Regt. Comdg. 3rd Bn., 105th Inf. 1— 105th Inf., USA 1— CO. Co. I Ernest C. Dreher 1— CO. Co. K 1st Lieut. & Adjutant. 1— CO. Co. L 236 71sT NEW YORK l_C.O. Co. M. 1— Brigade Hq. 16th BEF l_3rd Bn. Hq. 105th Inf. 1 — Transportation Officer 1 — Supply Officer 2 — War Diary 1— Staff Captain, 16 BEF Brig. 1 — Signal Officer. That night the officers and platoon commanders were assem- bled at company headquarters for instructions. The following was read and explained in full. OPERATION ORDERS The Company will be relieved by ''B" Company of the 9th NORFOLK REGT tomorrow night (2d-3d August) One guide will be furnished from each platoon. These guides will conduct the incomjing platoons to the positions their re- spective platoons occupv. The GUIDE FROM NO 3 PLA- TOON WILL GUIDE THE COMPANY HEADQUARTERS TO THIS COMPANY HEADQUARTERS. Guides will bring in platoons as follows: — No. 2 will bring in No. 6 Platoon of the NORFOLKS No. 4 *' '' " No. 7 '' '' " No. 1 " '' " No. 5 " " " No. 3 Platoon's guide bringing in Company Headquarters LEWIS GUNS will be dumped at Battalion H.Q. (INDUS FARM) on the way out. Numbers 1 and 2 on the guns will load up the guns on the limbers and will march with the limbers. There will be one N.C.O. of the NORFOLKS come to each pla- toon tonight. These N.C.O.s will be shown the battle positions and as much information as possible will be given them. TRENCH STORES will be handed over to these N.C.O.s and receipts obtained. The N.C.O. in charge of No. 1 Platoon (Sgt. NAGLE) will hand over (in addition to the stores of his own platoon) the stores of No. 3 Platoon (Sgt. DONNELLY) to the incoming N.C.O. to No. 1 Platoon and obtain receipts. IN THE WORLD WAR 237 Immediately on being relieved the PLATOON SGTS. will send a runner to inform me at Company Headquarters and await orders. RATIONS tomorrow night will be dumped in new battalion area. ORDER of MARCH.— No. 4 PLATOON, No. 2, No. 1 and No. 3 distance between platoons — 200 Yds. 2 connecting files be- tween platoons. ******* The young captain of the Norfolks had visited us earlier in the evening, making possible the detailed company arrangements. An officer and three non-coms, arrived later who took over from the company, signing the receipts which were forwarded to bat- talion headquarters. At 12:50 A. M. on August 3rd the com- pletion of relief message ' ' G-36-to hand ' ' was sent to B. H. Q. by buzzer and the evacuation began. Our way lay along the entire front of the company sector, the platoons following in order as planned, to the bund where the last of the platoons joined the column, and then turned to the rear. As we started out machine gun bullets flew about, causing us to duck quite fre- quently. Before we reached the bund a storm of shells came over landing within a few yards of us with a ' ' plop ' ' instead of a burst. At first we thought they were duds. Five or six landed at one time about the head of the column; a stream of flaming liquid flew up and we smelt the sweet, sickly, pineapple odor of di-phosgene gas! Orders were issued to put on gas masks, but it was impossible. It was raining, as black as your hat, the mud was almost knee deep, we were tottering along the edge of shell holes and even without the masks one needed a stick to feel his way. Half way baek to Indus Farm we discovered a man was miss- ing; Lieutenant Carlin seized a stretcher and with one or two men went back to the front to get this man whom when found seemed to be gassed, and so was carried back to battalion head- quarters where it was decided to be an error. After reporting at B. H. Q. we continued on ; about a mile back we were met by a lone ambulance driver who was sticking to his post amid all 238 71sT NEW YORK the shelling notwithstanding the presence of a smashed up car nearby; his quiet query for ^'Any sick or wounded" was cer- tainly an exhibition of nerve and courage. On to the Ypres- Poperinghe road where we checked up and completed our for- mation and into "Pop," turning into a field where our kitchen was waiting with a hot meal. Then we looked at each other and just grinned. Then we ate — it sure did taste good! Then on to Trappists Farm just south of Watou where we found we were at regimental headquarters, pitched pup tents and flopped for a sleep. That afternoon the band gave us a concert ; the lively airs put new pep into us; when they finished with the "Star Spangled Banner ' ' we stood at salute the while we realized a new and deep- er meaning to that music than we had ever known before. "Wliile here shells occasionally passed over head into Watou. We had BATHS ! Airplanes flew about. There were occasional shots. One night shortly after this occurred word was brought that Private Sargent (71) had been wounded; Lieutenants Carlin and Scott hurried over to the Aid Station nearby but he had been removed to a hospital before they arrived ; later he died from his wound. Under Captain Bulkley 's direction salvage parties went forward obtaining material from which covers were built for the kitchens. Lieutenant Smith and Sergeant Pulver returned from school; Sergeant Pulver was made first-sergeant. Lieutenant Scott went away on a two days' pass which he spent at the Hotel de Sav- vage in Cassel. King George drove down the Watou- Abeele road ; the Boche seemed to know about it for they shelled the road, but about an hour too late. Once more we could reach an estaminet and drink vin rouge. Our field desk came back but the service records re- mained permanently with the Personnel Officer. A working party went to bury cable near Mandalay Corners. This was in charge of Lieutenant Smith, giving him his first experience of shell fire. The first night of our stay here Lieutenant-Colonel Liebman who was commanding the regiment went down to visit the Second Battalion at the front and was killed ; his loss shocked the entire personnel. August 10th we moved still farther back to Hardifort, south of Oudezeele, where we found fairly comfortable billets once IN THE WORLD AVAR 239 more instead of tents. We were out of shell range but still heard the hum of Boehe planes at night. Cassel was not far away and was the goal of many expeditions. Also there were more baths. While here came the shock of Lieutenant Howard's death. He had gone down to the front with Colonel Andrews and Lieuten- ant-Colonel Wainwright; near Mic Mac Farm he was wounded and died in the Canadian hospital at Esquelbecq on Sunday, August 11th. Next day Captain Bulkley, Lieutenants Smith, Carlin, Scott and Lieutenant Whipple of M Company went to pay their last respects at his funeral. This was a blow that staggered the company for days. But the work had to go on. There was a miniature rifle range near Winnezeele where some practice was had. The company was put through an experience in wearing the gas mask through a smoke cloud. There was some drilling and company maneuvers by day and night. On the 15th came the pay for June ; there was no small change so Lieu- tenant Carlin went to Cassel to secure some, spending the night there. On his return next day he found himself in command of the company for Lieutenant Scott had been ordered back to the States for assignment to a new division. There were farewell parties at company headquarters^ a farewell speech to the com- pany at retreat that evening. Next morning, the 17th, there were gifts from the company to their departing commander and also special souvenirs given him by individual men, all of which form highly valued treasures among his souvenirs de guerre. While the battalion mess cart waited at the door the company lined up for a final handshake. Lieutenant Scott went off on his way to Esquelbecq and back home, where he was promoted to Captain as of July 30th and assigned to the 96th Division. The Company went on to death and glory! ACTIVITIES OF A CORPORAL By Corporal Harry Adams Co. D, 105th Infantry IN A TIGHT PINCH Some time in August, 1918, we were in Belgium and were going over the top for the second time, getting it pretty hot from Jerry. We had reached an open field which had just been swept by machine-gun fire coming so hard that we were compelled to drop on our stomachs and dig-in for our lives. We always hated to carry a shovel, but, believe me, after that event we always carried one. Jerry had wounded several of our men and one, James Fitzsimmons (71st), fell next to me with a machine-gun bullet through his right shoulder — an ugly wound in the back. I had to dig a hole large enough to cover both him and myself from the machine-gun and shell fire. He had on his overcoat, blouse, sweater and shirt and couldn't stand up to remove them, as the bullets were whistling through the grass, and it fell to me to cut them off with a razor he carried. It was a mighty tedious job, that of getting his clothes off and bandaging him up, while we were lying low in a fox-hole. When finished both of us were- so exhausted that we fell asleep and slept for several hours until awakened by Lieutenant Baumert and told to go to the rear where there was a trench that afforded protection. I went back on my hands and knees and two other men came up and got Fitzsimmons on a stretcher. While returning to the dressing station the shells began to fall thick and fast and Fitzsimmons jumped off the stretcher and ran saying that he was wounded but that he'd be darned if he was going to get killed. # # # 240 71sT NEW YORK IN THE WORLD WAR 241 MIXED TRAGEDY AND HUMOR While resting a little way behind the lines in Belgium one day at sundown an excited British sergeant came into our bivvy and asked for a couple of volunteers with stretchers. Four of us walked about a kilo toward the line and found that Jerry had made a direct hit on a camouflaged machine-gun post. One man had been killed, one mortally wounded and died in our arms as we gave him first aid and a third man was seriously wounded. Three of us^ assisted by the British N. C. 0., had to bury the two Tommies. We dug for about two hours, feeling that we might be digging our own graves as the shells were dropping all about us. Spurred on by the danger, our picks acquired magic power. We gave the dead a good burial, put sod on the graves and crosses, duly wrapping the dead in their blankets for their last sleep. It was hard work but we felt satisfied with a duty well done when we were astonished to hear the British N. C. 0. re- mark: "Well, Yanks, that will do for to-night; we will re-bury them in our regimental cemetery to-morrow." WHAT ONE TIN HAT DID FOR A SOLDIER On the morning of October 17th while lining up to go over the top at St. Souplet and cross LeSalle River, Jerry opened up his barrage just a moment before ours was to start and laid it down right on the sunken road where we were in the mud and rain. The British rum issue had just been passed along and had put life into our shivering frames. It had rained all night and was very foggy in the morning. Five of us were grouped together when a shell burst among us mortally wounding a ser- geant and seriously wounding three others. What happened to my tin hat is so remarkable that I refer to Corporal Martin of the 105th Infantry Post, a 100 per cent disability man, for a verification of the facts. A piece of shrapnel about the size of a grenade lodged in my helmet, almost cutting it in half. I was so busy at the time giving first aid to my comrades that I didn 't notice that I had been struck. Sergeant Greenberg, one of the five, died in the hospital and Corporal Martin and Private Zen- 242 71sT NEW YORK IN THE WORLD WAR ker were fixed up and started toward the dressing station carried by German prisoners. LITE IN A BILLET D Company had its headquarters and was billeted in a small town called Volnay. We were there after the Armistice and until we entrained for Brest and home. Sergeant Galvin was company clerk and Corporal Rode and Corporal Adams (my- self) were detailed there. The building we were in was the Community School and the owner, Madam Bezan, treated us like sons. Our C. 0. had a large room in the front. One of our amusements was dancing on the stone school floor with all of the madamoiselles in town — both of them. The music was furnished by an old phonograph and one record which I carried around from one house to another wherever a party was to be held. We spent Christmas in this town and one of my duties was to go after the mail, mainly Christmas presents, the post-office being five kilos away. ^^^^^^ ' m ^^^ ^W" iTy ' X,. ^ 1 - $ L 1 i iH ^ ^, tfdo i^#;* J Top : Scene at St. Souplet. Bottom : The Schoolhouse at Yolnay. THE STORY OF B COMPANY, 105TH INFANTRY, FROM WADSWORTH TO THE TRENCHES By Captain Ernest W. Strong In a review of the company 's history, its experiences and con- duct in the fighting zone of the Western Front must inevitably dwarf in importance or interest the months of preparation for that work making it seem hardly worth a word in passing. As it was during this training period, however, that the individual soldier was being developed (almost without his knowledge) into a highly trained unit of the new forces pouring overseas, a record of this transformation is not without value. B Company, in common with all companies of the 105th, was a combination of two different products of the National Guard. All were trained soldiers compared to the average citizen that answered the draft. Excepting a few recruits the company was ready for advanced instruction the day it was first formed. Service on the Mexican Border, months of duty guarding railroads in New York State, and years of armory, rifle range, and camp duty satisfied many of us that there was really very little we could be taught. Sometimes it proved as hard to cure this idea as it did to implant a new one. "When I was down on the Border" went slowly but surely out of fashion. The company was, roughly, one-half New York City men of the 71st and one-half Cohoes men of the 2nd, All were con- vinced that if any training was needed it was confined to the other half. This feeling quickly gave way to one of comrade- ship but the fact that we came from different outfits, different parts of the state, one wdth a sense of company spirit, the other a regimental spirit, proved a constant source of much good- natured kidding to lighten hours of hardship and danger through all its service. After weeks of rumor and many heartaches, B of the 71st New 243 244 71sT NEW YORK York Infantry moved over to join B of the 2nd New York In- fantry at Spartanburg, S. C. In accordance with the policy of Colonel Andrews, Commanding Officer of the new organization, each company officer was assigned to a company of a different letter than in his old regiment — as a sequel there resulted a rapid shift of some N. C. 0. 's at the eleventh hour in nearly all com- panies. It was a measure that at least proved the importance of tried N. C. 0. 