§ j^il:l uso: SALLUST'S JUGURTHLNE WAR CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE, AN ENGLISH COMMENTARY, GEOGRAPHICAL AND HISTORICAL INDEXES. CHARLES ANTHON, LL. D. 1AY-PROFEBSOR OF ANCIENT LITERATURE. IN COLUMBIA COLLEGE, AND RECTOR OF THE GRAMMAR SCHOOL. SIXTH EDITION, CORRECTED AND ENLARGED. NEW-YORK: HARPER & BROTHERS, 82 CLIFF-STREET. SOLD BY COLLINS, KEESE, ft CO., AND N. ft J. WHITE.— PHILADELPHIA : GRIGG ft ELLIOT, AND DESILYER, THOMAS, ft CO. BOSTON : RCSSELL, SHATTUCK, ft CO. 1836. & >\v m* Entered, according to act of Congress, in the year IN II Lftpftl A in the Clerk's office of the 5 -2f^/ PREFACE. In prepann. S It fot the press, the . ID the render it a still moi i gnido to t : nt dm on the Jugurtfa .«• of the och ) of Catiline, and in the work. I 'it of the: I the Jugurthine who thought that a more ample < j>art of the hist '1 l>v tl. pupils. 'J' ltroduced in ody of the ' narrative of the war with Jugurtha •re the account of Catiline's conspiracy, cannot I meet witli the approbation of all who lay claim to any IV PREFACE. acquaintance with Roman literature, or even with Ro- man history. The old arrangement violates the order of time, since the attempt of Catiline to overthrow the government of his country was subsequent to the war with Jugurtha by a period of nearly fifty years. The impression produced, therefore, on the mind of the student, from his being required to read the two works in an inverted order, must, of necessity, be a confused one. In the account of Catiline's conspiracy, for ex- ample, he will find frequent allusions to the calamitous consequences of SyHa'fl strife with Marios, and will see many of the profligate partisans of the former rallying around the standard of Catiline; while, in the history of the Jugurthine war, if he be made to peruse it the other, in the ordinary routine of school-reading, he will be introduced to the same Sylla, just entering on a public career, and standing high in the favour and confidence of Marios! llov. ill he be able to appreciate, in their full force, the remarks of Sallust re- lative to the successive changes in the Roman form of government, and the alternate ascendency of the ai cratic and popular parties, if he be called upon to di his attention to results before he is made acquainted with the causes that produced them ? The only argu- ment adduced in favour of the old arrangement is, that Sallust composed the narrative of Catiline's conspi before that of the Juuurthine war, and that all the manuscripts, and nearly all the editions of the historian, PREFACE. V follow this same order, and place the account of the conspiracy first. Such an argument, however, if it be really deserving of the name, must weigh but little when positive utility is placed in the opposite scale. The order, moreover, for which we contend, is no nov- elty on the continent of Europe, as may be seen from the works of the at De Brosses, the Abbe Cassagne, and M. Du Rozoir. The last mentioned editor, inde- hat the arrangement in question has not by this tune be- come a general < With regard Indexes that hafl added to the work, it -irk, that the ohj< in preparing them, was to n « comn* rom what nniiht have proved too ln-avy a pres>i. lift- rials, and have dher than invited, a j rusal. The geographical and historical matter, with a I by itself, and may be consulted with more con\ e, and it is hoped, with more decided advantage. The biographical account of Salhist, and the sk< of his writings, which have been given in the previous editions under the ordinarv form, nc •• the char- acter of an imaginary conversation, a mode of impart- ing information which the editor has recently adopted in a course of College-Lectures on Ancient Literature, and which he has found to be extremely well calculated for eliciting and ensuring attention. 1 # VI PREFACE. In conclusion, the editor feels, that it would be the worst species of affectation in him, were he to conceal the pleasure he has experienced, at the very favourable reception which has been given to the previous editions of this work. And he thinks he may be allowed to state, with pardonable pride, that two separate re-prints, by different editors, total strangers to himself, have also appeared in England, and that too without any effort on his own part to procure, in that country, a re-publi- cation of his labours. C. ANTHi Col. College, N. Y. March 22, 1836. ( x ^-».x>.->.^'«.-».-«.'N.>.'S.>.-».X-».%.'V».-».-*.>.%.-».-W».-».-»->->. LIFE OF SALLUST. v>.-w-ww-w-».-w-».-».-».>«.>.x-.x'«.-«.xx-».x>.>.-«.x>.>.'».x-«.x-».>>-«.-».>-x-*.>.>x LIFE AND WRITINGS OF SALLUST. DR. BARTON- 1 Dr. B. Well, Henry, how are you pleased with Oxford! — I have met »ur arrival among us, but have never be- fore this had an opportun :, or of ascertaining how you liked your new residence. H. I am delighted with it. my dear Doctor, and feel like a new being amid these classic shades. 'With the means of DD] now fully under my own contr ned to make that use of my 1 which shall lead in after life, with the divine bli LMOfl and honourable distinction. My reeding begins, in fact, to assume a new character, and my attention is mure and more d feted every day to works of solid utih* !, that I ha you on the present occasion, as I ha\ literature, and wish to consult you about the merits of a writer, in rela- tion to whom, I am, I confess, in a good deal of doubt — I mean the his- torian Sallust. l>r B. I can easily con wit an ardent admirer like yourself of the character (lined to (1 the cold appL h Sallust bestows upon the saviour of his country, in the light of a del. ij>on his escutcheon as an historian. Nor will I stand fort: .ing, how. the rankling of private animosity, and something to disgust at Roman consul. For, after all .at if history ! A mere place of exhibition, where the sjM-ctators are too little acquainted with the hidden causes of what they behold, and the actor3 are too directly inter- ested in the result, to enable ne I L, with any degree of certainty, on the accounts of either the one or the ot H. Your remark is a very just on< Doctor, and ought to teach us the utter uncertainty of I i of knowledge, except where it bears the impress from on high. History, in the former case, may be likened to the arid plains of Egypt, where the half-buried temple, 9 X LIFE AND WRITINGS OF SALLUST. and half-deciphered inscription, tell the tale of other days, but tell it in dark and mysterious language ; while, in the latter, she stands like the pyramids of that same Eastern land, alone in the midst of ruins, resting securely on the rock of ages, and pointing upward to the skies. — But I am wandering from my subject. Would it be too great an encroachment on your valuable time, Doctor, were I to ask for a brief sketch of the life of the historian 1 Dr. B. Not at all, Henry. I am perfectly at leisure, and will accede to your request with the utmost readiness. Should any thing, however, strike you in the course of my remarks, as being either at variance with your pre-conceived notions, or savouring too much of mere speculation, you will oblige me by a candid communication of your sentiments. H. There will be very little occasion for this, my dear Doctor, as I am a mere novice in matters of literary history, and am come prepared to listen rather than to oppose. I will avail myself, however, of your very kind offer, to ask an occasional question or two, should any thing appear to me either novel or obscure. Dr. B. Well then, to begin with the name itself, the German scholars, whose research nothing can escape, are divided in opinion as to the pro- priety of writing Sallustius or Salustius, and Crispus Sallustius or Sallustius Crispus. 1 I believe it will be found, upon an examination of authorities, that Sallustius is the more correct form, and Crispus Sal- lustius the more usual arrangement of the manuscripts. It would seem, however, that, in the golden age of Latin literature, it was customary to place the cognomen after the nomen, and in the silver age to reverse this order.2 — But let us proceed to the historian himself. Sallust was born at Amiternum, a town of the Sabines, B. C. 86, or A. U. C. 668. He received his education at Rome, and, in his early youth, appears to have been desirous of devoting himself to literary pursuits. — H. Allow me to interrupt you, my dear Doctor, and to ask whether it be not a very remarkable circumstance, that so many of the Latin writers were natives, not of the capital, but of the provinces, of Italy ? Dr. B. The most careless inquirer, Henry, into the literary history of Rome, cannot but be struck by the singular fact, that so many of the distinguished individuals who grace the literary annals of the empire-city, were born, not in Rome itself, but either in foreign lands, or in the prov- inces of the Italian peninsula. Had the queen of nations adhered in later days to the selfish and exclusive policy, by which all who were not born within her walls were at first debarred from the full enjoyment of 1. Cort. ad Sail. Cat. init. — Gerlach, de vita et scriptis Salustii, (Ed. Op., vol. ii» p. 2, 3.)— Hall. Lit. Zeit. 1829. Nro. 90, p. 77.—Lindemanii } Corp. Gram. Lat. x vol. i. p. 202, &c. 2. Baehr, Gesch. der Rom. Lit., p. 377, ed. 2d. LIFE AND WRITINGS OF SALLUST. 2d the privileges of citizenship, how few of the great names that now adorn the history of her literature could have been claimed by her as her own. Livius Andronicus, for example, was a slave from Magna Graecia ; Ennius was a native of the same quarter of Italy ; Naevius was a Cam- panian ; Plautus came from Umbria ; Pacuvius was born at Brundisium, Terence at Carthage, Catullus at Verona, Cicero at Arpinum, Virgil at Andes, Propertius in Umbria, Horace in Apulia, Livy at Patavium, Ovid at Sulmo, Lucan in Spain> the elder Pliny at Verona, and Tacitus at the Umbrian city of Interamna.— You see then, Henry, that Rome may be said to have acquired her literary, as she did her martial^ fame, by the exertions of her allies, the provincials of Italy. H. Yes, Doctor, and it is only transferring to the operations of intel- lect the old proverb about the Marsi, that there was no triumph either over them or without them ; ovts Kara Mdpffcjv, ovre avev Mapo-coy, yeviaBai dpiafipov. 1 — But let us return to Sallust. Dr. B. Notwithstanding his early zeal for literary pursuits, our his- torian appears to have been soon involved in that striving after military or political distinction, which formed so conspicuous a feature of the age in which he lived. We find him, accordingly, at twenty-seven, filling the office of quaestor, which entitled him, of course, to a seat in the senate, and, about six years afterwards, elected to the important post of tribune of the commons. While discharging the duties of this magis- tracy, he attached himself to the rising fortunes of Julius Caesar, and, during its continuance also, he conducted, along with one of his col- leagues, the prosecution against Milo for the murder of Clodius. — Thus far all seems to have gone well with Sallust. In the year of Rome, how- ever, 704, or 50 B. C, he was excluded from the senate, by the censors Appius Claudius Pulcher and Lucius Piso, for an act of gross im- morality. 2 H. You surprise me, Dr. Barton. — Sallust, wnose writings breathe so lofty an air of rigid morality. — 'Sallust, the stern declaimer against luxury and all its train of attendant vices — a votary at the shrine of licen- tiousness and profligacy 1 Dr. B. The most suspicious kind of morality, my young friend, is undoubtedly that noisy species, which is so fond of descanting on the failings and delinquencies of others. Sallust, aye, and even Seneca too, notwithstanding the eulogiums of Diderot upon the latter, 3 remind me very strongly, when regarded as moralists, of Dr. Johnson's remark, that " no man is a hypocrite in his pleasures. 5 ' Both were, at one period 1. Appian, Bell. Civ. 1, 46. 2. Schol ad Horat. Sat., 1, 2, ih—Varro, ap. Aul. Gell., 17, 18.— Dio. CassiuSy 40, 63.—Lactant., 2, 12.— Gerlach, de vita, #c, p. 47, seqq. 9 x iv LIFE AND WRITINGS OF SALLUST. H. I would like to decide, Doctor, in favour of Sallust, but I feel myself bound in candour to pronounce an opinion against him. The arguments, just adduced in his favour, are, to say the best of them, more imposing than solid, and the hypothesis which you were kind enough to mention is too absurd to require a serious refutation. — But what was the fate of Sallust under this charge of extortion and spoilation 1 Dr. B. It was such as might have been expected in the peculiar complexion of the times. He was acquitted by Caesar, his all-pow- erful protectoi. — After the expiration of his government, Sallust re- nounced all public employments, and betook himself to a luxurious re- tirement, with his, as I fear you will term it, ill-gotten wealth. He chose for his favourite retreats, a villa at Tibur, which had belonged to Caesar, and a magnificent palace, which he built in the suburbs of Rome, surrounded by delightful pleasure-grounds, afterwards well known and celebrated by the name of the Gardens of Sallust. Possessed of every attraction, the Sallustian palace and gardens became, after the death of their original proprietor, the residence of successive emperors. Au- gustus chose them as the scene of his most sumptuous entertainments. The taste of Vespasian preferred them to the palace of the Caesars. Even the virtuous Ncrva, and stern Aurelian, were so attracted by their beauty, that, while at Rome, they made them their constant abode. 1 — In these gardens, or in his villa at Tibur, Sallust passed the concluding years of his life, dividing his time between literary avocations and the society of his friends, among whom he numbered Lucuilus, Messala, and Corne- lius Nepos. II. But, my dear Doctor, if such were Sallust's friends, and such his favourite studies, how is it possible that he could have indulged in that excessive libertinism which has been so often imputed to him! Dr. B. Your question, 11 i put, and certainly does not admit of an easy answer. I think it more than probable, therefore, that the historian has been here confounded with the dissolute individual of the same name whom Horace mentions in the first book of his satires. For my own part, I do not doubt, as I have already remarked, but that our author was a man of loose morals, and that he rapaciouslv plun- dered his province, like most Roman governors of the day. Still. never believe him to have been, as he is sometimes depicted, an aban- doned profligate. Much of the obloquy, that was heaped upon his name» appears to have emanated from political antagonists, and, of all things-in this world, political diatribes are assuredly the most pregnant with false- hood. Now Sallust, it seems, being the decided enemy of Pompey, 1. Nardini Vet. Horn. A7.—Adler y Beschreib. ron Rom. p. 221 .— Gerhard • Bpist. ad Oerlach. p. 25—Dunlop°s Roman Literature, vol. ii,. p. 146. LIFE AND WRITINGS OF SALLUST. XV had said of that Roman, that he was a man u oris probi, animo invert-' cundo." Lenaeus, the freedman of Pompey, to whom you alluded a short time ago, avenged his master by the most virulent abuse of his enemy, in a work which would seem to have made a complete sacrifice of truth to invective 1 H. From what premises. Doctor, do you draw this latter inference, since the work itself has not come down to us \ Dr. B. Why, Henry, we may fairly judge, I think, of the injustice which he did to the life of the historian, from what he says of him as an author. He calls him, as we learn from Suetonius, " nebulonem vita seriptisque monstrosum ; praeterea priscorum Catonisque inerudi- tissimum furem."2 This is the language of one of your thorough-going political partisans, who has entrusted hi3 reason as well as his principles to the safe-keeping of his leader — I wish we had the life of Sallust written Asconius Pedianus, in the age of Augustus ; it might have served as a corrective of the unfavourable irnpr* ch have been pro- duced by this libel, for it deserves no better name, of the freedman of Pompey. H. Aye, Doctor, but what will you sav to the declamation againat Sallust which has actually reached our times, and that too from the pen of Cicero 1 Dr. B. Cicero never wrote it, Henry. It appeared long after the death of that orator, and is now generally assigned, by critics, to a rheto- rician in the reign of Claudius, called Porcius Latro. It is in the style of what we may suppose Lenaeus's work to have been, a tissue of invent* ed or exaggerated calumnies, altogether unworthy of grave credence. 3 H. And yet, Doctor, I was told by Boydel, of Christ-church, no longer ago than last evening, that 1 . ssor at Am- sterdam, and all : of Prague, in their respective accounts of the life of Sallust, have adopted these very calumnies which you so openly condemn. Dr. B. Boydel should have told you also, Henry, that Sallust's char- acter has received more justice in the prefatory memoir and notes of De Brosses.* and from the researches of Wieland. 5 — But come, let us now consider Sallust as a writer. Which of the Greeks does he appear to you to resemble the most ? H. I should say, that his peculiar taste led him to select Thucyd- ides for his model. He had no one among his own countrymen to imi- 1. Sueton. de Grammat. c. 15. 2. SuetonA.c. 3. SctwelL Hist. Rom. Lit. vol. ii. p. Q3.—Dun!op, Rom. Lit. vol. ii. p. 149. 4. Mem. de V Acad, des Inscript. vol. xxiv. p. dG&.—Ifistoirede la Repub. Rom, Tol.iii., p. 307. 5. Ad. Horat Sat. 2, 43, p. 57-73. xv i LIFE AND WRITINGS OF SALLUST. tate in the art of historic composition, since that was irt a very low state when Sallust began to write. He, therefore, naturally recurred to the productions of the Greek historians, and attempted to transplant into his own language the vigour and conciseness which characterise in so eminent a degree the style of Thucydides. 1 Dr. B. Very correctly remarked, my young friend, only you ought to have added, that the strict imitation, with which Sallust has followed his Grecian prototype, has gone far towards lessening the effect of his own original genius. Still we cannot but admire the wonderful success of the Roman writer, in imitating the vigour and conciseness of the Grecian historian, and infusing into his composition something of that dignified austerity which distinguishes the work of his great model. H. But, Doctor, you surely do not mean to be understood as affirm- ing, that Sallust's style is an imitation of that of Thucydides 1 Dr. B. The question does you credit, Henry. I mean, when I say that Sallust imitates the historian of the Peloponnesian war, an imita- tion of his general manner, his rapidity, his force, his power of com- pression, rather than of his language. Thucydides, for example, often employs long and involved periods, while Sallust is ever abrupt and sen- tentious, even to a fault. — Have you taken notice how often the latter rejects the copulative \ H. I have, Doctor, and I think it produces a monotonous efTect, and a total want of that flow and variety which constitute the principal charm of the historic period. — I was walking yesterday, with a fellow-common- er of All-Souls, and, the conversation happening to turn upon Sallust, and the peculiarities of his style, we made up between us the following list of items, about which, my dear Doctor, although a little matter in it- self, I would like to have your opinion. — We noticed, in the first place, that, in the ablative absolute, he sometimes suppresses the noun ; as, proctitis quos ducebat ;' 2 and the antecedent to the relative ; as, quam ob quae pracdicabat.3 We observed also particular expressions frequently occurring ; as ex sentcntia, etiam turn, sine mora, cVc. Then again, we found several instances, where two words nearly synonymous were em- ployed ; as, earns, acceptusquc, — varius incertusquc, — bonum atquc hon- estum, — rogai atquc hortatur, &c. We remarked, also, the use of the infinitive for the gerund ; as gratificari for gratificandi,* — adgredi, for adgrcdiendi ; 5 and the omission of the connectives et and que occurs on almost every page. Another peculiarity, also, forced itself upon our attention, his use of two different constructions in the compass of the 1. Duyilop's Ram. Lit. vol. ii. p. 149, Lond. ed. 2. Jug. c. 108. 3. Jug. c. 108. 4. Jug. c . 3. 5. Jug. c. 39. LIFE AND WRITINGS OF SALLUST. XVli same sentence ; and, as for his archaisms, we voted the greater part of them to be decided specimens oi the worst kind of affectation. — Well, Doctor, what do you think of our critique? Dr. B. I like it, Henry ; and think that you and your fellow-Oxonian have given a very fair sketch of the minor peculiarities of Sallust. "Whether his archaisms, however, deserve the name of affectations is a point on which you will find many differing from you. My own opinion is with you and your friend. Sallust introduces into his history a num- ber of words almost considered in his time as obsolete, and which were selected from the works of the older authors of Rome, particularly Cato the censor ; and it is here that he laid himself open to attack from Pollio in his letters to Plancus. His style, on the whole, indicates too much study and careful pruning, and is deficient in gracefulness and ease. I would not advise you to make him your model. H. iids me, Doctor, of old Roger Ascham's work, "The Schoolmaster," which I slightly examined the other day in the Bodleian, and where I found the opinion of Sir John Cheke relative to the merits of Sallust's Latinity. Sir John >aid, M that he could not recommend Sal- lust as a good pattern > voung men, because in his writings there was more art than nature, and more lal»our than art ; and in his ur, also, too much toil, as it in re with an uncontented care to write better than he could "—But, Doctor, how stands Sallust, as regards the delineation of character ? Dr. B I iff undoubted. Five or >ix of the characters drawn by him have been N -garded in all ages as master-pieces of their kind. I need hardly mention the | Jugurtha, and Marius, nor the celt \een Caesar and Cato. There is soiiiethinir m the latter which alw di me of the well-known sketch of Chatham, the father of Pitt : — t4 The secretary stood alone," &c. Cat Menial spirits, and a Pythagorean would cite them as an illustration of his doctrine of the metempsychosis. H. What thmk you, of the specimens of eloquence that are afford< es of Sal! Dr. B. I think them admirable of their kind, Henry, and in excellent keeping with the characters to whom they u lvely assigned. Nothing, for example, can be better adapted to the character of Caesar, as far as | tinted with it by contemporary testi- mony, than the cool, and argumentative, and specious harangue, in which he seeks to rescue the conspirators from the fate which is so justly their due. In like manner, the bold and fervid language assigned to the Ro- man Cato, makes him stand forth at once in bold relief, and in genuine colours, from amid the vice and degeneracy of his time. And, again, in Memmins, we have the bold and aspiring leader of the populace, aiming blow after blow against the ill-gotten power of a corrupt aristocracy ; 2* xviii LIFE AND WRITINGS OF SALLUST. while the words of Marius are the effusions of a blunt and gallant soldier who had as yet displayed no traces of the cold-blooded assassin, the tyrant, buffoon, and usurper. H. But is it possible, Dr. Barton, that Sallust can be correct, in making Caesar a sceptic with regard to the soul's immortality 1 Dr. B. Aye, Henry, and worse than a sceptic, a downright unbeliever. The whole tenour of Caesar's life is in strict accordance with this. His secret disregard for all morality, his open contempt for all honourable principles, his cold and selfish and murderous ambition, as if the lives of his fellow-men were but the playthings of an hour — every thing, in short, in the character of this remarkable man, reveals to our view a bosom warmed by no spark of social feeling, but as dark and as silent as the grave. It was but natural, therefore, that such a mind should see, or rather wish to see, in the horizon of the future, nothing but the gloom of annihilation, and should regard the doctrine of a future state of exist- ence as a bubble and a dream. How different from all this is the lan- guage of our own philosopher, who had penetrated deeply into the mys- teries of nature, and yet, with humbled feelings, could stoop to kindle the torch of knowledge at the altars of his God. " I envy no quality of the mind," he remarks, " or of intellect in others, be it genius, power, wit, or fancy : but if I could choose what would be most delightful, and I believe most useful to me, I should prefer a firm religious belief to every other blessing ; for it makes life a discipline of goodness ; creates new hopes, when all earthly hopes vanish ; and throws over the decay, the destruction of existence, the most gorgeous of all lights ; awakens life even in death, and from corruption and decay calls up beauty and divinity ; makes an instrument of torture and shame the ladder of ascent to Paradise ; and, far above all combinations of earthly hopes, calls up the most delightful visions of palms and amaranths, the gardens of the blest, the security of everlasting joys, where the sensualist and the sceptic view only gloom, decay, annihilation, and despair." H. Beautifully expressed, Dr. Barton, and as true as it is beautiful. You are quoting, if I mistake not, Sir Humphrey Davy, the pride of English science. i — How meanly, by the side of this, appear the atheisti- cal speculations of La Place, who could see in the wonders of the uni- verse no indications of the finger of a Deity. Dr. B. Why, Henry, as for atheists, if such singular beings do in fact exist, there is one simple argument which they can never answer. Ere we can say that there is no God, we must have roamed over all nature, and seen that no mark of a divine footstep was there ; and we must have gotten intimacy with every existent spirit in the universe, and h Salmonia, p. 158, Lond. ed. LIFE AND WRITINGS OF SALLUST. XIX learned from each that never did a revelation of the Deity visit him ; and vvc must have searched, not into the records of one solitary planet, but into the archives of all worlds, and thence gathered, that, throughout the wide realms of immensity, not one exhibition of a reigning and living God ever has been made. In other words, before man can deny the existence of God, he must be a God himself, for he must possess the ubiquity and omniscience of the Godhead. 1 — But let us return from our digression. Where were we 1 H. We were alluding to the skill which Sallust displays in adapting his speeches to different characters. Dr. B. Well, then, we will now take up the consideration of his works. — The first production of Sallust was the " Conspiracy of Cati- line." He had attained the age of twenty-two years when the conspiracy broke out, and was an eye-witness of the whole proceedings. He had, therefore, every means in his power for giving an accurate history of this very remarkable event, nor has he neglected to employ them. In the detail of facts, he is entitled to our fullest confidence ; for, in every thing of importance, he coincides fully with Cicero, whose Catilinarian orations form, in fact, an excellent commentary on the work of the historian. But Sallust lived too near the times which he describes to be an impar- tial writer. Private animosity and party feeling warped his judgment ; and it is frequently but too apparent, that we are listening not to the philosophic historian, but to the political partisan. He is too favourable to Caesar ; he is unjust towards Cicero ; and, although fond of display- ing his skill in drawing characters, he exercises none of it on the Roman orator. But to this we have already alluded. As for the preface to the work, it is, like that to the Jugurthine War, rather a compliment paid by the author to his own character and pursuits, than a pertinent introduc- tion to an historical narrative. H. With regard, Doctor, to the subject of that narrative, do you not think the picture of the conspiracy is somewhat overcharged, and that it was merely an effort, on the part of the lower orders, to break the chains imposed upon them by an odious and tyrannical aristocracy I Dr. B. Some persons, at the present day, are inclined to favour this opinion^ Henry, but I am afraid they are guided, in forming it, rather too much by their own private feelings and the political aspect of their own times. They appear to forget altogether the character of the leader in this nefarious undertaking, and do not perceive that, if his immediate followers were oppressed by any thing, it was by the heavy burden of their own vices. But of all this we will talk at some other time. — 1. Ckalmer's Bridgewater Treatise, vol. ii. p. 262, Lond. ed. 2. Westminster Review, No. xxxiii. p. 145, seqq. xx LIFE AND WRITINGS OF SALLUST. Let us proceed to the Jugurthine war. Although not an eye-witness of this contest, yet Sallust's situation, as governor of Numidia, which seems to have suggested the composition, was favourable to the author- ity of the work, as it afforded him the means of collecting materials and procuring information. H. Do you think, Doctor, that his residence in Africa was of any advantage to him as regarded a knowledge of its earlier history 1 Dr. B. Of none whatever. His account of the first settling of Africa is a mere fable, although he quotes in its behalf the Punic books of King Hiempsal, (referring probably to documents preserved in his archives.i) and the traditions of the inhabitants themselves. His geographical descriptions, however, if we except a few slight errors, are extremely valuable. — But to return to his account of the war. Sallust has been charged with partiality towards the character of Marius, and with giving, for the sake of his favourite leader, an unfair account of the massacre at Vaga. In this, however, I cannot concur ; and the best answer to the charge in question is the ample justice which he does to Metellus, in describing the war as almost brought to a close by him previous to the arrival of Marius. As a piece of composition, this narrative deserves to rank very highly, and the varying nature of the contest, the talents, the endless resources, the total want of principle, the sufferings of con- science, which are all found combined in the character of Jugurtha, stand forth in vivid and picturesque colours, and convey a moral lesson not easy to be effaced. i H. 1 have often dwelt upon that picture, Dr. Barton, and upon the miseries of suspicion and remorse which Jugurtha created for himself by his own atrocities ; and it has been often a question with me, whether he were not more wretched, on the throne, than in the dungeon where he terminated his miserable existence. Dr. B. Let us pass now to the History of Sallust. This was a civil and military history of the republic, in five books, including a period, however, of only thirteen years, from the resignation of the dictatorship by Sylla, till the promulgation of the Manilian law. The period thus embraced was a short but momentous one ; Mithridates, in the East, displaying all the resources of his powerful gen'us against the Roman rule, and Sertorius, in the Weil, turning the arms of the republic against itself, while the bosom of Italy was the scene of a formidable commo- tion, excited by a host of gladiators and slaves. The work was intro- duced by two discourses, the one containing a delineation of the crovern- ment of Rome, and the habits and manners of its people, from the 1. Lhinlop's Roman Lit., vol. ii. p. 155, Lond. ed. 2. Dunlop's Roman Lit., vol. ii. p. 156. LIFE AND WRITINGS OF SALLUST. Xli earliest period to the commencement of the civil wars ; the other giving a general view of the dissensions between Sylla and Marius. 1 H. Why, Doctor, it must have connected the termination of the Jugurthine war with the commencement of Catiline's conspiracy. What a pity it has not come down to us. Dr. B. And the more so, too, since all the accounts of Roman his- tory which have been written are defective during the very period which it embraced. Nearly seven hundred fragments, belonging to it, have been collected from scholiasts and grammarians, by the President de Brosses, 2 but they are too short and unconnected to serve any valuable purpose. AVhen I say this, however, I mean to be understood as except- ing four orations and two letters, and a fragment giving a description of a splendid entertainment, with which Metellus was honoured on his return, after a year's absence, to his «jovi rnment of Farther Spain. This work was the production of Sallusf s matured intellect, and the last which he composed. It was inscribed to Lucullus, the son of the cele- brated commander. H. Are there not, Doctor, two political discourses, concerning the administration of the government, in the form of letters to Julius Caesar, which are supposed to have been the productions of Salli. Dr. B. Thev are commonly ti. imposed by him, but the grounds of this opinion are far from satisfactory to one who exam with any attention. 3 H. Many thanks to you, my dear Doctor, for your kindness in devoting so much of your valuable tune to this notice of Sallust and his writings. I I be able to profit by them in the prosecution of my print* :iid that it will be allowed me occasionally to con- sult you on other points of classical bi \\. You will always find DM ready, and willing, Henry, to co- operate in so praiseworthy an undertaking. God bless you, my dear i Income in after-life an honour to your friein an ornament to our common country : for the truest definition of happi- I, a cultivated intellect in unison with a virtuous heart. — Farewell. 1. Fuhric. Dibl. Lut.. vol i. p.n ..; , p. 45.— Kreysig. Com- ment. < •. v,>l. ii.p. 10.— Baehr, Gesch. Rum. Lit., p. 381.— Mullet; fmek. i vol. i. p. 9. 2. Hist, dc la Republ. Romaine, par Salluste, en par tie trad, du Latin, en partie retablie et composlt sur les fragment, par Ch. de Brosses, Dijon, 1777. 3. Fabric. Bibl. Lat., vol. l. p. 239. — Douza, ad Jragm. Sail., p. 153, seqq. — Gerlach, vol. ii. p. 14, soft.— Wolf. Praef. ad Cic. Or. pro Marcell, p. 8, col. \ C. CRISPI S ALLU STI1 BELLUM JUGURTHINUM. I. ^also queritur dfl - humanuin, \ mbecilla titqoc aeri bm •, quam virtute regatur. N que praestabilitu .<• naturae iadsatriajn hominum, quam rim Mil tem] 1 dux atque imperatoi ritaa movtaliam animus eat : qui, aba id ulori- am wrmtis via T gr ibunda B polleiii p a et clai rtunae < : p TftMtatTffl n. in- duatriam, al. que dare, Deque eripere po- cupidin. ini rtiam rt | hipfe iuludine paulliapei nana, obi pa afirnrriitm fins, teaq ai- uin defl Uirar inlirmitas arcusalur : wi>- que culpa in ■ ho- mi j i * t ova esset, quanto studio aliciia iC nihil prui'umra, inullumqui- rtiam prnculoaa, petonl ; i4 U( :ur ma^is. quam >us, et eo magnitudin at, 15 ubi, pro mortalibus, glo- ria aeterni fierent II. Nam, uti 16 genus hominum compositum ai aiiima et corpore, ita rea cunctae, studiaque omnia nostra, corpo- ris alia, alia aniini naturain : ~>rquuntur. Igitur 18 praeclara facies, magnae divitiae, ad hoc vis corporis, alia hujusce- modi, omnia brevi ^dilabuntur ; at 20 ingenii egregia facino- ra, sicuti anima, immortalia sunt. Postremo, 21 corporis 3 2 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. et fortunae bonorum, ut initium, finis est : omnia orta oc- cidunt, et aucta senescunt : animus incorruptus, aeter- nus, rector humani generis, x agit atque habet cuncta, ne- que ipse habetur. 2 Quo magis pravitas eorum admiranda est, qui, dediti corporis gaudiis, per luxum atque igna- viam aetatem agunt ; ceterum ingenium, quo neque me- lius, neque amplius aliud in natura mortalium est, 3 incul- tu atque secordia torpescere sinunt ; cum praesertim tarn multae variaeque sint 4 artes animi, quibus summa clari- tudo paratur. III. Verum 6 ex his magistratus et imperia, posrremo 6 omnis cura rerum publicarum, minume mihi hac tempes- tate cupiunda videntur : 7 quoniam neque virtuti honos da- tur ; neque illi, quibus per fraudem jus fuit, tuti, aut eo magis honesti sunt. Nam vi quidem regere patriam, aut 8 parentes, quamquam et possis, et 9 delicta corrigas, ta- men importunum est ; cum praesertim omnes rerum mu- tationes caedem, fugam, aliaque hostilia portendant ; frus- tra autem niti, neque aliud 10 fatigando, nisi odium, quae- rere, extremae dementiae est ; nisi forte 11 quem inhonesta et perniciosa lubido tenet, potentiae paucorum decus at- que libertatem suam l2 gratificari. IV. Ceterum, ex aliis negotiis 13 quae ingenio exercen- tur, in primis magno usui est u memoria rerum gestarum : cujus de virtute quia multi dixere, praetereimdum puto ; simul, ne, 15 per insolentiam, quis existumet, memet, stu- dium laudando, extollere. Atque ego credo fore qui, quia decrevi procul 16 a republica aetatem agere, tanto tamque utili labori meo nomen inertiae imponant ; 17 certe, quibus maxuma industria videtur, 18 salutare plebem, et contiriis gratiam quaerere. Qui si reputaverint, et 19 quibus ego temporibus magistratus adeptus sum, et quales viri idem adsequi nequiverint, et postea quae genera hominum in 8enatum pervenerint ; profecto existumabunt, me magis 20 merito, quam ignavia, judicium aninn mutavisse, majus- que commodum ex otio meo, quam ex aliorum negotiis, reipublicae venturum. Nam saepe audivi, 21 Q. Maxu- SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 3 mum, P. Scipionem, praeterea civitatis nostrae prae- claros viros solitos ita dicere, cum majorum 1 imagines INTUERENTUR, VEHEMENTISSUME SIBI ANIMUM AD VIRTTJ- tem accendi. 2 Scilicet non ceram illam, neque figuram, tantam vim in sese habere ; sed, memoria rerum gesta- rum, earn ■ flammam egregiis viris in pectore crescere, ne- que prius sedari, quam virtus 3 eorum famam atque glo- riam adaequaverit. At contra, quis est omnium, 4 his mori- bus, quin divitiis et sumtibus, non probitate neque indus- tria, cum majoribus suis contendat ? etiam 5 homines novi, qui antea per virtutem soliti erant nobilitatem antevenire, 6 furtim et per latrocinia potius quam bonis artibus ad imperia et honor es nituntur ; proinde quasi praetura et consulatus, atque alia omnia hujuscemodi, per se ipsa clara, magnifica sint, 7 ac non perinde habeantur, ut eorum qui sustinent virtus est. Verum ego 8 liberius altiusque pro- cessi, dum me civitatis morum piget taedetque : nunc ad inceptum redeo. V. Bellum scripturus sum, quod populus Romanus cum 9 Jugurtha, rege Numidarum, gessit : primum, quia magnum et 10 atrox, variaque victoria fuit : dein, quia turn primum superbiae nobilitatis n obviam itum est ; quae con- tentio divina et humana cuncta permiscuit, eoque vecor- diae processit, uti studiis civilibus bellum atque vastitas Italiae finem faceret. Sed, priusquam hujuscemodi rei initium expedio, 12 pauca supra repetam ; 13 quo, ad cognos- cendum, omnia illustria magis, magisque in aperto sint. u Bello Punico secundo, quo dux Carthaginiensium Hanni- bal, post magnitudinem nominis Romani, Italiae opes maxume adtriverat, Masinissa, rex Numidarum, in ami- citia receptus a P. Scipione, 15 cui postea Africano cog- nomen ex virtute fuit, multa et 16 praeclara rei militaris faci- nora fecerat : ob quae, victis Carthaginiensibus, et capto Syphace, cujus in Africa magnum atque late imperium valuit, populus Romanus, quascumque urbis et agros manu ceperat, 17 regi dono dedit. Igitur amicitia Masinissae bona atque honesta nobis permansit : 18 imperii vitaeque 4 SALLUST1I JUGURTHA. ejus finis idem fuit. Dein Micipsa, films, regnum solus obtihuit, Mastanabale et Gulussa, fratribus, morbo x ab- sumtis. Is Adherbalem et Hiempsalem ex sese genuit ; Jugurthamque, Mastanabalis fratris filium, quern Masinis- sa, quod ortus ex concubina erat, privatum reliquerat, Mo- dern cultu, quo liberos suos, domi habuit. VI. Qui ubi primum adolevit, pollens viribus, decora facie, sed multo maxume ingenio validus, non se 3 iuxu, neque inertiae corrumpendum dedit ; sed, uti mos gentis illius est, 4 equitare, jaculari, cursu cum aequalibus cer- tare : 5 et, cum omnis gloria anteiret, omnibus tamen carus esse : ad hoc, pleraque tempora in venando agere, leonem atque alias feras primus, aut in primis ferire : plurimum facere, minumum ipse de se loqui. Quibus rebus Micipsa tametsi initio laetus fuerat, existumans virtutem Jugurthae regno suo gloriae fore ; tamen, postquam 6 hominem ado- lescentem, exacta sua aetate, parvis liberis, 7 magis ma- gisque crescere intellegit, vehementer negotio permotus, multa cum animo suo volvebat. Terrebat natura mortali- um, 8 avida imperii, et praeceps ad explendam animi cu- pidinem : praeterea opportunitas suaeque et liberorum aetatis, quae etiam mediocris viros spe praedae transvor- sos agit : ad hoc, studia Numidarum in Jugurtham accensa ; ex quibus, si talem virum interfecisset, ne qua 9 seditio, aut bellum oriretur, anxius erat. VII. His difticultatibus circumventus, ubi videt, neque per vim, neque insidiis, opprimi posse hominem tarn ac- ceptum 10 popidaribus ; quod erat Jugurtha manu promtus et adpetens gloriae militaris, statuit eum objectare pe- riculis, et eo modo fortunam tentare. Igitur, bello ll Nu- mantino, Micipsa, cum populo Romano equitum atque peditum auxilia mitteret, sperans, vel ostentando virtu- tem, vel hostium saevitia, facile occasurum, praefecit Numidis quos in Hispaniam mittebat. Sed ea res longe aliter, ac ratus erat, evenit. Nam Jugurtha, ut erat 12 im- pigro atque acri ingenio, ubi naturam P. Scipionis, qui turn Romanis imperator, et morem hostium cognovit ; SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 5 multo Iabore, multaque cura, praeterea modestissume pa- rendo, et saepe obviam eundo periculis, in tantam claritu- dinem brevi pervenerat, ut nostris vehementer carus, Numantmis maxumo terrori esset. Ac sane, quod diffi- cillumum in primis est, et praelio strenuus erat, et bonus consilio ; 1 quorum alterum ex providentia timorem, alterum ex audacia temeritatera adferre plerumque solet. Igitur imperator omnis fere 2 res asperas per Jugurtham agere, in amicis habere, magis magisque in dies amplecti ; quippe cujus neque consilium, neque inceptum ullura frustra erat. Hue accedebat 3 munincentia animi, et in- genii sollertia, quis rebus sibi multos ex Romanis familiari amicitia conjunxerat. VIII. Ea tempestate in exercitu nostro fuere complu- res, novi atque nobiles, quibus divitiae bono honestoque 4 potiores erant, factiosi, doini potentes, apud socios clari magis, quam honesti : qui Jugurthae 5 non mediocrem ani- mum pollicitando accendebant, si micipsa rex occidis- SET, FORE, UTI SOLUS IMPERII NUMIDIAE POTIRETUR : IN IPSO MAXUMAM VIRTUTEM, 6 ROMAE OMNIA VENALIA ESSE. Sed postquam, Numantia deleta, P. Scipio dimittere aux- ilia, ipse 7 revorti domum decrevit ; donatum atque lauda- turn magniiice pro concione Jugurtham in praetorium abduxit, ibique secreto monuit, " uti potius 8 publice, quam privatim, amicitiam populi R. coleret ; neu quibus largin insuesceret : periculose a paucis emi, quod multorum esset : si permanere vellet 9 in suis artibus, ultro illi et gloriam, et regnum venturum ; sin properantius pergeret, suamet ipsum pecunia praecipitem casurum." IX. Sic locutus, cum Uteris, quas Micipsae redderet, dimisit : earum sententia haec erat. " Jugurthae tui hel- lo Numantino longe maxuma virtus fuit ; quam rem tibi certo scio gaudio esse : nobis ob merita carus est ; uti idem senatui sit et populo Romano, summa ope nitemur, Tibi quidem 10 pro nostra amicitia gratulor : en habes vi* rum dignum te, atque avo suo Masinissa." 11 Igitur rex, ubi, quae fama acceperat, ex literis imperatoris ita esse; 3* 6 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. cognovit, cum virtute viri, turn gratia permotus, rlexit animum suum, et Jugurtham beneficiis vincere adgressus est ; statimque adoptavit, et testamento pariter cum filiis heredem instituit. Sed ipse paucos post annos, morbo atque aetate confectus, cum sibi finem vitae adesse intel- legeret, coram amicis et cognatis, item Adherbale et Hiempsale filiis, dicitur hujuscemodi verba 1 cum Jugur- tha habuisse. X. " Parvum ego, Jugurtha, te, amisso patre, sine spe, sine opibus, 2 in meum regnum accepi ; existumans non minus me tibi quam liberis, si genuissem, ob beneficia carum fore : 3 neque ea res falsum habuit. Nam, ut alia magna et egregia tua omittam, novissume, rediens Nu- mantia, meque regnumque meum 4 gloria honoravisti : tua virtute nobis Romanos ex amicis amicissumos fecisti : in Hispania nomen familiae renovatum : postremo, quod diffi- cillumum inter mortalis, gloria invidiam vicisti. Nunc, quoniam mihi natura vitae finem facit, per hanc dextram, Sper regni fidem moneo obtestorque, uti hos, qui tibi genere propinqui, beneficio meo fratres sunt, caros habeas ; neu malis alienos adjungere, quam sanguine conjunctos retinere. 6 Non exercitus, neque thesauri praesidia regni sunt, verum amici, quos neque armis cogere, neque auro parare queas : officio et fide pariuntur. Quis autem amicior, quam frater fratri ? aut quern alienum fidum in* venies, si tuis hostis fueris ? Equidem ego vobis regnum trado firmum, si boni eritis ; sin mali, imbecillum. Nam concordia parvae res crescunt, discordia maxumae 7 dila- buntur. Ceterum ante hos te, Jugurtha, qui aetate et sapientia prior es, 8 ne aliter quid eveniat, providere decet. Nam, in omni certamine, qui opulentior est, etiamsi accipit injuriam, quia plus potest, facere videtur. Vos autem, Adherbal et Hiempsal, colite, observate talem hunc virum, imitamini virtutem, et enitimini, ne ego meliores liberos sumsisse videar, quam genuisse." XI. Ad ea Jugurtha, tametsi regem 9 ficta locutum in- tellegebat, et ipse longe aUter animo agitabat, tamen pro SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 7 tempore benigne respondit. Micipsa paucis diebus mo- ritur. Postquam illi, more regio, x justa magnifice fece- rant, reguli in unum convenere, uti inter se de cunctis negotiis disceptarent. Sed Hiempsal, qui minumus ex illis, natura 2 ferox, etiam ante a ignobilitatem Jugurthae, quia materno genere impar erat, despiciens, 3 dextra Ad- herbalem adsedit ; ne medius ex tribus, quod apud Nu- midas honori ducitur, Jugurtha foret. Dein tamen, uti aetati concederet, fatigatus a fratre, vix in partem alteram transductus est. Ibi, 4 cum multa de administrando imperio dissererent, Jugurtha inter alias res jacit : oportere QUINQUENNII CONSULTA OMNIA ET DECRETA RESCINDI ; NAM PER EA TEMPORA CONFECTUM ANNIS MICIPSAM PARUM ANIMO VALUISSE. TuM IDEM, Hiempsal, PLACERE SIBI, respondit ; nam 5 ipsum ileum tribus his proxumis an- NIS ADOPTATIONE IN REGNUM PERVENISSE. Quod Verbum in pectus Jugurthae altius, quam quisquam ratus, descen- dit. Itaque, ex eo tempore, ira et metu anxius moliri, pa- rare atque ea modo animo habere, quibus Hiempsal per dolum caperetur. Quae ubi tardius procedunt, neque leni- ' tur animus ferox, statuit quo vis modo inceptum perficere. XII. Primo conventu, quern ab regulis factum supra ! memoravi, 6 propter dissensionem placuerat dividi thesau- I ros, finisque imperii singulis constitui. Itaque tempus ad | utramque rem decernitur, sed maturius ad pecuniam ; distribuendam. Reguli interea in loca propinqua thesau- I ris alius alio concessere. Sed Hiempsal, in oppido Thirmida, forte ejus domo utebatur, qui, 7 proxumus lictor Jugurthae, carus acceptusque semper fuerat ; 8 quem ille ; casu ministrum oblatum promissis onerat, uti tamquam ! suam visens domum eat, portarum clavis adulterinas pa- ! ret ; nam verae ad Hiempsalem referebantur ; ceterum t ; ubi res postularet, se ipsum cum magna manu venturum. ; Numida mandata brevi confecit ; atque, ut doctus erat, | noctu Jugurthae milites introducit. Qui postquam in ■ aedis irrupere, 9 diversi regem quaerere : dormientis alios, ] alios occursantis interficere : scrutari loca abdita ; clausa 8 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA, effringere : strepitu et tumultu omnia miscere : cum Hiempsal interim reperitur, occultans sese tugurio mu- lieris ancillae, quo, initio, pavidus et ignarus loci, perfu- gerat. Numidae caput ejus, ut jussi erant, ad Jugurtham referunt. XIIL Ceterum fama tanti facinoris per omnem Africam brevi divulgatur : Adherbalem 1 omnisque, qui sub imperio Micipsae fuerant, metus invadit : in duas partis disce- dunt : plures Adherbalem sequuntur, sed ilium alterum bello meliores. Igitur Jugurtha quam maxumas potest copias armat ; urbis 2 partim vi, alias voluntate imperio suo adjungit ; omni Numidiae imperare parat. Adherbal, 3 tamen etsi Romam legatos miserat, qui senatum doce- rent de caede fratris et fortunis suis ; tamen, fretus mul- titudine militum, parabat armis contendere. Sed, ubi res ad certamen vcnit, victus ex praelio profugit in 4 pro\in- ciam, ac deinde Romam contendit. Turn Jugurtha, 5 pa- tratis consiliis, in otio facinus suum cum animo reputans, timere populum Romanum, neque advorsus iram ejus usquam, nisi in avaritia nobilitatis et pecunia sua, spem habere. Itaque paucis diebus cum auro et argento multo Romam mittit, 6 quis praecepit, uti primum veteres amicos muneribus expleant ; deinde novos adquirant ; postremo, quemcumque possint largiundo parare, ne cunctentur. Sed, ubi Romam legati venere, et, ex praecepto regis, hospitibus, 7 aliisque, quorum ea tempestate auctoritas pol- lebat, magna munera misere ; tanta commutatio incessit, uti ex maxuma invidia in gratiam et favorem nobilitatis Jugurtha veniret ; quorum pars spe, alii praemio inducti, 8 singulos ex senatu ambiundo, nitebantur, ne gravius in eum consuleretur. Igitur, legati ubi satis conndunt, die constituto, 9 senatus utrisque datur. Turn Adherbalem hoc modo locutum accepimus. XIV. u Patres conscripti, Micipsa, pater meus, niori- ens, praecepit, uti regnum Numidiae tantummodo 10 procu- ratione existumarem meum ; ceterum jus et imperium penes vos esse : simul eniterer domi militiaeque quam SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 9 maxumo usui esse populo Romano : vos mihi 1 cognatorum vos in adiinium locum ducerem : si ea fecissem, in ves- tra amicitia exercitum, divitias, munimenta regni 2 habere. Quae cum praecepta parentis mei agitarem, Jugurtha, homo omnium, quos terra sustinet, sceleratissimus, con- temto imperio vestro, Masinissae me nepotem, et jam ab stirpe socium et amicum populo Romano, regno fortu- nisque omnibus expulit. 3 Atque ego, Patres conscripti, quoniam eo miseriarum venturus eram, 4 vellem, potius ob mea, quam ob majorum beneficia posse auxilium petere ; ac maxume deberi mihi a populo Romano, quibus non egerem ; secundum ea, si desideranda erant, uti debitis uterer. Sed, quoniam parum tuta per se ipsa probitas, 5 neque mihi in manu fuit, Jugurtha qualis foret ; ad vos confugi, Patres conscripti, quibus, quod miserrumum, co- gor prius oneri, quam usui esse. Ceteri reges, aut bello victi in amicitiam a vobis recepti, aut in suis dubiis rebus societatem vestram adpetiverunt : familia nostra cum pop- ulo Romano bello Carthaginiensi amicitiam instituit ; 6 quo tempore magis fides ejus, quam fortuna petenda erat. 7 Quorum progeniem vos, Patres conscripti, nolite pati frus- tra a vobis auxilium petere. Si ad impetrandum nihil caussae haberem, praeter miserandam fortunam ; quod paullo ante rex, genere, fama atque copiis potens, nunc deformatus aerumnis, inops, alienas opes exspecto ; 8 tamen erat majestatis Romani populi, prohibere injuriam, neque cujusquam regnum per scelus cresceret. Yerum ego his finibus ejectus sum, quos majoribus meis populus Roma- nus dedit ; unde pater et avus una vobiscum expulere Syphacem et Carthaginienses. Vestra beneficia erepta sunt, Patres conscripti : 9 vos in mea injuria despecti estis. Eheu me miserum ! Huccine, Micipsa pater, beneficia evasere, uti, quem tu parem cum liberis, regnique par- ticipem fecisti, is 10 potissumum stirpis tuae extinctor sit ? Nunquamne ergo familia nostra quieta erit 1 11 semperne in sanguine, ferro, fuga versabimur I Dum Carthaginienses incolumes fuere, jure omnia saeva patiebamur : hostes ab 10 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. latere, vos amici procul, spes omnis in armis erat. Post- quam 1 illa pestis ejecta, laeti pacem agitabamus ; quippe quis hostis nullus, nisi forte quern jussissetis. Ecce autem ex improviso, Jugurtha, intoleranda audacia, scelere atque superbia 2 sese ecferens, fratre meo, atque eodem propinquo suo interfecto, priraum regnum ejus sceleris sui praedam fecit : post, ubi me 3 isdem dolis nequit ca- pere, nihil minus, quam vim, aut bellum exspectantem, in imperio vestro, sicuti videtis, 4 extorrem patria, domo, inopem et coopertum miseriis effecit, ut ubi vis tutius, quam in meo regno essem. Ego sic existumabam, Pa- tres conscripti, ut praedicantem audiveram patrem me urn. qui vestram amicitiam colerent, i iltmn lah suscipere ; ceterum ex omnibus ma xui ne tutos esse. 6 Quod in faniilia nostra fiat, praestitit, uti in omnibus bellis vobis adcssent ; nos uti per otiiun t ut i mih; manu vestra est, Patres conscripti. Pater nos duos fra- tres reliquit ; 7 tertiuni, Jogmtham, bent Bin* ratus nobis conjunctum fore : alter eonmi n< ratus, alu-rius ipse ego mamn imj flu^i. Quid agam ? quopotissumum infelix accedam ! KSeneru ia omnia < sunt: pater, uti nrcesse era!, naturae 00 niinuine decuit, propiiu]iius, per scelus, vitam eripuit : 10 adtines, amicos. propinquos i ilium alia clades oppressit : capti ab Jugurtha, u pars in cnn . pars bestiis objecti ; pauci, quibus relicta anima, clausi in bris, cum moerore et luetu, morte uraworem vitam gunt. Si omnia, quae aut annsi, aut ex m advorsa facta sunt, incolumia manerent, tainen, si quid ex improviso accidisset, vos implorarem, Patn ripti ; quibus, pro magnitudine imperii, jus et injurias omnis eurae esse decet. 13 Nune veto exsul patria, don i 'mili- um honestarum rerum egens, quo accedam, aut qu lem ? nationesne, an leges, qui omnes familiae nofl 15 ob vestram amicitiam infesti sunt ! an quoquam adire licet, ubi non majorum meorum hoshlia monumenta plu- rima ? aut quisquam nostn misereri potest, qui aliquando SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. vobis hostis fuit ? 1 Postremo, Masinissa nos ita instituit, Patres conscripti, ne quern coleremus, nisi populum Ro- manum, ne societates, ne foedera nova acciperemus : abunde magna praesidia nobis in vestra amicitia fore : si huic imperio fortuna mutaretur, 2 una nobis occidendum esse. Yirtute ac dis volentibus 3 magni estis et opulenti : omnia secunda et obedientia sunt : quo facilius sociorum injurias curare licet. Tantum illud vereor, ne 4 quos pri- vata amicitia Jugurthae, parum cognita, transvorsos agat : quos ego audio maxuma ope niti, ambire, 5 fatigare vos singulos, ne quid de absente, incognita caussa, statuatis : fingere me verba, fagam simulare, cui licuerit in regno manere. 6 Quod utinam ilium, cujus impio facinore, in has miserias projectus sum, eadem haec simulantem vi- deam ; et aliquando ant apud vos, aut apud deos immor- talis, rerum human arum cura oriatur : T ne, ille, qui nunc sceleribus suis ferox atquc pracelarus est, omnibus malis excruciatus, impiotatis in pareiitnii nostrum, iratris mei necis. mearumque miseriarum gravis peftnai raddet 8 Jam jam, frater, animo meo carisMimc. quamquam immaturo, et unde minume decuit, vita eivpta est ; tamen laetan- dum magis, quam dolendum puto casum tuum ; non enim regnum, sed fugain, exilium, egestatem, et omnis has, quae me preinunt, aerumnas cum aniina simul amisisti. At ego infelix, in tanta mala praecipitatus ex patrio reg- no, 9 rerum hiunanariun Bpectaculum praebeo, incertus quid agam ; tuasne injurias persequar, ipse auxilii egens, an regno consulam, cujus vitae necisque potestas ex opibus alienis pendet Utinam 10 emori fortunis meis honestus exitus esset, n neu jure contemtus viderer, si, defessus malis, injuriae concessissem. Nunc 12 neque vivere lubet, neque mori licet sine dedecore. Patres conscripti, per vos, per liberos atque parentes, per majestatem populi Romani subvenite misero mihi ; ite obviam injuriae ; nolite pati regnum Numidiae, quod vestrum est, per scelus et sanguinem familiae nostrae tabescere." XV. Postquam rex finem loquendi fecit, legati Jugur- 12 SALLTJSTII JUGURTHA. thae largitione magis, quam 1 caussa freti, paucis respon- dent : " Hiempsalem ob saevitiam suam ab Numidis inter- fectum : Adherbalem ultro bellum inferentem, postquam superatus sit, queri, quod injuriam facere nequivisset : Jugurtham ab senatu petere, ne alium putarent, ac Nu- mantiae cognitus esset, neu verba inimici ante facta sua ponerent." Deinde utrique curia egrediuntur. Senatus statim consulitur : fautores legatorum, praeterea magna pars, 2 gratia depravati, Adherbalis dicta contemnere, Ju- gurthae virtutem extollere laudibus ; gratia, voce, denique omnibus modis, pro alieno scelere et flagitio, sua quasi pro gloria, nitebantur. At contra pauci, quibus bonum et aequum divitiis 3 carius, subveniundum Adherbali, et Hi- empsalis mortem severe vindicandam censebant : sed ex omnibus maxume Aemilius Scaurus, homo nobilis, impi- ger, factiosus, avidus potentiae, honoris, divitiarum ; cct- erum vitia sua callide occultans. Is postquam videt regis largitionem famosam impudentemque, veritus, quod in tali re solet, ne polluta licentia invidiam accenderet, animum a consueta lubidine continuit. XVI. Vicit tamen in senatu pars ilia, 4 qui vero pretium aut gratiam anteferebant. Decretum fit, uti decem LEGATI REGNUM, QUOD MICIPSA OBTIXUERAT, INTER JUGUR- THAM ET ADHERBALEM DIVIDEREXT \ ClljllS legationiS princeps fuit L. Opimius, homo clarus et turn in senatu potens ; quia consul, C. Graccho et M. Fulvio Flacco interfectis, acerrume victoriam nobilitatis in plebem exer- cuerat. Eum Jugurtha tametsi Romae in amicis habuerat, tamen 5 adcuratissume recepit ; dando et pollicitando per- fecit, uti famae, fide, postremo omnibus suis rebus commo- dum regis anteferret. Reliquos legates eadem via adgressus, plerosque capit ; paucis carior fides, quam pecunia fuit. In divisione, quae pars Numidiae 6 Maureta- niam adtingit, agro, viris opulentior, Jugurthae traditur : illam alteram specie, quam usu, potior em, quae portuosior et aedificiis magis exornata erat, Adherbal possedit. XVII. 7 Res postulare videtur Africae situm paucis SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 13 exponere, et eas gentis, quibuscum nobis bellum aut ami- citia fuit, adtingere. Sed quae loca et nationes ob calorem, aut asperitatem, item solitudines, minus frequen- tata sunt, *de is haud facile compertum narraverim : cetera quam paucissumis absolvam. In divisione orbis terrae plerique 2 in partem tertiam Africam posuere : pauci tantummodo Asiam et Europam esse ; sed Africam in Europa. 3 Ea finis habet, ab occidente 4 fretum nostri maris et oceani ; ab ortu solis, 5 declivem latitudinem, quern locum Catabathmon incolae adpellant. Mare sae- vum. importuosum : ager frugum fertilis, bonus pecori, 6 arbori infecundus : coelo, terra, penuria aquarum. Genus hominum salubri corpore, velox, patiens laborum : ple- rosque senectus dissolvit, nisi qui ferro, aut bestiis in- teriere : nam morbus haud saepe quemquam superat. Ad hoc, malefici generis plurima animalia. Sed qui mortales initio Africam habuerint, quique postea accesse- rint, aut quomodo inter se permixti sint ; 7 quamquam ab ea fama, quae plerosque obtinet, diver sum est ; tamen, uti ex libris Punicis, qui regis Hiempsalis dicebantur, interpretatum nobis est, utique rem sese habere cultores ejus terrae putant, quam paucissumis dicam. Ceterum rides ejus rei penes auctores erit. XVIII. Africam initio habuere 8 Gaetuli et Libyes, asperi, inculti ; quis cibus erat caro ferina atque humi pabulum, uti pecoribus. Hi neque moribus, neque lege, neque imperio cujusquam regebantur : vagi, palantes, qua nox coegerat, sedes habebant. Sed, postquam in His- pania 9 Hercules, sicuti Afri putant, interiit, exercitus ejus, compositus ex variis gentibus, amisso duce, ac pas- sim multis, sibi quique, imperium petentibus, brevi dilabitur. Ex eo numero Medi, Persae et Armenii, navibus in Afri- cam transvecti, proxumos nostro mari locos occupavere. Sed Persae 10 intra oceanum magis : iique alveos navium inversos pro tuguriis habuere, quia neque materia in agris, neque ab Hispanis 11 emundi, aut mutandi copia erat : mare magnum et ignara lingua commercia prohibe- 4 14 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. bant. Hi paullatim per connubia Gaetulos sibi miscuere : et, quia saepe Hentantes agros, alia, deinde alia loca petiverant, semet ipsi Numidas adpellavere. Ceterum adhuc aedificia Numidarum agrestium, quae 2 mapalia illi vo cant, oblonga, 3 incurvis lateribus tecta, quasi navium carinae sunt. Medis autem et Armenis accessere Libyes (nam hi propius mare Africum agitabant ; Gaetuli 4 sub sole magis, haud procul ab ardoribus) hique mature op- pida habuere ; nam, freto divisi ab Hispania, mutare res inter se instituerant. Nomen eorum paullatim Libyes corrupere, barbara lingua 5 Mauros pro Medis adpellantes. Sed res Persarum brevi adolevit : ac postea 6 nomine Numidae, propter multitudinem a parentibus digressi, pos- sidere ea loca, quae proxume Carthaginem Numidia adpellatur. Dein 7 utrique, alteris freti, finitumos armis aut metu sub imperium cogere, nomen gloriamque sibi addidere ; magis hi qui ad nostrum mare processerant : quia Libyes, quam Gaetuli, minus bellicosi : denique Africae 8 pars inferior pleraque ab Numidis possessa est : victi omnes in gentem nomenque imperantium conce> XIX. Postea Phoenices, alii multitudinis domi minu- endae gratia, pars imperii cupidine, sollicitata plebe, et aliis novarum rerum avidis, Hipponem, Hadrumetum, Leptim, aliasque urbis in ora maritima condidere : hae- que brevi multum auctae, pars 9 originibus praesidio, aliae decori fuere : nam de Carthagine silere melius puto, quam parum dicere ; quoniam alio properare tempus mo- net. Igitur 10 ad Catabathmon, qui locus Aegyptum ab Africa dividit, secundo mari, prima Cyrene est, colonia n Thereon, ac deinceps duae Spies, interque eas 12 Leptis : dein 13 Philaenon arae, quern, Aegyptum versus, rlnem imperii habuere Carthaginienses : 14 post aliae Punicae urbes. Cetera loca usque ad Mauretaniam Numidae te- nent : proxume Hispaniam Mauri sunt : super Xumidiam Gaetulos accepimus partim in tuguriis, alios incultius vagos agitare ; post eos 15 Aethiopas esse ; dein loca exusta solis ardoribus. Igitur bello Jugurthino 16 pleraque SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 15 ex Punicis oppida. et finis Carthaginiensium, quos novis- sume habuerant, populus Romanus per magistrates ad- ministrabat : Gaetulorum magna pars et Numidia usque ad flumen Mulucham sub Jugurtha erant : Mauris omnibus rex Bocchus 1 imperitabat, praeter nomen, cetera ignarus populi Romani ; itemque nobis neque bello, neque pace, antea cognitus. De Africa et ejus incolis ad necessitu- dinem rei satis dictum. XX. Postquam, regno diviso, legati Africa discessere, et Jugurtha contra 2 timorem animi praemia sceleris adeptum sese videt ; certum ratus, quod ex amicis apud Numantiam acceperat, omnia Romae venalia esse, simul et illorum pollicitationibus accensus, quos paullo ante muneribus expleverat, in regnum Adherbalis animum intendit. Ipse acer, bellicosus : at is, 3 quem petebat, quietus, imbellis, placido ingenio, opportunus injuriae, me- tuens magis, quam metuendus. Igitur ex improviso, finis ejus cum magna manu invasit, multos mortalis cum pecore atque alia praeda capit, aedificia incendit, pleraque loca hostiliter cum equitatu ace edit ; dein cum omni multitu- dine in regrmm snum 4 convertit, existumans dolore per- motum Adherbalem injurias suas manu vindicaturum, eamque rem belli caussam fore. At ille, quod neque se parein armis existumabat, et amicitia populi Romani ma- gis quam Numidis fretus erat, legatos ad Jugurtham de injuriis questum misit : qui tametsi 5 contumeliosa dicta retulerant, prius tamen omnia pati decrevit, quam bellum sumere ; quia tentatum antea secus cesserat. Neque tamen eo magis cupido Jugurtbae minuebatur ; quippe qui totum ejus regnum 6 animo jam invaserat. Itaque non, ut antea, cum praedatoria manu, sed magno exercitu comparato, bellum gerere coepit, et aperte totius Nu- midiae imperium petere. Ceterum, qua pergebat, urbis, agros vastare, praedas agere ; suis animum, terrorem hostibus auger e. XXI. Adherbal ubi intellegit, 7 eo processum, uti re- gnum aut relinquendum esset, aut armis retinendum, neces- 16 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. sario copias parat, et Jugurthae obvius procedit. Interim haud longe a mari, prope Cirtam oppidum, utriusque consedit exercitus : et, quia die extremum erat, praelium non inceptum. Ubi pleruraque noctis processit, ^bscuro etiam turn lumine, milites Jugurthini, signo dato, castra hostium invadunt ; semisomnos partim, alios arma su- mentes fugant funduntque ; Adherbal cum paucis equiti- bus Cirtam profugit, et, ni multitudo togatorum fuisset, quae Numidas insequentes moenibus prohibuit, uno die inter duos reges coeptum atque patratum bellum foret. Igitur Jugurtha oppidum circumsedit, 2 vineis turribusque et machinis omnium generum expugnare adgreditur ; maxume festinans 3 tempus legatorum antecapere, quos, ante prae- lium factum, Romam ab Adherbale missos audiverat. Sed, postquam senatus de bello eorum accepit, tres ado- lescentes in Africam legantur, qui ambo reges adeant, se- natus populique Romani verbis nunci Ik et censere, eos ab armis discedere ; de controversiis suis jure potius, quam bello disceptare ; ita seque illisque dignum fore." XXII. Legati in Africam maturantes veniunt, eo magis, quod Romae, dam profirisci parant, de pntfilio facto et op- pugnatione Cirtae audiebatur : sed is rumor 5 clemens erat. Quorum Jugurtha accepta oratione respondit : M sibi neque majus quidquam, neque carius auctoritate senati : ab adolescentia ita enisum, uti ab optumo quoque probare- tur : virtute, non malitia, P. Scipioni, summo viro, pla- cuisse : ob easdem artis ab Micipsa, non penuria libero- rum, in regnum adoptatum : ceterum, quo plura bene atque strenue fecisset, eo animum suum injuria m minus tolerare : Adherbalem dobs vitae suae insidiatum ; quod ubi com- perisset, sceleri obviam isse : populum Romanum ^eque recte, neque pro bono facturum, si ab jure gentium prohibuerint : postremo de omnibus rebus legatos Romam brevi missurum." Ita 7 utrique digredimitur. Adherbahs adpellandi copia non fuit. XXIII. Jugurtha, ubi eos Africa decessisse ratus neque, propter loci naturam, Cirtam armis expugnare po» BALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 17 test, ^allo atque fossa moenia circumdat, turris exstruit, easque praesidiis firmat : praeterea dies, noctes, aut per vim, aut dolis tentare ; defensoribus moenium praemia modo, modo 2 formidinem ostentare ; suos hortando ad virtutem erigere ; prorsus intentus cuncta par are. Adher- bal, ubi intellegit omnis suas fortunas in extremo sitas, 3 hostem infestum, auxilii spem nullam, penuria rerum necessariarum bellum trahi non posse ; ex his, qui una Cirtam profugerant, duo maxume impigros delegit : eos, multa pollicendo, ac miserando casum suum, coniirmat, uti per hostium miuiitiones noctu ad proxumum mare, dein Romam pergerent. XXIV. Numidae paucis diebus jussa efficiunt : lit- terae Adherbalis in senatu 4 recitatae, quarum sententia haeo fuit. u Non mea culpa saepe ad vos oratum mitto, Patres conscripti, sed vis Jugurthae subigit : quern tanta lubido exstinguendi me invasit, uti 5 neque vos, neque deos im- mortalis in animo habeat ; sanguinem meum, quam omnia, malit. Itaque quintum jam mensem, socius et amicus populi Romani, armis obsessus teneor : neque mini Mi-, cipsae paths beneficia, neque vestra decreta auxiliantur : ferro, an fame acrius urguear, incertus sum. 6 Plura de Jugurtha scribere dehortatur fortuna mea : etiam antea expertus sum, parum fidei miseris esse : 7 nisi tamen, intel- lego, ilium supra, quam ego sum, petere, neque simul ami- citiam vestram, et regnum meum sperare : utrum 8 gravius existumet, nemini occultum est. Nam initio occidit Hi- empsalem, fratrem meum ; dein patrio regno me expulit : — 9 quae sane fuerint nostrae injuriae, nihil ad vos. Verum nunc vestrum regnum armis tenet : me, quern imperatorem Numidis posuistis, clausum obsidet ; legatormn verba quanti fecerit, pericula mea declarant. 10 Quid reliquum, nisi vis vestra, quo moveri possit 1 Nam ego quidem vel- lem, et haec quae scribo, et quae antea in senatu questus sum, vana forent potius, quam miseria mea fidem verbis faceret. Sed, quoniam eo natus sum, n ut Jugurthae scele- rum ostentui essem, non jam mortem neque aerumnas, 4* 18 SALLUSTII JUGTJRTHA, tantummodo inimici imperium et cruciatus corporis de- precor. Regno Numidiae, quod vestrum est, uti lubet, consulite : me ex manibus impiis eripite, per majestatem imperii, per amicitiae fidem ; si ulla apud vos memoria avi mei Masinissae." XXV. His litteris recitatis, fuere, qui exercitum in Africam mittendum censerent, et quam primum Adherbali subveniundum ; x de Jugurtha interim uti consuleretur, quoniam non paruisset legatis. Sed ab isdem regis fau- toribus summa ope enismn, ne decretum fieret. Ita bonum publicum, ut in plerisque negotiis solet, privata gratia devictum. Legantur tamen in Africam majores natu, nobiles, 2 amplis honoribus ; in quis M. Scaurus, de quo supra memoravimus, consularis, et turn senati princeps. Hi, quod 3 in invidia res erat, simul et ab Numidis obse- crati, triduo navim escendere : dein brevi Uticam adpulsi litteras ad Jugurtham mittunt, quam ocissume ad provin- CIAM ACCEDAT ; SEQUE AD EUM AB SENATU MISSOS. Ille ubi accepit, homines claros, quorum auctoritatem Romae pollere audiverat, 4 contra inceptum suum venisse ; primo commotus, metu atque lubidine divorsus agitabatur. Time- bat iram senati, ni paruisset legatis ; porro animus cupidine caecus ad inceptum scelus rapiebat. Yicit tamen in avido ingenio pravum consilium. Igitur, exer- citu circumdato, summa vi Cirtam irrumpere nititur, maxume sperans, diducta manu hostium, aut vi, aut dolis, sese casum victoriae inventurum. Quod ubi secus pro- cedit, neque, quod intenderat, efncere potest, uti prius r quam legatos 5 conveniret, Adherbalis potiretur : ne, amplius morando, Scaurum, quern plurimum metuebat, incenderet, cum paucis equitibus in provinciam venit. Ac, tamen etsi senati verbis minae graves nunciabantur, quod oppugna- tione non desisteret, multa tamen oratione consumta, legati frustra discessere. XXVI. Ea postquam Cirtae audita sunt, 6 Italici, quo- rum virtute moenia defensabantur, conrisi, deditione facta, propter magnitudinem populi Romani inviolatos sese fore. SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 19 Adherbali suadent, uti seque, et oppidum Jugurthae tra- dat ; tantum ab eo vitam paciscatur ; de ceteris senatui curae fore. At ille, tametsi omnia x potiora fide Jugurthae rebatur ; quia penes eosdem, si advorsaretur, cogendi potestas erat, ita, uti censuerant Italici, deditionem facit. Jugurtha in primis Adherbalem excruciatum necat : dein omnis puberes, Numidas et negotiatores promiscue, uti quisque armatis obvius, interfecit. XXVII. Quod postquam Romae cognitum, et res in senatu agitari coepta, idem illi 2 mimstri regis interpel- lando, ac saepe gratia, interdum jurgiis trahendo tempus, atrocitatem facti leniebant. Ac, ni C. Memmius, 3 tribunus plebis designatus, 4 vir acer, et infestus potentiae nobili- tatis, populum Romanum edocuisset, id agi, uti per pau- COS FACTIOSOS JUGURTHAE SCELUS CONDONARETUR, 5 prO- fecto omnis inividia prolatandis consultationibus dilapsa erat : tanta vis gratiae, atque pecuniae regis. Sed, ubi senatus delicti conscientia populum timet, 6 lege Sempro- nia provinciae futuris consulibus Numidia atque Italia decretae : consules declarantur P. Scipio Nasica, L. Bestia Calpurnius : Calpurnio Numidia, Scipioni Italia obvenit : deinde exercitus, qui in Africam portaretur, scri- bitur : stipendium, alia, quae bello usui forent, decernuntur. XXVIII. At Jugurtha, contra spem nuncio accepto, quippe cui Romae omnia 7 venum ire in animo haeserat ; rilium, et cum eo duo familiaris, ad senatum legatos mittit : bisque, ut illis, quos Hiempsale interfecto miserat, praecepit, " omnis mortalis pecunia adgrediantur." Qui postquam Romam adventabant, senatus a Bestia consultus, ! PLACERETNE LEGATOS JUGURTHAE 8 RECIPI MOENIBUS : | iique decrevere, " nisi regnum, ipsumque deditum venis- i sent, uti in 9 diebus proxumis decern Italia decederent." | Consul Numidis ex senati decreto nunciari jubet ; ita • infectis rebus illi domum discedunt. Interim Calpurnius, | parato exercitu, 10 legat sibi homines nobilis, factiosos, ■ quorum auctoritate, quae deliquisset, munita fore spe- I cabat : in quis fuit Scaurus, cujus de natura et habitu 20 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. supra memoravimus. Nam in consule nostro multae bonaeque ^rtes animi et corporis erant, quas omnis ava- ritia praepediebat : patiens laborum, acri ingenio, satis providens, belli haud ignarus, firmissumus contra pericula et insidias. Sed legiones per Italiam Rhegium, atque inde Siciliam, porro ex Sicilia in Africam, tn. Igitur Calpurnius initio, paratis commeatibus, acritei Nu- midiam ingressus est, multos mortalis, et urbis aliquot pugnando capit. XXIX. Sed, ubi Jugurtha per legatos pecunia ten bellique, quod administrabat, asperitatem ostendcrc coepit, 2 animus aeger avaritia facile conversus * socius et administer omnium consiliorum ad>umitur Scaurus : qui, tamctsi a principin. pi. ejus cormptis, acennme regem iaqpugnai magnitudine pecuniae, a bono honestoqiu- in pravum ab- stractus est. Sed Jugurtba pninum tantummodo belli moram 3 redimel>at, rxi-iumans. scsc aliquid interim K pretio, ant gratia etfr cturum : poet irtici- pem negotii Scaurum ;u in niaxumam - adductus recupi -randar tatoifl nun i is de oni: pactionibus praesenfl caussa, mittitur a console r in oppiduni Jugurthae Vagam ; cujus rei species i lru- menti, quod Calpurnius palam lcgatis imp quo- niam deditionis mora induciae agitabantur. 