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 LIBRARY OF CONGRESS. | 
 
 UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. ^ 
 
PROCEEDINGS 
 
 A^■D 
 
 ADDRESS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 ^J=3^SS^^ 
 
 ASSEMBLED AT TRENTON, ON THE EIGHTH DAY OF 
 
 JANUARY, 1828, 
 
 WHICH NOMmATED 
 
 AMDRHl^ JAOKSON 
 
 FOR PRESIDEKT, 
 
 JOHN O. CALHOITN 
 
 FOR FICE-PRESIDE.YT, 
 
 m tilt Hnitctr SUte^i* 
 
 Kvmion : 
 
 PRINTED BY JOSEPH JUSTICE. 
 
 1828. 
 
Q 9. '• 
 
 
 \r-:|» 
 
NEW JERSEY 
 4 STATE CONVENTION, 
 
 ^ 
 
 ^ CITY OF TREJ^TOJ^, JANUARY, 8, 1828. 
 
 '-0 
 
 2» 
 
 THE Republican Convention of (his State, assembled this day, ia 
 the State-House, pursuant to pubhc notice, for the purpose of select- 
 ing and recommending suitable persons to be supported at ibe ensuing 
 election for Electors of President and Vice President of the Unitea 
 States, and proceeded to the choice of officers : 
 
 Whereupon, EDWARD CONDICT, esq. of the county of Mor- 
 ris, was elected President, John Clement, esq. of Gloucester, and 
 Daniel Vliet, esq. of Warren, were elected Vice Presidents, and Hen- 
 ry B. Hagerma7i, esq. of Bergen, Doctor Ephraim Buck, of Cumber- 
 land, and George H. McCarter, esq. of Sussex, were appointed Se- 
 cretaries, of the Convention. 
 
 Delegates from all the counties, viz : — Bergen, Essex, Morris, 
 Sussex, Warren, Hunterdon, Somerset, Middlesex, Burlington, Mon- 
 mouth, Gloucester, Salem, Cumberland, and Cape-May, presented 
 their several credentials, which being read and approved, the Dele- 
 gates were admitted, and respectively took their seals in the Conven- 
 tion. 
 
 The following Electoral Ticket was selected, and unanimously 
 agreed upon to be supported at the ensuing election, viz :— 
 
 WILLIAM McCULLOUGH, of Warren. 
 
 ROBERT H. McCARTER, of Sussex. 
 
 GEORGE MAXWELL, of Hunterdon. 
 
 WILLIAM I. CONOVER, of Monmouth. 
 
 CRESSE TOWNSEND, of Cape-Mmj. 
 
 JOSEPH KILLE, of Salem. 
 
 ABRAHAM GODWIN, of Essex. 
 
 WILLIAM N. SHINN, of Burlington. 
 
 The following Resolutions were unanimously adopted : 
 
 Resolved, That this Convention Iiave undiminished confidence in 
 the Patriotism, Republican Principles, and ability, of ANDREW 
 JACKSON, of Tennessee, and John C. Calhoun, of South-Caro- 
 lina, and that the Electors nominated by this Convention, be instructed 
 to vote for Andrew Jackson as President, and John C. Calhoun a*' 
 Vice President. 
 
 iSi. 
 
Resolved, That the friends of Andrew Jackson, in the State oi 
 New-Jersey, be requested to meet in iheir respective couniies, and 
 appoint Delegates to meet in Convention at Trenton, on the third 
 Wednesday in September next, for the purpose of selecting suitable 
 persons to be supported at the ensuing election, to represent this State 
 in the Congress of the United Slates. 
 
 Resolved, That the members of this Convention pledge themselves 
 to use all lawful means to promote the success of the Electoral Ticket 
 agreed upon by this Convention. 
 
 Resolved, That Capt, John W. Mickle, Peter D. Vroom, Cornelius 
 Ludlow, Garret D. Wall, and Samuel B. Miller, esquires, be a Com- 
 mittee to prepare and publish an Address to the Electors of this Slate, 
 to be signed by the President, Vice Presidents, and Secretaries. 
 
 Resolved, That the following persons be appointed Committees in 
 the several counties to correspond with each other in furtherance of 
 the views of ibis Convention : — 
 
 Bergen — Hon. George Cassedy, Hackejnsack; Major Andrew P. 
 Hopper, Saddle River; Col. Henry B. Hagerman, Franklin; Samuel 
 Svvartvvout, Hoboken ; Samuel Cassedy, Jersey City. 
 
 Essex — William Chetwood, Elizabeth-Town; Rev. William Ha- 
 gadorn, Newark ; John L. Huuson, Caldwell ; John Travers, Pa- 
 terson ; Elias Van Arsdale, jr. Newark. 
 
 Morris — Daniel C. Martin, Morristown ; Henry A. Ford, do.; 
 George H. Ludlow, Millington ; Peter C. Bov.ne, Schooley's Moun- 
 tain ; Elijah Ward, Chatham. 
 
 Sussex — \Villiam T. Anderson, Newton ; Samuel Price, Branch- 
 ville ; George H. McCarter, Newton ; Simeon McCoy, Deckers- 
 town ; Robert A. Linn, Hamburg. 
 
 Warren — William Kennedy, Still Valley ; John Young, Belvidere ; 
 Jonathan W. Ingham, Mansfield, Asbury P. O. ; Grant Filch, John- 
 sonburgh ; Daniel VIeit, Hacketts-Town. 
 
 Hunterdon — Peter I. Clark, Flemington; Colonel Richard Coxe, 
 Pitisiown; Major William Hunt, Hum's Mills; Doctor John Lilly, 
 Lambertsville ; Isaac Welling, Hopewell. 
 
 Somerset — William A. Van Doren, Peapack ; Nicholas C. Jobs, 
 Liberty Corner ; John M. Mann, Somerville ; Jainec S. Green, Prince- 
 ton; Joseph W. Scott, New-Brunswick. 
 
 Monmouth — Joseph W. Reckless, Upper Freehold; Daniel B. 
 Ryall, Freehold; Thomas G. Haight, Shrewsbury ; Colonel Augustus 
 Bennett, Middletown ; Andrew Simpson, Hov/ell. 
 
 Middlesex-^S^mGs Parker. Perth Amboy;.John Outcah, South 
 Amboy ; James Stryker, Woodbridge ; Littleton Kirkpairick, New- 
 Brunswick; Joseph McChesney, South Branch. 
 