's to their company commanders. B. Company therefore included most of the old 71st B and some N. C. O.'s from G of the 71st, the latter replacing a like number who fol- lowed their captain (later, Lieutenant-Colonel), Bulkley, to Com- pany L of the 105th. The succeeding week might be called Special Order week, the despair of company commanders and first-sergeants, for it was necessary to transfer many members to the newly organized headquarters, machine gun and supply com- panies. The officers assigned to B Company included Captain E. W. Strong, First-Lieutenant F. K. Lovell and Second-Lieutenant Joseph Barren from the old 71st, all having joined the National Guard as privates and served on the Mexican Border. First- Lieutenant Bramwell of the 12th N. Y., First-Lieutenant Plum- ley and Second-Lieutenant Stevens of the 2nd N. Y. completed the roster. During the remaining weeks of good weather much was done toward building up a finished company organization. Additional N. C. O.'s were appointed, squad and platoon divi- sions effected, canvas and clothing issued, physical defectives weeded out, school details made up, etc. In spare hours the company street was graded so that the platoon on the left could form for Evening Parade without falling down hill. Like other companies, B did its full share of digging in the elaborate divisional trench system, were inoculated at various times against various diseases, decided trips to Spartanburg were hardly worth the walk or trouble of running the guard after Taps, so settled down to plain soldiering. Inspections followed one another as regularly as meals — more frequently on some days. If any strange officer was seen studying the incinerator, the garbage can, peering in the ice box or under the mess hall, he must be from Brigade, Division or Army Headquarters; in between times the Colonel, Major and Captain would inspect and IN THE WORLD WAR 245 worry. It was quite a task to outguess them all. Our first hike to the range was completed with but two nights' bivouac on the road. Later we made the trip in one day but at the time felt the first performance something to be well satisfied with. Winter was looked forward to with no misgivings. Were we not down south? How much our first warm winter would be enjoyed — if only for its novelty. Then winter came — came with a most disgustingly familiar appearance, came to stay. It caused terrible suffering for the men housed in canvas tents with small Sibley stoves that would have been insufficient even with a plen- tiful supply of wood. As it was there were many days with no wood except for cooking. The company street would be deep with snow, the tents covered with ice a week at a time. A little sun at midday often made matters worse by turning the ground into a bog of red clay and water. Naturally feet could seldom be dry; if a fresh pair of shoes were to be had they were no longer fresh after the second step from the door of one's tent. Every adversity has its compensation. In this instance it was fewer drills, more lectures in the mess hall where one could sit down, smoke, and, too often, doze. The evenings held few amuse- ments in quarters, often none at all out of them, for even the road to the Y building might be impassable. Many an hour had to be spent devising new and appropriate opinions relative to the sunny south and the justice of putting the National Guard under canvas while the National Army had steam heated bar- racks. Christmas Day was observed by means of an excellent dinner, gifts and special decorations. Leaves of absence were by roster and anxiously waited for, so that the opportunity of a single trip home would not be missed. Some grew too anxious and dispensed with any such little for- mality as permission. They usually got home and back without an M. P. escort (no War Department can cope with a soldier's ingenuity), and paid the penalties cheerfully after their return. It required some weird intra-company financing to raise carfares in many instances but comradeship always worked the miracle. By spring we felt our time for departure was at hand. We had exhausted all methods of getting lost in the trench system, re- duced the distance from the range to camp to a single day, been lectured and lectured to. Then came a new model rifle that 246 71sT NEW YORK had to be hastily dug out of its bath of grease, and a more hasty farewell tour at the range to learn all over to land on the target. Everyone was satisfied the new gun was too long, too heavy and probably issued solely for our discomfort. The order for overseas was heralded by cheers spreading from one street to the next with the speed of the wind. New clothing was issued, tents stripped, winter-long arguments forgotten and minor punishments cancelled as if by magic. Faces long familiar at the guard house appeared in the streets. In a few days we were aboard the troop trains, looking our last at Spartanburg. Having no idea where we were headed, there was endless debate on the subject. As the trains moved south into the dusk com- passes were studied and the possible destination ranged from New Orleans to Panama, the Philippines and Eussia. Next morning we discovered the train once more headed north, and when we found ourselves at Camp Stuart, Newport News, Ya., in real barracks, with transports waiting up the river, all past delays and disappointments were forgotten. Our stay at Camp Stuart was an endless round of inspecting, checking, issuing of clothes, making up passenger lists, trying without much success to get a pass to town. Only relatives enter the camp but a surprising number of the company had relatives in that vicinity, all anxious to visit or run errands to town. At last, with each man staggering under blankets and clothing for three, and one fortunate member of the outfit staggering on general principles, we hiked to the docks. Down the long shed, up the gangplank, down the companionway, and into our bunk (the last by order so as to clear the way for more) so orderly and systematic that after the automatic inquiry ''When do we eat?" we began to wonder how it all happened. We were two hundred and fifty, but only part of nine thousand who marched aboard that afternoon. The next morning found us far from land and exploring the old President Gr^nt. We learned to find our own deck, our station at Abandon Ship drill, the hour and way to file twice daily through our particular cook galley. After all a trip on a crowded transport is not equally as pleas- ant as the more popular method of going abroad and one day was much like the next. Even the possibility of being torpedoed couldn ^t afford a thrill all the time, so all fell back on watchful- IN THE WORLD WAR 247 waiting for a sign of seasickness in our neighbor and to join in the encouraging chorus of ' ' Hold it ! Hold it ! " to cheer him in the struggle. Another diversion was to follow with envious eyes the carefree sailor and wonder why we had been so stupid as to enlist in the army when we might have chosen the navy. Our one real submarine attack sent everyone's spirits up again and shortly after the hills of France filled our vision and aroused deeper emotions than we cared to admit. The ten-day sentence to a life preserver was over. It was the greatest Memor- ial Day of our lives when the anchors let go in the landlocked harbor of Brest and a day later we were marching through its streets to camp near Pontanezon Barracks. There were plenty of novelties to fill our first days in the old world ; hikes to the docks to unload supplies, amazing appearances of officers in the new overseas caps, introduction to vin rouge, vin blanc and warm bottled beer, bouts with the French language, daylight at 10 P. M., back into practice in the art of running the guard. We all welcomed the order to move as the camp was really nothing but a pasture filled like all for miles around with newly landed Yanks. There had been no time to prepare for the in- coming thousands — nearly everything necessary for a camp was lacking except dust and a poor water supply. A hike back to Brest and we were aboard the train — our destination, as always, a mystery to all ranks. The cars were third class, so one could see the scenery, at least ; also the side doors proved most conveni- ent for jumping out both sides at every stop, in quest of food, drink, adventure or change of position. Being strictly forbidden by orders to leave except on the note of some bugle forty cars ahead, it proved a new game to leave between bugles, jumping aboard again before some harassed officer could run back- -and then when the same officer was midway between his own car and the opposite end of the train, it would usually start. Know- ing he couldn't walk through the train added to the fun. This was all on the first day, for we had seen enough and been through enough new experiences in twelve months to quickly tire of train jumping — later we got out for exercise under pro- test, and no officer worried about losing any one of us — he couldn't. Our train kept steadily on through the night, and until noon of the next day — much to our surprise — without com- 248 71sT NEW YORK ing in sight of Paris or the trenches. France must be larger than it looked on the map. The station where we detrained was marked Noyelles-sur-Mer. which meant nothing to us. Gradually we learned that we were far north on the coast and near the mouth of the historic Somme. The next operation was to form up in a vacant field and pile about two-thirds of our extra cloth- ing and supplies into growing hills of socks, blankets and clothes of all kinds. Feeling much lightened and getting mess at a British rest camp, the battalion headed toward the east, march- ing until dark. That night in another British camp we were assigned to conical tents and slept but not until we all had gazed at a flickering light far off in the east. The light rose and fell noiselessly but it marked the goal of our three thousand mile journey, months of training — the goal doubtless where some of us would remain. The next day 's march brought us to Neuilly 1 'Hopital, a little north of the famous old city of Abbeville. With the rest of the first battalion, guides escorted us to quarters. As we stood at last in a barnyard and saw the barn itself, it became necessary to rearrange our mental pictures of living in billets, sleeping on feather beds and helping to prepare the family meal. First, we cleaned out the floor of the barn, finding in the refuse French, English and Portuguese coins that identified our predecessors, as well as their disregard of renovating straw for sleeping pur- poses. We carefully cleaned out the straw and swept the barn yard, a blow that nearly deprived the owners of speech. ''What would the hens have to eat?" Next the rolling kitchen was set up, viewed very skeptically by the cooks. Home was complete. That night, and every night that the moon shone, old Abbe- ville was bombed, the German fliers passing directly over us to and from the city. The crashing of bombs, pounding of anti- aircraft guns, and sweep of searchlights gave us our first close- up of the grandeur of war. The fact that we were but spectators didn't strike home and when next morning it was found that pieces of the anti-aircraft shells had fallen in the village our satisfaction was complete. We had been under fire! In the east at night the lights were brighter now and accompanied by a very sullen imitation of thunder. The days slipped by as we drilled, hiked and drilled. We have learned since that, being IN THE WORLD WAR 249 assigned to the British sector, drastic methods of feeding, arming and clothing were imperative. Our beautifully kept new rifles were stacked up and used English rifles passed out ; ammunition, grenade throwers, LcAvis guns, tin hats, gas masks followed on one day or another. The rations were new, the shoes new (and awful) rumors were at a discount for once and little could sur- prise us now. It was too good to last — a day^s march shifted the division. Our battalion moved through Abbeville, across the Somme, which we pictured from its prominence in dispatches to rival the Hud- son but appeared a small canal, and then on to Chepy-Malines. The shift did not please us greatly nor appear worth the long hot march from Neuilly I'Hopital. Nobody asked our opinion, however, nor explained the reason why so we just grumbled from force of habit and forgot it. Instead of school days being over as we proudly announced on leaving the States it appeared to begin in earnest and at the primary class. Officers, N. C. O.'s, cooks, signallers, musicians, there was a school for everyone. As every school seemed to be reached via Paris, some wonderful tales were told to the first-sergeant who couldn't find time to go anywhere. Some of the company were sent into the trenches for instruction and what they couldn't tell about the strategy and horrors of the ffont line after one day and night of it was very unimportant. Another divisional move and we were back north of the Somme at tlie town of Beauval. A long-lost, despaired-of paymaster found us with three months' pay for empty pockets. It was in French money, our dollars seemed multiplied by five, our song about the payroll out of date and a dream had come true. Such an event was one to celebrate — we celebrated with the aid of nearly every family in town who seemed to know in advance what was to happen and how best to meet the emergency. A family without a case of champagne to sell lived somewhere beside our section of the towm. Perhaps the loss of sleep, owing to the noise made by other companies, caused the cooks to oversleep, anyway break- fast was late, and we had an engagement in Doullens at noon to be inspected by the Commanding General of the army. No one seemed keen on going. The engagement was kept by means of very brilliant team work, so the company was duly inspected, 250 71 ST NEW YORK together with the rest of the regiment. The others had also been paid off the day before. Inspections are never very joyous events — this one certainly no exception — so when it was completed the company filed to its allotted cars in a yard full of trains, glad to have it past. Our direction this time was north. We had first sight of towns in ruins, refugees jamming the stations, miles of trenches — war was beginning to appear less picturesque, more ugly. At 2 A. M. we detrained in Egyptian darkness and the inevitable rain, no lights permitted, and everyone tired, sleepy and cramped from the ride. The battalion formed, we began to march, traversed the silent cobblestone streets of ancient St. Omer, crossed canals, climbed hills, and continued to march. About ten in the morn- ing our particular village and bam was reached — so the guide said. By the time equipment was off and breakfast scornfully vetoed for the sake of