1 g uti constituerat, in eastra vcnit ; ac pauca, ; silio, locutus de invidia Cacti, atque in deditionem uti acciperetur, reliqua cum Bestia et Scauro sei dein postero die, 6 quasi per saturam exquia in deditionem accipitur. Sed, uti 7 pro eonsilio impt ratum, elephanti triginta, pecus atque equi multi, cum ; argenti pondere quaestori traduntur. Calpurnius Romara ad magistratus rogandos proiiciscitur. In Xumnl. exercitu nostro pax agitabatur. XXX. Postquam res in Africa .moquo modo actae forent, fama divulgavit, Romae per ciiinis ku SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 21 conventus l de facto consulis agitari : apud plebem gravis invidia: Patres, probarentne tantum rlagitium, an decre- tum consulis subverterent, parum constabat. Ac maxume eos potentia Scauri, quod is auctor et socius Bestiae ferebatur, a vero, bono impcdiebat. At C. Meramius, cujus de libertate ingenii ct odio potentiae nobilitatis supra diximus, inter dubitationem et moras senati, con- cionibus populum ad vindicandum hortari : monere, ne rempublicam, ne libertatem roam deeerarenl : multa superba, crudelia facinora nobilitatis ostemlere : prorsus interims omni modo j Sed, quo- niam M ten M< ininii lai .-undia -\ lara pollensque fait, decere nvi, imam ex tan multis orationem pefS Ol ih mum, quae in concione, post reditum Bestiae, hujuscemodi isseriiit. XXXI. "Multa dehortantur a vobia, 5, ni stu- dium reipublicae omnia stra patientia, jus nullum. lod innoeentiae plus P< rieoU, qpm honoris, eat Nam ilia quid ■*his aim .am ludibrio 1'uer biae paucorum ; qua m foede, quamque multi peri litres; • r ut :ia corruptus qui i"' nunc qui Ha inimn que etiam mmc tunetie, qmbua da i ri tenon esse. Sed, quamquam haec talia sunt, tarnen ohviam ire iactionis potentiae animus sublet : 7 certe ego libertatem, quae miln a parente tradita est expi -riar : verum id frustra, an 8 ob rem lactam, in reafea manu siium, Quirites. 9 Neque ego hortor, • . uti contra injurias annati eatM Nihil vi, nihil ] secessione opus: 11. ,, gee est n suomet ij»i more praecipites eant. Occiso Tiberio Graccho, quern reg nuui parare aiebant, in plebem Romanam 12 quaestiones habitat sunt : post C. Gracchi et M. Fulvii caedem, item multi vestri ordinis in carcere necati sunt ; 13 utriusque cladis non lex, verum lubido eorum tinem fecit. u Sed sane merit regni paratio, plebi sua restituere : quidquid sine sanguine civium ulcisci 22 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. nequitur, jure factum sit. Superioribus annis taciti in- dignabamini, aerarium expilari ; reges et populos liberos paucis nobilibus vectigal pendere ; penes eosdem et mam gloriam, et maxumas divitias esse : tamen haec talia facinora impune - ie, parum habuere : itaque postremo leges, majestas vcstra, divina et humana omnia hostibus tradita sunt. Xeque eos, qui fec< poenitet : sed 2 incedunt per ora reatra magnifice, - dotia et consular triumphos suos ost perinde quasi honori, DOO parati imperia injusta dominorum HOD perferunt : ros, Quirites, Hmperio nati, aequo animo aemtatem tol< At qui sunt hi, qui rempablicam oeeoj hfffliinoa sceleratissumi, cruentis inanihus. inunani a tissumi, idemqne postremo honesta atque inhonesta omnia qua. Pars eorum H tribano uaestiones injustas, plerique eaeden in foa i no munin. habent. Ita quam quisque pessume : | inaxume tutus est : 'metum a strain transtulere ; qttOi ban m odisse, eadem mctuere m iininn l>onos amicitia est, inter inalos fj curam haberetis, quain llli ad dominationrin aecensi sunt; profecto neque respnbliea, Mcuti nunc, benericia vestra penes optumos, non audacissumos, iorent. Majores vestri, parandi jui gratia, 8 bis, per seeossionem. armati Avcntinum occupa- vere : vos pro libertate. quam ab ili i, non summa ope nitemini ! atque 60 vehementius, 9 quo majus dedecus est, parta amittere, quam omnino non paravisae I Dicet aliquis, Quid igitm ulicandiun in eos, qui hosti prodidere rempublicam : non manu, neque vi, quod magis fecisse. quam illis aecidisse indignum ; verum quaestionibus et indicio ipsius Jugurthae : n qui, si dediticius est, profecto sin ea contemnit, scilicet existumabiti- ilia pax, SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 23 aut deditio, ex qua ad Jugurtham scelerum impunitas, ad paucos potentis maxumae divitiae, in rempublicam damna, dedecora pervenerint. Nisi forte nondum etiam vos dominationis eorum satietas tenet, et l illa, quam haec tempora, magis placent, cum regna, provinciae, 2 leges, jura, judicia, bella, paces, postremo divina et humana omnia penes paucos crant ; 3 vos autem, hoc est, populus Romanns, invicti ab hostibus, imperatorcs omnium gen- tium, satis I animain r< rvitutem quidem qui are audebat ? 4 Atque ego, tamen < no impune inju- riain :sse. tan: hmninibns scetanfifflmmia \gm ino paterer, nisi ordia in prr: «t illis, •atnm importnnitatis habent, pan. inpunr male hmdl In pitur : et vobis BdUicitodo r< in aut ser- viundnni esse, aut per M mlam. '••i qpndem, ant concordiae <. aari illi volnnt, vos libn ilH injnri pro- hib. itris reluti hostibus, hostibus untnr. 'm tai. I ant annci* -mho bOTtOTque, M tantnin - iptmitUffl I. Non peculatUS aerarii sqoa per rim : quae, 'ii pro niliilo ha- brntur. II.. [MTOditUfl] iniperinin v.-Mnnn : domi nulit; Ilea v< nalis fuit. KJ runt, ni vindicattufri in noxios, quid reliquum, nisi ut illis, qui ere, obedien uttus ! nam imp 16 libel facere, id est regem esse. Neque ego, Quirites, hortor, ut malitis civis ves- tros perperam, quam ret >e ; sed ne, ignoscendo malis, bonos perditum eatis. >°Ad hoc, in republica multo prat rficii quam malefieii immemorem esse : bonus tantummodo segnior lit, ubi neglegas ; at mains improbior. Ad hoc, si injuriae non sint, hand saepe auxilii egeas." 24 SALLUSTII JTJGURTHA. XXXII. Haec atque alia hujuscemodi saepe dicundo, Memmius populo persuadet, uti l h. Cassius, qui turn praetor erat, ad Jugurtham mitteretur, interposita ride publica, Romam duceret ; quo facilius, indicio regis, Scauri et reliquorum, 2 quos pecuniae captae arcessebant, delicta patefierent. Dum haec Romae geruntur, qui in Numidia relicti a Bestia exercitui praeerant, secuti inorem imperatoris, plurima et flagitiosissuma facinora fecere. Fuere qui, auro corrupti, 3 elephantos Jugurti, alii perfugas vendere : pars ex pacatis praedas agebant : tanta vis avaritiae in animos eorum, reluti tabes, IHTM At Cassius, 4 perlata rogatione a C. Memmio, ac perculsa omni nobilitate, ad Jugurtham proficiscitur : ei timido, et ex conscientia diffident] rebus sui- 10 se populo Romano dedidiaeet, ne vim, qoam d iiam, experiri mallet." Pnvatim pn ponit, quam ille non minoria, quam publicam, ducebat : talis ea tempestate fama de C;'.>sio. XXXIII. Igitur Jugnrtha, um. cultu quam maxumc miserabili, cum Caasio Romam \ nut : ac, tamen etsi in ipso 6 magna ris animi erat, confinnati omnibus quorum potentia ant - at, C. Baebium tribimum plebifl magna men i ujus impudentia contra jus ot injuria* omnia munr At C. Memmius, advocata concione ; quainquam regi infesta plebes erat, et pars in vincula duci jub« ni socios sceleris aperiret, more majorum, 7 de hoste sup- plicium sumi ; dignitati, quam irae, mag sedare motus, et animos mollire, postremo confin fidem publicam per sese inviolatam fore. Post, ubi - tium coepit, producto Jugurtha, 8 verba Tacit, K Numidiaque facinora ejus memorat, scelera in patrem, lra- tresque ostendit : " quibus juvantibus, quibusque min egerit, quamquam intellegat populus Rom manifesta magis ex illo habere : si vera aperirrt, in nY. dementia populi Romani magnam spem ill i Bitam : sm reti- ceat, non sociis saluti fore ; sese suasque spes Yorrupturum." SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 25 XXXIV. Deix, ubi Memmius dicundi finem fecit, et Jugurtha respondere jussus est, C. Baebius, tribunus plebis, quern pecunia corruptum supra diximus, regem tacere ju- bet : ac, tamen etsi multitudo, quae in concione aderat, vehementer accensa, Herrebat eum clamore, voltu, saepe impetu atque aliis omnibus, 2 quae ira fieri amat, vicit tamen impudentia. Ita populus ludibrio habitus ex con- cione discessit ; Jugurthae Bestiaeque et ceteris, quos ilia quaestio exagitabat, animi au^escunt. XXXV. Ea erat tempestate Romae Numida quidam, nomine Massiva. Gulueaae films. Ma>nussae nepos ; qui, quia, in dissensione regum, Jugurthae advorsus fuerat. dedita Cirta efl Adheibale interfecto, profugua i i Africa abierat. Huic Sp. Albums, qui proxumo anno post Bestiam cum Q. Minucio Kulo consulatuin gerebat, per- suadet, quoniam ex stirpr K t, Jugurtham ob mvidia cum meta urgaeal ; regmun Numidiae ab Avid;. nmdi. inmere quam M1ie9C< re omnia malebat : ip>i pn>\ nui a Nlimidia ; Minu- cio Macedonia • liva agi- tarr coepti, Deque Jugurthae in anuria satis praeaidii i quod eorum alium bonecieotia, alium mala fa ma el timor imp- Bomilcari, prazumo ac maxume fido sibi, imperat, " pretio, sicuti multa con msidiatores Massivae paret, ac e maxume oceuhe ; sin id parum pro- nodo Numidam lntcrticiat.*' Bomilcar mature regil manda; \ pet liomines talis .<>tii artifices, itinera egressusqu. qua, poetremo loca atque tempora cuncta explorat : demde, obi res postulabat, insidias tendit. Igitur unus ex eo numero, qui ad caedem parati, paullo inconsultiu^ Ma -si vain adgreditur, ilium obtruncat : sed ipse deprehensus, multis hortantibus, et imprimis Albino consule, 7 indicium profitetur. Fit reus magis ex aequo bonoque, quam ex jure gentium, Bomilcar, comes ejus qui Romam fide publica venerat. At Jugur- tha, manifestus tanti sceleris, non prius omisit contra verum niti, quam 8 animum advortit, supra gratiam atque 5 26 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. pecuniam suam invidiam facti esse. Igitur, quamquam in priore actione ex amicis quinquaginta vades dederat ; regno magis, quam vadibus consulens, clam in Xumidiam Bomilcarem dimittit, veritus, ne ^eliquos popularis mt-tus invaderet parendi sibi, si de illo supplicium sumtum Et ipse paucis diebus pm us ab m Italia decedere. Sed. 1 Roma * Lfressus est tur saepe eo tacitus r« rbem VENALEM ET MATURE PJBklTUEAM, XXXVI. Interim -\lbiin turn, stipendium, alia quae militibn- (ft, niatui Africam portare : nc atatnn ipse profectua, mi ante comf tia, quod tempos baud lon_ am qtiovia modo bellum coaficeret At contra Jngmtba trahere omnia, el alias, deii polliceri deditumem, ac deinde metum - cedere, el panllo | m diffiderent, modo, modo pacia mora, eonaulem hadii qui turn Albinum baud ignanmi coosilii i itamaraaft, neque ; ex tanta properantia tarn \ bellum Becordia magis, quam do] dilapso tempore, eoinitiorui fratre in caatria pro | XXXVII. K.\ temp Litkmibus tri ciis atrociter respublica agitabafur. P. Lvov Annius, tribuni plebis, reaistentibus magistratum nitebantur : qi us anni i tia impediebat. Ea mora in spem adductufi pro praetore in castris relictom supra diximus, aut i ciundi belli, aut terrore exercitus ab rege "pet n. undae, milites mense Januario ex hibern evocat : magnis itineribus, biem. . pervefiil oppidum Suthul, ubi regis thesauri erant. Quod quam- quam et saevitia temporis, et opportunitate loei, neque eapi, neque obsideri poterat, (nam circum murum. - in praerupti montis extremo. planiciea limosa hiem; aquis paludem fecerat,) tamen. aut simulan SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 27 formidinem adderet, aut cupidine caecus, vineas agere, aggerem jacere, alia, quae incepto usui forent, properare. XXXVIII. At Jusrurtka, cognita Sanitate atque impe- ritia legafi, subdolus augere amentiam : missitare sup- plicantis 1« l ipse, quasi vitabundus, per saltuosa I et traiii : ■ Xox atque j>: -iroruiu tur. remorata sunt. Datn JiiL r urt}ia poatero die com Aulo in eolloquio \erba l'aeit : M tain. n ruin exereitu tame, b-rro clausuin tenet, taOMQ se bumanarum rerum memorem, m t ouuii fbcNhn faceret, meohnnia omnia sub jugmn Duaaonon : pi . uti did m \umidia deeederet.' 1 Quae quamquam gravia afl flagitii plena It, tamen, 5 quia mortis metu mutabantur, sicuti regi libuerat, pax convenit. XXXIX. Sed, ubi ea Romae comperta sunt, 6 metus atque moeror ciritatem invasere : pars dolere pro gloria 28 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. imperii : pars insolita rerum bellicarum timere libertati : Aulo omnes infesti, ac maxume qui bello saepe praeclari fuerant, quod armatus, idedecore potius, quam B tern quaesiverat. Ob ea consul Albinus ex delicto fra- tris invidiam, ac (b-inde periculum ti latum de foedere cdBSulebaf : et tamfii interim < x- mentum scribere : ab sociis et noun ,<> auxilia arcessere : denique modis om Smatus ita, uti par fuerat, dec NULLUM P0TUI88B FOEDUS FIERI. CODSIll in tribunis plebia ne, qua- i, aecom port paucis diebus in Africam | ur : nan omail i citna, uti convnirr-it. Numidii deductus, in tnemabat. Poetquam i .1 Ju- gurtham el mederi fratrmae invi«l cognitifl nulitil»u>, qv licentia atqae lasciria corruperant, ex \ * ituit, nihil sibi agitandmn. XL. 1 \ 1 1 m \ Romae C. Bfamil . tnbunua plebis, 'rogatioitem ad pop ulum ptomulgat, M uti qa retur in nis, quorum eonsilio Juirurtha m aeglegissel ; qpnqi pecuniaa accepiaaenfl ; qui ek tugas tradidisaent ; item qui de pace, ant bello, cum pactionea reciasent." Hmc rogationi, partim alii ex partium invidia perieula metoenfc resistere non poterant, quin ilia et alia tali faterentur, occulta per amieos, ac maxnme jht boo nominis Latini et soeios ItaUcoi impeding ata pan Sed plebes, inoredibile memorr faerit, quantaque vi roiiationeni joaaeiit, deerevrrit. vdluerit ; magifl odio nobilitatis, cui mala ilia parabantur. qoam reipublieae : tanta lubido in partibus. I tritu: perculsis, M. Seaurus, quern le^atum Bei mus, inter laetitiam plebis, et suorum fuj etiam turn civitate, eum ex Mamilia rogl tores rogarentur, etlecerat, uti ipse in eo numero ereare- SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 29 tur. Sed quaestio exercita aspere violenterque, ex rumore, et lubidiiH plebis : ut saepe nobilitatem, sic ea tempestate plebem ex secundis rebus insolentia ceperat. A LI. ( I] i i.ri'm ^nos partium popularium et senati factionum, a omnium -malarum artium, paucis ante annis Romae ortus, otio vl abundantia earum renun, quae prim ■OTtltw ducunt. Nam. antr ( 'arthairinem deletam, populus et sen/ anus pi- que rempublicam tractabaaJ : 1 . n»que dominationis niHumm intrr & : mrtus hostile bonis artibn- ubi ilia tormido m< ntihu- las< nere. Ita, quod in advor r«'h rius -;mtur. Ita cum potcntia modo B et vast omnia ; "nihil p»n>:. semet I praccipitavit. Nam ubi prinnun Vx nuhilitatr rap sunt, qui terra giorira inji • nt ; UK' oriri cocpit. II. Nam ppstquam Tibetim et C. 'quo- rum MJorei Punn »> aiqu«- a % multum rcipublicae addulcrant, vindn arc ptrtra m libertatem, et paucorum sceli r a p itefacere coepere ; nobilitas noxia, atque eo perculsa. modo per socios ac nomen Latinum, interdum 5* 30 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. per equites Romanos, quos spes societatis a plebe dimo- verat, Gracchorum actionibus obviam ierat ; et prirao 1 Tiberium, dein paucos post annos eadem ingredientem Caium, tribunum alterum, alteram triumviram coloniis deducendis, cum M. Fulvio Flacco ferro necaverant. Et sane Gracchis, cupidine l . haud satis inodrratus animus fuit. Sed 2 bono vinci satius e>* nalo more injuriam vincere. Igitur ea victoria nobilitas ex lubidine sua usa, multos mortalis ferro aut fuga cxstinxit ; pin in reliquum sibi timoris, quam pou-ntiac, addidifc Quae res pleramque magnas alteros vincere quo do, et victos acerbina u. volunt. Sed, de taudiifl partium c: ribus si sinniilaiini. aut pro tempus. cjuaui res, lnaturius :u ad inceptmn redeo. XL1II. Poa i \uli fagain, Q. MeteUi Si provincias inter M | ..it : IfetaUo uridia evencrat. 'aeri riio, il>i CUB OODegt ratus, ad belhnn, quod ge atUTIM I rat, aninuun intrndit. IfftM diffidena i rcitm, mi -Uque arcessere : anna, tela, :a instrunn nta nulitiae parare : ad hoc : commeatum atiatim : drniqi, . quae 6 bello vario et multarum rorinn egenti Ceterimi ad ea patranda senati auetoritate soeii i Latinum, reges ultro auxilia mittcre ; postremo oinnis civitas summo studio adniU'batur. omnibus rebus paratis compositisque, in Xumidiam ciscitur, magna spe civium, cum propter bonas artis, turn maxume, quod 7 advorsum divitias animum invietum gerebat ; et avaritia magistratuum ante id tempoa in Nu- midia nostrae opes contusae, hostiumque anctai XLIV. Sed, ubi in Africam ven;\ j traditur e Sp. Albini pro conside, iners, imbellis, neque periculi, SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 31 neque labohs patiens, lingua, quam manu, promtior, prae- dator ex sociis, et ipse praeda hostium, sine imperio et lestia habitus. Ita imperatori novo plus ex malis mo- ribus sollicitudinis, quam ex copia militum auxilii, aut . bonae accedebat. Statuit huncw MeteUns, quamquam et l a6Sthrorum tempos comitiorum mora imminuerat, et ' - ii t i civium animos infteuftOS putabat, non prius bellmn ad ijum, majormn disciplina, mil laborer* a Albinos, Auli fntria i \- n iftos- 8, postquam rat non Sgied] .uantum temporis rum in imperil) fuit, }>li-ruiii< jut* BulitM st:itivis castns habebel : nisi (.urn oA aut paboli i j ocmn mn more militari m_ itur : uti cinque lulu-bat, ib jxrimxii (.urn militibus die I agros va> lias n cip io nu n pc eeqos i mi me* rino adrectitio, uinrntuin pa ;if in in dies meieari : po [aaecamque dici ailt fittg ' lLMKlVll" citu canda (a implins. i difficult Hum non minus, quam in : I iruin foil r amlu: damps moderatum. N i dicto prinmm adjoin igo pani m. aut b ilium coctom cibum w torn itur ; in- miles gn in ami aut jumcntum hah arte inodum Bt i ininni itineribos quo- tidi< LC SI ■ dessent, vallo at. an ninirr, figi] '>ras ponere, et nun Legatis B circuui ire : item in agraine in primis modo, modo in posmmiis, saepe in medio adesse, ne quisquam ordine egrederetur, uti cum signis frequentes iiKcdcrent, miles cibum et anna portaret. Ita prolu- 32 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. bendo a delictis magis, quam vindicando, exercirum brevi iconfirmavit. XL VI. Interea Jugurtha, ubi, quae MeteUtt ex nunciis accepit ; simul d»- i ntia ejus ccrtior Romae factus, diffider* ac turn deinum verara deditionem facere con I iritur onsu- lem cum suppliciis mittit, qui tantununodo ipei liberi vitam peterent, alia omnia popuk) i Metello jam antea 'experimontii cognition »-rat genus Numidarum infidum. ingenio mobili. novarum rerun- dum. Itaque LegafeM alnnn ah alio di\<»rsos rnlirrrditur ; ac, paullatim tentando, poatqnan i oppofta multa polKcendo persuade*, M uti Jugmtham vivum, sin id parum »1 liadflfsten- tui credere, et insidii> loeum t» ntari. It; expeditis cohortihus. item iunditoruin tt fUglHai Mf delecta manu, apod primOfl I rat : in p oa lr g — o C. Marina logatus cum equitihus curabat : in utrumqu. uxili- arios equites tribunis legionnm et pi itium dispertiverat, uti cum his permixti "< ;acumque aeeederent, equitatus hostium propulsarent. Nam in Ju- gurtha tantus dolus, tantaque pentia LoconnQ tt nulitiae erat, uti, absens, an preeaens, pacein an helium ^ereos, pernieiosior esset, in incerto haberotur. XL VII. Erat hand tang Metellus pergebat, oppidum Xumidarum, nomine Yaga, "forum rerum venalium totius regni maxume celebratra incolere et mercari consuevcrant ltalici multi SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 33 mortales. ^luic consul, simul tentandi gratia et oppe- riundi, si paterentur opportunitates loci, praesidium im- posuit ; praeterea imperavit frumentum, et alia, quae hello usui forent : ratus id, quod res monebat, Hrequen- tiam negotiatorum et commeatu juvaturam exercitum, jam pacatifl rebua munimento fore. Inter haec nego- Jnguriha 2 iiu; modo legatee suppliers mittere, mm tiberoramqiie ritam, omnia Quos item, uti priorea, consul illectos ad domnm dinrittebai : regi pecem, quam deque tbnnere, i -llu-rri, el inter eas on en XLVIII. Ji * «lli dicta cum fan i animad\ortit ; quippc cm nm re bellam aeparniuiuin t, vbi maxnma boetibtn cognitna, uurai pMj.ulariiim trntati ; reran I * tuit ani; i mi itinera, in spam i addnd ipportnaitate loci, Vjnat matnmai t oiuniuiii genenun in ca parte l] in divisione possedcrat, InnMO I meiidia, lmmmr Muthul; a (j it mons fenm millia ractn pari, raatof tb ii.v lumano i ultu : ft orirha- tur, in iinmriiMiin pertUU aliii r b o nun , quae hnmj ari atque an-noso gignuntur. 'Media lutein planici panoria aqa ter flumini prop inqu a loca : ea ecnaka uboatis, OW atque < niton 1 ,.ntal>antur. XLIX. [orrui in ao ooDe, quern v tr nsvorso itinere porrectum docuimoa, Jognrtha, extenuate suonun acie, consedit : elephantifl et parti copianun pedeatrinm Bo- milcarem praefedt, eumqua i docet, quae ageret; ipse 9 propior montem cum omni equitatu pedites delectos collocat : dein singulas turmas atque manipulos circumiens monet atque obtestatur, " uti memores pristinae virtutis et 34 SALLUSTII JL'GURTHA. victoriae seque regnumque suum ab Romanorum avaritia defendant : cum his certamen fore, quos antea victos sub jugum miserint : ducem illis, non aniinum mutatum : quae ab imperatore 'decuerint, omnia ntfl prorisa : locum superiorem, uti pradentei cm imperitis, ne pau< cum pluribus, aut ru<" ribus manuin ( onserereni : q mfteatique i dato, Romapos invadere : ilium diea aut I aborea el victorias conlirmaturum. aut maxumaruin a. ruumarum ini- tiuni lore." Ad boc viritim. I miiitare facinus, pecunia •. coiim. beneficii sui, ipeam alii- remo, pro cujusque ingenio, pol aliuni alio mo cum interim Mtelfcn, igDtm hostium, monte degredieni rum exercitu iSnr: primo (lul)iUN. •.|ui«!iimu ini inter rirgulta **|ui Nnniiil occultati bumilitate arborum. et KaflMB ; ( urn natiua loci, tS mill- taria obscurati) dein. breri CO *agmen conatitil : tere quod proxumum hfl inslruxit : "iut< r m BUUpuloi funditores i 3 dis- pertit : equitatum tminrin in A : ac j pro tempore milites hortatue, ici tpanavorau pnncipiis, in planum dedneit L. Sed, ubi Numidas (p. madvortit, veritus, ex anni tea siti 10 coniiceretur exereitus, Rutilimn legatum cut tis cohortibus et parte equitum praenusit ad llumen, Uti locum castris aim » nn- petu et transvorsis praeliis iter suum rnnor quoniam armis difliderent. lassitudinnn et sitim militum tentaturos. Dein ipse pro re atque fa monte descenderat, paullatira procedere : Marium post j rincipia habere : ipse cum sinistrae alae - esse, qui in agmine principes facti erant. muru SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 35 • Hi l primOfl sues praetergressum videt, prae- sidio quasi duum millium peditum montem oci upat. qua • ; in dentibus advorsariis receptui, ac post muninn I : dein, repente rigno imadit. Xumidar alii a poatremo re, itra ac dextera tentare : infei n atque ire : omnibin Etmnanoram ord: in-bare : quorum etiam qui lirmionbus aniuiis obvii hostibus iuer 3 ludificati in . qpri node emii mr Hindi, aut manum COMeiendi rat . tagurtha abiemnqi mm turba ii ion oo nfettini , Deque in mmm ses< ili<» qpuun mmxome dhro • qaendo hoetta d( nequiverant, ut lateribm circumrei b:mt : Bin OpportUI) 1 1 1 pi furrant, midsram le inlet rirgulta i itn loci retinebant LI I qui ffe : ubi qiniii- u uluin ceperot, ibi rei propnlaafc : 'anna, t.l.i, eqni, \ti : nihil oonsilio, imilluin die pro in hacertd « rat. J )r|ili|L,' (.|| M. N QlM Ubi ni-.iiK b uillatim militrs in unum coii' qoatoor advorsum peditea boetium 00B0 Buperioribnfl loci 8 ami w ire, hor- tari mifitee, M m deficereni, neu pftereatm beatifl fu- ■illia ( ie, lieqtie muni- liuntum ullum, quo Bill : in armis omnia - I lie .Juixurtba qpridem interea quietus : cir- cumire, hortari, renOTBie praelium. et ipse cum delectis tentare omnia : subvenire suis, hostibus duluis instare, iimoe cognoverat, eminus pugnando retinere. 3§ SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. LII. Eo modo inter se duo imperatores, summi viri, certabant ; ipsi pares, ceterum opibus disparibus. Nam Metello virtus militum erat, locus advorsus : Jucnirthae aba omnia, praeter milites, opportuna. Denique Romani, ubi intelleguut, Deque sibi p<*n copiam pug-nandi fieri, 1 4 jam die rat ; 'a<: colic, sicuti praeceptam heist, evadimft. Amisso loco, Numidae fusi fagatiqae : pain 1 velocitas et regio hostibafl i<_ni Bomilcar, quern elephantifl et parti copianim pedestrium praefectum ab Jugurthfl supra diximus. ubi sum Kutilius praetergressus est. paullatim suns m aeqanifl locum drdu- cit : ac, dum 1< ••_ lliimcn. festjnana pergit, quietui i poetulab neque remittit, quid nbiqne hoc Poetqnam Rntilinm i icuura accepit, Bimulqiie ei Jugmi lorem an vcritus, in- legatne, oognita r- .xilio foret, aciem, quam diffidena fiitatj militum 4 aite quo hostium itiiirri obficep modo ad lv nt i lii ca8tn procedit LIIL Romani ei impnmao pulreru rim madvortuut, nam tproapectnm agei arl'i - pro- hibebat. Et primo rati lmmuin iridam i ptari: post, ubi 6 aequabilem mam magis magisque adpropinquare videnft, oognita : rantes arma capiunt, ac pro i ncuti imj consistunt. Deinde, ubi propiofl ventum, utrimqi olamore cbncummt Numidae tantamma dum in elephantifl auxilium putant ; postquam ramifl arbornm, atque ita diajectoa circumveniri v\ fagam facinnl : ae pleriqne, abjectifl urmia, eoffia, noctis, quae jam aderat, auxilio integri abeunt. Elephant! quatuor capti, roliqui oinnes. mimero i fecti. At Romani, qoamqoan itinere at rum et praelio HeaaJ laetique erant ; tamen. lus amplius opinione morabatur, instnuti iuuntique obviam SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 37 procedunt. Nam dolus Numidarum 1 niliil languidi, neque remissi patiebatur. Ac primo, obscura nocte, postquam haud procul inter se erant, 2 strepitu, velut hostes adven- tarent, alteri apud alteros ibrmidinem simul, ct tumultum facere : et paene imprudentia admissum iacinus mise- rabile, ni utrimque | . equites rem exploravissent. I<£itur, pro nutu, r< , ,m, niilites alius alium laeti adpellaui atqufl audiunt : Mia quisque fort; Quippe res liuma- :oriari licet : LIV. M jiiutriduo DKU j cum cm r« licit, 1 1 1 « ritofl bo j militiae donat, mureraoa in eonciaw lamia;. hortatur, ad cetera, quae levia m in animum mi : pro mm. reliquoa Labo llOS nrtunos, Jugurtlia ul-i gentium, lit quid ; . urn rcitum victus rxploratiini DUtil I ^altuosa oatora muni! cercituu) i hoiinnum ampliorem, * d I •■ « U in infirmumqne, agri ac belli cultorem. Id 7 ea gratia .urn Numidarurn animus icrt, eo igitium militiae ducitui : ita | ubi vi.lct r< j ctiam turn anim; iilius lubidin. miquum certamen mIu cum 1 imeiltO Qlofi \inei, quam tuofi rim I ■ i.it DOB fie, sed alio more helium gerundum. Itaque m Numidiae loca opulenti>Mnna pergit, oppida, munita, aut mi -idio, capit incenditque, puberes interlici jubet : alia omnia militum praeda ess formidnie multi mortales Romanis dediti obsides ; fru- mentum et alia, quae usui forent, adfatim praebita ; 6 38 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. ubicumque res postulabat, praesidium impositum. Quae negotia multo magis, quam praelium male pugnatum ab suis, regem terrebant : quippe, cui spes omnis in fuga sita, sequi cogebatur ; ol qui Sua loca defendere nequi- verat, in alienis bettmn ■_• flBfl . '! . quod optumum rfdebatur, consilium capifl : exerettum -plerum- qiM in tsdem lot equitibm Metelhnn sequifiar; ooctumia bus ignoratQfl Romaaot pal pentu adgreditor: eorum plerique ineri; nt. inulti capiuntur ; omnium intaetus prol'i, castrifl subreniretur, A oti yam in praxm dfece dun t LV. I « mini n. >rum ■ hoMium | UtUI ; .In-junVmi D dia, sp< m >alutis in snlitudinr. ml I ^isset habere. [taque BehatUfl < 1 1 IA Fl v DIS IM- antea telle) ", niti. omnil Djkportumis ii« I- 1 : meminiese, post gloriam sequi. Ita quo elarior crat. CO mini air-. Deque, posl insidii hae, vt; Ubl frumonto. ant pahulo I uni omni equitatu praesidium agitabai . reli- quos Manns ducefa S 1 igUl magi*, quam praeda, ager vastabatur. Duo' 1, baud long* in' astra faciebani : obi vi epos erat, cuncti aderant ; cetera, quo fuga atque formido latins F.o tempore Jugurtha per coUia sequi : t» mpus, aut locum pugnae quaerere : qua fentunun hoelem audi ulum et aquarum fontis, quorum penu modo se Metello, interdum Mario i in agmiue tfentare, ae statim in collie ; mm SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 39 aliis, post aliis minitari ; neque praelium facere, neque otium pati ; tantummodo >to retinere. LVL Komams imperator, ubi se dolis fatigari videt, neque ab hoste copiam pugnandi fieri, urbem magnam, tfl in 81 parir. qua aita Brat, _!iii, nomine Za- atuit obpugnare ; ratoa id. quod negotium poa bet, Jugurtham laboraniibus stria auxilio venturum, ibique praeHm fore. \t iBe, quae peraba&tar, a *p6rfugia itiiK-nbus Metelhim antrwmt : oppidanos hortaiur. ma nt, additia auxilio perfugie, quod fallere nequibant, fiimiaau mum. I i pollicetUT, in tempo N rum i'\ir- citi; i lnca quam maxume Marram itiiinv I VuiiH Mt:iT inn .:n mis- i ; quod oppidum primum omnium post malam ptignam ab rep defecerat Bo cum dilectia eqpitibua iioctu pugnam limul magna hortaiur, M ot tifl ab ' >rt uuaiii pratulari lacino- ria casum d tUoa in libertala • ni Ma- rius signs i!!' ,mti, air lidcin i;.i;t;i\is. >rui : tanta motnlitai S I indites gurthini p jore vi hoetes urguent, p mt LVIL M id Zamam peirenh: id opptdum in campo -Hum, magia opere, quaa natura mumflm erai; mdliua polenturo. Igitnr Metellus, pro tempore atque loeo paral . cuncta rettn circumrenil : legatia imperat, ubi quisque curarel : deinde, ftimul clamor ingens oritur : neque ea res Xumidas t« rr«t ; "lniensi intentique sine tumultu nianent : praelium incipitur. Romani, pro ingenio quisque, pars eminus glande aut lapidibus pugn iii succedere, ac murum modo subfodere, 40 rn JUGURTHA. raodo scalis ad^redi : cupere praeliuin Contra ea oppidani in | 'es, pila, praeterea | mil nee -illos, qui prurul D *. timor anirni satis iniin nmntis, aut nianu i lo, sed lama imparl, booi atqufi :. LVIII. _ r urtha ex improviao eastra hastuun rum m: ; it ; ln.iu. i i lrnmijiit. At DO* repentino m sulcnt : alii alii an r> ^>1- mai multitudiiu* non ampliua qu ea nomi reg* maxiiiiia \ i (1. j'« id quii , rant : ted t BCI ID i>lunl»u> mini. Numulac pro el i MeteUua, i aw ai i mnne rem 'tit, uitatum oamem ad caatn mittit, i in C. Marinm iomm ; • laenunana, pei amicitkun peiqnc rempuhlicam obaeca ne quam coiUumeliam remaaen in exercitu rictore, n boetia "inuiios abin ille btewi ma I nmniiii i,m imp ;m alu super vallum praecipitarentur, alii Hn a properantefl sbficerent, multis -eae reoepit Metelwa, infet I rat, m eastra cum exercitu revortitur. LIX. Ioitvb postero die, prius, quam nduro egrederetur, equJIatnm omnem in ventus erat. pro loea tribune ppidua. SALLUSTII JUOURTHA. 41 atque, ut superiore die, murum adgredkur. Interim Ju- gurtba ex OOOTttO nivadit: qui in 'proxumo locati fa iti perturbantur ; reliqui cito \umida» -i nt, m paditaa cum equitibus permixti nagnaai oMm in hon, ut eijiu -ni preelk) soli . d« in ;uis peditibu- I. \ batur. riunr mt 1 ; oeque alms in alio m ipein dare, ml OllUilbu - 11 vrUH't ehunoi ie, Laetitia, gemitu ; itrm stnpitus arm*' mm brri : tela utriinque mt, ubi iilum modo pugnam : t, intent] praelhun Mtre proapectabeal : eoa, oti qaaeque Jb res M ; ac, ndiri a suis, aut cerni peasant, monere alii, alii bort I t bur, illne, quasi vitabtmdi, m is i multu i • bum \ i 1 lis i i mnron adgre- ditur : i ibs aggreesi ttQhea prope soman <•< p - in oppidani concurrent, 1 rae« . ubi alterae m mmimitai adtl. integri, magna pan eonfecti *Am n um. Denique utriinque praelinn bob dimnit LXI. Mr i i. 1. 1. is. postquam wdei frustra 10 inceptum, pac oppidani eapi, neque Jugurtbam, nisi ex insidiis, aut suo loco pognam i jam aestatem exactam 6* 42 SALLUSTII JL'GURTHA. esse, ab Zama discedit ; et in his urbibus, quae ad se defecerant, satisque munitae loco, aut moenibus erant, praesidia imponit. ^eterum exercitum in provinciam qua proxuma est Numidiae hiemaudi LTatia collocat. N id tempus, ex aliorum more, quiet i, aut luxuriae concedit : sed, quoniam armis b» Hum parum p* -idias regi per amio Gdia pro annis uti parat. Igitur Bomilcarem, qui Komae cum Jugurtha fuerat, et iude, 2 vadibus datis, clam Afaasivae de judicium fugerat, quod ei, per maxamam amicitiam, maxuma copia fajlendi erat, multifl pollieitationibus adgre- ditur ; ac primo efficit, uti ad - aendi gratia o< ' : (1cm fide & _urtham vivuin ii( ■catum trad. at ill] - Nnmid . turn nu'tm nti. iic, >i }>ax cum Romania fieret, ipse per conditioner ad Bupplicium tar. LXIL [b, uhi primum opportunum, Jugnrtham auxium ac miserantem fortima it : mom lacni- mans obtestatur, " uti aliquando aibi I Numidarum, optnmc merenti, provideat: i liis sese m, multoa i aut occiaoa, regni opea comminm jam et virtutein milituiu. el iortunam tnitatam : ne, Ullo cunctante, Numidae sibi consqlanl atque talibus aliis ad deditionem dmum impellit. Mit- tuntur ad imperatorem legati : :iam imp facturum, ac sine ulla pactioue sese regnumque suum in illius iidem tradere." Metellus pro] atorii ordinis ex hibemis arcessiri jubet : eorum atque almrum, quos idoneos dueebat, consilium babet. Ita more majo- rum, ex consilii deereto, per legatoa Juiiurthae impetal 7 argenti pondo dueenta millia, elephantos omnia, i quorum et armorum aliquantum. Quae postquam s: sunt, jubet omnes perfugas vinetos adduci : eorum m pars, ut jussum erat, addueti ; pauci, cum primum deditio coepit, ad regem Bocchum in Mauretaniam aluerant. SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 43 Igitur Jugurtha, ubi armis yirisque et pecunia spoliatus, cum ipse J ad imperandum Tisidium vocaretur, rursus coepit -lire ■!« -re aiiimum suum, et ex mala conscientia digna timere. Denique multis diebus per dubitationem consumtis ; eum modo taedio rerum advorsarum omnia bello potiora duceret, interdum secum ipse reputaret, quam gravis casus in scrviiium ex regno ibret ; 3 miUtis Lsque praesidiis nequidquam perditis, de mtegro bel- - umit. Romae senatus de pronnciis consultus s Nu- miJiam Metello LXIII. Peb idem tempui lone : C Mano, pel ,i|)lu ami. *• magna atque mirabilia portendi" dixeral : M p igitabat, Gretna dis ; lbrtunam quam cperiretur ; cuncta pi At ilium jam antra eonsula- tus tabat : ad quern capumdum, i familiae, alia omnia abrade tram ; rtria, probitaa, militiae maj , animus beUi . lubidinis el diviiiarum victor, tan- tummodo gloriae avidna. . S «J ins natus, vi omnem puentiain Arpini alms, ubi pi iiinnu ailitute patiena lia, Deque mis nun oil : ita inter artis bonas urn ingeniuqi brevi adolevit. >i primum tri- bunatum militarem a populo petit, iciem ejus ignorantibus, facile ootua l3 per omnia minis declarator. nu alium post alium ubi peperil ; sempeique : in pofc tabat, uti ampliore, ([nam ger< T;iimu is, n ;id id lo- COrum talis vir, (nam poatea amlutione pi datus est,) oonsulatum appetere non andeb \ lltiamtum alios magistratus pl< nsulatum nobilitas inter se per ma- ims tradebat. Xovus nemo tarn clams, neque tarn egre- giis iactis erat, quin 15 his indignus illo honore et quasi pollutus haberetur. LXIV. Igitur, ubi Marius haruspicis dicta eodem intendere videt, quo 16 cupido animi hortabatur, ab Metello 44 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. pettmdi gratia missionem rogat : cui quamquam virtus, gloria, atque alia optanda bonis superabant, tamen fa l contemtor animus et superbia, commune nobilitatia ma- lum, [taque prim consilium. el quad pel an prava inciperet, sen m\ aimum _ nun omnia omnibus cupiim phtcere : poetremo ci »re a populo quod illi -jure n< haec atque talia dixit, aeque animus Marii fteetitmr, i pri- nnini potU peterefc" tc p nti, fertur dixisae, " ae fesftmavei i Ihnn i mu lilio BOO 1 IIHIHllaOllll petiturum.'* bernio ibidem i Quae rea Marimn cum pro hoi . turn contra Metellum vrhnin -i atqne ira, peaeumi ullo, aequo dieto abetuaerej quo militrs, quibua in antea, bah ro : apod multi- tudo (Jticae ( loqui : M dimidia , diebua Jugurtham in babitunun : ab i consulto Hrahi, quod bom imperio nimia gauderet." Quae omnia ill fidebantur, quod dhiturnitate belli rea iamil: rant, et animo cupienti nihil ur. L\\. Brat praeterea in exercttn oostro Numida dam nomine Cauda. Mastanabalia films. quern Micipsa tcstam- undum heredem - morbis oonfectus, et I ullum inuninuta. Cui Metellus priruti. mof lam juxta poneret, item postea n c ..mam equitum Komanorum, utrumque neiiaverat ; boo quod oorum modo foret. qoofl populus Efc adpellavisset ; praesidium, quod conumuliosimi in cos SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 45 foret, si equites Romani satellites Numidae traderentur. Hunc Marius taurinm adgreditui atque hortatur, uti con- tumeliarum imperatons cum suo auxilio poenas petat : hominem ob morbos animo paruin valulo secunda oratione Hit: "ilium regem, ingentem virum. Maa M : *i Juyurtha captus, aut OCCiSQSj imperium Numidiar Bine mora habiturum : id ideo mati.: I id bellttm ii ltaque Hum, et »*qur mprliit, uti luuuaiu ad M i Metellutn dv beQo acribanft, Marian liii[ Uti a BNdtii 1 1 1« » I T 1 1 1 ' trin a i pei legem Mannliam, imcta pn 1, \ \ i. urtha poatquam, beDmn lm ipit. cum mi r ah M drl- far- midinr, aut mumm* iii^crat, reft ierrii i inonun adho . raut, pecnoia tentave : nihil intactum, Deque qumtum tare, > Metellu urn mi}' quo antra voluntatr aln -nati, pn M COQ- m rolgua, uti 1>1«- ruinqm* BOlet, rim«>ui malique, strenui «t imbeDei inulti obtnmcati. in ca tai midis «*t oj){)id() undique clause^ Turpi] omnibus Italicis profogil l! paclionr, an I quia llli in 1;mt<> ma' im proboa iftteetabiliequc ridetwr. LXYIIL Mi iii.ias. poetquam de rebus eomfperit, pauUieper n ubi II uritudo ]>rnni\t;i. rum maxuma cura ultum fare lnjun i in. cum quam plurim mi totii expeditoi horam tertian pervenil in quamdan planitiem, locia pauDo snjierioribufl cmunnentam. Ibi milit magnitudine, el jam 'abninnu> omnia, docet, • Vagam aon amplius 7 milk paaauum ah illos roliquum htborem aequo auimo pati, dum p* viris ibrtissumis atque miserrum> praeterea *praedam benigne ostentat Sic ania arrcctis, cquitcs in prima la:. B quam ar::>Mimc ire, siiiua occultare jubet LXIX. Vj ibi animum advortcr. sum cxercitum peigere, primo. uti e? i Hum rati, portas clauscrc . deinde. ubi ncqi: iri, ct eos, qui primi adcrant, 'Nunridas cqir/ Jugurtham arbitrati, cum magflo iraudio obvii procedunt. SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 47 Equites peditesque, repente signo dato, alii holgura eilusum oppido caedere ; alii ad portas festinare ; pars turns capcre : ira atque praedae spes amplius, quam las- situdo posse. Ita Vagenses biduum modo 2 ex perfidia iti : civitas nnuna et opulens poenae cuncta, ant praedae fuit. Turpilius quern, praefectum oppidi, imum i i omnibus ppofi .idimus. jussus a Metello caussam dicere, poatquam feaaa paran axpmg a l j con- drmnaii Milvit : main is civis qi \M I,\\. i in pus ]\> cnJBfl iuipulsu Ju- gun: quam metu daaartritj tneeperatj ril- para : ad porniciam «*jus Mam warn lia aoctaqaa e aainpram i deniquc oun bun sibi adjuiii:* \ ibdah m, haarinaai aobflem, magna «mii»us, ;»tuni(jii<- popolai qui pit rum qui ulstricto ■ > llli gloria I 1 L r itur Utriusque CODsilio (1: nit. Nabdak \«-r- litum p Iv<»manoruin ju- habrtmtj r, inultifl h< n-tur. Is p id tempna aon a in it . ni« taaqua it m impedi< bat, Bomilcai rinral se, ceterum Metelli periret, id modo agitari : proinde reputaret cum animo suo, praemia, an cruciatum, mallet." I, XXI. Sep, cum hae litterae adlatae, forte Nabdalsa, rcito corpore fessus, in lecto quiescebat ; ubi, cogni- tis Bomilcaris verbis, primo cura, deinde, uti n aegrum animum solet, somnus cepit. Erat ei Numida quidam, 48 SALLUSTII jrGURTHA. negotiorum curator, fidus acceptusque, et omnium con- siliorum, nisi novissumi, particeps. Qui postquam adlatas litteras audivit, ex consuetudine ratus J opera i suo opus esse, in tabernaculum introivit : dormiente illo epistolam, super caput in pulvino ac perle^it ; detfl pjTOpere, O lis, ad r« pergit Nabdalsa, j><>st panik b, ul>i n epistobun repent, et 2 rem omm primo indicem persequi fuit, Jttgurtfaam pUca&di gi it, perfidia c 1 i < • 1 1 1 1 s sin pn >btes- tatur u per amicitiam, pen) super kali scolerc L \ \ 1 1 respeodit BontleeM Btjisqne mi arum COfpomat, into ex eo aegotio seditiq oruetur. Neqpa port id kx Juguithae difes an; dob ulla aeqne mortal] eoiquam, aut tempoi hostis jus na atrepttu p decufl regium, aoctu nquiescere : LBterdmn tus, urreptu anma tuinultuin facer* : H record i- iri. LXXIIL tornji Metellus, nhi d iiulicio patefacto ex perfo ad integrum belhnn, cimota paral featinatqu .rium, :, iatioantoni de pro Lid Bl invitum. sibi, parum idoncum ratus, doininn diuiittit. i plebes, titteris, quae de M cognitis, volenti animo de ambobua ratori aobilitas, quae antea decori, invid u : at ^llli alteri generis humilit aa m addid< • terwn in utroque magis studia partium, quara moderata. Pi gitare, : M Helium omn Marii rirtutem in majus celebrare. Deniq SALLUSTII JUGURTHA, 49 accensa, uti opifices agrestesque omnes, Quorum res fides que in manibus sitae erant, relietis operibus, frequenta- rent Marium, et sua necessaria post illius lionorem duce- rent. Ita, perculsa nobilitate, 2 post multas tempestates novo homini consulatus mandator : et postea populus, a tribuno plebis, Mamlio Mancino, rogatus, quem vellet cum jugurtha bellum gerere ? frequeiis Marium jussit. Senatus panllo ant< Metello 3 decrevi rat : ea res iVustra tuit. LXXIV. Eodem t< Jugurtha, amiaaia amieis ; quorum plerosque ip \ eeteri lormidine, pars id Romanos, aln ad Bocchnm ptofageranl ; cum neqiu* belhun gun tine administria a O fonun Hem in tanta perfidia returam experiri periculoeum dn- ..tabat : neque illi res, neque coneilium, an! quiaquam hominmn satis placebafl : itinera ptaeaactoiqug in diea mnftan : i ram boat naafdmn m aulilmlhii ac post paullo ipem in ai : dubttare, vinuti popularium, an Ha mim. ita, \\\ rat, res ad\M mt. Bad, intr: ^e \ mid te ab Jugurtha 'pro tern rati inatractique : dein preelium incipitur. Qui m par: luit, ibi aliqnamdin ccrtatum : eeteri omn« i i jus milifc - prime eoo cuia u pulai fugatique. Ro- liuii ngnonun el aimonnn aliquanto aumero, boetium paneoram potM ■ nam feme Numidaa in omnibus p: liis pedes magia, quam anna ;ui i aunt 1A\\. Ei faga Jugurtha Hmpiimawa modo rebus mus dMHene, cum p< -riiiL aqaitatufl in tniitudhiftft, dein Thalam perreiiit, in oppidum magnum at opulen- tum, ubi p i etiqu a th< fiUorumq multus pue- ritiae cultus erat. Quat poatquam Metello comperta, quamquam inter Thalam ^flumenque proxumum, spatio millium qtrinquaginta, loca arida atque vasta esse cogno- verat, tamen, spe patrandi belli, si ejus oppidi potitus foret, omnis asperitates supervadere, ac naturam etiam vine ere adgreditur. Igitur omnia jumenta sarcinis levari 7 50 SALLUSTII JTJGURTHA. jubet, nisi frumento dierum decern : ceterum utres modo, et alia aquae idonea portari. Praeterea conquirit ex agris quam plurimum potest domiti pecoris ; eoque im- ponit l vasa cujusque modi, pleraque lignea, collecta ex tuguriis Numidarum. Ad hoc, finitumis imperat, qi. post regis fugam Metello dederant, quam plurimum quisque aquae portarent ; diem locumque, 2 ubi praesto forent, praedicit. Ipse ex flumine, quam proxumam oppido aquam supra diximus, jumcnta onerat : eo modo instructus ad Thalam proficiscitur. Deinde, ubi ad id loci ventum, quo Numidis praeceperat, et castra posita muni sunt, tanta repente coelo n s aquae dicitur, ut 3 ea modo excrcitui satis lapenjne foret. P 1 mea- tus spe amplior : quia Numida*-. akttti ph-riqur in deditione, officii im end en Mat. i^ione pluvia nitidis DM : raqm- IM iiniltum aimnis eonmi addidit ; nam rati MM dis nninortalibus curae esse. Deinde postero die, contra opinionem JuLrurthae, ad Thalam perveniunt. Oppidani, qp tate nmnitos iiedMeieiil, magna atqne ineofta n nihilo segniua bettrnn pararc : idem m LXXV1. Ssd rex nihil jam Ifetello quippe qui omnia, anna, tela, 1". uique naturam ipsam, cetrris linpcritantnn, null cum liberis et magna parta [>in i im in i ex oppido i profugit : neque postea in ullo loco ampin:- una nocte moratus, simulabat aeefl neg o tli gratia pt rare ; ceterum proditionem tinubat. (juam \\: celeritate putahat : nam talia con>ilia 'per otium, - opportunitate capi. M Metellus, xibi oppidanos *p: intentos, simul oppidum et operibus, et loco munitum videt, vallo lbssaque moenia circumvcnit. Deinde 9 ex copia maxume idoneis vineas agen 10 et super aggerein nnpositis turribus o; :ministroa (atari. Contra haoc oppidani iestinare, parare : proreus ab utrisque nihil reliquum fieri. Denique Komani. ;: multo ante labore praeliisque fatiglli, 'post dies quadraginta, SALLUSTII Jl'GURTHA. 51 quam eo ventum erat, oppido modo potiti : praeda omnis ab perfugis corrupta. Ii postquam murum ^rietibus feriri, resque suas 2 adflictas vident, aurum atque argen- tum, et alia, quae prima ducuntur, domum regiam com- portant • ibi vino et epulis onerati, illaque, et domum, et et igni corrumpunt ; et quas victi ab hostibus poenas metucrant eas ipsi volentes pependere. L XXVII. Sed 3 pariter cum capta Thala legati ex oppido Lepti ad Metellum v« HM rant, orantos. u uti prae- ium praHVctumque eo mitteret : Hamilcarem quemdam, hominem nobilem, factiosum, no vis rebus studeiv ; advor- sum quern neque imperia magistratuum, I life ni id festmart t, in summo periculo 4 suam salutem, illorum socios fore." Nam Leptitani jam inde a prin- cipio belli Jugurthini ad l>r>tiam MMmImb, et postea Ro- mam miserant, amieitiam societatemque rogatum. Deinde, ubi ea impetrata, semper bora mlelesque mansrre, et curicta a Bestia, Albino, MtJllloflM impt-rata '-navi l'< rant. It [uae petebant, adepti. Eo missae cohortes Ligurum quatuor, et C. Annius praefectus. I. XX VII I. Id oppidum ab Sidoniis conditum, quos accepimus, profugos ob discordias civilis, navibus in eos locos venisse : ceterum 6 situm inter dua . quibus nomen ex re inditum. Nam duo sunt sinus prope in ivina Africa, iinpares magnitudine, pari natura : quo- rum proxuma terrae praealta sunt : Often* 8 uti fors tulit, aha ; alia in tempestate vadosa. Nam ubi mare magnum esse, et sacvire ventis coepit, limum amiamque et saxa ingentia fluctus trahunt : ita facies locorum cum ventis simul mutatur. Ejus civitatis lingua modo conversa con- nubio Numidarum : 9 leges, cultusque pleraque Sidonica ; quae eo facilius retinebant, quod procul ab imperio regis aetatem agebant. Inter illos et 10 frequentem Numidiam multi vastique loci erant. LXXIX. Sed, quoniam in has regiones per Leptitano- rum negotia venimus, non n indignum videtur, egregium 52 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. atque mirabile faciims duorum Carthaginiensium ' memo- rare : earn rem locus admonuit. Qua tempestate Car- thaginienses ^leraeque Africae imperitabant, Cyrenenses quoque magni atque opulenti fuere. Ager in medio arenosus, una specie : neque fTumen, neque mons erat, qui finis eorum discerneret ; quae res eos in magno diuturno bello inter se habuit. Postquam utrimque 2 legiones, item classes fusae fugataeque, et alteri alteros aliquantum adtriverant ; veriti, ne mox victos victoresque defessos alius adgrederetur, 3 per inducias sponsionem faciunt, " uti certo die legati domo proficiscerentur ; quo in loco inter se obvii fuissent, is communis utriusque populi finis haberetur." Igitur Carthagine duo fratres missi, 4 quibus nomen Philaenis erat, maturavere iter pergere : Cyrenenses tardius iere. Id secordiane, an casu accident, parum cognovi. Ceterum solet in illis locis tempestas haud secus, atque in mari, retinere. Nam ubi, per loca aequalia et 5 nuda gignentium, ventus coortus arenam humo excitavit, ea, magna vi agitata, ora oculos- que implere solet ; ita prospectu impedito, b morari iter. Postquam Cyrenenses aliquanto posteriores se vident, et 7 ob rem corruptam domi poenas metuunt ; criminari, Carthaginienses ante tempus domo digressos, conturbare rem: denique omnia malle, quam vied abire. Sed cum Poeni aliam conditionem, tantummodo aequam, peter ent, 8 Graeci optionem Carthaginiensium faciimt, " vel illi, quos finis populo suo peterent, ibi vivi obruerentur ; vel eadem conditione sese, quern in locum vellent, proces- suros." Philaeni, conditione probata, seque vitamque reipublicae condonavere : ita vivi obruti. Caithaginienses in eo loco Philaenis fratribus 9 aras consecravere ; aliique illis domi honores instituti. Nunc ad rem redeo. LXXX. Jugurtha postquam, amissa Thala, nihil satis firmum contra Metellum putat, per magnas solitudines cum paucis profectus, pervenit ad Gaetulos, genus homi- num ferum incultumque, et eo tempore ignarum nominis Romani. Eorum midtitudinem in unum cogit : ac paid- SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 53 Iatim consuefacit frames habere, signa sequi, imperium observare, item alia niilitaria facere. Praeterea regis Bocchi 2 proxumos magnis muneribus, et majoribus pro- missis, ad studium sui perdu cit ; quis adjutoribus regem adgressus, impellit, uti advorsum Romanos bellum suscipiat. Id ea gratia 3 facilius proniusque fuit, quod Bocchus initio hujusce belli legatos Romam miserat, foedus et amicitiam petitum ; quam rem 4 opportunissumam incepto bello pauci impediverant, caeci avaritia, quis omnia ho- nesta atque inhonesta vendere mos erat. Etiam antea Jugurthae filia 5 Bocchi nupserat. Verum 6 ea necessitudo apud Numidas Maurosque levis ducitur : quod singuli, pro opibus quisque, quam plurimas uxores, denas alii, alii plures habent ; sed reges eo amplius. Ita 7 animus multitudine distrahitur ; nulla pro socia obtinet : pariter omnes viles sunt. LXXXI. Igitur in locum ambobus placitum exercitus conveniunt : ibi, fide data et accepta, Jugurtha Bocchi animum oratione accendit : u Romanos injustos, profunda avaritia, communis omnium hostis esse : eamdem illos caussam belli cum Boccho habere, quam secum et cum aliis gentibus, lubidinem imperitandi : 9 quis omnia regna advorsa sint : 10 tum sese, paullo ante Carthaginienses, item regem Persen, post, uti quisque opulentissumus videatur, ita Romanis hostem fore." His atque aliis talibus dictis, ad Cirtam oppidum iter constituunt ; quod ibi Metellus praedam captivosque et impedimenta locaverat. Ita Jugurtha ratus, aut, capta urbe, n operae pretium fore ; aut, si Romanus auxilio suis venisset, praelio sese eertatu- ros. Nam callidus id modo festinabat, ]2 Bocchi pacem im- minuere ; ne moras agitando, aliud, quam bellum, mallet. LXXXII. Imperator postquam de regum societate cognovit, non temere, neque, uti saepe jam victo Jugur- tha consueverat, omnibus locis pugnandi copiam facit : ceterum haud procul ab Cirta, castris munitis, reges op- peritur ; melius ratus, l3 cognitis Mauris, quoniam is novus hostis accesserat, ex commodo pugnam facere. Interim 7* 54 SALLTJSTII JUGURTHA. Roma per litteras certior fit, provinciam Numidiam Maria datam : nam consulem factum, jam antea acceperat. Quis rebus x supra bonum atque honestum pereulsus, neque lacrumas tenere, neque moderari linguam : vir egregius in aliis artibus, nimis molliter aegritudinem pati. Quam rem alii in superbiam 2 vortebant : alii bonum ingenium contumelia accensum esse : multi, quod jam parta victo- ria ex rnanibus eriperetur : nobis satis cognitum, ilium 3 magis honore Marii, quam injuria sua excruciatum, neque tarn anxie laturum fuisse, si ademta provincia alii quam Mario traderetur. LXXXIII. Igitur eo dolore impeditus, et quia 4 stulti- tiae videbatur alienam rem periculo suo curare, legatos ad Bocchum mittit, postulatum, " ne sine caussa hostis populo Romano fieret : habere eum 5 magnam copiam societatis amicitiaeque conjungendae, quae potior bello esset : quamquam opibus confideret, non debere incerta pro certis mutare : 6 omne bellum sumi facile, ceterum aegerrume desinere : non in ejusdem potestate initium ejus et finem esse : incipere cuivis, etiam ignavo, licere ; deponi cum victores velint : proinde sibi regnoque con- suleret, neu florentis res suas cum Jugurthae 7 perditis misceret." Ad ea rex 8 satis placide verba facit : " sese pacem cupere, sed Jugurthae fortunarum misereri ; si eadem illi copia fieret, omnia conventura." Rursus im- perator 9 contra postulata Bocchi nuncios mittit : ille pro- bare partim, partim abnuere. Eo modo saepe ab utroque missis remissisque nunciis, tempus procedere, et, ex Metelli voluntate, bellum intactum trahi. LXXXIV. At Marius, ut supra 10 diximus, cupientis- suraa plebe consul factus, postquam ei provinciam Nu- midiam populus jussit, antea jam infestus nobilitati, turn vero 11 multus atque ferox instare : singulos modo, modo universos laedere : dictitare, " 12 sese consulatum ex victis illis spolia cepisse ;" alia praeterea 13 magnifica pro se, et illis dolentia. Interim, quae bello opus erant, u prima habere : postulare legionibus supplementum, auxilia a SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 55 populis et regibus sociisque arcessere : praeterea ex Latio fortissumum queinque, T pIerosque militiae, paucos fama cognitos accire, et 2 ambiendo cogere homines emeritis stipendiis secum proficisci. Neque illi senatus, quam- quam advorsus erat, de ullo negotio abnuere audebat ; 3 ceterum supplementum etiam laetus decreverat : quia neque plebi militia volenti putabatur, et Marius aut belli usum, aut studia volgi amissurus. Sed ea res frustra sperata ; *tanta lubido cum Mario eundi plerosque inva- serat. Sese quisque praeda locupletem, victorem, domum rediturum, alia hujuscemodi animis trahebant : et eos non paullum oratione sua Marius arrexerat. Nam, post- quam, omnibus quae postulaverat decretis, milites scri- bere volt, hortandi caussa simul, et nobilitatem, uti con- sue verat, 5 exagitandi, concionem populi advocavit. Deinde hoc modo disseruit. LXXXV. u 6 Scio ego, Quirites, plerosque non isdem artibus imperium a vobis petere, et, postquam adepti sunt, gerere : primo industrios, supplicis, modicos esse ; de- rmic per ignaviam et superbiam aetatem agere : sed mihi 7 contra ea videtur. 8 Nam, quo uni versa respublica plu- ris est, quam consulatus aut praetura, eo majore cura illam administrari, quam haec peti debere. 9 Neque me fallit, quantum cum maxumo beneficio vestro negotii sustineam. Bellum parare simul, et aerario parcere : cogere ad militiam, quos nolis offendere ; domi forisque omnia curare ; et ea agere inter invidos, occursantis, factiosos, 10 opinione, Quirites, asperius est. n Ad hoc, alii si deliquere, vetus nobilitas, majorum facta fortia, cognatorum et adfinium opes, multae clientelae, omnia haec praesidio adsunt : mihi spes omnes in memet sitae, quas necesse est et virtute, et innocentia tutari : nam alia infirma sunt. 12 Et illud intellego, Quirites, omnium ora in me conversa esse : 13 aequos bonosque favere : quippe bene facta mea reipublicae procedunt ; nobilitatem locum 14 invadendi quaerere. Quo mihi acrius adniten- dum est, 15 ut neque vos capiamini, et illi frustra sint. 56 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. *Ita ad hoc aetatis a pueritia fui, ut omnis labores, pe- ricula consueta habeam. Quae 2 ante vestra beneficia gratuito faciebam, ea uti, accepta mercede, deseram, non est consilium, Quirites. Illis difficile est 3 in potestatibus temperare, qui per ambitionem sese probos simulavere : mihi, qui omnem aetatem in optumis artibus egi, bene- facere jam ex consuetudine in naturam vertit. Bellum me gerere cum Jugurtha jussistis ; quam rem nobilitas aegerrume tulit. Quaeso, reputate cum animis vestris, num id mutare melius sit, si quem 4 ex illo globo nobil- itatis ad hoc, aut aliud tale negotium mittatis, hominem 5 veteris prosapiae ac multarum imaginum, et nullius sti- pendii : scilicet ut in tanta re, 6 ignarus omnium, trepi- det, festinet, sumat aliquem ex populo monitorem officii. Ita plerumque evenit, ut, quem vos imperare jussistis, is imperatorem alium quaerat. Ac ego scio, Quirites, qui postquam consules facti sunt, acta majorum, et Graeco- rum militaria praecepta legere coeperint ; 7 homines prae- posteri. 8 Nam gerere, quam fieri, tempore posterius, re atque usu prius est. Comparate nunc, Quirites, cum illorum superbia me hominem novum. Quae illi audire et legere solent, eorum partim vidi, alia egomet gessi : quae illi litteris, ego militando didici. Nunc vos existumate, facta an dicta pluris sint. Contemnunt novi- tatem meam ; ego illorum ignaviam : mihi fortuna, illis probra objectantur ; quamquam ego naturam unam et com- munem omnium existumo, sed fortissumum quemque 9 generosissumum. Ac, si jam ex patribus Albini, aut Bestiae, quaeri posset, mene, an illos ex se gigni malue- rint, 10 quid responsuros creditis, nisi, sese liberos quam optumos voluisse ? Quod si jure me despiciunt, faciant idem majoribus suis, quibus, uti mihi, ex virtute nobilitas coepit. Invident honori meo ; ergo in vide ant et labori, innocentiae, periculis etiam meis, quoniam per haec ilium cepi. Verum homines corrupti superbia ita aetatem agunt, quasi vestros honores contemnant ; ita hos petunt, quasi honeste vixerint. n Ne, illi falsi sunt, qui divorsis- SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 57 sumas res pariter exspectant, Hgnaviae voluptatem, et praemia virtutis. Atque etiam cum apud vos, aut in senatu verba faciunt, pleraque oratione majores suos ex- tollunt : eorum fortia facta memorando clariores sese pu- tant ; 2 quod contra est. Nam quanto vita illorum praecla- rior, tanto horum secordia flagitiosior. Et profecto ita se res habet : majorum gloria 3 posteris lumen est, neque bona neque mala in occulto patitur. Hujusce rei ego inopiam patior, Quirites ; verum id, quod multo praecla- rius est, meamet facta mihi dicere licet. Nunc videte, quam iniqui sint. Quod 4 ex aliena virtute sibi adrogant, id mihi ex me a non concedunt : scilicet, quia imagines non habeo, et quia mihi nova nobilitas est ; quam certe peperisse melius est, quam acceptam corrupisse. Equi- dem ego non ignoro, si jam respondere velint, 5 abunde illis facundam et compositam orationem fore. Sed 6 in maxumo vestro beneficio, cum omnibus locis me vosque maledictis lacerent, non placuit reticere, ue quis modes- tiam in conscieiitiaui duceret. Nam me quidem, 7 ex animi sententia, nulla oratio laedere potest : 8 quippe vera necesse est bene praedicet ; falsam vita moresque mei superant. Sed, quoniam 9 vestra consilia accusantur, qui mihi summum honorem, et maxumum negotium imposuis- tis, etiam atque etiam reputate, num id poenitendum sit. Non possum 10 fidei caussa imagines, neque triumphos, aut consulatus majorum meorum ostentare ; at, si res pos- tulet, n hastas, vexillum, phaleras, alia militaria dona ; praeterea, cicatrices advorso corpore. Hae sunt meae imagines, haec nobilitas, non haereditate 12 relicta, ut ilia illis, sed quae ego plurimis laboribus et periculis quae- sivi. 13 Non sunt composita verba mea ; parum id facio ; ipsa se virtus satis ostendit : illis artificio opus est, uti turpia facta oratione tegant. 14 Neque litteras Graecas didici : parum placebat eas discere, quippe quae ad vir- tutem doctoribus nihil profuerunt. At ilia multo optu ma reipublicae doctus sum ; hostem ferire, 15 praesidia agi- tare : nihil metuere, nisi turpem famam ; hiemem et aes- 58 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. tatem juxta pati ; humi requiescere ; eodem tempore ino- piam et laborem tolerare. His ego praeceptis milites hortabor : x neque illos arte colam, me opulenter ; neque gloriam meam laborem illorum faciam. 2 Hoc est utile, hoc civile imperium. Namque, cum 3 tute per mollitiem agas, exercitum supplicio cogere, id est, dominum, non imperatorem esse. Haec atque talia majores vestri faci- undo seque remque publicam celebravere : quis nobilitas freta, ipsa dissimilis moribus, nos illorum aemulos con- temnit ; et omnis honores non ex merito, sed quasi debi- tos, a vobis repetit. Ceterum homines superbissumi procul errant. Majores eorum omnia, quae licebat, illis reliquere, divitias, imagines, memoriam sui praeclaram : virtutem non reliquere ; neque poterant : ea sola neque datur dono, neque accipitur. Sordidum me et incultis moribus aiunt, 4 quia parum scite convivium exorno, neque histrionem ullum, neque pluris pretii coquum, quam villicum, habco ; quae mihi lubet confiteri. Nam ex parente meo, et ex 5 sanctis viris ita accepi, munditias mulieribus, viris laborem convenire, omnibusque bonis oportere plus gloriae, quam divitiarum : arma, non supel- lectilem decori esse. Quin ergo, quod juvat, quod carum aestumant, id semper faciant ; 6 ament, potent ; ubi ado- lescentiam habuere, ibi senectutem agant, in conviviis, dediti ventri et turpissumae parti corporis ; 7 sudorem, pul- verem et alia talia relinquant nobis, quibus ilia epulis jucundiora sunt. Verum non est ita. Nam, ubi se om- nibus flagitiis dedecoravere turpissumi viri, bonorum prae- mia ereptum eunt. Ita injustissume luxuria et ignavia, pessumae artes, illis, qui coluere eas, nihil obficiunt ; reipublicae innoxiae 8 cladi sunt. Nunc, quoniam illis, quantum mores mei, non illorum flagitia poscebant, re- spondi, pauca de republica loquar. Primum omnium, de Numidia bonum habetote animum, Quirites. Nam, quae ad hoc tempus Jugurtham tuta sunt, omnia removistis, 9 avaritiam, imperitiam, superbiam. Deinde exercitus ibi est, locorum sciens ; sed mehercule magis streams, quam SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 59 felix. Nam magna pars avaritia, aut temeritate ducum adtrita est. Quamobrem vos, quibus hnilitaris aetas, ad- nitimini mecum, et capessite rempublicam : neque quem- quam ex calamitate aliorum, aut imperatorum superbia, metus ceperit. Egomet in agmine, in praelio consultor idem, et socius periculi vobiscum adero : 2 meque vosque in omnibus rebus jux f a geram. Et profecto, dis juvanti- bus, 3 omnia matura sunt, victoria, praeda, laus : quae si dubia aut procul essent, tamen omnis bonos reipublicae subvenire decebat. Etenim ignavia nemo immortalis factus : 4 neque quisquam parens liberis, uti aeterni forent, optavit ; magis, uti boni honestique vitam exigerent. Plura dicerem, Quirites, si timidis virtutem verba adde- rent ; nam strenuis abunde dictum puto." LXXXYI. Hujuscemodi oratione habita, Marius post- quam plebis animos arrectos videt, propere commeatu, stipendio, armis, aliis utilibus navis onerat : cum his A. Manlium legatum proficisci jubet. Ipse interea milites scribere, non more majorum, neque 5 ex classibus, sed uti cujusque lubido erat, 6 capite censos plerosque. Id factum alii inopia bonorum, alii per ambition em consulis memo- rabant ; 7 quod ab eo genere celebratus auctusque erat ; et homini potentiam quaerenti egentissumus quisque op- portunissumus, cui neque sua curae, quippe quae nulla sunt, et omnia 8 cum pretio honesta videntur. Igitur Marius cum majore aliquanto numero, quam decretum erat, in Africam profectus, diebus paucis Uticam advehi- tur. Exercitus ei traditur a P. Rutilio legato ; nam Metellus conspectum Marii fugerat, ne videret ea, quae audita animus tolerare nequiverat. LXXXYII. Sed consul, 9 expletis legionibus cohorti- busque auxiliariis, in agrum fertilem et praeda onustum proficiscitur : omnia ibi capta militibus donat : dein cas- tella et oppida natura et viris parum munita adgreditur : praelia multa, ceterum levia, alia aliis locis facere. In- terim novi milites sine metu pugnae adesse : videre fugientis capi, occidi ; fortissumum quemque tutissumum ; 60 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. armis libartatem^ patriam parentesque et alia omnia tegi ; gloriam atque divitias quaeri. Sic brevi spatio novi vete- resque coaluere, et virtus omnium aequalis facta. At reges, ubi de adventu Marii cognoverunt, 1 dirorsi in locos difficilis abeunt. Ita Jugurthae placuerat, speranti, mox effusos hostis invadi posse ; Romanos, sicuti plerosque, remoto metu, laxius licentiusque futuros. LXXXVIII. Metellus interea Romam profectus, con- tra spem suam, 2 laetissumis animis excipitur ; plebi pa- tribusque, postquam invidia decesserat, juxta cams. Sed Marius impigre prudenterque suorum et hostium res pari- ter adtendere : cognoscere quid boni utrisque, am contra esset : explorare itinera regum, consilia et insidias ante- venire : 3 nihil apud se remissum, neque apud illos tutum pati : Itaque et Gaetulos, et Jugurtliam, ex sociis nostris praedam agentes, saepe adgressus itinere fuderat, ipsum- que regem haud procul ab oppido Cirta 4 armis exuerat. Quae postquam gloriosa modo, neque 5 belli patrandi cognovit, statuit urbis, quae viris aut loco 6 pro hostibus, et advorsum se opportunissumae erant, singulas circum- venire : ita Jugurtham aut praesidiis nudatum, si ea pateretur, aut praelio certaturum. Nam Boccbus nuncios ad eum saepe miserat, u velle populi Romani amicitiam ; ne quid ab se hostile timer et." Id simulaveritne, 7 quo improvisus gravior accideret, an mobilitate ingenii pacem atque bellum mutare solitus, parmn exploratum. LXXXIX. Sed consul, uti statuerat, oppida castellaque munita adire : partim vi, alia metu, aut praemia osten- tando avortere ab hostibus. Ac primo s mediocria gerebat, existumans, Jugurtham ob suos tutandos in manus ventu- rum. Sed, ubi procul abesse, et aliis negotiis intentum accepit, majora et magis aspera adgredi tempus visum. Erat inter ingentis solitudines oppidum magnum atque valens, nomine Capsa, cujus conditor 9 Hercules Libys memorabatur. Ejus cives apud Jugurtham 10 immunes, levi imperio, et ob ea fldelissumi habebantur : muniti advorsum hostis non moenibus modo, et armis atque SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 61 viris, multo magis locorum asperitate. Nam, praeter op- pido propinqua, alia omnia vasta, inculta, egentia aquae, Hnfesta serpentibus : 2 quarum -vis, sicuti omnium ferarum, inopia cibi acrior : ad hoc natura serpentium, ipsa per- niciosa, siti magis, quam alia re, accenditur. Ejus po- tiundi Marium maxuma cupido invaserat, cum propter 3 usum belli, turn quia res aspera videbatur ; et Metellus oppidum Thalam magna gloria ceperat, haud dissimiliter situm munitumque ; nisi quod apud Thalam haud longe a moenibus aliquot fontes erant, Capsenses una modo, atque ea intra oppidum, 4 jugi aqua, cetera pluvia utebantur. Id ibique, et 5 in omni Africa, quae procul a mari incul- tius agebat, eo facilius tolerabatur, quia Numidae ple- rumque lacte et ferina came vescebantur, neque 6 salem, neque alia irritamenta gulae quaerebant ; cibus 7 illis advor- sum famem atque sitim, non lubidini, neque luxuriae erat. XC. Igitur consul, omnibus exploratis, credo, dis fre- tus ; nam contra tantas difficultates consilio satis provi- dere non poterat ; quippe etiam frumenti inopia 8 tentaba- tur, quod Numidae pabulo pecoris, magis, quam arvo student, et quodcumque natum fuerat, jussu regis in loca munita contulerant, ager autem aridus et frugum vacuus ea tempestate, nam aestatis extremum erat ; tamen 9 pro rei co- pia satis providenter exornat : pecus omne, quod superiori- bus diebus praedae fuerat, equitibus auxiliariis agendum adtribuit : A. Manlium legatum cum cohortibus expeditis ad oppidum Laris, ubi stipendium et commeatum locaverat, ire jubet ; 10 se praedabundum post paucos dies eodem ventu- rum. Sic incepto suo occulto, pergit ad flumen Tanam. XCI. Ceterum in itinere quotidie pecus exercitui per 11 centurias, item turmas, aequaliter distribuerat, et ex coriis utres uti fierent curabat : simul et inopiam frumenti lenire, et, ignaris omnibus, parare, quae mox usui forent. Denique sexto die, cum ad flumen ventum est, maxuma vis utrium efTecta. Ibi castris levi munimento positis, milites ci- bum capere, atque, uti simul cum occasu solis egrederen- tur, paratos esse jubet ; omnibus sarcinis abjectis, aqua 8 62 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. modo seque et jumenta onerare. Dein, postquam tempus visum, castris egreditur, noctemque totam itinere facto, consedit : idem ^roxuma facit : dein tertia, multo ante lucis adventum, pervenit in locum tumulosum, ab Capsa non amplius duum millium inter vallo ; ibique, quam occul- tissume potest, cum omnibus copiis opperitur. Sed, ubi dies coepit, et Numidae, nihil hostile metuentes, multi oppido egressi ; repente omnem equitatum, et cum his velocissumos pedites cursu tendere ad Capsam, et portas obsidere jubet : deinde ipse intentus propere sequi, ne- que milites praedari sinere. Quae postquam oppidani cognovere ; 2 res trepidae, metus ingens, malum impro- visum, ad hoc pars civium extra moenia in hostium po- testate, coegere, uti deditionem facerent. Ceterum oppi- dum incensum : Numidae puberes interfecti ; alii omnes venum dati : praeda militibus divisa. 3 Id facinus contra jus belli, non avaritia, neque scelere consulis admissum ; sed quia locus Jugurthae opportunus, nobis aditu difficilis, genus hominum mobile, infidum, neque bencficio, neque metu coercitum. XCII. Postquam tantam rem Marius, sine ullo suo- rum incommodo patravit ; magnus et clarus antea, major et clarior haberi coepit. 