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BRITISH EXPLOITS
IN SOUTH AMERICA
..^^^S^JSt-^^.
■'^ -^t .^'- %^/''
** *.••■■:.,* i
^:^,V
A SOUTH AMERICAN HOME
BRITISH EXPLOITS
IN SOUTH AMERICA
A History of British Activities in Explo-
ration, Military Adventure, Diplomacy,
Science, and Trade, in Latin-America
BY
W. H. KOEBEL
Author of "Argentina, Past and Present," "Modern Chile," "Romance
of the River Platte," "Uruguay," "The South Americans,
from the Social and Industrial Point of View,"
"Modern Argentina," Editor-in-Chief of the
"Encyclopedia of South America."
ILLUSTRATED WITH
PHOTOGRAPHS AND OLD PRINTS
NEW YORK
THE CENTURY CO.
1917
Copyright, 1917, by
The Cektuey Co.
Published, May, igi?
/
MAY 31 1917
©G1.A4G2761
THIS VOLUME IS DEDICATED TO
MY MOTHER
WHOSE FATHER DID HIS SHARE
OF VOYAGING UNDER THE
WHITE ENSIGN
PEEFACE
Among such merits as I may claim for this work is a
total lack of haste in its preparation. Written under the
stress of no other pre-occupation save that caused by the
deep shadow of the war, there has been no question here
of a rapid gathering together of material; but rather
that of a lengthy process of selection. To pick out the
most salient features from the vast field of British enter-
prise in South America is not an easy task.
This book having been written in the comparative soli-
tude of the country, and its sources of information largely
derived from my own library, I have taxed the good na-
ture of a smaller number than usual of the various ex-
perts. It is, nevertheless, impossible for me to pass by
the names of three gentlemen without a special note of
thanks.
The first of these is his Excellency Senor Don Agustin
Edwards, that most notable Chilean Minister Plenipoten-
tiary in London, whose kindness in obtaining information
concerning the early British in Chile must be gratefully
acknowledged. To Mr. Herbert Gibson I am deeply in-
debted for similar good offices in regard to Argentina and
to the British writers on that country. I have, more-
over, to express my obligation to Mr. Francis Edwards,
who has not only placed at my disposal his wide knowl-
edge of South American bibliography but has most courte-
ously taken the trouble to send me down for purposes of
reference those particular books which I lacked for this
work.
The subjoined letter, which I found myself under the
necessity of sending to the editor of a minor London pub-
viii PREFACE
lication, will explain itself. It is true that it was written
in the heat of an indignation which appeared justifiable to
me; but, on mature consideration, the special nature of
this present book, written at this period, seems to de-
mand its inclusion, sincerely reluctant though I am to
introduce any personal matter of the kind. I include it
in full, moreover, although some lines have no bearing
on the subject. But this is preferable to the employ-
ment of the asterisk — than which there is surely no instru-
ment of the pen which lends itself more readily to the un-
fair practices of a juggling mind.
It is unnecessary to give the name of the publication to
which the following was directed :
Sir : — In this secluded spot most things, including periodicals,
are belated. It is for this reason that I have only now been
enabled to read your review, published on the thirtieth of Novem-
ber, of my book. The South Americans. I have, up to now, man-
aged to deliver myself of eighteen books without sparring with a
reviewer — possibly because there has seemed no reason! But
there are two points in this review of yours that cannot be passed
over in silence.
The first is a personal one. According to your reviewer:
* ' The name of our author leads one to suppose that he knows a
good deal more than he tells of the unceasing efforts of Germany
for supremacy — not commercial supremacy alone — in some of
the states, especially in parts of Brazil; as a matter of fact he
dismisses this subject airily in twenty lines."
Now this, leaping from the flat body of a review, is startling,
and imbues one with the sensations of a sitter on a needle-point
concealed in a cushion! If the words have any meaning at all,
sir, they surely convey the gravest slur on the loyalty of one
who has never willingly missed an opportunity of pointing out
the German peril, not only in South America, but elsewhere.
Those who are familiar with my work — and I am fortunate in
that, though clearly lacking your reviewer, their number is not
small — know that I have laboured this very point with persistence
for the last ten years. They, I am sure, will not need from me
any comment on this imputation. The others (I suppose, sir,
that it would savour too much of egotism to class them as the
"remainder"?) will, I hope, accept my unqualified denial that
PREFACE ix
there is the faintest ground for this queer insinuation concern-
ing some dark and mysterious knowledge which I am jealously
guarding from the British public.
As regards the precise degree of taste in interpolating such
matter, on such evidence, in a review — well, I do not think that
I have any peculiar reason to be sensitive on this point. As one
whose father held a commission from Queen Victoria, and as
one who at the outbreak of the war alone out of five brothers
— the number is no longer intact — did not hold a commission in
the regular forces, I cannot produce a blush of shame even to
gratify your reviewer! Moreover, that I am still a civilian is
the fault, not of four years on the shady side of the slacker's
haven (forty) but of a slightly sprung heart. So much for a
personal outpouring rendered unavoidable by our critic.
The second point I can turn to with some relief, since it is
not of an intimate nature, and since it seems to me to come within
the reviewer's legitimate province. In any case it strengthens
my theory that I have the misfortune not to count your reviewer
among my readers. According to him, again: "Mr. Koebel
cannot know much of Pernambuco or its surroundings, or he
could not have failed to observe the copious and interesting
Dutch remains still to be seen in that part of the continent."
I freely admit that an ambiguous sentence which the reviewer
has picked out might produce this supposition — in the mind of
one who has not read on and arrived at the description of these
very Dutch remains at Pernambuco (p. 265).
Accept my apologies for the length of this letter, which is
primarily due to the fact that it is not only men having the
advantage of homely names who pride themselves on being Eng-
lish. There are others, such as,
Yours very truly,
W. H. Koebel.
Castle Combe,
Combe Martin,
N. Devon.
These latter apologies must be repeated here to the
present reader. May his breast be free from that justi-
fied resentment which one who has paid to enter a place
of public entertainment must experience when he finds
himself buttonholed and drawn into a corner for an in-
timate and heart-to-heart talk with a performer whose
X PREFACE
rightful place is on the stage, and whose private affairs
are a mere matter of boredom to others ! Nevertheless,
it is preferable to run this risk than to permit the re-
motest doubt of the loyalty with which the affairs of the
British in South America are regarded in these pages.
CONTENTS
PART I
THE NAVIGATORS
OHAFTEB FAQE
I The Romantic Period in South America ... 3
II The First English Mariners to Sail the Spanish
Main 15
III The Beginnings of British Trade with South
America 46
IV The Buccaneers 80
PART II
THE BRITISH IN COLONIAL SOUTH AMERICA (-^^
V Early British Adventures in Spanish America . 101
VI Some Eighteenth-Century British Voyages to
South America 116
VII The British Expedition to the River Plate . . 141
VIII British Guiana and the Falkland Islands . . 156
IX British Fighters in the Cause of South Ameri- L^
can Independence (I) 163
X British Fighters in the Cause of South Ameri-
can Independence (II) 188
XI British Fighters in the Cause op South Ameri-
can Independence (III) 214
PART III
south AMERICA IN THE EARLY PART OP THE
NINETEENTH CENTURY
XII The First British Relations with the New
Republics .:- 235
XIII Early Travelers and Traders in the Republics . 255
XIV The British in Brazil (I) 281
XV The British in Brazil (II) .;.... 295
XVI The British in Brazil (III) 311
XVII The British in Brazil (IV) 327
CONTENTS
CHAPTER FAQB
XVIII The British in Brazil (V) 340
XIX The British in Brazil (VI) 364
XX The British in the South American Internal
Wars 374
PART IV
scientific and literary observers
XXI Some British Naturalists in South America . 395
XXII South America in English Print 420
XXIII Achievements of the British in the Nineteenth
Century (I) 481
XXIV Achievements of the British in the Nineteenth
Century (II) 494
XXV Achievements of the British in the Nineteenth
Century (III) 512
XXVI To-day and To-morrow in South America . . 525
Appendix 553
Bibliography of Modern Works 555
British Arrivals in the River Plate at the Be-
ginning OP THE XIXth Century .... 570
Index 573
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
A South American Home Frontispiece
TAOING PAGE
Sir John Hawkins ..." 20
Sir Francis Drake 20
The Santos Eiver in Brazil 48
Old Fort at Mouth of Santos Eiver, Brazil 48
Island of Juan Fernandez 88i
Valdivia, Chile (1836) 102'
Conference of President O 'Higgins with the Indians . . 112
Ambrose O 'Higgins 124^
Sir Home Riggs Popham 144 ^
Lieutenant-General Whitelocke 144
General San Martin 168 "^
General Bolivar 184 '^
An Early View of Valparaiso, Chile 190 '^
Plaza de la Independencia, Santiago, Chile (early XlXth
century) 206 '
Araucanian Witch Doctors at "Work 218 '^
An Early Raid by Araucanian Indians, Chile 228^
A British South American on His Rancho 244
British South Americans 244
Crossing the Andes 262
South American Indian Encampment 276
Rio de Janeiro (1809) 300
Landing Stage, Rio de Janeiro (early XlXth century) . . 332
Public Gardens (1835) 332
Sugar Loaf Mountain, Rio de Janeiro 372
Garibaldi 380 v'
General Rosas 380 ^^
ILLUSTRATIONS
TAOINO
PAQE
South American Indians 412
South American Cattle 432
South American Oxen 432
Early View of Valparaiso, Chile 456
Plaza San Martin, Mendoza, Argentina 472 '
Cattle Market at Montevideo 488
Plaza Constitucion Station, Buenos Aires 496
Avenue de Mayo, Buenos Aires 496
South American Indians 508 '
Old Print of the Llama and Indians 508
A Modern British South American Ship 516
Early Type of Royal Mail Steam Packet Company Ship . . 516
Railroad Construction in South America 520
Forest Clearing in South America 520 '
Viaduct Construction in South America 532
Bridge Construction in South America 532
Avenue Rio Branco, Rio de Janeiro 548
Street Scene in Rio de Janeiro 548 '
The publishers acknowledge with thanks the courtesy of The Royal Mail Steam
Packet Company in supplying several of the above illustrations.
PAET I
THE NAVIGATORS
BRITISH EXPLOITS IN
SOUTH AMERICA
CHAPTER I
THE ROMANTIC PEEIOD IN SOUTH AMERICA
The charm of the Americas — Iberian navigators — Prince Henry of Portu-
gal and his seamen — Some famous captains — Columbus — ^Manner in
which the English were attracted to the new lands — The English
crusaders as comrades of the Portuguese — Ramifications of friend-
ship which succeeded the first alliance — The interchange of Portuguese
wines and English cloth — The alliance consolidated in battle against
the Spaniards — The treaty of Windsor — The marriage of John of
Portugal to Philippa of England — Prince Henry, the navigator of
English blood on his mother's side — Some ethics of the slave trade —
Effect of the discoveries of the new lands upon the English in Portu-
gal — The return of the galleons — Awakening of the navigating spirit
in the West of England — The story of Robert Machin — ^Romance which
is alleged to have led to the discovery of Madeira by the English —
Death of Machin and Anna d'Arset — Links connecting the tale with
the accepted discovery of the island by Joao Gongalves Zarco — Se-
bastian Cabot — His South American discoveries made in the Spanish
service — Condition of South America when William Hawkins, father
of Sir John, set sail for that continent in 1530 — Achievements already
effected by the navigators and conquistadores — Iberian colonization —
Extent of the continent occupied — Questions of Indian and Negro
labor — Doctrine of Las Casas — ^The early English navigators unwit-
tingly act as the avenging spirits of the slaughtered Indians — Mis-
taken policy of the Spanish Einpire.
THE rich flavor of such names as the Spanish Main
and the South Seas has retained its charm almost
unimpaired from the dawn of the New World to
the present day. For four centuries the promise of the
new and rich lands has drawn adventurers from the
North to compete with each other and with the descend-
4 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
ants of those Iberian conquistador es who first set foot on
the neck of a wondering continent.
The tale of the early Iberian navigators is clear enough,
from the brave band of Portuguese voyagers, fathered
by Prince Henry the Navigator of Portugal, to Columbus
and his comrades. It was the Portuguese who first drove
boldly into the Western Ocean. Their seniority as dis-
coverers is not to be questioned. It was some three
quarters of a century before Columbus set sail for the
West when their two seamen, Bartholomeu Perestrello
and Joan Gongalves Zarco, discovered the islands of
Porto Santo and Madeira respectively in 1419 and 1420:
But after this the more famous of the Portuguese navi-
gators, such as Nuno Tristao, Vasco da Gama, and Pedro
Alvarez Cabral (although this last was at a later period
responsible for the discovery of Brazil), forsook the west-
ern course for the southern, and, fringing the African
coast, turned to the east, and sought India and China by
way of the Cape of Good Hope.
The significance of the voyages of Columbus and of the
other navigators in the service of the neighboring king-
dom of Spain is perhaps even more generally understood.
The manner in which one of these great events followed
on the heels of another has been made abundantly clear.
But what of the English? How did these Northern
islanders come to put their spoke into these new wheels
of land and water from which their home was so remotely
situated? What was it that first set on the track of the
tropical seas the bearers of such charmed names as Haw-
kins, Drake, Ealeigh, Cavendish, and Dampier? For a
sufficiently comprehensive answer to all this it is neces-
sary to hark back to a precolonial age, almost three cen-
turies before the discovery of Madeira.
It was as early as 1147 that a number of English cru-
saders, on their way to the Holy Land, halted on the
banks of the Tagus, and assisted the Portuguese to cap-
ture the city of Lisbon from the Moors. The men of the
ROMANTIC PERIOD IN SOUTH AMERICA 5
oak and the men of the olive found that, however much
they might differ in complexion, they had at least much
sympathy in common. Thus was begun the alliance be-
tween England and Portugal.
The relations between the two countries rapidly be-
came consolidated. The following year, 1148, we find an
Englishman, Gilbert of Hastings, as Bishop of Lisbon.
In 1217 another fillip was given to this international
friendship by the arrival of a second, and more formid-
able, army of English crusaders, by whose assistance a
Moorish army of fifty-five thousand men was completely
defeated.
Nearly twenty years after the falling through of a
proposed matrimonial alliance between the English and
Portuguese royal houses, the earls of Lancaster and
Arundel arrived in Portugal in 1344, charged with an
important mission of friendship, and three years after
this some further matrimonial schemes were drawn up,
but these, too, proved abortive. These delicate failures
seemed to have no ill effect on the relations between the
two countries. Commercial bonds had now entered into
the field to strengthen the military friendship. Through
the instrumentality of a young Portuguese wine mer-
chant, sent on a mission to London, many special agree-
ments and clauses were arrived at between the English
and Portuguese merchants. As a result, the red wines
of the Douro Mountains and the CoUares and Algarve
slopes began a northward journey in ships, which they
have continued practically without intermission from
that day to this, while the first consignments of an
equally lengthy and unbroken procession of English
clothes began to come rolling southwards across the Bay
of Biscay.
It is certainly curious that in those days of small and
cranky ships we should have established our most inti-
mate relations with a people dwelling just the wrong side
of the dreaded Bay of Biscay ! The bay whose entrance
6 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
is guarded by the jagged and equally menacing rocks of
Ushant! But so it was. At the beginning of the four-
teenth century English merchants were already familiar
with Portuguese soil, while in 1381 two thousand fresh
English men-at-arms set sail for the Tagus. Four years
later these were followed by five hundred English arch-
ers, who fought side by side with the Portuguese among
the vines and olives, and whose long-bows twanged to
some purpose on the field of Aljubarrota, where the Cas-
tilian knights went down before them.
In 1386, the following year, the treaty of Windsor con-
firmed the Anglo-Portuguese alliance, and this friend-
ship — no new thing even at the time of the compact — ^has
lasted, practically unbroken, from that day to this.
Surely this must constitute the oldest-standing known
treaty in the history of the world !
The following year John of Gaunt triumphantly en-
tered Portugal at the head of an English army of two
thousand lances and three thousand archers, and on the
second of February, 1387, his daughter Philippa, by his
first wife, Blanche of Lancaster, was married to King
John of the then solid realm of Portugal.
Those who have taken the trouble to wonder what
these affairs of crusaders, cloth, and port wine have to
do with the English in South America will now begin to
obtain some inkling. For one of the issue of this mar-
riage was Prince Henry the Navigator, the first and
greatest patron of deep-sea voyagers, who devoted him-
self heart and soul to the science of discovery. It was
he who called astronomers and mathematicians to his
aid, and who, zealously studying the problems of the
ocean in his austere Sagre Castle on the southern Portu-
guese coast by Cape St. Vincent — the nearest point
in all Europe to tropical America! — directed the voy-
ages of those famous mariners who sailed into the un-
known.