sleep, the Assembly blew. "Wrong vil- lage, next stop ! ' ' Not important now as we look back but how we swore. It was quite appropriate as the country was Flanders and literature often tells that they swore like the troops in Flanders. This next and real stop was Wulverdinghe where we passed July 4th. The country was France but the people, language, houses, customs, were all Flemish. Canals were everywhere and great windmills reminded one of the blue painted china at home in the kitchen. By this time we fully expected to move from a village as soon as comfortably settled and were seldom disap- pointed. We soon marched to a canvas camp north of St. Omer and close to a range, fired the Lewis guns, threw real grenades, learned to hit with our newly adopted rifles and then marched to Tilques. Just so we would have to police it, so at least the company pessimist proclaimed. A few days later and again we marched down to St. Omer, crowded into box cars on a narrow gauge railway, and rode north to Winnezeele, detraining there to find some of the 27th Division had been in the line and our turn was scheduled. Events moved rapidly from then on but mention might be made at this point of some changes in the roster of the com- pany since its original formation. Lieutenant Bramwell had been sent to the hospital with illness at Chepy-Malines, Lieuten- IN THE WORLD WAR 251 ant Plumley was undergoing treatment in England after a pain- ful illness of many months, Lieutenant Stevens resigned while at Spartanburg to enter the navy, Lieutenant Lovell who pre- ceded the division to France had rejoined the company, and Lieutenant Gregory had been assigned from the O. T. C. There had also been many changes in the enlisted personnel, promotions and transfers, but as this sketch is written without written records of any kind, they cannot be given due credit. Sergeants Graham and Forgett were now graduated as officers and as- signed elsewhere in the division. E. T. Ruane had been first- sergeant since shortly after the formation of the company. Faithful, efficient and quiet, he was an ideal "Top" and met his death bravely. Supply-Sergeant Gerow, killed also, was always efficient and the perfect soldier. Mess-Sergeant Towles handled the enormous task of preparing and serving of six and seven hundred meals a day with never a slip and never a request for help from the company officers. One day under shell fire, the next in a field of mud, the next in a barnyard — the meals always came, and no one could kick, for no company fared better and few as well. We would like to mention by name other sergeants, corporals, musicians, cooks, down to the last K. P. but space forbids. After three days' bivouac in a field near Winnezeele, watching flocks of airplanes and the line of observation balloons which we were to know later marked the outline of the Ypres Salient, we left for a long march across the Franco-Belgian line, through Watou and put up shelter tents close to Trappist Farm, well in- side the zone of German shells. Shelter tents were sunk about one foot in the ground for protection. A Bosche plane made several visits during the night firing his machine gun but did little damage except to our rest. The next day company com- manders of the battalion went forward to reconnoiter the trenches east of Poperinghe, and at sundown B moved forward about six miles to relieve C Company which had gone up the night before. As we passed at sunset through the silent streets of deserted, half ruined Poperinghe and the great howitzers and naval guns of the British H. A. began their night-long strafing, we seemed to be moving into a new world — terrible and grand beyond all description. 252 71sT NEW YORK By dark the landscape for miles around was dotted with stab- bing flames of big gun discharges, each followed by an air-shat- tering report and the diminishing roar of the shells. They flamed and bellowed hour after hour until it seemed there must be a limit and when one paused to consider how this human made tornado had hurled tons of steel each hour of each night for month after month the mind just failed to grasp it. We quickly learned to distinguish such sounds from those of German shells arriving with the rising wail of a steam siren, each ending abruptly with the crash of its explosion as though a ton of coal had fallen on a tin roof. The human impulse of self-preserva- tion whispered it was time to turn around and go back, military training the pride said ''Keep right along" and soon the com- pany was arguing heatedly over each shell — whether it was going or coming. Critics discovered themselves in every squad who could name the size, nature and destination of each passing pro- jectile by its sound. No one believed them but no one could prove them wrong. Before midnight we were in our trenches at Anjou Farm, quite at home, fed up with the noisy guns and wondering if the cooks would have breakfast on time. They did — the rolling kitchen being placed in a farmyard a half mile away. The time passed with little to do but watch shells burst among the houses in Poperinghe just at our rear. They passed over our heads but no one could put much confidence in past perform- ances. One 9.2 took half our barn and dug a twenty-foot crater, one edge of which was not ten yards from our trenches. It looked too much like a reminder from the Germans that they would get us whenever ready. We were to move back from that position on the second night and were all packed up waiting hopefully for D Company when the time for relief arrived. It brought D Company and also orders transmitted by its Com- manding Officer, Captain Maslin, from headquarters to remain another 24 hours. Not a welcome order but just as final and positive for all that. The next night, feeling veterans indeed, we marched back to Trappist Farm, glad to get back to a quiet spot and sleep. Our next move was with the battalion straight to the front line trenches and we left late one afternoon with the IN THE WORLD WAR 253 band playing, and under the eyes of Lieutenant-Colonel Liebman — the last time many of us saw him alive. Through Poperinghe again as the sun went down behind us, past Anjou Farm that seemed now to be safely placed in the rear, and on for miles through a perfect inferno of big guns busy at their night-long chorus. We dropped into double file with gas masks at the alert each following the man ahead and toward the dazzling display of rockets and star shells to our front. Stunned by the reports of howitzer batteries and roar of passing shells Busseboom and Ouderdom were traversed, the ruined houses hardly noticed when disclosed by white flashes of guns dug into the hedges around us. Reaching a cross road about 11 P. M., B Company which with A was to move to the extreme front line was met by guides from the York and Lanes Battalion holding the position. We formed into single file with ten yards separating each man and started forward again for a last mile with no cover from German machine gun fire but dark- ness. These machine guns were stabbing the bank of black night before us as we moved down through Hallebast Corners, "Hell- blast Corners" as the Tommies had re-christened it. It was a spot shelled repeatedly at short intervals every night. The ma- chine gun bullets flew by with venomous snap and at each burst of fire our guide threw himself flat and we followed suit — we never drilled so much in unison before. This stretch of road was traversed at last. Turning into a cut in the bank and pass- ing through the wreck of a sand-bagged cellar, the house a heap of brick, we found ourselves in the remains of a trench system on Vierstraat Ridge. The position was directly under observation from German 0. P.'s on Mt. Kemmel, our forward trench varying from 15 to 50 yards from his. Daylight disclosed the fact that in our rear lay an impassable swamp pitted with shell craters full to the brim of water. Our owti trenches had been shelled and mined until nothing was left but disconnected ditches. Observation in the daytime was impossible, no digging nor draining of trenches was permitted, available trench maps were hopelessly out of date. A perfect maze of deserted, smashed-in trenches ran in every direction and no one knew where to or whether Bosche or friend was 10 yards around the next corner. At every turning 254 71sT NEW YORK they were impassable with mud or ended in a mined crater. Some sections were literally paved with dead bodies, others were identified for platoons by arms and legs sticking from the walls at various points. Rations parties had to go back at night for the rations in burlap bags and tins of drinking water. A bad job, seldom done without someone being wounded. The ruins of Ypres were in sight on our left; all else was mud, water-filled craters and desolation. It was the front be- yond doubt. On the first night we alternated squads with the British company and on the second alternated platoons. In a remarkably short time every one settled do^vn, got acquainted with Tommy, learned the places, threw and dodged a few gre- nades along the trench that the Germans played into with their machine guns and showed generally that if we didn 't admire the place, it was about Avhat we expected when volunteering for war. The English soldiers found it more difficult to express their emo- tions than we Yanks. To say they were "jolly well fed up with the bloomin' old war" was about their limit. Many had served in the salient for a year and often two, their friends were buried there and it was easy to understand their viewpoint when on the scene. Being Flanders, it most always rained. During the night every one was on the alert, patrolling on all fours through the mud or taking shots at anything looking like a German patrol. During the day we dozed on shelves cut in the bank and tried to forget the overpowering stench that defies description and the swarms of flies and rats and thirst. Aside from these shortcom- ings the daytime was quite comfortable. A last German drive was anticipated by higher authorities for the Channel ports. Our rather cheerful orders were that in case of a general attack we would not be supported but were to defend the position to the last. After a night standing in the mud, pelted with rain and under the strain of awaiting the barrage that would doubtless blow away the whole ridge, the slate-colored dawn back of the German lines was always a welcome sight. At this hour, with vitality at the lowest, the British soldier would get his three swallows of rum and never fail to share it with the Yank beside him. The act itself under the circumstances was something we will not likely forget. IN THE WORLD WAR 255 All things must end, — on the third night we were visited by Captain Maslin, the Regimental Chaplain, Lieutenant Donovan, our surgeon, and some of D Company's N. C. O.'s. They were welcome indeed for we had grown to feel alone on that ridge, our world far away. The next night D Company moved up from support to take our place and we filed out, back across the road, through ''Hellblast Corners" as rapidly as our dignity and packs permitted and dug into the hedges of a farm about two miles to the rear. Some growled because our destination was not back out of shell fire but they were silenced when they found British companies there who had not moved out of the zone since the preceding Christmas. Little wonder the salient was the hated spot of the Western Front. During the day at this spot everyone lay in ruined barns and under hedges to avoid the hos- tile eyes of Mt. Kemmel. At night we marched off in working parties to dig trenches and string wire. Searching barrages would sweep the fields at different hours of the night and stray shells land from three directions. There was no such thing as shelter, one could only trust to luck and the size of the target. It came our turn again to move up to Vierstraat Ridge, the same old spot, but this time the British Battalion moved back and we were proud to realize that the safety of that few hundred yards of trench was entirely entrusted to our keeping. S. O. S. signals to send up in case of a big attack were passed out to the sergeants, the Tommies said "Good-bye and Good Luck." and we settled down as much as rain and mud would permit. The big attack didn't come but the nights were filled with alarms, patrolling, and trying to locate the Bosche machine gun positions. Drinking water and food came up in dribbles, not fit for consumption by the time it arrived, and passed through many hands. The last morning at 7 :20 a terrific barrage was put directly over our heads to cover a raid by the British through the lines on our left. For twenty minutes we were under what seemed a solid layer of every conceivable shriek, whine, and roar of passing steel, the ground shaking with the continuous burst of explosives directly in our front and for miles either side. The raid over, a blanket of silence descended under a glaring sun broken only by the notes of a bird; then the demoralized German fire began in retaliation. Some enormous shells burst 256 71sT NEW YORK IN THE WORLD WAR just behind us but so long as they were behind we breathed easier and felt sorry for the support and reserve who caught the brunt of this fire. On the following night a company of the 106th began filing in, our relief. It was daylight before we were all out and the last group — Headquarters, First-Sergeant Ruane, the messengers, orderlies and signalmen — ^had the pleasure of a mile march in daylight along the road feeling the eyes of the whole German army were watching their progress. On reaching the famous ''Comers'^ they were entertained by a barrage ''in their midst." It didn't last over a minute but was something to be remembered. It was during this relief that Private Ruhl "went West," the first of the company to be killed outright. The section of trench between his post and the road was over waist-deep in mud, so he started over the top, a route we all took in the dark, but at this hour the darkness was breaking. A bullet found the mark. He was buried later at Vimy Siding attended by his comrades. The battalion moved back to the outskirts of Poperinghe, ate, slept, bathed and were freed of vermin and mud at last. A shell took off the roof of the bath house while our battalion were going through by platoons and ended a much needed operation. Working parties were sent forward to plant artillery wires and we reconnoitered a new trench system that would be occupied in case the front lines were broken. While here Colonel Liebman was killed by a shell at our old Support line and Captain Maslin took command of the battalion. Our next move was back to the old farm between Winnezeele and Oudezeele for a week's rest. Rests were short at such times and after a few days of company drill and well cooked meals