 Burlington — John L. INIcKnight, Bordentown ; John Realty, Mount 
 Holly ; Walter Wilson, Burlington ; James Hunter Sterling, do, ; 
 Yolney B. Palmer, Mount-Holly., 
 
5 
 
 Gloucester — John Clement, Newton ; Robert L. Armstrong, Wood 
 bury J Benjamin B. Cooper, Waterford; Morris C. Croxall, Cam- 
 den ; Robert Cooper, Woolwich. 
 
 Salem — Hon. Daniel Garrison, Salem; Richard Craven, Lower 
 Pennsneck ; Joseph L. Risley, Pilesgrove; Jacob Wick, Centreville; 
 Edward VVaddiiigton, Lower A. Creek. 
 
 Cumberland — James D. Westcott, Briclgeton ; Daniel L. Burt, 
 Fairton ; John McFash, Dividing Creek ; Thomas Lee, Port Eliza- 
 beth ; Cooper Madden, Millvijle. 
 
 Cape-J\lay--Chrk Henderson, Dennis Creek; Doctor Joseph 
 Fifielri. Court-House; Humphrey Hughes, Cape Island; Ezekiel 
 Slf vens, Cold Spring ; Conslantine Blackman, Brearley's Point. 
 
 Resoked, That Joseph M. Bispham, Garret D. Wall, Stacy G. 
 Pons, Evan Evans. Thomas J. Stryker, John R. Tucker, Jasper S. 
 Scudder, John R. Dill, John R. Smith, John Titus, jr. John Scudder, 
 Edward S. Mcllvaine, and Thomas Gordon, be a Central Commit- 
 tee to correspond with the County Committees. 
 
 Resolved, That ihe thanks of this Convention be presented to the 
 President and Vice Presidents, for the dignified and able manner in 
 which they have presided at this meeting, and to the Secretaries for 
 their services. 
 
 Resolved, That the proceedings of this Convention be signed by 
 the President, Vice Presidents, and Secretaries, and published in all 
 the newspapers printed in this state, favourable to the elevation of 
 Andrew Jackson to the Chief Magistracy of the United States. 
 
 By order of the Convention. 
 
 EDWARD CONDICT, President. 
 
 John Clement, | j^.^^ Presidents. 
 
 Daniel Vliet, ) 
 Henry B. Hagerman, ") 
 Ephraim Buck, > Secretaries. 
 
 George H. Mc Carter, ) 
 
 TO THE ELECTORS OF THE STATE OF NEW-JERSEY. 
 
 THE Republican Convention assembled at Trenton on the Sih of 
 January, having, after a free and temperate discussion, cordially united 
 in presenting to you an Electoral ticket favourable to the election oi 
 Anokew Jackson of Tennessee, for President, and John C. Calhoun 
 of South-Carolina, for Vice-President of the United States, beg leave 
 to offer for your consideration a (ew remarks, explanatory of the views 
 and motives that have induced the course they have taken. They feel 
 themselves actuated by principles, the preservation of which is of the 
 first importance to the well being of our common country. They believe 
 the occasion cails for the v.'atcbfu] attention and vigorous exertion of 
 
6 
 
 every Ameiicau patriot; anrl thus feeling and believing, they hesitate 
 not to appeal to your candour, your intelligence, and your virtue; and 
 to ask your co-operation, only, in case your honest judgments shall 
 yield a full and cordial assent. 
 
 Before entering on the brief discussion which is intended to be sub- 
 mitted, we beg leave to present to your consideration one principle that 
 ought never to be forgotten — that by the constitution of our country, the 
 people possess the undoubted right of choosing their President, once 
 every four years. This privilege was secured to them with a view to 
 its free, uniform and unquestioned exercise. It was believed, that it 
 would exert a salutary influence over the conduct of the high incum- 
 bent, and place him where he ought always to stand, dependent alone 
 on the people's will; and such must be the natural consequence if the 
 people are faithful to their trust. 
 
 But it cannot have escaped the attention of the most cursory obser- 
 ver, that the friends of the present administration are constantly enquir- 
 ing of the people, why it is that Mr. Adams and his adherents are (o be 
 excluded from office at the end of four years? Why they are not to lie 
 permitted to hold the reins of government as long as any of those 
 who have preceded them. And it is tauntingly asked, what has the 
 administration done to warrant such conduct on the part of the people? 
 why is it to be singled out as the peculiar object of a nation's scorn? 
 And venal presses have even gone so far as to denounce the determi- 
 nation of the people freely to exercise their elective rights, and declare 
 it unprincipled and factious. 
 
 Now, although it is our intention to assign some of the many reasons 
 which impel us to oppose the men who now rule the destinies of our coun- 
 try, we must be permitted here to enter our solemn protest against the 
 doctrine that the people are bound to render to their servants thereasons 
 why they choose to vote for one man or set of men in preference to 
 another. The people are amenable, only to the law ; while the repre- 
 sentatives are amenable not only to the law, but to the people also. 
 This rule is universal, and extends even to the Presided himself. The 
 people sit in judgment upon his motives and his conduct— they inquire 
 for themselves — and though they should find nothing lo censure or con- 
 demn, yet, when the time arrives, at which they may legally act, it is 
 their invaluable right, to select one who may, in their judgment, be en- 
 titled to greater confidence, or who, in the discharge of his various du- 
 ties, has gained more generally the afteciions of the country. Let this 
 principle never be forgotten. A moment's reflection must satisfy us of 
 its importance. 
 
 The modern doctrine is, that when the President is constitutionally 
 elected, he ought to be re-elected, unless for good cause shewn to the 
 contrary; that he has a kind of vested right, which ought not to be in- 
 cautiously disturbed. And you have been told that this doctrine is sanc- 
 tioned by precedent. It is but too true — and it should be a subject of 
 reflection and concern to every freeman in the state of New-Jersey. It 
 should stimulate you to rise up in the power of your strength, and teach 
 the propagators of such notions, that you have been taught in other 
 schools, and still reverence the principles you there imbibed. 
 
Look for a moment at the tendency of such a doctrine, in reference 
 to the election of President. If the practice of a unifortn re-election of 
 President is to prevail, it amounts to a virtual alteration of the consti- 
 tution ; and the President will, in truth, be elected for eight years instead 
 of four. In place of a free and unbiased selection every four years of 
 the man whom you may suppose most worthy of your confidence, you 
 will be reproached if not ridiculed for even lisping opposition to the in- 
 cumbent, no matter what may have been his official conduct or by what 
 means his election may have been procured; it will be considered aa 
 encroachment upon the prerogative of the President, which nothing 
 but absolute necessity can justify. To foresee these consequences needs 
 not the gift of second sight. And is this, think you, the policy of the 
 people ? or is it not rather the selfish policy of those who misrepresent- 
 ing the people and abusing their trust, are making use of every means 
 to perpetuate power in their own hands. You will answer. 
 