Thus the friend and patron of the Portuguese sea cap-
ROMANTIC PERIOD IN SOUTH AMERICA 7
tains — the leading navigators of their day — was of Eng-
lish blood on his mother's side. It was under his au-
spices that central and southern Africa, India, and Brazil
were discovered, and that Lisbon became the western
gate of Europe, while decaying Venice bewailed the loss
of her monopoly of the overland trade route to In-
dia.
From the modern point of view it can scarcely fail to
militate against Prince Henry's repute that he should
have been the founder of the Negro slave-trade. But,
according to the morality of the fifteenth century, the
procedure was not only excusable; it was sound policy.
For centuries the Portuguese had become accustomed to
the enslaving of prisoners in the hands of the Moors, and
they themselves — in common with all the European na-
tions of the Mediterranean coast line — ^had retaliated in
similar fashion, until that degraded condition had grown
to be regarded as a part of ordinary life. The war-worn
and depopulated lands of Southern Portugal were sorely
in need of tillers. It must be the business of his captains,
the Navigator decided, to supply this need. A point of
interest in connection with this is that it was owing to
their intimate association with the Portuguese, whose ex-
ample they copied, that the English first approached the
coasts of Spanish America as carriers of those slaves who
were destined to labor in the mines and plantations of the
conquistador es.
The noises of these great discoveries sounded but dully
in the ears of most of the Northern Europeans, who had
small means of grasping fully what was afoot. But the
case was very different with those English who, encour-
aged by the crown and welcomed by the inhabitants,
found themselves in Portugal at that period. These saw
with their own eyes the return of the deeply laden gal-
leons, as their painted bows breasted the rapid tide of
the broad Tagus. They watched the processions bear-
ing treasure, spices, strange woods, and stranger aborig-
8 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
inal huinan beings from the landing place at Belem to
the center of Lisbon.
They heard, moreover, with their own ears the barking
of the cannon and the booming of the church bells that
saluted the return of a rich armada from the Indies or
Brazil. Many of them made overtures to the returned
mariners, and, over deep cups of Lisbon wine, listened
eagerly to the tales of the glittering South — tales of what
the sailors had actually seen, as well as those vaporings
of their vivid imaginings concerning what lay behind the
mere fringe of the New World that they had so far ex-
plored.
When these tales floated northwards from the blue
skies to the gray, they were answered by a stir in the
blood of the Englishmen, more especially in the West,
the center of the chief intercourse with Portugal, where
the bales of cloth slid down into the holds and the barrels
of wine rumbled out on to the quays. We thus at length
arrive in England, together with these amazing reports
and rumors ! Very soon the echoes of these began to be
heard in Plymouth, where William Hawkins, a fine old
sailor of King Henry the Eighth's, was preparing to
unfurl his sails for the first equatorial voyage ever made
by an Englishman with an English crew.
But before we get into the stride of this — or into the
wash of Hawkins' wake, whichever you prefer — let us
dispose of three remaining preliminary matters and thus
clear the decks for consecutive action.
The first of these concerns the story of Robert Machin,
almost certainly the first Englishman, mythical or phys-
ical, to sail the Western Ocean. The legend runs that in
the first half of the fourteenth century there lived in the
southwest of England a man, Robert Machin, of a gentle
but impoverished family. In an ill-starred moment he
became enamored of a lady, Anna d'Arset, of a rank
superior to his own. In addition to her noble birth, Anna
d'Arset possessed rare beauty, large fortune, and stern
ROMANTIC PERIOD IN SOUTH AMERICA 9
relatives. These last, observing with sordid anger that
the Lady Anna regarded Machin with favor, caused him
to be flung into prison, and presently forced Anna d'Ar-
set into a marriage with an abhorred but wealthy noble-
man.
The marriage once celebrated, all futile romance was
considered at an end. The detested husband bore his
bride away to his castle near Bristol, and Machin, now
considered a negligible factor, was released from his cell.
But his persecutors had failed to reckon with the real
ardor of the foiled lover. Machin, collecting a small band
of tried friends, proceeded to Bristol, and opened his
plan of campaign. He succeeded in communicating with
the Lady Anna, whose conjugal ideas appear to have been
in advance of her times, and eventually procured her es-
cape from the castle. This once effected, the entire
party fled from Bristol in a small vessel, hoping to reach
France. But the elements showed no greater pity upon
the lovers than had Anna d'Arset's family. Assailed by
tempestuous weather, the amateur sailors missed their
desired port, and in great tribulation were tossed about
for days on the broad, roaring ocean.
On the dawn of the fourteenth morning, the hapless
wanderers discerned the loom of a dark mass across the
waters. Full daylight revealed an island. They had ar-
rived at a fair spot, Madeira. The storm had died away ;
all was peace and sunshine now. White and yellow birds
flitted about the vessel, while for a background stood the
fairylike island.
Here Machin landed, accompanied by his ladylove and
some others of the party. But misfortune still dogged
the pair. Lost in the rapture evoked by their surround-
ings, the small company delayed the landing of such few
necessary articles as they had brought with them. A
sudden tempest arose and blew the vessel from its an-
chorage out to sea. The next morning there was no trace
of it, nor of the party that had remained on board. This
10 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
final catastrophe marked the end of the beautiful Anna
d'Arset, doubtless much weakened by her sufferings at
sea. Neither the beauty of the spot nor the presence of
Machin sufficed to counteract the shock. She expired in
the arms of her agonized lover, and he, for his part, sur-
vived her but a few days.
Machines last request to his friends was that his re-
mains should be placed in the same grave with those of
his beloved. His wish was faithfully executed. Above
the bodies of the ill-fated couple was erected an altar
shaded by the branches of a stately tree. Upon the altar
was inscribed the tragic history of Machin and Anna
d'Arset, and a pious request that if Christians should
ever come to settle in the island they should erect a
church upon the spot.
A number of the earlier historians seem inclined to
give full credence to this story. Gaspar Fructuoso, the
sixteenth-century Portuguese chronicler, for one, en-
deavors with some seeming success to pick up links con-
necting the tales told by the survivors of Machin 's voy-
age with the accepted discovery of the island by the
one-eyed explorer, Joao Gongalves Zarco, in 1420.
Even at the present day the very rare visitors to the lit-
tle Madeirense town of Machico — the nomenclature is sig-
nificant — are shown a very small and ancient chapel,
which is said to be in part the original building which
Zarco piously constructed over the bodies of the dead
lovers.
But the features of the tale, if they ever existed in
material life, are much obscured by the mist of ages.
Perhaps at this stage of the book it may seem that I have
dragged in Machin and the Lady Anna rather superflu-
ously by their dead or mythical heels. I have merely in-
troduced them to show the possibility that an Englishman
made an excursion into the Western Ocean before any
other European plowed it with his keel on his way to the
Americas in search of the road to India.
ROMANTIC PERIOD IN SOUTH AMERICA 11
The second matter may be tackled with considerably-
more assurance, since, concerning Sebastian Cabot, it
rests at least on a secure historical basis. The memory
of Cabot, great navigator and explorer though he was,
suffers just a little from the variety of his interests, when
living. The name of Columbus, though himself an Ital-
ian, is an indissoluble part of the birthright of every
Spaniard. There are other explorers, too, whose feats
have made them part and parcel of a land which could
not claim them by birth or descent.
But the case of Cabot is not on all fours with any of
these. A Venetian by birth and an Englishman by
choice, he served the Spanish Empire as well as the land
of his adoption. On this account it is a little difficult to
determine the neighborhood of his correct niche in his-
tory. It is doubtless owing to this that some inevitable
neglect has supervened, and that many of the more inti-
mate details of his career are unknown. *'He gave Eng-
land a continent," says an American author, "and no
one knows his burial-place."
Some side issues of the evil fate which has dogged this
great man's memory enter even into these pages, for,
although Cabot, having two Englishmen in his company,
sailed southwards to investigate Brazil and the river
Plate in 1527, and thus formed one of the first flight of
the explorers of the South American mainland, he
achieved this not in the English service but as a high
official of the Spanish marine. So, for the particular
purposes of this book Cabot must remain unclaimed, and
the first of the English keels to enter the Southern Ocean
and our picture must be that of the first of the three most
notable generations of navigating Hawkins'.
Before setting sail with him we must take a rapid sur-
vey of South America as it was when the first flight of
seamen from the North were preparing to invade its pri-
vacy.
When William Hawkins set sail from Plymouth in
12 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
1530, the tide of Iberian colonization had not yet swollen
to its full flood. Spain had succeeded in planting her
foot firmly on the coast of what is now Venezuela and on
the Isthmus of Panama, whence she was preparing to
send her forces southwards to conquer the Pacific slope.
But the great Empire of the Incas still lay intact among
its gigantic mountain ranges, and Pizarro had not yet
destroyed the Inca rule, nor slain the Emperor Atahu-
alpa, nor plundered the heavy gold of the sacred cities
near Lake Titicaca.
It was only on the eve of such mighty occurrences as
these that William Hawkins sailed his ship out of Plym-
outh. At that period, too, was still lacking the Span-
ish colonizing stream which, headed by Pedro de Men-
doza, was to set in from the southeast and embrace the
countries of the river Plate and Paraguay.
The coast of Brazil had been explored by Cabral, Pin-
zon, and others, and the wonted stone pillars engraved
with the arms of Portugal had been left at various points
on the shore. Moreover, the Portuguese, following an-
other custom of theirs, had marooned a few of their
condemned criminals among various tribes of the coastal
Indians — a procedure which had a double advantage in
that it served to test the real sentiments of the Indians
(for if the Portuguese were found alive in their midst
by any subsequent expedition it might be taken for
granted that the natives were friendly!), and to prepare,
by this humble and somewhat maculate instrumentality,
the mind of the aboriginal for the advent of the white
man.
But the actual settlements of the Portuguese on the
Brazilian coast had as yet scarcely come into being.
Bahia, the first real center of Portuguese colonization,
was still the haunt of Indians, and Rio de Janeiro itself
had not yet even been discovered.
It was only on a narrow strip of the right shoulder of
the continent, therefore, that active colonizing was pro-
ROMANTIC PERIOD IN SOUTH AMERICA 13
ceeding. Elsewhere the red-skinned South American In-
dian was still permitted to attend to his own affairs
himself and had not yet been forced into the fatally hard
labor of the mines, which sent so many millions of these
unfortunate folk to their death.
It is true that the pity which cannot fail to be meted out
for the sufferings of these long-dead Indians is in some
instances apt to be tempered by a closer acquaintance
with some branches of the modern race. After reading
''Richard Spruce," for instance, the inclination is to be-
stow an extra amount of commiseration on the aboriginal
female and a lesser amount on the male. That botanist's
opinion of the average Indian of the forests with whom
he was brought into contact was that :
''He is naturally apathetic and dislikes exertion; but
he makes his wife work like a slave. On the Rio Negro
I have seen the poor women grating mandiocca by moon-
light until midnight; and they must be stirring before
daybreak to give their husband his morning drink ; while
he, extended in his hammock, is warming his nether ex-
tremities near a fire which must not be allowed to go out.
When I had seen this, I felt no pity for the Indian when
the white man took him by force to row his boats and do
other work for him. * '
But this comment affords no excuse for the methods
adopted by the conquistador es.
Those who endeavor to follow the workings of fate and
of a poetic justice, which is only too rare on this earth,
may derive an instance from the retribution which over-
took the Spaniards in their inhuman policy toward the
aboriginal tribes. So stupendous was the wastage of
native life that the Indian's best friend, Bishop Las
Casas, saw no other remedy but the homeopathic measure
of the introduction of the Negro slave — in order that the
sturdy African should bear part of the other's burden,
and that, instead of the extinction of the one race, the
two should continue to live and to labor side by side.
14 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
The remedy served well enough to tide over the crisis ;
but it was in this remedy that lay the seeds of incalculable
loss and tribulation to the Spaniards of the succeeding
generations. For it was this transport of the Negro
slave from West Africa to South America that brought
upon the scene such men as Sir John Hawkins and his
bold sea-dogs. And when the Spaniards, resenting the
growing familiarity of these sailors with their tropical
coasts, turned upon them to chase them away, they fre-
quently enough found the proof that they had caught a
tartar in the torn planks of their sinking galleons and
the smoke and flames of their burning coast towns.
So the early English navigators — although they had
no intention of posing for the part — of which, indeed, they
were profoundly unconscious — served as very efficient
avenging spirits of the countless slaughtered Indians.
At the same time it must be candidly supposed that this
retribution would never have been brought about had not
the Spaniards begun their long, incessant, and hopeless
struggle to retain as their close and private property the
territories of a continent and a half !
It is clear enough now that no empire, however ma-
jestic, could build a fence strong enough to shut off so
large a part of the world from the rest of the earth's
inhabitants. But Spain made a conscientious and costly
endeavor to achieve the impossible, and it was in the
course of frustrating this attempt that the admirable
group of Elizabeth's English sailors learned much of
their seamanship !
CHAPTEE II
THE FIEST ENGLISH MAEINEKS TO SAIL THE SPANISH MAIN
William Hawkins not the first Englishman to sail South American seas —
Sir Thomas Pert — Thomas Tison — William Hawkins' voyage to the
Brazilian coast — Marine superstitions of the period — William Haw-
kins' intercourse with the Brazilian Indians — One of these latter is
taken to England to be shown to King Henry VIII — Notwithstanding
the Indian's death, the English hostage is released by the Brazilians
on William Hawkins' return to Brazil — Other early voyagers — Robert
Eeniger — Thomas Borey — Thomas Pudsey — Sir John Hawkins — Span-
ish attitude toward foreign seamen — Pope Alexander VI's division
of the earth — Establishment of the Inquisition in Lima — John Haw-
kins carries slaves from West Africa to Spanish America — Respecta-
bility of the sixteenth-century slave trade — General theories concern-
ing the Negro — John Hawkins' financial supporters — Reception of his
squadron in Hispaniola and on the mainland — A profitable expedi-
tion — John Hawkins' second voyage — Episodes in West Africa — Trade
complications in Spanish America — The ways of imperial officialdom
— On his next voyage John Hawkins is accompanied by Drake —
Drake's youth — ^How his early days were spent — Hawkins' squadron
off West Africa — Fruitless treaty with a Negro potentate — Increas-
ing oflBcial difficulties concerning the disposal of slaves in Spanish
America — John Hawkins storms Rio de la Hacha — His squadron
treacherously attacked in the harbor of San Juan de Ulloa — Losses
of the English after a desperate defense — ^Escape of John Hawkins
in the Minion, and of Drake in the Judith — ^Privations endured on
the homeward voyage — Drake's voyage in the Pacha — El Draque
avenges San Juan de Ulloa — Depredations on the Spanish Main —
The Pacific sighted — Captain John Oxenham penetrates to these for-
bidden waters — His achievements there — ^Some of his men betrayed
by floating feathers — Capture and execution of his company — Drake,
Queen Elizabeth, and King Philip of Spain — Circumnavigation of the
world — His squadron, men, and sentiments — Some episodes of the
voyage — Paraphernalia of a progress of state — Feats of compression —
Drake loses his cap to a Southern Indian — The tragedy of San Julian
— Execution of Captain Doughty — ^The Golden Hind sails alone into
the Pacific Ocean — The rich reward of his daring — ^The toll of the
South Sea — Lady Elliott Drake and Miss Zelia Nuttall on Sir Francis
Drake — A notable map— Episodes on the Pacific coast — Effect on the
morale of the Spaniards — Drake's last voyage — In the course of a
15
16 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
less successful expedition — Sir John Hawkins and Sir Francis Drake
die within a short period of each other — Andrew Barker's voyage —
Mutinous spirit of the oflBcers and crew — Punishment dealt out to
the survivors of an imfortunate expedition — Richard Hawkins' voy-
age to the Spanish Main in 1593 — His theories concerning the nomen-
clature of ships — His prolonged fight against an overwhelmingly su-
perior Spanish fleet, commanded by Don Beltran de Castro — His im-
pressions and observations — Chivalry displayed by the Spaniards —
Some notable booty.
THAT fine old sailor, William Hawkins, has some
just — if comparatively vicarious! — demands on
posterity, for the reason that he was the father
of Sir John Hawkins. But, beyond this, he has more
varied claims to celebrity. He was the first English-
man who ever let fly the sails of his own ship to belly
out before the trade winds, and to bear his staggering
vessel on a successful voyage down the latitudes, leaving
the Spanish Main to the north, as far as the coast of
Brazil.