the battalion moved back into Bel- gium to take a new position near Ridge Wood. At this time Cap- tain Strong was ordered to the rear through illness and after a week in a British Base hospital in Calais was transferred to an American hospital in England. Captain Kevney O'Connor of the 71st Regiment assumed command of the company. Top: Men of 105th Infantry Receiving Eations at the Front, Mazingheim, October, 1918. Bottom: French, American, English and Australian Soldiers and a German Prisoner of War Reading President Wilson 's Message to the Kaiser, Corbie, October, 1918. RECOLLECTIONS ODDS AND ENDS SWAPPED AT EASY CHAIR GATHERINGS BACK HOME At Camp Wadsworth two men on gnard, one 18 years of age and one who later proved to be but 17, went to sleep while on post. They knew little of the punishment sleeping on guard called for or the seriousness of guard duty. Their captain in- stead of having them court-martialed and sentenced to a year in prison ordered them to write to their mothers what poor soldiers they were and to hand the letters to him addressed but unsealed. In each letter, unknown to the youth, he wrote the mother not to worry about her son ; that he was in good health and was not going to be punished. The Captain never had an- other man asleep on post. When the Captain returned wounded to the United States, he received a letter from one of these boys signed * ' Guilf oyle, ' ' which read: *'Dear Captain: I am sorry you are wounded. I am one of the boys who you should have given a year's imprisonment for being asleep on post. My mother got me out of the army because I was only seventeen years of age. If anybody ever says a word against you, I'll knock his block off." * * * Shortly before Christmas ten per cent, of the men were al- lowed furloughs. All naturally wanted to go home to see their folks. In one company suggestions were asked of the men as to a fair method of settling the problem and when no suggestions were received all names were put in a hat and the men were fur- loughed as dra^Ti. This company did not have a single A. W. 0. L. but another company reported 33 men absent. The fur- lough forms were typewritten and the men made copies enough for all, filling in the names of the commanding officers and their own. 257 258 71sT NEW YORK At Beauval, General O'Ryan paid a great compliment to the 71st by selecting Company D to put on a show for General Pershing who was shortly expected. General O'Ryan had seen old Company G give an exhibition drill at a review in the Armory at 34th St. and Park Avenue and at Madison Square Garden, and had remembered the excellent showing made. Without con- sulting the superior regimental officer, he selected the Captain of old Company G suggesting that they put on the British Athletic exercises. The exhibition did not take place, however, as the company was ordered to entrain. When the drill was given in New York, Captains Hart, Strong, Firth, Robertson and Orsenigo were in the ranks of Company G as privates and corporals. * * * One day as Company D was on the range all company com- manders were ordered to report at the Major's tent. One of the captains returning said he had been asked what supplies his com- pany needed and when he replied he could not tell until he con- sulted his supply-sergeant he got *' bawled out." The tip was sufficient for the resourceful commander of Company D and when his turn came for the question, he said "200 pairs of socks, 100 undershirts, 150 pairs of drawers and 50 pairs of shoes." He was commended and the other captains informed that they should have been as able to answer. As a matter of fact. Captain : — had bluffed the whole thing and gotten away with it. * * * Stand-to was perhaps the most trying on the nerves. Stand- ing in the trenches all night with every sense on edge for any indications of approaching danger is not an amusement. Things sometimes were distorted and you saw things you didn't see. The results were often ludicrous as was this particular case. It 's on me so it can be told without fear of offending. During Stand-to one night Corporal Moore of Company C and myself were lying upon the parapet intently watching and listening for signs of the enemy. Snipers on the other side of No-man 's Land were busy. They kept mowing the weeds in front or ringing up bull's-eyes on a bit of ''elephant iron" over on the corporal's left, or whizzing a few through the wire tangle in front of us, IN THE WORLD WAR 259 or sending them over our heads. We heard them snap when they were up high, we heard them hiss close to us and we hugged mother earth closer than ever we did our best girls in the States. A sound on the corporal's left attracted attention. A quick glance and the blood nearly froze in his veins. There were six Bodies standing upon the parapet calmly looking us over. Each seemed six feet high. Thoughts flew like lightning. A quick whisper to the corporal to take a look ; then followed instructions for him to stay put while I slipped down to open fire. The corporal was then to slip up top and do likewise. We slipped down, and received a second surprise; somebody was moving along our trench. We waited developments as somebody came nearer and nearer. We were ready to fire when they came round the turn in the trench. Just then came our signal, followed by the words ' ' One Five Sullivan, ' ' meaning ' ' 105, Sergeant Sulli- van. ' ' Our breath came easier and we looked up for the Bosches and saw instead half a dozen tall reeds slowly waving in the air. Moore said ''Well, you saw them first." * * * A company was billeted in the Dickebusch sector and Com- pany headquarters was situated in one of shell torn, dilapidated, farmhouses, so numerous in that vicinity. The house was also used as a British artillery observation post. One evening about six o 'clock Captain was eating supper, in one of the two remaining rooms of the house that once was when a Bosche shell, accompanied by its usual pleasant sounds, just cleared the house and nestled in the road not fifteen yards away. The British officer who was in the house at the time called out, "You had better get under cover, Captain; we believe they have the house." By cover they meant a sandbag fortification they had constructed in the next room. The Captain said nary a word. A few seconds elapsed and a second shell whizzed by closer than the first, if such a thing were possible. Again from the next room, "Captain, for God's sake get under cover, they have the house, ' ' and the response was only the occasional smack of the Captain's lips, as he now and then hit a fish bone in the "corned willie" he was eating. A few more seconds and bang, a shell caught the remains of the roof and knocked some of the 260 71sT NEW YORK tile down into the room where the Captain was enjoying his repast. Again from the depths of the dugout came a voice, imploring the Captain to take shelter, but the skipper 's Irish had been aroused. ' ' Cahir, ' ' said he, calling the orderly, ' ' bring me my steel hat so I can finish this meal ' ' — and he did. * # * , Life in the trenches was just one thing after the other. Stand- to from sun down to daybreak, repelling raids by Fritzie, dodg- ing and avoiding his greetings, raising the wind for him by a concerted fire and shower of all we had in the line of novelties and in the meantime and in between times we sure got some fun. ''Seam inspection" it was called in polite lingo. "Cootie catch- ing" was the plain English of it. Sometimes the hunt was not successful because of the elusiveness of the varmint. More fre- quently though the "game" were so plentiful that it became monotonous. Two of our boys were deeply engrossed in this pastime, when suddenly one let out a shout of "Billie, Billie! Hey, Billie ! " "Ah, what 's biting you ? " " That 's just it ; this is the devil that 's doing it. He must be a captain for he 's got two stripes." * « « When not engaged in refusing Jerry's inclination to pay us a visit or giving him to understand that distance lent enchantment we occasionally had a feeling that it was growing near time for EATS. Watches were not needed to tell this but rations fre- quently failed to come up. We didn't take an extra hitch in our belts but we did cuss the ration train and everybody connected with it. Something had happened somewhere to hold it up; what or where, we neither knew nor cared. It wasn 't here ; that was enough and our injured feelings found vent in expletives. "Armies travel on their stomachs," said Napoleon. Howinell were we going to travel on an empty one? We did, however, and in this hike had a picture flashed upon us that indelibly impressed upon our minds the fact that all the dangers and risks and the glories of war are not confined to the front line trenches. It was near Tincoubt, on our way to the jump off for the Hindenburg Line. Along the side of the road lay our ration train. Food, horses and wagons a perfect shambles. The first wagon had been blown to bits, its two horses having been IN THE WORLD WAR 261 killed. A big gaping hole showed where the shell struck but not a vestige of food or wagon could be seen. Fifty yards farther on were the front wheels of the second wagon, a team of disem- bowelled horses and a mess of flesh, blood and bones mixed up with food that had been on the wagon. The third wagon had not been hit but its team and driver were gone. What was left of one horse, just a hind leg and a bit of harness, was smashed into and hanging from a stump of a tree. Of the driver nothing was to be seen except one foot which had become wedged under the footboard. Never another cuss went out against the men oper- ating the supply trains. We realized as never before that there were brave, fearless, loyal men behind us. Men who gambled with their lives that we might be fed. * * # Near Albert, Captain who was about to start back to rejoin his company after an assignment with the 7th London regiment in the front line trenches, began to shave outside a hole in the support trench that served as Company Headquarters. The shells would drop in the valley in the rear and the men be- gan to sit down in the trench in which the Captain was shaving. The Captain was head and shoulders above the trench with the shells falling fast, striking within 50 yards. A British soldier who lay nearby stated that a trench morter ammunition-dump was near there and the Germans were trying to blow it up. The Captain did not shave very closely but he and his striker were the only Americans present and he felt it necessary to make a show of American nonchalance under fire, although he stated afterwards that he would have been mighty glad to have been lying down under cover. * * # At Yierstraat Ridge nothing but a series of shell holes and the mounds about the shell craters marked where the trenches had been. In and behind these our boys took such shelter as condi- tions afforded. It wasn't much better than none at all; half a dozen boys in one hole, three or four in another, and the rest behind the mounds or right out in the open ; every mother 's son keenly on the alert for any move by Jerry. Tours of inspection along our line were hurdle racing with a vengeance; strenuous and dangerous but necessary. At the extreme right of our line 262 71sT NEW YORK near the Vierstraat Cross Roads was a shell crater, the last of our line. In it were four men, one on guard, the others lying down for a much needed rest. We stopped to pass a word of greeting — there were no ceremonies in the trenches — our warning ''Take it easy, no unnecessary exposure, watch your sky line" had been given and we went on to inspect the old power mill at the Cross Roads Junction for any ' ' booby traps ' ' or other pleas- antries the Bosche may have left behind for our benefit. We had not gone twenty yards when there was a roar like an express train going through a tunnel, a terrific explosion and four men went hurling through space. It seemed as if all the earth had taken a sudden notion to move elsewhere. We rushed back to the spot and found Private Hamm of Company C buried up to his elbows in dirt but sitting upright with his rifle still firmly grasped in his hand. He was dead. A long jagged gash on the left side of his head showed where a piece of the shell had hit him. Tenderly his buddies laid a good soldier to rest where he made the supreme sacrifice and marked his grave with a piece of board. * * * When we reached the trenches at Dickebusch about eleven o'clock at night (twenty- three o'clock it was called over there) it was dark as pitch with mud everywhere, for it had been rain- ing steadily for a day or two. In some places it was ankle deep, others up to the waist line. Into and through it we slipped and sloshed. It made no difference if your station was a bit oozier than buddy 's ; it was your spot and there you stayed put. Dis- positions were made and then came the necessity of personal reeonnaisance to make sure that everything was in readiness for Jerry's raid about which we had been warned by our predeces- sors. Keeping up personal contact with the men was strenuous work but entailed no greater risks than the boys were facing. We had a secret signal whereby we made ourselves known while moving about. It didn't waste any breath and made very little noise but it did avoid the unpleasant sensation of being tickled in the ribs with a bayonet. At one point in our lines we were very nearly thrown full length by an obstruction sticking out from the trench wall. It was too dark to see what it was and it was ordered removed at daybreak. Daybreak came but the IN THE WORLD WAR 263 obstruction was not removed. Instead we got some pieces of duck-board, built a box about it and carefully covered it over with earth. Everybody reverently stepped over it thereafter. It was the foot and ankle of a French soldier who had been buried there by a shell a long while before. No French troops had been there for over a year. "C ^est la Gruerre." # * * WHAT A WOUNDED SOLDIER THINKS DURING 27 HOURS ALONE IN A SHELL-HOLE A year or so after the war a number of overseas pals were comfortably seated in the Officers' Mess in the armory, for the thousandth time swapping stories of Flanders and the battle- fields. They were stories of humor, of vivid military action, of heroism and wounds and death. Finally it became Captain Maslin's turn, and dwelling most of the time upon the never ending courage of his men he told the story of his own desperate wound and that of his 27 hours in a shell-hole hovering between life and death. It was on September 29th, 1918, when the 105th had been ordered to capture two villages at Guillemont Farm. The bat- talion had been placed in shell-holes about 100 yards in advance of the trenches occupied by the Third Battalion. A wounded German had been noticed near the Third Battalion trenches and the