 But you are told, that frequent and contested elections agitate the 
 community, and inflame the passions of the people; and that these ex- 
 citements ought to be guarded against as productive of mischief. To 
 some men, nothing is so alarming as the honest expression of public 
 sentiment. They would prefer the calm and quietude of despotism to 
 those periodical and wholesome storms which purify the political ele- 
 ments, and bring with them increased health and vigour. Of such poli- 
 ticians beware. Their views are selfish, and their motives corrupt. 
 Their object is to speculate on the credulity of the people, and sitting 
 in high places, laugh to scorn the dupes of their artifices. 
 
 But if there should be any soundness in these speculations; if under 
 ordinary circumstances the interest of the countpy should require a pas- 
 sive submission on the part of the people, can it be pretended that ihey 
 are called on to yield it at this lime — and thereby aid in the re-election 
 of Mr. Adams, merely because he has been made constitutionally the 
 President, and will have served only four years. Surely it cannot be 
 forgotten that Mr. Adams did not obtain a majority, nor yet a plurality 
 of the votes of the American people, for the high office he now holds. 
 It cannot be forgotten that at the last election, the people in their col- 
 leges made no choice ; and that by the provisions of the constitution, 
 the right of appointment was exercised by those who had not been elec- 
 ted with a view to the exercise of that power, and who, in many in- 
 stances acted in direct hostility to the known will of their constituents^ 
 And who of you has forgotten, that Mr. Adams himself, when about to 
 enter on the solemn duties of his office, adverted to the fact of his hav- 
 ing received fewer votes of the people than his distinguished competi- 
 tor, and regretted that by the forms of the constitution, there was no 
 way provided of referring the question back to the people. Surely the 
 President and his friends should be the last to raise objections to the 
 free exercise of the elective privilege. The President himself, if his 
 professions and principles are in accordance, should rejoice that the pe- 
 riod has at lengin arrived, when, according to the forms of that same 
 consthution, the question is again referred to the people. But what is 
 the fd.cl2 Do you not hear h echoed and re-echoed from Florida to 
 
8 
 
 Maine, that Mr. Adams, the great statesman, is constitutionally the Pre- 
 sident; and that he oyght to be re-elected? Are you not exhorted to 
 stand hy the administration and oppose the dangerous precedent of 
 electing a new chief magistrate, until the old one shall have enjoyed the 
 office as long as any of his predecessors? What has become of the max- 
 im, that frequent elections and rotation in office are the vital principles 
 of a republican government? It has been left to these days of diploma- 
 tic illumination ; and to the wisdom of modern politicians to discover the 
 error of this maxim!! Now, forsooth, frequent elections are dangerous I 
 The farmers and mechanics of the cotmtry ought not to be troubled 
 with choosing, or even thinking about the choice of their rulers. The 
 plough and the loom, the axe and the hammer ought not to be arrested 
 in their operations — they arc better fitted to the grovelling capacities 
 of the people than the exercise of elective rights, and the choos- 
 ing of a President! And if we have heard nothing of that divine right 
 by which certain kings claim to hold their sceptres, we have certainly 
 had it from high authority that " the Representative ought not to be 
 palsied by the will of his constituents." 
 
 Again. It cannot be forgotten, and it never ivill he forgotten^ that Mr,, 
 Adams came into office under circumstances calculated to awaken strong 
 suspicions in the bosoms of a jealous and intelligent people. That there 
 is great room for doubt in regard to the purity of the transaction, we 
 think, none will deny. The acts attendant upon the election; the mys- 
 terious conduct of Mr. Clay; and his subsequent appointment to the of- 
 fice of Secretary of state by Mr. Adams, to whom he had been bitterly 
 opposed — and whom he had denounced as a traitor to his country; the 
 pledge given by Mr. Adams to Mr. Webster, at a time when the votes 
 of New- York and IMaryland wete in suspense, and were held by two 
 distinguished federalists, one from each state, and their subsequently 
 voting for Mr. Adams; the developemenis that have since been made 
 by some of Mr. Clay's friends, and the examinations before the senate 
 of Kentucky, all unite in confirming the idea that the leading actors in 
 that political drama understood each other perfectly well. If it were not 
 so, the singular ditidfortunatc coincidence of actions and opinions, which 
 occurred at that memorable period can only be accounted for on the prin- 
 ciples of a miracle. It is in vain you are called on to prove some actual 
 corruption; or else acquit the parties accused. It is enough that your 
 suspicions have been excited ; and that every attempt to lemove them 
 has failed. It is your privilege to say, "we are not satisfied, and we 
 have no further need of your services." 
 
 W^e ask you then fellow-citizens — whether at this time you will con- 
 sent to forego your elecUve rights ? or whether you will not rejoice in 
 exercising them for the purpose of proscribing the doctrine that the 
 elective franchise is at any lime dangerous in a free government? Never 
 tolerate the idea that you are to be arraigned by your own servants on 
 matters of consiiihtional right. Your will is the supreme law; make no 
 compromise with precedent or convenience — and rest assured you will 
 have little to fear from the fiiwning of the sycophant, or the smoothness 
 of hypocrisv. 
 
9 
 
 We proceed now to assi2;n some of the reasons that actuate us in op- 
 posing t'le re-eleciion of Mr. Adams as Prosiilent. And in the first 
 plare — We believe lie was elected in opposition to the known will of 
 the people of a majority of the states ; and that to procure his election 
 the spirit of the constitiuion was grossly and wantonly violated. Soine 
 may affect to doubt the first position. We do not intend to lake up time 
 in the argument. Ingenious men may speculate on the subject till they 
 are weary. They may contrive to prove to their own satisfaction, and 
 that by figures too, th^t Mr. Adams obtained more votes than General 
 Jackson, and following up the delusion, ihey may go so far as to contend 
 thai in these halcyon days, the people are really in the minority. But 
 if there were any doubt, it has long since been dispelled. The people 
 themselves have spoken in this alter — and their voice, as proclaimed 
 in the elections of Missouri, Kentucky, Illinois and New-York, will 
 never be forgotten by those who aroused the honest indignation of an 
 insulted community. 
 
 If any further proof was wanting to satisfy the most sceptical, we have 
 only to look at the voice of the whole nation as expressed in the Legis- 
 lative Halls at Washington. See the singular spectacle of an adminis- 
 tration, whose term of service has not yet expired, with a majority of 
 both Houses of Congress against it. The like has never before happen- 
 ed in the history of our country. An expression of public sentiment so 
 broad ; so peculiar and decisive has never before been known. And it 
 proves better than a thousand calcidaiions that the voice of the people 
 has been disregarded and scorned. It proves too, that there is a redeem- 
 ing spirit in, the community; that there is too much intelligence ihere to 
 be deceived upon matters that are really too plain to be concealed or 
 even obscured. 
 