It must not be gathered from this that William Haw-
kins was the first Englishman to sail the South American
seas. As early as 1516 a certain Sir Thomas Pert, in
company with Sebastian Cabot, is said to have penetrated
to these waters, and to have made a half-hearted attempt
at a landing at the island of Hispaniola. But, according
to Hakluyt, it appears that Sir Thomas Pert was one
* 'whose faint heart was the cause that the voyage tooke
none effect; if, I say, such manly courage, whereof wee
have spoken, had not at that time beene wanting, it might
happily have come to passe, that that rich treasurie called
Perularia, (which is nowe in Spaine in the Citie of Sivill,
and so named, for that in it is kept the infinite riches
brought thither from the newfoundland of Peru) might
long since have beene in the tower of London, to the kings
great honour and wealth of this realme. ' '
Nor was William Hawkins the first Englishman to set
his foot on South American — or West Indian — soil. It
is known that in 1526 there was resident somewhere in
THE FIRST ENGLISH MARINERS 17
the depths of those then mysterious latitudes an English-
man named Thomas Tison, who is supposed to have acted
secretly as the agent of some English merchants, and to
whom consignments of armor and other commodities were
sent from time to time. Beyond this, nothing seems to
be known of the enterprising spirit of Thomas Tison.
In Pedro de Mendoza's expedition, moreover, which
sailed from Seville in 1534, and which founded the first
European settlements in the Eio de la Plata and in Para-
guay, were two or three Englishmen, the names of two
of which are thus rendered in the Spanish records:
Richarte Limon and Juan de Bute.
William Hawkins, the first Englishman who success-
fully sailed his own ship to South America, is said to have
been one of King Henry VIII 's most valued sea-captains.
William Hawkins made three voyages to Brazil. On his
first voyage he left the port of Plymouth in the year 1530.
This was only some thirty years after the Portuguese
navigators had first set eyes on that tropical shore, and
those on board his vessel — ^the Paul of Plymouth, of two
hundred and fifty tons — seemed to have been little con-
cerned with the scanty Portuguese colonists of that pe-
riod.
William Hawkins appears to have picked up a certain
amount of information by one means and another. So
that, although he was sailing into seas unknown to him,
he was at all events spared the terrors of the first Latin
mariners of the Atlantic, who, when caught up in the
ceaseless and unchanging rush of the trade winds, made
certain that their wicked and damnable daring in trying
to penetrate into the regions beyond the world was being
punished, and that Satan had sent this extraordinary
breeze to blow them straight into the mouth of hell, which
was supposed to be yawning redly somewhere below the
horizon just ahead.
Hawkins arrived in Brazil before the coast had been
regularly settled by the Portuguese, and when he cast
18 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
anchor before those shining tropical beaches backed by
their palms he had an opportunity of personal inter-
course with the Indians. He was anxious to show one of
these painted and feathered specimens of humanity to
King Henry VIII — a desire that seems to have been a
popular weakness of that period. Where we are satis-
fied to-day with bringing home a monkey or a paroquet,
the sixteenth-century traveler had large ideas, and pre-
ferred a human curiosity!
So when William Hawkins sailed back to England he
bore with him a Brazilian chief, as a hostage, for whose
safe return he had left behind one of his ship 's company,
Martin Cockaram of Plymouth.
The Brazilian chief duly arrived in England, and was
exhibited in his feathers and paint, in fact, '4n all his
wild accoutrements" to bluif King Hal, who doubtless
laughed at the man as bluffly as he did at most things. In-
deed, as the chronicler continues, he was one: *'at the
sight of whom the King and all the nobility did not a
little marvaile, and not without cause, for in his cheekes
were holes made according to their savage manner, and
therein small bones were planted, standing an inch out
from the said holes, which in his owne country was re-
puted for a great braverie."
But the poor denizen of the land of palms and sun-
shine and blinding white sand did not long survive the
sensation he had caused. His was the fate of many fellow
martyrs, to say nothing of millions of those marmosets
and parrots already referred to! Strange people,
stranger food, and strangest climate proved rapidly fatal
to the first native of Brazil who set his foot on the shores
of England.
It is true that when William Hawkins set out again
for Brazil in 1532 the Indian was still alive. True to his
word, William Hawkins took him on board his vessel,
but the man — with a complete and provoking disregard
for the safety of Martin Cockaram of Plymouth — died
THE FIRST ENGLISH MARINERS 19
on the outward voyage. Nevertheless, on the arrival of
the vessel, when explanation had been made and be-
lieved, Cockaram was freely allowed to return to his
compatriots, a circumstance which redounds infinitely
to the good faith of both parties.
After this there are some sufficiently vague accounts
of various voyages undertaken about 1540 with profit to
Brazil by the Southampton merchants, Robert Reniger
and Thomas Borey. In 1542, moreover, a certain
Thomas Pudsey of Southampton is said not only to have
sailed out to Bahia de Todos os Santos in Brazil, but
actually to have built a fort there.
The next to take up the quest of regular commerce in
the southern seas was William Hawkins' son, the famous
Sir John, who undertook his first important voyage in
1562.
By this time, the frontier delimitations of the whole
globe had been settled between the Spaniards and Portu-
guese. Pope Alexander VI, when appealed to, had ar-
ranged the affair in a manner which contemporary opinion
considered as inspired. He had simply taken a pen, and
had drawn a direct line one hundred leagues westward
of the Azores from pole to pole. Excluding Europe, the
effect of this partition — though the boundary was after-
wards moved closer to the setting sun — ^was that all the
lands and oceans to the west of this line belonged to the
Spaniards, and all the lands and oceans to the east of
it became the property of the Portuguese.
This is undoubtedly the most comprehensive present
ever recorded in history. Moreover, the mere fact of a
subsequent heretic protest to the effect that the Pope had
won this record reputation for generosity at the expense
of other people's property scarcely affected the value of
the gift at the time it was made !
By this time, too, the lesser lights of the Roman Church
had been busy in their own way, and as early as 1533 the
Inquisition set out across the ocean and established itself
20 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
in its dungeon-infested palace in Lima in order to be
prepared with some acute physical discouragements for
those heretics who might dare to sully the South Amer-
ican atmosphere with the blight of some foreign faith !
So the empire of the New World had already issued its
warning and clanged to its gates, when the free-lance,
John Hawkins, dared to sail southwards through the
bright blue waters and the shoals of flying-fish to the out-
raged and threatening shadow of the Spanish Main. His
advent heralded an unquiet period for the authorities of
the Indies, for he was the first bold wasp to buzz about
the ears of the Spanish giant.
Hawkins' first relations with the Spaniards of South
America were by no means hostile. His little vessels —
the Soloman, the Swallow, and the Jonas — of which the
largest was of 120 tons and the smallest 40 — carried that
cargo for which the whites of South America were clam-
oring. Under the reeking hatches her hold was crammed
full of valuable black ivory — Negro slaves ! Hawkins had
sailed from England to Sierra Leone, and had gathered
these in with the scant ceremony to which the unfortunate
human chattels were destined to become accustomed in
those days.
It is no doubt regrettable enough that the English
should have made their first definite trading appearance
in South America in the light of slave carriers. But
the ethics of the sixteenth century differed widely from
those of to-day. At that period there was no question
even of by how much the Negro was less than the white ;
the only surmise was by how little he was better than
the beasts ! This doubt was fully shared by the clergy,
who, for a long period after the Negro had become Chris-
tianized, hesitated to admit him to the sacraments. In
fact, although humane persons were protesting against
the ill-treatment of slaves, it was far from occurring
either to cleric or to layman that there was anything rep-
rehensible in the actual traffic in human beings.
THE FIRST ENGLISH MARINERS 21
Indeed, John Hawkins had very solid commercial com-
pany in his venture, for, ''being amongst other partic-
ulars assured, that negroes were very good Marchandise
in Hispaniola, and that store of negroes might easily bee
had upon the coast of Guinea, resolved with himself to
make triall thereof, and communicated that devise with
his worshipfull friendes of London: namely with Sir
Lionell Ducket, Sir Thomas Lodge, M. Gunson his father
in law. Sir William Winter, M. Bromfield, and others.
All which persons liked so well of his intention, that they
became liberall contributers and adventurers in the ac-
tion."
It is important for Hawkins ' repute that this should be
made clear. His morality must no more be judged by
this commerce than must Queen Elizabeth's table man-
ners from the fact that she — and all her courtiers — fre-
quently used fingers where we should use forks. John
Hawkins was not going in the least against contemporary
opinion when he carried to Hispaniola three hundred of
those unwilling but profitable passengers!
If anything will make this clear it is his instructions to
the officers of his squadron on a subsequent slave-carry-
ing voyage: ''Serve God dayly, love one another, pre-
serve your victuals, beware of fire, and keep good com-
panie."
These show to us John Hawkins as we would have him :
they are emphatically not the words of a man with an
evil conscience.
There may yet come a time when we of to-day shall be
held up to unborn generations as interesting examples
of a barbarous age when men forced horses to labor by
flogging them and by stabbing steel points into their
sides !
When Hawkins arrived off the great Island of His-
paniola he was received with mixed feelings. So great
had become the demand for Negroes that — although the
local authorities fumed and chafed — ^he was welcomed by
22 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
the colonists with open arms, and managed to dispose of
his sorry human wares at an enormous profit. As a re-
sult, his three ships, accompanied now by two additional
freighters, returned, loaded as deep as they could con-
veniently sail with hides, ginger, sugar, and some far less
bulky packets of pearls !
So brilliant were the financial results of this trip that
Hawkins undertook another voyage with two ships and
two barks in 1564. On this occasion his squadron was a
considerably more imposing one. It consisted of the
Jesus of Lubech, a great ship of some 700 tons ; the Tiger,
a bark of 50 tons, and the Soloman and Swallow, which
had accompanied him on the previous voyage. The
squadron was manned by 170 men. In the course of their
slave gathering on the west coast of Africa the expedi-
tion would seem to have come into contact with some
peculiarly unsophisticated tribes of Africans, who at
first took no notice of the arquebuses, ''but used a mar-
veilous crying in their fight with leaping and turning
their tayles, that it was most strange to see, and gave us
great pleasure to beholde them. At the last, one being
hurt with a harquebuz upon the thigh, looked upon his
wound and wist not howe it came, because hee could not
see the pellet."
Then, when the hungry holds had been restocked with
human freight, the vessels sailed across the warm ocean
to the tropical islands of the Spanish Empire.
But this time the various Spanish governors showed
themselves more resolute in their determination to pre-
vent any trade between these foreigners and heretics —
intruding now for the second time — and the colonists.
Moreover, when these latter met with a governor who
was more amenable in this respect, they found that both
the officials and the colonists were now intent on obtain-
ing the slaves at a price which was very far below their
market value. There were more departments than is
usually imagined in the profession of an Elizabethan navi-
THE FIRST ENGLISH MARINERS 23
gator. Hawkins had now to meet these Spanish wiles
with some guile of his own. So he sent for the '' princi-
pals of the Towne, and made a shewe hee would depart,
declaring himselfe to be very sory that he had so much
troubled them, and also that he had sent for the gov-
ernour to come down, seeing nowe his pretence was to
depart. ' '
This ruse prevailed, and the Spaniards, falling into the
trap, begged him to remain. Nevertheless he had to re-
peat such haggler's tricks as this on several occasions
before he concluded a satisfactory sale of all his slaves.
But when it came to the demand for a royal tax of thirty
ducats for every slave sold, stronger measures became
necessary. Nothing short of a landing party of one hun-
dred men armed to the teeth had to be brought forward
as an argument here. But these proved entirely success-
ful in convincing the governor that the ordinary tariff of
seven and a half per cent, was all that could be reason-
ably demanded in this case.
After this another feint of departure brought up the
buyers in earnest, and the last slaves were satisfactorily
disposed of. Then the squadron set sail for England, and
arrived safely at Padstow in Cornwall, with a total loss
of no more than twenty men, "and with great profit to
the venturers of the said voyage, as also to the whole
realme, in bringing home both golde, silver, Pearles, and
other Jewels great store."
On his next voyage Hawkins was accompanied by
Drake — El Draque, of the Spaniards — ^who commanded
the little fifty-ton bark Judith. Heroic cycles would seem
to belong to the youthful, as is surely exemplified looking
backwards from Napoleon's generals across the ages. At
the time of this voyage Drake was twenty-two years of
age! But he could already look back upon an adven-
turous life.
Drake 's early youth in his father 's cottage on the beau-
tiful banks of the Tavy must have been of a scrambling
24. BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
and rough-and-ready order, for the means of the family-
were slender, and he was the eldest of twelve! It may
have been his father's appointment as chaplain to the
fleet stationed in the Medway which gave young Francis
Drake his first taste for the sea — or, to be more accurate,
materialized the instinct that had been his from his birth.
In any case he was early afloat. At the age of eighteen
he had been purser of a bark trading with the ports of
Biscay. And now here he was, in command of the little
Judith, under the leadership of Hawkins, his commodore
and fellow Devonian, on a venture to these balmy new
Southern territories that held fabulous riches and moun-
tains of gold — somewhere inland !
The expedition, which sailed in 1567, paid its indispen-
sable preliminary call on the West African coast. On
this occasion they found the natives warier than before.
Sambo had no more mind to turn himself into merchandise
than had a sheep to transform itself into mutton. But
these navigating traders were men of resource. They
made an alliance with a Negro king who had fallen out
with a neighboring monarch. By the terms of this, Haw-
kins, in return for his military assistance, was to receive
all the prisoners captured in the proposed battle. When
the battle had been fought and the victory had been won,
Hawkins observed with pleasure that his dusky ally had
captured some six hundred prisoners: he himself had
secured two hundred and fifty. But the next morning's
sun rose on a scene of vacant deceit ! The African victor
had disappeared — and he had taken his six hundred pris-
oners with him! The sable potentate, it appears, was
also a man of resource!
So Hawkins was obliged to set up to the West with no
more than the two hundred and fifty Negroes who were
the trophies of his own men's prowess. Arrived off
Spanish America, they found the colonists were once
again only too glad of an opportunity of trading with
them. But on this occasion the authorities at Rio de la
THE FIRST ENGLISH MARINERS 25
Hacha were firm in their refusal to permit any dealings
with the foreigners. Enraged at this, Hawkins stormed
the town, though the nations were at peace, and succeeded
in secretly disposing of all but fifty of his slaves to the
colonists in the night. But this act cost him the bitter
enmity of the Spaniards.
Soon after this a storm drove Hawkins' squadron to
the north, and they took shelter at the Mexican port of
San Juan de UUoa, where a number of treasure ships
lay at anchor. The situation was a curious one, and
doubtless the English sailors fretted not a little at their
bits at being crowded so temptingly close together in the
small harbor with these vessels laden with gold and silver.
Nevertheless they honorably kept the peace, and suffered
the treasure to remain in what they considered the wrong
holds ! As for the Spanish officials of the port, they be-
gan to breathe freely again when they found that these
dreaded Northern sailors only required to purchase some
victuals.
The next day thirteen Spanish vessels appeared off
the harbor. Hawkins, viewing this spectacle with some
unease, sent to ascertain their intentions, and received
an assurance that these were friendly. So, unopposed by
the English, the thirteen vessels entered the already
crowded harbor. That which followed has been told
many hundred times. The Spaniards broke faith, and
the quiet of the port was shattered by the sudden din of
battle and slaughter, as the Spaniards treacherously took
advantage of the close proximity of the vessels to attack
the English.
The majority of these were slaughtered before they had
time to prepare themselves for defense (Sir Francis
Drake is reported on a subsequent occasion to have esti-
mated the dead at three hundred), but some were en-
abled to take a heavy toll of their assailants. Before the
fight was ended the Spanish admiral's vessel and two of
her consorts were destroyed, and presently the lazy, flap-
26 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
ping buzzards glutted themselves with equal zest on Eng-
lish and Spanish corpses.
Only the Minion, in which was Hawkins, and the little
Judith, commanded by Drake, managed to escape. Un-
prepared for sea as they were, they made their way to
England as best they could, and — mauled and short-
handed — arrived in a pitiable condition, their crews hav-
ing barely kept themselves alive on the ships' rats and
on their pet monkeys and parrots, and such other crea-
tures as they had collected.