4 Omnia, non bene consulta modo, verum etiam casu data, in virtutem trahebantur : milites, 5 modesto imperio habiti simul, et locupletes, ad coelum ferre : Numidae magis, quam mortalem timere : postremo omnes socii atque hostes credere illi aut men- tern divinam, aut deorum nutu cuncta portendi. Sed consul, ubi ea res bene evenit, ad alia oppida pergit : pauca, repugnantibus Numidis, capit ; plura 6 deserta, prop- ter Capsensium miserias, igni corrumpit : luctu atque caede omnia complentur. Denique, multis locis potitus, ac plerisque exercitu incruento, 7 ad aliam rem adgreditur, 8 non eadem asperitate, qua Capsensium, ceterum haud secus difficilem. Namque haud longe a flumine ]\Iulucha, quod Jugurthae Bocchique regnum disjungebat, erat 9 inter ceteram planitiem mons saxeus, mediocri castello satis , SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 63 patens, in immensum editus, uno perangusto aditu relicto : nam 1 omnis natura, velut opere atque consulto, praeceps. Quem locum Marius, quod ibi regis thesauri erant, sum- ma vi capere intendit. Sed ea res forte, quam consilio, melius gesta. Nam castello virorum atque armorum sa- tis, magna vis frumenti et fons aquae ; aggeribus turri- busque et aliis machinationibus locus 2 importunus : iter castellanorum angustum admodum, utrimque praecisum. Vineae cum ingenti periculo frustra agitabantur : nam, cum eae paullum processerant, igni, aut lapidibus cor- rumpebantur ; milites neque 3 pro opere consistere, propter iniquitatem loci, neque intra vineas sine periculo 4 ad- ministrare : optumus quisque cadere, aut sauciari ; ceteris metus augeri. XCIII. At Marius, multis diebus et laboribus consumtis, 5 anxius trahere cum animo, omitteretne inceptum quo- niam frustra erat, an fortunam opperiretur, qua saepe prospere usus. Quae cum multos dies, noctes, 6 aestuans agitaret, forte quidam Ligus, ex cohortibus auxiliariis miles gregarius, castris aquatum egressus, haud procul ab latere castelli, quod 7 avorsum praeliantibus erat, ani- mum advortit inter saxa repentis cochleas : quarum cum unam atque alteram, dein plures peteret, studio legundi paullatim prope ad summum montis egressus est. Ubi, postquam 8 solitudinem intellexit, more humani ingenii, cupido ignara visundi invadit. Et forte in eo loco grandis ilex coaluerat inter saxa, 9 paullulum modo prona, dein flexa atque aucta in altitudinem, quo cuncta gignentium natura fert : cujus ramis modo, modo eminentibus saxis nisus Ligus, 10 castelli planitiem perscribit : quod cuncti Numidae intenti praeliantibus aderant. Exploratis omni- bus, quae mox usui fore ducebat, 11 eadem regreditur, non temere, uti escenderat, sed tentans omnia et circumspi- ciens. Itaque Marium propere adit, acta edocet, hortatur, ab ea parte, qua ipse escenderat, castellum tentet : pol- licetur sese itineris periculique ducem. Marius cum Ligure, promissa cognitum, 12 ex praesentibus misit: quo» 64 SJLLLUSTII jugtotha. rum uti cujusque ingenium era:, ita rem difficilem aut facilem nunciavere. Consulis animus tamen paulliim Itaque ex copia 1 tubicinum et cornicinum, nu- mero quinque quam Telocissnmos delegit, et cum his, praesidio qui forent. quatuor centuriones : omnis Ligun par ere jubet, et ei negotio proxumum diem constituit. XCIY. Sed, ubi %x praecepto tempus visum, paratis compositisque omnibus, ad locum pergit. Ceterum illi qui centuriis praeerant, praedocti ab duce. anna ornatum- que mutaverant, capite atque pedibus nudis. uti pro- spectus nisusque per saxa facilius foret : super terga gladii et scuta : verum ea Numidica ex coriis. ponderis gratia simul, et offensa quo levins streperent. Igitur praegrediens Ligus saxa, et si quae ^etustate radices eminebant, laqueis vinciebat, quibus adlevau facilius escenderent : mterdum timidos insolentia itineris levare manu: ubi paullo asperior adscensus, singulos prae se inermos mittere ; deinde ipse cum illorum armis sequi ; quae Mubia nisu videbantur. potissumus tentare, ac us eadem adscendens descendensque, dein statim ^reris audaciam addere. Igitur. diu mul- tumque fatigati. tandem in castellum perveniunt. desertum ab ea parte ; quod 01: uti aliis diebus. advorsom hostis aderant. Marias, ubi ex nunciis. quae Ligus egerat cognovit, quamquam toto die intentos praelio Xu- midas habuerat, turn vero cobortatus milites. et ipse extra vineas egressus, 6 testudine acta succedere, et simul ho stem tormentis sagittariisque et fundi toribus eminus ten ere. At Numidae, saepe ante a vine is Romanormn subvorsis, item incensis. non castelli moenibus sese tnta- bantur, sed pro muro dies noctesque agitare : maledicere Romanis. ac Mario vecordiam objectare ; militibos nostris 7 Jugurthae servitium minari ; secundis rebus feroces esse. Interim omnibus Romanis hostibosque praelio intends, magna utrimque vi, pro gloria atque imperio his, illis pio salute certantabos, repente a tergo signa canere : ac prime, mulieres et pueri, qui visum processerant, ^tugere ; SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 65 deinde, uti quisque muro proxumus erat ; postremo cuncti, armati inermesque. Quod ubi accidit, eo acrius Romani instare, fundere, ac plerosque tantummodo ^auciare, dein super occisorum corpora vadere, avidi gloriae certantes murum petere ; neque quemquam omnium praeda morari. Sic forte correcta Marii temeritas, gloriam ex culpa invenit. XCV. Ceterum, dum ea res geritur, 2 L. Sulla quaestor cum magno equitatu in castra venit ; quos uti ex Latio et a sociis cogeret, Romae relictus erat. Sed, quoniam tanti viri res admonuit, idoneum visum est, de natura cultuque ejus paucis dicere : neque enim alio loco de Sullae rebus dicturi sumus ; et 3 L. Sisenna, optume et diligentissume omnium qui eas res dixere persecutus, parum mini libero ore locutus videtur. Igitur Sulla, 4 gentis patriciae, familia prope jam exstincta majorum ignavia, litteris Graecis atque Latinis juxta atque doctis- surne eruditus, animo ingenti, cupidus voluptatum, sed gloriae cupidior : 5 otio luxurioso ; tamen ab negotiis num- quam voluptas remorata, 6 nisi quod de uxore potuit ho* nestius consuli : facundus, callidus, et 7 amicitia facilis ; ad simulanda negotia altitudo ingenii incredibilis ; multarum rerum, ac maxume pecuniae largitor. Atque felicissuma omnium 8 ante civile m victoriam numquam super industriam fortuna fuit ; multique dubitavere, fortior, an felicior esset : nam, postea quae fecerit, incertum habeo, pudeat magis, an pigeat disserere. XCYI. Igitur Sulla, ut supra dictum, postquam in Africam atque in castra Marii cum equitatu venit, rudis antea et ignarus belli, 9 sollertissumus omnium in paucis tempestatibus factus est. Ad hoc, milites benigne adpel- lare ; multis rogantibus, aliis per se ipse dare beneficia, invitus accipere : sed ea properantius, quam 10 aes mutuum reddere ; ipse ab nullo repetere ; magis id laborare, ut illi quam plurimi deberent : joca atque seria cum humil- lumis agere : in operibus, in agmine atque ad vigilias 1] multus adesse : neque interim, quod prava ambitio solet, consulis, aut cujusquam boni famam laedere : tantummodo 8* 66 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. neque consilio, neque manu priorem alium pati ; plerosque antevenire. Quis rebus, brevi, Mario militibusque caris- sumus factus. XCVII. At Jugurtha, postquam oppidum Caps am alios - que locos munitos et sibi utilis simul, et ^nagnam pecu- niam amiserat, ad Bocchum nuncios mittit, " quam pri- mum in Numidiam copias adduceret : praelii faciundi tempus adesse." Quern ubi cunctari accepit, 2 dubium belli atque pacis rationes trahere ; rursus, uti antea, proxumos donis corrumpit, ipsique Mauro pollicetur Nu- midiae partem tertiam, si aut Romani Africa expulsi, aut, integris suis finibus, bellum compositum foret. Eo prae- mio illectus Boccbus, cum magna multitudine Jugurtham accedit. Ita amborum exercitu conjuncto, Marium jam in hiberna proficiscentem, 3 vix decima parte die reliqua, invadunt : rati noctem, quae jam aderat, victis sibi muni- mento fore, et, si vicissent, 4 nullo impedimento, quia lo- corum scientes erant ; contra Romanis utrumque casum in tenebris dimciliorem. Igitur simul consul ex multis de hostium adventu cognovit, et ipsi hostes aderant ; et, priusquam exercitus aut instrui, aut 5 sarcinas eolligere, denique antequam signum, aut imperium ullum accipere 6 quivit, equites Mauri atque Gaetuli, 7 non acie, neque ullo more praelii, sed catervatim, uti quosque fors congloba- verat, in nostros concurrunt ; qui omnes trepidi impro- viso metu, ac tamen virtutis memores, aut arma capie- bant, aut capientis alios ab hostibus defensabant : pars equos escendere, obviam ire hostibus : pugna 8 latrocinio magis, quam praelio similis fieri : sine signis, sine ordini- bus equites pedites permixti, caedere alios, alios obtrun- care, multos, 9 contra advorsos acerrume pugnantis, ab terga circumvenire : neque virtus, neque arma satis tegere, quod hostes numero plures et undique circumfusi : denique Ro- mani veteres, 10 novique, et ob ea scientes belli, si quos locus, aut casus conjunxerat, orbes facere ; atque ita ab omni- bus partibus simul tecti et instructi hostium vim susten- tabant. SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 67 XCVIIL Neque in eo tarn aspero negotio territus Ma- rius, aut magis, quam ante a, demisso anirao fuit : sed 1 cum turma sua, qnam ex fortissumis magis, quam fa- miliarissumis, paraverat, vagari passim : ac modo laboran- tibus suis succurrere, modo hostis, ubi confertissumi obs^titerant, invadere : manu consulere militibus, quoniam imperare, conturbatis omnibus, non poterat. Jamque dies consumtus erat, cum tamen barbari nihil remittere, atque, uti^reges praeceperant, 2 noctem pro se rati, acrius instare. Turn Marius ex copia rerum consilium trahit, atque, uti suis receptui locus esset, collis duos propinquos inter se occupat : quorum in uno, castris parum amplo, fons aquae magnus erat ; alter usui opportunus, quia, magna parte editus et praeceps, 3 pauco munimento egebat. Ceterum apud aquam Sullam cum equitibus noctem 4 agitare jubet. Ipse paullatim dispersos milites, neque minus hostibus conturbatis, in unum contrahit ; dein cunctos 5 pleno gradu in collem subducit. Ita reges, loci difficultate coacti, praelio deterrentur ; neque tamen suos longius abire sinunt, sed, utroque colle multitudine circumdato, 6 efTusi consedere. Dein crebris ignibus factis, plerumque noctis barbari suo more laetari, exsultare, strepere rocibus : 7 ipsi duces feroces, quia non fugerant, pro victoribus agere. Sed ea cuncta Romanis ex tenebris et editiori- bus locis facilia visu, magnoque hortamento erant. XCIX. Plurimum vero Marius imperitia hostium con- firmatus, quam maxumum silentium haberi jubet : ne signa quidem, hiti per vigilias solebant, can ere : deinde, ubi lux adventabat, defessis jam hostibus, et paullo ante somno captis, de improviso vigiles, item cohortium, tur- marum, legionum tubicines, simul omnis signa canere, milites clamor em toller e, atque portis erumpere. Mauri atque Gaetuli ignoto et horribili sonitu repente exciti, neque fugere, neque arma capere, neque omnino facere aut providere quidquam poterant : 9 ita cunctos strepitu, clamore, nullo subveniente, nostris instantibus, tumultu, terror e, formido, quasi vecordia, ceperat. Denique omnes 68 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. fosi fugatique : arma et signa militaria pleraque capta : pluresque eo praelio, quam omnibus superioribus inte- remti : nam somno et metu insolito impedita fuga. C. Dein Marius, uti coeperat, Hn hiberna ; quae, propter commeatum, in oppidis maritumis agere decre- verat * neque tamen secors victoria, aut insolens factus ; sed pariter ac in conspectu hostium, 2 quadrato agmine incedere. Sulla cum equitatu 3 apud dextumos ; in sinistra A. Manlius, cum funditoribus et sagittariis, praeterea cohortes Ligurum curabat : primos et extremos cum ex- peditis manipulis tribunos locaverat. Perfugae, 4 minume cari, et regionum scientissumi, hostium iter explorabant : simul consul, quasi nullo imposito, omnia providere ; apud omnes adesse ; laudare, increpare merentis. Ipse arma- tus intentusque, item milites cogebat : 5 neque secus, atque iter facere, castra munire ; excubitum in portas cohortis ex legionibus, pro castris equites auxiliarios mittere : praeterea alios super vallum in munimentis locare, vigilias ipse circumire, 6 non diffidens ea futura, quae imperavis- set, quam 7 uti militibus exaequatus cum imperatore labos volentibus esset. Et sane Marius, illo et aliis temporibus belli, pudore magis, quam 8 malo, exercitum coercebat ; quod multi per ambitionem fieri aiebant ; pars quod a pueritia consuetam duritiam, et alia, quae ceteri miserias vocant, voluptati habuisset. 9 Nisi tamen res publica, pari- ter ac saevissumo imperio, bene atque decore gesta. CI. Igitur quarto denique die, haud longe ab oppido Cirta undique simul speculatores 10 citi sese ostendunt ; qua re hostis adesse intellegitur. Sed quia divorsi rede- untes, alius ab alia parte, atque omnes idem significabant ; consul incertus, quonam modo aciem instrueret, nullo or- dine commutato, advorsum omnia paratus, ibidem opperi- tur. Ita Jugurtham spes frustrata, qui copias in quatuor partis distribuerat, ratus ex omnibus n utique aliquos ab tergo hostibus venturos. Interim Sulla, 12 quem primum adtigerant, cohortatus suos, turmatim et quam maxume confertis equis, ipse aliique Mauros invadunt: ceteri in SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 69 loco manentes ab jaculis eminus emissis corpora tegere, et, si qui in maims venerant, obtruncare. Dum eo modo equites praeliantur, ^occhus cum peditibus, quos Volux, filius ejus, adduxerat, neque in priore pugna, in itinere morati, adfuerant, postremam Romanorum aciem invadunt. Turn Marius 2 apud primos agebat ; quod ibi Jugurtha cum plurimis. Dein Numida, cognito Bocchi adventu, clam cum paucis 3 ad pedites con\ r ortit : ibi Latine (nam apud Numantiam loqui didicerat) exclamat : " nostros frustra pugnare ; paullo ante Marium sua manu interfectum :" simul gladium sanguine oblitum ostendere, quern in pugna, 4 satis impigre occiso pedite nostro, cruentaverat. Quod ubi milites accipere, magis 5 atrocitate rei, quam fide nuncii terrentur : simulque barbari animos toller e, et in perculsos acrius incedere. Jamque paullum ab fuga aberant, cum Sulla, profligatis, quos advorsum ierat, Mauris ab latere incurrit. Bocchus statim avortitur. At Jugurtha, dum sustentare suos, et prope jam 6 adeptam victoriam retinere cupit, circumventus ab equitibus, dextra, sinistra, omnibus occisis, solus inter tela hostium vitabun- dus erumpit. Atque interim Marius, fugatis equitibus, occurrit auxilio suis, quos pelli jam acceperat. Denique hostes undique fusi. Turn spectaculum horribile campis patentibus : 7 sequi, fugere ; occidi, capi ; equi, viri adflicti : ac multi, volneribus acceptis, neque fugere posse, neque quietem pati ; 8 niti modo, ac statim concidere : postremo omnia, qua visus erat, constrata telis, armis, cadaveribus ; et inter ea humus infecta sanguine. CII. 9 Postea loci consul, haud dubie jam victor, per- venit in oppidum Cirtam, quo initio profectus intenderat. Eo 10 post diem quintum, quam iterum barbari male pugna- verant, legati a Boccho veniunt, qui regis verbis ab Mario petivere, " duo quam fldissumos ad eum mitteret : velle de se, et de populi Romani commodo n cum is disserere." Ille statim L. Sullam et A. Manlium ire jubet. Qui quamquam acciti ibant, tamen placuit verba apud regem facere ; ingenium aut avorsum uti flecterent, aut cupidum 70 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. pacis vehementius accenderent. Itaque Sulla, 1 cujus facundiae, non aetati a Manlio concessum, pauca verba hujuscemodi locutus. " Rex Bocche, magna nobis laetitia, cum te 2 talem virum di monuere, uti aliquando pacem, quam bellum, malles ; neu te optumum cum pessumo omnium Jugurtha miscendo commaculares ; simul nobis demeres acerbam necessitudinem, pariter te errantem et ilium sceleratissumum 3 persequi. Ad hoc, populo Ro- mano jam a 4 principio reipublicae visum, amicos, quam servos quaerere : tutius rati, volentibus, quam coactis imperitare. Tibi vero nulla opportunior nostra amicitia ; primum, quod procul absumus, in quo orTensae minumum, 5 gratia par, ac si prope adessemus ; dein, quod 6 parentes abunde habemus, amicorum neque nobis, neque cuiquam omnium satis. Atque hoc utinam a principio tibi placuis- set ! profecto ex populo Romano ad hoc tempus multo plura bona accepisses, quam mala perpessus es. Sed, quoniam humanarum rerum fortuna pleraque regit, 7 cui scilicet placuit te et vim et gratiam nostram experiri ; nunc, quando per illam licet, festina, atque, ut coepisti, perge. Multa atque opportuna habes, quo facilius errata 8 officiis superes. Postremo hoc in pectus tuum demitte, nunquam populum Romanum beneficiis vie turn : nam bello quid valeat, tute scis." Ad ea Bocchus placide et be- nigne ; simul pauca 9 pro delicto verba facit : " se non hostili animo, sed regnum tutatum arma cepisse : nam Numidiae partem,unde vi Jugurtham 10 expulerit,jure belli suam factam, earn vastari ab Mario pati nequivisse ; praeterea missis antea Romam legatis, repulsum ab amicitia. Ceterum vetera omittere, ac turn, si per Marium liceret, legatos ad senatum missurum." Dein n copia facta, animus barbari ab amicis flexus, quos Jugurtha, cognita legatione Sullae et Manlii, metuens id quod parabatur, donis corruperat. CIII. Marius interea, exercitu in hibernis composito, cum expeditis cohortibus et parte equitatus proficiscitur 12 in loca sola, obsessum turrim regiam, quo Jugurtha per- tugas omnis praesidium imposuerat. Turn rursus Bocchus, SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 71 seu reputando, quae sibi duobus praeliis Venerant, seu ad- monitus ab amicis, quos incorruptos Jugurtha reliquerat, ex orani copia necessariorum quinque delegit, quorum et fides cognita, et ingenia validissuma erant. Eos ad Ma- rium, ac dein, si placeat, Romam legatos ire jubet : 2 agendarum rerum, et quocumque modo belli componendi licentiam permittit. Illi mature ad hibema Romanorum proficiscuntur : deinde itinere a Gaetulis latronibus cir- cumventi spoliatique, pavidi, 3 sine decore ad Sullam per- fugiunt, quem consul, in expeditionem proficiscens, pro praetore reliquerat. Eos ille non pro 4 vanis hostibus, ut meriti erant, sed adcurate ac liberaliter habuit ; qua re barbari et famam Romanorum avaritiae falsam, et Sullam, ob munificentiam in sese, amicum rati. Nam etiam turn 5 largitio multis ignara : munificus nemo putabatur, nisi pariter volens : dona omnia in benignitate habebantur. Igitur quaestori mandata Bocchi patefaciunt : simul ab eo petunt, uti fautor consultorque sibi adsit : copias, fidem, magnitudinem regis sui, et alia, quae aut utilia, aut 6 be- nevolentiae credebant, oratione extollunt : dein Sulla omnia pollicito, docti, quo modo apud Marium, item apud senatum verba facerent, circiter dies xl. ibidem opperiuntur. CIV. Marius postquam, 7 ibi infecto, quo intenderat, negotio, Cirtam redit, de adventu legatorum certior factus, illosque et Sullam venire jubet, item L. Bellienum prae- torem Utica, praeterea omnis undique senatorii ordinis, quibuscum mandata Bocchi 8 cognoscit. Legatis potestas eundi Romam fit ab consule : inter e a induciae postula- bantur. 9 Ea Sullae et plerisque placuere : pauci ferocius decernunt, scilicet ignari humanarum rerum, quae fluxae et mobiles semper in advorsa mutant. Ceterum Mauri, impetratis omnibus rebus, tres Romam profecti cum Cn. Octavio Rufo, qui quaestor stipendium in Africam porta- verat ; duo ad regem redeunt. Ex his Bocchus cum cetera, turn maxume benignitatem et 10 studium Sullae lu- bens accepit. Romae legatis ejus, postquam errasse regem et Jugurthae scelere lapsum n deprecati sunt, ami- 72 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. citiam et foedus petentibus hoc modo respondetur. " Se- nates et populus Romanus beneficii et injuriae memor esse solet ; ceterum Boccho, quoniam poenitet, delicti gratiam facit : foedus et amicitia dabuntur, cum meruerit." CV. Quis rebus cognitis, Bocchus per litteras a Mario petivit, uti Sullam ad se mitteret ; 1 cujus arbitratu de communibus negotiis cousuleretur. Is missus cum prae- sidio equitum atque peditum, 2 item funditorum Balearium : 3 praeterea sagittarii et cohors Peligna 4 cum velitaribus armis, itineris properandi caussa : neque his secus, atque aliis armis, advorsum tela hostium, quod 5 ea levia sunt, muniti. Sed itinere, quinto denique die, Volux, filius Bocchi, repente in campis patentibus cum mille non amplius equitibus sese ostendit : qui 6 temere et effuse euntes, Sullae aliisque omnibus et numerum ampliorem vero, et hostilem metum emciebant. Igitur sese quisque 7 expedire, arma atque tela 8 tentare, intendere : timor ali- quantus ; sed spes amplior, quippe victoribus, et advorsum eos, quos saepe vicerant. Interim equites, exploratum praemissi, 9 rem, uti erat, quietam nunciant. CVI. Volux adveniens quaestorem adpellat : "se a patre Boccho 10 obviam illis simul, et praesidio missum." Deinde eum et proxumum diem sine metu conjuncti eunt. Post, ubi castra locata, et die vesper erat, repente Mau- rus 1] incerto voltu ad Sullam adcurrit : " sibi ex specula- toribus cognitum, Jugurtham haud procul abesse :" simul, uti noctu clam secum profugeret, rogat atque hortatur. Ille 12 animo feroci negat " se toties fusum Numidam per- timescere : virtuti suorum satis credere : etiam si certa pestis adesset, mansurum potius, quam proditis, quos du- cebat, turpi fuga incertae ac forsitan post paullo morbo interiturae vitae parceret." Ceterum ab eodem monitus, uti noctu proficiscerentur, consilium adprobat : ac statim milites 13 coenatos esse, in castris ignis quam creberrumos fieri, dein u prima vigilia silentio egredi jubet. Jamque nocturno itinere fessis omnibus, Sulla pariter cum ortu solis castra metabatur, cum equites Mauri nunciant, * Ju- SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 73 gurtham circiter duum millium intervallo 1 ante consedisse." Quod postquam auditum, turn vero ingens metus nostros invadit : credere, proditos a Yoluce, et insidiis circum- ventos. Ac fuere, qui dicerent, 2 manu vindicandum, ne- que apud ilium tantum scelus inultum relinquendum. CVII. At Sulla, quanquam eadem aestumabat, tamen ab injuria Maurum 3 prohibet : suos hortatur, " uti fortem animum gererent : saepe antea paucis strenuis advorsum multitudinera bene pugnatum : quanto sibi in praelio minus pepercissent, tanto tutiores fore : nee quemquam decere, qui manus armaverit, ab inermis pedibus auxilium petere, in maxumo metu 4 nudum et caecum corpus ad hostis vortere." Deinde Yolucem, 5 quoniam hostilia fa- ceret, maxumum Jovem obtestatus, ut sceleris atque per- fidiae Bocchi testis adesset, castris abire jubet. Ille lacru- mans orare, " ne ea crederet : nihil dolo factum, magis cal- liditate Jugurthae, cui speculanti iter suum cognitum esset. 6 Ceterum, quoniam neque ingentem multitudinem haberet, et spes opesque ejus ex patre suo penderent, ilium nihil palam ausurum, cum ipse filius testis adesset : quare optumum factum videri, 7 per media ejus castra palam transire : sese, vel praemissis, vel ibidem relictis Mauris, solum cum Sulla iturum." Ea res, ut in tali negotio, pro- bata, ac statim profecti : quia de improviso 8 acciderant, dubio atque haesitante Jugurtha, incolumes transeunt. Deinde paucis diebus, quo ire intenderant, perventum. CVIIL Ibi cum Boccho Numida quidam, Aspar nomine, multum et familiariter agebat : praemissus ab Ju- gurtha, postquam Sullam accitum audierat, 9 orator, et subdole speculatum Bocchi consilia : praeterea Dabar, Massugradae filius, ex gente Masinissae, ceterum materno genere impar ; pater ejus ex concubina ortus erat ; Mauro ob ingenii multa bona cams acceptlisque, 10 quem Bocchus, fidum multis antea tempestatibus expertus, illico ad Sul- lam nunciatum mittit, " paratum sese facere, quae populus Romanus vellet : colloquio diem, locum, tempus ipse dilegeret : lx consulta sese omnia cum illo integra habere : 9 74 SALLtJSTII JUGURTHA. 1 neu Jugurthae legatum pertimesceret, quin res communis licentius gereretur ; 2 nam ab insidiis ejus aliter caveri nequivisse." Sed ego comperior, Bocchum magis 3 Punica fide, quam ob quae praedicabat, simul Romanos et Numi- dam spe pacis 4 adtinuisse, multumque cum animo suo vol- vere solitum, Jugurtham Romanis, an illi Sullam traderet : 5 lubidinem advorsum nos, metum pro nobis suasisse. CIX. Igitur Sulla respondit : " pauca se coram Aspare locuturum ; cetera occulte, aut nullo, aut quam paucissu- mis praesentibus :" simul edocet, 6 quae responderentur. Postquam, sicuti voluerat, congressi, dicit, " se missum a consule venisse quaesitum ab eo, pacem, an bellum agi- taturus foret." Turn rex, uti praeceptum, post diem deci- mum redire jubet ; ac, nihil etiam nunc decrevisse, sed illo die responsurum : deinde ambo 7 in sua castra digressi. Sed, ubi plerumque noctis processit, Sulla a Boccho occulte arcessitur : ab utroque tantummodo fidi interpretes adhibentur : praeterea Dabar 8 internuncius, sanctus vir et ex sententia ambobus. Ac statim sic rex incipit. CX. " Numquam ego ratus sum fore, uti rex maxumus in hac terra, et omnium, quos novi, opulentissumus, pri- vato homini gratiam deberem. Et hercle, Sulla, ante te cognitum, multis orantibus, aliis ultro egomet opem tuli, nullius indigui. Id imminutum, quod ceteri dolere solent, ego laetor ; 9 fuerit mihi pretium, eguisse aliquando ami- citiae tuae, qua apud animum meum nihil carius habeo. 10 Id adeo experiri licet : arma, viros, pecuniam, postremo quidquid animo lubet, sume, utere : et, quoad vives, num- quam redditam gratiam putaveris ; semper apud me l In- tegra erit : denique nihil, me sciente, frustra voles. Nam, ut ego aestumo, regem armis, quam muniricentia vinci, minus rlagitiosum. Ceterum de re publica vestra, 12 cujus curator hue missus es, paucis accipe. Bellum ego populo Romano neque feci, neque factum umquam volui : finis meos advorsum armatos armis 13 tutus sum. Id omitto, quando vobis ita placet : gerite, uti voltis, cum Jugurtha bellum. Ego flumen Mulucham, quod inter SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 75 me et Micipsam fuit, non 1 egrediar, neque Jugurtham id intrare sinam. Praeterea, si quid meque vobisque dignum petiveris, haud repulsus abibis." CXI. Ad ea Sulla pro se breviter et modice ; de pace et de communibus rebus multis disseruit. Denique regi patefacit, 2 quod polli^eatur, senatum et populum Roma- num, quoniam amplius armis valuissent, non in gratiam habituros : faciundum aliquid, quod illorum magis, quam sua, retulisse videretur : 3 id adeo in promtu esse, quo- niam Jugurthae copiam haberet : quern si Romanis tradi- disset, fore, uti illi plurimum deberetur ; amicitiam, foedus, Numidiae partem, quam nunc peteret, ultro adventuram. ,, Rex primo 4 negitare : " adiinitatem, cognationem, prae- terea foedus intervenisse : ad hoc metuere, ne 5 rluxa, fide usus, popularium animos avorteret, quis et Jugurtha carus, et Romani invisi erant." Denique saepius fatigatus, € lenitur et ex voluntate Sullae omnia se facturum pro- mittit. Ceterum 7 ad simulandam pacem, cujus Numida, defessus bello, avidissumus, quae utilia visa, constituunt. Ita composito dolo digrediuntur. CXII. At rex postero die Asparem, Jugurthae legatum adpellat : " sibi per Dabarem ex Sulla cognitum, 8 posse conditionibus bellum poni : quamobrem regis sui senten- tiam exquireret." Ille laetus in castra Jugurthae venit. Deinde ab illo cuncta edoctus, properato itinere, post diem octavum redit ad Bocchum, et ei nunciat, " Jugur- tham cupere omnia, quae imperarentur, facere ; sed Mario parum confidere : saepe antea cum imperatoribus Roma- nis pacem 9 conventam frustra fuisse. 10 Ceterum si am- bobus consultum, et ratam pacem vellet, daret operam, ut una ab omnibus, quasi de pace in colloquium veniretur, ibique sibi Sullam traderet : cum talem virum in potestate haberet, fore, uti jussu senatus atque populi Romani foe- dus fieret : neque hominem nobilem, n non sua ignavia, sed ob rem publicam in hostium potestate, relictum iri." CXIII. Haec Maurus secum ipse diu volvens tandem promisit ; ceterum 12 dolo, an vere, parum comperimus. 76 SALLUSTII JTJGURTHA. Sed plerumque regiae voluntates, ut vehementes, sic mo- biles, saepe 1 ipsae sibi advorsae. Postea, tempore et loco 2 constituto, Bocchus Sullam modo, modo Jugurthae legatum adpellare, 3 benigne habere, idem ambobus polli- ceri. Illi pariter laeti, ac spei bpnae pleni. Sed nocte ea, quae proxuma fuit ante diem colloquio decretum, Mau- rus, 4 adhibitis amicis, ac statim immutata voluntate remo- tis, dicitur secum ipse multa agitavisse, 5 voltu corporis pariter, atque animo varius : qua re scilicet, tacente ipso, occulta pectoris 6 patefecisse. Tamen postremo Sullam arcessiri jubet, et ex ejus sententia Numidae insidias tendit. Deinde, ubi dies advenit, et ei nuneiatum est, Jugurtham baud procul abesse, cum paucis amicis et 7 quaestore nostro, quasi obvius honoris caussa, procedit in tumulum, facillumum visu insidiantibus. Eodem Nu- mida cum plerisque necessariis suis, inermus, 8 ut dictum, accedit ; ac statim, signo dato, undique simul ex insidiis invaditur. Ceteri obtruncati : Jugurtha Sullae vinctus traditur, et ab eo 9 ad Marium deductus. CXIV. Per idem tempus advorsum 10 Gallos ab duci- bus nostris, Q. Caepione et M. Manlio, male pugnatum ; quo metu Italia omnis contremuerat. 11 Illique et, inde ad nostram memoriam, Romani sic habuere ; alia omnia virtuti suae prona esse ; 12 cum Gallis pro salute, non pro gloria certare. Sed, postquam bellum in Numidia confectum, et 13 Jugurtham vinctum adduci Romam nun- eiatum est, Marius consul 14 absens factus, et ei decreta provincia Gallia : isque 15 Kalendis Januariis magna gloria consul triumphavit. 16 Ea tempestate spes atque opes civi- tatis in illo sitae. C. CRISPI SAL LUST II BELLUM CATILINARIUM, C. CRISPI S ALLUSTII BELLUM C AT I L I N AR I U M . I. 2 0mnis homines, qui sese student praestare ceteris animalibus, summa ope niti decet vitam 2 silentio ne trans- eant, veluti pecora, quae natura 3 prona, atque ventri obe- dientia, finxit. Sed nostra omnis vis in animo et corpore sita : 4 animi imperio, corporis servitio, magis utimur : al- teram nobis cum dis, alteram cum belluis commune est, 5 Quo mihi rectius videtur ingenii quam virium opibus gloriam quaerere ; et, quoniam vita ipsa, qua fruimur, brevis est, 6 memoriam nostri quam maxume longam effi-- cere. Nam divitiaram et formae gloria fluxa atque fragi- lis ; virtus clara aeternaque 7 habetur. 8 Sed diu magnum inter mortalis certamen fuit, vine corporis an virtute animi, res militaris magis procederet. Nam et prius, quam incipias, 9 consulto ; et, ubi consulueris, mature facto opus est. Ita utrumque, per se indigens, alteram alterius auxilio eget, II. Igitur initio reges (nam in terris nomen 10 imperii id primum fuit) diversi, pars ingenium, alii corpus exer- cebant : etiam turn vita hominum sine cupiditate agitar batur ; sua cuique satis placebant. Postea vero quam in Asia 11 Cyrus, in Graecia Lacedaemonii et Athenienses coepere urbes atque nationes subigere, 12 lubidinem domi- nandi caussam belli habere, maxumam gloriam in maxumo imperio putare ; turn demum 13 periculo atque negotiis com- 80 SALLUSTII CATILINA. pertum est, in bello plurimum ingenium posse, x Quod si regum atque imperatorum animi virtus in pace ita, uti in bello, valeret, aequabilius atque constantius sese res humanae haberent ; neque 2 aliud alio ferri, neque mutari ac misceri omnia cerneres. Nam imperium facile his artibus retinetur, quibus initio partum est. Verum, ubi 3 pro labore desidia, pro continentia et aequitate lubido atque superbia invasere, fortuna simul cum moribus im- mutatur. Ita imperium semper ad 4 optumum quemque a minus bono transfertur. Quae homines arant, navigant, aedificant, virtuti omnia parent. Sed multi mortales, dediti ventri atque somno, indocti incultique vitam, sicuti 5 peregrinantes, transegere ; 6 quibus, profecto contra naturam, corpus voluptati, anima oneri fuit. Eorum ego vitam mortemque juxta aestumo, quoniam de utraque siletur. Verum enim vero is demum mihi vivere atque 7 frui anima videtur, qui, aliquo negotio intentus, praeclari facinoris, aut artis bonae famam quaerit. Sed, 8 in magna copia rerum, aliud alii natura iter ostendit. * III. Pulchrum est bene facere reipublicae : etiam 9 bene dicere haud absurdum est. Vel pace, vel bello, clarum fieri licet; 10 et qui fecere, et qui facta aliorum scripsere r multi laudantur. Ac mihi quidem, tamen etsi haud- quaquam par gloria sequatur scriptorem et 11 auctorem rerum, tamen in primis arduum videtur res gestas scri- bere : primum, quod facta dictis sunt exaequanda : de- hinc, quia plerique, quae delicta reprehenderis, malivo- lentia et invidia 12 putant : 13 ubi de magna virtute et gloria bonorum memores, quae sibi quisque facilia factu putat, aequo animo accipit ; 14 supra ea, veluti ficta, pro falsis ducit. Sed ego adolescentulus, initio, sicuti plerique, 15 studio ad rempublicam latus sum ; ibique mihi advorsa multa fuere. Nam pro pudore, pro abstinentia, pro vir- tute, audacia, largitio, avaritia, vigebant. Quae tametsi animus aspernabatur, insolens malarum artium ; tamen, inter tanta vitia, imbecilla aetas ambitione corrupta tene- batur : ac me, cum ab 16 reliquorum malis moribus dissen- SALLUSTII CATILINA. 81 tirem, nihilo minus honoris cupido eadem, quae ceteros, fama atque invidia vexabat. IV. Igitur, ubi animus 2 ex multis miseriis atque peri- eulis requievit, et mihi reliquam aetatem a republica pro- cul habendam decrevi, non fuit consilium, secordia atque desidia 2 bonum otium conterere ; neque vero agrum co- lendo, aut venando, servilibus officiis intentum, aetatem agere : sed, a quo incepto 3 studio me ambitio mala deti- nuerat, eodem regressus, statui res gestas populi Romani 4 carptim, ut quaeque memoria digna videbantur, perscri- bere : eo magis, quod mihi a spe, metu, 5 partibus reipubli- cae animus liber erat. Igitur de Catilinae conjuratione, quam verissume potero, 6 paucis absolvam : nam id facinus in primis ego memorabile existumo, sceleris atque periculi novitate. De cujus hominis moribus pauca prius expla- nanda sunt, quam initium narrandi faciam. V. Lucius Catilina, 7 nobili genere natus, magna vi et animi et corporis, 8 sed ingenio malo pravoque. Huic ab adolescentia bella intestina, caedes, rapinae, discordia civilis, grata fuere ; 9 ibique juventutem suam exercuit. Corpus 10 patiens inediae, vigiliae, algoris, supra quam cuique credibile est : animus audax, subdolus, n varius, cujus rei libet 12 simulator ac dissimulator : alieni appe- tens, sui profusus, ardens in cupiditatibus : 13 satis loquen- tiae, sapientiae parum. u Vastus animus immoderata, incredibilia, nimis alta semper cupiebat. Hunc, ]5 post dominationem 16 Lucii Sullae, lubido maxuma invaserat 17 reipublicae capiundae ; neque id quibus modis adseque- retur, dum sibi regnum pararet, quidquam pensi habebat. 18 Agitabatur magis magisque in dies animus ferox, inopia rei familiaris, et conscientia scelerum ; quae utraque his artibus auxerat, quas supra memoravi. Incitabant prae- terea corrupti civitatis mores, quos pessuma ac diversa inter se mala, luxuria atque avaritia, vexabant. 19 Res ipsa hortari videtur, quoniam de moribus civitatis tempus admonuit, supra repetere, ac, paucis, instituta majorum domi militiaeque ; quomodo rempublicam habuerint, quan- 82 SALLUSTII CATILINA. tamque reliquerint ; ut, paullatim immutata, ex pulcher- ruma, pessuma ac flagitiosissuma facta sit, disserere. VI. Urbem Romam, 1 sicuti ego accepi, condidere atque habuere initio 2 Trojani, qui, Aenea duce, profugi, sedibus incertis vagabantur ; cumque his 3 Aborigines, genus hominum agreste, sine legibus, 4 sine imperio, libe- rum atque solutum. Hi postquam in una moenia conve- nere, 5 dispari genere, dissimili lingua, alius alio more viventes ; incredibile memoratu est quam facile coalue- rint. Sed, postquam 6 res eorum civibus, moribus, agris aucta, satis prospera, satisque pollens videbatur ; sicuti pleraque mortalium habentur, invidia ex opulentia orta est. Igitur reges populique finitimi bello 7 tentare : pauci ex amicis auxilio esse ; nam ceteri, metu 8 perculsi, a pe- riculis aberant. At Romani, domi militiaeque intenti, festinare, parare, alius alium hortari ; hostibus obviam ire ; libertatem, patriam parentesque armis tegere : post, ubi pericula virtute propulerant, sociis atque amicis auxilia portabant ; magisque dandis quam accipiundis beneficiis, amicitias parabant. 9 Imperium legitimum, nomen imperii regium habebant : delecti, quibus corpus annis infirmum, ingenium sapientia validum, reipublicae consultabant : hi, 10 vel aetate, vel curae similitudine, Patres appellabantur. Post, ubi regium imperium, quod, initio, 11 conservandae libertatis, atque augendae reipublicae fuerat, in superbiam 12 dominationemque 13 convertit ; immutato more, annua imperia, binosque imperatores sibi fecere : eo modo minume posse putabant per licentiam 14 insolescere animum humanum. VII. 15 Sed ea tempestate 16 coepere se quisque extol- lere, magisque ingenium in promtu habere. Nam regi- bus boni, quam mali, suspectiores sunt, semperque his aliena virtus formidolosa est. Sed civitas, incredibile memoratu est, 17 adepta libertate, quantum brevi creverit : tanta cupido gloriae incesserat. Jam primum juventus, 18 simul laboris ac belli patiens erat, in castris 19 per usum militiam discebat : magisque in decoris armis et militari- SALLUSTII CATILINA. 83 bus equis, quam in scortis atque conviviis, lubidinem habebant. Igitur talibus viris non 1 labos insolitus, non locus ullus asper, aut arduus erat, non armatus hostis formidolosus : virtus omnia domuerat. Sed gloriae maxu- mum certamen inter ipsos erat : 2 sese quisque hostem ferire, murum adscendere, conspici dum tale facinus faceret, properabat : 3 eas divitias, earn bonam famam magnamque nobilitatem putabant : laudis avidi, pecuniae liberales erant : gloriam ingentem, divitias honestas vole- bant. Memorare possem, quibus in locis maxumas nos- trum copias populus Romanus parva manu fuderit, quas urbes, natura munitas, pugnando ceperit, 4 ni ea res lon- gius ab incepto traheret. VIII. Sed profecto For tun a in omni re dominatur ; ea 5 res cunctas, ex lubidine magis quam ex vero, celebrat obscuratque. Atheniensium res gestae, sicuti ego aestu- mo, satis amplae magnificaeque fuere ; verum aliquanto minores tamen, quam fama feruntur. Sed, quia provenere ibi 6 scriptorum magna ingenia, per terrarum orbem Athe- niensium facta pro maxumis celebrantur. Ita eorum qui fecere virtus tanta habetur, quantum verbis 7 eam potuere extollere praeclara ingenia. At populo Romano nunquam ea copia fuit : quia 8 prudentissumus quisque negotiosus maxume erat ; ingenium nemo sine corpore exercebat ; 9 optumus quisque facere, quam dicere ; sua ab aliis bene- facta laudari, quam ipse aliorum narrare, malebat. IX. 10 Igitur domi militiaeque boni mores colebantur ; concordia maxuma, minuma avaritia erat ; jus bonumque apud eos, non legibus magis quam natura, valebat. Jur- gia, discordias, simultates, cum hostibus exercebant : cives cum civibus de virtute certabant : n in suppliciis deorum magnifici, domi parci, in amicos rideles erant. Duabus bis artibus, audacia in bello, 12 ubi pax evenerat, aequitate, seque remque publicam curabant. Quarum rerum ego maxuma documenta haec habeo ; 13 quod sae- pius vindicatum est in eos, qui contra imperium in hostem pugnaverant, quique tardius, revocati, bello excesserant, 84 SALLUSTII CATILINA. quam qui signa relinquere, aut, pulsi, loco cedere ausi erant ; in pace.vero, quod beneficiis, quam metu, ^mpe- rium agitabant, et, accepta injuria, ignoscere, quam per- sequi, malebant. X. Sed, ubi 2 labore atque justitia respublica crevit, 3 reges magni belio domiti. nationes ferae, et populi ingentes vi subacti, 4 Carthago, aemula imperii Romani, ab stirpe interiit, cuncta maria terraeque patebant ; saevire Fortuna, ac miscere omnia, coepit. Qui labores, pericula, dubias atque asperas res facile toleraverant, iis otium, divitiae 5 optandae aliis, oneri rniseriaeque fuere. Igitur primo pecuniae, deinde imperii cupido crevit : ea quasi 6 materies omnium malorum fuere. Namque avaritia fidem, probitatem, ceterasque artis bonas subvertit ; pro his, superbiam, crudelitatem, deos neglegere, omnia venalia habere, edocuit : ambitio multos mortalis 7 falsos fieri subegit ; aliud clausum in pectore, aliud in lingua prom- tum habere ; amicitias inimicitiasque, non 8 ex re, sed ex commodo, aestumare ; magisque vultum, quam inge- nium bonum habere. Haec primo paullatim crescere, interdum 9 vindicari : 10 post, ubi, contagio quasi, pestilentia invasit, civitas immutata ; imperium, ex justissumo atque optumo, crudele intolerandumque factum. XI. Sed primo magis ambitio, quam avaritia, animos hominum exercebat : quod tamen vitium 11 propius virtu- tem erat. Nam gloriam, honorem, imperium, 12 bonus, ignavus, aeque sibi exoptant : sed ille vera via nititur ; huic quia bonae artes desunt, dolis atque fallaciis con- tendit. Avaritia pecuniae 13 studium habet, quam nemo sapiens concupivit : ea, quasi 14 venenis malis imbuta, corpus animumque virilem efTeminat : semper infinita, insatiabilis, 15 neque copia, neque inopia, minuitur. Sed, postquam L, Sulla, armis 16 rccepta republica, ex bonis initiis malos eventus habuit ; rapere omnes, trahere, domum alius, alius agros cupere ; 17 neque modum, neque modestiam victores habere, foeda crudeliaque in civibus facinora facere. Hue accedebat, quod L. Sulla exercitum, SALLUSTII CATILINA. 85 quern in Asia ductaverat, quo sibi fidum faceret, contra morem majorum, luxuriose nimisque liberaliter habuerat ; loca 1 amoena, voluptaria, facile in otio ferocis militum animos molliverant. Ibi primum insuevit exercitus populi Romani amare, potare ; signa, tabulas pictas, vasa caelata mirari ; ea 2 privatim ac publice rapere ; delubra spoliare ; sacra profanaque omnia polluere. Igitur hi milites, post- quam victoriam adepti sunt, nihil reliqui victis fecere. Quippe secundae res sapientium animos 3 fatigant : ne illi, corruptis moribus, victoriae temperarent. XII. Postquam divitiae honori coepere, et eas gloria, imperium, potentia sequebatur ; hebescere virtus, pau- pertas probro haberi, 4 innocentia pro malivolentia duci coepit. Igitur, ex divitiis, juventutem luxuria atque ava- ritia, cum superbia, invasere : 5 rapere, consumere ; sua parvi pendere, aliena cupere ; 6 pudorem, pudicitiam, di- vina atque humana promiscua, nihil pensi atque moderati habere. Operae pretium est, quum domos atque villas cognoveris in urbium modum exaedificatas, visere templa deorum, quae nostri majores, religiosissumi mortales, fecere. 7 Verum illi delubra deorum pietate, domos sua gloria decorabant ; neque victis quidquam, 8 praeter inju- riae licentiam, eripiebant. At hi contra, ignavissumi homines, per summum scelus, omnia ea sociis adimere, quae fortissumi viri 9 victores reliquerant : proinde quasi injuriam facere, id demum esset imperio uti. XIII. Nam quid ea memorem, quae, nisi iis qui videre, nemini credibilia sunt : a privatis compluribus subversos montes, maria 10 constructa esse : quibus mihi videntur ludibrio fuisse divitiae ; quippe, quas honeste habere licebat, abuti per n turpidinem properabant. Sed lubido ganeae, ceterique 12 cultus, non minor incesserat : vescendi caussa, terra marique omnia exquirere ; dormire prius, quam somni cupido esset ; non famem, aut sitim neque frigus, neque lassitudinem opperiri, sed ea omnia 13 luxu antecapere. Haec juventutem, ubi familiares opes defecerant, ad facinora incendebant. u Animus imbutus 10 86 SALLUSTII CATILINA. malis artibus haud facile lubidinibus carebat : eo pro- fusius omnibus modis quaestui atque sumtui deditus erat. XIV. x In tanta tamque corrupta civitate, Catilina, id quod factu facillumum erat, omnium 2 flagitiorum atque facinorum circum se, tamquam stipatorum, catervas habe- bat. Nam, quicumque impudicus, adulter, bona patria laceraverat ; quique alienum aes grande conrlaverat, 3 quo flagitium aut facinus redimeret ; praeterea, omnes undi- que parricidae, sacrilegi, 4 convicti judiciis, aut pro factis judicium timentes ; ad hoc, 5 quos manus atque lingua per- jurio aut sanguine civili alebat ; postremo, omnes quos flagitium, egestas, conscius animus exagitabat ; ii Catili- nae 6 proxumi familiaresque erant. Quod si quis etiam a culpa vacuus in amicitiam ejus 7 inciderat, quotidiano usu atque illecebris facile 8 par similisque ceteris efficiebatur. Sed maxume adolescentium familiaritates adpetebat : eorum animi molles et 9 aetate fluxi, dolis haud difficulter capiebantur. Nam, uti cujusque studium ex aetate flagra- bat, aliis scorta praebere ; aliis canes atque equos mer- cari ; postremo, neque sumtui, neque 10 modestiae suae pare ere, dum illos 11 obnoxios fidosque faceret. XV. Jam primum adolescens Catilina multa nefanda stupra fecerat ; 12 cum virgine nobili, cum 13 sacerdote Ves- tae, alia hujuscemodi contra 14 jus fasque. Postremo. captus amore 15 Aureliae Orestillae, cujus, praeter formam, nihil unquam bonus laudavit ; quod ea 16 nubere illi dubi- tabat, timens 17 privignum adulta aetate ; pro certo credi- tur, 18 necato filio, 19 vacuam domum scelestis nuptiis fecisse. Quae quidem res mihi in primis videtur caussa fuisse facinoris maturandi. Namque animus impurus, 20 dis hominibusque infestus, neque vigiliis, neque quieti- bus sedari poterat ; 21 ita conscientia mentem excitam vastabat. Igitur 22 colos exsanguis, foedi oculi, citus modo, modo tardus incessus ; prorsus in facie vultuque vecordia in erat. XVI. 23 Sed juventutem, quam, ut supra diximus, illexerat, multis modis mala facinora edocebat. Ex illis SALLUSTII CATILIXA. 87 testes ^ignatoresque falsos commodare ; 2 fidem, fortunas, pericula vilia habere ; post, 3 ubi eorum famam atque pu- dorem attriverat, majora alia imperabat : si caussa pec- candi in praesens minus suppetebat ; nihilo minus 4 inson- tes, sicuti sontes, circumvenire, jugulare : scilicet, ne per otium torpescerent 5 manus aut animus, gratuito potius malus atque crudelis erat. His amicis sociisque confisus Catilina, simul 6 quod aes alienum per omnis terras ingens erat, et quod plerique Sullani milites, largius suo usi, 7 rapinarum et victoriae veteris memores, civile bellum exoptabant ; opprimundae reipublicae consilium cepit. In Italia nullus exercitus : Cn. Pompeius in extremis 8 terris bellum gerebat : ipsi 9 consulatum petundi magna spes : 10 senatus nihil sane intentus : tutae tranquillaeque res omnes : sed ea prorsus opportuna Catilinae. XVII. Igitur circiter 1] Kalendas Junias, 12 L. Caesare et C. Figulo consulibus, primo singulos adpellare : hor- tari alios, alios tentare : opes suas, imparatam rempublicam, magna praemia conjurationis docere. Ubi satis explorata sunt, quae voluit, in unum omnis convocat, quibus maxu- ma necessitudo, et plurimum audaciae. Eo convenere, senatorii ordinis, P. Lentulus Sura, P. Autronius, L. Cassius Longinus, C. Cethegus, P. et Servius Sullae, Servii filii, L. Vargunteius, Q. Annius, M. Porcius Laeca, L. Bestia, Q. Curius : praeterea ex equestri ordine, M. Fulvius Nobilior, L. Statilius, P. Gabinius Capito, C. Cornelius : ad hoc multi ex 13 coloniis et mu- nicipiis, 14 domi nobiles. Erant praeterea complures paullo occultius consilii hujusce participes 15 nobiles, quos magis dominationis spes hortabatur, quam inopia, aut alia neces- situdo. Ceterum juventus pleraque, sed maxume no- bilium, Catilinae inceptis favebat. Quibus in otio vel magnifice, vel molliter 16 vivere copia erat, incerta pro certis, bellum, quam pacem, malebant. Fuere item ea tempestate, qui crederent 17 M. Licinium Crassum non ignarum ejus consilii fuisse ; quia Cn. Pompeius, invisus ipsi, magnum exercitum ductabat, cujusvis opes voluisse 88 SALLUSTII CATILINA. contra illius potentiam crescere ; simul confisum, si con- juratio valuisset, facile apud illos principem se fore. XVIII. Sed x antea item conjuravere pauci contra rem- publicam, in quibus Catilina ; de qua, quam verissume potero, dicam. 2 L. Tullo, M. Lepido consulibus, P. Au- tronius et P. Sulla, 3 legibus ambitus interrogati, 4 poenas dederant. Post paullo Catilina, 5 pecuniarum repetun- darum reus, probibitus erat consulatum petere, 6 quod intra legitimos dies profited nequiverit. Erat eodem tempore 7 Cn. Piso, adolescens nobilis, summae audaciae, egens, factiosus, quern ad perturbandum rempublicam ino- pia atque mali mores stimulabant. Cum hoc, Catilina et 8 Autronius, consilio communicato, parabant in 9 Capitolio, 10 Kalendis Januariis, n L. Cottam et L. Torquatum con- sules interficere ; 12 ipsi, 13 fascibus correptis, Pisonem cum exercitu ad obtinendas duas 14 Hispanias mittere. 15 Ea re cognita, rursus in Nonas Februarias consilium caedis transtulerant. Jam turn non consulibus modo, sed pie- risque senatoribus perniciem machinabantur. 16 Quod ni Catilina maturasset pro curia signum sociis dare, eo die, post conditam urbem Romanam, pessumum facinus patra- tum foret. Quia nondum frequentes armati convenerant, ea res 17 consilium diremit. XIX. Postea Piso in citeriorem Hispaniam 18 quaestor pro praetore missus est, adnitente Crasso, quod eum 19 infestum inimicum 20 Cn. Pompeio cognoverat. Neque tamen senatus provinciam invitus dederat : quippe foedum hominem a republica procul 21 esse volebat : simul, quia boni 22 quam plures praesidium in eo putabant : et jam turn potentia Cn. Pompeii formidolosa erat. Sed is Piso, 23 in provincia ab equitibus Hispanis, quos in exercitu ductabat, iter faciens occisus est. 24 Sunt qui ita dicant, imperia ejus injusta, superba, crudelia, barbaros nequi- visse pati : alii autem, equites illos, 25 Cn. Pompeii veteres fidosque clientes, voluntate ejus Pisonem 26 adgres- sos ; numquam Hispanos 27 praeterea tale facinus fecisse, sed imperia saeva multa antea perpessos. Nos earn SA1LUSTII CATILINA. 89 rem in medio relinquemus. De superiore conjuratione satis dictum. XX. Catilixa ubi eos, quos paullo ante memoravi, convenisse videt ; tametsi cum singulis multa saepe egerat, tamen Hm rem fore credens universos adpellare et cohortari, in abditam partem 2 aedium secedit ; atque ibi, omnibus 3 arbitris procul amotis, orationem hujusce- modi habuit. u Ni virtus fidesque vestra spectata mihi forent, nequidquam opportuna res cecidisset ; spes magna, dominatio, in manibus frustra fuissent : 4 neque ego per ignaviam, aut vana ingenia, incerta pro certis captarem. Sed, quia multis et magnis 5 tempestatibus vos cognovi fortes fidosque mihi, eo animus ausus maxumum atque pulcherrumum facinus incipere : simul, 6 quia vobis eadem, quae mihi, bona malaque intellexi ; 7 nam idem velle atque nolle, ea demum rlrma amicitia est. Sed, ego quae mente agitavi, omnes jam antea 8 diversi audistis. Ceterum milii in dies magis animus accenditur, cum con- sidero, quae conditio vitae futura sit, nisi nosmet ipsi vindicamus in libertatem. Nam, postquam respublica in paucorum jus atque ditionem ^concessit, semper illis reges, 10 tetrarchae n vectigales esse ; 12 populi, nationes stipendia pendere ; ceteri omnes, strenui, boni, nobiles atque ignobiles, vulgus fuimus, sine gratia, sine auctori- tate, 1;:i his obnoxii, quibus, si respublica valeret, formidini essemus. Itaque omnis gratia, potentia, honos, divitiae apud illos sunt, aut ubi illi volunt : 14 repulsas nobis reli- quere, pericula, judicia, egestatem. Quae quousque tan- dem patiemini, ibrtissumi viri ? Nonne emori per rirtn* tern praestat, quam vitam miseram atque inhonestam, ubi alienae superbiae ludibrio fueris, per dedecus amittere 1 15 Verum enim vero, pro deum atque hominum fidem ! -victoria nobis in manu : 16 viget aetas, animus valet : contra illis, annis atque divitiis, omnia consenuerunt. Tantum modo incepto opus est : 1T cetera res expediet. Etenim quis mortalium, cui virile ingenium, tolerare potest, illis divitias superare, quas profundant 18 in extruendo 10* 90 * SALLTJSTII CATILINA. mari et montibus coaequandis ; nobis rem familiarem etiam ad necessaria deesse ? 1 illos binas, aut amplius, domos continuare ; nobis 2 larem familiarem nusquam ullum esse ? Cum tahulas, signa, 3 toreumata emunt ; 4 nova diruunt, alia aedificant, postremo omnibus modis pecuniam 5 trahunt, vexant : tamen 6 summa lubidine divitias vine ere nequeunt. At nobis domi inopia, foris aes alienum ; 7 mala res, spes multo asperior : denique, quid reliqui habemus, praeter miseram animam ? Quin igitur exper- giscimini 1 En ilia, ilia, quam saepe optastis, libertas, praeterea divitiae, decus, gloria, in oculis sita sunt ! for- tuna omnia victoribus praemia posuit. Res, tempus, pericula, egestas, belli spolia magnifica magis, quam ora- tio, hortentur. Vel imperatore, vel milite me utimini : neque animus, neque corpus a vobis aberit. Haec ipsa, ut spero, vobiscum consul agam ; nisi forte animus fallit, et vos servire, quam imperare, parati estis." XXI. Postquam accepere ea homines, 8 quibus mala abunde omnia erant, sed neque res, neque spes bona ulla ; tamen etsi illis 9 quieta movere, magna merces videbatur, tamen postulare plerique, uti proponeret, 10 quae conditio belli foret ; quae praemia armis peterent ; n quid ubique opis aut spei haberent. Turn Catilina polliceri 12 tabulas novas, 13 proscriptionem locupletium, magistratus, sacerdotia, rapinas, alia omnia quae 14 bellum atque lubido victorum fert. Praeterea esse in Hispania citeriore Piso- nem, in Mauritania cum exercitu 15 P. Sittium Nucerinum, consilii sui participes : petere consulatum 16 C. Antonium, quern sibi collegam fore speraret, hominem et familiarem, et 17 omnibus necessitudinibus circumventum : 18 cum eo consulem initium agendi facturum. Ad hoc, 19 maledictis increpat omnis bonos : suorum unumquemque nominans laudare : admonebat alium egestatis, alium cupiditatis suae, complures periculi aut ignominiae, multos victoriae Sullanae, quibus ea praedae fuerat. Postquam omnium animos alacris videt ; cohortatus, ut 20 petitionem suam curae haberent, conventum dimisit. SALLUSTII CATILINA. 91 XXII. Fuere ea tempestate, qui dicerent, Catilinam, oratione habita, cum ad jusjurandum popularis sceleris sui adigeret, 1 humani corporis sanguinem, vino permix- tum, in pateris circumtulisse ; 2 inde cum post exsecra- tionem omnes degustavissent, sicuti in solemnibus sacris fieri consuevit, aperuisse consilium suum, 3 atque eo, dicti- tare, fecisse, quo inter se fidi magis forent, 4 alius alii tanti facinoris conscii. Nonnulli flcta haec, multa prae- terea, existumabant, ab iis, qui 5 Ciceronis invidiam, quae postea orta est, leniri credebant atrocitate sceleris eorum, qui poenas dederant. Nobis ea res 6 pro magnitudine parum comperta est. XXIII. Sed in ea conventione fuit Q. Curius, natus baud obscuro loco, flagitiis atque facinoribus coopertus ; quern censores senatu, probri gratia, : amoverant. Huic homini non minor 8 vanitas, quam audacia : neque reti- cere, quae audierat, neque suamet ipse scelera occultare : 9 prorsus neque dicere, neque facere, quidquam pensi ha- bebat. Erat ei cum Fulvia, muliere nobili, 10 vetus con- suetudo : cui cum minus gratus esset, quia inopia minus largiri poterat, repente glorians n maria montesque polli- ceri coepit ; minari interdum ferro, nisi 12 obnoxia foret ; postremo ferocius agitare, quam solitus erat. At Fulvia, 13 insolentiae Curii caussa cognita, tale periculum reipub- licae haud occultum habuit ; sed, u sublato auctore, de Catilinae conjuratione quae quoque modo audierat, com- pluribus narravit. Ea res imprimis studia hominum ac- cendit ad consulatum mandandum 15 M. Tullio Ciceroni. Namque antea 16 pleraque nobilitas invidia aestuabat, et quasi pollui consulatum 17 credebant, si eum, quamvis egTegius, 18 homo novus adeptus foret. Sed, ubi periculum advenit, invidia atque superbia 19 postfuere. XXIY. Igitur, comitiis liabitis, consules declarantur M. Tullius et C. Antonius ; quod factum primo 20 popularis conjurationis concusserat. Neque tamen Catilinae furor minuebatur : sed in dies plura agitare ; arma per Italiam locis opportunis parare ; pecmiiam, sua aut amicorum 92 SALLUSTII CATILINA. fide 1 sumtam mutuam, Faesulas ad 2 Manlium quemdam portare, qui postea 3 princeps fuit belli faciundi. Ea tem- pestate plurimos cujusque generis homines 4 adscivisse dicitur : mulieres etiam aliquot, 5 quae, ubi aetas tantem- modo quaestui, neque luxuriae, modum fecerat, aes alienum grande conflaverant : per eas se Catilina crede- bat posse 6 servitia urbana sollicitare, urbem incendere, viros earum vel adjungere sibi, vel interflcere. XXV. Sed in his erat 7 Sempronia, quae multa saepe 8 virilis audaciae facinora commiserat. Haec mulier genere atque forma, praeterea 9 viro, liberis satis fortu- nata ; litteris Graecis atque Latinis docta ; 10 psallere, sal- tare n elegantius, quam necesse est probae ; multa alia, quae 12 instrumenta luxuriae. Sed ei cariora semper omnia, quam decus atque pudicitia fuit : pecuniae an famae minus parceret, haud facile decerneres. Sed ea saepe antehac fldem prodiderat, 13 creditum abjuraverat, caedis conscia fuerat, luxuria atque inopia praeceps abie- rat. 14 Verum ingenium ejus haud absurdum : posse ver- sus facere, jocum movere, sermone uti vel modesto, vel molli, vel procaci : prorsus multae 15 facetiae multusque lepos inerat. XXVI. His rebus comparatis, Catilina nihilo minus in proxumum annum consulatum petebat ; sperans, si ^de- signates foret, facile se ex voluntate Antonio usurum. Neque inter ea quietus erat, sed omnibus modis insidias parabat Ciceroni. Neque illi tamen ad cavendum 17 dolus, aut astutiae deer ant. Namque, a principio consulates sui, multa 18 pollicendo per Fulviam, efTecerat, ut Q. Curius, de quo paullo ante memoravi, consilia Catilinae sibi proderet. Ad hoc, collegam suum Antonium 19 pac- tione provinciae perpulerat, 20 ne contra rempublicam sentiret ; circum se praesidia amicorum atque 21 clientium occulte habebat. Postquam dies 22 comitiorum venit, et Catilinae neque petitio, neque insidiae quas 23 consulibus in campo fecerat, prospere cessere ; constituit bellum facere, et extrema omnia experiri, SALLUSTII CATILINA. 93 quoniam quae occulte tentaverat, 1 aspera foedaque eve- nerant. XXVII. Igitur C. Manlium Faesulas atque in earn partem Etruriae, Septimium quemdam, Camertem, in agrum Picenum, 2 C. Julium in Apuliam dimisit ; prae- terea alium alio, 3 qnem ubique opportunum credebat. In- ter ea Romae multa simul moliri : consuli insidias tendere, parare incendia, opportuna loca armatis hominibus 4 obsi- dere : ipse 5 cum telo esse, 6 item alios jubere : hortari, uti semper intenti paratique essent : dies noctesque 7 fes- tinare, vigilare, neque insomniis neque labore fatigari. Postremo, ubi multa agitanti nihil procedit, rursus 8 intem- pesta nocte conjurationis principes convocat per 9 M. Porcium Laecam : ibique, multa de ignavia eorum ques- tus, docet, " se Manlium praemisisse ad earn multitudinem, quam ad capiunda arma paraverat ; item alios in alia loca opportuna, qui initium belli facerent ; seque ad exer- citum proficisci cupere, si prius Ciceronem oppressisset : eum suis consiliis multum obficere." XXV HI. Igitur, perterritis ac dubitantibus ceteris, 10 C. Cornelius, eques Romanus, operam suam pollicitus, et cum eo L. Vargunteius, senator, constituere n ea nocte paullo post, cum armatis hominibus, 12 sicuti salutatum, introire ad Ciceronem, ac de improviso domi suae im- paratum confodere. Curius, ubi 13 intellegit quantum periculi consuli impendeat, propere per Fulviam, dolum qui parabatur enunciat. Ita illi, janua prohibiti, tantum facinus frustra susceperant. Interea Manlius in Etruria plebem sollicitare, egestate simul, ac dolore injuriae, novarum rerum cupidam, quod, Sullae dominatione, agros bonaque omnia amiserat ; praeterea 14 latrones cujusque generis, quorum in ea regione magna copia erat ; nonnul- los ex 15 Sullanis colonis, quibus lubido atque luxuria ex magnis rapinis nihil reliqui fecerant. XXIX. Ea cum Ciceroni nunciarentur, 16 ancipiti malo permotus, quod neque urbem ab insidiis 17 privato consilio longius tueri poterat, neque exercitus Manlii quantus, aut 94 SALLUSTII CATILINA. quo consilio foret, satis compertum habebat, a rem ad senatum refert, jam antea 2 volgi rumoribus exagitatam. Itaque, quod plerumque 3 in atroci negotio solet, senatus decrevit, darent operam consules, ne quid respubli- ca detrimenti caperet. 4 Ea potestas per senatum, more Romano, magistratui maxuma permittitur ; exercitum parare, bellum gerere, coercere omnibus modis socios atque civis ; domi militiaeque 5 imperium atque judicium sumraum habere : aliter, sine populi jussu, 6 nulli earum rerum consuli jus est. XXX. Post paucos dies, L. Saenius, senator, in senatu litteras 7 recitavit, quas Faesulis adlatas sibi dicebat ; in quibus scriptum erat, C. Manlium arma cepisse, cum magna multitudine, 8 ante diem sextum Kalendas Novem- bris. Simul, id quod in tali re solet, alii portenta atque prodigia nunciabant ; alii conventus 9 fieri, arma portari, Capuae atque in Apulia servile bellum moveri. Igitur, senati decreto, 10 Q. Marcius Rex Faesulas, Q. Metellus Creticus in Apuliam n circumque loca, missi : ii utrique 12 ad urbem imperatores erant ; impediti, ne triumpharent, 13 calumnia paucorum, quibus omnia honesta atque inho- nesta vendere mos erat. u Sed praetores, Q. Pompeius Rufus Capuam, Q. Metellus Celer in agrum Picenum ; iisque 15 permissum, " uti 16 pro tempore atque periculo exercitum compararent." Ad hoc, " si quis indicavisset de conjuratione, quae contra rem publicam facta erat, praemium servo libertatem et 17 sestertia centum ; libero impunitatem ejus rei, et sestertia ducenta ;" itemque, "uti 18 gladiatoriae familiae Capuam et in cetera municipia distribuerentur, pro cujusque opibus : Romae per totam urbem vigiliae haberentur, iisque ]9 minores magistrates preesent." XXXI. Quibus rebus permota civitas, atque immutata urbis facies : ex summa laetitia atque 20 lascivia, quae 21 diuturna quies pepererat, repente omnis tristitia invasit : festinare, trepidare ; neque loco, nee homini cuiquam satis credere ; neque bellum gerere, neque pacem habere ; suo SALLUSTII CATILINA. 95 quisque metu pericula metiri. Ad hoc, mulieres, quibus, reipublicae magnitudine, belli timor insolitus, 1 adflictare sese ; manus supplices ad coelum tendere ; miserari parvos liberos ; 2 rogitare ; omnia pavere ; superbia atque deliciis omissis, sibi patriaeque diffidere. At Catilinae crudelis animus eadem ilia movebat, 3 tamen etsi praesidia parabantur, et ipse 4 lege Plautia interrogatus ab L. Paullo. 5 Postremo, dissimulandi caussa, atque sui ex- purgandi, sicuti 6 jurgio lacessitus foret, 7 in senatum venit. Turn M. Tullius consul, sive 8 praesentiam ejus timens, seu ira commotus, 9 orationem habuit luculentam atque utilem reipublicae ; 10 quam postea scriptam edidit. Sed, ubi ille 11 adsedit, Catilina, ut erat paratus ad dissimu- landa omnia, demisso voltu, voce supplici postulare, " Patres conscripti ne quid de se temere crederent : ea familia ortum, ita ab adolescentia vitam instituisse, 12 ut omnia bona in spe haberet : ne aestumarent, sibi patricio homini, 13 cujus ipsius atque majorum plurima beneiicia in plebem Romanam essent, perdita republica opus esse, cum earn servaret M. Tullius, u inquilinus civis urbis Romae." Ad hoc maledicta alia cum adderet, obstrepere omnes, hostem atque 15 parricidam vocare. Turn ille furi- bundus : " Quoniam quidem circumventus," inquit, " ab inimicis praeceps agor, 16 incendium meum ruina restin- guam." XXXII. Dein se ex curia domum proripuit ; ibi multa secum ipse volvens ; quod neque 17 insidiae consuli pro* cedebant, et ab incendio intellegebat urbem vigiliis mu- nitam, 18 optumum factum credens, exercitum augere, ac prius, quam 19 legiones scriberentur, antecapere quae bello usui forent ; 20 nocte intempesta 21 cum paucis in Manliana castra profectus est. Sed Cethego atque Lentulo, cete- risque quorum cognoverat promtam audaciam, mandat, quibus rebus possent, opes factionis confirment, insidias consuli maturent, caedem, incendia, aliaque belli facinora parent : sese 22 prope diem cum magno exercitu ad urbem accessurum. Dum haec Romae geruntur, C. Manlius 96 SALLXJSTII CATILINA. l ex suo numero ad Marcium Regem mittit, 2 cum man- datis hujuscemodi. XXXIII. " Deos hominesque testamur, imperator, nos arma neque contra patriam cepisse, neque quo periculum 3 homini facer emus, sed uti corpora nostra ab injuria tuta forent ; qui miseri, egentes, violentia atque crudelitate foeneratorum, 4 plerique patriae, sed omnes fama atque fortunis, expertes sumus : neque cuiquam nostrum licuit, more majorum. 5 lege uti, neque, amisso patrimonio, 6 libe- rum corpus habere ; tanta saevitia foeneratorum atque 7 praetoris fuit. Saepe 8 majores vestrum, miseriti plebis Romanae, decretis suis 9 inopiae opitulati sunt : ac novis- sume, memoria nostra, propter magnitudinem aeris alieni, volentibus omnibus bonis, 10 argentum aere solutum est. Saepe ipsa plebes, aut dominandi studio permota, aut superbia magistratuum, armata a patribus n secessit. At nos non imperium neque divitias petimus, quarum rerum caussa bella atque certamina omnia inter mortalis sunt : sed libertatem, quam 12 nemo bonus, nisi cum anima simul, 13 amittit. Te atque senatum obtestamur, consulatis mise- ris civibus ; legis praesidium, quod iniquitas praetoris eripuit, restituatis : neve earn necessitudinem imponatis, ut quaeramus, u quonam modo ulti maxume sanguinem nostrum pereamus." XXXIV. Ad haec Q. 15 Marcius : " Si quid ab senatu petere vellent, ab armis discedant, Romam supplices proficiscantur ; ea mansuetudine atque misericordia sena- tum populumque Romanum semper fuisse, ut nemo urn- quam ab eo frustra auxilium petiverit." At Catilina ex itinere plerisque consularibus, praeterea 16 optumo cuique, litteras mittit : " se falsis criminibus circumventum, quoniam factioni inimicorum resistere nequiverit, fortunae cedere, Massiliam in exilium proricisci ; 17 non quo sibi tanti sceleris conscius ; sed uti respublica quieta foret, neve 18 ex sua contentione seditio oriretur." Ab his longe diversas lit- teras Q. Catulus in senatu recitavit, quas sibi nomine Catili- nae redditas dicebat : 19 earum exemplum infra scriptum. SALLUSTII CATILIXA. 97 XXXV. L. Catilixa l Q. Catiilo S. -Egregia tua fides, re cognita. gratam in magnis periculis fiduciam commendationi meae tribuit. 3 Quamobrem defensionem in novo consilio non statui parare ; satisiactionem ex nulla conscientia de culpa proponere decrevi, 4 quam. f me dius tidius. veram licet cognoscas. Injuriis contumeliis- que coneitatus, quod. 6 fructu laboris industriaeque meae privatus, "statum dignitatis non obtinebam, publicam mise- rorum causam pro mea consuetudine suscepi : non quin \lienum 8 meis nominibus ex possessionibus solvere possem, cum alienis nominibus liberalitas Orestillae, suis filiaeque copiis, persolveret : sed quod ^on dignos homi- nes honore honestatos videbarn, meque 10 falsa suspicione alienatum sentiebam. n Hoc nomine satis honestas, pro meo reliquae dignitatis conservandae sum secutus. Plura cum scribere vellem, nunciatum est. vim mihi parari. Nunc Orestillani commendo. tuaeque fidei trado : 12 eam ab injuria defendas, per liberos tuos roga- tus. ^Haveto." XXXVI. Sed ipse, paucos dies commoratus apud C. Flaminium Flammam 14 in agro Arretino, dmn vicinitatem, antea sollicitatam, armis exornat, cum fascibus atque aliis imperii insignibus in castra ad Manliiun contendit, Haec ubi Romae compena ; senatus " Catilinam et Man- lium hostes judicat ; ceterae multitudini diem statuit, ante qdam 15 sine fraude liceret ab armis discedere, 16 praeter rerum capitalium condemnatis/' Praeterea decernit. consules dilectum habeant ; Antonius cum exercitu Cati- linam persequi maturet ; Cicero urbi praesidio sit.'' Ea tempestate mihi -imperium populi Romani multo maxume miserabile visum : cui cum, ad occasum ab ortu solis, omnia domita armis paterent ; domi otium atque divitiae, quae prima mortales putant. aclrluerent ; fuere tamen cives qui seque remque publicam obstinatis animis perditum irent. Namque, 17 duobis senati decretis, ex tanta multitudine. neque praemio inductus conjurationem patefecerat, neque ex castris Catilinae quisquam omnium 11 98 SALLUSTII CATILINA. discesserat : Hanta vis morbi, uti tabes, plerosque eivium animos invaserat. XXXVII. Neque solum illis 2 aliena mens erat, qui conscii conjurationis ; sed omnino cuncta plebes, novarum rerum studio, Catilinae incepta probabat. Id adeo more suo videbatur facere. Nam semper in civitate, 3 quis opes nullae sunt, bonis invident, malos extollunt ; Vetera odere, nova exoptant ; odio suarum rerum mutari omnia student ; 4 turba atque seditionibus sine cura aluntur, quoniam egestas facile habetur sine damno. Sed urbana 5 plebes, ea vero praeceps ierat multis de caussis. 6 Primum omni- um, qui ubique probro atque petulantia maxume praesta- bant ; item alii 7 per dedecora patrimoniis amissis ; pos- tremo omnes quos flagitium aut facinus domo expulerat ; ii Romam, 8 sicuti in sentinam, confluxerant. Deinde, multi memores Sullanae victoriae, quod ex gregariis militibus alios senatores videbant, alios ita divites, uti 9 regio victu atque cultu aetatem agerent, sibi quisque, si in armis forent, ex victoria talia sperabant. Praeterea, juventus, quae in agris, manuum mercede, inopiam tole- raverat, 10 privatis atque publicis largitionibus excita, ur- banum otium ingrato labori praetulerant. Eos atque alios omnis malum publicum alebat. Quo minus mirandum, homines egentis, ma] is moribus, maxuma spe, 11 reipub- licae juxta ac sibi consuluisse. Praeterea, quorum, victoria Sullae, parentes proscripti, bona erepta, 12 jus libertatis imminutum erat, haud sane alio animo belli eventum exspectabant. Ad hoc, quicumque 13 aliarum atque senati partium erant, conturbari rempublicam, quam minus valere ipsi, malebant. u Id adeo malum multos post annos in civitatem reverterat. XXXVIII. Nam, postquam, Cn. Pompeio et M. Crasso consulibus, 15 tribunicia potestas restituta ; homines ado- lescentes, 16 summam potestatem nacti, quibus aetas ani- musque ferox, coepere, senatum criminando, plebem exagitare ; dein, largiundo atque pollicitando, magis incen- dere ; ita ipsi clari potentesque fieri. Contra eos summa SALLUSTII CATILINA. 99 ope nitebatur pleraque nobilitas, 2 senati specie, pro sua magnitudine. Namque, uti paucis absolvam, per ilia tem- pora quicumque rempublicam agitavere, 2 honestis nomini- bus, alii, sicuti populi jura defenderent, pars, quo senati auctoritas maxuma foret, bonum publicum simulantes, pro sua quisque potentia certabant : 3 neque modestia, neque modus contentionis erat : utrique victoriam crudeliter exercebant. XXXIX. Sed, postquam Cn. Pompeius ad bellum 4 maritimum atque 5 Mithridaticum missus ; 6 plebis opes imminutae ; paucorum potentia crevit. Hi magistratus, pro- vincias, aliaque omnia tenere ; ipsi 7 innoxii, rlorentes, sine metu aetatem agere ; 8 ceteros judiciis terrere, quo plebem in magistratu 9 placidius tractarent. Sed 10 ubi primum dubiis rebus novandis spes oblata, 11 vetus certa- men animos eorum arrexit. Quod si primo praelio Cati- lina superior, aut 12 aequa manu discessisset, profecto magna clades atque calamitas rempublicam oppressisset, neque illis, qui victoriam adepti, diutius ea uti licuisset, quin defessis et 13 exsanguibus, qui plus posset, imperium atque libertatem extorqueret. Fuere tamen u extra con- jurationem complures, qui ad Catilinam initio profecti sunt : in his 15 A. Fulvius, senatoris rllius ; quem, re- tractum ex itinere, 16 parens necari jussit. Isdem tem- poribus Romae Lentulus, sicuti Catilina praeceperat, quoscumque moribus aut fortuna novis rebus idoneos cre- debat, aut per se, aut per alios sollicitabat ; neque solum cives, sed cujusquemodi genus hominum, quod modo bello usui foret. XL. Igitur P. Umbreno cuidam negotium dat, uti legatos Allobrogum requirat, eosque, si possit, impellat ad societatem belli ; existumans, publice privatimque aere alieno oppressos, praeterea, quod natura gens Gallica bellicosa esset, facile eos ad tale consilium adduci posse. Umbrenus, quod in Gallia 17 negotiatus, plerisque 18 princi- pibus notus erat, atque eos no v erat : itaque sine mora, ubi primum legatos in foro conspexit, 19 percunctatus pauca 100 SALLUSTII CATILINA. de statu civitatis, et quasi dolens ejus casum, requirere coepit, " quern exitum tantis malis sperarent V Postquam illos Videt " queri de avaritia magistratuum, accusare se- natum quod in eo auxilii nihil esset ; miseriis suis reme- dium mortem exspectare :" " at ego," inquit, " vobis, 2 si modo viri esse voltis, rationem ostendam, qua tanta ista mala effugiatis." Haec ubi dixit, Allobroges in maxu- mam spem adducti Umbrenum orare, uti sui misereretur : nihil tarn asperum, neque tarn difficile, 3 quin cupidissume facturi essent, dum ea res civitatem aere alieno liberaret. Ille eos in domum D. Bruti perducit ; quod foro propin- qua, neque aliena consilii, propter Semproniam ; nam turn Brutus 4 ab Roma aberat. Praeterea Gabinium arcessit, 5 quo major auctoritas sermoni inesset : eo praesente con- jurationem aperit ; nominat socios, praeterea multos cujusque generis 6 innoxios, quo legatis animus amplior esset ; dein eos pollicitos operam suam dimittit. XLI. Sed Allobroges diu in incerto habuere, quidnam consilii caperent. In altera parte erat aes alienum, stu- dium belli, magna merces in spe victoriae : at in altera 7 majores opes, tuta consilia, pro incerta spe, certa prae- mia. Haec illis volventibus, tandem vicit fortuna rei- publicae. Itaque Q. Fabio Sangae, cujus 8 patrocinio civitas plurimum utebatur, rem omnem, uti cognoverant, aperiunt. Cicero, per Sangam 9 consilio cognito, legatis praecipit, studium conjurationis vehementer simulent, cet- eros adeant, 10 bene polliceantur ; dentque operam, uti eos quam maxume manifestos habeant. XLII. Isdem fere temporibus in 11 Gallia citeriore atque ulteriore, item in agro Piceno, Bruttio, Apuha, motus erat. Namque illi, quos antea Catilina dimiserat, inconsulte ac veluti per dementiam 12 cuncta simul agere : nocturnis consiliis, armorum atque telorum portationibus, 13 festinando, agitando omnia, plus timo- ris quam periculi effecerant. Ex eo numero com- plures Q. Metellus Celer praetor, ex senati con- sulto, caussa cognita, in vincula conjecerat ; item in SALLUSTII CATILINA. 