 As to the election being contrary to the spirit of the constitution, 
 there may be an honest difference of opinion; and we do believe it to 
 exist. The party attaclied to the adniinistration, generally, contend that 
 when the election of President devolves upon the House of Represen- 
 tatives, the members are not even morally bound by the vv'illof the peo- 
 ple of the states they represent, hut may lawfully and properly consult 
 their own will, and ejjercise it, though it should difft-r from that of their 
 consiiluents. It follows as a consequence, that with these elections at 
 Washington, the people are to have no concern. So long as the Pre- 
 sident is elected according to the forms of the constitution, there is to 
 be no cause of complaint. 
 
 Our view of the subject is this— that in an election of President by 
 the House of Representatives, where the vote is by states, [each state 
 having one vote), the members are merely the agents for the peo- 
 ple of the different slates they represent, and are bound to express 
 the will and voice of the states, and not their own sentiments, founded 
 on what they may conceive to be their belter judgment. The differ- 
 ence between us, is too palpable to need illustfation. You will judge 
 between us and say which construction accords best with the spirit 
 of the constitution and the legitimate principles of a republican govern- 
 ment. We make but a sin^^le remark— and that is, that upon our con- 
 
 " E 
 
10 
 
 siruciion, Mr. Adams could never have been the President. And yet 
 Mr. Adams and his friends t-'dk loudly of their republicanism. Nay, 
 ihey now claim to be the exclusive republicans ! JVow they would wil- 
 lingly find favour in the sight of the people. JVow, when the hour of 
 their peril draws near, they huiiible themselves before you, and solicit 
 your support — a^ if they supposed an honest and virtuous community 
 had so soon forgotten the insult it had received. Fellow Citizens, we 
 caution you against these wolves in sheep's clothing. They seek no 
 good, unless it be the good they derive from power and place. Exa- 
 mine well their principles and conduct, and give to them the reward 
 they merit. 
 
 But it may be asked, admitting that Mr. Adams was thus elected, 
 does it afford suflicient ground to oppose liis re-election ? We answer, 
 that if we are correct in the facts that he was elected without the assent 
 of a majority of the people, nnd in violation of the spirit of the con- 
 stitution, we would be unfaithful to ourselves and our posterity,' if we 
 did not rise in the majesty of our strength, and show to the world that 
 the dearest rights of freemen arc not lightly to be trifled with. The en- 
 croachments of power are always artful and insidious; and oft-times 
 conceal themselves under the sanction of /orms. It is the province of 
 carefulness to waich them in their incipient steps, and arrest them at 
 once, by a bold and independent expression of sentiment. The evil 
 may be small in the beginning, but if suffered to remain, it will accu- 
 mulate and gather strength. An intelligent people will look at principles 
 and their consequences, rather than calculate with nicety the extent of 
 a present grievance. It was so with our fathers. They fought not 
 against the amount of the taxation, but against the principle that al- 
 lowed such tax in any shape. And so long as this glorious spirit main- 
 tains its ascendency in the bosoms of their children, so long we shall 
 be free. 
 
 We oppose in the next place the re-election of Mr. Adams because it 
 will operate as a virtual sanction of the line of cabinet succession. 
 
 There is perhaps more danger to be apprehended from this source 
 than from any other that may bo named. Ever since the election of Mr. 
 Jefferson in 180^, the different Presidents have been regularly succeed- 
 ed by the secretaries of state, whom they had appointed to office. 
 Whether this originated in accident, it is not now necessary to enquire ; 
 it is enough to know, that it has grown into practice, and has in a recent 
 instance been pleaded as a precedent, and a " safe precedent" too. 
 Now if this practice be so firmly established at this early day as to ad- 
 mit its being j)leaded as a precedent, it needs no prophet to tell us that 
 it will soon become the setded law of the land; and it will be consider- 
 ed almost criminal to oppose it. The consequence will be, that although 
 the form of election may remain to the people, the President will in ef- 
 fect appoint his own successor. The secretary of state will be looked 
 up to as the heir apparent, and claim the succession as a matter of right. 
 
 It is the interest of our cabinet ministers, and all those who are ad- 
 vanced in the road of political preferment, to encourage this system of 
 cabinet succession. It is a copoentraiion of power among ihemselve?^. 
 
11 
 
 vviiich proves beneficial to all. It flatters their pride, and gratifies theii 
 cupidity, and generates false and mistaken notions of uue greatness. 
 Such a state of things necessarily creates the most odious of all aristocra- 
 cies — the aristocracy of office; and every measure of government will 
 have, for its primary ol)ject, self-interest and not the public good. The 
 whole of the immense power and patronage of the administration, and 
 its adherents, will be concentrated in one common object, and then 
 brought to bear upon every section of the country; and the people will 
 oft-times be defeated and overcome without being able to discover 
 whence the blow proceeds. 
 
 To apply these remarks, we have only to attend to what has recently 
 passed, and is now passing before ihe eyes of an astonished nation. 
 John Q,. Adams is tlie President of the United Slates. Henry Clay who 
 made him President, is, by means thereof, secretary of state ; and has 
 been repeatedly named as the successor of Mr. Adams, in case he 
 should be re-elected. It is the interest of Mr. Clay to bring about (his 
 re-election, no matter how repugnant to the will of the people, or hos- 
 tile to the interests of the country, because, on it, his own promotion is 
 made to depend. And is not Mr. Clay, using every means and exerting 
 every nerve to effect this object ? 
 