'*If all the miseries and troublesome affaires," says
John Hawkins bitterly, ' ' of this sorrowf ull voyage should
be perfectly and thoroughly written, there should neede
a painefull man with his pen, and as great a time as he
had that wrote the lives and deaths of the Martyrs. ' '
An English Merchant, John Chilton, who is quoted
later, remarked on a relic of the tragic expedition which
he saw in the Mexican town of Tehuantepec: ''Heere in
the yeere 1572 I saw a piece of ordinance of brasse, called
a demy culverin, which came out of a ship called the Jesus
of Lubec, which captaine Hawkins left in S. Juan de
Ulloa, being in fight with the Spanyards in the yeere 1568 ;
which piece they afterwards carried 100 leagues by land
over mighty mountains to the sayd city, to be embarked
there for the Philippinas. "
The careers of Hawkins and Drake seem to have been
curiously bound up with one another. This first really
serious misfortune in the careers of both they suffered
in company, and the two were destined to sail together
in their final great venture — the memorable voyage from
which neither returned.
The actual monetary loss incurred by the. expedition in
this attack at San Juan de Ulloa was two millions of
ducats ; but it would have taken a great many such dis-
asters to discourage that great seaman Drake perma-
nently. Four years or so after that affair he hoisted
his sails again for the forbidden coasts in the Pacha, a
THE FIRST ENGLISH MARINERS 27
vessel of seventy tons, and his brother accompanied him
in the Swan, a little craft of twenty-five tons. Here was
a typical expedition such as set out from the west country
in those days : a squadron of two vessels not mustering a
hundred tons between the pair of them, and having a
total complement of seventy-three men and boys !
It is true that Drake was subsequently joined on the
South American coast by an Isle of Wight ship, com-
manded by a Captain Eawse, that brought the strength
of his crews up to one hundred and fifty men. But even
so, what a force with which to tweak the might of Spain
in its own waters !
It is only possible, of course, to follow the doings of
Drake and of his peers in the most sketchy fashion here.
It is — or should be — a matter of commonest history how
the Pacha became a terror to the Spanish Main, and how
fully El Draque avenged San Juan de Ulloa. He paid
special attention to the Isthmus of Panama, for it was
across this that ran the famous "gold roan," the track
cut through the dense tropical forest, along which the
trains of laden mules transported the riches of Peru and
the Pacific to the Atlantic coast for shipment to Europe.
And when Drake and his men, boldly penetrating in-
land, planted themselves astride this road, there was a
pretty flutter among the royal caravans, and a profitable
spilling of gold and silver!
It was on one of these incursions that Drake, between
the graceful palm-tops and the bright festoons of tropical
flowers, caught sight of the Pacific Ocean glittering in the
distant "West. Then and there he swore an oath that he
would one day navigate those forbidden waters for the
honor of England.
But, though he kept his word, he was not destined to
be the first Englishman to float upon those waters. John
Oxenham has that honor. In 1575 that daring captain
sailed to the neck of the continent with seventy men in a
ship of one hundred and forty tons, ran his vessel ashore,
28 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
concealed her with a mass of tropical vegetation, and
forced his way with all his men through the dense forests
of the isthmus until he gained the Pacific shore. There
he built himself a pinnace forty-five feet in length, and
in it he and his men floated at length upon the strictly
guarded waters of the South Sea!
The material rewards of this great venture were not
long in forthcoming. Of two barks captured, the one
yielded sixty thousand pesos in gold, the other, one hun-
dred thousand pesos in silver. After obtaining some
pearls, in addition, he proceeded inland up the river.
The outraged Spaniards were now in full chase. A
strong force of men sped to the mouth of the stream.
Here they lay in doubt for a while as to which of the
three branches they should ascend, when a great many
birds' feathers, floating down in light betrayal on the
water, revealed which of the streams it was up which
the English had traveled. Never had plucked birds a
more dramatic posthumous revenge!
Owing to this a small party of Englishmen was dis-
covered near the spot, and, in the end, after a fierce fight,
John Oxenham, and those of his men who had not been
slain, were made prisoners.
Most of his men were hanged at Panama, though one
or two boys were spared ; but Oxenham and two or three
others were taken to Lima, and were imprisoned there
for a considerable time before being executed as a penalty
for their daring. When it came to Drake 's turn to navi-
gate the Pacific he had reason to suspect that these com-
rades of his were actually imprisoned in the dungeons
of Lima, when he was off Callao, the port of that town.
But neither warnings and threats directed to the viceroy,
nor an attack on the shipping of the harbor, could effect
their release, and Drake was forced, reluctant, to sail
away and to leave Oxenham and his men to the mercies
of the Inquisition. But all this has brought us ahead of
our proper period.
THE FIRST ENGLISH MARINERS 29
Drake returned to England with his vessels deeply
laden with booty. Elizabeth — who, with all her varied
virtues, never lacked an eye to the main chance — re-
ceived him cordially, and extended to him her royal en-
couragement to set out again. "We do account that he
who striketh at thee, Drake, striketh at us," said the
Queen.
A more tangible mark of her favor was a green scarf
with ornamental red bands at both ends, on which were
embroidered it is said, by her maids of honor — the words,
**The Lord guide and preserve thee until the ende."
And then, no doubt, she sent a message to Philip of
Spain complaining how little control she had over people
like Sir Francis Drake ! Elizabeth was a great queen, but
she had her weaknesses, not the least of which was that
of opposing guile to ponderous force, and of indulging in
that diplomat pastime which modern slang would know as
pulling Philip of Spain 's leg !
She found a more than willing horse in Drake, whose
views exactly coincided with those of the Queen. In-
deed, it was no doubt with considerable glee that he pro-
pounded his theories to her concerning the chastening of
Philip of Spain, explaining the **smale good that was to
be done in Spayne, but thonly waye was to anoy hym
by his Indyes. ' '
The next voyage was the most famous that Drake un-
dertook, for it was in the course of this that he circum-
navigated the world. This feat, as a matter of fact, had
already been accomplished by Magellan's expedition.
But, since Magellan had been slain on the homeward way,
it followed that Drake, although his expedition was the
second, was himself actually the first commanding navi-
gator to sail round the world.
So far as the material side of the expedition was con-
cerned, Drake seems to have intended this more espe-
cially in reprisal for the surprise attack on Hawkins'
squadron at San Juan de Ulloa. For all its insignificant
30 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
size, it was to be a punitive fleet. Drake himself made
some rather quaint and humorous observations concern-
ing his objects : * * For the reason that the King had, since
that time, been his treasurer for the sum that had been
taken from him ten years ago, he now wished to act as
treasurer of the King's estate. Therefore the silver
which he took from the King was for himself; the silver
taken from private individuals was for his Queen, his
Sovereign Lady. ' '
He embarked on this voyage in 1577, and this time he
set out with some pomp. It is true that the largest
vessel of his five ships, the Pelican, was of no more than
120 tons, while the smallest, the Christopher, was a
cockleshell of 15 tons. The total number of his "gentle-
men and sailors," too, was only 164.
Nevertheless, since this mission of Drake's was of a
far more official character than his previous undertakings,
he made a brave show of it. He saw no reason why the
Dons should have it all their own way in the matter of
dignity and splendor. So he adorned his cabin with much
silver, and many handsome fittings. ''Whereby,*' as he
said with no little reason, "the credit and magnificence
of his native country might ... be all the more ad-
mired."
Who can fail to admire the shrewd intelligence of
Drake! Three centuries and a half ago he had already
discovered that which sovereigns and statesmen have
only fully begun to realize to-day — that a little judicious
advertising may benefit captains, cruises, countries, and
causes quite as much as merchants who own shop win-
dows, and have goods to sell !
Drake's thoroughness did not end here. He engaged
what he described as "an orchestra of expert musicians"
who should serve to make his entry into the Southern
Seas the more imposing. The addition of this harmoni-
ous luxury to the crowded space must have involved an
astonishing feat in the way of packing, when the size of
THE FIRST ENGLISH MARINERS 31
the little Pelican is remembered. Indeed, how these
musicians — crammed sardine-like together with the ser-
ried inhabitants, provisions, and warlike stores of a
vessel that did not much exceed in size a modern sailing
trawler — could have delivered themselves of sweet strains
is not easy to understand. Yet we are told that they
did, and that they gave many pleasant entertainments
in tropical seas both to Drake's fellow countrymen and
to his Spanish prisoners. How was it done? How was
this extraordinary feat of compression achieved? The
main secret undoubtedly lay in the fact that the value of
ventilation and elbow room had not yet been discovered!
After all, the region of comfort is included in that of
science, which means that its benefits have to be sought
for as assiduously as were once the unknown lands of the
earth. But there all similarity ends; for, whereas the
horizon of the earth has steadily contracted, that of
science has expanded with an astonishing rapidity.
Surely the sense of discomfort is only awakened by the
knowledge of something better ! We, who travel in town-
like liners, probably do not pity the cooped-up commu-
nity of the Judith any more deeply than Drake's men com-
miserated their remote forefathers who pushed out from
the shore in little round basket-like coracles of hide !
Drake sailed southwards along the ocean track that was
gradually becoming familiar. He snapped up some
prizes in the Atlantic, and then, taking in fresh water in
the broad estuary of the river Plate, bore southwards to
the *' roaring forties," driving through the warm belt of
the tropics to the wild and gray waters on the further
side, until he came to an anchorage where the uncouth
Southern Indians proved themselves moderately friendly,
and some intercourse was attempted. Judging by the
following occurrence these wild people were no respec-
tors of persons :
''These people would not of a long time receive any-
thing at our handes; yet at length our generall being
32 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
ashore, and they dauncing after their accustomed manner
about him, and hee once turning his backe towards them,
one leapt suddenly to him, and tooke his cap with his golde
band off his head, and ran a little distance from him and
shared it with his fellow, the cap to the one, and the band
to the other. ' '
Such an incident must have been irritating in the ex-
treme ; but Drake undoubtedly restrained his temper, for
no untoward incident followed. After this he set forth
to the south again until he arrived at the haven of San
Julian, a few degrees north of the eastern entrance to the
Straits of Magellan, through which he intended to pass.
On the rugged shore of San Julian the English mariners
discovered a grim object — a giblet pricking up gauntly
against the desolate sky. It was the one, it was imagined,
from which Magellan had hung some of his rebellious
crew. The bones of the victims, it is even said, were
found close by. This must have seemed an ominous mes-
sage, left behind by the first ship 's company that had ever
gained Europe by that road to the second band of daring
men who were about to follow, from Atlantic to Pacific,
on their heels !
If the object had been placed there as a warning the
sinister omen held good, and the superstition that none
could pass with impunity into the Pacific Ocean had yet
another link added to the unbroken early chain of tragedy
that supported it ! It was in this very bay of San Julian
that occurred the execution of Doughty, one of Drake's
captains. Both the cause and justice of this act have been
in dispute for too many hundreds of years to make it
probable that the veil will ever be lifted from the tragedy.
It is certain that Drake received the sacrament in com-
pany with Doughty on the last day of the condemned
man's life. Then the two dined together, pledged each
other, and immediately afterwards Doughty, rising from
the table, walked out to bare his neck for the executioner's
ax.
THE FIRST ENGLISH MARINERS 33
For so young a port, San Julian had a strangely gloomy
record.
After this Drake navigated the Magellan Straits, where
the trees "seeme to stoope with the burden of the
weather," changing the name of his vessel from the Peli-
can to the Golden Hind in the middle of the passage.
But, when he had emerged into the Pacific and had passed
from the stormy southern waters into temperate lati-
tudes and sunshine, the Golden Hind sailed alone. Of
the two other ships which had been in his company when
he left San Julian, one, the Marygold, had been blown
by a withering tempest to an unseen death somewhere in
the dark and icy South. Captain Winter, of the second
vessel, the Elizabeth, appears to have had enough of it,
and, in the face of the protests of his crew, put about,
achieved the feat — then supposed impossible — of navi-
gating the Magellan Straits from west to east, and sailed
back to England, arriving at Ilfracombe on the 2d of June,
1579.
But Drake went on. That which he achieved with a
single ship, manned now by a force of just over eighty
men, makes breathless reading. He beat up the Pacific
coast, and found the reward of his daring. Tall ships,
pieces of eight, bars of gold and silver, precious stuffs,
silks, Chile wines and Peruvian jewels: all these came
tumbling in rich profusion into his net, while the aston-
ished peaks of the Andes looked down with a dry and
cold smile. It is true that the manner of boarding the
first ship they came across lacked a good deal in polite-
ness. For here they were mistaken for friends, and were
about to be greeted with the offer of wine when, "one
of our company called Thomas Moone began to lay about
him, and strooke one of the Spaniards, and sayd unto
him, Abaxo Perro, that is in English, Goe downe, dogge."
All this time the panic was spreading along the shores
of the most private waters of the Spanish South Sea,
and, lest the dwellers on those coasts should experience
34 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
an unjustifiable sense of ease and security, now and
again Drake would arrange a land excursion !
Indeed the disturbance caused by this unwelcome visit
of Drake's was extraordinarily far-reaching. No longer
could the loads of silver be carried from one port to an-
other in safety on the broad bosom of the Pacific. In-
stead of this convenient transport, the ingots had to be
placed on the backs of mules and llamas and be painfully
and toilfully carried across the mountainous country.
And all along the coast were now posted points of ob-
servation, with the bonfires stacked in readiness to send
up their warning smoke.
It would seem a curious axiom of history that, the fur-
ther one is removed by time from a famous character,
the closer are the glimpses obtained of his personality
and private habits ! Each separating generation, in fact,
seems to throw back a longer ladder of popular knowledge
than the last.
It is only quite recently, for instance, thanks to the re-
spective works of Lady Elliott Drake and Miss Zelia
Nuttall, that some of Drake's more intimate touches have
been placed on record. To those who have looked on him
merely in the light of a bluff sailor his intimate knowledge
of the Spanish tongue will come as rather a surprising
revelation. Curiously enough, too, it has been left to the
recently unearthed testimony of some of his Spanish
prisoners to point out Drake 's hobby of painting, and how
he and his young cousin, John Drake, would amuse them-
selves for hour after hour by painting in Sir Francis'
cabin.
It is Miss Zelia Nuttall, too, who has pointed out a
remarkable proof of Drake 's patriotic ambition and keen
judgment, which is also, by the way, referred to in Hak-
luyt. This is patent on a map corrected by him — a map
on which he has placed a northern limit to Spanish Mex-
ico, and on which the words *'Nova Albio" indicate the
very territory which afterwards became the southern
THE FIRST ENGLISH MARINERS 35
part of the British colonies! This land would seem to
be well to the south of that Nova Albio so christened by-
Drake for two reasons : ' ' The one in respect of the white
bankes and cliffes, which lie towards the sea: and the
other, because it might have some affinitie with our
Countrey in name, which sometime was so called.** To
a student of Drake the importance of this discovery is
not to be overestimated.
*'It thus appears," says Miss Nuttall, '*as though the
present occupation of the North American continent by
the Anglo-Saxon race is, after all, but a realization of
what may be called Drake 's Dream. ' *
To return to the Pacific and to the cruise of the Golden
Hind: there is a lighter side to the most weighty adven-
tures, and not all the incidents were epoch-making, or
even dignified ! There were minor episodes, such as that
which occurred one day when a party, having landed,
found a Spaniard fast asleep on shore, having thirteen
bars of silver by his side. **We took the silver and left
the man," they explained joyfully. They would certainly
have stormed a great galleon in the same cheerful mood.
But it happened to be very easy hunting that day, and
this kind of thing is not likely to go down to history as
one of the great incidents of Drake's life! It was cer-
tainly a flea bite in the way of plunder compared with the
capture of the great Spanish ship Cacafuego, which
yielded over £200,000. And a sovereign in those days had
as much value as a dozen of our modern ones.
Incidentally, there were others besides the Spaniards
who suffered in pocket from Drake 's visit to these shores.
Here for instance is the plaint of an English merchant,
John Chilton, one of the few examples of that period who
made himself at home among the Spaniards in Europe,
and was permitted to sail from the Peninsula to the new
world, with apparently all the privileges and rights to
Vrode that were possessed by any native-born Spaniard.
Chilton must have regarded Drake 's advent with mixed
36 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
feelings, for, when speaking of the town of "Aguatulco"
he remarks: *'in which place Sir Francis Drake arrived
in the yeere 1579, in the moneth of April, where I lost with
his being there above a thousand duckets, which he tooke
away. ' '
Drake sailed his rich ship home by way of the Molucca
Islands, Java, and the Cape of Good Hope, dropping an-
chor at Plymouth on the 26th September, 1580, after a
voyage of two years and ten months. On his return with
enormous treasure Queen Elizabeth most adroitly man-
aged to keep the enraged Spanish ambassador at one
arm's length while she extended the other to Drake.