101 ulteriore Gallia l C. Murena, qui ei provinciae 2 lega- tus praeerat. XLIII. At Romae Lentulus, cum ceteris, qui prin- cipes conjurationis erant, paratis, ut 3 videbantur, magnis copiis, 4 constituerant, uti, Catilina in agrum Faesulanum cum venisset, L. Bestia tribunus plebis, concione habita, quereretur de 5 actionibus Ciceronis, bellique gravissumi 6 invidiam optumo consuli imponeret ; eo signo, 7 proxuma nocte, cetera multitudo conjurationis suum quisque nego- tium exsequerentur. Sed ea divisa hoc modo diceban- tur : Statilius et Gabinius uti cum magna manu R duodecim simul opportuna loca urbis incenderent, quo tiunultu facilior aditus ad consulem, ceterosque, quibus insidiae parabantur, neret : Cethegus Ciceronis januam 9 obsideret, eum vi adgrederetur, 10 alius autem alium : sed 11 filii familiarum, quorum ex nobilitate maxuma pars, parentes interficerent ; simul, caede et incendio perculsis omnibus, ad Catilinam erumperent. Inter haec 12 parata atque de- creta, Cethegus semper querebatur de ignavia sociorum : illos dubitando et 13 dies prolatando magnas opportunitates corrumpere ; facto, non consulto, in tali periculo opus esse ; seque, si pauci adjuvarent, languentibus aliis, in> petum in curiam facturum. Natura ferox, vehemens, manu promtus, maxumum bonum in celeritate putabat. XLIV. Sed Allobroges, ex praecepto Ciceronis, per Gabinium ceteros u convenhmt ; ab Lentulo, Cethego, Statilio, item Cassio, postulant 15 jusjurandum, quod 16 signa- tum ad civis perferant : aliter haud facile eos ad tantum negotium impelli posse. 17 Ceteri nihil suspicantes dant : Cassius semet eo brevi venturum pollicetur, ac paullo ante legatos ex urbe proficiscitur. Lentulus cum his T. Volturciuni quemdam, 18 Crotoniensem, mittit, uti Allo- broges prius, quam domum pergerent, cum Catilina, data et accepta fide, societatem confirmarent. Ipse Yolturcio litteras ad Catilinam dat, quarum exemplum infra scri- ptum : " Quis sim, ex eo quem ad te misi, cognosces. * 9 Fac cogites, in quanta calamitate sis, et memineris te 11* 102 SALLUSTIl CATlLlS'A; virum ; consideres, quid tuae h-ationes postiilent ; auxiliunii petas ab omnibus, 2 etiam ab infimis." Ad hoc, 3 mandata verbis dat : " cum ab senatu hostis judicatus sit, quo con- silio servitia repudiet 1 in urbe parata esse, quae jusserit : ne cunctetur ipse propius accedere." XLV. His rebus ita actis, constituta nocte, qua profi- ciscerentur, Cicero, per legatos cuncta edoctus, L. Va- lerio Flacco et C. Pomtino, praetoribus, imperat, uti in ponte 4 Mulvio, per insidias, Allobrogum 5 comitatus depre- hendant : rem omnem aperit, cujus gratia mittebantur : 6 cetera, uti facto opus sit, ita agant, permittit. 7 Homines militares, sine tumultu spraesidiis collocatis, sicuti prae- ceptum erat, occulte pontem obsidunt. Postquam ad id loci legati cum Yolturcio venere, et simul utrimque clamor exortus est ; Galli, 9 cito cognito consilio, sine mora praetoribus se tradunt. Volturcius primo, cohorta- tus ceteros, gladio se a multitudine defendit ; dein, ubi a legatis desertus est, 10 multa prius de salute sua Pomtinum obtestatus, quod ei notus erat, postremo timidus, ac vitae diffidens, veluti hostibus, sese praetoribus dedit. XL VI. n QuiBus rebus confectis, omnia propere per nuncios consuli declarantur. At ilium ingens cura atque laetitia simul occupavere. Nam laetabatur, conjuratione patefacta, civitatem periculis ereptam esse : porro autem anxius erat, in maxumo scelere tantis civibus deprehensis, quid facto opus ; poenam illorum 12 sibi oneri, impunitatem 13 perdundae reipublicae credebat. Igitur, confirmato ani- mo, vocari ad sese jubet Lentulum, Cethegum, Statilium, Gabinium, item Q. Coeparium quemdam, Terracinensem, qui in Apuliam ad concitanda servitia proficisci parabat. Ceteri sine mora veniunt : Coeparius, paullo ante domo egressus, cognito indicio, ex urbe profugerat. Consul Lentu- lum, quod praetor erat, ipse manu tenens perducit ; reliquos cum custodibus in aedem u Concordiae venire jubet. Eo senatum advocat, 15 magnaque frequentia ejus ordinis, 16 Yol- turcium cum legatis introducit : Flaccumpraetorem 17 scrini- um cum litteris,quas a legatis acceperaU eodemadferre jubet. SALLUSTII CATILINA. 103 XLYII. Volturcius interrogatus M de itinere, de lit- teris, postremo *quid, ant qua de caussa, consilii habuis- set ?" primo fingere 2 alia, dissimulare de conjuratione ; post, ubi fide publica dicere jussus est, omnia, uti gesta erant, aperit : " paucis ante diebus a Gabinio et Coepario socium adscitum, nihil amplius scire, quam legatos : tan- tummodo ? audire solitum ex Gabinio, P. Autronium, Ser- vium Sullam, L. Yargunteium, multos praeterea in ea conjuratione esse." Eadem Galli fatentur ; ac Lentulum dissimulantem coarguunt, praeter Htteras, sermonibus, quos habere solitus : " ex 4 libris Sibyllinis, regnum Ro- mae 5 tribus Corneliis portendi : Cinnam atque Sullam 6 antea ; se tertium, cui fatum foret 7 urbis potiri : praeterea ab 8 incenso Capitolio ilium esse vigesimum annum, quern saepe ex prodigiis 9 haruspices respondissent bello civili cruentum fore." Igitur, perlectis litteris, cum prius omnes signa sua cognovissent, senatus decernit, " uti 10 abdicatus magistratu Lentulus, item ceteri in n liberis custodiis haberentur." Itaque Lentulus P. Lentulo Spin- theri, qui turn 12 aedilis, Cethegus Q. Cornificio, Statilius 13 C. Caesari, Gabinius M. Crasso, Coeparius (nam is paullo ante ex fuga retractus) u Cn. Terentio senatori traduntur. XLVIII. Interea plebes, conjuratione patefacta, quae primo, cupida rerum novarum, nimis bello favebat, mutata mente, Catilinae consilia exsecrari, 15 Ciceronem ad coe- lum tollere : veluti ex servitute erepta, gaudium atque laetitiam agitabant. Namque alia belli facinora praedae magis, quam 16 detrimento ; 17 incendium vero crudele, im- moderatum, ac sibi maxume calamitosum putabat ; I8 quippe cui omnes copiae in usu quotidiano et cultu corporis erant. Post eum diem, quidam L. Tarquinius ad senatum adductus erat, quern ad Catilinam proficiscen- tem ex itinere retractum aiebant. Is cum se diceret in- dicaturum de conjuratione, si fides publica data esset ; jussus a consule, quae sciret, edicere, eadem fere, quae Volturcius, de paratis incendiis, de caede bonorum, de 104 SALLUSTII CATILINA. itinere hostium, senatum edocet : praeterea, " se missum a M. Crasso, ] qui Catilinae nunciaret, 2 ne Lentulus, Cethegus, alii ex conjuratione deprehensi terrerent ; eoque magis properaret ad urbem accedere, quo et cete- rorum 3 animos reficeret, et illi facilius e periculo eripe- rentur." Sed ubi Tarquinius Crassum nominavit, homi- nem nobilem, maxumis divitiis, summa potentia ; 4 alii, rem incredibilem rati ; pars, tameri etsi verum existumabant, tamen, 5 quia in tali tempore tanta vis hominis leniunda, quam exagitanda videbatur, plerique Crasso ex negotiis privatis 6 obnoxii, conclamant, " indicem falsum," deque ea re postulant 7 uti referatur. Itaque, consulente Cice- rone, frequens senatus decernit : " Tarquinii indicium fal- sum videri ; eumque in 8 v T inculis retinendum, neque am- plius 9 potestatem faciundam, nisi de eo indicaret, cujus consilio tantam rem 10 mentitus esset." Erant eo tempore, qui aestumarent, illud a P. Autronio machinatum, n quo facilius, adpellato Crasso, per societatem periculi reliquos illius potentia tegeret. Alii Tarquinium a Cicerone 12 im- missum aiebant, ne Crassus, 13 more suo, suscepto malo- rum patrocinio, rempublicam conturbaret. Ipsum Crassum ego postea u praedicantem audivi, tantam illam contume- liam sibi ab Cicerone impositam. XLIX. Sed isdem temporibus Q. Catulus et C. Piso, neque gratia, neque precibus, neque 15 pretio, Ciceronem impellere potuere, uti per Allobroges, aut alium indicem, C. Caesar falso 16 nominaretur. Nam uterque cum illo gravis inimicitias exercebant ; Piso 17 obpugnatus in ju- dicio repetundarum, propter cujnsdam 18 Transpadani supplicium injustum ; Catulus 19 ex petitione pontificatus odio incensus, quod, extrema aetate, maxumis honoribus usus, ab 20 adolescentulo Caesare victus discesserat. 21 Res autem opportuna videbatur ; quod privatim egregia liber- alitate, 22 publice maxumis muneribus grandem pecuniam debebat. Sed, ubi consulem ad tantum f acinus impellere nequeunt, ipsi singulatim circumeundo, atque ementiundo, quae se ex Volturcio, aut Allobrogibus audisse dicerent, SALLUSTII CATILINA. 105 magnam illi invidiam confkverant ; usque eo, ut nonnulli equites Romani, qui, praesidii caussa cum telis erant circum 1 Concordiae, seu periculi magnitudine, seu 2 animi nobilitate impulsi, quo studium suum in rempublicam clarius esset, egredienti ex senatu 3 Caesari gladio 4 mini- tarentur. L. Dum haec in senatu aguntur, et dum legatis Al- lobrogum et Tito Volturcio, comprobato eorum indicio, praemia decernuntur ; 5 liberti, et pauci ex clientibus Len- tuli, diversis itineribus, opifices atque servitia in 6 vicis ad eum 7 eripiendum sollicitabant ; partim exquirebant 8 duces multitudinam, qui pretio rempublicam vexare soliti : Cethegus autem, per nuncios, 9 familiam atque libertos suos, exercitatos in audaciam, orabat, grege facto, cum telis ad sese irrumperent. Consul, ubi ea parari cogno- vit, dispositis praesidiis, ut res atque tempus monebat, convocato senatu, 10 refert, quid de his fieri placeat, QUI IN CUSTODIAM TRADITI ERANT. 11 Sed eOS, paullo ante, frequens senatus judicaverat, contra rempublicam fecisse. 12 Tum D. Junius Silanus, primus sententiam rogatus, quod eo tempore 13 consul designatus erat, de his qui in custodiis tenebantur, praeterea de L. Cassio, P. Furio, P. Umbreno, Q. Annio, si deprehensi forent, sup- plicium sumendum decreverat : isque postea, permotus ora- tione C. Caesaris, 14 pedibus in sententiam Tib. Neronis iturum se dixerat ; quod de ea re, praesidiis additis, refe- rendum censuerat. 15 Sed Caesar, ubi ad eum ventum, roga- tus sententiam a consule, hujuscemodi verba locutus est. LI. " Omnis homines, Patres conscripti, qui de rebus dubiis consultant, l6 ab odio, amicitia, ira atque misericor- dia, vacuos esse decet. Haud facile animus verum pro- videt, ubi ilia obficiunt ; neque quisquam omnium 17 lubi- dini simul et usui paruit. 18 Ubi intenderis ingenium, valet : si lubido possidet, ea doniinatur, animus nihil valet. Magna mihi copia memorandi, P. C. qui reges atque populi, ira, aut misericordia impulsi, male consu- luerint : sed ea malo dicere, quae majores nostri, contra 106 SALLUSTII CATILINA. lubidinem animi, recte atque ordine fecere. 1 Bello Macedonico, quod cum rege Perse gessimus, 2 Rhodiorum civitas, magna atque magnifica, quae populi Romani opi- bus creverat, 3 infida atque advorsa nobis fuit : sed post- quam, bello confecto, de Rhodiis consultum est, majores nostri, ne quis divitiarum magis, quam injuriae caussa, bellum inceptum diceret, 4 impunitos dimisere. Item bellis Punicis omnibus, cum saepe Carthaginienses et in pace, et 5 per inducias, multa nefaria facinora fecissent, numquam ipsi 6 per occasionem talia fecere : magis, quid se dignum foret, quam quid 7 in illis jure fieri posset, quaerebant. Hoc idem providendum est, Patres conscripti, 8 ne plus valeat apud vos P. Lentuli et ceterorum sceius, quam vestra dignitas ; neu magis irae, quam famae, consulatis. Nam si digna poena pro factis eorum reperitur, 9 novum consilium adprobo : sin magnitudo sceleris 10 omnium in- genia exsuperat, iis utendum censeo, quae legibus com- parata sunt. Plerique eorum, qui ante me sententias dixerunt, n composite atque magnifice casum reipublicae miserati sunt : quae belli saevitia, quae victis acciderent, enumeravere ; divelli liberos a parentium complexu ; ma- tres familiarum pati, quae victoribus collibuissent ; fana atque domos exspoliari ; caedem, incendia fieri ; postre- mo, armis, cadareribus, cruore atque luctu omnia com- pleri. Sed, per deos immortalis ! 12 quo ilia oratio peni- nuit 1 an, uti vos infestos conjurationi faceret ? Scilicet quern res tanta atque tarn atrox non permovit, eum ora- tio accendet ! Non ita est : neque cuiquam mortalium injuriae suae parvae videntur : multi eas gravius aequo habuere. Sed 13 aliis alia licentia, Patres conscripti. u Qui demissi in obscuro vitam habent, si qmd iracundia deliquere, pauci sciimt ; fama atque fortuna pares sunt : qui magno imperio praediti in excelso aetatem agunt, eorum facta cuncti mortales norere. 15 Ita in maxuma fortuna minuma licentia est : neque studere, neque odisse, sed minume irasci decet : quae apud alios iracundia dicitur, in imperio superbia atque crudelitas adpellatur. SALLUSTII CATILINA. 107 Equidem ego sic aestumo, Patres conscript!, omnis cru- ciatus minores, quam facinora illorum, esse : sed plerique mor tales postrema meminere, et in hominibus impiis sceleris obliti de poena disserunt, si ea paullo severior fuit. D. Silanum virum fortem atque strenuum, certe scio, quae dixerit, 1 studio reipublicae dixisse, neque ilium in tanta re gratiam, aut inimicitias exercere ; eos mores, earn modestiam viri cognovi. Verum sententia non mihi crudelis, quid enim in talis homines crudele fieri potest ? sed aliena a republica nostra videtur. Nam profecto aut metus, aut 2 injuria te subegit, Silane, consulem designa- tion, genus poenae novum decernere. De timore super- vacaneum est disserere, cum, 3 praesenti diligentia claris- sumi viri, consulis, 4 tanta praesidia sint in armis. De poena possumus equidem dicere id, quod res habet ; in luctu atque miseriis mortem aerumnarum requiem, non cruciatum esse ; earn cuncta mortalium mala dissolvere ; 5 ultra neque curae neque gaudio locum esse. Sed, per deos immortalis ! quamobrem in sententiam non addidisti, uti prius verberibus in eos animadverteretur ? an, quia 6 lex Porcia vetat ? at aliae leges item condemnatis civi- bus animam non eripi, sed in exilium permitti jubent. iVn, quia gravius est verberari, quam necari 1 quid autem acerbum, aut grave nimis in homines tanti facinoris con- victos ? sin, quia levius ; 7 qui convenit in minore negotio legem timere, cum earn in majore neglexeris ? 8 At enim quis reprehendet, quod in parricidas reipublicae decretum erit ? 9 Tempus, dies, fortuna, cujus lubido gentibus mod- eratur. Illis merito accidit, quidquid evenerit : ceterum vos, Patres conscripti, quid 10 in alios statuatis, considerate. Omnia mala exempla ex n bonis orta sunt ; sed, ubi im- perium ad ignaros, aut minus bonos pervenit, novum illud exemplum 12 ab dignis et idoneis ad indignos et non idoneos transfertur. Lacedaemonii, ]3 devictis Atheniensi- bus, trigmta viros imposuere, qui rempublicam eorum tractarent, Hi primo coepere pessumum quemque et omnibus invisum indemnatum necare : u ea populus laetari 108 SALLUSTII CATILIXA. et merito dicere fieri. Post, ubi paullatim licentia crevit, juxta bonos et malos ^ubidinose interficere, ceteros metu terrere. Ita civitas, servitute oppressa, stultae laetitiae gravis poenas dedit. Nostra memoria, victor Sulla cum 2 Damasippum et alios hujusmodi, qui malo reipublicae creverant, jugulari jussit, quis non factum ejus laudabat ? homines scelestos, factiosos, qui seditionibus rempublicam exagitaverant, merito necatos aiebant. Sed ea res magnae initium cladis fuit. Nam, uti quisque domum, aut villam, postremo aut vas, aut vestimentum alicujus concupiverat, dabat operam, uti in proscriptorum numero esset. Ita, quibus Damasippi mors laetitiae fuerat, post paullo ipsi trahebantur : neque prius finis jugulandi fuit, quam Sulla omnis suos divitiis explevit. 3 Atque ego haec non in M. Tullio, neque his temporibus, vereor : sed in magna civitate multa et varia ingenia sunt. Potest, alio tempore, alio consule, cui item exercitus in manus, falsum aliquid pro vero credi : ubi hoc exemplo, per senati decretum, consul gladium eduxerit, quis fin em statuet, aut quis moderabitur ? Majores nostri, Patres conscripti, neque consilii, neque audaciae umquam eguere : neque superbia obstabat, quo minus aliena instituta, si modo proba, imitarentur. Arma atque tela militaria ab Samnitibus, 4 insignia magistratuum ab Tuscis pleraque sumserunt : postremo, quod ubique apud socios aut hostis idoneum A'idebatur, cum summo studio domi exsequeban- tur : 5 imitari, quam invidere bonis malebant. Sed, eodem illo tempore, Graeciae morem imitati, verberibus 6 animad- vertebant in civis, de condemnatis summuin supplicium sumebant. Postquam respublica adolevit, et multitudine civium factiones valuere, circmnveniri innocentes, aha hujuscemodi fieri coepere ; turn lex Porcia aliaeque para- tae, quibus legibus exilium damnatis permissmn. 7 Hanc ego caussam, Patres conscripti, quo minus novum consil- ium capiamus, in primis magnam puto. s Profecto virtus atque sapientia major in illis fuit, qui ex parvis opibus tantum imperium fccere, quam in nobis, qui ea 9 bene SALLUSTII CATILINA. 109 parta vix retinemus. Placet igitur, eos dimitti, et augeri exercitum Catilinae ? minume : sed ita a censeo ; 2 publi- candas eorum pecunias, ipsos in vinculis habendos 3 per municipia quae maxume opibus valent ; 4 neu quis de is postea ad senatum referat, neve cum populo agat : qui aliter fecerit, senatum existumare, eum contra rempubli- cam et salutem omnium facturum." LIL Postquam Caesar dicendi flnem fecit, 5 ceteri verbo, alius alii, varie adsentiebantur : at M. Porcius Cato, rogatus sententiam, hujuscemodi orationem habuit. " 6 Longe mihi alia mens est, Patres conscripti, cum res atque pericula nostra considero, et cum sententias non- nullorum mecum ipse reputo. 7 Illi mihi disseruisse videntur de poena eorum, qui patriae, parentibus, 8 aris atque focis suis, bellum paravere : res autem monet, cavere ab illis, 9 quam, quid in illis statuamus, consultare. Nam 10 cetera turn n persequare, ubi facta sunt ; hoc, nisi provideris ne accidat, ubi evenit, frustra 12 judicia implo- res ; capta urbe, nihil fit reliqui victis. Sed, per deos immortalis ! vos ego adpello, qui semper domos, villas, signa, 13 tabulas vestras pluris, quam rempublicam fecistis : si ista, cujuscumque modi sint, quae 14 amplexamini, reti- nere, si voluptatibus vestris otium praebere voltis ; exper- giscimini aliquando, et 15 capessite rempublicam. 16 Non agitur de vectigalibus, non de sociorum injuriis : libertas et anima nostra in dubio est. Saepenumero, Patres con- scripti, multa verba in hoc ordine feci ; saepe de luxuria atque avaritia nostrorum civium questus sum, multosque mortalis ea caussa advorsos habeo ; 17 qui mihi atque ani- mo meo nullius umquam delicti gratiam fecissem, haud facile alterius lubidini malefacta condonabam. Sed, ea tametsi vos parvi pendebatis, tamen respublica nrma ; 18 opulentia neglegentiam tolerabat. Nunc vero non id agitur, bonis an malis moribus vivamus ; neque quantum, aut quam magnificum imperium populi Romani : 19 sed, cujus haec cumque modi, nostra, an nobiscum una, hos- tium futura sint. 20 Hic mihi quisquam mansuetudinem et 12 110 SALLUSTII CATILINA. misericordiam nominat ? jam pridem equidem nos vera rerum vocabula amisimus ; quia bona aliena largiri, lib- eralitas ; malarum rerum audacia, fortitudo vocatur : 1 eo respublica in extremo sita. Sint sane, quoniam ita se mores habent, liberates ex sociorum fortunis, sint miseri- cordes 2 in furibus aerarii : 3 ne illis sanguinem nostrum largiantur, et, dum paucis sceleratis par cunt, bonos omnis perditum eant. 4 Bene et composite C. Caesar paullo ante in hoc ordine de vita et morte disseruit, falsa, credo, existumans, quae de inferis memorantur ; diverso itinere malos a bonis loca tetra, inculta, foeda atque for- midolosa 5 habere. Itaque censuit pecunias eorum pub- LICANDAS, IPSOS PER MUNICIPIA IN CUSTODIIS HABENDOS ; 6 videlicet timens, ne, si Romae sint, aut a popularibus conjurationis, aut 7 a multitudine conducta, per vim eripi- antur. Quasi vero mali atque scelesti tantummodo in urbe, et non per totam Italiam sint ; aut non ibi plus possit audacia, ubi ad defendendum opes minores. 8 Quare vanum equidem hoc. consilium, si periculum ex illis metuit : sin in tanto omnium metu solus non timet, eo magis refert mihi atque vobis timere. Quare, cum de P. Lentulo ceterisque statuetis, pro certo habetote, vos simul de exercitu Catilinae et de omnibus conjuratis de- cernere. 9 Quanto vos attentius ea agetis, tanto illis ani- mus infirmior erit : si paullulum modo vos languere vide- rint, jam omnes feroces aderunt. Nolite existumare, majores nostros 10 armis rempublicam ex parva magnam fecisse. Si ita res esset, multo pulcherrumam earn nos haberemus : quippe sociorum atque civium, praeterea armorum atque equorum major nobis copia, quam illis. Sed alia fuere, quae illos magnos fecere, n quae nobis nulla sunt ; domi industria, foris justum imperium, ^ani- mus in consulendo liber, neque delicto, neque lubidini obnoxius. Pro his nos habemus luxuriam atque avari- tiam ; 13 publice egestatem, privatim opulentiam ; laudamus divitias, sequimur inertiam ; inter bonos et malos discri- men nullum ; omnia u virtutis praemia ambitio possidet. SALLUSTII CATILINA. Ill Neque mirum ; ubi vos separatim sibi quisque consilium capitis, ubi domi voluptatibus, hie pecuniae, aut gratiae servitis : eo fit, ut impetus fiat in 1 vacuam rempublicam. Sed ego haec omitto. Conjuravere nobilissumi cives patriam incendere : Gallorum gentem infestissumam nom- ini Romano ad bellum arcessunt : dux hostium 2 supra caput est : vos cunctamini etiam nunc, quid intra moenia 3 adprehensis hostibus faciatis ? 4 Misereamini censeo ; deliquere homines adolescentuli, per ambitionem ; atque etiam armatos dimittatis. 5 Ne, ista vobis mansuetudo et misericordia, si illi arma ceperint, in miseriam vertet. 6 Scilicet res aspera est ; sed vos non timetis earn. Immo vero maxume ; sed inertia et mollitia animi, alius alium exspectantes cunctamini, dis immortalibus confisi, qui hanc rempublicam in maxumis saepe periculis servavere. Non votis, neque 7 suppliciis muliebribus auxilia deorum parantur : vigilando, agendo, bene consulendo, 8 prospera omnia cedunt : ubi secordiae te atque ignaviae tradideris, nequidquam deos implores ; irati infestique sunt. Apud major es nostros, T. Manlius Torquatus s bello Gallico filium suum, quod is contra imperium in hostem pugna- verat, necari jussit ; atque ille egregius adolescens im- moderatae fortitudinis morte 10 poenas dedit : 11 vos de cru- delissumis parricidis quid statuatis, cunctamini ? ^Vide- licet vita cetera eorum huic sceleri obstat. Verum parcite dignitati Lentuli, si ipse pudicitiae, si famae suae, si dis aut hominibus umquam ullis pepercit : ignoscite Cethegi adolescentiae, 13 nisi iterum patriae bellum fecit. Nam quid ego de Gabinio, Statilio, Coepario loquar ? quibus u si quidquam umquam pensi fuisset, non ea con- silia de republica habuissent. Postremo, Patres con- scripti, si mehercule peccato locus esset, facile paterer vos ipsa re corrigi, quoniam verba contemnitis ; sed undique circumventi sumus. Catilina cum exercitu fauci- bus urget : alii intra moenia, in sinu urbis sunt hostes : 15 neque parari, neque consuli quidquam occulte potest; quo magis properandum. Quare ita ego censeo : cum 112 SALLUSTII CATILINA. nefario consilio sceleratorum civium respublica in maxu- ma pericula venerit, hique indicio T. Yolturcii, et lega- torum Allobrogum, convicti confessique sint, caedem, incendia, alia foeda atque crudelia facinora in civis patriamque paravisse ; de confessis, sicuti de 1 manifestis rerum capitalium, more majorum, supplicium sumendum." LIII. Postquam Cato adsedit, consulares omnes, item- que senatus magna pars, sententiam ejus laudant, 2 virtu- tem animi ad coelum ferunt ; alii alios increpantes timidos vocant ; Cato magnus atque clarus habetur ; senati decre- tum fit, 3 sicuti ille censuerat. 4 Sed mihi multa legenti, multa audienti, quae populus Romanus, domi militiaeque, mari atque terra, praeclara facinora fecit, forte lubuit attendere, 5 quae res maxume tanta negotia sustinuisset. Sciebam, saepenumero parva manu cum magnis legioni- bus hostium contendisse : cognoveram, parvis copiis bella gesta cum opulentis regibus ; ad hoc, saepe fortunae vio- lentiam toleravisse ; facundia Graecos, gloria belli Gallos ante Romanos fuisse. Ac mihi multa 6 agitanti constabat, paucorum civium egregiam virtutem cuncta patravisse ; eoque factum, uti divitias paupertas, multitudinem pauci- tas superaret. Sed postquam luxu atque desidia ci vitas corrupta est, rursus respublica magnitudine sua impera- torum atque magistratuum vitia sustentabat ; ac, 7 veluti effoeta parente, multis tempestatibus haud sane quisquam Romae virtute magnus fuit. Sed, memoria mea, ingenti virtute, divorsi moribus fuere viri duo, M. Cato, et C. Caesar ; quos, quoniam res obtulerat, silentio praeterire non fuit consilium, quin utri usque naturam ^et mores, quantum ingenio possem, aperirem. LIV. Igitur his 8 genus, 9 aetas, eloquentia, prope aequalia fuere ; magnitudo animi par, item 10 gloria ; sed 11 alia alii. Caesar beneficiis ac munificentia magnus ha- bebatur ; integritate vitae Cato. Ille mansuetudine et misericordia clarus factus : 12 huic severitas dignitatem addiderat. Caesar dando, sublevando, 13 ignoscendo ; Cato nihil largiundo gloriam adeptus. In altero miseriis per- SALLUSTII CATILINA. 113 fugium ; in altero malis pemicies : Hllius facilitas ; hujus constantia laudabatur. Postremo, Caesar 2 in animum in- duxerat laborare, vigilare ; negotiis amicorum intentus, sua neglegere ; nihil denegare, quod dono dignum esset ; sibi magnum imperium, exercitum, novum bellum exoptabat, ubi virtus enitescere posset. 3 x\t Catoni studium modes- tiae, decoris, sed maxume severitatis erat. Non divitiis cum divite, neque 4 factione cum factioso ; sed cum stre- nuo virtute, cum modesto pudore, cum innocente 5 absti- nentia certabat : 6 esse, quam videri, bonus malebat : ita, quo minus gloriam petebat, eo magis sequebatur. LV. Postquam, ut dixi, senatus in Catonis sententiam discessit, consul optumum factum ratus, noctem, quae instabat, antecapere, ne quid eo spatio novaretur, 7 trium- viros, quae supplicium postulabat, parare jubet : ipse, dispositis praesidiis, Lentulum in carcerem deducit : idem fit ceteris per praetores. Est 8 locus in carcere, quod 9 Tullianum adpellatur, ubi paullulum 10 escenderis ad lae- vam, circiter duodecim pedes humi depressus. Eum muniunt undique parietes, atque insuper n camera, lapideis fornicibus vincta : sed 12 incultu, tenebris, odore, foeda atque terribilis ejus facies est. In eum locum postquam demissus Lentulus, 13 quibus praeceptum erat, 14 laqueo gulam fregere. Ita ille patricius, ex clarissuma gente Corneliorum, qui consulare imperium Romae habuerat, dignum moribus factisque suis exitum vitae invenit. De Cethego, Statilio, Gabinio, Coepario, eodem modo suppli- cium sumtum. LYI. Dum ea Romae geruntur, Catilina 15 ex omni copia, quam et ipse adduxerat, et Manlius habuerat, 16 duas legiones instituit ; cohortes, pro numero militum, complet : deinde, ut quisque voluntarius, aut ex sociis in castra venit, aequaliter distribuerat ; ac brevi spatio le- giones 17 numero hominum explevarat, cum initio non amplius duobus millibus habuisset. Sed ex omni copia circiter pars quarta erat militaribus armis instructa ; ceteri, ut quemque casus armaverat, 18 sparos, aut lanceas, 12* 114 SALLUSTII CATILINA. alii 1 praeacutas sudes portabant. Sed, postquam Antonius cum exercitu adventabat, Catilina per montes iter facere, ad urbem modo, modo 2 in Galliam versus, castra movere ; hostibus occasionem pugnandi non dare ; sperabat prope diem 3 sese habiturum, si Romae socii incepta patravis- sent. Interea servitia repudiabat, 4 cujus initio ad eum magnae copiae concurrebant, opibus conjurationis fretus ; simul 5 alienum suis rationibus existumans videri caussam civium cum sends fugitivis communicavisse. LVII. Sed, postquam in castra nuncius pervenit, Ro- mae conjurationem patefactam, de Lentulo, Cethego, cet- eris, quos supra memoravi, supplicium sumtum ; plerique, quos ad bellum spes rapinarum, aut novarum rerum studium illexerat, dilabuntur ; reliquos Catilina per montis asperos, magnis itineribus, 6 in agrum Pistoriensem abdu- cit, eo consilio, uti per tramites occulte perfugerent in 7 Galliam. At Q. Metellus Celer cum tribus legionibus in agro Piceno praesidebat, 8 ex difficultate rerum eadem ilia existumans, quae supra diximus, Catilinam agitare. Igitur, ubi iter ejus ex perfugis cognovit, castra propere movet, ac 9 sub ipsis radicibus montium consedit, qua illi descensus erat in Galliam properanti. Neque tamen Antonius procul aberat ; 10 utpote qui magno exercitu, locis aequioribus 11 expeditus, in fuga sequeretur. Sed Catilina, postquam videt 12 montibus atque copiis hostium sese clausum, in urbe res adversas, neque fugae, neque 13 praesidii ullam spem ; optumum factum ratus in tali re fortunam belli tentare, statuit cum Antonio quamprimum confligere. Itaque, concione advocata, hujuscemodi ora- tionem habuit. LVIII. " Compertum ego habeo, milites, verba virtu- tem non addere ; neque ex ignavo strenuum, neque fortem ex timido exercitum, oratione imperatoris, fieri. Quanta cujusque animo audacia natura, aut u moribus, inest, tanta in bello patere solet : quem neque gloria, neque pericula, excitant, nequidquam hortere ; timor animi auribus obficit. Sed ego vos, quo pauca monereui, advocavi ; simul uti SALLUSTII CATILINA. 115 1 caussam consilii aperirem. Scitis equidem, milites, secordia atque ignavia Lentuli 2 quantam ipsi cladem no- bisque attulerit ; quoque modo, dum ex urbe praesidia opperior, in Galliam proficisci nequiverim. Nunc quo in loco res nostrae sint, juxta mecum omnes intellegitis. Exercitus hostium duo, 3 unus ab urbe, alter a Gallia, obstant : diutius in his locis esse, 4 si maxume animus ferat, frumenti atque aliarum rerum egestas prohibet. Quocumque ire placet, ferro iter aperiundum est. Qua- propter vos moneo, uti forti atque parato animo sitis ; et, cum praelium inibitis, memineritis, vos divitias, decus, gloriam, praeterea libertatem atque patriam in dextris portare. Si vincimus, omnia nobis tuta, commeatus abunde, coloniae atque municipia patebunt : sin metu ces- serimus, eadem ilia advorsa Hunt : neque locus, neque amicus quisquam teget, quern arma non texerint. Prae- terea, milites, non eadem nobis et illis necessitudo im- pendet : nos pro patria, pro libertate, pro vita certamus ; 5 illis supervacaneum est pugnaTe pro potentia paucorum. Quo audacius adgredimini, memores pristinae virtutis. Licuit nobis, cum summa turpitudine, in exilio aetatem agere : potuistis nonnulli Romae, amissis bonis, alienas opes exspectare. Quia ilia foeda atque intoleranda 6 viris videbantur, haec sequi decrevistis. Si 7 relinquere voltis, audacia opus est : nemo, nisi victor, pace bellum mutavit. Nam in fuga salutem sperare, cum arma, 8 quis corpus tegitur, ab hostibus averteris, 9 ea vero dementia est. Semper in praelio maxumum est periculum, 10 qui maxume timent : audacia pro muro habetur. Cum vos considero, milites, et cum facta vestra aestumo, magna me spes victoriae tenet. Animus, aetas, virtus vestra hortantur ; praeterea necessitudo, quae etiam timidos fortis facit. Nam multitudo hostium ne circumvenire queat, prohibent angustiae. Quod si virtuti vestrae fortuna inviderit, ca- vete, n inulti animam amittatis ; neu capti potius, sicuti pecora, trucidemini, quam, virorum more pugnantes, cru- entam atque luctuosam victoriam hostibus relinquatis." 116 SALLUSTII CATILINA. LIX. Haec ubi dixit, paullulum commoratus, signa canere jubet, atque Hnstructos ordines in locum aequum deducit : dein, remotis omnium equis, quo militibus, ex- aequato periculo, animus amplior esset, ipse 2 pedes exer- citum, 3 pro loco atque copiis, instruit. 4 Nam, uti plani- ties erat inter sinistros montis, et, ab dextra, rupes aspera, octo cohortis in fronte constituit : 5 reliqua signa in subsidio artius collocat. 6 Ab his centuriones omnis lectos, et 7 evocatos, praeterea ex gregariis militibus optumum quemque armatum in primam aciem subducit. V. Man- lium in dextera, 8 Faesulanum quemdam sinistra parte curare jubet : ipse cum 9 libertis et colonis 10 propter aqui- lam adsistit, quam, bello 11 Cimbrico, C. Marius in exer- citu habuisse dicebatur. At ex altera parte C. Antonius, 12 pedibus aeger, quod praelio adesse nequibat, M. Petreio legato exercitum permittit. Ille cohortis veteranas, quas 13 tumulti caussa conscripserat, in fronte ; post eas, cete- rum exercitum in subsidiis locat. 14 Ipse equo circumiens, unumquemque nominans adpellat, hortatur, rogat, uti meminerint, se contra latrones 15 inermos, pro patria, pro liberis, pro aris atque focis suis, 16 cernere. Homo milita- ris, quod amplius annos triginta 17 tribunus, aut 18 prae- fectus, aut legatus, aut praetor cum magna gloria fuerat, plerosque ipsos factaque eorum fortia noverat : ea com- memorando militum animos accendebat. LX. Sed ubi, rebus omnibus exploratis, Petreius 19 tuba signum dat, cohortis paullatim incedere jubet ; idem facit hostium exercitus. Postquam eo ventum, unde a 20 feren- tariis praelium committi posset, maxumo clamore cum infestis signis concurrunt ; 21 pila omittunt ; gladiis res geritur. Veterani, pristinae virtutis memores, cominus acriter instare : illi haud timidi resistunt : maxuma vi certatur. 22 Interea Catilina cum expeditis in prima acie versari, laborantibus succurrere, integros pro sauciis arcessere, omnia providere, multum ipse pugnare, saepe hostem ferire : strenui militis, et boni imperatoris officia simul exsequebatur. Petreius, ubi videt Catilinam, con- i SALLUSTII CATILINA. 117 tra ac ratus erat, magna vi tendere, 1 cohortem praetoriam in medios hostis inducit ; eos perturbatos atque alios alibi resistentes interficit ; deinde utrimque ex latehbus adgre- ditur. Manlius et Faesulanus 2 in primis pugnantes cadunt. Postquam fusas copias, seque cum paucis relictum videt Catilina, memor generis atque pristinae dignitatis, in con- fertissumos hostes incurrit, ibique pugnans confoditur. LXI. Sed, confecto praelio, turn vero cerneres, quan- ta audacia. quantaque animi vis fuisset in exercitu Cati- linae. Nam fere, quern quisque pugnando locum ceperat, eum, amissa anima, corpore tegebat. Pauci autem, quos cohors praetoria disjecerat, 3 paullo diversius, sed omnes tamen adversis volneribus conciderant. Catilina vero longe a suis inter hostium cadavera repertus est, paullu- lum etiam spirans, ferociamque animi, quam habuerat vivus, in voltu retinens. Postremo, ex omni copia, neque in praelio, neque in fuga, quisquam 4 civis ingenuus captus. 5 Ita cuncti suae hostiumque vitae juxta peper- cerant. Neque tamen exercitus populi Romani laetam aut incruentam victoriam adeptus : nam strenuissumus quisque aut occiderat in praelio, aut graviter vulneratus discesserat. Multi autem, qui de castris, visundi, aut spo- liandi gratia, processerant, volventes hostilia cadavera, amicum alii, pars hospitem, aut cognatum reperiebant : fuere item, qui inimicos suos cognoscerent. Ita varie per omnem exercitum 6 laetitia, moeror, luctus atque gaudia agitabantur. WVWWWWWWWVWti ^wv^w^v^w^v^.-^ EXPLANATORY NOTES. NOTES TO THE JUGURTHINE WAR. Page. 1. Falso queritur, &c. "Mankind complain without reason j of their nature." Falso, literally, "falsely," "erroneously." — Sallust has been justly blamed for the introductions to his histories. They have little if any relation to the subject which they are in- tended to usher in, and are too discursive and long. 2. Quod imbecilla, &c. " That, being weak and of short duration it is influenced more by chance, than by the exertion of intellect." — Imbecilla agrees with natura. The less usual form of this adjective is imbecillis. — Virtute is here equivalent to virtute animL 3. Nam contra. " For, on the contrary." 4. Invenias. " You will find, I think." — The subjunctive is here employed to convey a softened assertion, indicative of modesty on the part of the writer, and not of any doubt in his mind on the sub- ject which he is discussing. So crediderim is frequently used, in the sense of " I am inclined to believe." 5. Magisque naturae, &c. " And that active exertion is more wanting to the nature of men, than ability or duration," i. e. than additional power or an enlarged period of existence. — Naturae hominum is equivalent to homini, " And that man stands more in need of," &c. 6. Sed dux atque imperator, &c. A refutation of those who maintain, that human nature is influenced more by chance than by any exertion of the mental powers. — Sed may be rendered " Now." — Dux atque imperator. " The director and ruler." Imperator rises in force of meaning above dux. The former means literally, u commander in chief;" whereas dux means the highest of the in- ferior officers, having himself an important command. These are here applied to one and the same objects, for the purpose of showing the all-controlling power of the mind. 7. Grassatur, " Aspires." Literally, " moves boldly on." 8. Pollens potensque. " Powerful and vigorous." Pollens refers here to innate strength, potens to its exercise, 13 122 NOTES TO THE Page. j 9. Quippe probitatem, &c. " Since it (i. e. fortune) can neither give, nor take away, integrity, activity, nor other praiseworthy quali- ties." Industrial here means an active exercise of our abilities. — The student will notice the use of artis for artes. Sallust is very much attached to this form of the accusative, omnis for omnes, po- pularis for popular es, &c. It is called an archaism, (a term gene- rally applied to the use of antiquated or obsolete forms of expression,) though not very correctly, since the termination in is would seem to have been most commonly employed in the best ages of Latinity. The common grammatical rule is, that nouns, whose genitive plural ends in ium, have es, is, or eis, in the accusative plural. 10. Ad inertiam et voluptatis corporis, &c. " It has been con- signed to the destructive bondage of sloth and corporeal gratifica- tions." The literal meaning of pes sum appears to be " down," " to the bottom," "under foot." Hence pessumdo literally means, " to send or throw to the bottom," and then figuratively, " to ruin or destroy." — Voluptatis is put for voluptates. See previous note. 11. Perniciosa luhdine, &c. In rendering, begin vnthubi, " when, after it has enjoyed for a season this destructive indulgence," &c. 12. Suam quisque culpam, &c. " The authors of these evils transfer each to affairs the blame that is their own." They allege in extenuation of their mental inactivity, that the affairs to which they had directed their attention proved too difficult of accomplishment. 13. Quod si hominibus, &c. " But if mankind were inspired with as great a regard for things conducive to their welfare, as is the zeal with which they seek after," &c. — Aliena, " things foreign to their nature." 14. Neque regerentur, &c. " They would not be more controlled by, than they would themselves control, the chances of fortune." 15. Ubi, pro mortalibus. " In which, as far as is consistent with mortal lot." Pro mortalibus, literally, " for mortals." Equivalent to quatenus mortalibusyas est. 16. Genus humanum. "Man." 17. Sequuntur. " Partake of." 18. Praeclarafacies. " Personal beauty." — Literally " a fine face," or " exterior." 19. Dilabuntur. " Insensibly leave us." — Literally, " steal away," "drop off." 20. Ingenii egregia facinora. " The splendid exertions of intel- lect." — Facinus denotes a bold or daring action, and unless it be joined with a favourable epithet, or the action be previously de- scribed as commendable, the term is always to be understood in a JUOURTHINE WAR. 123 Page, vituperative sense. In the present passage, the epithet egregius \ marks the character of the action as praiseworthy. 21. Corporis et fortunae bonorum. " Of the advantages of person and fortune." 1. Agit atque habet cuncta, &c. " Controls and sways all O things, and is itself controlled by none." After habetur understand ab ullo (scil. negotio.) 2. Quo magis pravitas, &c. " On which account the depravity of those is the more to be wondered at," &c. 3. Incultu. " Through want of culture." 4. Artes animi. " Mental employments." 5. Ex his. "Of 'these employments of mind." Understand artibus animi. 6. Omnis cura, &c. " All change of public affairs," or " every office of administration." Of these offices, magistratus are of a civil, imperia of a military nature. 7. Quoniam neque virtuti, &c. " Since, neither, on the one hand, is the honour, that is its due, rendered to merit, nor are they, on the other, who have obtained authority by unfair means," &c. — The allusion in fraudem is to bribery and other unworthy and de- grading practices. I 8. Parentes. " Subjected states." From pareo, " to obey,\ and having the first syllable long. In. parentes, "parents," it is short. — The word occurs again in the first chapter of this history. 9. Delicta corrigas, " may rectify abuses." — Importunum, " a perilous task." Literally, " without a harbour," or place of safety from the storm. 10. Fatigando. "After all one's exertions." Understands, which in some editions is expressed. 11. Quern. For aliquem. — Lubido, an archaism for libido. 12. Gratifcari. " Of sacrificing." i. e. Tanquam rem gratam devovere. — More usual Latinity would require gratificandi ; but Sal- lust is fond of unusual forms of expression. 13. Quae ingenio exercentur. " Which form the exercise of the mind." Literally, " which are exercised upon by the mind." 14. Memoria rerum gestarum. " The recording of past events." i. e. historical composition. — Virtute. "Excellence." — Praetere- undum. Understand esse mihi. 15. Per insolentiam. " From a feeling of vanity." Insolentia, strictly, is unusual or altered conduct, as when the head is turned with vanity and self-conceit. — Studium laudando. " By praising my own profession," i. e. of an historian. Before extollere understand me. 16. A republica. " From all participation in public affairs." 124 NOTES TO THE Page. 2 17. Certe, &c. Supply the ellipsis as follows : " Ii certe hoc facient, quibus," &c. 18. Salutare plebem. " To court the favour of the populace." Referring to the acts of candidates in electioneering for office, going around, addressing in a friendly manner, shaking hands with voters, &c. 19. Quibus temporibus. Sallust obtained the office of quaestor, which entitled him to a seat in the senate, at the age of twenty- seven, a few years after the conspiracy of Catiline, and while the state was thrown into the greatest confusion by the acts of Clodius and his followers. He was made tribune of the commons six years after, on which occasion, according to some authorities, Cato was his competitor, but, according to others, when he was made praetor. To his success over Cato the historian alludes in the words quales viri, &c. If this competition occurred for the office of praetor, he had no great reason to be proud of his success, since he obtained that magistracy entirely through the interest of Caesar. 20. Merito. " On good grounds." — Judicium animi mutamsse. "Have altered my determination." — Aliorum negotiis. "The active employment of others." 21. Q. Maximum. Quintus Fabius Maximus, the well-known op- ponent of Hannibal. — P. Scipionem. The elder Africanus, who con- quered Hannibal in the battle of Zama. — Solitos. Understand esse. q 1. Imagines. Among the Romans, those whose ancestors, or ** who themselves had borne any curule office, that is, had been consul, praetor, censor, or curule aedile, were called nobiles, and had the right of making images of themselves, which were kept with great care by their posterity, and exhibited only at funerals or on solemn occasions. These images were nothing more than the busts or effigies of the individuals, down to the shoulders, made of wax, and painted. They were placed in the atrium, or hall, of the Roman house, enclosed in wooden cases. 2. Scilicet non ceram Mam, &c. We must here resolve scilicet into its component members (scire licet,) and construe as follows . Scire licet non ceram illam, &c. habere. " We may well suppose that neither the mere wax of which they were made, nor the form it had assumed, possessed such power in themselves." 3. Eorum. " Of the former." Referring to their ancestors, and depending in construction on famam and gloriam. With virtus supply sua ipsorum, " their own merit." Sallust here argues in fa- vour of history, as a means of exciting to noble and praiseworthy actions, by its recounting the deeds of former days. 4. His moribus. " Amid the corruption of the day." i. e. Amid JUGURTHINE WAR. 125 Page. these manners that are now prevalent. — Quin contendat, " who does Q not seek to vie." Quin is here equivalent to qui no?i. 5. Homines novi. " Men of humble origin." Literally, "new men." Those who were the first of their family that had raised themselves to any curule office, were called among the Romans, homines novi, in allusion to their recent admission among the no- bility. 6. Furtim et per latrocinia. " By private intrigue and open fraud." The acts of peculation, and official plunder, of which the Roman magistrates were so frequently guilty, are here stigmatized, and they are spoken of as actually affording the means for farther ad- vancement in the state. Sallust himself is open to this charge. — Af- ter potius we have rejected from the text, with some of the best edi- tions, the words quam bonis artibus, as the idea is sufficiently ex- pressed by per virtutem which precedes. 7. Ac non perinde habeantur. " And are not to be estima- ted according to the merit of those who fill them." Ac is more fre- quently employed after perinde than ut. But its occurrence at the beginning of the clause prevents its being again employed on the principle of euphony. 8. Liberius altiusque. "Too freely and too far." Com- pare remarks under note 1, page 1. — Redeo. Put here for eo, i. e. venio, the compound for the simple. " I now come to my subject." 9. Jugurth-a. Consult Historical Index. — Numidarum. Nu- midia answers in some measure to the modern Algiers. Consult Geographical Index. 10. Atrox. "Bloody." — Variaque victoria fuit. " And the suc- cess was various," i. e. and marked by various turns of fortune ; victory inclining sometimes to the side of the Romans, and then again to that of Jugurtha. 11. Obviam itum est. " Successful opposition was made." — Di- vina et humana cuncta. " All things religious and civil," i. e. the whole state. —Studiis cioilibus, " to the dissensions of the state," or simply, " civil dissensions." With faceret understand solum or tantum, " only." 12. Pauca supra repetam. " I will take a brief review." 13. Quo, ad cognoscendum, &c. " In order that all things may be clearer, and placed in a more distinct point of view, for the pur- pose of being thoroughly understood." Ad cognoscendum, literally, " for the knowing of them." The gerund, according to the gram- marians, is here taken in a passive sense. The change of meaning, however, is rather owing to the idiom of modern languages, as ap- pears from the literal force of ad cognosceiidum, 13* 126 NOTES TO THE Page. 3 14. Bello Punico secundo. Consult Historical Index, for an ac- count of the Punic wars, and also for some mention of the Cartha- ginians, Hannibal, and Masinissa, under their respective heads. — Post magnitudinem nominis Romani. " Since the Roman name became illustrious.' ■ 15. Cui postea Africano, &c. The term Africano is here put in the dative by attraction to the dative of the person. In rendering the clause, Africano must be taken as equivalent to Africani or Af- ricanus. Thus, Est mihi nomen Joanni, " my name is John ;" for Est mihi nomen Joannis, (or Joannes.) 16. Praeclara rei militaris facinora. " Brilliant military exploits." Consult note 4, page 2. — Syphace. Consult Historical Index. The proper name Syphax is said to have the penult of the genitive common. It is on the contrary always long, for the line in Clau- dian (Bell. Gild. 91.) where the short quantity occurs, " Compuli- mus dirum Syphacem, fractumque Metello," is now altered in the best editions, after a conjecture of Barth's, and we read Hanibalem for Syphacem. 17. Regi. Referring to Masinissa. 18. Imperii vitaeque ejus, &c. The grant of the Romans ceased with the life of Masinissa. His son Micipsa reigned merely over that part of Numidia which had originally belonged to his parent. Cirta, and the portion of Numidia which Syphax had possessed, were formed into a Roman province. Hence imperii in the text refers to the empire of Masinissa in its full extent, embracing what he had received from the Romans. ^ 1. Absumtis. " Being carried off." 2. Eodem cultu, &c. " He reared at home in the same way as he did his own children." Cultus here has reference to every thing connected with the rearing of youth. It may be rendered more literally by the term " education." Thus, " he kept at his court, and trained up by the same system of education," &c. 3. Luxu. The old dative for luxui. — Corrumpendum. " To be corrupted by them." Literally, "for a corrupting by means of them." Understand Mis in the ablative, and consult note 13, page 3. 4. Equitare, jaculari, &c. " He engaged in feats of horseman- ship, he learned to throw the lance," &c. The infinitive is here put for the imperfect of the indicative, a practice of which Sallust is perhaps fonder than any other writer. Grammarians term it the historical infinitive, as being principally used in historical narratives, in order to give an air of rapidity and animation to the sentence. This construction is usually explained by an ellipsis of cocpit or coe- JUGURTHINE WAR. 127 Page. perunt, which may often be supplied ; in other cases, however, it 4 will not accord with the sense. 5. Et, cum omnis gloria anteiret. " And though he surpassed all in reputation." Omnis is put for omnes. Consult note 9, page 1. — Esse, for erat. Consult note 4. So also we have in this same sentence, agere for agebat, ferire for feriebat, facer e for faciebat, and loqui for loquebatur. 6. Hominem adolescentem. " The young man." Sallust, by a species of archaism (note 9, p. 1.) here uses adolescens, with homo expressed, as a verbal adjective. Adolescens is, strictly speaking, a verbal, and means " one growing up."- — Exactasua aetate. " His own age being far advanced." 7. Magis magisque crescere. " Increased more and more in reputation." Crescere is here the ordinary infinitive, preceded in construction by hominem adolescentem, 8. Avida imperii, &c. " Eager after power, and hurried head- long to the gratification of its ruling propensity." Animi cupidinem is an archaism for cwpidinem alone. — Opportunitas suaeque, &c. " The favourable opportunity afforded by his own and the age of his children, a circumstance which leads even moderate men astray by the hope of self-aggrandizement." 9. Seditio. " Insurrection." — Bellum. " War," i. e. civil war. — Anxius. " Apprehensive." 10. Popularibus. " To his countrymen." 11. Numantino. Consult Geographical Index. — Cum mitteret. " Being engaged in sending." — Ostentando virtutem. " In ostenta- tiously displaying his valour." — Saevitia. " By the furious bravery." 12. Impigro atque acri ingenio. "Of a quick and penetrating turn of mind." — P. Scipionis. The younger Africanus, called also Aemilianus. — Morem hostium. " The mode of fighting practised by the enemy." 1. Quorum alterum. Referring to his being wise in council. — £J Adferre. " To generate." 2. Res asperas. " Difficult enterprises." — Agere for agebat ; so habere for habebat, and amplecti for amplectebatur. This peculiar- ity in Sallust's style need no longer be noted by us. The student will easily discover it himself. (Consult note 4, page 4.) — Magis magisque, &c. " He became more and more attached to him every day." 3. Munificentia animi, &c. " A generosity of spirit and shrewd- ness of intellect." — Quis for quibus. 4. Potiores. " Possessed of more charms." — Domi. " At home," i. e. at Rome. — Apud socios clari magis quam honesti. " Men ra- 128 NOTES TO THE Page. 5 ther of note among our allies, than really possessed of integrity." Equivalent to magnam potius quam bonam famam habenies. 5. Non mediocrem animum. " The ambitious spirit." 6. Romae omnia venalia esse. Meaning that he could purchase, if he pleased, the kingdom of Numidia from the Romans, after the death of Micipsa. The power of Jugurtha's bribes will be seen in the course of the narrative. 7. Rcvorti. An archaism for reverti. — Praetorium. "The gene- ral's tent.," i. e. his own (Scipio's) tent. The name of praetor was anciently common to all the Roman magistrates, and, in its primi- tive acceptation, means a commander, or general. (7* qui praeit jure et exercitu. Varro.) The term praetorxum is often used to de- note not only the tent of the commander, but also the space around for his retinue and body-guard ; not, however, in thia passage. 8. Publice, quam prwatim. u Publicly rather than privately," i. e. by public services, rather than by private interest. — Quibus for aliquihus. — Periadom I | Implying that the kingdom of Numidia belonged to ti >man people, and not to a few of the nobility. That if he sought to obtain it from the latter by bribery, he would only Qg himself to danger. 9. In suis artibus. u In I M of those abilities which he possessed." — Ultra. ''(': i.e. without am ertion on his part. — Propcranlius. " Too c.i e. should attempt to expedite i n to the tlirone b 10. Pro nostra amicitia. " As a friend." laterally, * % in considera- tion of our mutual friends: 11. Igitur rcr. ike. u . when he learned from the general's letter, that the things which he had heard from rumour were true." La esse, equivalent to ita esse uti accepcrat. "Wars so as he had heard." — Cum virtue influenced both by the merit of the man, and his popularity with the Romans." Q 1. Cum Jufrurtha. The presence of the preposition marks the familiar nature of the address to Jugurtha, which approached in fact to a conversation. 2. In meum rrgnum. u Into my kingdom," i. e. as one of my heirs. In this assertion of Micipsa there was evidentlv no truth, and Jugurtha himself, as appears from the beginning of the next chapter, viewed it m this . stumans non minus. , "Thinking that I would be no less dear to vou, than to mv children, in case I should become the fa:. vordingto this declaration o\' Micipsa, he adopted Jr re he had any offspring of his own. The want of truth in this assertion speaks for itself. JUGURTHIXE WAR. 129 Page. 3. Nequeeares falsum habuit. Understand me. "Nor did that 6 expectation deceive me." Falsum habuit is equivalent to fefellit. — Tua. Understand fac ta, in the sense of-" exploits." 4. Gloria honoravisti. " Thou hast decked with glory." — No- men familiae renovatum. "The name of our family has been re- vived." It had been previously rendered illustrious by the exploits of Massinissa. 5. Per regni fidem. " By the fidelity you owe my kingdom," i. e. as received into a share of it, and made one of its members. Al- luding to his adoption, and the obligation he was consequently un- der of aiding and defending the throne. — Bcneficio meo. " By my kindness towards you." Alluding to his having adopted him. — Atienos. " Strangers." 6. Nonexeralus, &c. This beautiful idea is borrowed from the dying speech of Cyrus, in Xenophon, Cyrop. s. 7, 14. — Officio et Me. " By kind offices, and by the exercise of fidelity." — Quis au- tcm. " Now, who." — Amiaor. Understand debet esse. — Tuis. " To your own relations." 7. Dilabnntur. " Fall gradually to ruin." 8. Ne altter quid ereniat. u That nothing may happen contrary to my wishes," i. e. literally, " otherwise than I could wish." — Opu- lentior. " The more powerful." This term literally means, " pow- erful in resources," pollens opibus. — Colite, obserrate. u Cherish, respect." — Hunc. The pronoun indicates the proximity of Jugurtha to the couch of the dying monarch. — Sumsisse. " To have adopt- ed." The more usual, but less accurate, form, is sumpsisse. 9. Ficta. "Insincerely." Literally, " mere fictions." — Fro tem- pore^ &c. " Gave an affection >. , suited to the occasion." Pro tempore, literally, in consideration of the occasion. 1. Justa. " His obsequies." Understand funera. We have it *JT expressed in Caesar. B. C. 6, 4, Justis funeribus eonfectis. — Re- guli. " The princes." Adherbal, Hiempsal, and Jugurtha. The term regulus is here employed, not so much with reference to their age, as to the division of the kingdom among them. It denotes properly " a petty monarch." — Minumus. " The youngest." Un- derstand natu. 2. Ferox. "Violent." — Ignobilitatem Jugurthat. "The ignoble oirth of Jugurtha." Quia materno genere impar erat. " Because his origin was base on the mother's side." Literally, "because he was unequal, or inferior," &c. The allusion is to Jugurtha's having Deen born of a concubine. 3. Dcxtra Adherbalem adsedit. " Sat down on the right hand of Adherbal." The accusative Adherbalem is governed by ad in com- 130 NOTES TO THE Page. 7 position. Dextra is here equivalent to a dextra. — Fatigacus a fatre. " Being wearied out by the importunities of his brother." — In partem alteram. '* To the opposite side." 4. Cum multa dissererent. " In the midst of a long discussion." — Jacit. " Throws out the remark," i. e. proposes. — Reschidi. u Should be repealed." — Parum ammo raluisse. " Had not been strong in mind." His judgment had been impaired by age and sickness, according to Jugurtha. 5. Ipsum ilium. Referring to Jugurtha. — Quod verbum, 6lc. " This remark sank more deeply into the bosom of Jugurtha," 6lc. — Ira et metu anxius. u Distracted with ra^e and liar." — Moliri. "He plotted." — Parare. " He contrived." — Tardives. " Too slowly," i. e. tardius quam voluerat. M More slowly than he wished." 6. Propter disscnsioncm. " To prevent mutual dispute Maturius. " First." Literally, " sooner." — Loca propinqua the- sau to have been the custom with the monarchs of that land to keep t},> ijholds. Thus, in the 37th chapter of thi- .thiil is mentioned, as having been employed for that purpose ; in the 75th chapter, Thala ; in the 92d chapter, a castle is spoken of -.bo finally calls Capsa, to ya$> )'form*hu utrumms. •• Forlorn and wreathed." 8. Tamen erat. M Still it were." £>«/ is here need instead of •aaj i of certainty by means of the uxi ^ 'fas cujusqtuun, cV that the kingdom of no one should i mpo amission of crime." There is no need of demanding, as some do, the verb n*/i after atfui. JUGIRTHINE WAR. 133 Page. I r m in m^a injuria, cVc. u You are treated with contempt in Q the injustice that is done me." Despicere always implies that the person despising thinks meanly of the person despised, as compared with himself. Contemner e denotes the absolute vi : an 10. Potissumum. " Of all ot!.. 1 1 . Sempeme m sanguine, 6l i we always be exposed to the horrors of bloodshed, to the sword, to exile " — lncolumes. .verful." Literally, M saft . I Roman power and do- n — Jure 'As a matter of cour* are ixeeessitatis. i prstis. " That pl.i. e Cartha*;; m M 10 t^ttatximus tquentlv employed by 8. ne siraph- lness to the s T | tbamus is here put for agebamus — Quts for qutbus. — Quern tussissetts t4 Hun, whom you might havt is to regard as such." ■is. An archaism for test efferent, M va- humed away." — Atque eodem. M And who was at :J U \ archaism for ixsdem — \thil minus, qn pecting nothing so little as violence or war, in a country subjected 4. Eztorrem patna, Ac. The student will BD I of the(i Sellust here indulges tor- ut essem, instead of c Vc. ezspeetans, sicuti rulrfis, extorrts patna, domo, mops, cooper tus misenis, ubtns tubus quam in regno meo essem. Multum laborer* mm nook an arduous task." The prince now enters on the following argument — If my ancestors embraced the friendship and alliance of Rome, | I of indolence, nor from a wish to lead an easy and ina !»ut well I MJ the contrary, how many arduous labours they would ha\' -mi. and how much would bt expected from them by the Roman state as a proof of t d if they rendered all these services, and gave all these proofs of their Mncerity and attachment ; surely I, their descendant, have some right to expect both commiseration and aid at your b 6. Quod in famrlia nostra fuit, 6te u WmM was IB the power of our family to perform, it did ; that it might lid !>', in all your wars." Our idiom requires the past tense of the indicative ; M it aided you in all your wars." 7. Tertium. * On becoming a third," by adoption. — AUertus. 14 134 NOTES TO THE Page. 1Q Referring to Jugurtha. Some editions have alter, referring of course to the speaker. 8. Generis praesidia, &c. " Air the supports of my family are cut off." — Naturae concessit. " Has paid the debt of nature." Literally, " has yielded to nature," i. e. to the universal law of nature. 9. Quern minume decuit. " Whom such a deed least of all be- came," i. e. who should have been the last to do it. The clause refers to propinquus, not to fratri. 10. Adfines, amicos, &c. " One disaster has crushed one, another has crushed another, of my relatives, my friends, the rest of those who were near to me." Sallust is very fond of the construction with alius. It must be repeated in translating. 11. Pars .... acti. An instance of the figure which gram- marians call synesis, where the adjective, participle, &c. refer to the person or persons implied by a word, and do not agree in gender with the word itself. Acti, in this clause, and objecti, in the next, refer to adfines, amici, and propinqui, and agree with them in gender. 12. Exigunt. "Drag out." — Necessariis. "Friendly." Ne- cessaria are here opposed to adversa, and denote those acts of kind- ness and affection which we are necessarily led to expect from those who are connected with us by the ties of consanguinity. And hence the term necessitudo is used for relationship or any intimate con- nexion. Adherbal expected from Jugurtha the kindness and affec- tion of a brother, but only met with acts of hostility. 13. Nunc verOj &c. This is an instance of what the logicians call the argument a fortiori. Even though I had not been stripped of my kingdom and all my resources, remarks Adherbal, still, if any unexpected injur}'' had been done me, I would have implored your aid. How much more ought I to implore it now, when an exile and a beggar ! 14. Omnium honestarum renim. "Of all things suitable to my ; rank." 15. b vestram amicitiam. " On account of your friendship • towards us," i. e. our alliance with you. — Majorum meorum, &c. " Very many a memorial of the hostilities committed by my fore- fathers," i. e. committed by them against the neighbouring nations in furtherance of the Roman power. J \ 1. Postremo, 3Iasinissa, &c. A new argument. I cannot obtain any aid from other powers ; and even if I could, the injunctions of my father Masinissa would not permit me to do so. He taught us to look to you for aid in all our difficulties. It is yours therefore to JfGURTHIXE WAR. 135 Page, render the assistance which I claim, and the more so too, as you 1 1 are fully able to afford it. 2. Una nobis occidendum esse. " That we must fall along with it." 3. Magni estis, &c. "You are become a great and powerful people." Opulentus is here equivalent to apibus potens. — Omnia secunda, &c. "All things prosper w T ith you, and are obedient to your sway," i. e. all your undertakings are crowned with success, and every thing yields to your power. 4. Quos put for aliquos. — Parum cognita. u 111 understood by them." Referring to their ignorance of Jugurtha's real character, and hinting that he only wishes to make tools of them in furthering his own views, and screening himself from punishment. — Trans- vorsos. " Astray," i. e. from the path of duty and honour. 5. Fatigare. " Are importuning." — Fingere me verba. "That I feign what I say," i. e. that my grievances are all pretended. — Cui licuerit mature. " "When I might have remained." 6. Quod utinmm, &c. "But would that I may see." The use of quod before many conjunctions, &c, merely as a copulative, ap- pears to have arisen from the fondness of the Latin writers for the connexion by means of relatives. 7. Ne. "Yes !" The more usual form is nac, from the Greek rat. — Qui nunc sceleribus suis, &c. " WTio is now emboldened by, and glories in, his crimes." 8. Jam jam, f rater, &c. The mention of his brother in the pre- vious sentence, reminds him of all that brother's misfortune, and he bursts forth therefore into an invocation full of the strongest feeling. — Regnum. Understand tantum or tantummodo. So in Greek, fiouov is often omitted after the particles ov and jut, and must be sup- plied in translating. 9. Rerum humanarum. " Of the instability of human affairs." — An regno consulam. " Or consult for the welfare of my kingdom," i. e. by making peace with the usurper, save my subjects from the horrors of a war. — Cujus vitae necisque, Sec. " Since my own life or death depends entirely on the aid which I am soliciting from others," i. e. since I have no other quarter from which to expect even personal safety but the Roman power ; while, on the other hand, I am every moment in dread of death from the violence of Ju- gurtha. 10. Emori. " A speedy death." The mrinitive here supplies the place of a noun, or, more correctly speaking, is employed in its true character. For this mood, partaking of the nature of a noun, has been called by grammarians the " verb's noun," {ovo^a *pTjparo$.) 136 NOTES TO THE Page. | | The reason of this appellation is more apparent, however, m Greek, from its taking the prepositive article before it in all cases ; as rd ypatyav, tov ypafeiv, tw ypd^ew. The same construction is not un- known in English. Thus Spenser : — "For not to have been dipped in Lethe lake, Could save the son of Thetis from to die." 11. Ncu jure contemtus, &c. " And that I might not appear a just object of contempt." Cortius reads vivere instead of jure , and makes it equivalent to vivcrem, regarding vidcrcr as a mere appen- dage to the sentence, in imitation of the Greek idiom, where words that, refer literally to what appears to be the case, are sometimes taken in the sense of reality, and refer to what is actually the case ; such as Qaivwj Sokco), &c. Other editions have vcrc. 12. Neque vivere lubet. " Life neither possesses any charms '*' — Ite obviarn. injuriae. " Set your faces against injustice." — Tabes- cere. " To fall by degrees to ruin." A metaphor borrowed from the effects of a wasting malady on the human frame. The guilt of Jugurtha is to prove, if unchecked by Roman power, a corroding canker, that will consume by degrees all the prosperity of Nu- midia. 12 1. Caussa. " The justice of their cause." — Sacatiam. "Cru- elty." — Vitro. " Without any provocation." — Quod injuriam, &c. " Because he had not been able to commit the wrong that he in- tended." — Ahum ac. " Other than." — Utnque. " Both parties," i. e. Adherbal and Jugurtha's ambassadors. 2. Gratia depravati. " Corrupted by their influence." Pars depravati, by synesis. Consult note 11, page 10. — Virtutem. " The merit." — Gratia, voce. " By private influence, by openly opposing the measure." — Pro alieno scclcrc, &c. " They strove to screen the crime and infamy of another, as if in support of their own reputation." 3. Carius. Agreeing with atquum, the nearer noun. — Cense- bant. The verb ccnseo is specially applied by the Roman writers to a senator's expression of opinion in debate. — Acmilius Scauru-s. Consult Historical Index.— Fatnosam impudcntcmquc. u The noto- rious and barefaced." Famosam is here equivalent to dc qua muJ- ta fama erat. — PoUuta licentia. M This gross corruption." Invi- diam. " Public odium." Popular resentment. — .4 consucta lubi- dine. " From its accustomed cupiditv." 4. Qui. Referring to se?iatorum, as implied in pars. — Decern Ic- gati. " Ten commissioners." — Obtinuerat. " Had possessed L. Opimius. For this, and the other names that occur in the clause, ponsult Historical Index. — Accrrumc victoriam y &c. u Had made JUGURTHINE WAR. 137 Page, a very cruel use of the victory gained by the nobility over the com- J *) mons." According to Plutarch, not less than three thousand of the lower orders were- slain on this occasion. (Vit. Gracch. c. 18.) 5. Adcuratissume. " With the most studied respect." — Famae> fide. Some editions read fama, an old form for famae, the dative. We have given the regular form for the dative at once. Fide is by an archaism for fidei. 6. Maureianiam. Consult Geographical Index. — Mam alteram. " The other." Mam is here used, by an archaism, with the force of the Greek article. — Specie, quam u&u, potior em. " Better in ap- pearance than reality." 7. Res postulare videtur. " My subject here seems to require of me." — Attingere. "To touch slightly upon," i. e. to give a brief account. — Asperitatem. " The difficulty of travelling." Literally, "the wildness or ruggedness of the country." — Minus frequentata sunt. "Are less frequented." Cortius tdkes frequentata sunt in the sense of Jiabitata sunt. The other meaning, however, appears, upon a careful examination of the passage, to agree better with the context. 1. De is haud facile, &c. " Of these I cannot easily speak with |3 any degree of certainty." Is by an archaism for iis. — Absolvam. "I will despatch." 2. In partem tertiam, &c. a Have reckoned Africa as a third part." Literally, " have set down Africa for a third part." Some read in parte tertia. But the best manuscripts are in favour of the other lection, and the literal translation we have given shows its propriety. — Fauci tantummodo, &c. Understand voluerunt, or else posuerunt. Varro is one of those who make but two divisions of the ancient world. His words are : " Ut omnis natura in coelum et terram divisa est, sic coelum in rcgiones, terra in Asiam et Eu- ropam." (L. L. 4.) 3. Ea finis habet. M It has for its boundaries." Finis for fines Sallust, having been governor of Numidia, was well acquainted with the general outlines of Africa, as far as that country was known to the Romans. His account, however, of the early history of the people of Africa is of no value whatever, nor does he appear to have believed it himself. 4. Fretum nostri maris et oceani. " The strait connecting our sea with the ocean." The straits of Gibraltar are here meant, called by the Romans fretum Gaditanum or Herculeum. The Mediter- ranean was styled mare nostrum by the Latin writers, from the circumstance of the Italian peninsula projecting into it. 5. Declivem latitudinem. " A wide sloping tract." Consult Geo- graphical Index,— Mare saevum, importuosum. " The sea of Af- 14* 138 NOTES TO THE Page. J 3 rica is tempestuous, and ill-supplied with harbours." The terrn importuosum apparently contradicts the expression portuosior, ap- plied at the close of the preceding chapter to the part of Numidia assigned by the Roman commissioners to Adherbal : there, however, it only means " better provided with harbours" than the part given to Jugurtha, without meaning to convey the idea that they were ma- ny in number. 