Captain decided to go personally to him and see what could be done. The German proved to be an officer and seemed to be suffering great pain. The Captain eased his suffering by giving him water from his canteen and then walked along the front of the Third Battalion trenches to confer with Captain Bulkley, speaking to the men in the trenches with whom he was ac- quainted. As he neared the left center of the line of trenches someone shouted, "Hurry up, or you'll be hit; get in the trench." The Captain frankly confessed that his inclination was to jump headlong into the trench, but fear of making an exhibition of himself before the men caused him to continue along the top, and as he reached the left of the line he passed Sergeant Cuneo, a former 71st man, who made some remark. There were more 264 71sT NEW YORK shouts of "Run, for God's sake!" and Sergeant Cuneo stated that Lieutenant Warschauer, formerly of the 71st, had been killed. When he was about to step into headquarters shell-hole machine-fire opened and the Captain received a shot from a sniper and fell. He describes the feeling when hit as if he had been struck by an iron bar across the back. To liken it to being struck by a wooden club, the Captain stated, was inadequate; that the hit was accompanied by an "iron" sensation, followed at once by excruciating pains and paralysis of both legs. Then came chills and vomiting, but with no loss of consciousness. He felt at first that his time was short and a desire flashed across his mind to leave his accounts in good shape. He had several hundred dollars belonging to Company D in his money- belt, and directed his Adjutant to send it to Mrs. Maslin, who would know what to do with it. Then his thoughts went to his wife and his four-year-old daughter Nancy, a great favorite with the men of Company D, and who had said, ' ' Mother, I 'm going to send my daddy away with a smile, but I'm going to cry when he 's not looking. ' ' A feeling of great loneliness followed, with a desire for the companionship of his old company, which had become separated from him in a smoke screen. He remembered a morning in the Dickebusch sector when they had sung to him, "Pack up your troubles in your old kit bag," and now in the midst of pain he tried to sing it back to them. He suffered intensely below the wound line although his body was free from pain above and his brain worked clearly and normally. He realized that the officers with him believed that it was all up with him ; in fact, an Aus- tralian officer present did inform some of the inquiring men that the Captain had been shot through the spine and could not live. He, however, was far from the point of giving up, his brain and body fighting against the helplessness of his legs, with his body in the shell-hole, at an angle, with his head just below the edge. Machine-gun firing was incessant and the bullets whistled above him. One sniper continued to break the dirt above and at the back of his head. The Captain had had thirty years of military training, and he could see no reason why he should be lying there under fire, and requested that he be moved over to the side of the shell-hole IN THE WOELD WAR 265 and given a rifle. He was informed that he could not be moved. He cites this to show the everlasting effect of military training. His runner suggested that he would go for a surgeon, but before leaving had placed his blouse over the Captain and had afforded some relief by changing the position of his legs. In a couple of hours the leg pains were not so acute and the sniper had ceased firing, but machine-gun fire was incessant although it sounded more distant. The young runner crept out in his shirt sleeves, unarmed, and was not again seen by the Captain until the Division returned from France. As the hours went by the machine-gun fire gradually died out and it grew dusk, with a lonely silence. The Captain intently listened for the surgeon and the runner, hoping they would reach him before dark. At last he heard voices and called out, ' * Over this way," and two Germans came into view. The first was a tall, dark, fine looking fellow, unarmed and wearing a steel hel- met; the second was quite small, wore a forage cap and had his rifle slung across his back. The Captain had a feeling that that rifle would be his finish and figured that he would be hit in the chest because he had twisted his body around to meet them. He called on the Germans to surrender, but the big fellow growled back in English, "What you do here?" Then he noticed blood on the Captain's uniform and with a voice full of sympathy he said " Oh ! You wounded ! ' ' The Captain asked if they wanted to take him in and they said, "No," and asked where his com- rades were. They paused a few moments to speak a few words and then left him. Shortly after he heard more voices but did not try to communicate. By raising on his elbow he saw the heads and shoulders of eight or ten Germans in file about twenty paces to the rear, who passed without seeing him. He figured that these were machine-gunners who were hurrying away and who were momentarily lost and afraid of being captured. Eain began to fall and continued during the night and he was thankful for the runner's blouse. He twisted his body over to the right, placed his steel helmet over the left side of his face, folded his arms under the blouse and was fairly comfortable. He felt as if his legs had turned to iron as they were not sensi- tive to the rain or cold. The patter of the rain upon the steel helmet soothed him and he fell asleep. At one time during the 266 71sT NEW YORK night he was awakened by something striking him on the body. The ground was being shelled and falling dirt had spattered. He feared getting a second wound that would add to his suffer- ing and the thought persisted in his brain that by daybreak power would again come to his legs and he would get back to his battalion. He prayed that a shell might hit him direct and put an end to his suffering. Death had no terror to the Captain lying in the rain and mud and with the agony of a possible additional wound in his mind. He smelted gas, and lacking the strength to put on his gas-mask made use of the mouth-piece. He would "sniff" for gas after each shell explosion and use the mouth- piece when it seemed necessary. Once a stone struck him on the left elbow and he believed he had been hit again. The Captain then became delirious, his mind filled with the idea that he should make an attempt to get up. As day broke he found himself turned over, with his elbows on the ground and endeavoring to get up on his right knee, some slight power to move having returned to that leg. Then he fell back and became possessed of the idea that he could see a German's head in front of him ; he had developed a cough during the night and tried to smother it so that it would not be heard by the German of his delirium. The rain had stopped and he saw that his feet were in water that covered the heels and uppers of his shoes to close to a point near the toes, but there was no feeling whatever in the feet. Then he noted that it appeared to be blood instead of water, and figured that the rain had washed the blood from his uniform, tinting the water, and that when he had been turned over he had displaced his first-aid bandage. As the day broke the Captain noted that his runner had left a pack behind him. Through a great effort he reached it and used it to get his legs and feet out of the water. A rifle with fixed bayonet had been left in front of the shell-hole and another near the back of the hole. It seemed to him that any one seeing the rifles would probably throw a hand grenade before approaching. Then he found a sack of rations and made a breakfast of bread and water from his canteen. He could draw up his right leg a few inches and the pain was less. The Captain's thoughts, as he lay in the shell-hole, never ex- pecting to leave it alive, are interesting. He acknowledged that IN THE WORLD WAR 267 they were of this world rather than of the next. His memory went back to the pleasant time he had when on a ten days' leave in New York, prior to sailing for France; he dreamed of the dinners tended to him and the friends who had entertained him. He remembered a meeting of the Officers of the new 71st when a suggestion was made that the names of officers killed in France be placed on brass plates in the Officers' Mess and he pictured his name there. He thought of the annual dinner given by the Evening Telegram, with which he had been associated in business, and could see his name encircled in a black border in the program for the occasion. He wondered what his brother officers and the men in the service would say of him and whether they would agree that he had worthily "played the game." He remembered a happy dinner with the officers of his battalion at an English Officers' mess on the preceding Sunday. He felt keen pleasure to know that he had earned a wound stripe and regretted that he was not to live to wear it. Then a thought came to his mind of the Red Cross train for wounded that he had passed on his trip to the front, and he remembers talking to him- self and saying, "It isn't right that I should be lying here; I should be on the Red Cross train. ' ' There was not much firing after daylight on September 30th and some time during the morning the Captain heard the whirr of an airplane in the distance flying quite low over where he was lying. He tried to "flash" with his canteen and shouted to the plane, but it passed and an intense feeling of loneliness pre- vailed. The hours sped and it grew colder and more dismal and it seemed as if rain again would add to his discomfort. His mind began to calculate how long he might expect to live under the ex- posure and settled upon a figure of about four days. He had rations sufficient for a week and with wet weather would have water. He felt that the wound would not kill him, but that three days more of the racking cough and exposure would bring about the end. Awful stillness prevailed hour after hour, and then after what seemed days a figure appeared upon the scene wear- ing a British raincoat and a steel hat. The figure turned and shouted, "Here's the Captain," and jumped into the shell-hole. It proved to be Dr. Donovan, the Battalion Surgeon, with two men. After Captain Maslin had received surgical attention he 268 71sT NEW YORK remembers saying to the surgeon that he was glad they had arrived as he felt that he could not have stood it more than four days. He was amazed to learn that he had not been in the shell- hole three days as he had supposed, but that only 27 hours had elapsed. THE NATIONAL GUARD BOYS Didn't know much, but knew something, Learned while other men played. Didn't wait for commissions. Went while other men stayed. Took no degrees up at Plattsburg, Needed too soon for the game, Ready at hand to be asked for. Orders said, Come, and they came. Didn^t get bars on their shoulders. Or three months to see if they should, Didn't get classed with the Regulars Or told they were equally good. Just got a job and got busy. Awkward they were but intent. Filing no claim for exemption, Orders said Go ! — And they went. Didn't get farewell processions, Didn't get newspaper praise, Didn't escape the injunction To mend, in extenso, their ways. Workbench and counter and roll-top Dug in, and waited their chance. Orders said, First Line Trenches. They're Holding them — somewhere in France. — R. P. Andrews, in Life. IN THE WORLD WAR 269 BY THE NUMBERS I joined to become a soldier In war 's great game to mix ; Instead I 'm only number 2,000,856. I want the thrill of danger For thrills are all too few. But thrills and danger dodge, from bunk 382. Oh, for a chance to bayonet And bomb the beastly Hun In shell torn trench where the numbers are One to One. On the passenger list I 'm 70 ; In mess I 'm 84 ; I'm tagged and numbered and counted And then I'm numbered some more. I joined to become a soldier. An actor in life's great scene, But they've made me a series of numbers, A regular adding machine. ARMISTICE ORDER TO A. E. F. 11th November, 1918. A message from Itasca 1 to Ireland 1 transmitted to Inject 1 for compliance: — Hostilities will cease on the whole front at eleven o'clock to-day, French time. Until that hour the opera- tion previously ordered will be pressed with vigor. At eleven hours our line will halt in place and no unit will move backward or forward. All men will cease firing and will dig in. In case the enemy does not likewise suspend fire, fire will be resumed, but no further advance be permitted. No fraternization will be allowed. Brigade and other commanders concerned are charged with the important duty of transmitting these orders to the troops and securing their strict enforcement. Rocket or other signals may be used to notify the front line of the arrival of eleven hours. COMMENDATIONS G. H. Q. AMERICAN EXPEDITIONARY FORCES France, February 28, 1919. General Orders No. 38-A MY FELLOW SOLDIERS: Now that your service with the American Expeditionary Forces is about to terminate, I cannot let you go without a personal word. At the call to arms, the patriotic young man- hood of America eagerly responded and became the formidable army whose decisive victories testified to its efficiency and its valor. With the support of the nation firmly united to defend the cause of liberty, our army has executed the will of the people with resolute purpose. Our democracy has been tested, and the forces of autocracy have been defeated. To the glory of the citizen-soldier, our troops have faithfully fulfilled their trust, and in a succession of brilliant offensives have overcome the menace to our civilization. As an individual, your part in the world war has been an important one in the sum total of our achievements. Whether keeping lonely vigil in the trenches, or gallantly storming the enemy 's stronghold ; whether enduring monotonous drudgery in the rear, or sustaining the fighting line at the front, each has bravely and efficiently played his part. By willing sacrifice of personal rights ; by cheerful endurance of hardship and priva- tion ; by vigor, strength and indom;itable will, made effective by thorough organization and cordial co-operation, you inspired the war-worn Allies with new life and turned the tide of threatened defeat to overwhelming victory. With a consecrated devotion to duty and a will to conquer, you have loyally served your country. By your exemplary conduct a standard has been established and maintained never before attained by any army. With mind and body as clean 270 71 ST NEW YORK IN THE WORLD WAR 271 and strong as the decisive blows you delivered against the foe, you are soon to return to the pursuits of peace. In leaving the scenes of your victory, may I ask that you carry home your high ideals and continue to live as you have served — an honor to the principles for which you fought and to the fallen com- rades you leave behind. It is with pride in our success that I extend to you my sin- cere thanks for your splendid service to the army and to the nation. Faithfully, John J. Pershing, Commander-in-Chief. OFFICIAL TELEGRAM FROM GENERAL PERSHING (Dated October 19, 1918) Commanding General, 27th Division : The following repeated for your information quote number 160603. The commander-in-chief desires you to convey to the officers and soldiers of your corps his appreciation of the mag- nificent qualities which have enabled them, against powerful resistance, to advance more than ten miles and to take more than six thousand prisoners since September twenty-seventh. OFFICIAL TELEGRAM FROM SIR DOUGLAS HAIG, K.T., G.C.B., G.C.Y.O., K.C.I.E. FIELD MARSHAL, COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF, BRITISH EXPEDITIONARY FORCES (Dated October 20, 1918) "General Read, II American Corps. I wish to express to you personally and to all the officers and men serving under you my warm appreciation of the very valuable and gallant services rendered by you, throughout the recent operations with the 4th British Army. Called upon to attack positions of great strength held by a determined enemy all ranks of the 27th and 30th American Divisions, under your command, displayed an energy, courage and determ^ination in attack which proved irresistible. It do€s not need me to tell you that in the heavy fighting of the 272 71sT NEW YORK past three weeks you have earned the lasting esteem and ad- miration of your British Comrades in arms whose success you have so nobly shared.'