One day in the spring of the following year the Golden
Hind, decorated and burnished, lay at Deptf ord to receive
her gracious and virgin Majesty to dinner. When the
meats had been eaten and the wines drunk, and when, the
music having been enjoyed and the laudatory Latin verses
nailed to the masts had been admired, Drake bade fare-
well to his royal mistress no longer a plain master, but
a knight.
In 1585 Drake set out for the Spanish Main again, in
command this time of a most formidable fleet of twenty-
five vessels manned by some two thousand three hundred
men. With him sailed many notable men, and his vice-
admiral was no less a personage than Martin Frobisher.
Perhaps the most important event of this voyage was the
capture of the town of Cartagena, which was eventually
ransomed by the Spaniards for the sum of one hundred
and ten thousand ducats.
In the course of this expedition eight captains and some
seven hundred and fifty men lost their lives, either from
sickness or wounds ; nevertheless the voyage was regarded
as a successful one, and when the fleet arrived at Ports-
mouth on the 28th of July, 1586, it was claimed with
justice that it was to the "no small honour to our Prince,
our Country, and ourselves."
It was, of course, inevitable that such raids should have
THE FIRST ENGLISH MARINERS 37
had their effect on the morale of the Spaniards, and the
tension of the period is revealed in a letter which
Hieronima de Navares wrote from Panama in 1590 to the
Licenciate Juan Alonso of Valladolid. In this he remarks
that : *'I can certifie your worship of no newes, but only,
that all this countrey is in such extreme feare of the
Englishmen our enemies, that the like was never scene
or heard of: for in seeing a saile, presently here are
alarmes in all the countrey. ' '
Here we have Drake at the height of his fame and suc-
cess. Doubtless many, had they achieved half as much
as he, would have considered their life's work done, and
would have retired to the enjoyment of the soft airs of
the west country varied by an occasional trip to court.
Not so, Drake ! The call of the Spanish Main was in his
blood, and the chastising of the Spaniard had become part
of his creed. It was his fate to continue upon the seas
to the end, and, his death preceded by the hangings of
cannon, and the charges of his forces on Spanish soil, to
have his fever-worn body sink beneath the limpid blue
swell of the tropical seas.
Judging by its strength, this last expedition in which
Drake, accompanied by John Hawkins, took part, should
have excelled all the previous ones in results. Twenty-
one ships and nearly two thousand five hundred men
sailed under these famous leaders from Plymouth on the
28th of August, 1595. But the expedition was ill fated.
Towns were captured and Spanish forces were defeated
in the West Indies and on the Spanish Main, it is true.
But in general its objects were frustrated, and a landing
force, making for the town of Panama, was assailed on all
sides in the woods, and was obliged to retreat with great
loss.
Before this, fever had begun to work its will on the men
of the fleet. Sir John Hawkins was one of the first of the
leaders to fall a victim to this. His anxiety on the ac-
count of his son, a prisoner in the hands of the Spaniards,
38 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
had sent him into a condition of depression which was
deepened by the news of the capture by the Spaniards
of the Francis, one of the vessels of the expedition — a
misfortune that revealed its plans to the Spaniards, and
thus made the success of the enterprise almost hopeless.
His vessel had just cast anchor in an inlet of the east
coast of Puerto Rico, when Hawkins died.
As fate would have it, his old friend Drake's spirit
was within an ace of winging its way to the spot where
the souls of all fine sailors go, within a few hours of
Hawkins' passage to the same place. As he sat at sup-
per in his cabin the next day opposite to the town of
Puerto Eico a heavy shot from the fort on shore crashed
in, wounding to death Sir Nicholas Clifford and Mr.
Browne, damaging Captain Stratford and one or two
others, and actually striking the stool from under Drake
himself, without causing him any hurt!
But the fever was less merciful. On the 15th of Janu-
ary, 1596, Drake was stricken down. He made that gal-
lant fight for his life that was to be looked for in such
as he, and an hour before his death he rose and attempted
to dress himself. On the 28th of January he passed
away, and was solemnly buried at sea in the presence
of Sir Thomas Baskerville and all his captains.
We may hark back for a short time to some lesser men
than Drake, and to a voyage which was marred chiefly on
account of the mutinous conduct of those who partici-
pated in it. Master Andrew Barker of Bristol appears to
have been a peculiarly unfortunate man. In 1574 a
cargo of goods which he had sent to Teneriffe was confis-
cated at the instance of the Inquisition. In order to
avenge this and to reimburse himself, Andrew Barker
fitted out two barks — the Ragged Staff e, of which he him-
self was captain and Phillip Roche, master; and the
Beare, of which William Coxe of limehouse was captain
and master — and with these he set out for the Spanish
colonies.
THE FIRST ENGLISH MARINERS 39
From the moment the vessels left Plymouth the tone
of their companies seems to have been a little reckless,
judging from the conscious, and seemingly unusual, recti-
tude betrayed by this phrase : ''in our course we met with
a ship of London, and afterwards with another ship, but
tooke nothing from either of them."
Nevertheless, after they had visited Trinidad, where
the Indians gave them ''friendly and courteous enter-
tainment," they found legitimate prey in a Spanish
frigate, overhauled near Cartagena, which contained some
gold, silver, and emeralds, "whereof one very great being
set in gold, was found tied secretly about the thigh of a
frier. ' '
It may have been the sight of these treasures that in-
creased both the greed and the mutinous spirit of Andrew
Barker 's officers and men. Judging by the events of the
voyage, Andrew Barker could have possessed few of the
qualities of a leader. At Veragua his relations with his
master had grown so strained that they landed to fight
a duel, in the course of which Barker was slightly
wounded in the cheek. After this, when off the island of
San Francisco, William Coxe, the master of the Beare,
took a hand in the general insubordination. Coming on
board the Ragged Staff e, he took possession of the ship
and its treasure, and sent Barker ashore, where the lat-
ter fought with a German of the name Weiborne, both
being wounded.
So occupied had they been with their own affairs that
these turbulent spirits had overlooked the possibility of
damage at the hands of the Spaniards. They were re-
minded of this by a sudden attack by these on the men
ashore, in which the unfortunate Andrew Barker and
eight of his men were killed.
This disaster appears to have sobered William Coxe
for a while. He consented to receive on board again
those of the English who survived on the island, and
soothed the conscience of his crew by dividing among them
40 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
a golden chain which had been found in Andrew Barker's
cabin after his death.
But ill luck dogged the expedition. Raiding boat
parties were chased by Spanish warships; the captured
frigate was capsized in a squall, and in her were lost
fourteen lives and much treasure, while shortly after this
Philip Roche died. The remnants of the party, having
divided among themselves such little booty as remained,
returned furtively to England. But there their crimes
were brought home to them, and John Barker of Bristol,
the brother of the dead Andrew, haled them before the
justices. That the chief malefactors were punished by a
long term of imprisonment instead of death would seem
to prove that, in the opinion of the judges, there had been
faults on all hands.
The morals to be deducted from this voyage are too
abundant and patent to need any emphasis here! On
this occasion, moreover, the spirit of poetic justice ap-
pears to have been peculiarly thorough, for, although
some of the lesser criminals "escaped the rigor of man's
law, yet could they not avoide the heavy judgement of
God, but shortly after came to miserable ends. Which
may be example to others to shew themselves faithfull
and obedient in all honest causes to their Captaines and
Governors."
Richard Hawkins, the son of John, and therefore of
the third South Sea navigating generation of the Haw-
kins, sailed for the Spanish Main in 1593. The style
in which he describes his numerous adventures is diffuse
but quaintly gallant.
He tells us that he caused to be constructed in the river
of Thames a ship of between three and four hundred
tons, ** pleasing to the eye, profitable for stowage, good
of sayle and well conditioned. ' '
There was a considerable to-do about the naming of
this ship. The Lady Hawkins (whom Richard Hawkins
terms his mother-in-law by which term he means, I take
THE FIRST ENGLISH MARINERS 41
it, his stepmother) craved this privilege. But the name
she chose, the Repentance, came as a shock to Kichard
Hawkins. He considered it uncouth, and told her so. In
vain. Lady Hawkins absolutely refused to modify her
views on nomenclature. All the satisfaction that he ever
obtained from her was her expressed conviction that,
** repentance was the safest ship we could sayle in to
purchase the haven of Heaven."
This seems to have consoled Eichard Hawkins to a
certain extent, for he remarks, "Well I knew, shee was no
Prophetesse, though a religious and most vertuous lady,
and of a very good understanding. . , .'*
At the same time Eichard Hawkins has much to say
concerning the giving of these names of celestial char-
acter. What luck did the Revenge ever have? Had she
not been all but cast upon the Irish coast? Had she not
run ashore coming into Plymouth, with his father. Sir
John, aboard? Had she not all but sunk of a leak off the
coast of Spain, turned ''topsie-turvie" at her moorings
in the river of Eochester, and suffered other catastrophes
too numerous too mention ? And in her last voyage, when
fifteen hundred Spaniards and three Spanish ships
perished about her, did she not give England and Spain
just cause to remember her ? ' * What English died in her,
many living are witnesses: Amongst which was Sir
Eichard Greenfield, a noble and valiant gentleman, Vice-
Admirall in her of her Majestie's Fleete, so that well
considered she was even a ship loaden and full fraught
with ill successe."
So much for the Revenge. But, after all, the Repent-
ance was not destined to go to sea under so ill-omened
a name. As she lay at Deptford, Queen Elizabeth, pass-
ing down the river in her barge, caught sight of her,
and commanded her men to pull round her. The Queen,
"viewing her from Post to Stemme, disliked nothing but
her Name, and said that shee would Christen her a-new. ' '
So the Repentance fell at one royal swoop from her
42 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
austere pinnacle to the opposite and light and airy pole of
the Daintie. But this cheering metamorphosis worked no
good in the long run. Once in South American waters,
after some successful cruising, Hawkins found himself, on
a June day in 1594, surrounded by an overwhelmingly
superior Spanish fleet under Don Beltran de Castro.
Eichard Hawkins made preparations for a most gallant
defense, which lasted three days; '*we hayled first with
our noise of trumpets; then with our waytes, and after
that with our Artillerie. ' '
The English commander has a very great deal to say
concerning the lessons that should be learned from this
fight — of the best methods of employing ships, cannon,
and leaders ; of Spanish ideas of discipline and strategy ;
of the benefits of ** glistering" armor compared with over-
indulgence in the alcoholic cup, and of the foolishness of
mixing gunpowder with wine. He does not appear to
have been over-sanguine concerning the merits of wine
itself, a rare doubt in those days, for he complains : "Al-
though I had a great preparation of Armours, as well of
proofe as of light Corseletes, yet not a man would use
them ; but esteemed a pott of wine a better defense than an
Armour of proofe. ' '
But no armor or wine — whatever their respective claims
— could hope to prevail against the immense superiority
of the Spanish forces. The time came when the Spanish
proposals of terms had to be considered seriously, though
not until they had been frequently rejected : '* Came wee
into the South Sea to put out flagges of truce?" cries Sir
Richard in gallant indignation. ''And left we our pleas-
ant England with all her contentments with intention and
purpose to avail ourselves with white ragges and by ban-
ners of peace to deliver ourselves for slaves into our
enemies' ranks'?"
But what would you ? Torn sails, perished masts, rent
pumps, fourteen shots under water, eight feet of water in
the hold, many slain men, and scarcely a whole one among
THE FIRST ENGLISH MARINERS 43
those that survived — these are not the factors with which
to snatch a victory against overwhelming odds. Richard
Hawkins, himself bleeding from six wounds (" one of them
in the necke very perillous") found himself hesitating be-
tween two alternatives. In his hand was the glove sent
to him as a guarantee of good faith by Don Beltran de
Castro; in his memory was the broken Spanish pledge
from which his father had suffered at San Juan de Ulloa.
In the end he struck his colors, the only alternative left
him if he wished to preserve a man of his crew alive. In
this instance at least he found that his confidence had not
been misplaced. When the Spaniards came aboard it was
with shouts of "Buena Guerra! Buena Guerra! Hoy
por mi, manana por ti!" which may be translated thus:
* ' Honorable Warfare ! Honorable Warfare ! To-day to
me : to-morrow to thee ! ' '
There is surely a most pleasant touch of true chivalry
in this, as well as in the reception with which Richard
Hawkins met at the hands of Don Beltran de Castro. For
the latter nobleman received him with *' great Courtessie
and compassion, even with tears in his eyes, and words
of great consolation," and "commanded mee to bee ac-
comodated in his own cabbine where he sought to cure
and comfort mee the best he could, the like he used with
all our hurt men, sixe and thirtie at least. ' '
Presently, at their leisure, the Spanish and the English
leader appear to have discussed the exact definitions of
pirates, corsairs, and legal and honorable enemies. Sir
Richard ** laboured to reforme the idea that the Generall
in Peru and in all Spaine held (before our surrendry) of
English Men-of-Warre to be pirats and corsarios."
In this, being as mighty a man in speech as in war (to
say nothing of some outbreaks into what in a less gallant
fellow would perilously have approached verbosity) he
seems to have succeeded. And then, as the intimacy of
the two ripened, Richard Hawkins abandoned general-
ities, and broached a topic of considerable personal im-
44 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
portance. He strongly deprecated the custom of making
officers (frequently needy) pay a heavy ransom, and ex-
cusing the common soldiers (frequently better off than the
officers) with the payment of some mere trifle.
Considering his comparatively tender years, there is no
doubt that Sir Richard was an all-round man, and no
mean hand at finance ! And here again Don Beltran de
Castro reassured him, for he promised him that, if any
ransom at all were exacted, he should ask no more than a
couple of greyhounds for himself, and another couple for
his brother.
There are other instances of Spanish courtesy in vic-
tory which afford equally agreeable reading. But the oc-
casions were frequent enough when the Iberian mariners,
even if they would, had no opportunity of displaying any
magnanimity of the kind! Apart from any qualities of
seamanship, it was only to be expected that victory should
rest most often with the bold and predatory sea-dogs who,
fully prepared, swept down like hawks across the blue
waters, and disappeared again beneath the shimmering
horizon like the greyhounds coveted by Don Beltran de
Castro.
One of the bitterest pills that the Empire of Spain had
to swallow was the fact that at its mightiest it could not
always prevent its great galleons from suffering capture
practically at the end of their voyage. This occurred
with an irritating frequency at the hands of even the
Barbary pirates, who, athirst to avenge their fathers' and
forefathers' expulsion from Spain, would boldly sally out
from time to time, and would strain the bleeding backs
of their galley-slaves at the oars to board, almost within
sight of its port, many a treasure ship that had toilfuUy
sailed its voyage from Puerto Bello or Mexico.
It was not only in American waters, moreover, that the
English made their prizes. Many a one of these was
snapped up off the Spanish coast itself, and occasionally
even an outward vessel proved to be laden with a more
THE FIRST ENGLISH MARINERS 45
valuable cargo than might reasonably have been expected
by the fortunate captor. Of this kind were the two ships
captured in 1592 by Master Thomas White in the Amity
of London on his homeward voyage from Barbary, after
an action in which the Amity's crew of more than forty-
two men and a boy used their guns with such accuracy
upon the enemy that they ' * slew divers of their men ; so
that we might see the blood run out at the scupper holes. ' '
Hakluyt gives the following account of their contents :
** These two rich prizes were laden with 1400 chests of
quicksilver with the armes of Castile and Leon fastened
upon them, and with a great quantity of bulles of in-
dulgences. . . . The loss in money to the King of Spain
from the capture of these bulles was (in hard cash) two
millions and 72 thousand for living and dead persons for
the provinces of Nova Hispania, lucatan, Guatimala, the
Honduras, and the Phillipinas, taxed at two reals the
piece. And more for eighteene thousand bulles taxed, at
foure reals, amounteth all to 107,700 pounds."