 Now does any man, in his right mind, believe that Mr. Adams, apart 
 from the influence of Mr. Clay, would stand even the most remote 
 chance of a re election .'* if re-elected at all, must it not be through the 
 influence of the cabinet minister, who, in due time is to be the succes- 
 sor and mount the chair of siate.^ 
 
 Do you not believe that if Mr, Adams is re-elected, Henry Clay will 
 he supported as his successor, by all those who now support Mr. Adams? 
 Even the New-England stales, who but lately were as hostile lo Mr, 
 Clay as Mr. Clay was to Mr. Adams, are compelled to come out and 
 conjpliment and thllev ih'is immaculate patriot of the West! And do you 
 not believe that Mr, Clay, when in defiance of all moral obligation he 
 made Mr. Adams the President of these United States, foresaw that 
 this would be so? And did not Mr. Clay, when he declared that in vo- 
 ting for Mr. Adams he was oidy pursuing a safe precedent, know that 
 by his own vote, he was about to place himself in the very line of suc- 
 cession, and take his seal on the ''footstool of the Presidency':'' 
 
 We repeat it, that at this doctrine of safe precedents; this line of cab- 
 inet succession, we have reason to be alarmed. Already do we hear it 
 gravely insisted that no man is qualified for the office of President, un- 
 less he be skilled in diplomacy. He must have taken certain lessons; and 
 passed through certain schools. He must be well versed in ihe sophis- 
 try of foreign courts, and indoctrinated in the mysteries of our republi- 
 can cabinet ; or in other words, he must have taken his degrees in eti- 
 quette, have bowed to some Prince of the royal blood in Europe ; and 
 have been moreover a cabinet minister, or he is not at all qualified for 
 President. Is it not actually contended that all this parade is essen- 
 tial to the formation of an American ^talesman? And will not this result- 
 
12 
 
 in exclusion iVom oflice of all save court favourites and sycopliantsi' Not 
 talent, nor age, nor experience, but the possession of certain offices — we 
 migbt say, of one cerlajn office, and that procured by bargain and man- 
 agement, wil! be the test of Presidential qualification. 
 
 Fellovv-Ciiizens — It is time to awake and buckle on our armour, 
 when principles like these are boldly advocated. We must act with 
 firmness and decision. It is manifest, we approach the contest against 
 such a combination of power under great disadvantages. The odds are 
 fearful. In one section of the C(Xinlry we must meet Mr. Adams and liis 
 influence — in another Mr. Clay and his patronage. Tiiey make coninion 
 cau«e against us; while all those vvbo fatten on their bounty, and whose 
 fortunes are dependant on their continuance in office, join in the cry and 
 clamour against us as the rabble of the country. The power is yet in our 
 own hands ; but if like Sampson, we suffer ourselves to be ^horn of our 
 strength, we shall fall an easy prey to a few designing men — and it will 
 afford us no gratification to anticipate that at some future day, when our 
 slrenglb may have returned, we shall be able to avenge ourselves of our 
 enemies by prostrating with one vigorous effort, the temple of our free- 
 (ilom, and burying the guilty and the innocent in one common ruin. 
 The alarm should be sounded through every quarter of il>e Union ; and 
 the solemn declaration should go forth, that we will never submit to a 
 cabinet election; never relax om exertions until the line of safe prece- 
 dents is broken up, and the foul stain of its corruptions completely wash- 
 ed away. 
 
 We oppose the re-election of Mr. Adams, because we have no confi- 
 dence in his political principles. 
 
 He was educated in Europe; and there, at the foot of some political 
 Gamaliel, instructed in the mysteries of government, and taught the les- 
 son that "The King can do no wrong." After the reins of govenmient 
 were taken from the hands of his father, he adhered to him and his fal- 
 len fortunes till a favourable opportunity occurred for political advance- 
 ment, when Judas like, he deserted tiie interests of his earliest and best 
 friends, and falsely denounced them as traitors to their country : and then 
 with a meanness and servility that honourable minds could never stoop 
 to, fawned at the feet of those whom he h:ida!ways o[>[)osed, and who had 
 succeeded in excluding his father from the chair of stale. What think 
 you of a man who could proffer himself ready to enter into solemn 
 league and covenant with the sworn enemies of his own parent, and 
 putting his foot upon his neck, assist in trampling him in the dust!! 
 Such a man is unworthy of confidence. If moral and parental lies are 
 insufficient to bind him; if filial sympathy and affection have lost their 
 hold upon him, you may look in vain for any thing like poh"iical hones- 
 ty. The man who can sacrifice l)is friends and his parent for his own 
 interest, will sacrifice his country too. If he can break a rope, he will 
 not be slopped by a cobweb. 
 
 Since his pretended political regeneration, has not his governing \ir\[\' 
 dp\e been self advancement ? What but this could have induced that: 
 obsequious servility that Jed him, when a senator of an independent 
 sovereignly, and at a lime when the best interests of the country were 
 
at hazard, so far to forget the dignity and responsibility of his high of- 
 fice as to declare, that he felt himself bound by the recommendation of 
 the President, that (he will of the President was paramoitnt to every 
 other consideration! And to further his views, has he not veiled himself 
 in obscurity on almost every question of high national import? Upon 
 the great question of slavery that agitated the country some years ago, 
 no man could tell where .Mr. Adams was to be found. When the whole 
 nation is excited by the question of further protection to domestic man- 
 ufactures, no man can tell what are his views and principles on that great 
 national topic. Before the new Congress convened last fall, it was well 
 known thai the suoject would be brought before the House. It had 
 been discussed in the public printsj the people had talked and they had 
 acted; their delegates had met in convention at Harrisburgh from many 
 of the states, and prepared a petition to Congress, which was publicly 
 circulated ; yet, Mr. Adams, whose constitutional duty it was to recom- 
 mend to the Congress all important measures of national interest, did 
 not deign to say one word on the subject of protecting domestic manvfac- 
 tures ! He had not one recommendation in favor of the American Svs- 
 tein ! He left it to fight its own way, under the auspicies of that talented 
 minister Richard Rush, Secretary of the Treasury ; while he himself 
 bent ail his faculties to the far more interesting work of threading his way 
 through the conflicting interests of the community, to a re-election to 
 the Presidential chair. 
 
 Such is Mr. Adams. He keeps faith only with those who can aid hitn 
 in [lis ulterior views. He deserts, in turn, his old friends and his new 
 ones, and is ever ready to make the sacrifice when his interest demands 
 it. Concealment and diplomatic policy are necessary to promote his 
 views and delude the country ; and hence it is that we are as much in 
 the dark on the subject of his political creed, as we are to tell whether 
 he is a deist or an unitarian ! 
 
 We oppose the re-election of Mr. Adams, because he has underta- 
 ken and accomplished nothing for the benefit of the country. So won- 
 derful a statesman as he is represented to be, might surely have done 
 something by this time. And yet we ask the question, emphatically, what 
 has been done? We are told, the national debt has been greatly re- 
 duced. We admit that a part of it has been paid off; but was it by any 
 financial skill of Mr. Adams or his cabinet? Who raised the revenue? 
 How did the money get into the treasury ? Surely tiie most simple sup-' 
 porter of the administration will not pretend that Mr. Adams had any 
 agency in raising this revenue ! What then is the argument ? Why, tiiai 
 riie surplus money in the public coffers has been applied to its legitimate 
 object, the extinguishment of the national debt; or in other v.-ords, that 
 the administration has not robbed the treasury! Great merit in that, to 
 be sute! But is even this true? You will answer (he question for your- 
 selves when we tell you, that their expenses, for the last three years have 
 exceeded the expenses of the three last years under ftfr. Monroe, by the 
 sum of eight millions, six hundred and eighty five thousand dollars! ! 
 And if the same ratio of excess is to continue for five years yet to come, 
 the country will be actually a loser to the amount of twenty-three mil- 
 
14 
 
 iions^ one hundred and sixty thousand dollars ; equal to one third of the 
 whole national debt ! ! 
 