* D. Haig. OFFICIAL TELEGRAM FROM GENERAL H. L. RAWLIN- SON, COMMANDER OF THE FOURTH BRITISH ARMY II AMERICAN CORPS: Now that the American Corps has come out of the line for a well-earned period of rest and training, I desire to place on record my appreciation of the great gaUantry and the fine soldierly spirit they have displayed throughout the recent hard fighting. The breaking of the great Hindenburg system of defense, coupled with the captures of Grandcourt, Busigny and St. Souplet, and finally the forcing the passages of the LeSelle, constitute a series of victories of which each officer, N. C. 0. and man have every reason to feel proud. The Corps has been very well supported by the Artillery of the Australian Corps, to whom I desire to offer my best thanks for their skill and endurance during the long months they have now been in action. The efficiency with which the staff work of the Corps has been carried out on this their first experience as a fighting Corps in the line of battle has filled me with admiration, and I attribute it largely to the zeal and unity of purpose which has throughout anim,:ated the whole Corps. The outstanding feature of their recent victories has been the surprising gallantry and self-sacrifice of the regimental offi- cers and men. I congratulate them on their prowess and offer them one and all my warmest thanks for the leading part they have taken in the recent operations. It is possible now to give the Corps a period of rest, during which special attention should be paid to the training of the smaller units in minor tactics, such as the attack of strong points and machine gun nests. The experience they have had of actual combat will assist them to improve their fighting effi- ciency in this respect. In thanking the Corps as a whole for the great services they Our Brothers in Arms — The Australians. Top : Artillery. Bottom : Infantry IN THE WORLD WAR 273 have rendered to the Allied cause, I desire to wish all ranks the best of good fortune in the future. H. S. Rawlestson, General, Commanding Fourth Army. LETTER FROM THE COMMANDING GENERAL, 3RD AUSTRALIAN DIVISION France, 14 October, 1918. Major General J. F. O'Ryan, 27th Div. : General : On behalf of all ranks of the 3rd Australian Division, I de- sire to express our sincere appreciation of the fighting qualities displayed by the 27th Division U.S. on the 27th and 29th Sep- tember last. The gallant manner in which your troops faced an extrem,ely difficult task, the determination of their attack on a strongly entrenched position, and the undaunted spirit with which they met their losses made us hope that we shall again have the honour of fighting alongside the Division under your command. The confidence of the men in their officers ap- pealed to us as a particularly happy omen for the future suc- cesses of the 27th. Very respectfully, I. Gellibrand, Major General, Comg. 3rd Australian Division. HEADQUARTERS II CORPS AMERICAN EXPEDITIONARY FORCES France, Oct. 4, 1918. From: Adjutant General. To: Commanding General, 27th Division, American E.F. Subject: Operation against Hindenburg Line of September 29th, 1918. 1. Following is letter received from the Commanding General, Australian Corps: 274 71st new YORK AUSTRALIAN CORPS. Corps Headquarters, 2nd Oct., 1918. My dear General, As the Second American Corps has now been withdrawn from the line, and my official association with you and your troops has been for the time being suspended, I desire to express to you the great pleasure that it has been to me and to the troops of the Australian Army Corps to have been so closely allied to you in the recent very important battle operations which have resulted in the breaking through of the main Hindenburg Line on the front of the Fourth British Army. Now that fuller details of the work done by the 27th and 30th American Divisions have become available, the splendid gallantry and devotion of the troops in these operations have won the admiration of their Australian comrades. The tasks set were formidable, but the American troops overcame all obstacles and contributed in a very high degree to the ultimate capture of the whole tunnel system. I shall be glad if you will convey to your Division Com- manders m^^ appreciation and thanks for the work done and to accept my best wishes for every possible success in the future. Yours very sincerely, (Signed) John Monash. Major-General G. W. Read, N. A., Commanding II American Corps. 2. In communicating to you this expression of the sentiments of the Commander of the Australian Corps, the Corps Com- mander desires to make known to you his appreciation of the splendid fighting qualities of your divisions, and of the results they accomplished in their part in breaking this formidable por- tion of the Hindenburg Line. It is undoubtedly due to the troops of this Corps that the line was broken and the operations now going on made possible. The unflinching determination of those micn, their gallantry in battle and the results accomplished, are an example for the future. They will have their place in history and must always be a source of pride to our people. (Signed) Stephen C. Clark, Adjutant General. IN THE WORLD WAR 275 OFFICIAL BRITISH REPORT (Saturday night, Oct. 20, 1918) In the course of the last three weeks the Twenty-seventh and tJie Thirtieth Envisions of the II American Corps, operating with the Fourth British Army, have taken part with great gallantry and success in three major offensive operations, besides being engaged in a number of lesser attacks. In the course of this fighting they have displayed soldierly qualities of a high order and have materially assisted in the success of our attacks. Having fought with the utmost dash and bravery in the great attack of September 29th, in which the Hindenburg Line was broken, and having on that occasion captured the villages of Bellicourt and Mauroy, with a large number of prisoners, on October 8th the troops of the II American Corps again attacked in the neighborhood of Montbrehain. In three days of successful fighting they completed an advance of ten miles from Maton to St. Souplet, overcoming determ^ined resistance and capturing sev- eral strongly defended villages and woods. Throughout the past three days the II American Corps has again attacked daily and on each occasion with complete suc- cess, though the enemy's resistance has been most obstinate. Fighting their way forward from St. Souplet to the high ground west of the Sambre Canal, they have broken the enemy's re- sistance at all points, beating off many counter-attacks and realizing a further advance of nearly five miles. Over five thousand prisoners and many guns have been taken by the II American Corps. HEADQUARTERS II CORPS AMERICAN EXPEDITIONARY FORCES, FRANCE November 18, 1918. GENERAL ORDER, No. 44. 1. The following letter from the Commander-in-Chief of the British armies to the Comjnanding General, II Corps, is pub- lished for the information of the officers and men of this com- mand: Now that the American II Corps is leaving the British Zone, I wish once more to thank you and all officers, non-commis- 276 71sT NEW YORK sioned officers and men under your command, on behalf both of myself and all ranks of the British Armies in France and Flanders, for the very gallant and efficient service you have rendered during the period of your operations with the 4th British Army. On the 29th of September you took part with great distinc- tion in the great and critical attack which shattered the enemy's resistance in the Hindenburg Line and opened the road to final victory. The deeds of the 27th and 30th American Divisions who on that day took Bellicourt and Nauroy and so gallantly sustained the desperate struggle for Bony, will rank with the highest achievements of the war. They will always be remem- bered by the British regiments that fought beside you. Since that date, through three weeks of almost continuous fighting, you advanced from one success to another, overcoming all resistance, beating off numerous counter-attacks, and cap- turing several thousand prisoners and many guns. The names of Brancourt, Fremont, Vaux-Andigny, St. Souplet and Mazing- hien, testify to the dash and energy of your attacks. I rejoice at the success which has attended your efforts and I am proud to have had you under my command. (Signed) D. Haig, Field Marshal. September 30, 1918. TO THE COMMANDING GENERAL, 27th Division : In making a personal reconnaissance of the battle-field east and northeast of Duncan Post on the morning of September 30, it was evident from the onset the troops of the 27th Division had met with very heavy opposition and machine gun fire which was enfilading. There were a very large number of dead, all of which were lying with their faces toward the front, obviously being killed as they were advancing. Not in any one case was there a man moving backward when killed. Owing to the na- ture of the country the Germans were able to get enfilading machine gun fire which proved disastrous. Although the 27th Division may not have taken all objectives in all parts, it is very evident that by their gallant fighting on the left flank chey enabled the 30th Division on their right to do what they had set out to do, viz., to break the Hindenburg Line. Without IN THE WORLD WAR 277 the gallant fighting of the 27th Division, against great odds, it would have been impossible for the 30th Division to advance. I am convinced that the officers and men of the 27th Division have done all that was humanly possible for brave m,en to do, and their gallantry in this action must stand out through all time in American history. (Signed) H. Murray, Lieutenant-Colonel V.C.D.S.O. Bar., D.C.M. Commanding 4th Australian Machine-gun Bat- talion. HEADQUARTERS, 27TH DIVISION, U. S. A. AMERICAN E. F., FRANCE October 21, 1918. Bulletin No. 103. Since the 25th of September — a period of nearly a month — the Division has been engaged almost continuously in fighting and marching. Some of this fighting involved a leading role in one of the fiercest battles of the war — the breaking of the great Hindenburg defense line. We have suffered the loss of some of our best officers and men, but unfortunately such losses are incidental to battles of such magnitude. Only divisions highly trained and disciplined, possessing the greatest confidence and morale and at the very top notch of their strength could have accomplished what the Division and our comrades of the 30th Division accomplished in that great battle. Only such di- visions could have met the sacrifices demanded, and with morale unimpaired have renewed the advance in the manner character- istic of the operations of the past two weeks. This is not the occasion to describe the Hindenburg defenses or the details of the battle for breaking them. That will doubt- less be done after the war. The same comment applies to the details of the operations since that engagement. Nevertheless, the Division Commander cannot withhold this expression of his admiration and respect for the valor and discipline as well as the endurance and spirit manifested by officers and men through- out this long period of fighting. These sentiments are stimu- lated by the events of the past week. When reduced in num- 278 71sT NEW YORK IN THE WORLD WAR bers, the Division attacked the enemy, took the town of St. Souplet, forced the crossing of the Le Selle River, and against strong opposition successfully assaulted the heights on the other side. Since that date the Division has attacked daily, taking by force the town of Arbre Guernon and a number of strongly fortified farms and forcing a withdrawal of the enemy to the Canal de la Sambre. In this latter advance the Division captured more than 1,400 German officers and enlisted men, and a vast amount of mili- tary property, including field guns, a great number of machine guns, both light and heavy, anti-tank guns, trench mortars, dumps of ammunition and railroad rolling stock. In all this fighting the character of the enemy's resistance and the extent of his losses are indicated by the large numiber of enemy dead on the field. The efforts of the past month constitute a record to be proud of, and their value is indicated in the commendatory letter from the Commander-in-Chief of the British Expeditionary Forces which has been published for the information of the Division. Officers and men have justified estimates made of the Division when after its arrival in France it was selected to hold the Mont Kemmel sector against the expected great effort of the enemy to drive through to the sea. They have justified the opinions of their fighting qualities formed when this crisis, with the evacuation of Mont Kemmel had passed, and the Division promptly attacked and took Vierstraat Ridge, being, with the 30th Division on our left, the first American troops to fight on Belgian territory. John F. O'Ryan, Major General. 