CHAPTER III
THE BEGINNINGS OF BRITISH TRADE WITH SOUTH AMERICA
Trade between England and the Early Portuguese settlements in Brazil —
Friendly relations at Santos — A burial incident — Liberal spirit dis-
played by the clergy — John VVhitall — The first English resident in San-
tos — His letter to his friends in London — Matters of business and mar-
riage — Instructions concerning the first consignment of goods — How
local difficulties of pronunciation were overcome — Arrival of the Min-
ion with merchandise, and a present for Whitall — Edward Fenton's
voyage — He is accompanied by John Drake, a young cousin of Sir
Francis — Tidings of a great Spanish fleet in the Straits of Magellan
alter the plans of the expedition — Richard Carter, an Englishman,
found on board a captured ship — Fenton sails to Santos — He is visited
by the inhabitants of the port, including Whitall — Entertainments and
negotiations — Appearance on the scene of three Spanish vessels, who en-
gage Fenton's squadron — Victory of the English — Fenton's irresolution
— Suspicions concerning him — End of the English peaceful relations
with Brazil, now under Spanish rule — Fate of John Drake — Curious
circumstances concerning a man of his name in an auto-da-f4 of 1650 —
Eobert Withrington's expedition — English and Irish on board the cap-
tured ships — Some curious circumstances of the voyage — Trading ven-
tures — Edward Cotton's instructions to his shipmaster — Disastrous voy-
age of the Delight — Sufi"erings in the Straits of Magellan and on the
Brazilian coast — A tragic home-coming — Thomas Cavendish — His voy-
age round the world — Aspect of the ruined Spanish settlement in the
Straits of Magellan — Cavendish's methods compared with those of
Drake — His second voyage — Mismanagement of the attack on Santos —
A town empty of booty — Misfortunes of the expedition — Death of Cav-
endish — Adventures of the Desire — Privations of the crew — An able
captain — Sufferings in the Magellan Straits — Disease, death, and hos-
tile attack on the Brazilian coast — Result of the decay of many thou-
sands of dried penguins — How the Desire was brought to the coast of
Ireland — James Lancaster — How his previous residence in Portugal as-
sisted him in his voyage to Brazil — His squadron joins company with
that of Captain Venner — Capture of Recife and Olinda — Lancaster ob-
tains the assistance of Dutch and French vessels — Methods by which he
avoided a discussion with the Portuguese — Conclusion of a successful
voyage — Sir Walter Raleigh — His navigation of the Orinoco — The
legend of El Dorado — Effects of the landscape and of the Spaniard
Berreo's theories upon a poetic imagination — Raleigh's impressions
46
THE BEGINNINGS OF BRITISH TRADE 47
given in his own words — Some questions of credulity and practical fact
— Captains Amyas Preston, George Summers, Keymis, Berrie, and
Leigh — Eobert Harcourt's settlement — Raleigh's last voyage — He falls a
victim to his sovereign's feeble policy.
UNTIL in 1580 the Portuguese Empire fell under
the domination of Spain, the ancient friendship
in Europe between the English and Portuguese
gave to the English navigators the comparative freedom
of the Brazilian seas. About 1540 a considerable trade
sprang up between Southampton and Brazil, and — as we
have already seen — in 1542 an Englishman of the name
of Pudsey is said actually to have constructed a fort —
and, presumably, to have founded a trading post — in the
neighborhood of Bahia.
Just before the temporary extinction of the Portuguese
rule the relations between the English and their old allies
appear to have been particularly cordial. This was most
of all evident at Santos in the south of the great colony,
where, on the news of a probable attack by the French on
the port, the English traders who found themselves there
at the time hastened to lend their cannon to the local
authorities for the purpose of defense.
Indeed, we have one picture of this period which shines
out, a little dimly, like a star, solitary and threatened, in
the path of black and sullen clouds. The thing arose from
the kindly but unorthodox procedure of the Santos clergy.
The English traders and sailors had apparently become
accustomed to worship at the Santos church, and, on the
death of one of them, he was actually buried in that
Eoman Catholic building.
When the news of this reached the ears of the high
clerical dignitaries of the colony, they, scandalized, sent
peremptory orders that no heretic, living or dead, was to
be allowed to enter the sacred edifice. The priests of
Santos, having no choice, bowed their heads in submission.
But when they gave the message to the English they soft-
ened its harshness by every means in their power, and
48 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
begged the visitors to believe in their own chagrin and
to think as well of them as they could.
One of the chief — and probably the first — of these Eng-
lish traders in Santos was John Whithall who sent home a
most interesting letter, written on the 26th of June, 1578.
He begins by explaining that he had intended proceeding
to Europe, but :
''It is in this countrey offered mee to marry, and to
take my choice of three or f oure, so that I am about three
dayes agoe consorted with an Italian gentleman to marry
with his daughter within these foure days."
There are people known as matchmakers, but it was
John Whithall who was made by this match ! In a mer-
cenary outburst which is largely redeemed by its frank-
ness he confides to his friend the worldly gains which he
is about to obtain from his prospective father-in-law. He
does not say whether these come within the category of
additional advantages to the marriage or in that of com-
pensations, since not one syllable is devoted to the ap-
pearance or character of the lady ! But the catalogue of
what he is about to receive is detailed, including a sugar
factory ''that doth make every yeare a thousand roves
of sugar," and the management of another such establish-
ment in addition.
"This my marriage," chuckles John Whithall, "will
be worth to mee two thousand duckets, little more or
lesse." He is, at all events, an honest and open rejoicer,
although he has still to prove his merits as a husband.
He ends up this first portion of his letter in a burst of
thankfulness :
"I give my living Lord thanks for placing me in such
honour and plentifulness of all things." Undoubtedly
his joy was at its height just then, and John Whithall
must have dreamed many golden dreams as he strolled
by the banks of his broad river, where the purple and
white flowering trees rose at the back of the mangroves.
We may wonder what became of him when a few years
OLD FORT AT MOLTH OF SANTOS RIVER, BRAZIL
THE SANTOS RIVER IN BRAZIL
THE BEGINNINGS OF BRITISH TRADE 49
later the spot was overwhelmed by the arrogant and
bigoted Spanish soldiers and priests !
Fortunately for his peace of mind, he foresaw noth-
ing of that. He was wholly taken up with his own
promising plans; **My father-in-law and I shal (God
willing) make a good qnantitie of sugar every yeere,
which sugar we intend to ship for London from hence-
forth, if we can get such a trustie and good friend as you
to deale with us in this matter."
All that glittered before Whithall as he wrote his very
long letter to his friend Richard Staper was a golden
commercial future. Even at that moment his acute
trader's brain had grasped an opportunity. Would his
friend send him out a ship — a vessel of some sixty or
seventy tons? This argosy, you see, which was to sail
from Europe to Brazil, was not to be much larger than
a modern fishing smack! — laden, with *' these parcels of
commodities or wares, as foUoweth."
Now these wares are just of the nature that a new
colony might be expected to desire. They included
cloths, gowns, hollands, fustians, silks, flannels, cottons,
frieze, shirts, hats, doublets, girdles, knives, Venice
glasses, axes, soap, nails and fishhooks. Also there was
to be wine from the Canaries, and **sixe dozen of Cor-
dovan skinnes of these colours, to wit, orenge, tawnie,
yellow, red, and very fine black."
John Whithall then points out that : * ' To cause a ship
to come hither with such commodities as would serve this
countrey, would come to great gaines," more especially
if the proceeds be invested in a cargo of the local sugar
to freight the vessel back. It may, of course, be merely
a coincidence that this advice should have been tendered
just as the fortunate John Whithall was on the eve of
acquiring a sugar factory! But in any case he reveals
himself a shrewd fellow.
"This voyage is as good as any Peru voyage,"
promises John Whithall, and he was probably right.
50 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
Then he makes an offer, and it will be seen that the size
of the suggested ship has swollen just a little in the
course of his long letter : * ' If you and Master Osborne
will deale here, I will deale with you before any other,
because of our old friendly friendship in time past" —
perhaps it is to his credit that he shows himself far more
sentimentally inclined towards past comrades than
towards future wives. '*If you have any stomake
thereto, in the name of God, do you espie out a fine barke
of seventie or eightie tunnes, and send her hither with
a Portugal pilot to this port of S. Vincent in Brazil,
bordering upon the borders of Peru. ' '
Finally Whithall strikes a light on the difficulties of
pronunciation which his name has involved, and on the
triumphant compromise which has been effected :
''Here in this countrey in stead of John Whitehall they
have called me John Leitoan ; so that they have used this
name so long time, that at this present there is no rem-
edie, but it must remaine so. When you write unto me,
let the superscription be unto John Leitoan."
In whatever manner it may have been pronounced,
John Whithall 's name was clearly sound and respected
for commercial purposes, for in response to his appeal
the Minion, laden with the specified goods, set sail from
London, sighted the mountains guarding the northern
bank of the Santos River, swung round into the stream,
and came to an anchor near the palm-covered hill on the
top of which stood Santos church. She bore a letter to
Whithall from his merchant friends of London, explain-
ing that the great credit they attach to his promises
has caused them *' to joyne ourselves in company together,
and to be at great charges purposely to send this good
ship the Minion of London, not onely with such marchan-
dizes as you wrote for, but also with as many other things
as we thought might any wayes pleasure you, or profit
the country."
Toward the end of the long letter comes the news of
THE BEGINNINGS OF BRITISH TRADE 51
a little personal present to Whithall himself: ''And in
the meane time for a token of our good willes toward
you, we have sent you a fieldbed of walnut tree, with the
canopy, valens, curtaines, and gilt knobs."
That the Minion was cordially received — not only by
John Whithall, but by the officials and all the people —
we know, and it is probable enough that the *'deales"
fully justified John Whithall 's appeal.
But this was the end of those friendly relations — or,
if you prefer it, the death of the first promise of dawn,
which the Spanish conquest of Portugal was to bring to
nothing.
Edward Fenton's expedition to South America cannot
be ranked as one of the triumphs of the early mariners.
Its original destination was China; but it achieved
neither that object, nor anything else of importance,
chiefly owing to bad leadership and to differences be-
tween the various commanders.
Fenton's fleet consisted of the Leicester, of four hun-
dred tons; the Bonaventure, three hundred tons; the
Elizabeth, fifty tons, and the Francis, a bark of forty
tons, the property of Sir Francis Drake, and commanded
by his young cousin John Drake. This latter was a most
promising lad of some twenty years of age, who, as we
have already seen, had accompanied his illustrious rela-
tive on his voyage round the world. It was the boy John
Drake, as a matter of fact, who had won the gold chain
offered by Sir Francis as a prize to him who should first
sight the treasure ship Cacafuego.
The services of John Drake, as well as the boatswain
Thomas Blackaller and the shipmaster Thomas Gult,
were lent by Sir Francis Drake to Fenton, as that mortal
of hesitating tendencies does not appear to have had any
practical knowledge of the sea.
After a visit to the west coast of Africa it was de-
termined to set sail for Brazil, ''and so to appoint our
course from time to time, if wee lost companie, to stay
52 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
fifteene dayes in the River of Plate, and from thence to
go for the streights, and there to ride, and water, and
trimme our ships."
When off the South American coast, however, the ex-
pedition captured a Spanish vessel, from which they
gleaned some disturbing intelligence. A powerful Span-
ish fleet, of twenty- three ships and 3,500 men under Diego
Flores de Valdez, it appeared, had sailed down to the
Straits of Magellan, and was lying there in wait for any
squadron which might attempt the passage.
On board of the captured vessel, it may be remarked,
were a number of friars, and an Englishman, named
Richard Carter, who for the last twelve years had been
dwelling at the town of Asuncion on the banks of the
Paraguay River, a thousand miles from the coast. When
the other prisoners were released. Carter, as well as a
certain Juan Pinto who knew the mouth of the Rio de la
Plata, were retained, doubtless on account of their
knowledge of the local topography.
On receiving the news of the hostile occupation of the
Magellan Straits, Fenton had declared that he would pass
through them in spite of the Spanish fleet. Presently
his resolution wavered, and he summoned a council of
war of his captains. How ill-assorted these latter were
may be judged from the fact that "their opinions were
as divers as their names ; and as much differed, as before
this time they were wont usually to doe : onely they all
agreed in this one point, that it was impossible for us
to passe the streights without seeing, and incountring
with the ships."
From subsequent events we may feel positive that John
Drake was not one of those who advocated the timorous
counsel which in the end prevailed. After the captains
had supped in company Fenton announced to them that
he had temporarily abandoned the plan of passing
through the straits. The question now was merely
THE BEGINNINGS OF BRITISH TRADE 53
whether they should revictual on the banks of the Eio
de la Plata or at the Brazilian port of Santos.
This was soon settled. The Spanish prisoners had ad-
mitted that food existed on the banks of the great river,
but they had added that there was no wine available there.
This was certainly true, as the Indian-harried settlement
of Buenos Aires, founded for the second time scarcely
two years before, was still in the throes of want and hard-
ship. As at that time the importance of wine in the pro-
vision list of a vessel was scarcely second in importance
to that of solid food, this condition of affairs did not
appeal to Fenton, who sailed along the coast until he
opened up that spot in the forest-covered mountains, in
the midst of which spread the alluvial valley of the San-
tos Eiver. So Diego Flores de Valdez' great fleet waited
in vain in the Straits of Magellan, and the history of the
suffering and disasters incurred in the attempt to form
defensive settlements in those bleak and remote channels
is one of the most tragic that the Spanish colonies have
to show.
Soon after Fenton 's vessels had dropped anchor in the
stream at a point some distance below the town, the com-
mander was visited by Giuseppe Doria, WhithalPs
wealthy and respected father-in-law, and some others.
There was a good deal of doubt ashore, it appeared, con-
cerning Fenton 's intentions. The efforts on the part of
the seamen to dissipate this were sufficient, as is testi-
fied to by Captain Luke Ward, of the Bonaventure:
"After many speeches and requests a banket was made
them, and the generall in his pinnesse with his musicke,
and trumpets; and I in my skiffe with trumpets, drum
and fife, and tabor and pipe, accompanied them a mile
up the river : at going off, we saluted them with a volley
of three great pieces out of each ship."
In these days we may have lacked elbow room, creature
comforts, and ventilation; but we had it within us to
54 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
make a brave show when the time for ceremony ar-
rived !
This visit was productive of friendly sentiments. On
the next day Whithall himself came on board. For all
the enthusiastic shrewdness of his trading instincts, he
does not seem to have hesitated for a single moment when
the call of loyalty clashed with his pecuniary interests.
Whithall came now with a word of warning. The
shadow of the Spanish Empire lay over the spot, and
its influence had already been working. The Portuguese
were restless and uneasy. In proof of the probability
that their natural instincts of hospitality would give way
to the harsh demands of Spain, they had sent away their
women folk, and were hurriedly fortifying the town.
Why not, he urged, sail up and anchor before the town,
and thus take the delicate situation more directly under
control 1
Then Whithall took his departure over the side, and
was doubtless paddled away in one of those dug-out
canoes such as still survive in the river. Very shortly
afterwards Doria came floating down the stream again,
accompanied by a Portuguese. They brought further
pacific messages, but advised the postponement of any
important steps until the governor had spoken with Mas-
ter Fenton, which he would do in a few days.
Fenton thanked his visitors, begged them to partake
of his hospitality, and then, while they were busied in
dining, he mounted to the deck to discuss the situation
with his officers. Fenton — arguing that a wealthy mer-
chant in hand was worth a dozen governors in the bush
— was inclined to detain his guests indefinitely in the light
of hostages. But, as usual, he was loth to do anything
— even the wrong thing ! — without discussion and hesi-
tation.
His second-in-command, Ward, deprecated anything of
the kind. He reminded Fenton that their instructions
forbade violence except in self-defense, and pointed out
THE BEGINNINGS OF BRITISH TRADE 55
the irretrievable damage that such a procedure would
cause to the budding trade which the Minion had opened
up with Santos. This pacific counsel prevailed, and the
outcome of it was that, instead of detention, the visitors
received some fine black cloth, and — in order that social
distinctions might be preserved — the same quantity for
the governor, but this in scarlet and murrey !
But the days of peaceful trading had gone by. Southey
— not quite fairly, I think, — charges the fault of their
disappearance to Drake rather than to the grim and im-
mutable policy of Spain. He says :
"But the evil which Ward anticipated from hostile pro-
ceedings had already been produced by Drake ; our nation
was hated, and by all the Spaniards in America, English-
men were considered as pirates."
However this may have been, there was no uncertainty
about the masts and yards of three Spanish ships, which
one day pricked up plainly above the low trees of the
alluvial valley, separated from the English vessels by
only a few windings of the tortuous river.
The Spanish squadron came on to the attack, and, as
a brilliant moon was shining, a night action ensued in
the river, in the course of which one of the Spanish ves-
sels sank to the muddy bottom of the stream. In the
end the squadron to which it had belonged, defeated,
made its way with difficulty up the river. Fenton did
not trouble himself about pursuit. He shook the water
of the river from his sterns, and sailed homewards,
having achieved very little beyond a certain loss of repu-
tation.