6. Arbori infecundus. Understand ferendae or some equivalent term. Arbori is put for arboribus. — Coelo, terra, &c. " From the sky, from the earth, there is a scarcity of water/' i. e. rain seldom falls, and the rivers and springs are few in number. — Genus homi- num. "The natives." Literally, " the race of men," (i. e. that inhabit it.) — Dtssolvit. " Gradually carries off." — Malefici generis. " Of a hurtful kind." 7. Quamquam ab cafama, &c. "Although it differs from that account which is the prevalent one among most persons ; still, as it has been explained to us out of the Punic volumes, which were said to have been those of king Hiempsal, and as the inhabitants of that land deem the fact to be, I will relate in as brief a manner as pos- sible. The truth of the narrative, however, shall rest with the au- thors of it." Whatever these books may have been, it does not appear that the information derived from them by Sallust was of the most accurate character. (Compare note 3.) 8. Gaetuli et Libyes. For these and other names occurring in the course of this account, consult the Historical, or Geographical Index, as the case may be. — Quis. For quibus. — Humi pabulum. "The herbage of the ground." — Vagi, palantes. " Without any fixed habitation, wandering to and fro." 9. Hercules. All this is a mere fable. — Sibi quique. " Each for himself." Quique is put quoque, and pctcntc is in fact understood, though not translated. — Dilabitur. "Melts away." 10. Intra occanum magis. H More upon the ocean," i. e. near- er the ocean. According to this account, which, however, is purelv fabulous, they settled on the coast of Africa, without the straits of Gibraltar, where the land, bending outward, appears to be embraced by the Atlantic, and, as it were, folded in its arms. Hence tne lit- eral meaning of the text is, "more within the ocean." 11. Emundi, ant )nuta?idi. " Of obtaining it by purchase or ex- change." Referring to the timber. — Ignara lingua. M An un- known language," i. e. an ignorance of the language spoken in that country. — Commercia. "All traffic." 14 1- Tentantes agros. "In trying the pasturage." — Xumidas. The etymology here given is of no value whatever. If the name JUGURTHINE WAR. 139 Page Numidae really denote a pastoral people, and be derived from J^ vdfir], (" pasture,") as Sallust supposes, it must have been given to the people who bore it by the Greeks, among whom the term No^dcfcs was applied to pastoral nations in general. Le Clere (ad Genes. 10, 6.) derives the appellation Numidae from the Phoenician Nemoudim, "wanderers/* 2. Mapalia. This term appears to be analogous to our English word "huts." The Numidian mapalia were constructed of reeds and other similar materials, according to Silius Italicus (17, 88.) From Sallust's description they would seem to have resembled the dwellings of many barbarous tribes of the present day. The ancient writers make mention also of Numidian magatia. According to some, the magatia were fixed abodes, forming villages and towns ; whereas the mapalia were moveable dwellings, and were carried about on wagons according as this nomadic race changed their place of residence. Mapalia has the first syllable short, but magalia long. Servius makes the true orthography of the latter magaria t and derives the word from the Phoenician magar, equivalent as he informs us, to the Latin " villa." 3. Incurvis laterihis tecta. " Formed of sloping sides meeting at the top in a roof." — Carinae. " The hulls." 4. Sub sole magis. " More under the sun," i. e. nearer the equator. — Ab ardoribus. " From the heats of the torrid zone." — Hique. Referring to the Medes and Armenians united with the Libyans. — Freto. " Merely by a strait." Understand tantum. 5. Mauros pro Mcdis adpellantes. This etymology is of no value. Bochart, with more probability, deduces the name Mauri from the Phoenician Mauharim, meaning " the farthest people," for after the Mauri came the Western ocean. 6. Nomine Numidae. " Under the name of Numidians." Their new name. — Propter multitudxuem. " In consequence of an over- flowing population." — Quae, proxume Carthaginem. " Which, lying in the immediate vicinity of Carthage." The student will note the construction, loca, quae .... appcllatur. The relative here agrees with the following word in the singular, in place of that verb being put in the plural. It is the usual practice of Cicero to connect the relative in agreement or gender with a following word. Some grammarians term this the Greek construction. 7. Utrique. Referring to the parent state of the Numidians, and to the colony that went forth from it. — Hi, qui ad nostrum, &c. Referring to the colony alone. — Quia Libyes, &c. The reason assigned by Sallust for the more rapid growth and the greater repu- tation of the colony is, that they encountered in the Libyans a foe of 140 NOTES TO THE Page. 14 no g*^ power and of no very warlike habits. Hence they soon made themselves conspicuous by the conquest of these. Whereas the parent state, though it had become in some degree united with the Gaetuli by intermarriage, yet still found in many tribes of that nation very powerful opponents, who prevented by their continual hostilities any very rapid increase of national strength. It will be perceived that Sallust, in the course of this history, makes the Gaetuli a distinct people from the Numidians, so that the union to which he refers could not have been a very strong or extensive one. 8. Pars inferior. Referring to the part " nearer the sea," i. e. the shores of the Mediterranean. — Concessere. " Became merged." — Imperantium. " Of their conquerors." The imperantes are the members of the colony, the victi omnes are the Libyans. 9. Originibus. " To their parent states," i. e. the cities of Phoenicia, from which the colonies that founded them had come. 10. Ad Catabathmon. "Beginning with the Catabathmus." More literally, " On the side of the Catabathmus." The Catabath- mus, it will be remembered, was made, in the 17th chapter, the eastern limit of Africa, by which arrangement Egypt became part of Asia. — Secundo mari. "And following the seacoast." 11. Thereon. The Greek genitive plural (QnpaTuiv) Latinized, and put for the more common Latin form Theracorum. The The- reans were the natives of Thera. Consult Geographical Index. 12. Leptis. The city of Leptis Magna is here meant. The one alluded to in the beginning of the chapter is Leptis Parva. 13. Philaenon arae. " The altars of the Philaeni." We have here the Greek genitive plural ($i\aiv "Possessed of foresight enough," i. e. for a military commander. 2. Animus aegcr avaritia. " His spirit, corrupted by avarice, un- derwent an easy change." — Socius et administer. " As an accom- plice and agent. "—Ex factionc. " Of his own party."— Impugnarcrat. " He had opposed." — Pecuniae. " Of the bribe," that was offered. 3. Redimcbat. "Purchased." More literally, " bargained for." — De omnibus pactiombus. "About a general treatv." More lite- rally, "about all the stipulations (or articles) of a treaty." 4. Fidei caussa. " For the sake of inspiring Jugurtha with confi- dence," i. e. as a pledge of good faith. — Species. " The pretence." — Quaniam deditionis mora, &c. " Since a truce was prevailing by reason of the delay necessarily consequent on a surrender,'' i, e. a truce was prevailing until a surrender, which of course occupied some time, should be made by Jugurtha. JUGURTHINE WAR. 147 Page. 5. Praesenti consilio. " In presence of the council of war." 20 The Roman military council was composed of the lieutenant-gene- rals, and the tribunes of the soldiers, together with the oldest cen- turion in the legion, the commander-in-chief presiding. — De invidia fucti. " Concerning the odium to which his conduct had given rise," i. e.. for the purpose of exculpating himself from the odium to which, &c. 6. Quasi per saturam, ai, i/ Kriofthovg drvyrjcai. 10. Vnulica?idum in eos, &c. Understand censco before, and esse after, tindicandum. "My opinion is, that punishment should be inflicted upon those," &c. — Non manu ncquc vi. *' Not by the hand of force, nor by open violence." — Quod masris fecisse, &c. " Which would be more unbecoming for you to have done, than to have happened unto them," i. e. a mode of punishment which they deserve, but which it does not become your dignity as a people to inflict. — Quacstionihis. " By public prosecutions." JUGURTHINE WAR. 151 Page. 11. Qui si dediticius est, &c. A dilemma. The surrender in 22 question is either real or unreal. If real, the Numidian will come in obedience to your command ; if unreal, he will not come ; but then his absence will form the strongest testimony against those whom we wish to convict by his evidence when present. 1. Ilia. By ilia tempora he means the period immediately sub- 2*? sequent to the slaughter of the Gracchi, when every thing was in the hands of the aristocracy. By haec tempora he designates the present moment, when the people are beginning to be aroused to an asserting of their rights. 2. Leges, jura. "Laws, justice." The term leges here em- braces every thing relating to the administration of the state ; and jura, on the other hand, the rights and privileges of private citizens, which rely for support on the impartial dispensing of jus- tice. — Bella, paces. The control of war and peace is here meant. Paces, in the plural number, is not very frequent in its occurrence, though used, notwithstanding, by some of the best writers. Compare Horace, (Ep. 1, 3, 8.) "Bella quis et paces longum diffundit in aevum." 3. Vos autem, &c. He addresses the plebeians merely, but, in order to animate them the more, he speaks to them as if they formed the true and the whole Roman people, " populus Romanus." 4. Atque ego. A transition to the danger which threatens unless the guilty be punished. — Casura essct. " Would be likely to end." 5. Quantum importunitatis habent. Complete the construction as follows : Pro tanta import unit ate quantum importunitatis habent. " Such is their overbearing insolence." Precisely analogous to this is the use of the relative in such phrases as the following : " Quae tua est virtus expugjiabis," i. e. ea virtute, quae virtus tua est, expugnabis. " Such is your valour," &c. So again, " cujus est, hnitatis Galba promisit.^ M Galba, with his usual lenity, pro- mised," i. e. ea lenitate cujus est lenitatis. 6. Deinde faciundi. "Of acting so again," i. e. of repeating their misconduct. — Aut serviundum esse. " That you must either remain slaves." — Per manus. " By force." 7. In tarn divorsis mentibus. " Between minds actuated by such opposite sentiments." — Peculatus aeram. u Embezzlement of the public money." The speaker is endeavouring to show the full enormity of the conduct of Bestia and Scaurus, by comparing it with acts of a flagrant nature on the part of others, but which sink, by the side of the former, into comparative insignificance. 8. Consuetudine. " From the influence of custom." Compare the words assigned to Cato, in the 52d chapter of Catiline : " Sint 152 NOTES TO THE Page 23 sane i quoniamitase mores habent, liberales ex sociorum fortunis-." — Hosti accrrumo. Jugurtha. — Imperiumvcstrum. " Your power," i. e. your dignity and independence as a people. 9. Quae nisi quaesita erunt. u And unless these things shall be inquired into." — Id est re gem esse. The more usual form of ex- pression would be rex esse, but we may suppose eum to be under- stood in construction before esse, i. e. eum esse regem. The -term rex is here equivalent to u tyrant." 10. Ad hoc, &c. The idea intended to be conveyed is this : If you punish the bad, you deter from the commission of offences ; and, if offences be not committed, you will seldom need the aid of the good for your protection, and will consequently be under no very strong obligation to bestow favours upon them for their services. 24 \. L. Cassius. He was not long after, when consul, defeated bv the Hclvetii in Gaul. {Lie. Epit. 65.) — Intcrposita fide publico,. " The public faith being pledged for his personal sai\ 2. Quos pecuniae captae arcesscbant. " Whom they accused of having taken money," i. e. who were then under accusation of bribery. Arccsso, strictly speaking, signifies " to send for." M to summon," and has here the force of in jus vocare. We must un derstand after it, in construction, the word criminc, which is some- times expressed, as reneni criminc arccssi. Suet. Tib. 53. 3. Elcphantos. These were the elephants which Jugurtha had surrendered to the Romans, as mentioned in chap. 29. — Pacatis. Understand rcgwnibus. — Agcbant. The student will observe the change of moods in tradcrent, vendor, and agcbtvit. So we have in Catiline (c. 21.) incrcpat, laudarc. and admoncbat, in succession. — Vchtti tabes. " Like some infection." The primitive meaning of tabes is " a wasting malady." The term is here employed figu- ratively to denote the infection or contagion arising from such a disorder. 4. Pcrlata rogationc, &c. M The bill proposed by Caius Mem- mius being carried through," i. e. having become a law. Compare note 7, page 20. — Ex conscicntia. u From a consciousness of guilt." — Quo. In the sense of quoniam. Compare Catiline, chap. 34. " Non quo sibi tanti scclcns conscius,'' where it occurs in the sense of quod, '*» because." — Taris ca tempestate, &c. "Such at that time was the reputation of Cassius." More literally, "such was the opinion entertained at that time of Cassius." 5. Contrm decus regium. u In a manner unbecoming a king." — Cultu quam maxumc miscrabili. "Attired in a way that was calculated as much as possible to excite compassion." Cultu* JUGURTHIXE WAR. 153 Page, refers here not merely to the garb, but to the entire exterior, and the £4 clause might be rendered more freely, " With an exterior that was calculated,*' &c. So among the Romans, an accused person (reus) was wont to change his dress, lay aside every kind of ornament, let his hair and beard grow, and go round in this state to solicit the favour of the people. 6. Magna vis animi. " Great intrepidity," i. e. great firmness of purpose. — Confirmatus. " Being encouraged." Sallust wishes to convey the idea, that Jugurtha not only displayed an intrepid spirit on this occasion, but was moreover encouraged by assurances of aid from his partisans and friends. — Par at. " He secures the assistance of." Literally, " he procures," or makes his own. The regular language of bargain and sale. — Cujus impudentia, &c. " By whose effrontery he would be protected against the arm of justice, as well as all personal violence." 7. De hoste supplicium sumi. " That punishment be inflicted upon him as a public enemy." — Dignitati. Some refer this to the Roman people, others to Memmius. It relates in fact to both, and must be rendered, " for honour." — Confirmare. " Assured them." — Per se. " As far as he could effect this." 8. Verba facit. " He addresses him." — Romae Numidiaque. Some editions have NumuUac, in the genitive, which, although re- ferring to a country, they construe by the rule of names of towns. There are not wanting examples of this construction in other Latin writers. The ablative, however, is neater and more elegant. — Quibus juvantibus, quibicsque ministris. " By whose aid and by whose instrumentality." 9. Corrupturum. " He would ruin." — Pecunia cor r upturn. " Had been bribed." Literally, " had been corrupted (in principle) by money." — Tacere. The verb taceo properly means, to keep silence when one might or should speak, and generally after being ordered or requested so to do. Sileo, on the contrary, is to say nothing, to continue silent, after having been so pre- viously. 1. Terrebat cum. " Sought to terrify him." Eum here refers J£5 to Baebius. A single tribune might in this way, by his veto, or in- tercession, thwart the proceedings of his colleagues, and oppose an effectual barrier to the wishes of the people. Those who did so, however, might afterwards be brought to trial by their colleagues. Tiberius Gracchus, when his colleague Octavius opposed the pas- sage of the Agrarian law, resorted to the desperate expedient of publicly deposing him by the suffrages of the people. %. Quae ira fieri amat. " Which anger is accustomed to employ." 15* 154 NOTES TO THE Page. 25 Literally, " which anger loves to be put in operation." An imitation of the Greek idiom OR caprice." In the absence of positive proof, mere idle rumours and popular feeling were made to supply its place. OQ 1. Mos partium popularium, &c. "The custom of having a popular party, and another in the senate," i. e. the existence of a popular and an aristocratic party. The plural is here employed (partium— factionum) not for the purpose of showing that there were several distinct parties among the people and senate, but that from this time the people and senate respectively formed themselves into parties against each other. As the words mos partium would alone suffice to convey the meaning of Sallust, some editors reject the remainder of the clause popularium, et senati factionum. 2. Malarum artium. " Evil practices." — Paucis ante annis. Carthage had been destroyed thirty-five years before the breaking out of the Jugurthine war. — Metus hostilis. " Fear of their enemies." Put for metus hostium. — Scilicet. Used here as an explanatory particle. Hence the clause may be rendered as folio " Those effects which prosperity is accustomed to produce, licen- tiousness, namely, and pride, came naturally upon them," i. e. licentiousness and pride, the usual attendants of prosperity, natu- rally made their appearance. 3. Asperius acerbiusque fuit. Understand quam ipsae res adversae fuerant. " Proved a harsher and more galling visitation than adversity itself had been." The res adversae allude to the reverses in the second Punic war. 4. Dignitatem, &c. What grammarians call a zeugma takes place in lubidinem, which has one meaning when connected with dignitatem, and another with Ubcrtatem. Render the whole clause as follows : " For the nobility began to convert their high rank into an instrument of tyranny, the people to degrade their freedom into licentiousness." 5. Ducere, trahere, rapere. u Dishonestly acquired, dragged away, made plunder of, every thing." These words, arranged as they are in the text, are employed to express the progress of corrup- tion, commencing with dishonest and clandestine practices, and rising gradually to bold and unpunished violence. — Factione m pollebat. "Were more powerful as a party." They possessed a better party-organization. — Soluta atque dispersa in muUitudinc. " Disunited, and scattered amid a large number." They possessed nu- merical strength, but wanted union and close political consolidation. 6. Agitabatur. Used impersonally. " Affairs were managed." — Gloriae. " Public distinction." — Intcrea parentcs, 6cc. Com- pare Horace, Ode. 2, 10, 23, seqq. — Pollucrc. They spared divine things as little as human. JUGURTHIXE WAR. 159 Page. 7. Nihil pensi, neque sancti habere. " It regarded nothing, it OQ esteemed nothing sacred. 8. Ex nobilitate. Alluding to the two Gracchi, who were of the gens Cornelia. Cortius regards these words as a mere gloss, in- correctly, as we conceive. — Permixtio chilis, &c. " A civil com- motion, like a parting asunder of the earth." 9. Quorum majores. Tiberius and Caius Gracchus were grand- sons, on the side of their mother Cornelia, of the elder Afric anus. — Vindicare plebem in liber t ate m. " To assert the freedom of the commons." — Societatis. The equites, placed between the patri- cians and plebeians, as a kind of connecting link, were in general dissatisfied with this intermediate rank, and had a strong inclination for an alliance with the nobilitv and admission to senatorian honours. — Actionibus. " The proceedings." 1. Tiberium. For an account of the Gracchi, consult Histo- 30 rical Index. — Eadem ingrcdientcm. "Entering upon the same career," i. e. aiming at the restoration of popular rights, and the passage of an agrarian law. — Coloniis deduccndis. " For planting colonies." Colonies were commonly led out and planted by three commissioners, (tnumviri). Sometimes five, ten, or more were appointed. The people determined in what way the lands were to be divided, and to whom they were to be assigned. The new co-r lony inarched to its destined place in the form of an army, wit!) colours flying. 2. Bono vinci satins est. " It is better for a good man to be over- come by his opponents." — Malo more. " By unlawful means." — - Multos mor talis ^ &c. " Destroyed many individuals by the sword, or deprived them of all their civil rights by banishment." The verb. exstmxit assumes a new meaning with fern and fuga respectively. 3. Studiis partium. "The violence of party-spirit." — Omnibus cimtatis moribus. "The manners of the state in general." — Pro magnitudine. " In a way commensurate with the vast extent of the subject." — Dcserat. " Would in all likelihood fail." 4. Acri viro. " A man of spirit." — Advorso populi partium. " An opponent of the popular party." Advorso is here taken as a noun. The same construction sometimes prevails with ivavrios in Greek (Matth. G. G. $366.) and contrarius in Latin (Cic. Fin. 4,24.) — Acquabili et inviolata. "Uniform and unimpeachable." As if Sallust had said aequabiliter inviolata apud plebem atque nobili- tatem. 5. Alia omnia sibi cum collega ratus. " Having considered every thing common to himself and his colleague." Understand esse; but not communia also, as some maintain ; for this last seems 160 NOTES TO THE Page. 30 hardly required by the idiom of the language. Sallust does not mean that Metellus neglected the other duties of the consulship, in order to give his whole attention to the war, supposing that his col- league would attend to every thing else : but that he foresaw he could not expect much assistance from him, in these warlike prepa- rations, and therefore paid more attention to them himself, though without neglecting, at the same time, his general duties as a consul. 6. Bello vario. " In a war, exposed to various contingencies." The nature of the country , which was to be the scene of operations, and the character of the foe, are here alluded to. — Ad ea patranda, &c. " For the accomplishment of these things, the allies and the Latin nation, in consequence of a decree of the senate, kings of their own accord, sent aid." — Propter bonas artis. " On account of his excellent qualities." 7. Advorsvm dimtias, &c. " A spirit proof against riches," i. e. not to be subdued by avarice. 8. Sp. Albini pro consulc. Understand agentis, or imperanhs. " Acting (or commanding) in the stead of the consul." Some edi- tions read a Sp. Albino. — Sine wxperio et modestia habitus. " Kept under no discipline or restraint." 31 1. Aestivornm. " Of the summer campaign." Supply castro- rum. We have the full expression in Tacitus {Ann. 1, 16, 2,) M Castris aestivis tres simul legiones habebantur." — Mora. " The postponement." — Intentos. ''Were fixed upon him." — Laborare. " To endure fatigue," i. e. to accustom themselves to the severe training which formed so conspicuous a part of Roman discipline. 2. Quantum temporis, &c. " During as much of the summer campaign as he was in command." Albinus had returned to Africa, and continued to hold the command until the arrival of Metellus. — Stativis castris. " In a standing camp." — Odos. " The stench," arising from so many men and animals remaining long together on the same spot, and in a warm climate. 3. Dcducebantur. In the sense here of diducebantur. Render the clause as follows : " Besides, the watches were not distributed according to military usage." — Lixae. ''The followers of the camp." Cortius makes lixae mean here all manner of disorderly persons. Festus defines the lixae as follows : " Lixae, qui $gt turn sequuntur, quacstus gratia : dicti quod extra ordinem sini tnili- tiae, eisque liceat, quod libuerit. Alii eos a Licha appcllatos dicunt, quod et Hie He rat km sit sccutus: quidam a ligitricmlo quacstum." Nonius explains the name thus : Lixarum propriety haec est, quod officium sustineant militibus aquae rehendae. Lixam namque aquam vcteres vocaverunt ; unde elixum dicimus aqua coctum ." Vossius JUGTJRTHINE WAR. 161 Page, prefers deriving the term from elixare, "to cook," in allusion to Q1 their preparing the food of the soldiers. Independently of its refer- ring to the soldiers' servants and to the sutlers, the name appears to have been occasionally also applied to buffoons. This last mean- ing of the word rests on a passage in Justin, (38, 10,) where, un- der the general name of lixae, are comprehended coqui, pistores, and scenici. Justin is speaking of the army which Antiochus led against the Parthians : u Sed luxuriae non minor apparatus, quam militiae fuit : quippe octoginta millia armaiorum secuta sunt trecenta millia lixarum, ex quibus coquorum, pistonim, scenicoi-umque, major numerus fuit" 4. Villas. " Country-seats." — Panem mercari. This was in violation of the strict rules of military discipline. Besides his pay, each soldier received a certain allowance of corn, commonly four pecks (modn) a month. This they were to grind, sift, and prepare for bread themselves, and afterwards bake it with their own hands. The centurions received a double, and the cavalry a triple, allow* ance. (Lipsius, adPolyb. 5. Dial. 16.) 5. Quaecumque ignaviae luxuriaeque probra. " Whatever dis- graceful excesses, the results of idleness and licentiousness." — Et alia amplius. " And others besides." 6. Tanta temper antia, &c. '} Regulated as he was in his deport- ment, with so much moderation, between a desire to gain popularity on the one hand, and rigid discipline on the other," i. e. preserving in his deportment a well-regulated medium between these two ex- tremes. — Namque edicto, &c. Sustulisse, in this clause, and sta- luisse, lower in the sentence, must not be taken for historical infini- tives. They are both governed by comperio understood. — Coctum cibum. " Prepared food." Ne lixae excrcitum sequcrentur. " That no retainers of a camp should follow the army." Compare note 3. — In agmine. " On the march." Agmen (from agere) re- fers to an army or any body of men in motion ; and it sometimes denotes such a body even when unarmed. Exercitus denotes an armv, in the general sense of the term, as trained by exercise. Acies means an army in battle array. Of the three, Exercitus an- swers precisely to our English word " army." 7. Ceteris arte modum statuisse. " That he prescribed strict limits to the rest of the army." Arte is by an archaism for arete. — Transvorsis itineribus. " By cross marches," i. e. deviating from the regular track, and consequently more difficult. His object was to inure the soldiers to fatigue.— Vallo atque fossa. Roman disci- pline was most conspicuous in their encampments. They always pitched a camp, even if they were to remain only one night in a 16* 162 NOTES TO THE Page. O I place. The form of the camp was square. In later ages, in imita- tion of the Greeks, they sometimes made it circular, or adapted it to the nature of the ground. The ditch was usually nine feet deep, and twelve feet broad. The vallum was composed of the earth dug from the ditch, and secured and kept firm by stakes. 8. Circumire. " He went the rounds." In general, certain per- sons were appointed every night to go round the watches, hence called circuitores or circitores. This seems to have been at first done by the equites and tnbuni ; on extraordinary occasions, as in the present instance, by the commander in person, attended by his legati. Subsequently, regular persons were chosen for that pur- pose by the tribuni. (Vcgetius, 3, 8.) 32 *• Confirmavit. " He restored to its former efficient' v." 2. Innocentia. " His incorruptible integrity.'' — Cum sujrpliciis. " With the emblems of submission." By supplicia, in this sense are usually meant branches of olive. The customs, however, of different nations varied in this respect. According to the scholiast on Sophocles, (Oed. T. 3,) petitioners among the Greeks, usually carried boughs wrapped around with fillets of wool. Sometimes the hands were covered with these fillets, not only among the Greeks, but also among the Romans. Hence in Plautus, (Amph. 1, 1, 101,) we have the expression M relatis manibus. % ' 3. Expcrimcntis. " Bv actual trials," i. e. by experience. — Inji- dum, " as faithless." — Legates aliu?7i ab alio, &c. M He addresses himself to each of the ambassadors apart from the others." — Ten- tando. " By tampering with them." — Opportunos. "Fit for his purpose." — Muxumc. " By all means." — Necatum. u After they had assassinated him." 4. Contra belli facicm. " Contrary to the appearance which w T ar usually presents." — Mapalibus. In the 18th chapter of this narrative, Sallust uses the term mapalia to designate huts. Here, however, tuguria evidently has that meaning, and mapalia de- notes "villages." Compare note 2, page 14. — Commeatum por- tarc. " To carry his provisions," i. e. to furnish vehicles for the transportation of his provisions. The advantage resulting to Me- tellus from this offer, would be the releasing the diers from a part of the heavy loads they were accustomed to carrv. The strict rule was, that each soldier should carry provisions for fifteen days. The whole load of a Roman soldier was sixty pounds, ex- clusive of his arms. These last he was taught by active and severe exercise to consider a part of himself. 5. Munito agmine. " With his army guarded against every emergency." — Et insidiis locum tcntari. " And that a spot fit for JUG UR THINE WAR. 163 Page, an ambuscade was sought by the enemy," i. e. that the enemy were *J2 only seeking a spot where they might entrap him, when thrown off his guard by these marks of submission. Most editions read ten- tare. Cortius understands before this last homines quosdam, or something equivalent. Others make tentare the historical infinitive, and refer it to Metellus. According to both these explanations, however, the reading tentare would seem to want spirit. 6. Velitcs. " The light- armed troops." They were first insti- tuted in the second Punic war, according to Livy (26, 4). They did not form part of the legion, and had no certain post assigned them, but fought in scattered parties where occasion required, usually before the lines. — Perniciosior. " More mischievous," or " hurtful." 7. Forum renim venalium, &c. " The most frequented mart, for buying and selling commodities, in the whole kingdom." Sal- lust here, by his use of the term forum, imitates the Roman way of speaking. The word forum, when applied to towns, meant places where markets were held, and where justice also was administered. The reference in the text is to the first part of this meaning, namely Vaga's being a market-town and place of trade. 1. Huic consul, &c. We have here followed the reading of the QQ Bipont edition, which alone appears to afford an intelligible meaning for this much-contested passage. The phrase huic praesidium im- fosuit is the true Latin idiom, though, in translating it into our own, we are compelled to give huic the force of an ablative. The mean- ing of the passage will be as follows : "In this place, the consul stationed a garrison, as well for the sake of trying Jugurtha, as of watching the result of his own plans, in case the advantages which the placo afforded should allow this to be done," i. e. for the sake of sounding the real intentions of Jugurtha, and of ascertaining whether he actually desired peace or was only seeking to lay an ambuscade, and also of watching the result of his own plans for the assassination or seizure of Jugurtha by the ambassadors ; if, upon trial, the place should prove as advantageous for these two objects as he expected it would. 2. Frequcntiam negotiatorum, &c. " That the great number of merchants residing there, would both aid his army with supplies, and be a means of security to the conquests he had already made," i. e. would both readily procure supplies for his army, and, when once they had brought their property into the town for that purpose, would be willing to defend it with him against Jugurtha. We have given commeatu, instead of commeatuum, on the suggestion of a critic in the Journal of Education, No. 11, p. 139. Land. 1833. 164 NOTES TO THE Page. 33 I n place of etiam, the common lection, we have put et jam, in the propriety of which the same critic agrees. 3. Impensius modo. " With greater earnestness now than ever." — Dedere. " He offered to deliver up." — Promissa legatorum. " The fulfilment of their promises on the part of the ambassadors." ) 4. Suis artibus. " By his own arts," i. e. stratagem and decep- tion. — Alienata. " Become the property of another," i. e. fallen into the hands of the enemy. — Ager. " The country." — Animi popu- t larium tentati. " The affections of his subjects tampered with." 5. Quas maxumas copias, &c. The more usual form is quam maxumas, &c. which some editions give. The ellipsis may be re- solved as follows : " Parat copias, quas maxumas potest parare.^ 6. Tractu pari. " Running parallel with the river." — Vastus ah natura, &c. " Left bare by nature and the hand of man," i. e. de- sert and uncultivated. — Quasi collis. " A kind of hill," i. e. an elevation of the soil, resembling a hill. — Humi arido atque arenoso. " In an arid and sandy soil." Understand solo to govern humi, unless, indeed, what is far more probable, humi be here the old form for the dative, (humoi,) with the force of an ablative. Those who are in favour of the ellipsis, however, will find something analagous in Lucretius, where the full form is given, "acre solum terrae" (5. 1288. Comp. 5. 1294.) 7. Media planicics. " The intervening plain," i. e. between the mountain and the river. — Consita arbustis. M Overgrown with un- derwood." — Frequentabantur. J 4 Were filled." More literally, "were crowded." 8. Transvcrso itincrc. " In a cross-direction to the mountain," i. e. at right angles to the mountain. — Extcnuata suorum acie. " Having drawn out his forces into a thin line," i. e. having extend- ed his front as far as possible. 9. Propior montem. Supply ad, and compare Catiline, c. 11. "Quod tamcnvitium propius rirtutcm crat." — Peditcs delcctos. In some editions et peditibus dcleciis. Our reading is more after the manner of Sallust. — Turmas atque manipulos. The expressions turmae and manipuli are here employed by Sallust, either to denote that Jugurtha had introduced the Roman discipline among his troops, or else in accordance with the general custom of Roman writers, who apply to other nations terms and modes of expressions which only suit themselves. 34 1. Decuer'nit. Understand providcri. — Locum superiorcm. Ju- gurtha enumerates four particulars, in which, like a good general, he had provided that his troops should have the advantage. 1. Lo- cum superiorcm. 2. Uti prudetites cum impcrtfis manum consere* JUGURTHIXE WAR. 165 Page. rent. A better knowledge of the country than that possessed by 34 the enemy. 3. Ne pauciores cum pluribus. No inferiority of num- bers. 4. Aut rudes cum hello melioribus. No want of discipline. — Render prudentes, " they, acquainted with the country before- hand." 2. Ut quemque, &c. " As he had distinguished any one, on ac- count of some military exploit, w T ith a gift of money or with promo- tion in the army." 3. Conspicatur. Thus far Sallust has shown us Jugurtha, ac- tively employed among his followers. He now changes the picture, and presents us with Metellus, ignorant of the position of the foe. descending the mountain, and merely observing something that wore an unusual appearance on the neighbouring hill. Hence we see the propriety of conspicatur (" espies something" on the hill) as a reading, instead of the common lection, conspicitur (" is seen" by the enemy). Metellus saw something on the hill, but it was too unde- fined to enable him to ascertain its nature with any kind of certainty until he came nearer. 4. Quidnam insolita fades ostcnderet. " What the strange ap- pearance meant." — Equi Numidaeque. " The Numidians, both horse and foot." Thus equi virique signifies both horsemen and infantry. 5. Incerti, quidnam esset. " Leaving it uncertain what the thing actually was," i. e. not entirely discernible. The tenn incerti refers of course to the Numidians. The adjective certus is derived from cerno and res incerta is nothing more than res non bene et distincte visa. The primitive meaning therefore oiincertus is " about which there is no certainty," " undefined," " not clearly discernible." And it is used so in the present instance. Compare the Greek form of expression, aSr>\oi ri totc tovt' av Inn. 6. Agmcn constitit. " He halted his army." Consisto, although apparently a neuter verb in most cases, is in reality active ; thus constitit, " he stopped," understand se. In the present instance, the accusative agmcn is expressed, and the common reading constituit is not needed. Compare Cacs. B. C. 1, 51. "Afranius copias educit, et in medio colle sub castris constitit.'' 1 7. Commutatis ordinibus. " Having altered the arrangement of his troops." Jugurtha, it will be recollected, had drawn up his forces on the hill, which extended in the direction of the river, and at right angles to the mountain. Metellus was descending this mountain in order to reach the river, and consequently had Jugur- tha's ambuscade on his right flank. Thus far the Roman army would appear, from chapter 46, to have been marching in a single column, 166 NOTES TO THE Page. 34 each legion composing that column being divided, in the usual man- ner, into three ranks of hastati, principes, and triarii. The moment Metellus perceives his danger, he converts his flank into a front, by wheeling the legions out of column into line on the right, and by bringing all the hastati of the several legions into one line ; all the principes into a second line, and all the triarii into a third. The army is then drawn up in three lines, (triplicibus subsidiis,) with its front facing the enemy. But how is it to reach the plain 1 Evi- dently by a flank march on the left, and in this flank march the three ranks become so many files. Each soldier, therefore, when the word is given to continue the march down the mountain, faces to the left and moves on in file. If the enemy attacks them on their march, they face again to the front and oppose them. Compare, in further explanation of this movement, Polybius, (Lips, de Milit. Rom. lib. 5, dial. 12). 'JLireiSav TrpoairiiTTri ri nov Seivuiv, ttotI [ilv trap 1 dairiSa AfXivairff, irori <5' £7rt Sopv. k. t. X. 8. Triplicibus subsidiis. " In three lines. " The term subsidia, which properly denotes " bodies of reserve," is here applied to the several lines, with reference to the mutual support which they afford to each other. 9. Inter manipulos. " In the vacant spaces between the mani- ples." — Transvorsis principiis. " Having converted the front into a flank." Consult note 7. 10. Conficeretur. "Might be distressed." — Transvorsis prae- His. "By attacks on his flank." — Lassitudinem et sitvn, , ;>le cupidity." A metaphor borrowed from a deep tmgnHing whirlpool. Compare Livy (29, 17,) 44 8t tirantiam toft ''/, unam pro- fundam quidcm voragincm tamen pattejitia nostra cxplcrcm 9. Quis omnia That all monarch ) them objects of hostile regard." Quis for quibus, and, as it begins a clause, to be rendered by illis. 10. Turn sesc, &c. M That, at present, he hin. hat. a short time previous, the and also k - had been ; that, for the tune fa - each one appeared very pof ful, so he would he regarded is, :ie Romans." Perse* had been king of Macedonia, and was vanquished and led in triumph by Paulus Aeimlius. 11. Operae pretium fore. Understand sibi. " He would obtain a recompense for his labour," i. e. by making himself master of what was contained in the city. 12. Bocchi pace m imminuerc. " To lessen Bocchus's chance of peace." — Moras amtando. Equivalent to marando. 13. Copnitis Mauris. "After he had made himself acquainted with the character of the Mauri." — Ex commodo. "On advanta- geous terms." p*j 1. Supra bo?ium atque hone stum. * Beyond what was right and becoming." — Fir tg r tg w u in aliis artibus, ) r\v ra irepi rCiv NBytrafatr. " Nicias expected the events in Segesta." (Thucyd. 6, 46.) We have an imitation also in Tacitus, (Agric. 18.) " Quibus bellum volentibus erat, and in chapter 100 of the present narrative. 4. Tanta lubido. u So strong a desire." — Ammis trahebant lt They fancied in their minds." Equivalent to animo fingebant. 5. Exagitandi. " Of inveighing against." — Concwnem. The primitive meaning of concio is, as in the present instance, an assem- bly convened to hear an harangue. Its secondary meaning is an harangue itself. 6. Scio ego, Quirites, &c. " I am well aware, Romans, that most persons do not seek an office from you, and discharge its duties after they have obtained it, in the same character." — Modicos. 14 Modest in their deportment." 7. Contra ca. "The opposite to all this" — Videtur. '-.Ap- pears to be the true course." 8. JViawi, ike. " For it is my opinion, that," &c. Under- stand videtur to govern debere. 9. Neque me fallit, &c. "Nor does it escape my observation, how heavy a burden I am called upon to sustain, in consequence of the signal favour you have conferred upon me." More literally, 44 how heavy a task, &c. together with your very great act of kind- ness." I am well aware, how laborious, at the present juncture, JUGURTHINE WAR. 189 Page, are the duties of that station to which in your kindness you have g£J called me. 10. Opinione, Quirites, asperius est. " Is more difficult, Ro- mans, than is generally supposed." 11. Ad hoc. From this to the end of the sentence, nam alia infirma sunt, Marius seeks to show, how absolutely necessary it is for him to be possessed of integrity and principle, since he wants all those adventitious aids on which the nobility rely for impunity in their guilty career. — Nam alia infirma sunt. " For my other supports are weak." 12. Et Mud intellego. A new argument is here advanced, to show why he must labour strenuously and faithfully in his new office. In order, namely, that he may fulfil the hopes of the good, and disappoint the expectations of the bad. 13. Acquos bonosque. " That the just and the upright." These are flattering epithets purposely applied to the commons. — Quippe bene/acta, &c. " Since the correct discharge of duty, on my part, proves of service to my country." 14. Invadcndi. " Of attack." Some understand me, it is better, however, to take the verb here absolutely, without any special reference to a case. The nobility may be considered, according to the idea of Marius, as watching for an opportunity of attacking both the commons and himself. 15. Ut neque vos capiamini, &c. "That you may not be ensnared, and that they may be disappointed." A thing est frustra, when it is attended with no advantage ; a person est frustra when disappointed in his hopes. 1. Itafui. " I have so lived." Fui is here used in an uncom- p?/» mon sense for aetatcm egi. — Consueta. " Familiar to me." 2. Ante vestra beneficia. u Before I received any favours at your hands." — Accepta mercede. Alluding to the consulship. — Dcscram. " To discontinue." Or, perhaps, the verb is susceptible of a still stronger meaning : u Basely to abandon." 4. Ex Mo globo. " From that throng of nobility." The patricians are here contemptuously designated as a mere crowd or herd. 3. In potestatibus temper are. " To act with moderation in the exercise of authority." — In optumis artibus. " In the most praiseworthy pursuits." — Bcnefacere. "To do what duty de- mands," i. e. the correct discharge of duty. Equivalent to honeste agere. 5. Veteris prosapiae, &c. " Of ancient lineage, and a long line of ancestors, and a total stranger at the same time to all military service." The sense requires a slight pause between et and nulling 190 NOTES TO THE Page. gg stipendii, in order to excite expectation on the part of the hearer, and make the contrast more striking. In explanation of the phrase multarum imaginum, consult note 1, page 3. 6. Ignarus omnium. " Ignorant of all things, that a good com- mander ought to know." — Trepidet, fcstinet. " He may, when called on to act, be plunged into the greatest confusion, may hurry to and fro. 7. Homines praeposteri. " Preposterous creatures." Praepos- terus is compounded of prae and posterns, i. e. " qui prima in posteriori loco ponit." The term homines is here used to denote strong contempt. 8. Nam gcrere, quam fieri, &c. After gerere understand con- sulatum, and after fieri, consulcm. The whole clause may be ren- dered as follows : " For the discharge of the duties of the consul- ship, though posterior, in point of time, to the being elected consul, is in reality prior to it, as regards the truth itself and the advantages resulting to the state." The idea intended to be conveyed is this : In strictness of language, no one can be said to hold a station, the consulship, for example, until he is appointed to it by the suffrages of the people. Ami \et, if we take into consideration the faithfui discharge of official duties, and the advantages thence resulting to the state, we must admit that qualifications and experience are prior in the scale of importance to the mere formal appointment to office. In a word, they alone are true consuls, who are qualified to dis- charge correctly the duties of the consulship, when they pi\ themselx the people as candidates for that high station; and the administration of such men only will prove beneficial to the state. 9. Generosissumum. " The noblest.'' Compare the language of the poet, " Virtue alone is true nobility." 10. Quid responsuros credit is, &c. " What answer do vou believe they would make, but that they would have desired the worthiest to be their sons.'' — Ex virtute. u From merit." 11. Ne, ill i falsi sinit. "Yes! widely Jo they err." Ntwma p?*y archaism for Me, which comes from the Greek vat. 1. Ignaritie roluptatem. M The pleasure arising from the indul- gence of effeminacy." 2. Quod contra est. u The reverse of which is the case." lion literallv, "which is contrary to the fact." 3. Postcris lumen est. u Sheds a light over their posterity." Lux, strictly speaking, is the light itself, and lumeri, the body which imparts the light. — Hujuscc rci inepiam pat tor. Alluding to his want of illustrious anrestrv. JUGURTHIXE WAR. 191 Page. 4. Ex aliena virtute. " From the merit of others," i. e. of their 57 ancestors. 5. Aliunde Mis facundam, &c. " They will have abundance of eloquent and studied language at command." 6. In maxumo vestro beneficio. "After the very ample favour which you have bestowed upon me." — Ne quis modestiam, &c. " Lest any one might construe my forbearance into a consciousness of guilt." 7. Ex animi sententia. " As I am well persuaded." 8. Quippe vera, ccc. " Since a true one must necessarily speak well of me ; my life and character confute one that is false." Necesse est ut vera oratio praedicet bene de me. 9. Vestra consilia. " Your measures," i. e. in electing me consul. 10. Fidei caussa. " For the sake of inspiring you with confi- dence. 11. Hastas, vexillum, &c. These were among the rewards of bravery bestowed by the Roman commanders on such as had dis- tinguished themselves. The hasta was a spear, without any iron head, and hence called hasla pura. The vexillum was a streamer on the end of a lance or spear, of different colours, with or without embroidery. The phalerae were trappings, or ornaments for horses, and also for men, worn commonly on the breast. 12. Relicta — ilia — quae. These are plurals referring to imagines et nobilitas. In translating, say : " things, not left to me by inherit- ance," &c. 13. Non sunt composita, &c. " My language (they say) is un- polished : for that I care little." — Illis artificio opus est, &c. " They have need of artful and studied language, that they may hide their infamy beneath a specious covering of words." 14. Xeque Utteras Graecas didici, &c. " Nor have I learned the language of Greece. I felt little inclination to learn it, since it has proved of no advantage to those who are its teachers, in making them braver men." Alluding to the subjugation of Greece by the Romans. " Marius," observes Plutarch, " neither learned to read Greek, nor would ever make use of that language upon any serious occasion : thinking it ridiculous to bestow time on learning a language of which the teachers were slaves. And when, after his second triumph, at the dedication of a temple, he exhibited shows to the people in the Grecian manner, he barely entered the theatre and sat down, and then immediately departed." Plutarch justly ascribes, to this neglect of the softening qualities of literary pursuits, the excesses which stained the character of Marius. 192 NOTES TO THE Page. 5*7 15. Praesidia agitare. "To guard." Compare the remark of Cortius : " Praesidium agitare nihil aliud est quam pratsidio esse, vel frumentantibus, vel impedimentis, vel urbi oppugnatae." gg 1. Neque illos arte colam, &c. "Nor will I treat them with severity of discipline, myself with indulgence." 2. Hoc est utile, &c. " This is an exercise of authority produc- tive of benefit to the state ; this, such as one citizen should put in practice towards another." In explanation of the peculiar meaning of civile in this passage, compare Livy 6. 40 : — " Scrmo est minime civilis ;" and Crevier's note : — " Sermo est qui minime deccat ares, memores se cum civibus agere, qui pari jure libertaiis fruuntur, in quos minime liceat imperioso genere scrmonis uti." 3. Tutc. The pronoun. " When you yourself live in luxurious indulgence, to compel your army to the performance of their duty by severity of punishment, this is to be a tyrant, not a commander " AVith esse understand te, so that dominut.i and impcratorcm may be accusatives after the verb. 4. Quia pa rum. snte, &c. " Because I furnish out an entertain- ment with little elegance, and keep no buffoon nor cook of higher price than my steward : charges which I am perfectly willing to ad- mit." The term histrw, which here denotes a buffoon ker:t for the amusement of the company, is a general appellation, among other Roman writers, for an actor. Livy makes the word of Etrurian origin : — M Quia hister Tusco verbo ludw tocubatur, nomen histrioni- bus inditum." {Lit. 7. 2.) Festus is undoubtedly wrong in sup- posing that they were so called because I originally from Histria : — " Histrwnes died quod j>nmum ex IfiflrNl venerint." In relation to the inroads of luxury among the Romans, compare 1 39. 6 : — M Luxuriac emm peregrinae origo ab exeratu Asmtico {Manlii Vulsonis, A. U. C. 568) invecta M urbcm est. Ii pnmum lectos acratos, vestem stragulam pretwsam, plagulas ct alia tei et quae turn magmfirae supcllectilts habebantur, monopodia ct aba- cos, Romam advexerunt. Turn psaltnac sambucistnacquc, ct ccmriralia hulionum oblcctamenta addita epulis. Epulae quoquc ipsae rt cura et sumptu major e apparari cocptae. Turn coquus, vilissimum anhquts manapium, et aestimationeet usu inprctioesse ; et quod ministenum fucrat, ars haben coepta. Vix tamen ilia, quae turn conspicicbantur, serntna crant tuturac luxw 5. Sanctis rins. •* Other venerable men." — Munditias. "Ef- feminate indulgences 6. Ament, potent. " I^et them indulge in licentious pleasure, in wine." — Ubi. Equivalent to M qnibus ambus, zn.1 itn to m tllis. JUGURTHINE WAR. 193 Page. ?. Sudorem, pulverem, &c. Every thing here is calculated to gg excite the bitterest feelings against a corrupt nobility. 8. Cladi sunt. "They bring ruin upon." — Mores met. "A regard for my own character." — Illorum flagitia. An enumeration of their disgraceful excesses would require a much longer discourse. 9. Avarttiam, imperitiam, superbiam. By these three words three commanders are designated. Avaritia refers to Bestia, impe- riha to Albinus, and supcrbia to Metellus. 1 . Militaris aetas. The military age, as has already been re- KCk marked, commenced at 17 and ended generally at 46. 2. Mequc vosque, &c. Marius means that he will, in every in- stance, desire his troops to act no otherwise than as they see him act. 3. Omnia matura sunt. " All things are ripe for the harvest." — Quae si dubia y &c. An argument a fortiori. Even if victory, spoil, glory, were not within our grasp, still it would become all good men to take np arms and aid their country. How much more so then when victory is ripe for the harvest \ — Dccebat. For decereU The indicative is employed to give an air of greater certainty to the clause. 4. Ncque quisquam parens, &c. The idea is borrowed from Plato, (Metux. 20,) Ov yap aQavarovs acpiri iratSag ev^ovro yeviodai, dXA* ayadovi teal fiffXctff* 5. Ex classibus. By the institution of Servius Tullius, the Ro- man people were divided into six classes, according to the valuation of their property. The richest were placed in the first class, from which there was a regular progression, as respected wealth and dig- nity, down to the lowest or sixth class. The members of this class formed the great bulk of poorer citizens, and were denominated capite censi, from having no fortune, but being " rated by the head." At first, none of the lowest class were enlisted as soldiers, except in dangerous emergencies. The alteration introduced by Marius may be regarded as one of the chief causes of the ruin of the republic. 6. Capite censos plerosquc. " Principally from the poorest citi- zens." Compare preceding note. — Bonorum. " Of the better class." Boni is here equivalent to ditiores. 7. Quod ab eogenerc, &c. " Because he had been extolled, and advanced to office, by that class of persons," i. e. he owed to them, first his reputation, and then his advancement. 8. Cum pretio. " If attended with profit to themselves." 9. Expletis. " Being filled up." — Agrum. " A tract of country." — Cetcrum levia, &c. We have adopted the reading suggested by Cortius. The common text has ceterum alia levia aliis locis facere. 19 194 NOTES TO THE Page: QQ 1. Divorsi. " Separating/'— Effusos. " When scattered about the country." Equivalent to palantes. 2. Laetissumis anvnis excipitur. " Is received with the most joyful feelings." Consult Historical Index, for an account of the subsequent career of this nobleman. 3. Nihil apud se remissum, &c. " He allowed no remissness in his own army nor security in those of the kings." Literally, " no remissness with himself, nor security with them. — Ex sociis nostris. Referring to the cities and communities of Numidia which had surrendered to the Roman arms, and were now regarded as a kind of allies. 4. Armis cxucrat. " Had stripped of his arms," l. e. had com- pelled to fly with the loss of his arms. 5. Belli pat randi. " Calculated to bring the war to a close." Scheller and other grammarians would here understand negotia esse, making nrgotui govern the genitive belli patrandi expressed. The simpler way, however, would be merely to understand esse, in the sense of belonging to, appertaining to, &c. and let the genitive belli depend upon this verb. 6. Pro hostibus, &c. " Favourable to the enemy, and most dis- advantageous to himself." — Praesidns 7iudatum. '"Would be stripped of his strongholds." With nudatum supply in. 7. Quo impror u That he might, on a sudden, fall more heavily upon the Romans." Some read accederet, which is far less expressive. — Mubditate ingcmi. u From the fickleness of his disposition." 8. Medioeria. " Operations of no great importance." — Majora et magis aspera adgredi. kt To enter upon greater and more diffi- cult undertakings " Cortius omits inagis before aspera, and insists that the word majora involves also the comparative of the adjective which follows. 9. Hercules Libys. Cicero (X D. 3, 16) makes mention of six different individuals who bore the name of Hercules. He is silent, however, respecting a Libyan Hercules, unless the one whom he mentions second in order, as born of the Nile, and surnamed Aegyptius, be the same. In truth, however, the history of Hercules is a mere fable. Hercules is the sun, and his twelve labours have a direct reference to the twelve signs of the Zodiac. Creuzer has discovered some very striking points of resemblance between Her- ules, Djemschid, Mithras, and Osiris. 10. Immunes. " Free from all taxes." — Leri imperio. " Under a mild government." This circumstance, and the immunity from all tribute would seem to indicate a city of sacerdotal origin. JUGURTHINE WAR. 195 Page. 1. Infesta serpentibus. Silius Italic us makes mention also of g| the African serpents, (1. 211,) and, in his sixth book (v. 146, seqq.) describes the contest between the army of Regulus and a monstrous serpent, near the river Bagradas. 2. Quarum vis. " Whose fury." — Ipsa perniciosa. " Deadly in itself." — Siti magis, &c. Compare Virgil, Georg. 3, 432. 3. Usum belli. " Its importance to the war." — Res. " The enterprise." — Oppidum Thalam. Compare chapters 75 and 76. 4. Jugi aqua. " Affording an unfailing supply of water." — Ce- tera, &c. Understand aqua. " What they used besides was rahv water." 5. In omni Africa, quae agebat. For in omnibus Afri- cams qui agebant (scil. vitam). Cortius reads qui and age- bant, which if extremely harsh after Africa. 6. Salem. Sal is found in the singular as a neuter also. The plural sales is masculine, and signifies witticisms. 7. Illis erat. u Was employed by them." Literally, " food was to them." 8. Tentabatur. " He was threatened." — Arvo. " Tillage." — Quodcumqiic iiatum fuerat. M Whatever had been produced from the fields," i. e. all the grain. 9. Pro rei copia. " Considering all circumstances." — Agendum. " To be driven on." 10. Se praedabundum, &c. "He adds, that, after pillaging the country, he will come thither at the end of a few days." Literally, u that he, pillaging the country, (i. e. at present,) will come there after a few days." Understand dicit. The form in bundus has the general force of a present participle, with the meaning somewhat strengthened. Pracdabundus here denotes an active system of pillage. 11. Centurias. Referring to the infantry, turmas to the cavalry. ~—Aequaliter. " In equal proportion," i. e. according to their respective numbers. 1. Proxuma. Understand node. — Tumulosum. " Covered with gg hills." These hills would conceal his forces from the view of the people of Capsa, until the cavalry and light-armed troops could strike the first blow. 2. Res trepidae. " The consternation into which they were thrown." 3. Id f acinus. " This act of severity." Sallust, in what follows, makes a poor excuse for the conduct of the Roman commander. — Coercitum. " Capable of being kept in subjection." Coercitum, if the reading be correct, has here the force of coercendum. Compare 196 NOTES TO THE Page. ft*2 tne remarks of Cortius, (ad loc.) and Perizom'us, (ad Sanctii Mm. 1, 15). Still, however, the whole clause is very suspicious. If coercitum be taken as the simple participle of the passive voice, with the preteritive meaning (" kept in subjection,") it may well be asked, when had the inhabitants of the place proved faithless to the Romans 1 If, on the other hand, coercitum be taken for cotrcendum, the Capsensians are punished on anticipation merely ! For the Romans as yet know nothing about them. The only way to obviate the difficulty, is by supposing that the allusion in genus kominum, &c, is to the race of Numidians generally. 4. Omnia, non bene, &c. We have adopted the reading of the Bipont edition, which has the authority of some manuscripts in its favour. Cortius and many subsequent editors read, Omnia non bene consvlta in virtutcm trahebantur. Our lection, however, appears decidedly preferable, if we only take virtutcm in its more extended sense, " military talents." 5. Modesto impeno. " Under a gentle command." — Deorum nutu. " By the will of the gods," i e. their special interposi- tion. 6. Deserta. " Abandoned by their inhabitant- 7. Adaliam rem adgreditur. An mutation of earlier Latinity. The common texts omit ad. Render, " He advances to another enterprise." 8. Non eadem aspcritafc, A:c. M Not marked by the same hazard- ous features as that against the Capsensiai 9. Inter ccteram planitiem. "In the midst of a plain." There was only a single mountain, the rest was one entire plain. — Satts patens. M Sufficiently large on the top." {J3 1- Omnis. In the sense of tot us. Understand mow*. — Xatura. The ablative, and opposed to opere et eonsulto. 2. Importunus. " Unfit for." — Iter eastellanorum. " The path by which the inhabitants of the castle went and came," i. e. the path leading to it. 3. Pro opere. M In front of the works." Either to defend them against the sallies of the enemy, or to attempt the walls by scaling. By the works are here meant the nneae. — Iniquitatem loci. Re- ferring to the steepness and narrowness of the path. — Intra rinea*. We have here adopted the emendation of Glareanus, trt/ra, in the place of inter. The sense requires intra rineas, u under the shelter of the rineae. 4. Administrare. ''To labour." — Optumus quisque. ''The bravest." 5. Anxius trahere cum animo. " Anxiouslv debated with him- JUGURTHIXE WAR. 197 Page, self." — Omitteretne. " Whether he should give over." — Fortunam. (J3 " The interposition of fortune." 6. Aestuans. " In the greatest perplexity." Literally, " boil- ing '' with vexation. — Quidam Ligus. The Ligurians were accus- tomed to a mountaineer-life, (Flor. 2, 3,) which makes the narra- tive of the historian the more probable. 7. Avorsumpraeliantibus. " On the side opposite to that where the two parties were contending." — Cochlcas. Snails were held in high repute, as an article of food, among the ancients. Those of Africa were particularly prized. (Plin. H. N. 9. 56.) 8. Solitudinem intcllexit. " He perceived that he was com- pletely alone." He saw no traces of any human being. — Ignara. In the sense of ignota. Compare Aulus Gellius, 9, 12. 9. Paullulum modo prona, &c. " Bending a little downward at first, then taking a turn and growing upward, a direction to which their nature causes all vegetable productions to tend." Cuncta gigncntium put for quaecumque terra gignuvtur. 10. Castelli planitiem perscribit. " Reconnoitres the platform of the fortress." With perscribit understand animo. 11. Eadem. Supply via. — Tcmcre. " Heedlessly," or "care- lessly." 12. Ex praesentibus . Understand quosdam. — Paullum arrcctus. " Somewhat aroused." The distinction between paullum and parum should be noted by the student. Paullum means " a little," parum '•little." Thus paullum pecuniae, "a little money," "some money ;" but parum pecuniae, " little money," hardly any. 1. Tubicinum et cor?iicinum. " Of trumpeters and cornet- r** blowers." 2. Ex praecepto. " According to the instructions of Marius." — Pcrgit. Understand Ligus. — Mi quae ccnturiis praerant. A cir- cumlocution merely for centuricmes. Cortius, however, suspects that there is something wnrong in the text. — Duce. " Their guide," the Ligurian. 3. Prospectus nisusque per saxa. " The view before them, and their clambering over the rocks." — Pondcris gratia. "For the sake of lightness." Literally, " on account of their weight," which was much less than that of the ordinary shield. — Et offensa quo lexius strcperent. " And that, when struck against any thing, they might make the less noise." Might less loudly resound. 4. Vetustate. " Through age." — Laqueis vinciebat. " Bound with cords," i. e. fixed cords about. — Quibus adlevati. "Be- ing aided by which." — Levare manu. " He assisted with his hand." 19* 198 NOTES TO THE Page. Q A 5. Dubia nisu. " Dangerous to be attempted." Nisu is the old dative. — Potissumus tentarc. " He tried first of all." — Digre- diens. " Stepping aside." 6. Testudine acta succedere. " Having formed a testudo, ad- vanced to the walls." The soldiers formed a testudo by joining their shields over their heads and on their sides, so as to resemble the shell of a tortoise (testudo). This was done as a defence against the missiles of the enemy. 7. Jugurthae servxtium. Equivalent to scrvitutem apud J tham. 8. Fugere. Supply intra muros. (J5 1. Sauciare. They merely wounded their opponents, and then hastened on to take the fortress. — Pracda. The nominative. — Ex culpa. " From a fault," i. e. from his very imprudence. 2. L. Sulla. Consult Historical Index. — Quos. Referr equites which is implied in cquitatu. Some editions have quod, "because," qualifying relictus crat. — Res admonuit. " My sub- ject has led me to make mention." — Dc naiura cultuque ejus. his disposition and habits." 3. I. An historian, of the Cornelian family. Con- sult Historical Index. — Parum libera ore. M With but little I dom," i. e. with not sufficient political freedom. 4. Gcntis patnemc. He belonged to the Cornelian house or line. — Exsttnrtd. " Sunk ui complete obscuri; the degeneracy." 5. Otio luxurioso. " Of debauched habits, in the intervals of leisure." He kept company, according to Plutarch, with mii.. jesters, &c, and went with them to even* excess of licentious and riot : and, though at other times a man of business, he would change instantly whenever he had company, and begin a carousal. 6. Nisi quod, &c. " Except that he might have had more re- gard for his own character in matrimonial affairs." Sylla, according to Plutarch, was five times married ; but, during all these mv. still indulged in libidmous attachments. On dedicating the U of his substance to Hercules, he gave a magnificent entertain:. to the people. In the midst of this feasting, which lasted many days, his fourth wife, Metella, sickened and died. As the pin forbade him to approach her, and to have his house defiled with mourning, (an artifice, probably, of his own,) he sent her a bill of divorce, and ordered her to be carried to another house while the breath was still in her body. A few months afterwards, he espoused Valeria, the sister of Hortensius the orator, who had managed to attract his attention in the theatre, by her personal beauty and artful JUGURTHINE WAR. 199 Page behaviour. Yet, according to Plutarch, though she was a female of (Jg great accomplishments and respectability, he still continued his intercourse with actresses and female musicians, and sat drinking whole days with a company of buffoons. A loathsome disease soon after put a period to his existence. 7. Amicitiafacilis. " Accommodating in his friendships." Ever ready to oblige his friends. — Ad simulanda negotia, &c. " The depth of his soul was incredible, for concealing from others his secret plans." 8. Ante civilem victoriam. " Previous to his success in the civil wars." Alluding to the contest between himself and Marius. He assumed the title of Felix, after his success had been consummated by the overthrow of the younger Marius. Consult Historical Index. — Industi < aim. ft His merit." The reference is to the active exercise of talent. — Postea quae fecerit. Alluding to his excesses in the civil contest. 9. Sollcrtissumus omnium. " The most accomplished soldier of all." — In paucis tempcstatibus, for parvo tempore. 10. Acs mutuum. " Borrowed money." — PH. Put for sibi. When no ambiguity is to be apprehended, is and Hit are sometimes put for sui. Thus, Cats. B. G. 1,5 : — " Persuadcnt Rauracis, uti, eodem usi consilio, una cum us projiciscantur." Here Us is put for sc. So Quintilian : — " Non petit, ut ilium miserum putetis" where ilium miserum is for sc miserum. (Crombie, Gymn. vol. 2, p. 85.) 11. Mult us axles sc. The adjective for the adverb. (Zumpt. L. G. p. 235. 3d ed.) — Manu. " In action." — Quis rebus. Tot qui- bus rebus. 1. MuL'/nnn pecutiiam. " A large portion of his treasure." QQ 2. Dubium belli, &c. u That he, undecided what course to pur- sue, was weighing the arguments for war and peace." — Ipsique Mauro. Bocchus. — Intcgris suis jinibus. " Without any loss of territory." His dominions being restored to him. 3. Vix (Irrima, &lc. Die is here the old genitive. Aulus Gellius (9. 14) makes mention of this very passage of Sallust, and con- siders die a genitive not an ablative. It would appear from his re- marks, that some of his contemporaries made die equivalent to ex dit. 4. Nullo. The old dative. The early writers, whom Sallust here imitates, sometimes declined such adjectives as nullus, solus, &c, regularly. (Rudd. L. G. vol. 1, p. 53. ed. Stalb.) 5. Sarcinas colligere. All the baggage was collected into one place before an engagement. 6. Quivit. The verb queo is weaker in meaning than possum, and expresses mere possibility under existing circumstances. Thus 200 NOTES TO THE Page. gg we cannot say, quire vlurimum, nor quoad queo, but posse plurimum, and quoad possum. So again, " Non quco rcliqua scribere, tanta ins lacrymarum est." " I cannot well," &c. Here possum would have been too strong. 7. Non ac'ie. " Not in regular array." Equivalent to non tur- jnis in acicm ordinatis. — Concurrunt. Stronger than incurrunt, the reading of some editions. 8. Latrocimo. " An affair with banditti." — Equites, pedites. Alluding to the Romans and Numidians. 9. Contra advorsos. " Against those in front," i. e. those facing them. 10. Norique, ct ob ea, &c. M And the new levies along with them, rendered even in this way more familiar with warfare." If the text be correct, Sallust means to convey the idea, that the new levies, being accustomed to be united with the veterans, (chap. 87,) had learned the art of war by practice and example, and displayed their military experience to ally on the present occasion, being encouraged by the presence and support of the older troops. Hence, ob ca will refer to their having been in the habit of being united with the veterans on previous occasions, and their being again so united in the present instance. It is extremely doubtful, however, whether Sallust wrote what we have given in the text, and what all the editions follow. Cortius retains the common reading, but sug- gests the Mowing, partly from a manuscript lection, and partly from conjecture : — Dcmque Romam rctcrcs, belli scientes, si ftttf, &c. Q'J 1. Cum tunna sua. This troop of cavalry answered the purpose of a bodv-guard, or cohort praetoria. — Manu consulere milUibus. " He aided his soldiers by taking a personal share in the fight '* — Impcrarc. M To give any orders," i. e. to discharge the duties of a commander. 2. Noctem pro sc rati. il Having imagined that the night would be in their favour." — Ex copia rerum consilium trahit. M Forms a plan adapted to the nature of the emerge n 3. Pauco munimcnto, Cvc. The singular of patuus is of rare occurrence. "We meet with it in Horact MS,) " for amine pauco" and in Aulus Gellius, (*^0. l t ) *• i>:junas pauco acre dilu Cortius reads, paiua munimcnto quacrcbat. 4. Agitarc. i4 To patrol." Better than agitarc noctem, " to pass the night," as some render it. Nmtem is " during the ni_ 6. Pleno gradu. Accordn the ordinary step was at the rate of twenty miles in five hours, the quickstep, (plcnus gradus,) twenty-four miles in the same time. JUGURTHINE WAR. 201 Page. 6. Effusi. " Without any regular order." Equivalent to nullo Q*J scrvato ardine. 7. Ipsi duces. Jugurtha and Bocchus. — Feroces. " Highly elated." 8. Uti per vigilias solebant. It was customary at the end of each watch to sound the trumpets, in order to call out those who were to stand guard in turn. 9. Ita. " To such a degree." — Strepitu, clamor e. " By reason of the uproar, the shouting." 