0r MfBHiiKi J The 54:tli Pioneer Infantry, Coblenz-Neuendorf, Germany. Top : Some 71st-54th Non-coms. Centre: Burial of Corporal Eddie O 'Shea (71). Bottom: Regimental Review. Ehrenbreitstein Fortress in Background. THE 54TH PIONEER INFANTRY This regiment was organized at Camp Wadsworth, S. C, in January, 1918, by redesignating the skeleton of the old 71st N. Y. Infantry. In it were about nineteen officers and 183 en- listed men of the old 71st, but later, through transfers, but six of the original 71st officers were left in the Pioneer regiment. Many of the 71st enlisted men who were transferred became non- commissioned staff officers and non-commissioned officers in the new organization. The duties of a Pioneer regiment at the time of the organiza- tion of the 54th were practically unknown and never during the war were they definitely fixed. Pioneer regiments in France were called upon to do whatever had to be done at the moment and for which no other troops were available. The organization of the 54th was the same as an infantry regiment with the ex- ception that there was no machine gun company, the head- quarters company consisted of only 184 men and the liaison and signal detachments were omitted. During the spring of 1918 the work of the 54th was theoretical for the officers and some practical drill. In August the regiment was filled with drafted men, about 83 per cent, of whom were from Minnesota and the balance from Pennsylvania and North and South Carolina. This draft, with what was left of the 71st, completed the regiment's quota of 3,549 enlisted men. On Au- gust 20th the regiment left Camp Wadsworth, destination un- known. It reached Camp Stuart on August 21st. On August 29th the regiment embarked for overseas, arriving at Brest September 12th. The following itinerary of the 54th shows its moves from the date of its organization to the date of its demobilization. During its entire existence it was com- manded by Colonel William G. Bates. Other 71st regiment offi- cers who served with the 54th were Major A. E. Wells, Captain Harvard A. Kehlbeck, Chaplain William T. Crocker, Captains E. 279 280 71sT NEW YORK IN THE WORLD WAR A. Robertson and Joseph H. McDermott and Lieutenants W. J. R. Ginn, Joseph H. Mode, Clayton T. Morgan and Matthew A. Liotta. The 54th was under fire while in France. Colonel Bates reported that it was a most excellent organization in every way, performing all of its varied assignments in a creditable way, and that it was a regiment that he was proud to command. 54th pioneer infantry January 3rd, 1918 The 54th Pioneer Infantry was created by G.O. No. 1, Headquarters Provisional Depot for Corps and Army Troops, Camp Wadsworth, S. C. The 71st Infantry, N.G.N.Y., being the nucleus, consisting of 19 officers and 183 men. August 20th, 1918 En route hy rail. 21st, i I Camp Stuart, Newport News, Va. 29th, i I Italian Transport ''Duca d'Aosta." September 12th, '■'' Pontanezen Barracks, Brest, France. 17th, n En route by rail. 20th, i ( Port d 'Atelier, Amance, France. 22nd, (I En route by rail. 23rd, i i Fleury sur Aire. 26th, i i Woods near Clermont. 29th, i i Field at Boureilles. October 12th, ( i Aubreville. November 16th, i c Dun-sur-Meuse. December 3rd, i ( Longuyon. 16th, (C Longwy. 22nd, < ( Dreis, Germany. 29th, ( i En route by rail. 30th, i( Neuendorf, Germany. May 24th-27th, 1919 En route by rail. 27th, i i Asnieres — Sable, France. June 6th, i ( En route by rail. 7th, i i Camp No. 1, St. Nazaire. 13th, ( ( U. S. Transport Artemis. 26th, C i Camp Stuart, Va. 29th, i i En route by rail. July 1st, i i Camp Grant, 111. August 16th, i I Colonel and Regimental Adjutant cleared and 54th Pioneer Infantry fully demo- bilized. THE 106TH FIELD ARTILLERY By Sergeant Herbert H. Foster Others have written well of the 71st in the field, through the balmy days of up-State guard duty, the pleasant period at Van Cortlandt Park, the farewell parades, the training at Spartan- burg and have carried it on to the Hindenburg Line, the mud of Flanders and the many engagements in which its men played prominent and heroic parts. This contribution will take up the scattered strand of the men transferred to the 106th Field Ar- tillery and follow them through the dismal Argonne, the muddy hill country before St. Mihiel, through the gun pits on and near La Cote de la Mort Homme (Dead Man's Hill) before the forts of Verdun, and along the war torn banks of the Meuse. Like other organizations the 106th Field Artillery had its trials and tribulations, its joys and adventures. Many humorous tales could be told of its individuals and many not so humorous. Rumor had it, and army rumors are sometimes well founded, that the War Department had the 71st slated for disintegration. This was hard to believe. In fact, it seemed so unfounded that very few discussed it. The men of the regiment reasoned that such action would not be taken because of its efficiency and strength. Had not the regiment been rated by all who had occasion to judge it, as one of the best, if not the best, guard regiment in the country? Then, too, the past performances in wars and emergencies should count for something. The memorable morning of the breaking up of the 71st was well described as ''Execution Day." The order and a regiment were being "executed." Men were to be amputated from its personnel until the execution was complete. The transfer of 168 involuntary volunteers to the 106th Field Artillery was the first step at Camp Wadsworth, We were formed at the heads of our company streets awaiting the last commands of our Captains that 281 282 71sT NEW YORK would take us to our new organization. Our friends lined up and although, the music was a rollicking army march, one of those that had carried us on many miles of hiking, to us who were leav- ing it was a dirge. As we neared the new camp we smiled a bit and thought of the life of an artilleryman. We were to have horses in this new command. No more long hikes. No more heavy packs. From now on the horses would do all the leg work and we would do the riding — just like Generals. A short march over the Wadsworth cotton fields brought us to the new camp. Cooks seemed to be busy about their duties. The usual congregation of ^ ' greaseballs " was busy on the pots. About the company streets men moved but there was no one to greet us. The band was not there. The regiment was not lined up. There was nothing glorious about our arrival. Perhaps they did not know we were from the Seventy-first ! They really could not realize our importance if this was to be our reception ! And so we wondered as we came to a halt close to the mess shacks to be looked over critically by the most typical bunch of ' ' kitchen mechanics" that could be gathered in a row of mess-shacks. We awaited our reception and got it. Our reception com- mittee approached in the person of Captain . He was then a Captain, later a Major and Lieutenant-Colonel, but always anything but encouraging. He looked us over critically as he approached, as one might look over a line of green horses, or perhaps as a slave dealer in the old days would look over a bunch of "blackbirds" on the slave block. "We are glad you are here, ' ' he stated abruptly. Down the line someone smiled an acknowledgment. "You, down there," he snapped. (We learned he was once an army sergeant; in fact he served as a non-com. for twenty years.) "Wipe that smile off your face. Do they teach you to grin at officers in the Seventy-first ? No wonder you 're here. The next time you grin will be the last time during your military service. As I said before, we are glad you are here. We are going to make soldiers of you. Forget that you ever served with the Seventy-first. Forget your society brand. Start soldiering quick so that you may live here in good health. As I said before, we are glad you are here. ' ' A nd then he turned about and left IN THE WORLD WAR 283 us dazed, to await the arrival of the battery commanders who were to take us to our respective batteries. All outfits have their hardboiled champs, all have the different types that make a regiment. We found the battery commanders in most cases good to look at and to listen to. Before the close of day we had been assigned to our new quarters, had taken our bearings and learned much about this new organization. We learned that we were now members of Buffalo's famed '^Tree Field Boofalo" which translated from the Polish was the ''Third Field Artillery of Buffalo." We learned that the regiment was recruited largely from the Polish quarter of Buffalo and that it boasted of twenty-two languages spoken within its ranks. With few exceptions its men were small men of great strength. Men who worked hard, lived hard, and fought hard at the slightest provocation, and often without provocation. But they made us feel at home. They were generous and later on we found that they were game to the core. Several had first shouldered a gun in the service of the German Emperor. The following day we were given horses. Many of the men of the 106th turned their horses over to us so that we of the dough- boys had three and even four horses each. The following morning we made our first formal call at the picket line where the 1,400 horses of the regiment were tied up. We noticed that Reveille was one hour earlier than in the in- fantry and that it was followed by a strange call before the early mess that sent everyone scurrying to the picket line with pails, feed bags and curry combs. We followed the crowd. We edged in between the horses and were instructed in the art of manicur- ing four horses each, the four that had been so generously turned over to us. Three times each day the horses had to be watered, fed and groomed. Before we had been there long a stream of former doughboys were walking, crawling and being carried to the hospital tent. Others were more fortunate and were still dodging flying hoofs disentangling themselves from rolling green stock or wondering why the pesky brutes sought so hard to bite off the hand that fed them. We lived and learned. Some of us during these ordeals on the picket line wished that we had died young. Others wondered how it would be possible to dodge those hoofs forever. Then the 284 71sT NEW YORK work became routine. We even learned to ride, after nursing the blisters acquired in the school of equitation. The next few weeks familiarized us with the new drill regulations. We learned how to handle the guns. Captain almost forgot that we were from the Seventy-first. Some of the erstwhile doughboys earned non-com. stripes. Before three months had passed 75 per cent, of the men transferred had been warranted non-coms, while two had been made First-sergeants. Then came the hike to the mountains at Campobello where the regiment was to do some firing of the howitzers. Our camp was at a location called Dark Hollow, named not only for its gloomy aspect but for the dark deeds that were reputed to have hap- pened there. Revenue men had steered clear of it or entered the mountains with a flag of truce. So we were told. During the next two weeks the big guns boomed steadily. The Division staff watched with interest and praised the work of the gun crews. All day these Poles of superhuman strength, stamina and courage demonstrated their efficiency with the howitzers. Despite their occasional melees we began to realize that we were soldiering with a regiment that would make its effectiveness known in the big game that was soon to come. The return to camp came soon. Then the entrainment for Newport News. We embarked on the transport one spring night and after a ten-day trip of little excitement, except that pro- vided by several submarine scares, we awoke to learn our first French, reading the signs on wharf building through port holes at St. Nazaire. We marched through the city to a rest camp several miles inland, having left our guns and horses behind, and without them we felt as carefree as doughboys. Most of us hoped we would never see a horse again. Those of us whose curiosity did not take us beyond the camp limit — there were no passes — were put to ''rest" on a sledge hammer with instructions to lay several miles of roadbed on a nearby railroad. Others unloaded the ships at the piers. Those who did get into town past the M. P.'s never got back. The closest they got to their company streets was the rock pile of the Provost Marshal, where they stayed and worked until the regi- ment left for a town south of Bordeaux where we were to be billeted until there was room for the regiment in a training camp IN THE WORLD WAR 285 near the Spanish border where we were to be oufitted with guns, horses and other equipment needed on the line. While waiting in the little town of Souge le Bruant we had our first freedom in France. Ten or twelve men were billeted together in houses scattered in the village ajad its outskirts, the regiment being so scattered that it could not be assembled for drill. No passes were needed to leave the billets. The town was wide open. Every evening the tables on the sidewalks in front of the cafes were lined with men behind cold bottles which could be had at one franc per. Gradually we learned to converse with the barmaids and the townspeople, and every evening the regi- mental band played a concert in the village where groups of the troops and townspeople mingled and made friends. Three pleasant weeks of freedom were spent at La Souge, in which we learned much French, much of French mannerism and much of the war from the French troops on furlough and the disabled Americans that were already filling the hospitals at Bordeaux. We left many friends behind in the town and began intensive training with the French 155 millimeter howitzers on a sandy plain close to the Spanish border. The big howitzers were soon capably handled by our gun-crews who fired every day. Then came gas schools, schools of line communications, schools for specialists and for the many technical troops that make up an artillery regiment's headquarters. At the end of three weeks we had absorbed all that the French could teach and piled 80 to a car plainly marked with a capacity of "40 hommes" we began our journey for the line. We had been v/arned that we would be packed into the toy French freight cars like sardines. We found our comfort very unlike the sar- dine's. In a can they could at least lay flat. In the toy cars it was only possible to stand up — and this for three days and nights. Our destination was reached at night, a town a dark blur on the landscape, ghostly in aspect, and we were cautioned by our officers to speak in whispers. We wondered where the enemy was and when he would begin firing upon us. After a three-day hike we arrived at a point that w^as within range of the extreme long range guns. In the distance we could hear their steady boom. We were told that in this town. Bar le Due. an occasional shell would drop. 286 71sT NEW YORK We parked our outfit at Bar le Due and the following evening headed for the line. We moved at night and slept or worked under the camouflage over our guns