Decidedly the victor of this river fight, he appears to
have behaved with the most exemplary humanity, and to
have contented himself with vigorously repelling the as-
sault on him. Iberian historians themselves freely admit
that Fenton might have inflicted much more severe dam-
age on the Spaniards, had he been so minded. Lopez
Vaz, a Portuguese, gives the following account:
56 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
**The Englishmen easily put them to the worst, and
sunke one of them, and might have sunke another, if the
Englishmen would : but they minded not the destruction
of any man: for that is the greatest vertue that can be
in a man, that when hee may doe hurt, yet he will not doe
it. So the Englishmen .... went backe for England,
without doing of any harme in the countrey.'*
Such generous praise from an opponent would read still
more pleasantly were Fenton's motives perfectly clear.
But the reason of many of this leader's actions is
shrouded in mystery. Undoubtedly his procedure was
often half-hearted, and in more than one quarter he was
suspected of carrying on negotiations with the Spanish
ambassador in London.
This action, although insignificant in itself, was a mo-
mentous one, since it signaled the termination of the
English peaceful relations with Brazil. The whole of
South America was now under Spanish domination, and
throughout the entire length of its coasts the English
might know well enough that not a port existed that
would not throw a round shot or two — even were the
cannon old and rusted — at any vessel flying the St.
George's Cross which should chance to come within
range.
The free intercourse between the English and the Port-
uguese was not destined to be renewed until some two
centuries and a quarter later, when a British fleet es-
corted a Portuguese regent and his court to their new
capital of Rio de Janeiro. For when in 1640 the Portu-
guese flung off the Spanish yoke, the Government of
Brazil continued to be tainted with methods which,
though less harsh, savored of the Spanish model, and the
advent of the foreigner was hindered as much as possible.
One tragic episode, however, has yet to be related con-
cerning Fenton's expedition. Young John Drake, mind-
ful no doubt of his great kinsman's deeds, had no mind
to abandon the voyage to the South Seas. So he sepa-
THE BEGINNINGS OF BRITISH TRADE 57
rated his forty-ton cockleshell from Fenton's squadron,
and sailed it gallantly on to the south, he and his crew
of seventeen men and a boy ! Alas ! off the River Plate
the Francis struck a rock, and was wrecked, and after
conflicts with the Indians and captivity, John Drake and
two companions found themselves at Buenos Aires.
They were kindly received, and would probably have
been sent back to their own country, had not a former
prisoner of Francis Drake's appeared on the scene and
recognized the admiral's young cousin.
John Drake was taken to Lima, after a long stay at
Asuncion on the way. He appears eventually to have
adopted the Roman Catholic faith and to have married ;
but he was never permitted to leave the neighborhood
of Lima.
It is supposed that John Drake and his two companions
were the sole survivors of the unfortunate Francis; but
it is possible that there remained some who did not suc-
ceed in escaping from the hands of the Indians. Hakluyt,
for one, was led to believe this, for he remarks :
''Upon this comming of the Englishmen, there were
prepared 50 horsemen to goe over the river to seeke the
rest of the Englishmen, and also certaine Spaniards that
were among the savage people, but I am not certaine,
whether they went forward or not."
Zelia Nuttall in her very valuable work for the Hakluyt
Society, ''New Light on Drake," has an interesting note
in connection with John Drake:
"In the official description of the auto-da-fe held in
December, 1650, in the Church of Santo Domingo at
Cartagena, the capital of the Spanish Main, the name of
John Drake is given as that of one of the penitents. He
had been denounced to the Dominican fathers because
'being a Lutheran, he frequented the Holy Sacraments.'
After performing public penance in the auto-da-fe, he was
'absolved with a caution' and admitted to reconciliation
with the Church of Rome. In 1650 John Drake, the
58 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
cousin of Francis Drake, would have been an octogenar-
ian, a fact which might explain the otherwise unaccount-
able leniency of the sentence imposed for so grave a
sacrilege .... Whatever the truth may be, it is a fact
which cannot but awaken deep interest, that sixty-five
years after Drake's cousin figured in an auto-da-fe at
Lima, a Lutheran namesake of his was living on the
Spanish Main, the scene of many an English raid, whither
ships sailed regularly from Lima, transporting the gold
and silver destined for Spain. There, if anywhere in
America, at that time, there was a remote chance of liber-
ation or escape and this may account for the fact that in
1652 'an English tailor, named Anthony' also lived at
Cartagena."
After Fenton's return an expedition set out for the
South Seas by way of the Brazils, no longer bearing an
olive branch at the main. The squadron, financed by the
Earl of Cumberland, was commanded by Robert With-
rington, and was accompanied by two privateers, one of
which had been fitted out by Raleigh.
Setting out in 1586, when well to the south of the
line, Withrington stood in toward the shore, and where
the blue of the Southern Pacific was becoming tinged
with the thick yellow flood of the River Plate he captured
two small Portuguese vessels.
Curiously enough, the first of these ships was com-
manded by a certain Abraham Cocke, who had originally
been one of the members of the Minion's crew. This
tends to show that the last spark of international genial-
ity had not yet been stamped out by the Spaniards, and,
morever, reveals the remarkable manner in which the
threads of each of these English expeditions happened
to be picked up by the next.
In the second of the captured vessels were three or
four friars, an Irishman among them, and, if only the
date corresponded more closely, one would have made
certain that this could have been no other than the Jesuit
THE BEGINNINGS OF BRITISH TRADE 59
Father Fields, whose adventures when captured by
English '■ ' pirates ' ' are described in a later chapter.
Cocke assured his compatriots that, if they would turn
their bows northwards, they could raid Bahia with suc-
cess. Withrington took his advice, but obtained no booty
to speak of at that tropical port, in spite of much fierce
fighting the town itself being strenuously guarded by
great numbers of the Jesuit Mission Indians, who had
been hastily summoned for that purpose.
It is worthy of remark that on this voyage a landing
party at Seal Island (probably Lobos Island) found there
the arms of Portugal engraved on a rock. These, it was
imagined, had been placed there by the order of Martin
Alonso de Souza.
This last voyage makes no mention of John Whithall,
and it is possible that the intercourse between him and
his fellow countrymen was broken off after it. If he
remained there, no doubt his descendants inhabit the
neighborhood at the present day, and if any people of
the name of Leitoan or Leitoa exist there now, they
may congratulate themselves on a distinctly interesting
ancestry !
It is not a little curious to find that in the actual heyday
of the raids of the great English navigators there were
other sailors who were occupied in commonplace trading
with the colonists. Yet this is clear enough from the
instructions given by Master Edward Cotton of South-
ampton to the commander of a ship of his freighted in
1590 for Brazil and the River Plate.
Needless to say, the traffic had to be carried on very
quietly, and the palms of the Spanish officials well
smoothed with gold. Among the commodities required
for the return trip were ''amber, sugar, green ginger,
cotton-wool, and some quantity of the peppers of the
country there. Also for parats and monkies, and the
beast called serrabosa."
The crew, morever, were to drag for oysters, and the
60 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
master was to keep a sharp lookout for the seeds and
kernels of strange plants, **also to doe your best en-
deavour to try for the best ore or golde, silver, or other
rich mettals whatsoever. ' '
Unfortunately for the high hopes of Edward Cotton,
his vessel was cast away on the shore of Guinea, only
one man out of the ship's company returning to tell the
tale.
In 1589, the Bristol ship Delight set out from Plymouth
on a voyage to the Magellan Straits and the Southern
Chilean Province of Arauco, which caused her name to
appear most grimly ironical. For the first part of the
journey she was accompanied by two other vessels, the
Wild Man and the White Lion, as well as by two small
pinnaces. But in the neighborhood of Cape Blanco on
the Barbary coast she lost sight of her consorts, and did
not get into touch with them again.
The Delight stood on for the South American coast,
and eventually reached the Magellan Straits in safety,
although by the time she had made the mountainous and
wooded inlets, disease had carried off sixteen persons out
of their complement of ninety one.
The voyage of the Delight deserves to be better known.
It provides unsurpassable material for an epic of mis-
fortune. Having waited in the vain hope of being joined
by the remaining vessels of the expedition, she proceeded
to Penguin Island and her crew captured and salted a
number of penguins, ** which must be eaten with speed,
for wee found them to be of no long continuance." In
the course of this work of provisioning a serious accident
occurred; for their boat was blown away in a sudden
gale, and was never seen again. This catastrophe cost
them the lives of fifteen men, and left them without a
boat. However, a substitute was improvised out of the
wood of the men's chests, and the Delight made her way
along the Straits as far as Port Famine. Here, near
the ruins of the Spanish settlement which it had been
THE BEGINNINGS OF BRITISH TRADE 61
attempted to found in 1582, they met with, and succored,
a solitary Spaniard, the only one remaining at the spot
out of the original four hundred, who was leading a her-
mit and precarious existence.
About this time, attracted by the signals of some In-
dians on shore, the Delight's new boat was sent to the
beach. No sooner had the men landed than they were
set on by the treacherous natives, and out of a crew of
nine only two returned alive to their ship. To cut short
a long story of disaster, a six weeks' sojourn in these
fatal straits cost the lives of thirty-eight men, whether
from casualties or disease.
Nothing remained but for the Delight to attempt to
make her way home as best she could. No grain of good
fortune relieved the gloom of the return voyage. Once,
an eighty-ton Portuguese vessel was sighted, from which,
it was hoped, some food might be obtained. But the
Portuguese master ran his ship ashore, and there, for
want of a proper boat, the Delight had to leave her !
Infested by disease, the stricken vessel staggered on
to the north, and when foul weather at length drove her
mournful ribs on to the rocks of Normandy only six of
her crew remained alive !
When we come to Cavendish we arrive at one of the
few of the most prominent early navigators who was not
a Devonian. Thomas Cavendish was a fairly wild Suf-
folk lad, of good family and easy circumstances. Or-
phaned when a minor, he took the first opportunity of
squandering his patrimony with that impetuousity which
characterized his actions throughout his life.
In 1585 a voyage with Sir Richard Greenville to Vir-
ginia gave him his taste for the sea. On his return he
employed the remains of his fortune to equip a small
fleet of three vessels. This he took to Sierra Leone in
1586, whence he sailed to South America. When off the
coast of Brazil he endeavored to get into communication
with John Whithall of Santos, but failed. After this.
62 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
he proceeded to the south, and passed through the Magel-
lan Straits. Here they saw the ruins of the settlement
which the Spaniards had endeavored to establish there:
''the citie had foure Fortes, and every Fort had in it
one cast piece, which pieces were buryed in the ground,
the carriages were standing in their places unburied:
we digged for them and had them all. ' ' The inhabitants,
attacked by starvation and Indians, had "dyed like
dogges in their houses, and in their clothes, wherein we
found them still at our coming, untill that in the ende
the towne being wonderfully taynted with the smell and
the savour of the dead people, the rest which remained
alive were driven .... to forsake the towne."
Such was a portion of the tragedy of Port Famine.
After this Cavendish sailed up the Pacific coast, then,
drawing away to the westward, he sailed home in the
track of Drake, being the second Englishman to circum-
navigate the world.
England and Spain being at this period openly at war,
Cavendish had at least the advantage of carryiiig on his
vastly extensive plundering with a completely easy mind.
His spoil was immense, one captured vessel alone being
found to be laden with the equivalent of £49,000 in gold.
But, for all that he was a bold and daring mariner, in
some respects Cavendish fell far from the standard set
by Drake. Drake, it is true, had once ducked an obsti-
nate prisoner, a sufficiently mild chastisement, but Caven-
dish did not hesitate at actual torture, relying on the
thumbscrew to break the silence of more than one Span-
ish captive. His bravery was of the kind which his fel-
low leaders of the age rightly claimed for the English;
but his methods were such as — with far less reason —
have been held, in the British mind, for centuries as the
special characteristics of the Spaniard !
Surely something of his spirit struts out in these words
of his, trumpeting his first voyage :
"In which voyage I have either discovered or brought
THE BEGINNINGS OF BRITISH TRADE 63
certaine intelligence of all the ricli places of the world
that were ever knowen or discovered by any Christian.
I navigated alongst the coast of Chili, Pern, and Nueva
Espana, where I made great spoiles : I burnt and sunke
nineteen sailes of ships small and great. All the villages
and townes that ever I landed at I burnt and spoiled."
Cavendish seems to have been determined that his re-
turn from so successful a voyage should lose nothing
in the way of crude splendor. So, when his bows at
length clove their way into English waters, they were,
it is said, gilt and shining; his sails were of variously
colored damask, and his topmasts were covered with
cloth-of-gold. As a finishing touch — ^probably not with-
out its own humor — ^his grim sea-dogs are said to have
lounged against this gorgeous back-ground, themselves
resplendent in the bravest of silks.
Cavendish's second voyage is chiefly remarkable for
the unusual amount of attention paid to the coast of
Brazil. In 1591 two of his ships surprised the town of
Santos, and captured practically the entire population
who happened to be at mass. This in itself was some-
thing of a haul, since wealthy settlers were often worth
their weight in silver for a ransom. But Cocke, Caven-
dish's second in command, who had charge of the affair,
found the good cheer of Santos too much for his
astuteness. While he feasted and drank, the inhabitants
packed up their valuables very stealthily, and, laden with
these, slipped away into the forest, making their way
toward the highlands of the interior.
So that when, rather more than a week later. Cavendish
arrived at Santos, he found Cocke — ^who doubtless re-
ceived him sheepishly — safely in possession of Santos —
but Santos without its inhabitants, valuables, or pro-
visions. In their anger, the sailors took a clay image
of St. Catherine from a small chapel, and flung it into
the river. Later, it was recovered by a dragnet — either
by accident or design — and was found to be completely
64 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
covered with those little oyster-shells such as are to be
seen on the sea-walls of Santos to-day. These were suf-
fered to remain, and by its immersion the image became
vested with a double sanctity. After this the disgusted
crews burned the neighboring village of Sao Vicente,
and made oif to the south to navigate the Magellan
Straits. But the good fortune which had attended Cav-
endish on his first voyage failed him now. His fleet
was driven and scattered by the overwhelming storms of
the bleak southern latitudes. Doubtless soured by these
misfortunes, Cavendish appears to have fallen foul of
his officers and crew, who, however, remained loyal to
him.
Once more Cavendish's storm-battered ship, alone on
the waters now, sailed with a sick and starving crew to
the mouth of the Santos River. But misfortune clung
like a hungry shark to the weather-beaten quarter of
Cavendish's vessel. Of twenty-five men, landed at a dis-
tance of some three leagues from Santos in order to
obtain provisions, not a soul returned to the vessel. They
were attacked by a band of Indians who on the previous
occasion had shown themselves friendly, and all but two
were slain. The unfortunate survivors were escorted
into Santos by the Indians, who triumphantly waved in
the air the twenty- three severed heads of the prisoners'
slain comrades.
Cavendish left the place, and, cruising along the coast,
was soon joined by the Roebuck, one of the vessels of his
squadron which had lived through the southern storms.
They sailed northwards in company, raiding where they
could, until they came to Espiritu Santo.
Here they determined on a more important landing
expedition. The bar, however, of the small river which
ran by the place presented some problems. Moved by a
fatal inspiration, one of Cavendish's Portuguese prison-
ers volunteered to pilot the vessels in. Cavendish,
doubting the possibility of this, sent a boat's crew to
THE BEGINNINGS OF BRITISH TRADE 65
sound. They pulled back, to report an insufficient depth
of water to permit the passage of the bar.
The unfortunate Portuguese protested that, whatever
soundings they made it, he had safely taken in vessels
of a hundred tons. But his protestations fell on deaf
ears. Cavendish hanged him forthwith, having first cyni-
cally explained to the poor wretch that he deserved hang-
ing in either case — ^whether for piloting his country's
enemies, or for attempting to wreck an English vessel !
But this was one of the last outbursts of Cavendish's
peculiarly grim species of humor. A boat-expedition,
sent up the river, was, notwithstanding much individual
gallantry, forced to return after having suffered very
heavy loss. Much of the fault of this Cavendish at-
tributed to the master of the Roebuck, whom he dubbed
a most cowardly villain. Then he set sail for England,
realizing that the expedition had failed in all things, a
circumstance which undoubtedly contributed to his end
a little later. For, like his greater fellow navigators,
Drake and Hawkins, Cavendish died in the tropics with
the oak timbers of his vessel beneath him.
In connection with this expedition occurred a voyage
which, from the point of view of tragedy, may well com-
pare with that of the Delight. After Cavendish's fleet
had left the Straits of Magellan, and was beating its way
up through the stormy latitudes toward Brazil, the Desire
lost company with the other vessels. After a time her
captain, John Davis, decided to return to the Straits
of Magellan. The Desire even attained the length of
entering the Pacific, but was beaten back by weather to
the grim shelter of the land waters.