1. In hiberna. Supply proficiscitur . A similar ellipsis occurs in Livv, (41, 3,) " Turn dcmum nuncius ad tcrtiam legwnem revo- gg candamet Gallorum pracwdium." Understand missus est. So also Florus, (3, 10.) " Rcversus igitur in Galliam classe majore, auc- tisque admodum copiis, in eumdem versus occanum." Understand it 2. Quad rata agnane. The agmen quadralum of the Romans was a right-angled parallelogram, not a square. Qwidrato agmine may therefore be rendered, M with his army in column." Compare the words of Salmasius, (de Re Mil. Ram. c. 10, p. 103, edit. Lvdg. 1657,) " Quadratum agmen nan dicitur, cujus latitudo acqualis sit in omncs adspectus longitudini ; scd quod frontem habet recta linea cxaequatam et ad eitremitates angulos rcctos. r So also hard. (Mcmoircs crit. et histor. sur Us antiquites militaxres t vol. 1, p. 195,) M La figure ressembloit a une parallelogrammc quelconque a angles droits." 3. Apud dextumos. " On the extreme right." — Practerea cohortes Ligurum curabat. " Had charge also of the cohorts of the Ligu- riant". — Manlms is the nominative to curabat. The meaning is, that Manilas, besides the slingers and archers, commanded also the Ligurians. — Primos et extremos. " In the front and rear." A. Minume cari. M Whose lives were least valued." — Quasi nullo imposito. u Ai if no one were placed over them by him," i. e. as if no share of the command were committed to any other. — Merentu, M Those who were deserving of either," i. e. as each deserved commendation or blame. 5. Ncquc secus, &c. " Nor was he less careful in fortifying his camp, than he had been in prosecuting his march." — Excubitum. " To keep watch there." 6. Non dtffidcns ca futura, &c. " Not so much from any dis- trust, on his part, that the orders he had given would not be obeyed, as," &e. We have here followed the Bipont reading. Cortius gives, non diffidcntiafuturi quae, &c, and completes the sentence thus, non diffidentia futuri ejus omnis quae, &c, making quae plural, on account of the plural import of omnis. Few will approve of such an explanation. NOTES TO THE Page. 68 **' Uti militibus, &c. m That their toils, being shared by their commander, might be cheerfully endured by the soldiers at large. " We have here another instance of the Greek construction, ex- plained in note 3, page 55. 8. Malo. " By punishment." — Per ambitionem. "From a de- sire for popularity.'" — A pucritia consvetam duritiam. " Hardships become familiar from boyhood." 9. Nisi tamen, &c. " And yet, however, the affairs of the state were managed with as much success and dignity, as if his authority had been exercised in the most rigorous manner." Ntsi tamen is here equivalent to scd tamen, and the meaning intended to be con- veyed, is : " But, whether he acted from ambitious motives, or from being himself accustomed to hardships, still one thing is certain, that the affairs of the state were managed," &c. Compare chapu u Xisi tamen intclliisoV 10. I mg at full speed " — Dirorsi. u From dif- ferent quarters." — Adrorsum omnia paratus. His troops being arranged in the agmen quadratum. 11. / loptcd the conjectural emendation of Gronovius, in place of aeque as given by Cortrus. The meaning of the whole clause will I • ; supposed, that, out of the whole number, soma certainly, no matter who, would come in the rear of tht (Compare Quarterly Journal of Edmatwn, No. 3, p. 151.) I i rs aeque to ab tergo, and translates it, " g erode von hint' v in the rear." The Bipont editor explains aeque as follov uadruplici agmine eerte unum, quodcunque esset.'' This explanation suits, however, utique much better than aeque. 12. Quern primum adtigerant. 4 * With whom they first came in contact ." — Cdetcn. Referring to the rest of the cavalry under his command. (J9 * Bocchus cum peditilus inradunt. The verb is put in the plural, as if Bocchus cum pe*l a double nominative. "We sometimes find," observes Scheller, " a plural verb after a single subject or person, which, however, is united to another subject by cum, since they are there regarded as two subjects or nomina- tives." (L. G. vol. 1, p. 334.) Compare Catiline, (chap. 43.) Lcntulus cum ceteris const ituer ant. 2. Apud primos. u In the front," i. e. apud cos quo* pnmos coHocarerat. — Xumida . Jugurtha. 3. Ad pcditcs. It is a matter of some doubt among commen- tators, whether the infantry here meant are the Roman, or those which Voluxhad brought and with which Bocchus had attacked tho JUGURTHIXE WAR. 203 Pa^e. Roman rear. It is more than probable that the former are alluded AQ to, especially as the words ibi Latine follow. Cortius, however, is in favour of the opposite opinion. 4. Satis impigre. " With great quickness," i. e. with so much celerity as to have escaped the observation of the Romans around. Some, however, render it " with great bravery." This is certainly inferior. 5. Atrocitate rei. " With the dreadful nature of the thing." The meaning intended to be conveyed is this : The Romans were thrown into alarm, not so much from any confidence which they placed in the words of Jugurtha, as from the reflection, that there was indeed a possibility of their favourite commander's losing his life in the action. 6. Adeptam. Used passively, adipiscor being a common, not a deponent, verb. — Yitabundus. "After making the most vigorous exertions to escape." Or, it may be rendered generally, "by a desperate effort." Consult note 10, page 61. 7. Scqui, far as the eye could reach." Vitus is a noun of the fourth declension, and the clause, rendered literally, is, M where there was a vie m 9. Posrca loci. For the simple postea. 10. Post diem qutntum, quam, &c. "On the fifth day after the barbarians had met with their second defeat." The Latin language admits several variations of this construction. Thus we may either adopt the form used in the text, or quinto die postquam pufrnaverant, or quinque diehus postquam pusrnaverant, or post dies quintos quam puirnaverant ; or with the ablative alone, omitting post, die quinto quam purrmiverant. The anomalous appearance of post diem quintum quam, &c, and some other of the phrases just quoted, arose, according to Zumpt, from a transposing of the preposition. Having once written post die quinto quam, they would be easily led to change die quinto into diem quintum, as if it had been governed by post. 11. Cum is. An archaism for cum tis. — Acciti. " Having been invited," i. e. on an invitation from the king. 1. Cujus facundiatj 5. Gratia par, &c. M While you will enjoy the same hij mation with us, as if we were your immediate neighbours." Equi- valent to is it gratiac loco apud nos cris. 6. / 9 I'jects." 7. i'!acuit, cVc. Wi ■ n the read the Bi}>ont edition, which is based in part upon that of the Aldine. rtms has p/acuisscy and makes the infinitive depend on sc (i. e. scire licet). 8. O ture scrvi< ■ 9. Pro delicto. " In extenuation of his miscondur I 10. / The monarch here utters an intentional falsehood, in asserting that he had dr Jugurtha from tics {.art ot" Numidia - bold assertion would seem to have been, to ingratiate himself with the nans, and to show hit pretended ). vards Jugurtha. iking the clause jure belli suum foctsm r» •! ll -iius. 11. i n an opj>ortunitv of sending them was 1%, In ,'<••• < »le m favour of a harsher course." — Mutant. < rstand scse. Advcrsa is here equivalent to contraria ; 4t the opposr 10. Studium Sullar. " The zeal of Sylla in their behalf." 11. Dt-precati sunt. Understand em\/Utntt§ or duentes, and r the whole clause, M after they had deprecated the resentment of the Romans, by confessing that their monarch," &c. 1. Cujus arbitratu. u In order that by his intervention," i. e. *yr> 2. Item. Wt have Mm lied this on the authority of one of the mam Funditorum Balcanum. The Romans obtained their Achaia, and from the Ball Majorca and inhabitants of .« markable for D the use of the sling, having been trained to this ieir boyhood. Supply ]>',,f, .//i eo, or else the simple ::om a. The Peiigni were a people of Italv, •.bine desi . territory lay to the east of that of the Marsi. Consult Historical Index. 4. < anbus arm arms of the velitcs, or light- armed tro as and slings, seven javelins with slender points like arrows, so that, when thrown, they bent and could not easily be returned by the enemy ; a Spanish sword, for both cut and thrust ; a round buckler, about three feet in diameter, made of wood and covered with leather, and a light helmet for the head. 5. Ea. Referring to tela. — Muniti. Agreeing in gender with the persons implied in cohors. 6. Tenure et effuse. " In a disorderly and scattered manner." — Sullae alusquc, &c. What grammarians call a zeugma takes place 20 206 NOTES TO THE Page. *VO here in efficiebant, that is, the verb has two meanings, to suit Our idiom, one for each clause. " Caused the number to appear greater than the reality to Sylla and the rest of his party, and gave rise to apprehensions as of the approach of an enemy." 7. Expedire. " Got ready for battle." We may understand ad pugnam, which is expressed in Livy, (38, 21,) " Quos ubi Romani viderunt, expediunt sese ad pugnam. 11 8. Tentare. " They tried." — Intendere. This is commonly rendered, " they bent their bows," with an ellipsis of arcus. Such an interpretation, however, is decidedly pleonastic, since arma atque tela tentare precedes. The true meaning is, " directed his whole attention to the approaching engagement." Understand animum. 9. Rem, uti erat, &c. " Bring back word, as was actually the case, that all was peaceful," i. e. that there was nothing to fear. 10. Obviam Mis simul, et praesidio. " Both to receive them, and to act as an escort." Literally, " both to meet them, and for a guard." 11. Incerto voltu. " With a troubled look." 12. Animo feroci. " With stern resolution." — Cert a pestis. " Certain destruction." — Ab eodem. Referring to Volux. 13. Coenatos esse. " To have their evening repast over." Some neuter verbs have participles which are passive in form, but active in meaning; as cocnatus, " one who has supped ;" pransus, "one who has dined ;" juratus, " one who has sworn," &c. The Roman soldiers took food twice a day, at dinner and at supper. The former was a slight meal, which they commonly took standing. They indulged themselves a little more at supper. 14. Prima vigilia. The Romans, as has been observed in a previous note, divided the night into four watches of three hours each. The first watch commenced at sunset. Y3 *• Ante. " In advance of them." 2. Manu vindicandum. " That immediate vengeance ought to be taken." That he ought to be punished in a summary manner. 3. Prohibet. " Protects." — Advorsum multitudinem. "Against a host." — Quantosibi, &c. Compare Catiline, (chap. 58,) M Semper in praelio" &c. 4. Nudum et caecum corpus. " That part of the body which has no shield to protect it. and no eyes by which danger may be avoided ;" i. e. a defenceless and blind back. Compare Xenophon, (Cyrop. 3, 3,) Mwpdr yap to, KparcTv 0ov\o[iivovs, rat rv^ 2. Bonum (leisure." coporeal emplowiu phrase is here used in allusion to the expression m the first ch . coporis serritio ma- gis utimur" h some bring against v lust, of his stigmatizing agriculture and hunting as employments tit only for d l ous acceptation of the epi- thet Sfll'lllbllS. I 'udio. Cortius considers studio as having reference to his- torical labours \\Y would rather, with Dahl, extend the term to " liberal studies" generally, so as to embrace the literature both of Greece and Rome, especially the former. 4. Carptim. 4l In detached portions." Compare Plinv, (Ep. 8, 4, 7,) " Rcspondebis, non posse perindc carptim, ut, contcxta, per- mde tnchoata placc.rc, ut effecta" and Tacitus, (Hist. 4, 46, extr.) The term is sometimes used in the sense of hrcntcr, as in Plinv, (Ep. ft, 9S, B, ) M rait uutem carptim et xa- . Irrenter et sumnuitim.) — Some editions of Sallust have strictim, "cursor in place of carptim ; but this reading carries with it its own refuta- tion. From this passage of Sallust, it appears that the histo: Catiline's conspiracy was his first literary production. 5. Partibus reipublicac. " The factions which agitated the re- public." Dahl is of opinion, that, from the language of the text, Sallust must have composed this narrative after his return from the government of Numidia ; since, to suppose with some commenta- tors that the work was written at the time of his expulsion from the CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 219 Page senate (A. U. C. 703) does not harmonize with the expressions, " a Ql spe, metu, " Though living each after a different manner." 6. Res eorum. "Their state." — Civibus, moribus, &c. "In- creased in number of citizens, improved in manners, and enlarged in territory." The participle assumes a different meaning here with each of the nouns to which it refers. — Sicuti pleraque mortalium habentur. " As is the case, for the most part, with human affairs." — Opulentia. " Prosperity." 7. Tentare. These and the following verbs are what are called historical infinitives, that is, the infinitive is used for the imperfect. Compare Jugurtha, note 4, page 4. 8. Perculsi. Other editions have percussi, which is inferior. Bentley (ad. Horat. Epod. 11, 3) correctly lays down the distinc- tion between percellere and pcrcutcre, as follows : " Utrumque - >. 9e6s, &C Hence we may account for the Latin forms labor and labos, honor and hemos, &c. (Vid. Maittaire Dial. ed. Sturz. p. 196.) — Virtus omnia domuerat. " Their valour had triumphed over every obstacle." 2. Sese quisque, &c. Compare note 7, page 75. — TaU CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 223 Pa^e. facinus. " Such an exploit." Facinus, as has already been remarked Q3 in the Notes to the Jugurthine War, denotes " a bold or daring ac- tion," and, unless it be joined with a favourable epithet, or the action be previously described as commendable, the term is always to be understood in a vituperative sense. In the present case, the previous description of the action fixes its character. ( Vid. Crombie's Gymnasium, vol. 2, p. 159 ) 3. Eos divitias, &c. " These they considered riches, this an honourable fame," &c. — Divitias honestas. "Moderate wealth." The expression divitias honestas is the same as divitias bonis artibus partas, adeoque mediocres. 4. Ni ea res, &c. " Were it not that such a detail might draw me off too far from my subject." Ea res is regarded by some as an archaism for id ; but this mode of expression occurs in the best writers, though Sallust uses it more frequently than others. 5. Res cunctas. For cuncta. Consult preceding note. — Cele- brat obscuratque. " Raises to eminence, and, again, buries in oblivion." 6. Scriptorum magna imjenia. More elegant than scriptores magni ingenii, which is, however, the meaning of the phrase : "writers of great talent." Compare Curtius (3, 2, 13,) robora virorum, for viri robustissimi, and Catullus, (64, 4,) robora pubis, for adolescentes robusti. The writers to whom Sallust alludes are, without doubt, Herodotus, Thucydides, Xenophon, &c. Some critics have regarded scriptorum in this passage as a mere gloss, especially as some manuscripts omit it, and others place it after ingenia, but its presence is necessary to the sense. 7. Earn. Referring to virtutcm understood. Some editors read ea, understanding facta. — Ea copia. " That advantage." Kuhn- hardt thinks copia equivalent to multitudo, but incorrectly we con- ceive. If his explanation, however, should be preferred, ea copia mav be rendered, M the same number of able historians." 8. Prudent issumus quisque, &c. "The most talented were the most occupied with public affairs." — Ingenium nemo, &c. Refer- ring to the martial habits of the early Romans, and the military service which was imposed upon all. 9. Optumus quisque. " The best citizens." — Benefacta. "Brave deeds." 10. Igitur. This conjunction refers back to chapter 7, from which chapter 8 is a digression. — Jus bonumque. "Justice and probity." The expression which follows, non legibus magis quam natura, is strictly Thucydidean, and would be, when rendered into Greek, ov vdjxois paWov (or to x\eiov) fi (fvaei. Compare the language 224 NOTES TO THE Page. 83 °f Tacitus, (de moribus Germ. 19,) " plus ibi boni mores valent t quam alibi bonae leges." 11. In suppliciis. " In the worship." Supplicium signifies both "punishment" and " supplication," "worship," or "sacrifice." Scheller's explanation is perfectly satisfactory. He makes the primitive import of the term, " a kneeling down." This maybe done either to supplicate the Deity, whence we have the kindred meaning of " religious worship ;" or it may be for the purpose of being beheaded, whence we deduce the meaning of "punishment." {Scheller, Lateinisch-Deutsches Worterb. s. v.) 12. Ubi pax evenerat. Sallust uses this mode of expression and not in pace, for the purpose of showing that the Romans neither avoided war nor courted peace ; but, whenever the latter chanced to arrive, proved themselves not unworthy of enjoying it, by the justice and moderation of their conduct. — Scque remque publi- cam, &c. " They regulated their own conduct as well as the ad- ministration of the republic." 13. Quod saepius, &c. Some editions have in bello before saepius. We have rejected it with Cortius as being sufficiently implied from the context. 84 1- Imperiuniagitabant. " They managed their authority." Agi- tabant, the frequentative is here used for the simple agebant. 2. Labore ct jushtia. " By the exertions of its citizens, and the equity of its administration." 3. Regrs rnmsni. Before these words, and also before Carthago and auicla, in the next clauses, supply the term "when," in trans- lating. The monarchs here alluded to are, Perscs. king of Mace- donia, Jucrurtha, Mithridates, . Used for nedum y "much less." — Tcmperare with the dative, signifies " to set bounds to something," M to moderate." With the accusative it means " to regulate," "to arrange." CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 227 Page. 4. Innocentia, &c. "A life of innocence in another was regarded Q5 as the mere offspring of a malevolent feeling," i. e. they gave him who led a virtuous life no credit for sincerity, but supposed him to be actuated merely by a spirit of malevolence and opposition, and a wish to set his own mode of life in direct contrast with that of the profligate, in order that it might carry with it a tacit censure on the conduct of the latter. 5. Rapere, consumere. ' They plundered, they wasted." 6. Pudorem, pudicitiam, &c. " Modesty, chastity, things divine and human without distinction, they utterly disregarded, and in then- violation of them acted without the least compunction or self- restraint." Seneca (de Benef. 1, 9) has borrowed some of his ideas and expressions from this and the preceding passages of Sallust. "Jam rapta spargere, sparsa pari avaritia recolligere certant : nihil pensi habere, paupertatem alienam contemnere, suam timere, nullum altum vereri malum ;" &c. 7. Verum. This term is used here to denote strong indignation. Compare the remarks of Drakenborch (ad. Liv. 45, 19) on the em- phatic vero. 8. Procter itijuriae licentiam. " Except the power of injuring." 9. Victor es. Some manuscripts have victis instead of victor es, but the former is implied in the latter, and therefore need not be expressed. Other manuscripts give hostibus, but this again is already implied in the term sociis. " Quasi socios istos" observes Cortius, " non olim hostcs fuisse per se constet" 10. Constructa. " Built up," or "constructed." The historian refers to the piscinae, or fish-ponds, which the wealthy Romans caused to be formed, generally on the seashore, by the damming up of the waters, and which were commonly of such vast dimensions as almost to deserve the name of seas. Some editions, however, read constrata, " built upon," referring to the splendid residences of many of the Roman nobility, built on large artificial moles projecting into the sea. Contracta, which other manuscripts present, is pro- bably a mere gloss. If otherwise considered, it may be supposed to allude to the encroachments made upon the limits of the ocean by these moles and marine palaces. Compare, as regards this last reading, Horace, (Carm. 3, 1, 33,) " Contracta pisces aequora se7itiunt, ,} &c. 11. Turpidinem. An old form for turpitudinem. The nomina- tive turpido occurs in Tertullian (decor, mil. c. 14.) Gesner thinks this an error for turpitudo, but without any necessity. 12. Cultus. " Luxurious habits." — Vescendi caussa. " For the sake of gratifying the appetite." 228 NOTES TO THE Page gg 13. Luxu. " By luxurious indulgence." On this whole passage, compare Seneca, Epist. 89, ad fin. Aulas Gellius, 7, 16, and Lu- can, 4, 373. 14. Animus imbutus, &c. " The heart, once contaminated by evil inclinations, could not easily forego the gratification of its vicious propensities." By lubidinibas are here properly meant the ruling propensities and desires of the heart. Q(J 1. In tanta tamque corrupta civitate, &c. The student will ob- serve with what peculiar force the mention of Catiline's conspiracy is re-introduced, after the masterly picture of Roman corruption which has just preceded. 2. Flagitiorum atque facinorum. For flagitiosorum atquc faci- norosorum, the abstract for the concrete. M Of all kinds of profli- gate and daring spirits." Facinus, as we have already observed in a previous note, means a bold or daring action. Flagitium, though generally referring to lustful excess, denotes any fault, error, or crime, which reflects more or less disgrace on the offender ; and im- plies a less degree of moral guilt than scclus. ( Crombus Gymna- sium, vol. 2, p. 162, 3ded.) 3. Quo flagitium aut facinus redimeret. " In order to purchase impunity for some disgraceful or daring offence." 4. Convict i judicus. M Persons convicted on trial." 5. Quos manus, &c. Manus refers to sanguine avili, lingua to pcrjurio. Compare Cicero, (2, in Cat. 4,) M Quis tola Italia vene- ficus, quis gladiator, quis latro, quis sicarius, quis parricula, quis testamentorum subjector, quis circumscriptor, quis ganeo, quis nepos, quis adulter, quae mulier in/amis, quis corruptor juventutis, quis cormptus, quis perditus inrcnin }>otcst, qui sc cum Catilina non familiar issimc nxisse fateatur ?" 6. Proxumi familiaresque. " Bosom friends and intimate com- panions." 7. Inciderat. A metaphor taken from prey that falls into the trap or net of the hunter. 8. Par similisquc ceteris. Par refers to internal resemblance, similis to external. Hence the clause may be rendered, M as cor- rupt in principle, and as profligate in conduct as the rest." 9. Aetate fluxi. '* Pliant in consequence of their years." 10. Modestiae suae. M His own honour." Modcstia is here used in the sense ofpudor, and marks the utter corruption of Catiline. 11. Obnoxios. ** Dependant upon." Obnoxius properly denotes a dependance founded upon a consciousness of crime, and a dread of being exposed to punishment in case we disobey liim who is privy to our guilt. CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 229 Page. 12. Cumvirgine nobili. Who the female here alluded to was Qg is not clearly ascertained. It is generally thought that the histo- rians of those times suppressed the name out of respect for the noble lineage to which she belonged. The daughter who was the offspring of this intercourse is spoken of by Plutarch, (vit. Cic. 10, ed. Hut- ten, vol. 5, p. 318,) and is referred to by Cicero, (frag. orat. in tog. cand. ed. Ernesti, vol. 7, p. 1052,) " Cum ex eodem stupro" &c. 13. Sacerdote Vestae. The vestal of whom mention is here made was Fabia Terentia. She was brought to trial by Clodius for a violation of her vow. Several of the most respectable citizens, however, either convinced of her innocence, or wishing to thwart the tribune, exerted themselves in her defence with such success, that she not only obtained sentence of acquittal, but her prosecutor was obliged to flee from Rome. Cato, Catulus, and Cicero, espoused her cause. She was the sister of Terentia, the wife of Cicero. In the picture which Cicero draws of the scandalous misdeeds of Catiline, no mention is made by him of this incident, probably out of respect for his sister-in-law. — The Vestal virgins were introduced at Rome by Numa, in imitation of a similar priesthood existing at Alba. They were originally four in number. Two were subsequently added by Tarquinius Priscus, or by Servius Tullius, and six con- tinued to be the number ever after. These priestesses had charge of the sacred fire, and were bound to inviolable chastity. When convicted of dishonour, they were buried alive in the campus scele- ratus, and their paramours scourged to death in the forum. (Vid. Lipsius de Vesta et Vestalibus, Ant v. 1603.) 14. Jus fasque. "Human and divine law." Thus Isidorus (Orig. 5, 11) remarks, " Fas lex divina est, jus lex humana." 15. Aure.Uae Orestillae. The sister or daughter of Cneius Au- relius Orestis, who was praetor, A. U. C. 677. 16. Nubere. The distinction between nubere and ducere must be attended to by the student. Ducere, "to marry," or "to take in marriage," is used when a man is the subject of discourse, or the nominative to the verb. Nubere, " to veil," or duci, " to be led," is used when a woman is the subject of discourse, or nominative to the verb. The ellipsis is supplied in the case of the former verb, by domum, in the latter by se. Thus, Ttane tandum uxorem (domum) duxit Antipho ? because the husband led the bride to his own abode from her father's house. Tullw (se) nupsit, literally, " she has veiled herself for Tullius," because the bride was veiled during the ceremony of marriage. The same distinction holds good in Greek between ya/!£a>, and ya^io^iai, although depending on a different explanation. Thus ya^lo), " I marry," is said of the husband, (uxo- 22 230 NOTES TO THE Page gg remduco,) but yanionai, in the middle voice, " I suffer, or permit, or cause myself to be led away in marriage by another," is said of the female, (nubo.) Compare Kuster de verbis mediis, p. 153. 17. Privignum. "A son of his by a previous marriage." 18. Necato filio. Cicero alludes to this horrid deed in his first oration against Catiline, (c. 6.) Valerius Maximus is more explicit, (9, 1,9.) He makes Catiline to have despatched his son with poi- son, (veneno sustulit.) 19. Vacuam domum, &c. " He freed his home from every obstacle to this most wicked marriage." 20. Dis hominibusque infestus. u Obnoxious to the hatred ot gods and men." Infestus is here used in what the grammarians denominate a passive sense. 21. Ila co7iscientia,6cc. A powerful expression. "To such a degree did conscience desolate his tortured spirit." Some editions read vexabat, others versabat. Both lections are inferior to the one which we have given. 22. Colos exsanguis. " His complexion was deadly pale." — Foedi oculi. " His eyes had a ghastly look." — Facie rultuqtce. " In his features, and in the whole expression of his countenance." 23. Sed juventutcm, &c. The commencement of this chapter is connected with the end of the 14th, and the 15th intervenes in the light of a digression. Q*y 1. Signatoresque falsos. "Forgers." Persons who forged wills and other documents. — Commodare. " He lent out to others." 2. Fidcm, fortunas, &c. "He regarded their good faith, their standing in the eyes of the world, the perils which they encountered, as things of little value," i. e. he despised these things in their case, and taught them to do the same. The term fortmias, in this pas- sage, is generally rendered " fortunes," i. e., property. It may be doubted, however, whether this meaning will suit here. Nei- ther Catiline, nor his accomplices, could well be indifferent about riches, since to obtain these they spared no act of baseness or crime. Gesner's explanation of fortunae seems to answer better here. " Fortunae totum ilium statum quo censentur felxces aut vifekces notare solet." 3. Vbi eorum famam, &c. " When he had worn away their character and sense of shame." Attriverat very forcibly expresses the insidious arts and gradual approaches of Catiline. 4. Insontes. " Those who had given him no cause of offence." — Circumvenire. This infinitive, and also jugulare, are governed by imperabat understood. 5. Manus. The nominative plural. — Gratuito. " Without any CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 231 Page. views of advantage.'' Compare Seneca, (de Clem. 2, 4,) " Qui Qf ignotos homines et obvios, non in compendium, sed occidendi causa occidunty 6. Quod aes alienum, &c. " Because debts were heavy through- out all lands," i. e. because many citizens as well as others were involved in heavy debts in every quarter of the Roman world. This was the natural consequence of wide-spread luxury. 7. Rapinarum et victoriae, &c. Sylla, after the final success of his arms, had assigned large tracts of land in Italy to his armed fol- lowers, and also the possessions of many of the proscribed. Ex- travagant and dissolute living, however, soon scattered this ill-got- ten wealth, and consequent poverty made them ripe for any new commotion in the state. " Hi sunt homines ," observes Cicero, " ex iis colwiiis, qv as Sulla constituit, coloni, qui se inspe- ratis rcpentinisque pccuniis sumtuosius insolentiusque jactarunt : hi dum acdijicant, tamquam beati, dum praediis, lecticis, familiis magnis, conviviis apparatis delectantur, in tantum aes alienum inciderunt, ut, si salvi esse velint, Sulla sit iis ab inferis exci- tandus." (2, in Cat. 9.) 8. Tcrris. Pontus and Armenia. Pompey held this important command by virtue of the Manilian law, which was proposed by the tribune Manilius, and advocated by Cicero in a speech that is still extant. 9. Consulatumpetundi. Ursinus proposes petenti, which is the reading of three manuscripts, on the ground that Catiline was already a candidate for the consulship. Amid the various opinions which have been advanced, we consider that of Planche the most correct. The period referred to in the text is the beginning of the year of Rome 690 : not long previous to this, (A. U. C. 688,) Cati- line, returning from the government of Africa, was accused of ex- tortion, and prevented from suing for the consulship, in conse- quence of this charge pending at the time. He was acquitted A. U. C. 689, and might therefore entertain " the hope of standing candidate for the consulship" at the commencement of the ensuing year. 10. Senatus nihil sane intentus. " The senate without any distrust," or, "entirely unapprehensive of danger." 11. Kalendas Junius. The Roman Calendar agreed with our own, in the number of months, and of the days in each ; but instead of reckoning in an uninterrupted series, from the first to the thirty- first, they had three points from which their days were counted. — 1. The Calends or Kalends, which were always the first day of the month. Thev received their name from the old verb colore, be- 232 NOTES TO THE Page. g*y cause the priests, who had the charge of the Calendar, were required to proclaim the first day of the month publicly to the people, and to mention at the same time, the number of days between the Calends and the Nones. This last was done, because it behoved the people who lived in the country, to assemble in the city on the Nones of each month, in order to be informed by the rex sacrorum of the feasts and holidays, and to learn in general what they had to do, in regard to sacred matters, during that month. — 2. The Nones were, in the months of March, May, July, and October, on the seventh ; in all other months on the fifth. They were so called because there were nine days, counting inclusively, between them and the Ides. — 3. The Ides were on the fifteenth of March, May, July, and October, and on the thirteenth of the other months. They were so named from the old verb iduare, because they nearly divided the month. The Romans always counted forwards to the Calends, Nones, or Ides, never backwards from them. After the first day of the month, therefore, they began to reckon so many days before the Nones ; after the Nones, so many days before the Ides ; after the Ides, so many days before the Calends of the next month. It is to be observed that the Romans, in computing their time, always included the day from which, and also the day to which, they reck- oned : thus they called the 1st January, Cale?idae ; the 31st Decem- ber, pridie Calendas or Calendarum ; and the 30th, not secundo, but tertio (ante) Calendas. — The year of the city when the circum- stances, mentioned in the text, took place, was A. U. C. 690, B. C. 64. 12. L. Caesare. For this and the other proper names mentioned in the present chapter, consult Historical Index. 13. Colo'niis et munieiptis. A colony was a portion of Roman citizens or Latin allies sent out by public authority, either to take possession of lands captured in war, and to found thereon a new city, or to occupy cities which had fallen under the Roman sway. The municipia were foreign towns, whose inhabitants obtained the rights of Roman citizens. Of these there were different kinds. Some possessed all the rights of Roman citizens, except such as could not be enjoyed without residing at Rome. Others enjoyed the right of serving in the Roman legion, but had not the right of voting and of obtaining civil offices. The appellation is derived from munus and capio. 14. Domi nobiles. Domi is here equivalent to in civitatibus suis. 15. Nobiles. In this expression, the author is thought to have included C. Julius Caesar, M. Antonius, and other ambitious and CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 233 Page. aspiring men, who were afraid to commit themselves, though they g^ secretly wished well to the conspiracy as an instrument for the pro- motion of their private views. 16. Vivere copia. " The means of living." Vivere for vivendi. 1 7. M. Licinium Crassum. Crassus had already borne the offi- ces of praetor and consul, and was remarkable for the extent of his private wealth. Not long after the period of the conspiracy, he united with Pompey and Caesar in forming the first triumvirate. (A. U. C. 693.) He was slain in his expedition against the Par- thians. (A. U. C. 700.) 1. Antea. An account is now given, by way of digression, of gQ the previous conspiracy. It happened three years before that of Catiline. — De qua. Understand conjuratione, the verb conjuravere having preceded. 2. L. Tullo, &c. A. U. C. 688. 3. Legibus ambitus interrogati. The laws against bribery were very severe. If the successful candidates were convicted of that crime upon trial, they were deprived of the consulship, and their competi- tors who accused them were nominated in their place. They were also, besides being fined, declared incapable of bearing any office, or of coining into the senate, by the Calpurnian and other laws. Cicero made the punishment of bribery still more severe by the Tullian law, which he caused to be passed through the authority of the senate, by the additional penalty of a ten years' exile. 4. Poenas dederant. In these, and similar phrases, it should be observed, that the proper meaning of the term poena is not " punish- ment," but " atonement." Thus dare poenas is, " to give satisfac- tion," " to make atonement," or " to be punished :" and sumere poe- nas is, " to exact atonement," " to take satisfaction," or " to pun- ish." Compare the corresponding Greek forms Sovvai SUrjv and XaffeTv Strtiv. 5. Pecuniarum repetundarum. This latter word is simply the future participle passive of repeto, and not a defective noun as some make it. When in the genitive, it has pecuniarum either expressed, as in this passage, or more commonly understood. When in the ablative, pecuniis. The action was so termed because by it the money wrongfully obtained from an individual was demanded back. Our English word extortion, though generally given as the transla- tion of the term, is not, however, comprehensive enough, since the action repetundarum, was brought not merely for the recovery of what had been extorted from the individual who complained, but also for what had been obtained by the Roman governors under false pretences or by fraud. Catiline had been appointed a praetor, 234 NOTES TO THE Page. gg 68 B. C, and obtained Africa for his province. For his cruel and rapacious administration of this government, he was accused, on its expiration, at Rome. 6. Quod intra legitimos dies, &c. " Because he was unable to declare himself a candidate within the days prescribed by law." The legitimi dies were not, as Cortius explains them, the 30 days previous to the Comitia Centuriata, but, according to Ernesti, only the 17 immediately preceding. (Vid. Ernesti, Clav. Cic. roc. Tri- nundinum.) Every candidate for the consulship was compelled by law to give in his name during these 17 days, and required at the same time to be free from all accusation. If any charge were pending against him, he could not sue for the office in question. — Profiteri has se candidatum understood. 7. Cn. Piso. A member of the Calpumian house. Suetonius {tit. Caes. 9,) cites the account of two Roman writers, according to whom, Caesar was connected with Piso in this conspiracy, and, while the latter attempted an insurrection against the government abroad, the former was to have excited sedition against the admin- istration at home. 8. Autromus. Most editions have circiter nonas Dcccmbcs after Autronius. These words are omitted, however, by Cortius, Teller, Kunhardt, and others. 9. Capitolio. The senate mrt always, of course, on the first of January, in the Capitol, for the inauguration of the new consuls, who entered upon their office on that day ; and then usually there was a crowded hoi - 10. Kalendis Januariis. Consult note 11, page 87. 11. L. Cottcnii et L. Torquatum. These individuals had been chosen consuls in place of Autronius and Sylla, who were convicted of bribery, and consequently incapacitated from holding the office to which they had been elected. 12. Ipsi. " Of their own authority." 13 Fascibus correptis. " Having seized upon the consular power." The fasces were a bundle of rods, with an axe tied in the middle of them, which were carried before the kings, and afterwards before the consuls, as an emblem of their power. Valerius Popli- cola had a law passed, which took away the securis or axe from the fasces, i. e. it took from the consuls the power of life and death, and only left them the right of scourging. This last, however, rm a subsequent period, also taken from them by the Porcian and Sem- pronian laws. Whether the operation of these laws extended be- yond the walls of the city, or whether the consul, when invested with military command, could scourge and behead, is a point not CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 235 Page, very clearly ascertained. See on this subject, the notes to chapter gg 69, of the Jugurthine war. 14. Hispanias. By the two Spains are meant Hither and Farther Spain, or, as the Romans called them, Citerior and Ulterior. Consult Geographical Index. 15. Ea re cognita. Suetonius (vit. Caes. 9.) makes mention of a plot in which Caesar and Crassus were said to have been en- gaged at this time. Their plan was to make an attack on the sen- ate at the beginning of the year, and, after they had slain whom they pleased of that body, for Crassus to assume the dictatorship and appoint Caesar his master of the horse. Crassus, either from repentance or fear, {poenitcntia vel mctu,) came not at the day ap- pointed, and Caesar consequently did not give the signal which had been agreed upon, the dropping namely of his toga from his shoulders. The plot therefore failed. Suetonius makes no mention either of Cati- line or Piso as connected with this conspiracy, although it is evident that he and Sallust refer to one and the same event. A subsequent plot between Caesar and Piso has already been alluded to in note 7. 16. Quod ni, &c. " And had not Catiline been too hastv in giving," &c. From the fondness of the Latin writers for the con- nexion by means of relatives, appears to have originated the use of quod before many conjunctions, merely as a copulative. (Zumpt. L. G. p. 404.) — Pro curia. " In front of the senate house." 17. Consilium dircmit. " Caused the plot to fail." 18. Quaestor pro praetore. " As quaestor with praetorian power." To send out a quaestor with praetorian power was a very unusual proceeding, and, as in the present instance, only sanctioned by the exigencies of the state. The quaestors had charge of the public money, and obtained their name a quaerendo, because they got in the public revenues. The principal charge of the city quaestors was the care of the treasury, which was kept in the temple of Saturn. The office of the provincial quaestors was, to attend the consuls or praetors into their provinces ; to take care that provisions and pay were furnished to the army ; to exact the taxes and tribute of the empire ; to take care of the money, and to sell the spoils taken in war, &c. The praetors were, strictly speaking, judicial officers ; they were also sent out as governors of provinces, and of course, commanded armies when occasion required. 19. Infestum inimicum. W A bitter personal enemy." Some editors consider inimicum as superfluous, and reject it from the text. 20. Cn. Pompeio. Compare the termination of chapter 17, " cujusvis apes voluisse" &c. 236 NOTES TO THE Page. gg 21. Esse volebat. Some editions have abcsst. Compare Dio Cassius 36, 37 : — 'Ettci b\vv xal d>f 6 IL'$ xal in' dp%r)v riva, evefixpe' xal b piv ctravda vvd rdv i irrupt cur, dc iKi'icas ti avToig } ic the subject, and the antecedent clause the pr- ; and by expressing the latter sentiment by M Sunt bom. di<<; I dent clause is the subject, and the relative clause the predicate I I ( > ymnasium, vol ive here a perfect hexameter : H Pom pen refer fs I ^luretus ad. ort, M Orcxdte adrepens, qui suis ocidis vidr. tribus audit." The most probable opinion is, that it is derived from the obsolete r, " to no," being com- pounded of ar for ad, and bit ere, in ti • v as we have areesso for adesso. Testis t witness," chiefly in a cause or trial. M ( > mn. vol. 1, p. 309.) 4. Neque. ego, \ A denarius weighed about 73 Paris grains, but under the first empe- rors it was gradually diminished to 63 ; so that in the times of the repubbc 84 made a pound ; but under Domitian, it took from 96 to 100. As the silver used in that coin was but little debased by- alloy, we mav assume that a denarius was equal to a very little more than 15 cents of our money ; a sestertius therefore was equal CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 249 Page, to 3f cents, and 1000 sestertii, or a sestertium, to $37 1 - 5 5 V 94 {ZumpCs L. G. p. 235. Bancroft's translation.) 18. Gladiator iaefamiliae. " Troops of gladiators." Gladiators were kept and maintained in schools (in ludis) by persons called lanistae, who purchased and trained them. The whole number under one lanista was called familia. Gladiators were at first composed of captives and "laves, or of condemned malefactors. But afterwards, in the days of the emperors, even free-born citizens, induced by hire or inclination, fought on the arena, some too of noble birth. 19. Minor es magistratus. The higher magistrates were the consuls, praetors, and censors : the inferior magistrates were the aediles, tribunes, quaestors, &c. (Vid. Aid. Gell. 13, 15.) 20. Lasavia. This term is commonly rendered " wantonness," a meaning which cannot apply here with any peculiar meaning or definite force. It appears to us that " devotion to public amuse- ments" will suit the context better. Dureau de Lamalle translates the word in question by "licence dissolue." 21. Diuturna quies. From the time of Sylla down to this period, that is, for nearly twenty years, there had been an intermission of civil discord. 1. Adflictare sese. "Were plunged in the deepest affliction." Q£J The verb adflictare is the frequentative of adfligere, which properly denotes ad terram prosternere, being compounded of ad, zxiH fligcre, " to dash or strike against." 2. Rogitare. u Were making continual inquiries about the conspiracy." 3. Tamcn ctsi, &c. " Although precautionary measures were in agitation against him." 4. Lege Plautia. The Plautian, or Plotian, Law was passed A. U. C. 665, having been proposed by M. Plautius Sylvanus, tri- bune of the commons. It ordained that all who should plot against the senate, offer any violence to the magistrates, appear with a weapon in public, seize upon any of the higher places of the city with seditious views, or beset, with an armed force, the abode of any citizen, should be punished with exile. This law was subse- quently put in force against those of the conspirators who had not been capitally dealt with. 5. Postremo. Sallust here resumes the strict order of the nar- rative, which had been interrupted by the digression in chapter 28. Inter ea Manlius, &c. 6. Jurgio. " By an accusation originating in private animosity." Jurgium is used in this same sense by Cicero, (pro Coel. 13,) 250 NOTES TO THE Page. Q2 " Omnia sunt alia non crimina, sed maledicta jurgii petulantis wia- gis, quam publicae quaestionis." 7. In senatum venit. This took place on the sixth day before the ides of November, (the 8th of the month, according to our mode of reckoning,) and the meeting of the senate was held in the tem- ple of Jupiter Stator, where Cicero had convened that body. The attempt on the consul's life (vid. chap. 28,) was made the day pre- vious. Cicero informs us that Catiline was shunned by all the assembled senators. (Cic. in Cat. 2, 6.) 8. Praesentiam ejus timens. Catiline's presence in the senate, on this occasion, was probably feared by Cicero for two reasons : first, lest, with the aid of those members who were implicated in the conspiracy, he might break forth into some act of violence ; and, secondly, lest the very circumstance of his openly appearing in that assembly, might lead many to believe that he was an innocent and calumniated man. 9. Orationem habuit, &c. "Delivered an oration, brilliant in itself and beneficial in its results to the republic." The speech, to which allusion is here made, was the first oration against Catiline. So splendid a burst of extemporaneous eloquence deserves far higher encomiums than the cold and formal praise bestowed by the historian. This oration of Cicero proved of service to the state on two accounts : it rendered the conspiracy formed against the republic so clear, that no one could doubt its existence, and it com- pelled Catiline to retire from the city. 10. Quam postea scriptam edidit. " Which he afterwards com- mitted to writing and published." Elegant Latinity for quam pos- tea scripsit et edidit. " In point of effect," observes Mr. Dunlop, " this oration must have been perfectly electric. The disclosure to the criminal himself of his most secret purposes — their flagitious nature, threatening the life of every one present — the whole course of his villanies and treasons blazoned forth with the fire of incensed eloquence — and the adjuration to him, by flying from Rome, to free his country from such a pestilence, were all wonderfully calculated to excite astonishment, admiration, and horror." (Dunlop's Roman Literature y vol. 2, p. 299. Lond. ed.) 11. Adsedit. " Took his seat." — AdsTdere. "To sit down," "to take one's seat." — Adsidere. " To keep one's seat," " to be sitting by the side of." The former is compounded of ad, and sidere " to settle," or "be fixed." 12. Ut omnia bona in spe haberet. " As to entertain hopes of enjoying all preferments." Beauzee renders it, " l'autorisaient a pretendre a tout ce qu'il y avoit de mieux." CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 251 Page. 13. Cujus ipsius atque majorum, &c. "At whose own hands Qg and those of his ancestors, very many kindnesses had been received by the Roman commons." 14. Inquilinus civis. "An adventitious citizen." Inquilinus civis properly denoted one who was not born at Rome, but who possessed the rights of citizenship, having no house of his own,- but occupying a hired lodging. Cicero, who was born at Arpinum, is here sneeringly termed an adventitious citizen, lodging in the city. Compare Appian, (Bell. civ. 2,) eg fiiv ayvoyaiav yivovg, KAINON dvofiafav' eg 61 t-eviav rfjg nSXeug, IFKOYIAINON, a> pri/tan koXowtiv rovg ivoiKovvrag Iv dWorpiatg olxiaig. Plutarch ( Vit. Cic.) states, that, on the occasion alluded to in the text, Catiline attempted to address the house in defence of his conduct, before Cicero rose up ; but that when he began to speak, the senators interrupted him in such a manner that he could not be heard. He is silent respecting any reply having be" en made by him to the oration of the consul. It would appear from this, but more especially from a remark of Cicero, in his speech for Muraena, (chapter 25,) that the narrative of Sallust is here erroneous. According to Cicero, Catiline uttered a threat similar to that mentioned in the text, a few days before, when replying to Cato, who menaced him in the presence of the senate with a public trial. Cicero, moreover, (2 Cat. 6,) in giving an account to the people, on the following day, of what had passed in the senate when he openly charged Catiline with his guilt, states expressly that the latter, in spite of his boldness, did not dare to make any reply to his speech. We find the same remark also in the Orator, 37, 129. Florus and Valerius Maximus copy the error of Sallust. 15. Parricidam. Catiline is here styled " a parricide," because plotting the destruction of his country, the common parent of all. Compare the language of Cicero, (21. Cat. 7,) " Te patria odit ac metuit, et jamdiu te nihil judicat nisi de parricidio suo cogi- tare." 16. Incendium meum, &c. "I will extinguish with their ruin the conflagration which threatens me." A metaphor taken from the demolition of an edifice for the purpose of stopping a conflagration. The edifice in this case was his native country. 17. Insidiae consuli. Some understand factae, but the ellipsis is unnecessary, as the dative depends at once upon the preceding noun. So, " Semen satui" {Cato. R. R. 5,) " Causa rebus crcan- dis" (Auson. Ephem.) "Rebus humanis praeses" {Senec. ad. Polyb. 31.) Compare also our author's own expression in this same chapter, " insidias consuli maturent." &52 NOTES TO THE Page Q5 18. Optumum factum credens. "Believing it his most advisable course." Some editions hzvefactu. 19. Legiones scriberentur. Alluding to the forces which the praetors Pompeius Rufus and Metellus Celer had been authorized to raise. (Chapter 30.) 20. Node intempesta. The night here alluded to was that which intervened between the 8th and 9th days of November. For an explanation of the phrase, vid. note 8, page 93. 21. Cumpaucis. According to Plutarch, (Vit. Cic.) Catiline marched out with three hundred men well armed, and with the fas- ces and other ensigns of authority, as if he had been a lawful magis- trate. Appian states that he assumed on his route proconsular dig- nity : *0 piv Sr] paftSovs re teal TreXetceag, o)j ti$ di/fruTraroj, Kov, k. r. X. (DtO. Cass. 37, 33.) 22. Prope diem. l% Shortly." The more usual orthography is propediem, as one word. The accusative, according to the writers on ellipsis, depends on ad understood. (Palairefs Latin Ellipses, page 12.) The adverb prope is also not unfrequently joined to a dative. Thus Virg. Georg. 1, 355, " propius stabulis armettta tenerent." Nep. Hann. 8, "propius Tiberi" &c. QQ 1. Ex suo numero. The common text has legatos after these words ; but it is more elegantly understood. 2. Cum mandatis. "With a message." Beauzee renders it, 11 avec une sorte de manifeste." But Cortius more correctly makes the communication to have been a verbal one. 3. Homini. "To any individual." Some editions, in place of homini, have aliis. 4. Plerique patriae, &c. The student will observe the double construction in this passage, by which expert es is first joined with a genitive and immediately after with ablatives. This change of case is not unfrequent in Sallust. Thus, " Poenam sibi oneri, ?'m- p unitatem perdundaie republic ae fore.'' 1 (Cat. chap. 46.) " Ubi vidct neque per vim, neque insidiis opprimi posse." (Jug. chap. 7.) " Ple- rosque militiae, paucos fama cognitos accire." (Jug. chap. 84.) Compare Plautus, (Asin. 3, 2, 31.) " Ut meque, tequc, maxime, atque ingenio nostro decuit." 5. Lege uti. " To avail himself of the benefit of the law." The law here alluded to is commonly called the Papirian, not because proposed by a magistrate of that name, as some imagine, but on CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 253 Page, account of its having been occasioned by the conduct of a usurer Qg named Lucius Papirins. It was passed A. U. C. 428, and ordained that no person should be held in fetters or stocks, except convicted of a crime, and in order to punishment ; but that, for money due, the goods of the debtor, not his person, should be answerable. (Liv> 8, 28.) Livy remarks of this law, that it broke one of the strongest bonds of credit. " Victum eo die, ob impotentem injuriam unius, ingens vinculum fidei." On this account, as may well be supposed, it was unfavourably received by the rich, and had to be re-enacted forty years afterwards, at the time of the secession to the Janiculum. 6. Liberum corpus habere. The cruelty and oppression, which marked the conduct of the rich towards their unfortunate debtors, occasioned most, if not all, of the disturbances that interfered with the earlier growth of the Roman state. 7. Praetoris. To the praetors belonged the general administra- tion of public justice. The city praetor {praetor urbanus) is here alluded to : he took cognizance of all litigations between citizens. The praetor peregrinus dispensed justice to foreigners at Rome, or to foreigners and citizens when involved in controversy. 8. Major es vestrum. Almost all the manuscripts have vestri for vestrum; but, according to Aulus Gellius, (20, 6,) the oldest copies in his time exhibited vestrum. Correct Latinity requires this latter form in the present case. Nostri and vestri are used when the genitive denotes the object ; as amor nostri, cur a nostri, miserere nostri, &c, but nostrum and vestrum must be employed when the genitive indicates the subject ; as frequentia vestrum, contentio vestrum, &c. (Vid. Zumpt. L. G. p. 241.) 9. Inopiae opitulati sunt. Alluding to the laws passed at various times for diminishing the rate of interest. 10. Argentum aere solutum est. " Silver was paid with brass/' The allusion is to the Valerian Law, de quadrante, proposed by L. Valerius Flaccus, when consul, A. U. C. 667. By the provisions of this law, the fourth part only of the debt was paid, namely, an as for a sestertius, and a sestertius for a denarius ; or 25 for 100, and 250 for 1000. The sestertius was originally equal to two asses and a half ; and the denarius to ten ; when, however, the weight of the as was diminished to one ounce, a denarius passed for sixteen 'asses, and a sestertius for four, which proportion continued when the as was reduced to half an ounce. Velleius Paterculus (2, 23,) speaks of the Valerian law above mentioned, in terms of merited reprobation. " Valerius Flaccus, turpissimae legis auctor, qua creditoribus quadrantem solvi jusserat." Montesquieu, on the other hand, praises this law. {V Esprit des Lois, 22, 22.) The error, 24 254 NOTES TO THE Page. Q@ into which he fell, of mistaking quadrans, in the text of Paterculus, as equivalent to usurae trientes, after being noticed and corrected by many of the learned, was finally removed from his w r ork. 11. Secessit. Three secessions of the people are recorded in Roman history. The first took place A. U. C. 260, on account of the severity of creditors, and was made to the sacred mount. (Liv. 2, 32.) The second was occasioned by the conduct of Appius Claudius, the decemvir, and was made first to the Aventine and afterwards to the sacred mount. (Liv. 3, 50.) It happened A. U. C. 305. The third was produced by the same cause as the first, and was made to the Janiculum, A. U. C. 466. (Liv. epit. lib. 11.) 12. Nemo bonus. " No man of spirit." 13. Amittit. " Parts with." The student will observe that perdit would change entirely the spirit of the passage. A mittere is simply " to lose the possession of a thing which one has once had." Per- dertj on the other hand, is " to lose," " destroy," or " throw away uselessly or hurtfully." Thus, in the treatise addressed to Heren- nius, (4, 44,) we have the following : " Quod mihi bene vxdetur Decius intellexissc, qui se devovisse dicitur, et pro legionibu-s in kostes intulisse mcdios ; unde amisit vitam, at 7ion perdidit." (Yid. Crombic's Gymnasium, vol. 1, p. 98.) 14. Quonam modo, &c. " In what way we may perish, after having most effectually avenged our blood ;" i. e. how we may sell our lives as dearly as possible. 15. Marcius. The verb rcspondit is elegantly understood. Thus, Phaedrus, 1,25,8, "At -Me, facer cm meherculc, mm esse scircm carnis tc cupidum meac. y} (Vid. Poland's Latin Ellipses, p. 254.) 16. Optumo cuiquc. " To each most eminent person." Optumo cuiquc is here equivalent to optimatibus singulis. From a com- parison of various passages in Cicero, it would appear that optimatcSj in that writer, denote " persons distinguished by rank or political merit," and sometimes the former only. Crombie's Gymnasium, vol. 2, p. 107. 17. Non quo, &c. " Not that he was conscious to himself," vya$a$ re Karfiyaye, kou twv £7rt EvXXa 6v(TTV^rjadvroiv rovs iraiSas intTifiOVS siroinoe. Compare Dio. Cass. 41, 18, Sigon. ad Cic. I. c. Cms. ad Suet. I. c. 13. Aliarum atque senati, &c. " Of a different party from that of the senate." 14. Id adeo malum, &c. " With such violence had that evil, after many years of cessation, returned upon the state." Adeo appears to have, in this passage, the force of in tantum. (Compare Tursellin. de part. s. v.) Dureau de Lamalle gives it the same meaning : " Tant ces funestes rivalites, long-temps assoupies, s'etaient reveille cs avec plus de fureur que jamais !" 15. Tribunicia potestas restituta. The tribunes of the commons were originally created A. U. C. 260, at the time of the secession to the sacred mount, for the purpose of protecting the rights of the people. Under the sanction, however, of the law which made their persons sacred, they subsequently carried their power to the most extravagant height. Sylla abridged, and in a manner extinguished, that power, by enacting, that whoever had been tribune should not 260 NOTES TO THE Page. Qg afterwards enjoy any other magistracy ; that there should be no appeal to the tribunes ; that they should not be allowed to assemble the people and make harangues to them, nor propose laws, but should only retain the right of intercession. In the consulship of Cotta, however, (A. U. C. 679,) they again obtained the right of enjoying other offices ; and in that of Pompey and Crassus, A. U. C. 683, all their former powers. Pompey 's conduct in this affair is very justly condemned by Cicero, since the tribunes now became mere tools in the hands of the ambitious and powerful. 16. Summam potestatcm nacti. These words have very much the appearance of an interpolation. They are not necessary to the sense, since by summam. potestatcm is meant the tribunician power, which has already been mentioned in the preceding clause. 9£) 1. Senati specie, &c. "Under the pretence of supporting the authority of the senate, but in reality for their own advancement." 2. Honcstis nominibus. " Under fair pretexts." 3. Nequc modestia ncque modus. u Neither moderation nor limit." 4. Maritimum. The maritime war against the Cilicians, sup- ported by Mithridates, called also the piratical war. The Cilician pirates, covered even' sea with their fleets, and extended their dep- redations even to the coast of Italy and the mouth of the Tiber. Pompey was sent against them, by virtue of the Gabinian law, A. U. C. 687, and brought the war to a conclusion within the space of forty days. Compare Veil. Pat ere. 2, 31 ct 32 : Florus, 3, 6 : Cic. pro Legt Manil : Plut. Yit. Pomp. 5. Mithndaticum. The war with Mithridates, king of Pontus, one of the ablest monarchs with whom the Romans ever had to con- tend. His character is briefly but ably drawn by Yflleius Pater- culus, (2, 18, 2,) " Yir nequc silcndus, ncque dicendus sine cura, bcllo accrrimus, virtutc cximius, aliquando fortuna, semper animo maximus, consiliis dux, miles man.u, odio in Romanos Hannibal."' Lucullus carried on the war against him for nearly seven years, at the expiration of which period he was recalled by the senate, and Pompey, who had just ended the piratical war, was, by the Manilian Law, sent against Mithrul 6. Plebis opes imminutae. The authority of the people was weakened by the high powers delegated to a single individual, Pompey. 7. Innoxii. The adjective is here used passively, M unhurt." or, less literally, " free from all danger of attack." Compare Luc an, (9, 894.) 8. Ccteros judiciis t err ere. u They alarmed the rest by tho rigour of their judicial investigations," CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 261 Page. 9. Placidius. "More peaceably." The meaning of the clause 99 is, that those who rilled offices of magistracy, especially the tri- buneship, might be less disposed to stir up commotions among the people, through dread of prosecution by the nobility, after the expiration of their offices. 10. Ubi primum, &c. Gruter suggests novandi, which Cortius acknowledges would make an easier construction, though it would be less in accordance with the style of Sallust, than the present reading novandis. Some editions adopt Grater's suggestion of novandi, and place a comma after primum, and another after rebus. We have given the reading of Cortius, which may be rendered as follows : "As soon as the hope was presented to their view of effecting some change in the adverse condition of their affairs." 11. Vetus certamen. " The old controversy,*' i. e. between the patricians and plebeians. — Eorum. Referring to the plebeians. 12. Aequo, manu, &c. " Had left the field on equal terms with the forces of the republic." 13. Exsanguibus. " Completely exhausted." Compare Cicero, {pro Scxt. 10,) " Hominibus enerxatis atquc exsanguibus consu- lates datus est.'' 1 14. Extra conjurationem. " Unconnected with the conspiracy." 15. A. Fulvius. As Valerius Maximus, (5, 8, 5,) in mentioning this same circumstance, calls the name of the father A. Fulvius, Cortius thinks it probable that Sallust wrote A. Fulvii senatoris Jilius. Dio Cassius (37, 36) incorrectly makes the son himself a senator : ' AvAov SI ^ouA/ftioi/, avSpa fiov\cvTi]v } avros b izarfip d-rreff^a^ev, (Fid. Beimar. ad he.) 16. Parens necari jussit. Fathers, among the Romans, had the power of life and death over their children. Hence a father is called a domestic judge or magistrate, by Seneca ; and a censor of his son, by Suetonius, (Vit. Claud. 16.) Valerius Maximus, (1. c.) in relating this affair of the punishment of Fulvius, adds, that the father told the son he had begotten him, not for Catiline against his country, but for i^is country against Catiline. " Non se Catilinae ilium adversus patriam, sed patriae, adversus Catilinam, genuisse.'* 17. Ncgotiatus. Understand erat. " Had traded." For the difference between the Roman uegotiatores and mercatores, consult note 7, page 44. 18. Pnncipibus. " Leading men." — Noverat. Noscere is " to know," or " to be acquainted with any thing as an object of per- ception;" "to have an idea" or "notion of it, as apprehended by the mind." Scire is " to know any thing as a matter of fact, or any truth as an object of conviction." The following examples will 262 NOTES TO THE Page. jg\ QCJ explain this difference more fully : " Hominem novi, et dominus qui nunc est scio." (Plant. Rud. 4, 3, 26,) "I am acquainted with the man, and I know who his master is." The latter clause, how ever, does not imply any personal knowledge of the master. He might know him only by name. " Non norunt, scio.'' 1 (Plaut. Cos. Prol.) " They are not acquainted with the play," not having seen it performed — " this circumstance I know." (Crombie's Gymna- sium, vol. 1, p. 82.) 19. Pcrcunctatus. Percunctari (or percontari) means " to sift to the bottom by search or inquiry," M tD pry," and has, according to Dumesnil, a relation very often to public news. It is derived probably from per and contus, (quasi per contum exquirere,) and ex- presses a sifting and inquisitive manner of asking. Percunctari, moreover, answers to the Greek TrwddveaBat, and always requires a detailed reply. 100 I* Videt. This verb is here used instead of audit. Compare Cicero, {pro Arch. 8,) " Quoties ego hunc Archiam vidi dicer e ex tempore." 2. Si modo, &c. " Provided only you are inclined to act the part of men. 91 3. Quin. In the sense of quod non, which is the reading of some editions. 4. Ab Roma aberat. This is one of the examples which Priscian adduces, for the purpose of showing, that the preposition is often, more especially by historians, added to the ablative of names of places. 5. Quo major auctoritas, &c. " That what he should say might have greater weight." 6. Innoxios. " Innocent persons ;" i. e. individuals unconnected with the conspiracy. The adjective is here used in what the gram- marians call an active sense. Compare note 7, page 99. — Quo legatis animus amplior esset. " That the ambassadors might be inspired with more courage to act." 7. Majorca opes. " More powerful resource^;" those namely of the republic. Dureau de Lamalle renders the phrase by H uno grande masse de puissance." 8. Patrocinio. Individual noblemen, or particular families of illustrious rank, were sometimes patrons of whole states. These patrons were generally those who had reduced them under the Ro- man power, or had, at some time or other, been appointed governors over them : and the rights of patronage were transmitted by them to their descendants. In the present instance, Q. Fabius Sanga derived his right of patronage from his ancestor Q. Fabius Maximus, who CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 263 Page, finally reduced the Allobroges, and hence was surnamed Allobro- 1 00 gicus. 9. Consilio cognito. " Having learned the plot." — Studium con- jurationis, &c. " To feign a strong desire for the success of the conspiracy." 10. Bene polliceantur. " To promise fair." Bene is here equiv- alent to bona quaeque. 11. Gallia citeriore. Hither or Cisalpine Gaul, lying south of the Alps, and forming the northern division of Italy. The term citerior is applied in reference to Rome. 12. Cuncta simul agcre. " Put all their schemes in operation at one and the same moment." Cortius wishes to exclude cuncta simul from the text, in opposition to all the manuscripts. 13. Festinando, agitando omnia. " By their precipitate move- ments, by their throwing all things into confusion." 1. C. Murena. Brother of Licinius Murena, consul elect. The iai common reading in citeriore Gallia has been amended by Cortius, and in ultcriorc Gallia substituted. There can be no doubt what- ever as to the correctness of this alteration. Celer was in hither Gaul, and Murena, as appears plainly from Cicero, {pro Murena, 41,) was in Transalpine or farther Gaul. 2. Legatus. A proconsul or propraetor chose a legatus to ac- company him to his province, and assist him in the discharge of his public duties. Thus Cicero, for example, when he went as pro- consul into Cilicia, A. U. C 702, chose for his legatus his brother Quintus. In the absence of the governor of the province, the legatus exercised full control over it, and had equal authority and jurisdiction. Sometimes the governor remained at home, and merely sent out the legatus to the province ; and at other times the senate, without naming any proconsul or propraetor, merely sent, out a legatus. This last was the case with C Murena. 3. Vidcbantur. Understand iliac, referring to copiae. 4. Conscitucrant. The verb is put in the plural, as if Lent ulus cum ceteris were a double nominative. 5. Actionibus. " The proceedings," " the acts." Alluding to Cicero's having driven Catiline from the city, and excited, as they maintained, the most groundless suspicions against many innocent individuals. Compare Appian, (B. C. 2, 3,) Acvkiov Si Bio-nap, rdv dfifjtapxov, tKK\r\aiav evOvs wo Kripv^i evvayeiv, koX KarrjyopeXv tov K.iKepo)vos, wj del Sei\ov *ai roA^toTrotou, *rat rfjv ir6\iv iv ovScvi 6tivu> SiarapdrrovTos. Plutarch informs us, (Vit. Cit. 23. vol. 5, page 336. ed. Hutten,) that, after the conspiracy had been completely crushed, the tribunes, Metellus and Bestia, having entered upon their office 264 NOTES TO THE Page. 101 a ^ ew ^ s De f° re that of Cicero expired, would not suffer him to address the people. They placed their own benches on the rostra, and only gave him permission to take the oath upon laying down his office, after which he was immediately to descend. Ac- cordingly, when Cicero went up, it was expected that he would take the customary oath ; but, silence being made, instead of the usual form, he adopted one that was new and singular. The pur- port of it was, that " He had saved his country, and preserved the empire :" (»] p/v ocouiKtvat rfjv Trarp'tda, ical 6iartrriprjKivat. rfjv t)yc^oviav.) and all the people joined in it. 6. Invidiam. u The blame." — Optumo commit. Some have regarded this expression on the part of the historian as extremely honourable, considering the private feud which existed between him and Cicero. We should be inclined to put a different construction upon it. Nothing appears to us more frigid than this language of Sallust respecting one who had been the preserver of his country. And that it would sound so in fact to a Roman ear, may be c! inferred from a passage in one of the letters of Cicero to Atticus, (12, 21.) in which he speaks of Brutus having applied this same expression to him : "Hie autcm se cliam tnbuere multum mihi putatj quod scripscrit optimum consulcm. Quis cnim jejumus dint iniminis f" 7. Proruma noctc. Plutarch states, that one of the nights of the Saturnalia had been fixed for the perpetration of the horrid d mentioned in the text. The I of Cicero is to the same effect, (3, in CaL 4 ) The celebration of the Saturnalia commenced on the 17th day of December, so that Bestia was to have delivered his intended harangue a few days after he had entered upon his office, which, in the case of the tribunes, was the 10th of the same month. On the 5th of December, however, the conspirators were put to death. 8. Duodecim simul opportuna, cVc. Plutarch's statement differs from that of Sallust. He informs us that the conspirators had divided Rome into a hundred parts, and selected the same number of men, to each of whom was allotted his quarter to be set on fire. As this was to be done by them all at the same moment, they hoped that the conflagration would be general. Other- intercept the water, and kill all that went to seek it. 9. Obsideret. " Should beset." A verb of the third conjuga- tion, obsido, ere. 10. Alius autem alium. Understand adcrredcretur. u That one should attack one, another attack another :'' i. e. that each should single out his victim. CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 265 Page. 11. Filii familiarum. To these Cicero is thought to allude, 101 (2, in Cat. 3,) " Hos, quos video volitare inforo, quos stare ad curiam, quos etiam in senatum venire, qui niteni unguentis, qui fulgent purpura" &c. 12. Parata. Plutarch states, that Caius Sulpicius, one of the praetors, who had been sent to Cethegus's house, found there a large quantity of javelins, swords, poniards, and other arms, all newly- furbished. 13. Dies prdatando, " By putting off the day of execution." 14. Convemunt. u Obtain an interview with." The following examples, with reference to the construction of convenio, may not be misplaced. Convenire in urbem. " To come into the city and assemble." Convenire in urbe. u To assemble in the city, having been there before." Convenire aliquem. " To speak to anyone," or M to have an interview with him." Convenit hoc mihi. "This suits me," or, " is convenient to me." Convenit mihi cum illo. " I agree with him." 15. Jusjurandum. " An oath :" i. e. a written promise in the language and form of an oath, that the conspirators would afford relief to the Allobroges, if the latter joined in the plot and it should prove successful. 