 But have the present administration done nothing? Truly, we cannot 
 say they have been idle. Besides all the pamphlets, toasts and travelling 
 speeches of which they have been delivered, they have, as the first fruits 
 of their diplomatic wisdom, lost us the trade to the British West Indies. 
 They undertook a negotiation with Great Britain on this delicate and im- 
 portant subject, and with a view of firmly maintaining our interests at 
 the first Court in Europe, they dispatched as minister plenipotentiary, 
 Rufus King, a super-annuated sfatesn)an, who had before declared 
 himself too old and enfeebled to participate even in the councils of the 
 nation. And then, as though to cap the climax, and perhaps, give to 
 Mr. Clay, the new Secretary of state, time to get acquainted with the 
 subject, tliey retained him there nine months without instructions j and 
 all this at the expense of upwards o{ twenty thousand dollars of the peo- 
 ple's money. Albert Gall-.titi was then sent to supply the place of Mr. 
 King; and it is said, with the express unders^tanding, that he was to re- 
 main only one year. At all events it is certain he remained no longer, 
 and returned without effecting any thing. The result has l)eea lo swell 
 the amount of our diplomatic expenses, which in the three 3 ears of Mr. 
 Adams' administration, has accumulated to the enormous sum of Six 
 
 HUNDKED AND THIUTY-FOUR THOUSAND DOLLARS ! ! 
 
 It would not become us to say any thing about that sublime project 
 of Messrs. Clay and Adams, y'cleped, the Panama mission ; which was 
 to give brilliancy to the adiiiinislraiion, and encircle the whole country 
 with a halo of glory! The greatest er.!erprizes sometimes fail of suc- 
 cess; and it does not follow as a necessary consequence that those who 
 sometimes build light-houses in the skies, are not great statesmen. These 
 are matters into wliich common minds are forbidden to look too closely. 
 They belong with the fashionable doctrine of constructive journeys and 
 double outfits, to the arcana of the modern sages, who are at the head 
 of our diplomatic administration. Plain people don't understand much 
 about them — and it was intended they never should! 
 
 If to this catalosue we add the dismission of some half a dozen in- 
 dependent printers, from the emj)ioy ol government, and the introduc- 
 tion of that admirable republican doctrinCj that the representative is not 
 to be palsied by the will of his constituents, we hi.ve the sum total of 
 all the men now in power have accomplished. 
 
 Fellow-Citizens — Wo ask you in review, whether Mr. Adams is en- 
 tided to your approbation and further support .^ Can you conscientious- 
 ly aid in the re-election of a man, whose sole view is self-aggrandise-' 
 ment, and whose success must assuredly pave the uay for the destruc- 
 tion of principles that are the support of our Republican institutions.^ 
 We believe you will not. Suffer not the cry of " faction'^ to alarm you. 
 It is the cry of desperation and conscious guilt, and should incite you to 
 greater exertion. Be firm and vigilant ; and you will prevail over the 
 machinations of odice holders and their retainers ; and the pure prin- 
 ciples of our government wj'i again bs triumphant. 
 
1 
 
 r. 
 
 And now, Fellow-Ciiizens, we present for your suffrage, a ticket 
 composed of men who will vote for one of ourselves; a plain and hon- 
 est man, who is emphatically the people's candidate. They are firm and 
 zealous supporters o( Jlndreiv Jackson; a man, who more than any other 
 now living, unites in himself the affeclions and admiration of the Ameri- 
 can people ; whose name is lisped by every child, cherished by everv 
 soldier, and dear to the heart of every patriot. 
 
 It is true, no titled honours cluster around his brow. He received not 
 his education in the colleges of foreign potentates, nor was it ever his 
 lot to min2;le with princes and imbibe the corruption of their Courts, 
 He is an Jlmerican, and nothing but an American. Wiihout the aid of 
 family or patronage, his intrinsic merit alone, has placed him before the 
 American people, as worthy of the highest honours of the country. And 
 notwithstanding the unprincipled attacks of hireling presses, aided by all 
 the efforts of a sinking administration, his talents and services are daily 
 belter appreciated. His entire devotion to his country's welfiire; his 
 stern integrity; his unbending republican simplicity; his enlarged and 
 national views, commend themselves to the intelligence and affections 
 of a free and generous people. 
 
 Andrew Jackson was rocked in the cradle of the Revolution. His 
 itiind is deeply imbued with the spirit and principles, which, at that day, 
 pervaded the community, and gave a tone to public feeling. While yet 
 a boy, he stood forth in defencj of his country's rights, and gave earn- 
 est of that lofty spirit ol" independence, which has ever s^nce character- 
 ized the man, whether in the ileld, the senate chamber, or the retire- 
 ment of domestic life. 
 
 At the age of twenty-nine, we find him in our national councils, a 
 member of the House of Representatives from the state of Tennessee; 
 aYid at the age of thirty, (in the year 1797) his name is enrolled among 
 the Senators of the Unijetl States. At this important period of our his- 
 tory, he acted in connection with Washington, Jefferson, Madison, 
 Muhlenbergh, Clinton, and a host of worthies, who, while living, did 
 honor to tl^eir country, and whose memories live green in our affections. 
 Feeling himself unqualified for tiie intrigues of political life, he did that, 
 which from its novelty, is considered by some in these days, as an ac- 
 knowledgment of total incompetency; he resigned his seat in the Sen- 
 ate, and retired to the bosom of his family. 
 
 To ihose who cavil at this step of General Jackson, and soizo on it 
 as an argument to prove his incapacity, we would say, that to resign a 
 high and honorable station to wliich a man has just tteen elected under 
 the most flattering auspices, instead of shewing weakness, cxjiibits more 
 than an ordinary strength and firmness of mind — That feeble and vain 
 men are the last to do it, is a matter of common observation. It is true, 
 ojjice, is now made the test of all merit; and the man who would resign an 
 office would be considered as rather under the influence of lunacy. But 
 we have fallen upon evil days. These aristocratic notions will soon be 
 dissipated and pass away hkc the njorning frost. 
 