and horses before sunrise each day. For three days we hiked and then reached the ruins of a small hamlet near the forts of Verdun which showed the marks of very heavy fighting. The town was well equipped with dug-outs and shell-proofs and several well filled French military cemeteries. During the day several enemy planes scouted over the woods that hid us. Allied planes skirmished with them occasionally, but not until bombs had been dropped into our wooded patch and in the vicinity of a nearby railhead. Without lights or knowledge of the road or our destination, we moved forward for our position in the line. Our trail led across miles of shell-torn fields, through ruined hamlets, closer to the distant booming that continued incessantly. Our guns were often mired as the great French horses would not pull in their harness. Through knee- deep mud we helped to pull the howitzers forward, often sinking deep in the mire of shell holes. A desultory fire was continued on our important points all night. The crackle of rifles could be heard or the rat-tat-tat-tat of a machine gun volley, turned loose on a raiding or scouting party. Now and then an enemy plane showered us with a volley of machine gun bullets and in turn was greeted by our anti- aircraft batteries in the hills. All night it rained. In fact, from then on it always rained. Before dawn our guns were sunk into pits at the base of a low hill, with other hills surrounding us, and the position was well camouflaged. During the next few days the guns were manned occasionally for a random shot, then an enemy position was located and our battery called on to open fire. At the end of six rounds, the enemy's position was no more. Later in the day the Bosche gun- ners sought vengeance and we were shelled for an hour in the afternoon and again in the evening, but there were only a few minor casualties and we moved to a new position, further for- ward, the following evening. All day long little groups of Ger- man prisoners were marched along the roads. We learned that these were either voluntary prisoners or those picked up by American raiding parties the night before. IN THE WORLD WAR 287 And then came the big" day. The long lines of troops ceased to pass in the night. Artillery units moved forward under cover of darkness and the morning found us well to the front with not one battery visible in our vicinity. On the morning of Septem- ber 26, 1918, from Verdun to the sea the great American drive was opened. Before four o'clock the guns had started to boom in the dark hills around us. In front of our positions there was the steady snap and whirr of the 75 mm. batteries. On our flanks the howitzers pounded in chorus. From our rear the big guns, the 6-inch rifles and large American and French naval railroad guns, sent their tons of steel hurtling noisily over our heads. The moving troops at night during the past two weeks had been unnoticed. The dead sector had awakened and only later in the morning did the enemy batteries recover from their surprise and start a counter action. As reports came in our guns were resighted on different objectives. Now on. a battery going into position and ready to open fire; again on the retreating Ger- mans. Several times we destroyed important roads to prevent retreat and once we were called upon to stop a train of munitions seven miles away. The gun crews worked stripped to the waist. Automatically shells v^ere passed from the ammunition dumps to the gunners who sent their death warrants along. Perspiration mixed with dust and smoke, striped their naked backs. The last of the German batteries, left behind to cover a hasty retreat, were shot out of action later in the day. The Germans were gathering their forces in one of the towns behind their linqs and machine guns were giving the infantry ahead trouble. A box barrage was ordered for the town. The guns of the entire regiment were sighted for their respective positions in the box and on four sides of the town a steady rain of shells began falling at close intervals and the four sides were gradually moved to- ward the centre. In the interim the 75 mm. ^uns pounded the centre of the box. We later learned that several regiments had been almost destroyed. There were few casualties. Several men of the brigade had died during the battle, others had been wounded and our brigade, separated from our own infantry, w^as moved about the line to support various infantry divisions. Now we were on the Meuse. Now in the hills before Verdun. 288 71sT NEW YORK Again in the Argonne or perhaps before St. Mihiel. It was firing all day and moving all night. Now and then we lost a man or two. Several times the enemy located us at night and sent our men to the hospitals, but few were killed. Enemy aviators took delight in strafing the roads and gun positions with machine-gun barrages. Many times we witnessed their courage as they swept low over our lines until destroyed. During the day they came over to put out our eyes (destroy the observation balloons that guided our fire). The aviators who were brought down within our lines were mere youths but with the ethics of the soldier. Armistice Day found our regiment on the banks of the Meuse, wet, tired and sick but still firing as fast as the lanyards could be pulled. Crepion was our objective that morning. Crepion and its innumerable machine gun nests of concrete and steel that sent many of the doughboys ahead of us on their way to a better world. That day all was quiet but a new war was opened on the cootie. We had been busy and had given him little attention, but the eleventh was no Armistice Day for the ''seam squirrel." On that day his casualties were great. That night the whole country flared with Very lights. Rockets and powder were burned by the ton and now and then one of our own ' ' wild men ' ' added to the festivities with a machine gun volley. It was a strange sight to see automobiles with lights moving along the roads. The great stillness that came after the months of heavy firing was ghostly. For several days after our trail led us forward into the little town of Crepion and beyond the German defense system. The War Lord had taken good care of his men. Food may have been scarce but their quarters were as comfortable as many homes. In one dugout several bags of mail were found. In these there were little parcels of potatoes. Others had two or three onions, while a half a dozen jugs of beer were located. Half out of a trench we found a young boy, perhaps not over sixteen years of age, killed on the morning of the Armistice. In his hand he clasped a letter in German, addressed from Umlaut and written by his mother. Translated it read, ' ' I have dreamed bad dreams of you. I am afraid that something has happened. Come home on a furlough if you can, etc. " Her vision had been true. IN THE WORLD WAR 289 News then started to sift to tlie line regarding homeward movements. Our division would probably be home by Christ- mas. Rumor ran wild, but our position on the line was held for several months. The ''Tree Field Boofalos" spent most of their time exploding German duds and chasing stray jack rabbits through the barb wire with enemy hand grenades. Then came the correct report that took us to the military barracks near Verdun. We slept there in a cold, windowless, stone-floored building and drilled and drilled for three weeks. We entrained for Laval where we were to await our turn to enter the camp at Brest from where we would embark for home after passing final inspections, ridding ourselves for evermore of the cootie by scientific methods, etc. Laval was a quaint little cit}^ that afforded such things as eggs, fresh beef, good things to drink, and amusement galore. We liked Laval and stayed there for four weeks. At Brest three days of hurried inspections found us on the good ship America, which pulled anchor as the last man stepped from the lighter. Then a great home public welcome and many greater private welcomes. An issue of discharges and then back to the old job^ — when it was available. If not, back on the job hunters' staff. Few will deny the value of their experience. Few will deny that they still contrast the mud and wet and dirt of living conditions on the line with those of the present. In the war a million optimists were born, a million men who on the line planned great things ' ' if they lived. ' ' No one wants another war except perhaps the fellows who made the raincoats that were only good to throw away, or perhaps the fellow who canned all that gold- fish or corned willie. Still, another emergency would not find us wanting; it would find the veterans of the Guard kicking about the last war but ready for the next. THE 106th field artillery Arrival in France, June 18th, 1918. Artillery Training Period at Camp de Souge, France, July 17th to August 30th, 1918. Minor Operation Occupation of front line sector in support of the 33rd Division, in the 17th French Corps, First Ameri- can Army, September 9th, 1918. 290 71sT NEW YORK Battle St. Mihiel Offensive, September 12th, 1918. Battle Meuse-Argonne Offensive (on west bank of the Meuse, between Bethincourt, Forges, Gercourt and Dannevoux), Sep- tember 26th, 1918. Minor Action Meuse-Argonne Offensive. Forges, Consenvoye, Dannevoux, Meuse River Sector, September 27th-October 2nd, 1918. Engagement Meuse-Argonne Offensive. Attack on Brieulles, October 3rd-7th, 1918. Battle Meuse-Argonne Offensive. Attack on Bois de Chaume, Bois Plat-Chene and Consenvoye, October 8th-13th, 1918. Battle Meuse-Argonne Offensive. Attack on Heights of the Grande Montague, France, October 14th, 1916. Minor Operation Meuse-Argonne Offensive. Vilosnes, Sivry, Bois de Chaume Line, October 15th-21st, 1918. Relief. On October 21st the 33rd Division was relieved by the 15th French Colonial Division and the 52nd Field Artil- lery Brigade was relieved by the Divisional artillery of this Division. The Brigade then proceeded to rest areas as foUows: 106th Field Artillery— Bois la Ville. Minor Action Meuse-Argonne Offensive. Grande Montague, Belleu Bois, and Bois d'Ormont Sector, October 29th-November 1st and 2nd, 1918. Battle Meuse-Argonne Offensive. Dun-sur-Meuse, France, No- vember lst-2nd-3rd, 1918. Battle Meuse-Argonne Offensive. Attack on Haraumont Ridge and Borne du Cornouiller, France, November 4th-7th, 1918. Battle Meuse-Argonne Offensive. Operations resulting in the capture of Reville, Etraye and Crepion, November 8th, 1918. Battle Meuse-Argonne Offensive. Operations against Cote du Romagne, Cote du Morimont, and Cote du Chateau, November 9th-llth, 1918. Overseas Types. By Captain E. C. Dreher. 291 BATTLES OF THE 27th DIVISION ACKNOWLEDGMENT The following descriptions of battles of the 27th Division are extracted from "The Story of the 27th Division/' by Major General John F. 'Ryan, and with the consent and through the courtesy of General O'Ryan. The writer also acknowledges his indebtedness to Captain James A. Walsh, General 'Ryan's Secretary, who has been exceedingly courteous and helpful. BATTLE OP VIERSTRAAT RIDGE On the 30th of August information was received that south of us the enemy were giving up the Lys salient and that British patrols had been enabled to advance for a considerable distance and had captured Bailleul. Accordingly the 27th Division was directed to push out patrols on the following day to determine evidences of retirement on our own front. About the same time the 41st British Division on our right discovered that the enemy had given up Mt. Kemmel, and accordingly this important posi- tion was occupied by their advance elements. Field Orders No. 36, of the 27th Division, were issued on August 31st, directing the advance of the 53d Infantry Brigade on Vierstraat Ridge. This advance was begun at 11:30 A. M. on the same day by patrols of the 2d Battalion, 105th Infantry, advancing through the 3d Battalion of that regiment commanded by Captain Stan- ley Bulkley. Thus began the engagement known as the battle of Vierstraat Ridge. In this attack the 53d Infantry Brigade ad- vanced with the 106th Infantry on the right and the 105th on the left. At the commencement of this action the front line occupied by the 27th Division faced in a southeasterly direction. It was the object of the Army Commander in making the advance to swing 292 Top: General O 'Eyan, Major Kineaid and Captain Eddy. Bottom: Peronne, September, 1918. 71 ST NEW YORK IN THE WORLD WAR 293 the line so that it would face almost due east. The 30th Ameri- can Division on our left was called upon to make a short advance for the purpose of taking the village of Vormezeele. This division in a sense therefore acted as a pivot while the 27th Division moved forward. Correspondingly the advance of the 105th Infantry was to extend from this pivot and conform to the greater advance to be made by the 106th Infantry on its right. The boundary between the two regimental sectors was the road running from Hallebast southeasterly through Vierstraat to Wytschaete. On the afternoon of August 31st the 105th In- fantry advanced successfully, taking Captain's Post and Major's Post, and consolidated their position in the trenches running along the easterly side of the York Road, advancing its left beyond Middle Farm. In similar manner south of the highway above referred, to, the 106th Infantry advanced in their sector across the Cheapside Road and crossing the York Road and con- solidated, occupied the enemy trenches known as Vierstraat Switch, running along the easterly side of York Road. The attack of the 106th Infantry covered a greater depth than that of the 105th, the southern boundary line of their advance extend- ing from the Milky Way to the V. C. Road east of Rossignol Camp. By 5 :00 P. M. both regiments were engaged in consoli- dating the new line, which included what was left of the village of Vierstraat. Both regiments had taken a number of prisoners and had captured considerable booty in the way of machine gans, anti-tank rifles, grenades, ammunition and other supplies. The following day the 105th Infantry were to hold their posi- tion, while the 106th Infantry, with their left as a pivot, connect- ing with the 105th at the village of Vierstraat, were to advance on the right from Ft. Halifax until their line ran due north and south. This movement was successfully made by the 106th In- fantry, which had completed its task by 11 :30 on the morning of September 1st. The enemy's defense from this time on was considerably strengthened. The 105th Infantry, having ex- tended its left beyond Middle Farm, now attacked Redoubt Farm and the trenches in Carre Farm, and later the railway and that part of the Chinese Trench within its sector. At the same time the 106th, with its front extending north and south, at- tacked and took Chinese Trench on both sides of the Vierstraat- 294 71sT NEW YORK -/V"^=