16. Signatum. " With their respective seals affixed." 17. Cctcri nihil suspicantes dant. Compare Cicero, (3, in Cat. 5,) M Tabulae proferri jussimus, quae a quoquc dicebantur datae. Primum ostendimus Cethego ; signum cognovit." 18. Crotonicnscm. " A native of Crotona." Consult Geographi- cal Index. 19. Fac cogites, &c. " See that you reflect in how desperate a situation you are." 1. Tuae rationes. u Your present circumstances." 102 2. Etiam ab infimis. From what follows (quo consilio servitia rcpudici) it is evident that by infimi, " persons of the lowest condi- tion," are meant the slaves. As regards the language of this letter, it may not be amiss to state that Cicero gives it somewhat differ- ently, (3, in Cat. 5.) It is more than probable, however, that the orator merely stated the purport of it from memory, while Sallust had access to the original among the archives of the state : for the words of the historian (quarum cxcmplum infra scriptum) plainly show that we have here a copy of the original document. 3. Mandata verbis dot. " He gives him a verbal message." 4. Muhio. Now Pontc Molle, one of the bridges over the Tiber. It was built by M. Aemilius Scaurus, from a corruption of whose nomen, (Aemilius,) the appellation Mulvius is thought to have ori- 25 266 NOTES TO THE Page. 102 g mate( *- At this bridge commenced the Via Flamima which led from Rome to Ariminum. 5. Comitatus. " The retinue." 6. Cetera, uti facto, &c. "He authorises them to execute the rest of the affair in such a way as the occasion may require." 7. Homines militarcs. Understand practorcs. " The praetors, men of military experience." 8. Pracsidiis collocatis. Compare Cicero, (3, in Cat. 2,) " IUi autcm cum adccspcrasceret, occulte ad pontem Mulvium pcrvenerunt, atquc ibi in proiinus villis ita bipartito fut- runt, ut Tiber is niter cos ct pons inter esse t. Eodcm autcm it ipsi f sine cujusquam suspiewne, multos fortes viros cduicrunt, et ego ex praefectura Rcatina complurcs dclcctos adolesccntcs, quorum opera in republica assiduc utor praesidio cum gladiis mistr 9. Cito cogmto cnnsilio. The Bipont edition omits cito, and Gruter all three words. They are retained, however, and on good grounds, by Cortius, Burnouf, Planche, &c. Gruter thinks, that, as the Gauls informed the consul of the nirrht when they were to set out, they must of course have known that they would be arrested. This may all very well t>« thfl presence of cito in the text, as well as of cognito consilw, is perfectly proper. The Gauls in an instant understood the nature of the affair, beintr previous; !v con- vinced that an arrest would take place. Had Sallust, more* only wri the inquiry would naturallv be made by the reuuYr, whether the consul's plan was then for the first time discovered by them, or whether they had surmised what it would be, long before it was carried into execution. 10. Multa. M 1 11. Qiubus rebus conftctis, cVc. The night of the arrest was that of the 2d December. 12. Sibi often. "A source of odium against himself." This apprehension vsas fully verified by the result. The preserver of his country was driven into exile by the faction of Clodius. Compare Cic. dc Orat 1, 1, M Et hoc tempus omnc post consulatum ol mus its fluctibus qui, per nos a communi peste dcpulsi, in nosmet- ipsos redundant w/." 13. Perdundae reiyublicae. " A cause of ruin to the republic." Compare note 11, | 14. Cimcordiae. The temple here meant stood on that side of the Capitoline hill which faced the Forum. It was erected bv Camillus, in accordance with a vow, on account of the re-establish- ment of harmony between the senate and people. L. Opimius embellished it after the death of Caius Gracchus, and meetings of , &c. u What design he had in view, -■ nn design." Equivalent to " Quid con- COXSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 267 Page, the senate were frequently held within its walls. Some few columns 1 02 still remain. 15. Magiiaque frequcntia, &c. " And in a very full meeting of that order,'' or M in a very full house." 16. Yolturcium cum legatts introducit. Cicero states, (3, in Cat. 4,) that he first introduced Volturcius without the Gauls, and afterwards brought in the Gauls themselves. 17. Scnntum cum liltcris. u The box containing the letters.'* It will be recollected that the box contained the letter of Lentulus to Catiline, and also the written oath of the conspirators. 1. Quid, aut qua dc caussa, &c. or why he entertained such a i silii, aut qua dc caussa id consilit habuisset !" 2. Alia. " Things other than the truth." — Fide pubhea. "On the public faith being pledged for his safety." 3. Audirc. Compare Cicero, (3, in Cat. 4,) who fully confirms the account here given by Sallust. 4. Libris Sibyllinis. A certain woman, named Amalthaea, from a foreign country, offered for sale to Tarquinius Superbus, the last king of ELooh •. nine books of the Sibylline, or prophetic oracles, but at an exorbitant price ; which Tarquin refusing, she burnt three of them, still demanding the same price for the remaining six. Being ridiculed by the king, she burnt three more, without abating her price for the r three. Tarquin, surprised at her strange conduct, consulted the augurs, who, regretting the loss of the books which had been burnt, advised the king to pay her demand, on de- livery of the three remaining books. Two persons at first, then ten, afterwards fifteen, were appointed to take charge of these books, hence called Quindccimvui. These books were supposed to contain the fate of the republic, and in time of public danger or calamity were consulted by order of the senate. They of course became a very useful engine of state ; but were burnt in the Marsic war, A. I' C. 690. Ambassadors were sent every where to collect the oracles of the Sibyls, of whom there were several ; the chief of them was the Sibyl of Cumae. From the verses collected in this search, the Quindecimviri compiled new books, which, by order of Augustus, were deposited in two gilt cases under the base of Apollo's statue, in his temple on the Palatine hill. For more information relative to the Sibyls, vid. Lempriere's Classical Dictionary. 5. Tribus Corneliis. " To three of the Cornelian house." The gens Cornelia was among the most illustrious at Rome. It had a patrician and plebeian branch. The familiae included under it were the Maluginenscs, Scipiones, Sullae, Lentuli, Cinnae, Rufini, &c, 268 NOTES TO THE Page 103 ^ Antea. Understand fuissc, or else regnum habuisst. 7. Urlns potiri. The verb potiri, which elsewhere governs an ablative, is often, as in the present instance, used with a genitive. This government, however, admits of a very easy explanation, if we consider that potiri is m fact equivalent to potcns esse or poterUem esse. In Plautus we even find the active of this verb. (Amph. I, 1, 23,) " Qui fucrim liber, eum nunc potimt pater servitutis ;" i. e. "has put in ft] has made partaker of slavery;" thence potior is used passively ; e. g. " potitus est hostium," (tbtd. Capt. 1, 2, 41,) " he i^ by the enemy, n M is in the enemy's pov. 8. Inccnso Capitolio. The Capitol was thrice destroyed by tire. First, during the troubles occasioned by the contest between Sylla and Marius, A I '. (' t>70, alter which it was rebuilt by Sylla, and dedicated by Catulus. It is to this burning that the text refers. It M a second tunc- destroyed, A 1) 70, by the soldiers of Vitellius. The emperor Veep !t it, and at his death it was bur third time. Domitian restored it with greater magnificence than ( J Han/.sjnrts. The haruspices were those who examined the victims and their entrails after »nd from thes© mens of fill I divine also from the Man. circumstances attending the sacrifice. Do- is (in Tcr. Phorm. 4,4, 28) derives the name from karuga, M a victim," observing, " nam haruga dtcttur hostia, ab hara in qua eoncluUitur et scrvatur : hara autcm est, in qua pecora includuntur.'* Compan B in Cat. 8,) in relation to what is stated in the " Quo a u idem tempore, cum haruspices ex tota Etruna con* venisscnt, caedes atque inccmlia. et legum intent um, et bcllum • ac domesttcum, et tolius urlns atqut imperii occasum approptnquare ducrunt, nisi dii imtnortales omni ratxonc placati suonumine prope fata ipsa jlcussent" The orator adds, that games were in conse- quence celebrated lor ten days, and even- other formality obst for appeasi rath of the g 10. Abdicatus. Others read abdicate magistratu : both forms in accordance with the idiom of the language, only the former, which is that adopted by Cortius, shows more plainly that his d taken from Lcntulus, not voluntarily resigned by him. 11. / mivalent to our phrase, of " being held to bail." This was done either when the accused were persons of rank, or when they were manv in nu: and were separated so as to prevent any communication with one another. 1*3. Aedilis. The aediles were of two kinds, plebeian and CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 269 Page curule. Two plebeian aediles were first created, A. U. C. 260, in 103 the Comitia Curiata, at the same time with the tribunes of the commons, to be, as it were, their assistants, and to determine cer- tain minor causes, which the tribunes committed to them. The were afterwards created, as the other inferior magistrates, at tho Comitia Tributa. Two curule aediles were created from the patricians, A. U. C. 387, to perform certain public games. They were first chosen alternately from the patricians and plebeians, but afterwards promiscuously from both. They wore the toga practexta, had the right of images, and a more honourable place of giving their opinion in the senate. They also used the sella curulis, whence their name of curule aediles. As a counterbalance for all this, however, the persons of the plebeian aediles were sacred, like those of the tribunes. The general office of the aediles was to take care of the city, (hence their name a cura aedium,) to regulate the markets, inspect the weights and measures, &c. 13. C. Cacsari. The famous Julius Caesar, who was at this time praetor elect. It was excellent policy to entrust some of the conspirators to the care of Caesar and Crassus, who were suspected of being themselves concerned in the plot. By pretending to re- gard them as good and faithful citizens, the senate drove them to the necessity of assuming that character at least. 14. Cn. Tcrc/itio. He was praetor the year following. 15. Cicerone m ad coelum tollerc. Cicero, on leaving the senate, although it was towards the close of the day, delivered before the assembled people the oration which has come down to us as the third inline. In this he gave an account of the arrest of the Allobroges, and the transactions in the senate. The people then perceived the full extent of the danger from which they had just been mce of then* consul, and gave him the full meed of applause which he so richly deserved. 16. Dctrimento. Understand fore sibi. 17. Incetulium vcro enuiele, &c. ■' But they thought the burn- ing of the city a cruel measure, exceeding all bounds," &c. 18. Quippe cui omnes copiac, &c. " Since all their property consisted of articles in daily use, and of clothing for their persons." 1. Qui Catilinae nunciarct. " To tell Catiline. '' Qui is here AQA used for ut ille r and consequently takes the subjunctive mood. 2. Nc Lentulus, ckc. Literally, ''that Lentulus, Cethegus, and others connected with the conspiracy, being arrested, should not alarm him ;" i. e. " not to be alarmed at the arrest of Lentulus, Cethegus, and others of the conspirators." 3. Animos reficeret. " Might reanimate the courage." 25 270 NOTES TO THE Page. JQ4 4. Alii, rem incredibilcm rah. M Some, because they thought the thing incredible." 5. Quia tali tempore, &c. M Because, at such a crisis, a man of so much power seemed proper to be soothed rather than irri- tated." 6. Obnoxii. " Under obligations to." Cortius correctly remarks, that plerique, in tins clause, denotes a third class of persons, distinct from those to whom alii and pars respectively refer. — The great wealth of Crassus, and the numerous loans which it enabled him to make, had given him the most extensive private influence of any individual of the day. 7. Uti referatur. Understand ad St. " That they should be consulted," or " that their opinion be taken." 8. Vinculis. " Prison." Vinculum, in the singular, any bond or tie ; in the plural, very frequently a prison, confinement, &c. 9. Potcstn lerstand indicandi. M Permission to go on with his testimony." The refusal, on the part of the senate, to listen to his farther statements, was a virtual revoking of the pledge of impunity which they had previously granted him. 10. M ;ronoun Qui is uniformly joined to the subjunctive mood, when the !,iuse does not express any sentiment of tho author, but refers it to the person or persons of whom he is speaking. rsset here implies the senate's affirmation, that Tarquinius had told a falsehood, and not the histo- rian's. The whole doctrine of the use of the relative with the sub- junctive, will be found clearly and ably developed in Crombic's Gymnasium, vol. 2, p. 1, et seqq. 11. Quo facilius, 6lc. u In order that, Crassus being named as an accomplice, his | .t the mora toet the res- his being made to share the danger with tin 12. Immissum. " hu 13. More suo. Plutarch it when Pompev, Caesar, and Cicero lefiMtd to speak at the bar, Crassus often rose and finished the argument in favour of the defendant ; and that this promptness of his to unfortunate citizen, gained him g popularity. Ha farther informs us. that there was not a Roman, however mean and insignificant, whom he did not salute, or whose salutation he did not return by name. ( Vit. Crass. 3, ed. Hutten vol. 3, p. 405.) 14. Pracdicantenu "Openly declaring."— Impositam. "Had been offered." Plutarch informs us, that Crassus. after this affair, conceived a mortal hatred towards Cicero, and would have shown it by some act of violence, had not his son Publius prevented him. CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 271 Page. Publius was a man of letters, and particularly fond of eloquence, 1 QA and hence his strong attachment to Cicero.'' (Vit. Crass. 13, ed. Hutten, vol. 3, p. 421.) 15. Prctio. " By the offer of a bribe." 16. Xominaretur. " Should be named as an accomplice. " Suetonius (Vit. Cats. 17) informs us, that Caesar was named as an accomplice the year after, by Curius in the senate, and by L. Vettius before Novius Nigrus the quaestor, (or, perhaps, public commissioner, if the true reading be quaesitorem, and not quaesto- rem, in the text of Suetonius.) Both accusations were dismissed. 17. Obpugnatus, &c. "Having been prosecuted by him in an action for extortion. " 18. Transpadani. The term Transpadanus is here used with reference to Rome : cujusdam Transpadani, " of a certain indi- vidual who dwelt beyond the Po," or, " north of the Po." 19. Ex petitione pontificatus. " Ever since the time of his ap- plication for the high-priesthood. " Plutarch, in his life of Caesar, informs us, that when Metellu3, the chief pontiff, died, the office was solicited by Isauricus and Catulus, two of the most illustrious men in the city, and of the greatest interest in the senate. Caesar, id not shrink from the contest, but presented himself to the people as a candidate. The pretensions and prospects of the competitors seemed nearly equal ; and Catulus, who, on account of his superior dignitv, was most uneasy about the event, sent privately to Caesar, and offered him lame RIIB0, on condition that he would desist from his high pursuit. But he answered, " He would rather borrow still larger sums, to enable him to stand the struggle." (jr>ci'u> irpoctavciffdfjicvoi c«»«« UtTiivai. Appian, B. C. 2, ft.) Many senators followed in the de- bate, and advocated the same course, (rroWoi aweridevro. Appian, ubi supra.) \\ hen it came, I the tum of Tiberius Clau- diu> -randfathcr of the future emperor) to deliver his senti- ments, he n commended that the conspirators should be detained in custody until Catiline was overcome, and that then the whole affair should be carefully invest iga( MT, who was at this time praetor elect, spoke after Nero, and declared himself against c.i punishment. The greater part of the senate, after he had finished, came over to his opinion, whereupon Cicero delivered his fourth Catilinarian oration, in which he took a view of the whole debate, recommended prompt and vigorous measures. His efforts, how< were unsuccessful, and a large majority of the senators, and among them Cicero's own brother, Quintus, were disposed to side with Caesar, probably from the fear lest severer measures might prove injurious afters ards to Cicero himself. itatins Catulus, Caesar's inveterate foe, and Cato, who was then tribune of the com- mons elect, interred their efforts. The eloquence of the latter proved triumphant, and the course he recommended was almost unanimously adopted. (The authorities to be consulted on this subject are as follows: Plutarch, Vit. Cic c. M d II, — ii Caes. c. 7 ct 8,—td. Vtt. Cat. min. c. 22—Sucton. Caes. 14. CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 275 Page. Appian, B. C. 2, 5, seqq.) As regards the phrase, pcdibus in l Qg sententiam ire, which is given in the text, we may remark, that a decree of the senate was commonly made by a separation of the senators to different parts of the house. He who presided said, " Let those who are of such an opinion pass over to that side," pointing to a certain quarter, u and those who think differently, to this." Hence ire pedibus in sententiam alicujus means, " to agree to any one's opinion," since he who had first proposed the opinion, or who had been the principal speaker in favour of it, passed over first, and the rest followed. 15. Sed Caesar. The speech which Sallust here assigns to Caesar, and which, from the term hujusccmodi, as used by the his- torian, must be regarded as Caesar's merely in its general and leading features, is a perfect masterpiece of its kind : cool, argu- mentative, specious, and breathing apparently a spirit of patriotism, which was calculated to carry with it the opinions and feelings of a large majority of his hearers. It required all the bold and fervid eloquence of Cato to counteract its pernicious tendency. 16. Ab odio, amicitia y &c. This construction of vacuus with the preposition, is not unusual in the best writers, such as Cicero, Tacitus, &c. Compare, in the 14th chapter of this same narrative, a culpa vacuus. 17. Lubidini simul ct usui paruit. " Has obeyed at the same time the dictates of passion and of interest." 18. Ubi intcndens mgtmum, &c. Understand in vcrum after imrenium. The passage may be paraphrased as follows : "When you apply the mind to the discovery of truth, unbiased by the influ- ence of any of these feelings, it succeeds in the search : if passion hold possession, it rules, and reason becomes useless." 1. Bella Maccdonico. Brought to a conclusion by Paulus ia/j Aemilius, after the famous battle of Pydna, A. U. C. 686. " Qui finis fuit" observes Livy, (45, 9,) " xnclijti per Europae plcrumquc, atque Asiam omncm, rcgni." Perses was led by the conqueror in triumph at Rome. There are three forms of this last proper name, Pcrses-is, abl. Perse : Perseus-i, abl. Perseo : and Pcrscs-i, abl. Pcrsa. Compare Aulus Gellius, 7, 3. 2. Rhoiliorum civitas. Consult Geographical Index. 3. bifida atque advorsa. There were no actual hostilities be- tween the Rhodians and Romans, but the former, to use the language of Velleius Paterculus, (1, 9,) " fidelissimi antea Romanis, turn dubia fide spcculati fortunam, proniores regis partibus fuissevisi sunt." 4. Impunitos dimisere. " Allowed them to escape unpunished." The Romans did not indeed make war upon them, which, according 276 NOTES TO THE Page 106 t0 ^ e spirit °f tne passage, would have been the punishment they deserved, but merely took from them the portions of Lycia and Caria which they had previously bestowed. Aulus Gcllius (7, 3) supplies us with some fragments of a very beautiful oration which Cato the elder delivered in their behalf. 5. Per inducias. " During the season of truce. " 6. Per occasionem. " When opportunity offered." — Talia feccre. "Retaliated;'' i. e. talia feccre qualia ilia fecer ant. 7. In Mis. " In their case." 8. Ne plus vol eat apud cos, &c. " In order that the crime of Publius Lentulus, and the rest, may not have more weight with you, than a regard for your own dignity, and that you may not listen more to the dictates of resentment than to what vour own character demands." 9. Novum consilium. u The novel measure which has been proposed," viz. of putting citizens to death in violation of the I Cicero, however, (-1 1.) says that Silanushad reminded the senate "hoc genus poenae sacpe in improbos cites in republica esse usurpatum." 10. Omnium mgenu cisupcrat. " Transcends the imaginations of all." — fit. " Those forms of punishment." Understand poems. Caesar, here, with admirable o deduce an argument, in favour of a mild infliction of punishment, from the very enormity of the crime itself. 11. C foe "In studied and glowing lan- guage." — Casum reipublicac. " The unhappy condition of the state." 12. Quo xlla oratio pcrtim. :ie object of that strain of oratoi it to embitter you against the conspiracv ! A mere speech, no doubt, will inflame him, whom so great and so atrocious a crime has not moved !" Scilicet is here used ironically The object of Caesar is to do away the effect calculated to be pro- duced by any fervid displays of eloquence. And he endeavours to accomplish this by showing that such eloquence is entirely super- fluous, as the crime speaks for itself, and cannot be aggravated by any powers of description. The true course for the senate to pursue is, according to him, to guard against any undue severity of punish- ment, both because it may expose them to the animadversion of posteritv, and may furnish those coming after them with a danger- ous precedent. Hence he artfully urges the propriety of lenient measures. 13. Aliis alia liccntia. " All men have not the same freedom of action." Literally, " there is one kind of freedom in action allowed to one class of men, another to a different class." CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 277 Page. 14. Qui demissi in obscuro, &c. Understand loco; "who pass \QQ their lives sunk in obscurity." 15. Ita in maxuma fortuna, &c. "Thus, in the highest eleva- tion there is the least freedom of action. In such a situation, it becomes us neither to show favour nor hatred, but, least of all, resentment ; what in others is called hastiness of temper, is, in those invested with power, styled haughtiness and cruelty." 1. Studio reipublicae. " From an ardent zeal for the republic.'* 1 (V? — Eos mores, &c. " Such I know to be the principles, such the moderation of the man." Eos and earn are here respectively used for tales and talem. 2. Injuria. " The nature of the crime," i. e. the enormity of the crime committed against the state. 3. Praesenti diligent ia. Used for praescntia ct diligentia. "By the promptitude and diligence." Some manuscripts have praesertim diligentia. 4. Tanta praesidia. These words appear to contain a secret censure of Cicero, as if it were at all necessary to have such power- ful guards under arms in the very heart of the city. 5. Ultra. " After this ;" i. e. beyond the grave. The doctrine advocated by Caesar in the text, and which corresponded so inti- ■ lv with his life and actions, was one unhappily but too preva- lent in the ancient world. Cicero makes mention of this opinion of Caesar with regard to the soul, in his fourth oration against Cati- line ; and Cato also alludes to it in the following speech. 6. Lex Porcia. The Porcian Law, proposed by P. Porcius Laeca, a tribune of the commons, A. U. C. 454, ordained that no one should bind, scourge, or kill a Roman citizen, but that, in capi- tal cases, the alternative of exile should be granted. 7. Qui court nit. M How is it consistent in you to observe that law," &c. Qui is here the old form of the ablative for quo. 8. At cnim quis rcprehcndet, &c. The particles At enim are equivalent here to d\\a yap. M But, some one may say, what need is there of all this discussion, for who will blame," &c. 9. Tempus, dies, &c. We have here the answer to the preced- ing question. At some future " time" argues Caesar, we may see cause to condemn what we are now doing, when critical " conjunc- tures" arise through the "caprice" of "fortune." — Cujus lubido, &c. " Whose caprice sways the destinies of nations." 10. In alios. Literally, " against others." The true meaning of the whole passage, however, appears to be as follows : " But do you, Conscript Fathers, reflect, what influence upon others that which you are now determining may have :" i. e. " what 26 278 NOTES TO THE Page. 107 effect upon others the example you are now setting may pro- duce." 11. Bonis. Understand exemplis. Some editions insert initiis after bonis. 12. Ab dignis ct idoneis. &c. " From proper and fit subjects of punishment." Understand poena after dignxs. As regards the use of idoncus in this passage, compare Cicero, {pro Cluentio, 47,) " Per hominum idoneorum ignominiam ." and Terence, (Andr. 4, 4,) " Adcone vobis videmur esse idenei in quibus sic Uludatis V In each of these passages it is taken, to adopt the language of gram- marians, " in malum partem.'" 13. Devictis Athenicnsibus . Alluding to the termination of the Peloponnesian war, when the Athenians were compelled to demolish the fortifications of their city, together with the long walls, and submit to the rule of the thirty tyrants. 14. Ea. TTndfffttind mgvtiM Some editions have co. •tfiO 1- Lubidinosc. H At their pleasure." Xenophon says that the thirty tyrants put to death, in the space of eight months, as many as had been slain during ten years of the Peloponnesian war. 2. Damasippum. Damasippus was praetor during the consulship of Papirius Carbo and the younger Marius, A. (J. C. 671. As a follower of the Marian party, he indulged in many cruel excesses against the opposite faction, and al>o against such as were suspected by him of favouring it. 3. Atquc ego liaec non in Marco Tidlio, 6ic. u I do not, it is true, apprehend such things as these in Marcus Tullius, nor in the present complexion of the tunes; but, m a pi at state, there are many and various characters. At some other time, under some other consul, to whose hands, likewise, an army may have been entrusted, some false suggestion may be credited for truth ; and when, by virtue of the precedent you are now establishing, that consul shall have drawn the sword of punishment, who shall set limits to his powei, or who restrain him in its exercise l u 4. Insignia. The (rubra, a white robe adorned with purple stripes ; the ivory sceptre or staff; the sella curulis ; the twelve lictors for each consul, c\ 5. Imitan, quam inridere, 6lc. ''They preferred to imitate rather than to envy what was good in the institutions of other na- tions." Understand institute after boms. One of Cortius's manu- scripts has itnitari bonos, quam. invidere bonis, &c, a reading of little value. 6. Animudrcrtcbant in civis. The verb animadixrtere some- times, as in the present instance, denotes 4i to punish" by authority, CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 279 Page, and then refers to the vigilance of the magistrate in marking offences 1 QQ committed. In this case there is often an application of the prepo- sition in before the name or designation of the culprits, intimating more strongly the steady attention directed towards the conduct found to be reprehensible. Hill's Synonyms, p. 89. 7. Hanc ego caussam, &c. The train of reasoning which is here ascribed by the historian to Caesar, would appear to be as follows : Our forefathers, though they wanted neither sagacity in devising plans for their own advantage, nor boldness in carrying those plans into operation, yet never disdained to imitate, in the institutions of other nations, what they conceived to be of utility to themselves. Among other things, they borrowed the custom of inflicting capital punishment on condemned citizens. As. however, thev had adopted this from the Greeks at a period when it promised to be productive of salutary effects, so they changed it for a different course when positive evil was found to result. This was their latest alteration, and it being such, we, their descendants, should be guided in this instance by their wisdom, and pursue without any deviation the path they have marked out for us, the more especially, as we acknow- ledge our inferiority to them in political foresight, and in the princi- ples of sound government. 8. Prof cc to rirtus, &c. " Surely there was greater energy and wisdom in those, who reared from trifling resources so mighty an empire," &c. 9. Bene parta. " Happily obtained from them ;" i. e. u obtained, in an auspicious hour, from our fathers." 1. Censco. This, as has been already observed in the Notes on i r|Q the Jugurthine War, was the usual and formal word applied to the expression of his opinion on the part of a senator. Scd ita, censco must therefore be rendered, M But my opinion is this." 2. Publicandas eorum pecunias. u That their property should be confiscat 3. Per mujiicipia. "Throughout the free towns." 4. Neu quis, &c. " And that no one, for the time to come, con- sult the senate in relation to their case, or treat, respecting them, with the people." 5. Ccteri verbo, &c. " The rest gave merely a verbal assent, one to one of the speakers, another to another, in support of dif- ferent opinions." — Alii, i. e. Silano, Neroni, Caesari. When the senators gave merely a verbal assent to the opinion of any speaker, they retained their seats and exclaimed assentior, adding the name of the individual with whom they agreed ; as, assentior Silano ; assentior Neroni ; assentior Caesari. 280 NOTES TO THE Page. 109 **' L° n g em ih l a li a > &c. "When I reflect, Conscript Fathers, on the dangerous posture of our present affairs, my opinion is far different from what it is when I merely revolve in mind the sentiments of some of the speakers of this daw" After et understand alia. The exordium of this speech is an evident imitation of the beginning of the third Olynthiac Ov^i ravra rapiaraTai pot yivuMrxeiv, £> a. 'AOnvaTotj orav rt tiq ra xpdyfia- >, rat orav rods rouj Xdyovj oiy dtcovoj' tovs fiiv yap \6yovs *eol rov Tiuu>pf&a jument is this. The public safety demands that we rid ourselves of them at once, {eavere ab tUis,) and not waste valuable time in deliberating on the kind of punishment which their case may seem to demand. We should hold no terms with these guilty wretches : they have placed them selves, by their misdeeds, without the pale of the law, and the only thing to be done is to deprive them for ever of the means of injuring the if 10. Cetera. Understand malcficia, which is expressed in some editions. 11. Persequnre. "You may punish." Caesar, by the artful oration which the historian has assigned to him, had endetYOured CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE, 281 Page. to draw off the attention of the senate from the true point of the 1 09 debate. Cato here brings back the question in its strongest and plainest colours. 12. Judicia. " The aid of public justice." 13. Tabulas. Understand pictas. " Your paintings." 14. Amplexamini. From amplexor. " To be fondly attached to any thing," &c. 15. Capessitc rempublicam. "Take upon you the defence of your country." 16. Non agitur de vcctigalibus, cVc. " The question is not now respecting the revenues of our empire, nor of wrongs inflicted on our allies : our freedom, our very existence is at stake." 17. Qui mihi atque animo mco, cVc. Cortius considers mihi atque ammo mco equivalent simply to meo animo. The meaning of the clause will then be : — M I, who never extended to my own self indulgence for any fault, was not easily induced to pardon the misdeeds of others, for the sake of gratifying their ruling propen- sities. " — C<,?i< A mind unfettered in deliberation ; neither swayed by a consciousness of guilt, nor til hy any ruling pro; 13 Pubh v tgtrtmttn^ &•. M As a people, poverty ; in private, Opulence." The resources of the state are plundered by the powerful, (Jures aerarii,) who lavish in private their ill-gotten slth. 14. Virtutis praemia. " The recompenses of merit." -a 1 1 1 Varuam rcmpublicam. M The unprotected republic ' **■ tor racuam understand dcfcrisonbus, or else consilto et defensione, as Dahl supplies the ellipsis. 2. Supra caput est A figurative expression, analogous to the English phrases, "is at our very doors," or, M has the sword at our Jiroats." 3. Adprehensis hostibus. The dative, not the ablative. Com- pare Cicero, Acad. 4, 115, " Diodoro quid faciam StotcoV and Pro Caecin. 30, H Quid hue tu homini facias ?" The common editions of Sallust have deprchensis, but the reading we have c is more significant. Deprehendere is to come upon one unawaree, but apprchendere is to seize, to lay hands upon. CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 283 Page. 4 Miscreamini censeo. Uttered ironically. " My advice is that \\\ you take pity on them." 5. Ne, ista vobis, &c. " Yes, that clemency and compassion, should they take up arms, will change into misery for you." Ne is an archaism for nae, from the Greek vai. Ista denotes strong con- tempt. With vcrtet understand sc. C. Scilicet res aspera est, &c. " The crisis is undoubtedly a dangerous one, but you fear it not : nay, indeed, you do fear it very greatly, but," &c. After immo vero maxume, understand earn timetis. The idea intended to be conveyed is this : You will acknowledge, very probably, that the present posture of our affairs is a dangerous one, but you will assert, at the same time, that it fills you with no alarm. Your assertion is a false one ; for the condition of the state does inspire you with apprehensions, and those, too, of the strongest kind, but you are too spiritless, too slothful, to act the part that becomes you. 7. Suppliciis muliebribus. " Womanish supplications." 8. Prospera. Some editions have prosperc, which is inferior in point of elegance. Prospera is used adverbially here by a Hel- lenism. 9. Bcllo Gallico. This is an historical error on the part of Sal- hibt. The occurrence mentioned in the text took place in a war with the Latins. Compare Florus, 1, 14, and Livy, 8, 7. 10. Pucnas dedit. " Atoned with his life for his intemperate valour."' 11. Vos de crudclissumis, &c. An instance of the argument a fortiori. The premises are Apud majorcs nostros, &c. If a father put to death lus own son for merely disobeying a military order, thougli that veiy act of disobedience enabled the latter to destroy one of the of his country, should their country hesitate to inflict the most signal punishment upon these, who, with a cruel and parricidal spirit, have attempted to plunge the steel into her own bosom \ 12. V Kit licet cita cetera, &c. " No doubt the rest of their lives stands in direct opposition to this crime. Well then, spare the rank of Lentulus," &c. Strong irony. 13. Nisi itcrum, &c. "Unless this be the second time that he has made war upon his country." The irony of adolescentiae is extremely severe. Some commentators suppose, that the allusion in the text is to his having taken part with Marius in the contest be- tween him and Sylla. It is more probable, however, that the orator is made to refer to the conspiracy of Piso, mentioned in chapter 18 of this work. 284 NOTES TO THE Page. Ill *** *** quidquam umquam pensi, &c. M If they had ever exer- cised the least reflection ;" i. e. if they had not always been rash and inconsiderate in their actions. The irony is still continued : It was not from any hostile intent that they harboured these designs against their country. Oh ! no ; but from mere want of reflection. Their conduct has always been marked by inconsiderateness and haste. 15. Neque parari, &c. Cato here hints that some of the senators were implicated, and betrayed the deliberations of the senate to the conspirators. 11 rt 1. Manifestos. " Palpably guilty." 2. Vxrtutem animi. H His firmness of soul." 3. Sicuti tile ccnsueral. The decree of the senate is said to have been made in accordance with the opinion of Cato, not because he was the only one who spoke in favour of capital punishment, but because he advocated that measure with the most ability and zeal. Thus Cicero (Ep. I remarks, " Cur ergo in senten- tiam ('atoms ? Quia verbis luculentionbus et plurtbvs rem eandem comprehendcrat. ' ' 4. Sed mihi mult a leisrnti, idiUui,6ic. u The yielding temper lio former, the firmness of the latter, were subjects of continual prai^ 2. In animum induxcrat. " Had formed the resolve." 3. At Catoni studium modestiae, &c. M But Cato's onlv study was moderation, honour, but most of all, the rigid practice of virtue. n 4. Fact tone. " In party spirit." 5. Abstnicntia. " In purity of heart." 6. Esse quam viden, &c. The idea, here expressed, appears to be borrowed from Aeschylus, (Sept. contra Theb. 589, ed. Blomf.) Ov yap toKcTv ^tVatof, aAA' tivat $e\ei. Compare Choricius, ap. Vil- loison, (Anecd. Grace, vol. 2, p. 22,) e/3oi\ero yap ov Sokciv, dAX* tlvai xpnvrfi. — M The parallel drawn between Cato and Caesar," observes Mr. Dunlop, " is one of the most celebrated passages in the history of the conspiracy. Of both these famed opponents we are presented with favourable likenesses. Their defects are thrown into the shade : and the bright qualities of each different species, by which they were distinguished, are contrasted for the purpose of showing the various qualities by which men arrive at eminence." Dunlop s Roman Literature, vol. 2, p. 160, Lond. ed. Steele has given an imitation of this passage of Sallust, in the Christian Hero, p. 4. Compare Velleius Paterculus, 2, 35. 7. Triumviros. Understand capitales. These were magistrates 286 NOTES TO THE Page. f 13 wno na< * charge of the prison, and of the execution of condemned criminals. They judged also concerning slaves, and persons of the lowest rank. They were likewise called Tresviri or Treviri. From Valerius Maximus, (5, 4, 7,) it appears that they acted commonly by deputies. 8. Locus — quod, &c. The relative here agrees in gender with the following noun. Some grammarians term this the Greek con- struction. It is the usual practice of Cicero ; but other authors give the relative the gender of the preceding noun : Cicero himself adopts this latter custom when the word explained is a foreign one : as, " cohiberc motus animi quos Graeci nddrt vocant :" still, however, he has also the following : " consensus quamcvfiir&dciav Graeci vocant.''' Zumpt. L. G.. p. 238. 9. Tullianum. The prison at Rome was originally built by Ancus Martius, and afterwards enlarged by Servius Tullius ; whence that part of it which was under ground, and built by him, received the name of Tullianum. Thus Varro (L. L. 4) observes, " In hoc, pars quae sub terra Tullianum, ideo quod additum a Tullio rege." The full expression is Tullianum robur, from its walls having been originally of oak ; but in the days of Sallust they were of stone. This dungeon now serves as a subterranean chapel to a small church bo lit on the spot, called San Pietro in career e, in commemoration of St. Peter, who is supposed to have been confined there. Its only entrance, when a dungeon, was through a hole in the arched roof; now, however, there is a door in the side-wall. " Notwithstanding the change," observes Eustace, " it has still a most appalling ap- pearance." Eustace Class. Tour, vol. 1, p. 365, note. Lond. ed. 10. Escenderis. An archaism for ascenderis. Some editions have descendcris, but erroneously , for escoideris refers to the eleva- tion on which the prison stood. Compare Descrizzione di Roma Antica, p. 151, where the different opinions are stated relative to the situation of the Tullianum. 11. Camera, &c. " A vaulted roof secured by stone arches." 12. Incultu. " From want of care," or " of cleanliness." 13. Quibus praeceptum erant. Understand lictores. Compare note 7, page 113. 14. Laqueo gulam fregere. u Strangled him." It was the Ro- man custom to put to death criminals of rank in prison ; to inflict public punishment on others. 15. Ex omni copia. " Out of the entire force." 16. Duas legiones instituit. " Formed two legions." Catiline formed, if the expression may be allowed, the skeletons of two le- gions. He had not, at first, a sufficient number of men to form the CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 287 Page. regular complement of each legion ; still, however, he divided what 11Q men he had into twenty cohorts, ten for a legion, and these cohorts he subdivided into maniples and centuries. The cohorts, maniples, and centuries, all wanted at first their regular complement of men, and only obtained it gradually as fresh troops arrived at the camp. 17. Numero hominum. " With the regular number of men." The legion, as has already been remarked in the Notes to the Jugur- thine War, contained different numbers of men at different times, from 3000 to 6000. In the time of Polybius it was 4200. The subject is well discussed by Lipsius, De Militia Romana, dial. 4. Each legion was divided into ten cohorts, each cohort into three maniples, and each maniple into two centuries. So that there were thirty maniples and sixty centuries in a legion, and if there always had been 100 men in each century, as its name imports, the legion would have consisted of 6000 men. 18. Sparos. " Darts." The form of this weapon is not clearly ascertained. Servius {ad Aen. 11, 682) describes it as follows : " Telum rusticum in modum pedis (read, with R. Stephens, pedi) recurvum." Festus observes, " Spar a parvissimi generis jacula, ab eo quod spargantur dicta" and Nonius, (c. 18, n. 12,) " Spari tela sunt non bellica." 1. Praeacutas sudes. u Stakes pointed at the end." 11/1 2. In Galliam versus. " In the direction of Gaul," or, " towards Gaul." 3. Sese habiturum. " That he himself would soon have one." Understand occasionem pugnandi. Some editions have magnas copias habiturum. 4. Cujus. " Of which class of persons." Understand generis, or servitii. Singular relatives are sometimes referred to collective antecedents in the plural. Compare Priscian, 17, 20, vol. 2, p. 81, ed. Krehl. " Cujus enim smgulare ad rem retulit (Sallustius) id est cujus rei servitiorum." Consult also the excursus of Cortius on this passage of Sallust. 5. Alienum suis rationibus. " Inconsistent with hi3 views." Catiline, however, had intended originally to have employed the services of the slaves. Compare chapters 24 and 46 of this same history. 6. In agrum Pistorienscm. " Into the territory of Pistoria." Consult Geographical Index. 7. Galliam. Cisalpine Gaul, of course, is meant. 8. Ex difficultate rerum, &c. " Suspecting, from the difficulties which encompassed him, that Catiline was meditating those very 288 NOTES TO THE Page. ) 14 P^ ans °f which we have made mention above ;" I e. was medita* t.ing an escape into GauL 9. Sub ipsis radicibus. " At the very foot." — In Galliam pro- peranti. Some have inclosed these words within brackets as savour- ing of a gloss. 10. Utpote qui, &c. " Inasmuch as he." 11. Expeditus. Some editions place a comma after acquioribus, and another after expeditus, which then may signify " unencumber- ed by baggage." We have given, however, the reading of Cortius, which may be rendered as follows : " encountering- fewer obstacles to his progress along a more level country :" fewer obstacles, namely, than Catiline did in his passage across the mountains. Others prefer placing a comma after acquioribus, and reading ex- pedites in fugam sequeretur. They make expedites in fugam equiv- alent to sine impediments fugientcs. 12. Montibus atque copiis. The forces of Antonius, in Etruria, pressed Catiline in the rear, while Mctellus stood ready in Gaul, at the foot of the Apennines, to intercept the enemy as they fled. Compare the words of Catiline in the following chapter : " Exercitus hostium duo, unus ab urbe, alter a Gallia, obstante 13. Praesidii. " Relief," or " succour." 14 Moribus. "By habit." — Patcrc. " To display itself."— Timor animi. For the simple timor. — Auribus obficU. " Obstructs the avenues of hearing." 1 -I ff 1. Caussam consilii. " The grounds of this my final resolve." 2. Quantam cladem. " What disastrous consequences." — Quoquc modo. " And in what way." 3. Unus ab urbe, &c. " One on the side of the city, the other on that of Gaul." 4. Si maxume animus fcr at. " Even if inclination most strongly prompt us to the step." However much we may be inclined so to do. 5. Mis supervacaneum est, &c. Equivalent to illis nee necessi- tatis nee utilitatis est pro potentia paucorum pugnarc. " They lie under no obligation to fight in defence of the power of a few." No necessity urges them to throw away their lives in support of an odious aristocracy ; and, therefore, you will find them the easier to be subdued. 6. Viris. " To those who had the feelings of men." 7. Relinquere. Understand hacc. " To abandon this career on which you have entered." — Pace bcllum mutavit. " Has exchanged war for peace." 8. Quis. For quibus. 9. Ea vero dementia est. " This indeed is folly." Dementia, CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 289 Page. Strictly speaking, denotes the absence of judgment, in particular J J 5 cases, whereas amentia implies the total want of reason. 10. Qui maxume timent. The antecedent Mis is elegantly un- derstood. 11. Inulti animam amittatis. m4 That ye part not with life un- avenged." Supply ne. 1. Instructos ordines. " His troops as they were drawn up." "I 1 A 2. Pedes. " On foot." The nominative singular. 3. Pro loco atque copiis. " In accordance with the nature of the ground, and the extent of his forces." 4. Nam, uti planities, &c. " For, as the plain was situate be- tween mountains on the left, and as there was on the right a craggy rock." If we read rupc, as some editions have it, existente is un- derstood : if rupes, it is the nominative to erat understood. The meaning, however, is the same in either case. 5. Reliqua signa, &c. " The rest of his forces he stations m closer order, as a body of reserve." Signa, which properly denotes the standards, is here put by metonymy for the troops themselves. Each century, or at least each maniple, had its proper standard and standard-bearer. 6. Ab his centuriones, &c. We have given lectos with Cortius and others. Some editions have electos, which may be construed as a substantive. The electi, according to Vegetius, (2, 6,) com- posed the first cohort, which took its post by the eagle, and was re- garded as the head of the legion, (caput legionis.) The Bipont edition reads electos. 7. Evocatos. The evocati, as has already been remarked in the notes to Jugurtha, were veterans who had served out their time, but had been prevailed upon to follow the standard of a commander whom they approved. They were exempted from the drudgery of military service. 8. Faesulanum quendam. " A certain inhabitant of Faesulae." Plutarch calls him Furius. — Curare. " To take command." Curare appears to be the proper word on such occasions. Compare Jug. 57, " Legatis imperat ubi quisque curaret." 9. Libcrtis et colonis. By the liberti are meant his own freed- men : for if freedmen in general had been meant, Sallust would have used libertinis instead oi libertis. By coloni are meant Sylla's veterans, who had been settled in the military colonies. 10. Propter aquilam, &c. Each Roman legion had for its chief standard an eagle of gold or silver, with expanded wings, on the top of a spear, sometimes holding a thunderbolt in its claws, witn the figure of a small chapel above it. Consult Rasche. Lex Rei 27 290 NOTES TO THE Page. j Jg Numm. vol. 1, p. 995. Probably the same eagle is meant in the text of which Cicero speaks, (1, in Cat. 9,) " cui domi (Catilinae) vacrarium scelerum constitutum fuit." 11. Bello Cimbrico. Consult Geographical Index, under the article Cimbri. 12. Pedibus aeger. Dio Cassms informs us that Antonius feigned illness on the day of battle, fearful of encountering the re- proaches of Catiline in case the latter should meet him in the fight. Catiline, according to the same authority, preferred coming to an engagement with the forces of Antonius rather than with those of Metellus, although the former commander had the larger army of the two, because he hoped that Antonius would purposely mismanage matters during the fight. Dio. Cass. 37, 39, vol. 1, p. 136, ed. Reimar. 13. Tumulti. A war in Italy, or against the Gauls, was called tumult us, a much stronger term than bellum. 14. Ipse. Some commentators condemn the use of ipse in this, and ille in the preceding clause, with reference to the same person. The explanation, however, is an easy one : Antonius exercitum Petreio permittit. Ille Petreius, &c, (" that officer ;") and again, Petreius suum cuiquc cohorti locum assignat. Ipse equo circumiens, ("riding around in person.") 15. Inermos. Incrmus and inermis are indiscriminately used. 16. Cernere. Used here for decerncre : the simple verb for the compound. — Homo miiitaris. Used, kclt i^o^hv, for u homo rei mditaris peritissimus" "a man of great military experience.'' 17. Tribunus. " Tribune." The military tribunes of the Ro- mans nearly corresponded to the colonels oi modern times. There were six in each legion, who commanded under the consul. 18. Praefectus. " Prefect." When the term pracfcctus stands alone, as in the present instance, it denotes a commander of the allies. The pracfccti among the allies, were of the same rank with the tribuni among the Roman forces. The officers of the allies were for the most part Romans, chosen by the consul or senate. 19. Tuba. The Romans used only wind-instruments of music in the army. The tuba was straight, like our trumpet ; the Jituus, or clarion, was bent a little at the end, like the augur's staff, (lituus) whence the name. The tuba was used as a signal for the foot, the lituus for the horse. Compare Lipsius, dc Militia Romana, dial. 10. 20. Ferentariis. The light-armed troops, beside other appella- tions, were styled ferentarii, because they carried what they threw. CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 291 Page. 21. Pila omittunt. "They throw aside their javelins." — Vete- \\Q rani. Belonging to the Roman army. — Eli. Referring to the fol- lowers of Catiline. 22. Interea Catilina, &c. The student will observe the animated air which the succession of infinitives imparts to this sentence, until the mind of the reader is allowed to repose itself on the finite form at its close, exsequebatur. 1. Cohortem praetoriam. Among the Romans, the general 1 l*y was usually attended by a select band, called cohors Praetoria. It was first instituted by Scipio Africanus, according to Festus, but something similar was used long before that time, as appears from Livy, 2, 20. This differs essentially from the praetorian cohort in the history of the empire. 2. In primis. " Among the first," not, as some render it, " among the foremost." The expression must be referred to cadunt y not to pugnantes. It would have been very scanty praise to have said of them, that they fell fighting " among the foremost," or "in the foremost ranks ;" for how could they, as commanders, have done otherwise ? Besides, if such had been the meaning of the historian, he would have preferred to express it by inter primos. 3. Paullo diver sius. " In a somewhat more scattered manner." 4. Civis ingenuus. " Free citizen." Ingenuus, among the Romans, denoted a person born of parents who had always been free." 5. Ita. " So little." 6. Laetitia, moeror, &c. Laetitia properly denotes a transport of joy, or joy expressed strongly by the actions of the individual. Gaudium, on the contrary, indicates the calm and rational emotion of joy. So moeror denotes sorrow accompanied by tears, luctus more of internal grief. We have now reached the close of this eventful narrative, and have traced the progress of a conspiracy which, though arrested in its earlier stages, yet proved one of those violent shocks that hastened the fall of the Roman state. It may not be amiss, before concluding, to mention a few particulars which are passed over in silence by the historian. From Dio Cassius, Lib. 37, c. 40 and 41, we learn, that Antonius, after the battle, sent the head of Catiline to Rome, in order to quiet all ap- prehension on the part of the inhabitants ; and that he himself was honoured with the title of Imperator, although he had taken no active part in the fight, and although the number of slain (3000) was less than 292 NOTES TO THE CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. that for which this title was usually awarded, (5000.) A public thanks- giving was also decreed, and the garb of mourning, which the citizens had assumed when the conspiracy broke out, was again laid aside. The accomplices of Catiline, who had either not been present in the battle, or had escaped from the field, spread themselves over Italy, but were in part taken and executed. One of the number, Lucius Vettius, turned informer against the rest : but he accused so many as to excite the suspicion of the senate, who ordered him, not to commit to writing the names of those against whom he informed, but to mention them at once by word of mouth. This confused and alarmed him, and but few were subsequently accused. The names of those whom he had impli- cated having been concealed from the people at large, great confusion and alarm consequently prevailed. To quiet this general feeling of in- security, the senate resolved to publish the names in question, which was accordingly done. Some of the accused stood trial and were con- demned ; others abandoned their sureties and fled. • GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. % ■VV^V*^V'%'VWV^W"VV\/V'%. • GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. Aborigines. A name given by the Roman writers to the primitive race of the Latins. According to Cato, they dwelt originally about mount Velmo, in Italy, and the lake of Cclano, (Fucinus,) as far as Car- seoli, and towards Reate ; but were driven onward by the Sabines, who came from Aquila. {Dion. Hal. 2, 49.) On leaving this vicinity, they came down the Anio, and expelled the Siculi from the neighbourhood of Tibur, Antemnae, Crustumerium, and Aricia. Sallust represents them as a savage race, living in hordes, without any civilization, and ignorant of agriculture. This, however, does not agree with the traces of their towns in the Apennines. The Aborigines revered Janus and Saturn ; the latter of whom, according to some authorities, taught them hus- bandry, and induced them to choose settled habitations. From this ancient race, blended with a remnant of the Siculi, came the later Latin nation. (Compare Niebuhr, Rom. Hist., vol. i., p. 62. Cambridge Transl.) p. 82. Aegyptus. An extensive country of Africa, consisting of the long and narrow valley which follows the course of the Nile, from Syene (Assooan) to Cairo, together with the Delta, or triangular region, spread- ing from this point, to the Mediterranean sea. Sallust and Pomponius Mela (1,8) consider it as a part of Asia, making Africa end at the Catabathmus. Other ancient writers give the Nile as forming the divi- ding line between Asia and Africa ; and, of course, make Egypt belong half to the former continent and half to the latter. . . p. 14. Aethiopes. A race, according to Sallust, occupying the central parts of Africa, from east to west. The early Greeks meant by Aethiopes all races of a dark complexion (xp, vultus,) and called theii country Aethiopia, wherever situated. Hence, Homer speaks of the Eastern and Western Aethiopians, meaning by the former the Arabians, Indi, &c, and by the latter the natives of central Africa. Aethiopia, according to the more definite account of Herodotus, includes the coun- tries above Egypt, the present Nubia and Abyssinia ; and it is in some- what the same sense that the term is now employed, when we speak of Aethiopia as the parent of Egyptian civilization. . . p. 14 . Africa. Called by the Greeks Libya ; and commonly regarded by the ancients as forming the third division of the world. Some, however, of the geographers of antiquity considered the world as composed of four parts, Europe, Asia, Africa, and Egypt ; and others again of only two, 296 GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. Europe and Asia, including Africa in Europe. In general, Africa was reckoned a third part. The name was first applied by the Romans to the immediate territories of Carthage. Hence, we find, on the coast of the Mediterranean, Africa Propria, corresponding to the modern country of Tunis. On the east, Africa is bounded by the isthmus of Suez, and the Sinus Arabicus, or Red sea ; on the north by the Mediterranean, called by the Romans Mare Nostrum ; on the west by the Atlantic ; and on the south by the Indian ocean. It is extremely doubtful whether the ancients were acquainted with the circumnavigation of Africa. Hero- dotus informs us, that it was accomplished by Phenician mariner- out by the orders of Necho, king of Egypt. . p. 12, 13, 14. Africum Mare. Another name for that part of the Mediterranean which washes the shores of Africa. Mela (1, 14) calls it Libycum Mare. According to other authorities, however, the Libycum Pelagus was between Africa and the coast of ( . . p. 13. Allobroges. A people of Gaul, between the Isara, or Isere y and the Rhodanus, or Rhone, in the country answering to Pied- mont, and Sumi/ Their chief city was Vienna, n -. on the left bank of the Rhodanus, thirteen miles i>. mum, or Lyons. They were finally reduced beneath the Room .•noun .1 with the sun - Then M said to mean " Highlanders, " from .1 land.'* (Tku I {>. 168, si datrs, vol p. 99, 100, 101. An 1. 1\. A country of Magna Graecia, 1. the coast of the Hadnatic The name Apulia was unknown l ho gave the country the appellation of lapygia. ]• the term kpygia was contiix that peninsula, to which the name pit w.is Bometunei applied find, at a later period, that Polvb; mi which t: jeogra- phers and D modern M ilia is Puislid- Th« count r. Ancient Italy, \ol. b . p -voi dirocTd- ras, sa\> Strabo, speaking of the Lucanians. This appellation the in- surgents are supposed to have accepted as a term of defiance. The Bruttii flocked eagerly to the victorious standard of Hannibal, and sub- sequently enabled that commander to maintain his ground in this quarter of Italv, when all hope of final success seemed to be extinguished. Hence they were reduced by the Romans to the most abject state of dependance, after the departure of the Carthaginian general and the victory at Zama. They were pronounced incapable of being employed in a military capacity, and their services were confined to the menial offices of couriers and letter-carriers. (Cramer s Ancient Italy, vol. ii., p. 386.) p. 100. C. Camertem. A native of Camennum. This place was a Roman colony, on the borders of Picenum, but lying in Umbria. It was probably not the same with the Camerte of Strabo, as some suppose. ( Cramer's Ancient Italy, vol. i., p. 274.) Barbie du Bocage is of opinion, that Camerinum was founded by the inhabitants of Camerte, after the latter city had been destroyed by Sylla for favouring the party of Marius. (Consult the French Strabo, vol. ii., p. 60.) . . , p. 93. Campania. A very fertile district of Italy, below Latium, of which Capua was the chief city. The natural advantages of Campania, its genial climate, and fertile soil, so rich in various productions, are a favourite theme with the Latin writers. 298 GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. Capsa. A city of Africa, in the district of Bvzacium, north of the Palus Tritonis, and surrounded by vast deserts. Here Jugurtha kept his treasures. It was surprised aud burnt by Marius. As, however, a place which affords fresh water in the midst of a desert is too important a site to remain long unoccupied, we find the city subsequently rebuilt, and the inhabitants mentioned by Pliny (H. N. 5. 4) under the name of Capsitani. Ptolemy speaks of Capsa as a city in his days, occupied most probably by Romans, and forming a kind of frontier place. The origin which Sallust a- ; been founded, namely, by the Lybian Hercules, assimilates it to the cities of Egypt, and points to a sacerdotal colony. Even its other name, Hccatompvlos, reminds us of Egyptian Thebes and its hundred gates. (Mannc I vol. x., part 2, p' 346 p. 60, 62, 66. Capla. The capital of Campania in Italy, a rich and flounshn until ruined by the Romans. Capua ually called Villi which name was changed bv the Tyrrhem, after they became D of the place, to Capua This hit t t-r appellation was derived from their hadcr Capvs. M ho, according t<> \as so called from h being (l»t(»nm<) .Mid tamed imm i Capua opened its gates to Hanni- bal after the hat? 1 the luxury of the city proved highly injurious to the martial spirit of his troops. After the retreat of the at discretion to the Romans, who I' damned the nobles to perpetual impris- onniei,' d the inhabitants as - ithough colonies afterwards sent to inhabit t:. \M former mngnhV ge, put the people * sword, and burnt of Justinian, pen the ad\ on, reluult Capua al»out the middle of the sixth centurv It wrm destroys d, own I I . bj the Saracens. A D Modern Capua occupies the ancient city, but of Casili- nuui. on the Yultnrnuv distant ; the inhabitants having been transferred to tin I by the btebop Landulpus and the Lombard count I .undo. The \ true site of the ancient place. {MtUM vol. ix, part 1, p, 771 ) Cartiiac.o A irnercial city of Africa, the rival, for a long period, of the Roman power It w,ts founded by a colony from Tyre, according to the common account, 13. C. 878. Some, however, suppose that the city was more than once founded, and rebuilt or en- larged, and in this way the\ - the difficulty occasioned bv the conflicting accounts respecting the foundation of this city, by refer- ring them to difierenl at, Eicurs. 1. ad Acn. 4 ) In this point ot view, the third fotu irthage will be assigned to Dido. The ailed Car yntio*, and the inhabitants K'ipxnfovioi. The name ot - Carthadu. or Cartha- Hadath, i. e. the M New City, "m contradistinction, perhaps, to the old or parent city of Tvre ; unless. m term refer rather to the renovation of an earlier city by the arrival of a new colonv, wluch will agree with the theory of the several foundi -thage was situated on a peninsula, in the recess of a spacious bay, formed by the promontory Hermaeum (cape Bon) on the east, and that of Apollo (cape Zibb) on th< loin into the bar be- tween the remains of Utica and the peninsula ; and, being an inundating GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. 299 river, has doubtless caused many changes in the bay. The circumfer- ence of the site of Carthage was twenty-three miles, and when it was set on fire by the Romans, at the close of the third Punic war, it burnt incessantly for seventeen davs. It is unnecessary here to enter very fully mto the history of this powerful city. The wars w T aged between it and the Romans were denominated the Punic, and were three in number. The first Punic war continued twenty-three years, and was mated by the defeat of the Carthaginians off the Aegades Insulae. The second lasted about seventeen years, during nearly sixteen of which Hannibal was in Italy. It was ended by the battle of Zama. The third was nothing more than the capture and destruction of Carthage. Julius Caesar planted a small colony on the ruins of Carthage. Augustus sent 3,000 men thither, and built a city at a small distance from the spot on which the ancient place had stood, thus avoiding the ill effects of the imprecations, which had been pronounced by the Romans, according to custom, at the time of its destructi" those who should rebuild it. This later Carthage was taken I D. 439, and it was for more than a century the seat of the Vandal power in Africa. It was at Lai Saracens, during the Caliphate of Abdel Melek, rds the end of I kh century, and few traces of it now re- main, p. 14,29, 58, 83. Catabatiimos. A sloping tract of land, whence its name, (Kara- 0ad/< vrenaica from Egypt, according to Pliny. Sallnef the boundai Egypt and Africa. (1 l commonly called Catabai :ius, to distin- ID it from a similar declivity of leal extent farther to the east, along orjf oi Egypt. The modern name of the Catabalhmuj M lorn. . . p. 13,14. I ipposed to have been descended from called Chersonesus . now Jutland, forming part of the kingdom of Denmark. teir territories, which were both narrow and barren, arid being joined by the Teutones, or rather by several nan nations, under this general name, moved through the intervening countries, entered and overran Gaol, and defeated four Roman armies in BUCCesaion. Manns, at last, in his second consulship, was chosen to carry on the war. He met the Teul S< xtiae, in Gaul, and, after a blood. toy dead on the field of battle, and took 90,000 prisoners. The Cmibri, who had formed another army, had already penetrated into Italy, where they were met at the river . Marius and his colleague Catulus, a year after. An agement ensued, and, if we believe the ancient accounts, 140,000 in. Those who escaped the sword of Marius settled in that part of the Alps called Sette Commune, where their descendants still retain the Teutonic language, and a traditional account of their origin. They keep themselves quite separate from the surrounding states, by which means they have preserved the language of their ancestors, in a great degree, uncorrupted. The late king of Denmark visited these Alpine Cumbrians, and readily conversed with them, when both parties, speaking their native languages, understood each other. Cirta. A city of Numidia, about forty-eight miles from the s^a, on a branch of the river Ampsagas. It was intended as the royal residence, 300 GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. and being, in fact, the only city originally in that part of the country, and erected by Carthaginian workmen, it hence took the Punic name of Cartha, or, " the city." It was the residence of Svphax, Masinissa, and the other rulers of the land. At a later period, Julius Caesar gave it to a certain Sittius, who aided him with his followers against Scipio and Juba. The place now changed its name to Sittianorum Colonic. In the time of the emperor Constantine, having suffered much on account of its fidelity to that prince, the latter repaired and embellished it, and gave it the name of Constantino.. This name remains with a slight variation to the present day, and the small city, built upon the ruins of the ancient capital is still called Cosantina. ... p. 16. Creta. A large island in the Mediterranean, now Candia, said to have had, in early times, a hundred cities. Q. Metellus received the surname of Crcticus, from his having brought the war in this island to a close. Crotona, or Croto, now Cotrone, a powerful city of Magna Graecia, in the territory of the Bruttii, on the coast of the Sinus Tarentinus. It was distinguished for its attachment to the doctrines of the P sect, and the consequent purity and morality of its inhabitant and the love of pleasure, DO M in at last, ami all the good effects which had ua. Until this change took place, tin I remarkable for their hardi- hood and vigour, and had conquered and destroyed the wealthy and effeminate city ot 5 proof, inel- DM of its inhabitants, and then skill in tthk .monly said, that thi 'ona was the first of the other Greeks. When, however, the change look place in their own mo crated to such I engaged in hostilities with the Locnans, an annv of i:H).<>< « routed by 10,000 of the enemy on the banks o\' the Sagra. After this, it gradually declined in importance, until the inhabitants, unable to hold out :mibal, retired to Locn, when the Rom. it. Pliny merely calls it an Opindum. .... p. 101. Cyrenk. A citv of Africa, the capital of Cvrenaica, near the coast of the Mediterranean. It was found* ttna, who led thither a colony of Dorians from the island of Then. In the immediate neigh- bourhood of the settlement was a copious spr: which the new comers are said to have called the fountain of Apollo, and to have converted the native appellation for the same into the Greek Kvfjr/, from which arose the name Cyrenc, (Ktpfcm, 1 Ovrene became, in process of time, a powerful city, under an independent line of princes, until Ptolemy Apion, the last monarch, bequeathed the capital, together with all the territory of Cvrenaica to the Roman | The silphmm, a species of laserpitium. orassafoetida, formed a great article of trade in Cvrenaica. The capital stood a little inland, and had Apol- lonia, now Marza Susa, for its port. The modern name of Ojn Curin. .......... p. 14. D. Durius. A river of Spain, now the Douro. rising in the chain of Mons Idubeda, and near the sources of which stood the ancient c GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. 