 General Jackson, on his return home, was greeted with the approba- 
 '?on of his feUow-cilizens, and iinaiediately appointed a Judge of the 
 
16 
 
 Supreme Court of his adopted state. With the view of gratifying the 
 community in which he hved. and by which he was so beloved, he 
 accepted the appointment and entered on the duties of his office. But 
 his mind was intent on other pursuits; and in a short time he resigned 
 this station also, and retired to his farm. Happy in his domestic rehi- 
 tions, and enjoying the confidence of a grateful people, he, for a series 
 of years, devoted himself to the cultivation of the soil. With true 
 greatness of soul, he considered that employment as honourable as a 
 seat in the Senate Chamber, or on the Bench. Here he continued to 
 store his mind with useful knowledge; and elevated above the storms 
 of party that raged beneath him, he was enabled to form correct and 
 enlightened views of the true interests of his country. He looked at 
 it as a whole ; and, wiih the spirit of a pure patriot, formed those 
 conclusions, and adopted those principles, which his fiirm and inde- 
 })endent course since, has continually developed. 
 
 It was not until the declaration of war against Great-Britain, in 
 1812, that General Jackson was induced again to leave the retirement 
 he so much loved. At that period, the country n^eeded the aid of every 
 patriotic citizen. It was a season of darkness. The country was divi- 
 ded against itself. The enemy was at hand. Our frontier seitlements 
 were in flames, and the scalping knife was dripping with the blood of 
 the flefenceless inhabitants. The cry for help was borne along upon 
 every breeze. It was ihen that Andrew Jackson came forth from his re- 
 tirement, and tendered his services lo his co'jntry. He sought no ap- 
 pointment from the General Governmerit: he was a militia officer, and 
 in that capacity he was willing to act. His friends and neighbours flock- 
 ed to his standard, and formed a band, not of mercenary hirelings, but 
 of citizen soidiers, determined to save their country or die in the last 
 ditch. In his canspaigns against the savages, he and his brave compa- 
 nions, were obliged to endure every privation-inc^dent to a savage war- 
 fare. But wfiatever was the suffering, Jackson always participated : what- 
 ever was the danger, he was always in the midst of it. His followers 
 caught the spirit of his enthusiasm, and neither the storms nor the floods 
 of winter were suffered to impede their progress. They were amply re- 
 warded. A kind Providence smiled on their efforts : the American 
 stripes were every where victorious : the merciless savage met a just 
 retribution: the frontiers were protected, and the enemy deprived of 
 the aid of his ferocious allies. 
 
 Such was the brilliancy of these exploits, and such the talent dis- 
 played by General Jackson, that in 1814, the President of the United 
 Stales tendered to him the coaunission of iM.ijor General in the regidar 
 army. Tliis was intended by the Government as a mark of the high re- 
 spect entertained for his character and services. The commission was ac- 
 cepted, and the defence of the southern frontier was committed to hi-; 
 care. Never was confidence more judiciously bestowed — never was it 
 placed in a m.m who exerted more energy and talent to deserve it, or 
 whose exertions were crowned with more signal success. We would 
 noi weary you by going into detail, even on so interesting a subject. 
 The events of the memorable campaign that succeeded, have become 
 
17 
 
 matter of history, and are familiar to us all. It is enough to say, that on 
 the Eighth of January, 1315, was gained that celebrated victory, 
 which has no parallel in the annals of this or any other country — a 
 victory which gave lustre to the American arms, and security to her 
 citizens — which taught the invaders of our soil a lesson of humility 
 that will be held in lively remembrance, until the names of Packenhain 
 and Gibbs shall be forgotten, and their national history lost in oblivion. • 
 
 Who is there that has not heard of the batde of New-Orleans ? 
 Who is there that does not admire and venerate the talents, that achiev- 
 ed the almost bloodless conquest ? — that saved innocence from insult — 
 chastity from pollution — and a city from ruin ? 
 
 Where is the American militia man whose bosom has not thrilled at 
 the recital ? Which of them would not delight in having participated 
 in the glories of that eventful day ? Which of them would not consider 
 the fact of his having served under Jackson at the battle of Orleans, 
 as the proudest inscription that could be engraved upon his monument? 
 
 After the conclusion of the war, we find General Jackson enjoying 
 the entire confidence of the government and the country. When pos- 
 session was to be taken of Florida, he was appointed to the duty with 
 the title of Governor, and invested with all power, civil and military. 
 He executed the trust with distinguished promptitude and judgment; 
 and after having faithfully accomplished all that was necessary to be 
 done for the benefit of his country, he tendered his commission to the 
 President, declaring that no man ought to be entrusted with such ex- 
 tensive powers. 
 
 About this time the South American provinces, galled by the pres- 
 sure of a foreign yoke, essayed to shake off their fetters, and take 
 rank among the nations of the earth. The ancient province ot Mex- 
 ico, celebrated for her antiquity and wealth, held a conspicuous station 
 among the new states that were springing into existence, and presented 
 claims to attention and respect. Mr. Monroe, desirous of cultivatmg a 
 friendly intercourse with our southern brethren, determmed to send a 
 minister to Mexico— and as a suitable person to commence the mter- 
 change of civilities, and discuss and establish the commercial relations 
 and relative rights of the two countries, he selected Andrew Jackson, 
 the farmer of Tennessee. The illustrious patriot declined the honour. 
 The tyrant Iturbide was then on the throne of Mexico; and he could 
 not brook the idea of paying homage to a man who had betrayed the 
 best interests of those who had confided in him, and wrecked the hopes 
 of his country. 
 
 Shortly afterwards, General Jackson was again chosen to represent 
 the state of Tennessee in the Sennte of the United States. In 1824, 
 when the great question of the tariff was discussed and settled, we find 
 him advocating a liberal and enlightened system; one that would give 
 encouragement to the manufiicturer, without seriously injuring the mer- 
 chant or the farmer ; that would equalize the burdens and the benefits ot 
 every class as far as practicable, and leave the national revenue unim- 
 paired. 
 
18 
 
 It was at this period, the Presidential question began to agitate the 
 country. The venerable incumbent was about to retire, cheered with 
 the blessings of a happy anfl prosperous people. Many candidates pre- 
 sented themselves to the public. In the east, Mi. Adams. In the west, 
 .Mr. Cay, the great rival and antagonist of Mr. Adams. In the south, 
 Mr. Crawford. The country was divided and perplexed. Parties had 
 marshalled (hemselves in hostile array, and tlie contest had actually 
 commenced. At this juncture the name of Jackson was heard, and he 
 was brought forward as the people's candidate. Having neither power 
 nor patronage, he rested alone on the character which he had uniformly 
 sustained, and on the intelligence and afi'eciion of the American people; 
 and was returned by the Electoral Colleges, the highest candidate by 
 a plurality o^ fifteen votes ! 
 