301 Numantia, It empties into the Atlantic, after a course of nearly 300 miles, but is navigable only seventy miles from its mouth, on account of its rapid current. At the mouth of the Durius stood Portus Calles, now Oporto, from a corruption of which arose, the modern name of Portugal. The classical appellation for Portugal, however, is Lu- sitania. E. Etruria. A district of Italy, lying north and west of the Tiber. The origin of the Etrurian nation is unknown, although many, without any very strong reasons for the opinion, regard them as having been a Celtic race. Their civilization came in with the Tyrrheni, who appear to have been identical with the Pelasgi. The statement of Herodotus, that the Tyrrheni, or Etrurians, were of Lydian origin, appears to refer merely to a Pelasgic emigration. The Etrurians excelled in the know- ledge of augury, and in the worship of the gods. In these respects the Romans seem to have done little more than adopt the ceremonies and institutions of their neighbours, who were for a long period their de- termined and powerful enemies. After long continued war and much carnage, the Romans obtained a complete victory over them, and com- pelled them to submit to such conditions as they chose to dictate. The Etrurians were divided into twelve states, of which each adopted that form of government which seemed most agreeable, though the leading feature in all was aristocratic. The want of a common bond of union contributed verv materially to their final subjugation by the Romans. Etruria corresponds, in a great measure, to the present Grand Duchy of Tuscany. ......... p- 93. F. "lae. Now Ficsoli, a town of Italy, in Etruria, southeast of Pistoria. Here Catiline raised the standard of rebellion. In modern times, it is rather a village than a town. The Goths, when they entered Italy, under the consulate of Stilico and Aurelian, A. D. 400, were de- d in the vicinity of this place p. 92. Gaetuli. The inhabitants of Gaetulia, in Africa. Gaetulia lay to the south of Numidia, and answers in some degree to the modern Be- ryl. The Gaetuli, like the Numidians, excelled in horsemanship, and, like them, rode barebacked. .... p. 13. Gallia. An extensive country of Europe, lying between the Rhine, the Alps, the Mediterranean, the Pyrenees, and the ocean. It was more extensive, therefore, to the north and east than modern France. The name Galli, given to the inhabitants by the Roman writers, is the Celtic term Gael, Latinised. The Greeks called them Kelrai, and their coun- try KcXtikti and Ta^aria. Gallia Citerior. Called also Gallia Cisalpina, a name given by the Romans to that part of Italy which lay between the Alps and the rivers Rubicon and Macra. It was occupied by various Gallic tribes, which 28 302 GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. had poured over the Alps into this extensive tract of country. Livy assigns to these migrations the date of 600 B. C. ; but in all probability they were much earlier. Gallia Cispadana. Gaul south of the Padus, or Po ; or, in other words, that part of northern Italy which lay between the Po and the rivers Rubicon and Macra. The remaining portion between the Po and the Alps, was called Gallia Transpadana. Gallia Togata. Commonly regarded as only another name for Gallia Cisalpina, but applying in strictness merely to Gallia Cispadana. The name has reference to the country's being occupied by individuals who enjoyed the rights of Roman citizenship, or, in other words, the privilege of wearing the toga. These inhabitants appear to have been settled here in colonies after the Gauls were driven out. (Compare Manner t, Geogr., vol. x., part 1, p. 133.) Gallia Transalpina. Gaul beyond the Alps, or Gaul Proper. H. Hadrumetum. The capital of Byzacium, a district of Africa Propria. The place, according to Sallust, was of Phoenician origin, and owed its prosperity, in a great measure, to the fertility of the surrounding coun- try ; since, although situate near the coast, it does not appear to have had any harbour. It suffered severely in Caesar's wars, but was afterwards restored and enlarged by a colony being sent hither in the time of the emperors, especially Trajan. The place was destroyed by the Saracens. Its site has been made a matter of much discussion at the present day. D'Anville places it near the modern Susa, in the territory of Tunis. Shaw makes it the same with Hamamet. (Mannert, Geogr., vol. x. part 2, p. 244.) , p. 14. Hippo. A city of Numidia, in the western part, on a bay near the promontory of Hippi. It was called Hippo Regius, not only to dis- tinguish it from Hippo Zarytus, a town on the coast to the west of Utica, but also from its having been one of the royal cities of the Numidian monarchs. The place was of Phoenician origin. St. Augustine was bishop here. Near the ancient site is a town named Bona. . p. 14. Hispania. An extensive country, forming a kind of peninsula, in the southwestern part of Europe. It was divided into Hispania Citerior and Ulterior. Hispania Citerior was also called Tarraconensis, from Tarraco (now Tarragona) its capital, and extended from the foot of the Pyrenees to the mouth of the Durius (now Douro) on the Atlantic shore ; comprehending all the north of Spain, together with the south, as far as a line drawn below Carthago Nova, (now Carthagena,) and continued in an oblique direction to the river Durius, passing by Salamantica (now Salanunica). Hispania Ulterior was divided into two provinces, Baetica, in the south of Spain, between the Anas (now Guadiana) and Citerior ; and above it Lusitania, corresponding, in a great measure, to modem Portugal. Baetica answers to modern A?idalusia. p. 4. I. Italia. Of this well-known region, it will be sufficient here to give merely the main divisions. The peninsula of Italy was anciently divided GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. 303 into Gallia Cisalpina, in the north, from the Alps to the rivers Rubicon, on the upper, and Macra, on the lower coast ; Italia Propria, in the centre, and Magna Graecia, in the south. The last of these took its name from the Greek colonies settled there, and comprehended the prov- inces of Campania, Apulia, Lucania, Messapia, and Bruttium. All between Magna Graecia and the rivers Rubicon and Macra, was Italia Propria, and under the immediate jurisdiction of the senate and people. Lares. A town of Africa Propria, west of Zama Regia, and south of Sicca Venerea. Its site is supposed to be marked at the present dav by the modern Larbuss. (Bischoff und Moller, Worterb. der Geogr., p. 682.) p. 61. Latium. A country of Italy, lying south of Etruria, from which it was separated by the river Tiber. In it stood Rome, Alba, Lavinium, Tusculum, Arpinum, Praenestc, &c. The name of Latium was at first given to that portion of Italy only, which extends from the mouth of the Tiber to the promontory of Circeii : but subsequently this latter boundary was removed to the river Liris, whence arose the distinction of Latium Antiquum and Novum. At a still later period, the southern boundary of Latium was extended from the Liris to the mouth of the river Vultur- nus and the Massic hills. . ..... p. 47. Leptis. There were two cities of this name in Africa. 1. The firsts called for distinction sake Leptis Magna, was situate towards the greater Syrtis, at the southeast extremity of the district of Tripolis. 1% was founded by the Phoenicians, and ranked next to Carthage and Utica, among their maritime cities. Under the Romans, it was signalized, as Sallust informs us, by its fidelity and obedience. It was destroyed by the Vandals, rebuilt by the emperor Justinian, and finally demolished by the Saracens. Lebida now marks the ancient site. 2. The other city of Leptis, called also Leptis Parva, was situate in Africa Propria, in the district of Byzacium, or Emporiae, about eighteen miles below Ha- drumetum, on the coast. It is now Lcmpta. This city paid a talent a dav to the Carthaginians as tribute, which will serve to give us some idea of its commercial prosperity, and the productiveness of the sur- rounding district. The Phoenicians, according to Sallust, were its founders P-14, 51. Libya. The name given by the Greek writers and the Roman poets to what was otherwise called Africa. In a more restricted sense, the name has been applied to that part of Africa which contained the two countries of Cyrenaica and Marmarica, together with a very extensive region inland, and which was generally styled Libya Interior. . p. 13. Ligures. The natives of Liguria'. This country formed part of Cisalpine Gaul, and lay along the shores of the Sinus Ligusticus, or gulf of Genoa, between the Varus on the west, and the Macra on the east. The Ligures appear to have been a numerous and powerful people, extending at an early period along the shores of the Mediterranean, from the mouth of the Rhodanus to that of the Arnus, reaching also into the interior of Gaul, and the valleys of the maritime Alps. In the days of the Roman dominion, however, their limits were contracted as first abov$ 304 GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. stated. The Ligurians were a bold and hardy mountaineer-race, and they were not conquered by the Romans until after many years of war- fare. The possession of their country was important, as affording the easiest communication with Gaul and Spain over the maritime Alps. . . p. 27. M. Macedonia. A country of Europe, lying to the west of Thrace, and north and northeast of Thessalv. It was reduced under the Roman sway by Paulus Aemilius, who defeated and took prisoner its last monarch Perses, in the memorable battle of Pydna. Before the time of Philip, father of Alexander, all the country beyond the river Strymon, and even the Macedonian peninsula, from Amphipoiis to Thessalonica, belonged to Thrace, and Paeonia likewise on the north. But, when enlarged by conquest, the limits of Macedonia were from the river Nessus in Thrace to the Ionian sea, including Paeonia, and Illyria beyond lake Lychnitis. As a Roman province, however, Macedonia did not include Epirus. ......... p. 25. Massilia. A celebrated colony of the Phoceans, on the Mediter- ranean coast of Gaul, n > f 'lcs. It became at an early p« powerful and flourishing city, and was famed for ill commerce. The most prosperous period in its historv would seem to have been the interval from the fall of Carthage, with which city it had frequent col- lisions, to the commencement of the r r and Pom- pey. This city was always the firm ally of Rome. It suffered severely in the civil wars from its attachment to the party of Pompey, being compelled to sustain a severe siejje, in which its fleet was destroyed, and, after lOITendering, to pav a heaw exaction. Massilia became after- wards, in the days o( Augustus, famous as a seat of science, and the rival of Athens. p. 96. Mauretania. A country of Africa, lvinir to the west of Numidia, and answering now to the modern Fes and Morocco. It was, properly speaking, in the time of Boeehus, bounded bv the river Mulucha, now Malva, on the east, and corresponded nearly to the modern Fez ; but, in the time of the emperor Claudius, the western part of Numid added to this province, under the name of Mauretania Caesariensis, the ancient kingdom of Mauretania being now called, for distinction Mauretania Tingitana, from its principal city Tingis, or Old To on the west of the straits. . ..... Medi. The people of Media, in Upper Asia. Their country lay to the east of Assyria, and was separated from Armenia on the north by the river Araxes. The capital was Ecbatana, now Hammadan. When first mentioned in historv, the Medes were a brave people. Like other states, wealth and power rendered them indolent and luxurious, and they fell beneath the arms of Cvms. . . . . p. 13. Mulucha. A river of Africa, separating Mauretania from Numidia, In the time of Bocchus. It is now the Malra. . . p. 15. Muthul. A river of Numidia, supposed to have been a branch of the Bagradas. . . p. 3a. GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. 305 N. Numantia. A town of Spain, near the sources of the river Durius, celebrated for the brave resistance which it made against the Romans for the space of fourteen years. It was built upon an eminence of no great height, between two branches of the Durius, and surrounded by a very thick wood on three sides. One path alone led down into the plain, and this was defended by ditches and palisades. The great length of time it withstood the Romans may be easilv accounted for by its dif- ficult situation, and the circumstance of its circuit being so large, that within it were even pastures for cattle. The place was at last reduced by Scipio Africanus Minor, the conqueror of Carthage. The Numan- tines had withstood an army of 40,000 men with less than one fourth of that number, and had not only hitherto held out, but frequently gained very considerable advantages over the enemy, and obliged them to ac- cede to dishonourable treaties. The remains of Numantia may be still seen near Puente de Don Garray. . . . . . p. 5. Numidia. A country of Africa, east of Mauretania, and correspond- ing, in a great measure, to the modern Algiers. It was originally divided into two petty kingdoms, that of the Massyli to the east, and of the Massaesvli to the west, the line of separation between them being marked by the Tretum Promontorium, and a part of the river Ampsagas, Syphax was monarch of the Massaesvli, and Massinissa of the Massyli. The territory of Svphax was bestowed upon Massinissa by the Romans, after the close of the second Punic war, and he was allowed to enjoy the possession of them until the day of his death. After the termination of the Jugurthine contest, the Romans appear to have taken no part of the kingdom of Numidia to themselves, but to have distributed it among the different surviving branches of the royal line. In the civil wars between Caesar and Pompey, Juba, the great grandson of Massinissa, had the misfortune to espouse the side of the latter. After the victory of Thapsus, therefore, Caesar declared the whole kingdom of Numidia to be a Roman territory ; and Sallust, the historian, was sent thither as its governor. The western district around Cirta was at the same time bestowed upon Sittius in recompense for his services. Augustus be- stowed upon Juba, son of the first Juba, his father's former kingdom, with some important additions, under the general name of Mauretania. And finallv, the change introduced by the emperor Claudius, divided the whole country from the Ampsagas to the Atlantic into Mauretania Cae-. sariensis and Tingitana. ( rid. Mauretania.) P. Peligni. An Italian tribe belonging to the Sabine race, situate to the east and northeast of the Marsi. Their chief town was Cornnium, which was selected by the allies in the social war as the seat of their new empire. The country of the Peligni was small in extent, and noted for the coldness of its climate. . . • . . p. 72. Persae. The natives of Persia. In its utmost extent, the kingdom of Persia comprehended all the countries between the Indus and Aegean sea, and between the range of Caucasus and the Indian ocean, the pen- 28* 306 GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. insula of Arabia alone excepted. In its more limited acceptation, the name Persia, or rather Persis, denoted a particular province of this vast empire, bounded on the east by Carmania, on the north by Media, on thehical miles in breadth, and runs up into the continent about seventy-five miles. It is opposite to the islands of Sicily and Malta, and was reckoned the more dangerous of the two This gulf is still an object of apprehension to mariners, in consequence of the variations and uncertainties of the tides on a flat and shelvv roast. The S >r is about one hundred and eighty geographical mih ,; ie two capes, and }»t ■■ hundred miles into the land. T: r, i. c. the (ircat S\rtis, and sailors, Si/dra, \ >. generally derived from the Greek *if _r," in allusion to the agitation of the sand by the force of the tides. (Compare Sallust, Juourth. c. 78 ) It is more than probable, however, that the appella- tion is to be deduced from I :uch still U .ibic as the name for a desert tract or region : for the term Syrtis does not ap- pear to have been confined to the mere gulfs th« tat to have been extended also to the desert countrv adjacent ■ still at the present dav called Scrt. (Compare Rittcr. mlgtm. vcrgkich< vol. i., p. 929.) . . p. 1 I Tama. Now Wad-al-Thainc, a river of Africa Propria, in the district of Byzacium, falling into the sea to the north of S r. p. 61. Terracixa. A city of Latium, called also Anxur, situate on the sea- coast, in a northeastern direction from the Circean promontorv. was probably its Volscian name. We learn from Horace that this city stood on the lofty rock at the foot of which the modem Tcrracina is situate. According to Strabo, it was first called Trachma. a Greek ap- pellation, indicative of the ru^gedness of its situation. p. 103. Thala. A city of Numidia. the true position of which is unknown. It is generally supposed to have been the same with Telepn reanach. . . . p. 49. Thera. An island of the Aegean sea, forming one of the Sporades, and situate about seven hundred stadia from the Cretan coast, m a north- GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. 309 east direction. The modern name is Santorin. This island is supposed to have been of volcanic origin, as, according to some accounts, two islands near it rose on a sudden from the sea. Its earlier name was Calliste, in allusion to its beauty. .... p. 14. Thirmida. A town of Numidia, the situation of which is unknown. Dr. Shaw places it near the coast. ..... p. 7. Thracia. A mountainous country, between the Strymon and Euxine from west to east, and the chain of mount Haemus and the shores of the Aegean and Propontis f r om north to south. The inhabitants were brave, but comparatively uncivilized. The modern name is Roumilia (Roum-ili.) p. 27. Tisidium. A town of Numidia, supposed by some to have been the same with what Ptolemy calls Thisica, between the city of Thabraca and the river Bagradas. M. Barbie du Bocage, however, suspects it to have been identical with Tisdrurn, a large city in the district of Empo- ria, now El-Jcm. p. 43. Trans pad anus. Vid. Gallia Cis U. Utica A city of Africa, on the seacoast, southwest of Carthage, and separated from its immediate district by the river Bagradas. Utica was the earliest, or one of the earliest, colonies planted by Tyre on the African coast ; and Bochart derives the name from the Phoenician Atike, i. e. " ancient." The Greek name of the place, '\tvkti, is perhaps a cor- ruption of this. Justin makes Utica more ancient than Carthage. It was more or less dependant, however, on the power of this latter city, and hence the disaffection frequently shown by its inhabitants to the Car- dan cause. Utica rose in importance after the fall of Carthage. When, however, Carthage was rebuilt, it again took the second rank. Here Cato the younger put an end to his existence, whence the name Utircnsis criven him in history. The remains of Utica are to be seen near the modem Porto Farina, in the district of Tunis. . p. 18. V. Vaga. Called also Vacca, a city of Africa, west of Carthage, on the river Rubricatus, and celebrated among the Numidian trading- places for its extensive traffic. D'Anville and Barbie du Bocage re- cognise traces of the ancient name in the modern Vegja, or Beja, in the district of Turns. The modern name of the Rubricatus is Wad-el- Berber. P- 20. Zama. A citv of Africa, called Zama Regia, and lying some distance to the southwest of Carthage, and to the northwest of Hadrumetum. Sallust describes it as a large place, and strongly fortified. It became the residence subsequently of Juba, and the deposite for his treasures. 310 GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. Strabo speaks of it as being in his days a ruined city ; it probably met with this fate during the civil wars. It appears to have been afterwards rebuilt, and to have become the seat of a bishopric. The modern Zowarin marks the ancient site. There was another Zama, five days' journey west of Carthage, according to Polybius (15, 5). Near this lat- ter place was fought the famous battle between the elder Africanus and Hannibal. . . p. 39. HISTORICAL INDEX. •■^^.^■V* 'VVW'VWW^'V w HISTORICAL INDEX. A. Aborigines. Vid. Geographical Index. Adherbal. Son of Micipsa, and grandson of Masinissa, besieged at Cirta, and put to death by Jugurtha, after imploring in vain the aid of Rome, B. C. 112. Gesenius conjectures the origin of this proper name, from the Hebrew Addir, ( u great,") and Baal. (* 4 lord.") ClaucQan touches slightly on the history of Adherbal, (15, 409.) Aemilils Paillus. Vid. Lepidus. Aemilius Scaurus. Vid. Scaurus. Albinus. Aulus Postumius, brother of Spurius Postumius Albinus, the consul, who obtained by lot Numidia for his province, B. C. 112. Aulus, and the Roman army entrusted to his care by his brother, were entrapped by Jugurtha, and compelled to pass under the yoke. The senate i to ratify the treaty which he made on this occasion with the Numidian monarch. Livy (Ep. 64) calls him lieutenant-general, not propraetor, the term applied by Sallust. Spurius Postumius, elected consul with If. Minucius Rufus, 112 B. C; and who, in the allotment of the provinces, obtained Numi- dia, while his colleague got Macedonia. He appears to have been a com- mander of very inferior abilities, and was repeatedly foiled and baffled by Jugurtha. Being compelled to return to Rome, to attend the elections, he left his army in charge of his brother Aulus, whom Jugurtha entrapped and compelled to pass under the yoke. On returning to Africa, he was forced by the wretched state of the troops to remain inictive. In this condition he resigned the army to Metellus, who superseded him in the command. Aw ius, Lucius. A tribune of the commons, who made a vigorous effort to retain his office, after the expiration of his legal term. He was aided in this attempt by one of his colleagues, P. Licinius Lucullus, in opposition to the other tribunes ; and the struggles of these two prevented the election of the other magistrates during a whole year. Annus, Quintals. A man of senatorian rank, who entered into the conspiracy of Catiline. He effected his escape, when some of the ring- leaders were apprehended, and appears to have eluded the search of the agents of government, and to have gone unpunished. Antonius, Caius. A Roman, son of M. Antonius, the orator, and brother of M. Antonius Creticus, the father of the triumvir. He was originally in habits of very great intimacy with Catiline, and the arrange- ment was that these two should stand for the consulship, and, if they 29 314 HISTORICAL INDEX. succeeded, commence, while in this high office, their plans of revolution. Cicero defeated this scheme, and, being elected consul with Antonius for his colleague, succeeded in detaching the latter from the conspiracy, and from every other design formed against the state. He effected this de- sirable object by yielding to Antonius the rich province of Macedonia, which had fallen to his own lot. In the action between the forces of Catiline and those of the republic, Antonius took no part, having been prevented, according to Sallust, by a complaint in his feet. Dio Cassius, however, states expressly, that he feigned illness on this occasion, through fear of encountering the reproaches of Catiline, in case they should meet in the fight. After the conspiracy was crushed, Antonius went to his province of Macedonia, where he continued for two years, but, on his return to Rome, he was brought to trial, and banished, for having been guilty of extortion, and having made war beyond the limits of his pro- vince, (Liv. Epit. 103.) He was a man of very dissolute habits, and before he obtained the consulship had been expelled by the censors from the senate for immoral conduct. Aspar. A Numidian, sent to the court of Bocchus by Jugurtha, to obtain secret information respecting the intentions of the Mauretanian king with respect to himself and the Roman people. He was outwitted by Bocchus and Sylla, and the immediate consequence was the capture of Jugurtha. Aurelia Okesttt.la. A female of threat beauty, but very corrupt prin- ciples. Catiline offered her his hand in marriage, which she refused to accept, because he had a son by a former marriage, arrived at man's estate. To remove this obstacle Catiline put his son to death by ad- ministering poison. (Compare Val. Max. 9, 1.) Autroniis, P. A Roman of senatorian rank, who became consul elect, but afterwards lost the consulship on a charge of bribery. The consequent disgrace in which this involved him led him very probably to join the party of Catiline. After the overthrow of that party he succeeded in making his escape. B. Baebius, C. A tribune of the commons, on whom Jugurtha prevailed, by dint of bribery, to espouse his cause, and interpose his veto, when the Numidian prince was summoned before the Roman people. Bellienus, L. The Roman praetor at Utica, whom Marius summoned to attend a council at Cirta, towards the end of the Jugurthine war. According to some he was the maternal uncle of Catiline. Bestia, L. Calpumius. A Roman nobleman, who held the consulship with Scipio Nasica, B. C. 113. It fell to his lot to carrv on the war m Numidia against Jugurtha, where, however, he acquired no fame, but was led by his avaricious feelings to receive a heavy bribe, and conclude a disadvantageous and dishonourable peace with Jugurtha. He was condemned under the Mamilian law, and died in exile. Besides the charges brought against him by Sallust, Pliny the elder mentions that M. Caecilius brought him to trial for poisoning at least two of his by wolfsbane. Bocchus. King of Mauretania, who betrayed Jugurtha into the hands of the Romans. He obtained as the reward of his treachery the western part of Numidia. HISTORICAL INDEX. 315 Bomilcar. An officer in the army of Jugurtha, to whom he entrusted secret and important business. He conspired along with Nabdalsa against his master, but the plot was discovered and he lost his life. Brutus, D. Junius. The husband of Sempronia. His residence was near the forum, and into it Umbrenus took the ambassadors of the Allo- broges, and discovered to them the conspiracy of Catiline. From Sallust's mentioning that the meeting was held in his house when Brutus was from home, the presumption is that he had no knowledge of the conspiracy ; although his wife Sempronia was an accomplice. C. Caesar, C. Julius. Son of Caius Caesar, and Aurelia the daughter of Cott*. He was born in the sixth consulship of Marius, B. C. 99. When only in his seventeenth year, he obtained the office of Flamen Dialis or High-priest of Jupiter. His marriage with Cornelia, the daughter of Cinna, excited against him the hatred of Sylla, whose suspicion he had previously incurred from his aunt Julia's being the wife of Marius. He with difficulty escaped assassination, and it was only at the intercession of the vestal virgins, and in consequence of the entreaties of his relations, that Sylla spared his life. The latter, indeed, had the discernment to behold in him, even when a mere youth, the germes of future talent and ambition, and when he was asked by his friends why he was so anxious to put a mere boy to death, his answer was, " In that boy, I see many Mariuses." — Of the eventful life of this eminent Roman, it will only be necessary here to speak so far as it was connected with the conspiracy of Catiline. His principal aim, in the accomplishment of his ambitious schemes, was to gain the favour of the populace, and weaken the power of the nobility. This brought him at once in contact with Catiline, and, in favouring the views of that daring conspirator, his object was to destroy by these means the liberty of his country, and then to crush the conspirators themselves, and make himself master of Rome. The opinion which he gave in the senate, with respect to the punishment of Lentulus, jus, and the other accomplices of Catiline ; the threatening con- duct of the Roman equites, who guarded the temple where the senate met, and his being arraigned as an associate in the conspiracy before the senate, sufficiently prove both the public opinion and his own guilt. Cxssirs. Vid. Longinus. Catilina, L. Sergius. A Roman of patrician rank, and the last of the gens Screw. Of his father and grandfather little is known. The former would seem to have been in indigent circumstances, from the language of Quintus Cicero, (de Pet. Cans. c. 2,) who speaks of Cati- line, as having been born amid the poverty of his father. The great grandfather, M. Sergius Silus, or Silo, distinguished himself greatly in the second Punic war, and was present in the battles of Ticinus, Trebia, Trasvmenus, and Cannae. Pliny (H. N. 7, 29) speaks of his exploits in a very animated strain. — The cruelty of Catiline's disposition, his un- daunted resolution, and the depravity of his morals, fitted him for acting a distinguished part in the turbulent and bloody scenes of the period in which he lived. He embraced the interests of Sylla, in whose army he held the office of quaestor. That monster, in his victory, had in Catiline an able coadjutor, whose heart knew no sympathy, and his lewdness no 316 HISTORICAL INDEX. bounds. He rejoiced in the carnage and plunder of the proscribed, grat- ifying at one time his own private resentments, by bringing his enemies to punishment, and executing at another the bloody mandates of the dictator himself. Many citizens of noble birth are said to have fallen by his hand, and, according to Plutarch, (Fit. Syll. c. 32. — Fit C\c. c. 10,) he had assassinated his own brother during the civil war, and now, to screen himself from prosecution, persuaded Sylla to put him down among the proscribed, as a person still alive. He murdered, too, with his own hands, his sister's husband, a Roman knight, of a mild and peaceable character. One of the most horrid actions, however, of whicb he was guilty, would seem to have been the killing of M. Marius Grati- dianus, a near relation of the celebrated Marius. Sylla had put the name of this individual on the list of the proscribed, whereupon Catiline en- tered the dwelling of the unfortunate man, exhausted upon his person all the refinements of cruelty and insult, and having at length put an end to his existence, carried his bloody head in triumph through the streets of Rome, and brought \l to Sylla, as he sat on his tribunal in the forum. When this was done, the murderer washed his hands in the lustral water at the door of Apollov vhich stood in the immediate vicinity. — Catiline was peculiarly dangerous and formidable, as his power of dis- simulation enabled him to throw a veil over his 9odl was his art, tin was poisoning the minds of the Roman youth, he gained the friendship and esteem of the severe Catulus. The remainder of his career is detailed in the pages of Sallust, and will not need repetition here. Cato, M. Porciub, iurnamed Uticensis, on account of his having de- stroyed himself at Utica, was the great grandson of Cato the Censor. His parents died when he was v. - educated under the roof of his mother's brother, Livius Drusus. He was austere in his morals, a strict follower of the tenets of the Stoic sect ; and so p lover of what was virtuous and right, as to pursue every object of such a nature with umi< radiness, regardless of the difficulties which he might have to encounter, or of the dangers to which he might be ex- posed. Cato exerted himself, though in vain, to stem the torrent of Roman luxury and corruption, and in his own person he copied the sim- plicity of earlier days. He often appeared barefooted in public, and never travelled but on foot. In whatever oiUce he was employed, he aiw ays reformed its abuses, and restored the ancient regulations. To the qualities of a virtuous man, and the rectitude of a stern patriot, Cato added the intrepidity of a brave soldier and the talents of an able general. In the affair of the conspiracy, he gave Cicero his constant and vigorous support, and it was chierly through his efforts, in opposition to those of Caesar, that the accomplices of Catiline were capitally punished. This virtuous Roman put an end tu his existence at Utica, after the defeat of Juba and Scipio by Cat sar, in the battle of Thapsus. CatClus, Q. Lutatius. A noble Roman, conspicuous both for his love of country and his private virtues. He was the colleague of Marius in the consulship when the Cimbri and Teutones came upon the south of Europe, and was engaged with that commander in the bloodv battle of the Raudii Campi, where the Cimbri were so sig- nally defeated by the Romans. We afterwards rind him censor with Crassus ; and, Subsequently to this, opposing attempt to make Egypt tributary. Catulus ^ as in politics on the aristocratic side, and HISTORICAL INDEX. 317 of course a warm opponent of Julius Caesar. He was competitor also with the latter for the office of pontifex, but unsuccessful in his applica- tion. At a later period he obtained the consulship along with M. Aemilius Lepidus, B. C. 80, and ten years after this he dedicated the temple of Jupiter in the capitol, which had been destroyed by fire. The character of Catulus stood deservedly high. A stranger to flattery and adulation, he reproved with equal openness the levity of the multitude, and the misconduct of the senate. An anecdote is related of him by Plutarch, which proves conclusively the estimation in which he was held. When it was proposed to invest Pompey with extraordinary power, under the Manilian law, for the suppression of the pirates, Catulus opposed the step, and one of his arguments was, that the people ought not to expose such a man to so many dangers as he was likely to incur in this new command, " for," added he, " what other will you have if you lose him ! w With one voice the assembled people exclaimed, "Yourself." After a long life of honourable usefulness, Catulus was compelled to put an end to his days, by order of the sanguinary Marius. In order to effect this, he shut himself up in a narrow chamber, newly plastered, and suffocated himself by the vapour produced bv a large fire. Cethegus, C. Cornelius. A Roman of corrupt morals and turbulent character. He filled, at one time, the office of tribune, and was also a warm partisan of Sylla, after having originally sided with Marius. Sub- sequently, however, losing the influence which he had possessed, he joined in the conspiracy of Catiline. Cicero informs us, that in rash- ness and daring he surpassed Catiline himself, and almost equalled him in strength of body, love of arms, and dignity of birth. In arranging the details of the plot, the conspirators assigned to Cethegus the task of posting himself at the door of Cicero's bouse, and, after he had forced an entrance, of murdering that illustrious Roman. The vigilance of Cicero frustrated this design. Cethegus was apprehended along with Lentulus and the rest, and strangled in prison. Cicero, M. Tullius. An eminent and well-known Roman, born at Arpinum, a town cf the Volsci, in Latium, B. C. 107. His father although of equestrian rank, had never enjoyed any curule office, and, on that account, Cicero frequently calls himself " a new man," (novus homoy) as having been the first of his family who had raised himself to such a magistracy. After a careful education, in the completion of which he travelled over many parts of Greece, Cicero entered on the career of office, and it was bis peculiar boast, to have obtained each pre- ferment in succession in its own proper year, or, in other words, as soon as he was eligible to it. Thus, he obtained the quaestorship at thirty- one years of age, the aedileship at thirty-seven, the praetorship at forty, and the consulship at forty-three. Our limits will compel us to confine ourselves merely to that part of Cicero's history which was connected with the conspiracy of Catiline, and only to so much even of this as Sallust himself has not touched upon. It was a master stroke of policy on the part of Cicero to drive Catiline out of Rome, and force him, as it were, into a rebellion before it was ripe, in the hope, that, by carrying out with him his accomplices, he would clear the city at once of the whole faction ; or, by leaving them behind, without his counsels to guide them, would expose them to sure destruction by their own rashness and folly. For Catiline's chief trust was not on the open force which he had provided 29* 318 HISTORICAL INDEX. for the field, but on the success of his secret machination* at Rome, and on making himself master of the city. — While the sense cf all his im- portant services was still fresh, Cicero was repaid with the most ample honours. L. Gellius, moreover, who had been consul and censor, said in a speech to the senate, that the republic owed him a civic crown, " for having saved them all from ruin/' and Catulus, in a fjll house, de- clared him " the father of his country," as Cato did likewise from the rostra, with the loud acclamations of the whole people. Party feelings, however, eventually gained the ascendency, and the very man who had been thus idolized was impeached for putting citizens to death without the formality of a trial, and was compelled to yield to the coming storm, and retire into voluntary banishment. The individual most active against him was Publius Clodius. The charge against him had reference to the summary punishment inflicted In* him, in accordance with the on 1 * the senate, on Lentulus. Cethegus, I id their associates. Cicero t! ed a great want of firmness in exile, his fortitude deserted him, and his spirits sunk in deep depression. By the exertions of Pompey and the efforts of his other fri< ■• :v the active co-operation of the m he was finally recalled T thank* to all the cities which had treat* d witfc e illustrious exile, and ordered his town and countr\ hich Clod. the public i 8 :ch multitudes accompanied him from his landing, that he s;iv>, 1 1 a ! . SSIOD, which Plutarch i roth. ClMTA, L. Cornelius. A Roman nobleman of considerable influence and persona] or a t o r y. He em consul with ( 91, but was deprived bv Ins colleague of his consular authority, and dm i him OUt Of ' he bad bv force DfOC 1 hnurioui »ssesston of the armv of Appius Claudius, a war on the g Ot S T UU M nt. and called to his assist- ence Man'. Cinna and M Dtuafly triumphed, Rome opened I «1 eacesssi committed bv the victors. All the leading men of the party oi were put to death, and their pre; I :ina and M then declared theinseh . and the latter died on the vcrv first day of his entering upon office 1 Valerius Flaccui i him. In his thud and fourth consulships Cinna had Cn. Papirius Carbo for his colleague, with whom he made preparations for a m -■ Sylla, who was then engaged in the operations ; During the fourth consulship of Cinna, Julius I his daughtt nelia. Cinna eventually, after raising a powerful armamt Sylla, was killed by his own men, on a rumour of his having put P<_ i then quite a young man, to death. Coepakiis. Q. A native of Terracina, and accomplice in the con- spiracy of Catiline. He was preparing and arm the slaves Igamst the state, at the time the conspiracy was dis- covered. Having learned 4 that the plot was detected, he fled from Rome, before the officers sent by the consuls to apprehend him arrived at his house, but was afterwards taken and strangled in pri- CoKNBLros, C. A Roman blight, connected with the conspiracy of Catiline, who undertook, in conjunction with L. V lUider Cicero the consul, at his own home. HISTORICAL INDEX. 319 Cornificius, Q. A Roman, to whose custody Cethegus was com- mitted, before he suffered punishment. Crassus, M. Licinius. A celebrated Roman, surnamed the " Rich," on account of his great opulence. At first he was very circumscribed in his circumstances, but by educating slaves, and selling them for a high price, he soon enriched himself. Crassus distinguished himself in the war against Spartacus, by defeating that gladiator and killing 12000 of his followers. After this, he was chosen consul with Pompey, and, after the consulship, obtained the office of censor. His supposed participation in the conspiracy of Catiline was probably without any foundation in truth. What purpose could Crassus, in fact, propose to himself by en- tering into a plot to burn a city, in which his own property was so consid- erable ? The enmity which arose between Cicero and Crassus, in con- sequence of the alleged guilt of the latter, was so bitter, that, according to Plutarch, it would have shown itself by some act of violence on the part of Crassus, had not his son Publius, who was very intimate with Cicero, prevented him. He even prevailed on his father, eventually, to become reconciled to the orator. Crassus became afterwards a member of the first triumvirate ; and, obtaining Syria for his province, marched against the Parthians, by whom he was defeated and slain. Curius, Q. A Roman of good family, whose disgraceful and im- moral conduct had caused his expulsion by the censors from the senate. 11. was connected with the conspiracy, but divulged the secret of such a conspiracy's havii. med, to Fulvia, a female of high rank, with whom he was intimate. Fulvia communicated the danger which threatened the tUte and the lives of the citizens ; and the alarm which this occasioned caused the election of Cicero to the consulship. Cicero subsequently prevailed upon Curius, through the means of Fulvia, to discover to him all the movement* of Catiline, and was thus enabled to batil- In return for these services, rewards were voted him from the public funds ; but Caesar, whom Curius had named among the conspirators, exerted himself against the fulfilment of the public promise, and the rewards were not given. D. Dabar. A descendant of Massinissa, who stood high in the favour of Bocchus. He was employed by that monarch in the negotiations with Sylia, respecting the seizure of Jugurtha. Damasippus. A praetor during the consulship of Papirius Carbo, and the jOQUgei Marius. As a follower of the Marian party, he indulged in many cruel excesses against the opposite faction, and also against such as were suspected of favouring it. He assembled the senate under the pretence of business, and then massacred a number of the leading noblemen, alleging that they were in the interest of Sulla. (B. C. 84.) Sulla, when he gained the ascendency, ordered him to be slain. F. Fabius Maximus, Q. An illustrious Roman, the well-known op- ponent of Hannibal, styled Cunctator, from having saved his country by 320 HISTORICAL INDEX. his wise delay and cautious operations in the field. He is alluded to by Sallust in the commencement of the history of the Jugurthine war. Fabius Sanga, Q. A Roman nobleman, who enjoyed the right of patronage over the state of the Allobroges, on which account their deputies at Rome disclosed to him the conspiracy of Catiline. He im- mediately communicated the information to Cicero. Fioulus, C. Marcius. A Roman, who held the consulship with Julius Caesar, B. C. 66. During this year Catiline forrged his plan for the overthrow of the government. Flamma, C. Flaininius. A Roman with whom Catiline passed a few days, at his residence in the territory of Arretium, after the conspiracy had been discovered at Rome, and while he was supplying with arms the inhabitants of the vicinity. Fu l via. A Roman female of high rank, but corrupt principles. Cicero, through her means, obtained from Curius secret information of all the movements of the conspirators. Ful\ The son of a Roman senator, who left Rome to join the army of Catiline, but was arrested on the way, brought back to the city, and put to death by command of his parent. JYai ii S> M. Fulvius. A who was consul aloi: Plautius Hyptac >. B C. 127. He joined the party of Caius Gracchus, and was killed by the consul Opimius, in the tumultuary attendant on the passaj Agrarian law. His house was 1« to the ground, and the place on which it had stood declared public poop Fi i. w:. ML A Roman of senatorian dignity, one of the FttftlUS, P. Om of the accomplices of Catiline, remarkable for his active and daring spirit. He is the one to whom Sallust alludes under the epithet / g among the foremost at the battle of IV G. Gafunus Capito, P. A Roman of Equestrian rank, whom Cicero calls Cimber. 11. :\ one of the most worthless of the accomplices of Catiline. He suffered capital punishment along with Lentulus and the rest. Gauda. A Xumidian, of noble extraction, son of Mastanabal, and grandson of I nad named as heir to the crown o\ Numidia, in case his more immediate descendants should not survive to enjoy it. He became weakened in mind by a severe bodily sickness, and a tool in the hands o\ Manus, for the prosecution of his am: schemes in supplanting Metellus. Gracchi. There wen fen of this name, Tiberius Gracchus and Caius Gracchus, sons of Tiberius Stomoaktt l nelia, the daughter of Scipio Atricanus. Tiberius the elder, was of a mild and unruffled temper, bol Caius, violent and irascible. The i of the two brothers, in succession, was to have the public lands <.': among the citizens. Appian savs. that the nobles and rich men. partly by getting possession of the public lands, partly by buying up the snares of indigent owners, had made themselves masters of all the lands u\ HISTORICAL INDEX. 321 Italy, and had thus, by degrees, accomplished the removal of the com- mon people from their possessions. This abuse stimulated Tiberius Gracchus to revive the Licinian law, by which no one could hold more than 500 jugera, or about 350 acres of land. The owners, however, were to be indemnified for the land they had thus lost. The attempts of the Gracchi cost them their lives. Tiberius was slain in a collision between his adherents and the party of the nobility headed by Scipio Nasica. Caius was slain some years afterwards by the consul Opimius and his party. Gulussa. Second son of Masinissa. Livy makes him to have re- ceived a third of the kingdom, on the death of his father. (Eptt. 50.) Sallust, however, states, that both Gulussa and Mastanabal were cut off by disease, before their father died ; and that Micipsa, the remaining brother, on the demise of his father, succeeded to the whole kingdom. In the third Punic war, Gulussa contributed to the conquest of the Car- thaginians, and the destruction of their state. H. Hannibal. Son of Hamilcar, the celebrated general of Carthage. He is only once casually alluded to by Sallust. Hiemp8al. Son of Micipsa, and brother of Hiempsal. He was as- sassinated by persons employed for that purpose by Jugurtha. J. Jugurtha. Son of Mastanabal. His history is given in full by Sallust, throughout the narrative of the Jugurthine war. Julius, C. One of the accomplices of Catiline, despatched by him into Apulia, to procure additional strength for the conspiracy. Julius Caesar, C. Vid. Caesar. Julius Caesar, L. Consul with C. Marius Figulus, B. C. 66. During their consulship, Catiline formed the design of overturning the government, which he attempted to earn- into execution the next year, .1 Cicero and Antonius succeeded to the consulship. L. Laeca, M. Porcius. An accomplice of Catiline, who, in the dead of night, convened the leading members of the conspiracy at his own house, just before the discoverv of the conspiracy. He was a descendant of M. Porcius Laeca, tribune of the commons, who had the law carried prohibiting magistrates from punishing a Roman citizen with death, and substituting, for capital punishment, banishment and confiscation of property. Lentulus, P. Cornelius, surnamed Sura. A Roman nobleman, grandson of P. Cornelius Lentulus, who was Prtnceps Scnatus. He married Julia, sister of L. Julius Caesar, after the death of her first hus- band, M. Antonius Creticus, to whom she had born M. Antonius, the triumvir. Lentulus was a man of talents, but extremely corrupt in his private character. The interest of his family, and the affability of his manners, proceeding from a love of popularity, raised him through the 322 HISTORICAL INDEX. usual gradation of public honours to the office of consul, which he ob- tained B. C. 73, in conjunction with Cn. Aufidius Orestis Expelled from the senate on account of his immoral conduct, he had procured the prae- torship, the usual step for being ajrain restored to that body, when Catiline formed his design of subverting the government. Poverty, the natural consequence of excessive dissipation, added to immoderate vanity and extravagant ambition, induced him to join in the conspiracy. The soothsayers easily persuaded him that he was the third of the gens Cor- nelia, destined by the fates to enjoy the supreme power at Rome. L. Cornelius Cinna, and L. Cornelius Sylla, had both attained to that ele- vation. His schemes, however, all proved abortive, and he was strangled ID prison with the other conspirators who had been arrested. Plutarch informs us, that he received the surnan in consequence of his having wasted a large sum of the publi< under Sylla, who, enraged at his cond . ided a statement of his ac- counts in the senate, when Lcntulus, with the utmost indifference, de- clared he had no accounts to produce, and contemptuous to him the calf of his leg, (sura.) Among ..ins, particularly among the boys, the p unit, who missed his it i seated as a punishment a certain nuin! • upon it. Lentulus, in illusion to that gan. • r just accounts for the surname, or rather niekna.. other, P. Cornelius. V»l. Spinther. Lki'm i i, I, Aemilius, <>r I< Aemilius Leptdoj Paullus, called b] lust mi rely L Paullus. He was the brother of M. Aemilius I^epidus, ' nned with Augustus and M In early life d a prosecution against Catiline, audi Pl.iiiti.in l.iw. He held the cons:, I '. Claudius Marcellus ust from the smote Be perished in I of DM triumvirate, being left to his lV LonoIkuo, L Cassiu*. A Roman of senatohan rank, who entered into the conspirtc .raged to set the city on fire. Be Hi tl before the die raordinary corpulence, the Jalfuss ne a kind of by-word. It Monurs Limktam's, G A tribune of the commons, who had a bill passed ordering an inquiry into the conduct of the persons who had received bribes from Jugurtha, and been guilty of other misde- meei Mwi.irs. A A lieutcna Dt as a confidential deputy, along with Sylla, to Bocchus, king of M tania. Mam.hs, C. One of the accompl ic line, whom the latter sent into Etruria to levy troops and adopt whatever measures ht deem in -cessary for th< 1 . nanded the right wing of Catiline's army in the final encounter, and fell f._ with the greatest bravery in the foremost ranks. Manlius had commission in the army oi Sylla, under whom he had acquired cou- HISTORICAL INDEX. 323 siderable experience as an officer, and accumulated great wealth, which he soon squandered away. He engaged in the conspiracy to retrieve his ruined fortunes. Manlius, If. A Roman commander, who held the consulship with P. Rutilius Rums, B. C. 107. He was defeated by the Gauls that same year. Cicero (Pro Plane. 5) calls him Cn. Manlius, and Eutiopius (5. 1) Manius Manilius. Manlius Torquatus, L. A Roman commander, who held the con- sulship with L. Aurelius CoHa, 67 B. C. He was the particular friend of Cicero, who mentions him in terms of high approbation in his letters. Sallust calls him L. Torquatus. Makcicjs Rex, Q. Consul with L. Caecilius Metellus, B. C. 80. "When Catiline, five years after, formed his conspiracy, Q. Marcius Rex was sent to Faesulae, to levy troops, and adopt such other measures as he might deem proper. He had just returned from a military com- mand, had demanded a triumph, and met with opposition from a few unprincipled men in the senate. The Marcian family claimed descent from Ancus Marcius, and hence the name Marcius Rex. is, C. A native of Arpinum, remarkable for his military talents, but still more for his cruel and vindictive disposition. Having preserved the state by his bravery, he afterwards brought it to the brink of ruin by his reckless and uncompromising violence. In early life, he was a ploughman, and wrought for hire. Quitting that employment, he entered the ranks of the army, and distinguished himself under Scipio at the siege and capture of N'uinantia. From the condition of a common sol- dier, be gradually rose to the command of the Roman army, and to the office of consul. After bringing the war with Jugurtha to a close, he ed in two terrible encounters the Teutones and Cimbri, slaving an immense number, and taking a vast multitude prisoners. After these signal victories, his ambition- .-ought him in collision with Sylla, and a desolating civil war was the consequence. To crush the power of his rival, Sylla marched the troops which he had raised to carry on the war with Mithridates to Rome, and compelled Marius to flee. In his banishment he underwent uncommon hardships, from which he was in the end released by Cinna's embracing his interests. He then re- turned to Rome to satiate his inhuman resentment, and butchered many thousands of the citizens. Tired at last with murder and assassination, he and Cinna appointed themselves consuls. But Marius, worn out by infirmrl lit intoxication, to which he probably had recourse to blunt the stings of a guilty conscience, died on the first day of his beintz invested with the consulship for the seventh time. Massixissa. Son of Gala, king of the Massyli, in Numidia. He was brought up at Carthage, where he contracted friendships with the nobles, and embraced the interests of the state. As an ally of the Carthaginians, he waged a successful war against Svphax. He afterwards crossed over into Spain, still on the side of Carthage, and distinguished himself by his braven*, activity, and military skill. After Scipio, surnamed Africanus Major, had defeated Asdrubal in this country, he found, among the prisoners of war, one of the nephews of Marsinissa. The Roman commander sent this relative, loaded with presents, to his uncle, and gave him an escort for the safety of his person. Struck by this act of generosity, Massmissa forgot all former feelings of hostility, and joined 324 HISTORICAL INDEX. his forces to those of Scipio. From this time, he continued a firm and faithful ally to his new friends, and it was to his exertions that the Romans O'ved many of their victories in Africa, and particularly the one which proved so fatal to Asdrubal and Syphax. In the battle of Zama also, Massinissa greatly contributed to the overthrow of Hannibal, and the Romans rewarded his fidelity by large accessions of territory. He at- tained to an advanced age, in the enjoyment of excellent health, and, on his death, left his kingdom to be divided by the younger Scipio among his three sons, Micipsa, Gulussa, and Manastabal. One circumstance in the life of M m worthy of particular attention from its tragical nature. He had become possessed of Sophonisba, the captive wife of Syphax, to whom he had D* d in earlier davs, and having car- ried her to his camp, he married her. But this step displeasing the Roman commander, the monarch sent her a cup of poison which she readily drank, and expired, while Massinissa abandoned himself to the row. luine of the commons, and violent foe to the power of the nobilitj li- : powerfully and with great in ezpoei] rv of Jugurtha, and arousing the commons to an assertion of their righto. .na canvass for the irom an apprehension oold oppose him in his evil a< ■■ nouns tVl! . ldgeons of hind assassins in the 9 it speaks in strong term* of b ra does not allow him a high rank an ators. • he consul- ship with If. Jnn S I ! H« <»' as his prorini the war against Jugurtha to a close, nv his mOtl from the commai i and dea i irnarne of N and according to Eut 17) a triumph. he was sum fuaed individual him, he \\. order to pn l mmotion, into volunt. lee. Marius pronounced sentence of ban titer which, i bonourab filled the office of praetor doling the coreoli roops against Catilim nation of his j -alpine Gaol, and saboeqnenuy held l anion, H- ried Qtodia, the sister o\ P. Ckodioa, and km istercd by this abandoned a e and his political integrity, and bo if 1.1.) lie waa surnann d which he celebrated funeral a few davs only after that parent's d< cease. rarnamed I Q. Hortensms. On the expiration of his consulship, he obtained, as proconsul, the island of Crete tor his province and reduced it beneath HISTORICAL INDEX. 325 the Roman sway, for which he obtained the surname above mentioned. He was honoured beside this with a triumph, notwithstanding the opposi- tion of Pompey. Micipsa. Eldest son of Massinissa, who succeeded to the throne of Numidia on the death of his brothers Gulussa and Manastabal, having previously to this enjoyed only the one third part of the kingdom as his share. Very little is known of the character of this monarch. He left two sons, Adherbal and Hiempsal, and Jugurtha as a third by adoption. • lis Rufus, ML was consul with Sp. Postumius Albinus, B. C. IIS. He obtained Macedonia for his province, and carried on a suc- cessful war against the Thracians, conquering the Scordisci and Treballi in Macedonia. Sallust calls him Quintus, while in Livy and in the con- sular calendar he is named Marcus. Muhridatf.s. king of Pontus, in Asia Minor, sur- named Eupator, and the seventh in succession. He was distinguished for ! 1 bravery and military talents, and for the long resistance eh he made against the armies of Rome. At last, however, being - allies, betrayed by his son Pharnaces, and frequently •.ted by the Romans, he was, at his own request, slain by a Gaul, thai iot fall into the hands of his enemies. The constitution of this monarch was so fortified by antidotes, of many of which he is said to have been the inventor, that the strongest and most active poisons had no effect upon him. The true form of the name appears to be Mith- • s, although the other is sanctioned by custom. I brother of the Licinius Murena, who was con- sul B. C. 62, and whom Cicero defended. C. Murena was deputy- governor (legatus) of Transalpine Gaul when Catiline's conspiracy broke out, and secured a number of the malcontents who were endeavouring te commotions in his province. N. A Numidian c«f rank and of great influence with the rugtiltha entrusted him with the command of a separate army, and !.- provci faithful to his monarch, until Bomilcar induced him to . a plot for the ruin of his master. On the discovery o( the ad punishment, but Bomilcar was put to dea^h. pio. I Claudius. A Roman nobleman, grandfather of the • ror Tiberius Claudius Nero. When the conspuacy of Catiline was d, and the matter was debated in the senate, Nero moved that the | duty should be strengthened, and the whcie affair dis- atd more fully at a second meeting of that body. T^s motion very probablv was intended to produce a unanimous sentence, with the view line to the parties to come to an agreemnit, abating, perhaps, ewhat the seventv of D. Junius Silanus, snd adding to that of Caesar, the former having been m favour of desch, the latter of confisca- tion and banishment merely. 30* 326 HISTORICAL INDEX. 0. Octaviu8 Rufus, Cn. A Roman officer, who, during the Xumidian war, brought over a supply of money to Africa. He must not be con- founded with the Octavius who held the consulship with Cinna B. C. 89, and who drove his colleague from the city, but was afterwards put to death by Cmna and Marius. Opimius, L. A Roman nobleman, who held the consulship wi Fabius Maximus Allobrogicus, and who, while in that office, overpowered C. Sempronius Gracchus, the advocate of the Agrarian law. !So fewer than three thousand persons wcro slain on this occasion, according to Plutarch, and along with Gracchus perished M. Kulvius Flaccu3, a man of consular dignity. Opirnius sol q self to be bribed by Jugurtha. g brought to trial for this o:l ondomned, and went into bi great povert) irne of this individual has also descended to later in another way. The wine made during his consulship was remarkable for having attained to a very great age, and was called Vmum Opimt- anum There appears to havo been an uncommon vintage during the vas consul utes that he tasted some Opimian wine ft years after ; and Pliny informs us. that it was si be found when hv prrofc ..stance of two hundred years, and that it had the appearance of candied honey. Orrstii Aurcha. Paullus, I. VtJ L Aemiiius Lcpidus. Perses. King of Macedonia. He was the son of Philip by a con- cubine feci infenor to Diinetnu.*., the legitimate son of that h. By a false accusation, how- i the monarch to ■■metritis to th-ath Philip, on rx . of the truth, resolved -is, and secure t.. vntigo- nus ; but his own death, which happened so*'- Ahtigonus to death, lv he had been inl Phil.n, and irough him that the : ■■ade known. Becoming : var with t mans, lu wa- d him in triumph through the streets oi lo was afterwards The Romans : - him with Bum k: With 1 • first king of tin Pbti utenant q| quence of the mdispostion o state in the action again** Catiline 1 : . the ch ne ^d pom ti lc na; appear to have Wt n both al HISTORICAL INDEX. 327 to capitulate, Petreius joined the army of the republic in Africa, and, on being defeated along with Juba, king of Mauretania, in the battle of Thapsus, he and that prince engaged purposely in single combat, that they might die an honourable death. Juba soon laid Petreius dead at his feet, and then, at his own request, fell by the hand of a slave. Piso, Cn. A Roman of good family, but profligate and needy. The urgency of his wants, uniting with the depravity of his disposition, insti- gated him to any measure which had for its object the convulsion of the siate, as the only remedy which could free him from difficulties and rmbarrassments He readily entered into the conspiracy of Catiline, xecution of the plot, he was at the head of an army to hold the Spaniards in subjection The design transpired and necessarily ..< d its execution Soon after, although only quaestor, he ob- tained the government of Hither Spain, with the authority of propraetor, bv the interest of Crassus, who wished to set him up in opposition to Pompry. The senate assented, in order to have so dangerous a citizen it a distance from the seat of government. The Spanish cavalry, which formed part of his train, assassinated him soon after his arrival in that .try. Pompkiu*, On Son of Cn Pompeius Strabo, and the well-known opponent of Cae> od his title of Magnus from Sylla, after various successes : of that commander. During the troubles occasioned by the conspiracy of Catiline, Pompcy was engaged in the movements connected with the Mithridatic war, and in settling the affairs of Asia. Pompeius Rufus, Q A Roman praetor, despatched to Capua, to take possession of that place lest it should fall into the hands of Cati- line's partisans Pompt'inus, C A praetor, during the time of Cicero's consulship. crs appointed by Cicero to arrest the Allobrogian ambassadors and their train He subsequently, on the expiration of his •vcrnment of Gallia Narboncnsis, defeated ♦he All \olted, and reduced their country to traiv \ as honoured with a triumph. Cicero employed int in the government of Cilicia, where he distinguished R. nant under Metellus in the war with tha He afterwards held the consulship with Cn. Manlius Maxi- B C 167 ntly to this period, he served as lieutenant under Q. M< vola, when he attempted to protect the people of Asia from the oppression of the farmers of the revenue. In consequence I, he fell under the displeasure of the equestrian order, and was brought to trial Disregarding both the want of evidence and his un- sullied reputation before this impeachment, his judges condemned him, and sentenced him to banishment. He retired to Smyrna. Velleius Paterculus asserts that he was a man, the very best not only of his own time, but of anv ige He had an uncommon knowledge of the military art, and introduced many improvements into the Roman discipline. In banishment he devoted his time to philosophy and literary pursuits, in- 328 HISTORICAL INDEX. clining to the Stoic doctrines which he had learned under Panaetras. He resisted the urgent solicitations of Sylla, then at the head of affairs, to quit the place of his retreat and return to Rome. Rutihus wrote in Greek the history of his own times, the war against Hannibal, the siege of Numantia, at which he fought, and the war in Numidia. The last received high commendation for its impartiality In addition to these works may be mentioned his own biography, which Tacitus praises, Observations on the Greek Philosophers, and Orations on several topics. Cicero mentions hia eloquence with respect. He was also an able lawyer. L A Roman, who read in the senate ■ ch ho had received from Faesulae, containing intellige: is, one of the accomplices of Catiline, had taken up arms against the sta 1 a numerous party of follou A Roman nobleman, of great ability, who held the consulship with M Caecihus Metellus, 13 C 11' umphed over the ('arm ; and made the road from Placcntia to Parma, hence called the A bad the honour of being appointed ' nalus, and would h.v ry first 1 not his splendid talent* been tarnished ind other degrading passu agrees with Sal] E'ng the unfavou uf the pict lly extols his virtues, abilities, and achievements. It is of this tame S) relates the well-known anec- dote, so illi the high estimation in which he was held • d of having received a bribe from a foreign pnnce. he conrhiii. Vanus n Scaurum y rcfria merctde corruptum, tmperntm rdtdissc ait : Acmdtus Scaurus huxc se afinem esse s dicti ad- I mm ab Uia dementtsstma actxone per- tniaci clamore depuht" It is more than probable, therefore, that Sal- lust endeavours to de; > a member, and a strong advocate for I of the nobility ; while Cicero, on the other hi :ne reason to exalt his character truth undoubted tmmm He afterwards held the ofRce of censor, and the consulship a second time. His name often occurs in the w ijreat praise of a work of his in t ences and trans- actions of hia lifi The orator considers it equal to Xenophon^ .iia. 1 is surname •<, from h> tory over Hannibal at Zama, and overthrow of the Car- ;uded to in - ust Scipio, P. Cornelius, surnamed Aemihanus, and also Minor. He was the son of Paullus Aemihus. the conqueror of Mace- donia, and was adopted into the Scipio line by the son of the elder Africanus His name Aemiliar. ;varentage, and that of Africanus Minor, (" Young I 4 destroyed Car- HISTORICAL INDEX. 329 thage at the close of the thud Punie war. He is sometimes also styled Nuroantmus, from his haying conquered Numantia Scipio Nasica, P. Cornelius, married Metella, daughter of Q. Cae- cilius Metellus Macedonicus. Cicero, in his treatise on illustrious orators, mentions, that, in wit and humour, he surpassed all his contemporaries. He obtained the consulship, B. C. 113, with L. Calpurnius Piso Bestia, when Italy fell to his lot, and Numidia to that of his colleague. He died in office, on which account Bestia returned from Numidia to preside at the elections. Sempronia. The wife of Decimus Brutus, by whom she became the mother of D. Junius Brutus, so well known for the share he took in the assassination of Julius Caesar. She engaged in the conspiracy of Cati- line, without the knowledge, as it would appear, of her husband. Sallust nas drawn her character in a very masterly manner, as that of a bold and unprincipled female. Junius, held the office of consul with Licinius 64. They succeeded M. Tullius Cicero and C. Antonius. Being consuls elect, when the case of Catiline and his accomplices came asked his opinion first, with respect to the punishment that ought to be inflicted on these traitors. He was in favour of their beinp put to death. Subsequently, however, he embraced the i nus Nero, who was for strengthening the guards and s oj o urn Kite M. Junius. A Roman nobleman, who had for his colleague in llehn Q. Caecilius Metellus, 111 B. C otally defeated I {Lir Epit. 65.) Eutr. be defeated the :atc. L Cornelius An historian of the Cornelian family, and descended from that Sisenna who was praetor A. U. C. 570 In his sed as an orator, and is characterized by Cicero as a man j and wit, but of no greet industry, or knowledge of business. In more advanced life he was praetor of Achaia, and a friend of Atticus. Vossius says his history commenced after the taking of Rome by the >, and ended with th ins and Sylla. Now, it is pos- sible that he teh of Roman affairs from the bum .ails, but r at he had touched ory : for though his work con- sisted of twentv, or, according to ethers, of twenty-two books, it ap- nt ot the second, which is still preserved, that he ifl his narrative as far as the Social war, which broke out in tru The greater part, th< re fore, was probably devoted to the history of the civil wars of Marius : and indeed Velleius Pater- culus calls his work Opus Belli Cinlis Sullam. The great defect of history consisted, it is said, in its not being written with sufficient political freedom, at least concerning the character and conduct of Sylla, tted by Sallust, in a passage bearing ample testimony to the merits of Sisenna in other particulars. Cicero, while he admits his superiority over his predecessors, adds, that he was far from perfection, omplains that there was something puerile in his Annals, as if he had studied none of the Greek historians but Clitarchus (Cic. de Leg. laments which remain of his history are more numerous than those of any old Latin annalist, being about 150 ; but they are also 30* 330 TORICAL INDEX. shorter and more unconnected. Indeed, there axe scarcely two sentences any where joined together. 8m V Roman knipht, bom at Nucena, whence his surname Nucerinus. Catiline, according to Sallust, reckoned hun amom r g to the common account, he was not only co it, having been summoned to stand trial for some misdem* of the plot, he fi- Afnca with a number of his associates and dependants, and assisted the king of Mauretania aj: unng princes Cicero, however, nays, that he quitted the consc'j that be had ■ of his being in the conspiracy .» as a respectable man, and calls friend and icoua • rwards us Caesar ind rendered him inl- and Juba. The conqueror ifjense, the city and territory of I I 'irta. ^pinthcr, held the office of enrols ro and Antomus were consuls. His great display a magnified; « lebration of the garner it had ever before been seen at Rom< Praetor Urbanus, was con- til i ne was detected in the csj >m banishment In' attached himself to toe side : been taken prisoner, was brought before Caesar, 1 set at ht» fought in the battle of Pharamiia, ian» refused him protection. Nothing • ilenus Maximus. be had the froen his resemblance to a comedian of that name. man of equestrian rank, connected with the con- i strangled in prison s \ Mi - cian rank, who served at first under Marius His activity and addres> » brmg . ssful ttTininat!- M i became, at last, •ed that quarrel between them, which f of the most enormous cruelties, and contribute*! nan liberty. Being cent to Asia to restrain rferent pretence, be proved hhneslf both a brave soldier and an able gen- irn, he dis- fao great advantage in the Social war Sunes were rius. they stoned . in revenge, put Sylla's friends in the citv to the me, and comp* rid proscription now bega it he effected his escape. Sylla then act oat against Mithr: : . m ncrals, and concluded with him on very advantageous I "mna having butchered manv of SyUVs friends at Rome, he returnc HISTORICAL INDEX. 331 their deaths. On his arrival, his conduct was marked by clemency and moderation ; but no sooner were his enemies wholly within his power, than he committed the most enormous and barbarous acts of cruelty. To aggrandize himself, to exalt the patricians, and to glut his desire of D his enemies, induced Sylla to assume the reins of absolute •it. He corrected the abuses introduced by popular and un- principled demagogues, restored the ancient laws, and enacted many that were salutary and beneficial. Still, tyranny marked his whole conduct, and : umi»tr?tion a scene of terror, by his personal enmi- rable despot lireofieTeo in the mind of v of thousa:. authonts :d lived undisturbed as a II. ft i. I of the ;>! 9 B. ( I d intoxication to avoid I D06| '•! laaeayti, m Africa At tir^t he was hostile to th . but, on marrying mod an alliance with * a all m which he and Hasdrubal a - and Masinissa. Scipio sent : .*oner at Alba, from wh. -, ur. 1 nan who left Koine to join the army of Catiline, but who was a; -lamination 1 for ius > », be u npi iaal ed Craai lot r l hi> .,i8 deemed utterly false, and Tanmmius was i. unless he gave up the person who had man of senatonan rar. aid the office ofpn >r Q Caeparius was gv?en a Roman nohlamtn, who held the consul- jrith L Aur.ii M the particular friend of i ,i, laUM ol hiLrh 'ommcndation m Ionia for his province. In the :;:. i > (V IBM and manner of his death are Umbri ava, P A treedman, who engaged in the conspiracy of Cati- line, and endeavoured to prevail on the deputies from the Allobroges to take part with that traitor. He was committed to prison on the dis- . of the plot, and most probably punished with death. • RICAL IN V. Valerius Flaccus, L A Roman nobleman, distinguished t - military talents and general ability He traced his deso Poplicola. After holding the office of tribune of the soldiers in Cilicia, and being qua- un, he obtained the praetorshi; ••as consul, and contributed by his a crushing of Catiline's cons; ter the expiration of his praetor ship, he su< •■ imcnt of Asia, and on his return was r extortion. rough the powerful eloquence of .<>, together with Hortensius, pleaded his ea Varounteius, I f the accomplices o: .vho under* took, a ouse. The i, and they ts Proba- t hough a senator, was of equestrian origin na, and one of the accon. intrusted by ln being assured of his safety, he made be knew His testimony was confirmed by the deputies of t .gee Bocchus, king of Msuretania, sent by h»« lather, at the 4 a large body of cavalry to meet Sylla, quaestor under Menus, D the royal pre** HARPER & BROTHERS, NEW-YORK, HAVE RECENTLY PUBLISHED, In 2 vols. 18mo., with a Portrait, XENOPHON. Tne Anabasis translated by EDWARD SPELMAN, Esq., and the Cyropanlia by the Hon. M. 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