 We need not remind you, what were the feelings of the country, when 
 in violation of the popular will, Mr. Adams was made President, and 
 General Jackson excluded. He was immediately nominated a second 
 time; and though the opposition to him, sustained aud cherished by 
 men high in office, has been and still is, foul and dark as malignity can 
 make it, and relentless as death itself, yei it is abundantly manifest, that 
 the good sense and honest feeling of the community are with him. He 
 is daily growing in their afteciions, and is looked up to with deep anxi- 
 ety as the hope and pride of a patriotic nation. 
 
 Such, Fellow-Citizens, is Andrew Jackson, the patriot, ihe statesman, 
 the soldier. He has not lived unhonoured or imknown. His name is 
 identified with the glory of our country. He has enjoyed the confidence 
 of her wisest statesmen. Standing on so proud an eminence, and fi.xed 
 as he is, in the affections of the American people, he can have no mo- 
 tive of action, at variance with the true interests of his country. His 
 hard earned fame, not inherited but self acquired, is too precious, at 
 his time of life, to be sacrificed on the altar of corrupt ambition. 
 
 You may trust in him with implicit confidence. His honesty of heart 
 and integrity of character can be doubted by none, even of his adver- 
 saries. His devotion to his country is proverbial. His has always been 
 the post of danger and difficuliy ; and he has never spared himself or 
 his reputation, wlien his country's good required the hazard. 
 
 Nor have we found him vpauting in skill to devise, judgment to ma- 
 ture, or energy to execute whatever was necessary to contribute to the 
 defence, or promote the glory of the nation. 
 
 But, Fellow-Citizens, notwithstanding General Jackson has long beea 
 known to the American people, as a firm and incorruptible patriot; aa 
 honest and able politician, and a virtuous man, yet, a system of warfare 
 has bi'cn opened upon hi;ii, at which candour and decency must blusb 
 and be ashamed. It can find no apology, save in that phrenzy of des- 
 peration which excites pity rather than contempt. He has been openly 
 accused of adultery, cruelty, murder; and, last of all, of such gross ig- 
 norance as scarcely to be able to read or write! Yes, the man whom 
 yo'i have delighted to honoin-; and who in 1824, received a much lar- 
 ger proportion of the votes for President, than any other candidate, is 
 
19 
 
 now discovered to be the most base, infamous and ignorant of men ! ! 
 " 'Tis strange — -''tis passing strange !" 
 
 The very man whom Mrs. Adams honoured with a most splendid 
 fe.te, on the 6ih of January 1824; who was surrounded in tiie drawing 
 room by the virtuous, the chaste and the lovely from every part of the 
 Union, ail anxious to do homage to one who had risked his life, and 
 what was dearer still, his reputation, for the safety of female innocence, 
 is now forsooth, a lawless adulterer! 
 
 'The soldier, whose every act was severely scrutinized ; whose con- 
 duct was approbated by the Executive, and by the Councils of the 
 nation ; who was publicly defended by Mr. Adams himself, while se- 
 cretary of state; and eulogized by Mr. Clay, as " a distinguished 
 C3ptai.n, who had shed glory on his country, and whose renown consti- 
 tuted so great a portion of its moral property," has now, suddenly, be- 
 come a murderer! His garments have become crimsoned with human 
 blood, and he is made to delight in nothing save the incense of human 
 sacrifice ! 
 
 The statesman, whose judgment has oft times assisted in directing 
 the affairs of the nation — who has been well known as a public man 
 upwards of thirty years — who was appointed by Mr. Monroe a minis- 
 ter to a foreign court — and to whom he looked for advice and direction 
 when about to enter on the duties of the presidency, is now discover- 
 ed to be an ignorant and illiterate man ! ! 
 
 Slanders like these, so gross, so palpable, carry their own refutation 
 with them. They can have no weight with sensible and reflecting men, 
 a!]d on such they were not intended to operate. But they are oft re- 
 peated, and reiterated by every press in the interest of the administra- 
 tion. And we grieve to say, that even our members of Congress, our 
 Senators, and the heads of the deparfmenis, aid in their ci.'-culation. 
 
 And why is it that such desperate eflbrls are made to tarnish the 
 fame of General Jackson.^ It is because he is sustained by the people, 
 and is advancing with sure and rapid strides in their affections. It is 
 that ill-gotten power may be retained, until the line of safe precedents 
 shall be better established. Those wlio are now in power, are aware, 
 that ihey have been weighed and found wanting. Fear hath taken hold 
 of them, and their hour is at hand. Hence it is that every means is 
 resorted to, and truth and honesty sacrificed, to accomplish their un- 
 iiallowed purpose. Hence it is, that in the agony of despair, they even 
 invoke the desolations of " iVar, pestilence and famine'^ on our common 
 country, rather than see General Jackson, the Peo[)Ie's favourite, eleva- 
 ted to the chair of state. They know the work of purification will then 
 commence; and that all the machinations of individual interest will be 
 broken up» and their authors exposed as objects of public scorn. 
 
 We have now, Fellow-Citizens, presented to you our views on the 
 greai matter which is before you. 
 
 We have stated some of the objections we have to the re-election of 
 Mr. Adams ; and why we think it would be prejudicial to the interests 
 of the republic. We have stated to you, whom we shall support, and 
 
20 
 
 taken a rapid view of hischan-.cter and services. You will judge betweeri 
 us. All we ask, is, that you examine for yourselves,, and ihen act. 
 
 Citizens of New-Jersey — Friends of our Republican institutions! it 
 is lime to awake ; to be up and doing. Our opponents are at their posts. 
 They are active and vigilant. They spare neither time or money. They 
 boast that they have with them the wealth and the talents of the country. 
 It may he so ; but though ignorant, let us prove to the world that we 
 have sufficient inteliigenoe to discern our rights, and energy enough to 
 defend them. Though poor, let us prove that we are rich in integrity ; 
 that our poverty is not to be corrupted ; and that we will never consent 
 to barter away the precious inheritance, transmitted to us by our an- 
 cestors. 
 
 Let every man make it his business to vote, openly and conscien- 
 tiously, and there will be nothing to fear. 
 
 Signed by order of the Convention, 
 
 EDWARD CONDICT, President. 
 
 ri \T ' ^ f^ic^ Presidents. 
 
 Daniel Vliet, 3 
 
 Henry B. Hagerman, ) 
 
 Ep.hrairn Buck, > Secretaries, 
 
 George II. Mc Carter, ) 
 
 re. 
 
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LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
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