In the course of a desperate and precarious existence
here, a portion of the crew became suspicious of the
captain's motives, and planned to murder him — a silver
bullet had already been prepared that would leave no
doubt about his end ! But that fine sailor. Captain Davis,
learning of this in time, convinced the malcontents of his
66 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
sincerity, and read them some well-earned lectures on
their conduct in addition.
This episode affords merely one more proof that if
ever there was a spot designed to bring to a head an
incipient mutinous spirit, it was these very Magellan
Straits. The more one reads of their history, the clearer
it becomes that they were the earthly hell of sixteenth,
seventeenth, and eighteenth century mariners!
In the first instance the unfortunate men of the Desire
had been obliged to subsist largely on mussels ; but after-
wards their diet improved :
''All the time that wee were in this place, we fared
passing well with egs, Penguins, young scales, young
Guiles, besides other birds .... we found an herbe
called Scurvygrasse, which we fried with egs, using traine
oyle in stead of butter. This herbe did so purge
ye blood, that it tooke away all kind of swellings, of
which many died, and restored us to perfect health of
body.*'
With this more favorable outlook, died away the in-
cipient growlings of a mutiny to which the sufferings of
the men had inclined to drive them.
In these circumstances it was decided to return, and to
make for Brazil. It was with a woefully diminished
crew that the weatherbeaten Desire drove her nose dog-
gedly into the waters of the Atlantic again. In her hold
were fourteen thousand dried penguins, the fruit of in-
finite toil and labor in the bleak straits.
Thus provisioned, the ship 's company of the Desire may
well have thought that they had left most of their troubles
behind them, however shaken might be the hull of their
vessel and however rotten its sails. But when they
passed from the chilly southern latitudes to the brilliant
glow of the subtropics the taste of penguin, eked out by
nothing beyond a few precious spoonfuls of oil, meal,
and pease, became more and more difficult to bear, more
especially now that the allowance of water was short.
THE BEGINNINGS OF BRITISH TRADE 67
When off the Brazilian Island of Placentia, matters
had become desperate. The Desire was brought to an
anchor, while a party was sent ashore to collect cassava
roots, near an apparently deserted settlement. This
work they performed for several days, when, on the night
of the fifth of February, ^'rnany of our men in the ship
dreamed of murther and slaughter : in the morning they
reported their dreams, one saying to another ; this night
I dreamt, that thou wert slaine; another answered, and
I dreamed, that thou wert slaine: and this was general
through the ship."
Treating this phenomenon with some respect, the cap-
tain commanded those who were about to proceed on
shore to arm themselves well, and to keep a sharp watch.
Nevertheless, the tropical languor of the after-dinner
hour on shore proved too much for the caution of the
men, and they were sleeping in the shade of the palms
and the brilliant flowers, when they were surprised by a
force of Portuguese and Indians, and of fifteen men all
but two were slain. The Desire's boat was pulled in hot
haste to the spot, but, save for the two survivors, they
found their comrades already dead, and ''laide naked on a
ranke one by another, with their faces upward, and a
crosse set by them."
The Englishmen had not leisure to do any more than
take in this melancholy sight; for two large pinnaces,
crowded with armed men, were approaching, and it was
high time for the mauled and maltreated Desire to leave
this unhealthy neighborhood.
When her tattered and soiled sails were spread to the
joyously mocking and brilliant airs only twenty-seven
gaunt men remained to work the vessel. As they drew
near the Equator some welcome showers renewed the
water in their cask. But this was nothing but an ironical
caress of the merciless fortune which obsessed the poor
vessel. The equatorial sun and the malignant spirits of
the slain penguins entered into a gruesome treaty to deal
68 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
the most dreadful blow of all. What happened is best
told in the homely words of the sufferers themselves.
'* After we came neere unto the sun, our dried
Penguins began to corrupt, and there bred in them a most
lothsome and ugly worme of an inch long. This worme
did so mightily increase, and devoure our victuals, that
there was in reason no hope how we should avoide famine,
but be devoured of these wicked creatures: there was
nothing that they did not devour, only yron excepted:
our clothes, boots, shooes, hats, shirts, stockings: and
for the ship they did so eat the timbers, as that we
greatly feared they would undoe us, by gnawing through
the ship's side .... the more we laboured to kill them,
the more they increased ; so that at the last we could not
sleepe for them, but they would eate our flesh, and bite
like Mosquotos."
Presently these unfortunate beings fell into a disease
which, beginning in the ankles, caused their whole bodies
to swell in a monstrous fashion. Undoubtedly it was a
nightmare of a voyage, this! No wonder that ''divers
grew raging mad, and some died in most lothsome and
furious paine." Through it all the captain's spirit seems
to have remained undaunted, and of the five who, at the
end of the voyage, were able to move about the deck, he
and a boy were the only two who remained in health.
Beyond these were eleven prostrate invalids, all that re-
mained out of the original ship 's company of seventy-six
men.
Even when within sight of home the survivors were
destined to experience more sordidness — this time in
human nature:
"Thus as lost wanderers upon the sea, the 11 of June
1593, it pleased God that we arrived at Bear-haven in
Ireland, and there ran the ship on shore : where the Irish
men helped us to take in our sails, and to more our ship
for floating : which slender paines of theirs cost the cap-
taine some ten pounds before he could have the ship in
THE BEGINNINGS OF BRITISH TRADE 69
safetie. Thus without victuals, sails, men, or any furni-
ture God only guided us into Ireland. ' '
A few days later this staunch captain and some of his
men landed at Padstow in Cornwall, ''and in this manner
our small remnant by God's only Mercie were preserved,
and restored to our country, to whom be all honour
and glory world without end." A ringing sentence,
which calls for an amen from across the centuries !
In James Lancaster, described as a gentleman of Lon-
don, we have a type of man entirely different to that
of his navigating predecessors. For one thing, Lan-
caster's education had been cosmopolitan by compari-
son. ''He had by his own account been brought up
among the Portuguese, lived among them as a gentle-
man, served with them as a soldier, and dwelt among
them as a merchant," says Southey and, adds, as one
whose residence in Portugal had imbued him with
friendly feelings toward that kindly folk: "There was
therefore what may be called moral treason in bearing
arms against a people with whom he had so long been
domesticated. ' *
Although it is impossible to judge of the rights and
wrongs of these circumstances at this length of time, it
seems possible enough that Southey 's complaint was not
without some foundation. Undoubtedly Lancaster was
a many-sided man. His education had been unusually
liberal for that period. In addition to his notable quali-
ties as a navigator and a resolute leader of men, he was
worldy wise, an able linguist, a shrewd business man,
and, morever, endowed with a remarkable mental agil-
ity.
It has always seemed to me — although it is sufficiently
probable that some quite simple circumstances of which
I am ignorant may account for his name and his pres-
ence in the Peninsula — that, in view of the close con-
nection of the Lancastrian dynasty with Portugal, the
origin of this Lancaster might prove interesting, On
70 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
the other hand, mere coincidence of nomenclature —
although in this instance very long-armed, considering
the few English in Portugal — may well deprive his an-
cestry of any mystic glamour.
Lancaster may be said to have specialized in attacks
on Brazil! The motive of this, naturally, was his long
acquaintance with the Portuguese people and language,
two circumstances which stood him in good stead.
Lancaster set out on his principal voyage in 1594 with
three ships — of which the largest was some two hundred
and forty tons and the smallest sixty — victualed by alder-
men and citizens of London. His fleet was manned by
two hundred and seventy-five men and boys. His des-
tination was Recife, the sister port of Olinda, both of
which are now popularly known as Pernambuco. An
eloquent testimony to Lancaster's foresight, thorough
methods, and cosmopolitan relations was his procuring
from Dieppe before he started two Frenchmen conversant
w^ith the language of the Indians in the neighborhood of
Recife !
On the southward voyage Lancaster had an opportu-
nity of displaying his resolution; for trouble with the
mast of one of his ships caused a separation of his squad-
ron, to the discouragement of many of the men, who de-
sired to abandon the enterprise. But Lancaster kept a
firm hand over his crew, and was rewarded by the coming
together again of his three vessels off the sandy north-
west African coast in the neighborhood of Cape Blanco.
Master Barker, Lancaster's second in command, had
already busied himself among the Spanish and Portu-
guese shipping, and from a prisoner from one of the many
captured vessels he had learned that a richly laden car-
rack from India had been wrecked off the northern Bra-
zilian coast, and that all her cargo had been taken to
Recife.
This, fitting in so admirably with the objects of the
expedition, must have seemed the work of a special prov-
THE BEGINNINGS OF BRITISH TRADE 71
idence. Greatly encouraged by the news, the squadron,
accompanied now by five of the prizes, set sail for the
southwest. Presently it fell in with a squadron of four
privateers commanded by Captain Venner. An agree-
ment was arrived at with these, and Lancaster found his
fleet strengthened by two ships, a pinnace, and a
Biscayan prize. As to the division of the spoils to come,
Lancaster was to have three shares and Venner the
fourth — a proportion that may have been just enough,
but that it was in any case eloquent of the comparative
intellectual force of the pair.
After this the combined squadrons made for Recife,
and arrived off that port in the darkness of night. When
the sun rose out of the warm ocean it showed the mari-
ners all that they had expected to see — the low forest-
covered hills, the green stretches of the sugar-cane
fields, the groves of cocoanut palms, the lowly houses
of the town, and the sheltering coral-reef that extended
itself in front.
But there was more than this. Just where the end
of the coral reef made the limit of the natural harbor
three large Dutch ships lay at anchor. The sight was
as unwelcome as it was unexpected, since there was noth-
ing to show what attitude the Dutch would adopt. Lan-
caster therefore made all preparations to assail the town
and the Dutch as well. His answer to a somewhat super-
fluous question sent out by the governor as to what the
English fleet desired, was perfectly direct. Lancaster
explained in so many words that it was for the goods
of the carrack he had come, and the goods of the carrack
he must have.
Then he sent his boats' crew ashore to the attack.
To his infinite relief he found that the Dutch vessels had
warped themselves out of the way, thus displaying peace-
able intentions. The assault on the fort itself was merely
one out of a thousand such instances. It was captured
with a rush, and the twin towns with their booty and the
72 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
rich cargo of the carrack fell into the hands of Lan-
caster.
* ' The day of our arrival, ' ' says the narrator of this in
a cynical note, ''was their Good Friday, when by custom
they usually whipp themselves; but God sent us now
for a general scourge to them all, whereby that labour
among them might be well spared."
It was only when this victory was won that the English
leader showed the full scope of his enterprising spirit.
Here was more rich plunder than could be carried in his
own ships ; and there were the three great Dutch vessels
— early heralds of the future Dutch invasion of Northern
Brazil — ^whose crews could not well help chafing with
envy at the scene that was being enacted before their
eyes! Lancaster dropped his raider's part, and became
a tactful merchant. He chartered the Dutch ships on
liberal terms, with the result that the men in these were
soon working with enthusiasm at the loading of the ves-
sels — which, of course, was all to the benefit of Lancas-
ter and his expedition.
But even now these international episodes were not
yet at an end. Two or three days afterwards three ships
and two pinnaces rose their sails over the edge of the
blue ocean. They were French privateers, the captain
of one of which, Jean Noyer, had rendered Lancaster a
service in the West Indies the previous year. Thus
cordiality was established from the start, and as a result
of Lancaster's generous terms the French soon found
themselves allied to the expedition just as the Dutch
were.
Of the four nations thus flung into contact, the Portu-
guese alone nourished a cause for grievance! First of
all they endeavored to treat with Lancaster. But Lan-
caster, when he heard that the envoys were coming,
''hung downe his head for a small season; and when he
had muzed awhile, he answered, ' I must go aboard of the
Flemings upon business that importeth me'." Then he
THE BEGINNINGS OF BRITISH TRADE 73
fied from his ship as though the evil one himself were
after him. He had himself rowed across to one of the
Dutch ships, and there he sought complete seclusion.
He refused to exchange a single word with the Portu-
guese, vowing that he knew them too well to run any such
risk !
''When they cannot prevail with the sword," said he,
*'then they deal with their deceivable tongues, for faith
and truth they have none."
He must have been honest in his convictions, for he
swore that he would hang the first Portuguese who at-
tempted a parley — a wholesome precaution, which instils
a doubt as to whether his former relations with the Port-
uguese had been quite so cordial as Southey imagined!
When the wings of the doves of peace definitely failed
them the Portuguese sent off fireships instead; but the
careful watch and skilful work of the sailors rendered
them harmless, and attempts to cut the ship' cables were
foiled by the efficient crews. Moreover, when they at-
tempted to erect some entrenchments near the town these
were captured by the privateers, and some carts were
taken which proved of the greatest assistance in loading
the ships with the spoils of the port!
The next attempt on the part of the Portuguese was
to construct a battery on the seashore with the object of
raking the hostile fleet with their shot. A landing party
destroyed the work, although in the course of too reck-
less a pursuit of the townsmen Captain Barker, Captain
Cotton, two of the French captains, and thirty-five men
were slain. After this the fleet, having occupied the port
for thirty-one days, decided that it would make for home.
"That evening," says the chronicler, ''they weighed
anchor and sailed out, eleven ships in company, all richly
laden, and all reached their ports safely."
Save for the final contretemps, the expedition had pro-
ceeded without a hitch. And as for this last, there were
doubtless some among the mariners sufficiently callous
74 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
to console themselves with the reflection that it happened
during the last day's stay in South America, and with
calculations that set off the advantages of a division of
booty among fewer hands against the loss of human lives.
It was, indeed, as was jubilantly remarked, '*a well-
governed and prosperous voyage. ' ' Its conclusion, more-
over, set the seal on Lancaster 's shrewdness and capacity
for leaving well enough alone — qualities quite as un-
usual in a sixteenth- or seventeenth-century privateer as
in a modern actor. For it was the last he undertook.
"When in 1595 Sir Walter Ealeigh sailed his five ships
up the stream of the Orinoco, he was already a personage
of distinction, a great navigator, a tried statesman, a
poet, and a close friend of Spenser — no small honor in
itself — a writer of stirring prose, a brilliant courtier, and
the petted favorite of his queen.
But of all these things it was as a poet that Ealeigh
went sailing up the Orinoco. He was no longer young,
it is true ; it was forty -three years since he had been born
in the Devon manor house near Budleigh. In his own
words, it was in the winter of his life, and with a body
blasted with misfortune that he undertook these travels.
Yet, he says, ''I would not doubt but for one yeere more
to hold fast my soule in my teeth, till it were performed.*'
He had navigated, fought on the sea, discovered, and
colonized — all this as a practical man and as an able sea-
man. Now, for the moment, he had thrown that frame
of mind aside. He had been listening to rumors and tales
of fantastic things — that might yet be true !
The tales had caught themselves up in his poet's mind,
and had set it aflame. He had heard the elusive and
shadowy accounts of the Kingdom of El Dorado, the
Gilded One, and the romance of his spirit had built
dreams on these misty foundations, until he could possess
himself no longer, but had to yield to the call of the placid
Orinoco.
So far as El Dorado was concerned, Raleigh's evil gen-
THE BEGINNINGS OF BRITISH TRADE 75
ius was Don Antonio de Berreo, the Spanish governor
of Guiana whom he had captured, principally in order
to teach him that it was not profitable to invite English
seamen ashore to hunt, and then to capture them in the
face of his pledge, as he had in the previous year!
Manoa was Berreo 's particular hobby. His love for gold
and diamonds seems to have been as great as his callous-
ness toward the Indians, among whom he was unpopular,
as any person would be who — as was his occasional habit
— dropped burning bacon upon naked aboriginal flesh !
It was through this Manoa that Berreo had his revenge,
whether it was intended or not. Raleigh's pages are
eloquent on the point. Very soon it was '^Berreo told
me this," ''Berreo told me that," — and all the tales were
of gold, in dust, and lumps, and plates; and of great
diamonds that shone under waterfalls and elsewhere!
So Raleigh saw visions while Berreo talked — Berreo who
was now "very valiant and liberall, and a gentleman of
great assuredness, and of a great heart." Perhaps, on
nearer acquaintance, Berreo possessed all this — ^but I
much misdoubt that he had the brain of a fox, too.
Raleigh was sailing now to put these stories and these
dreams to the test. The sight of the Orinoco itself was
not of the kind which would dispel any illusion. The
dense and mysterious forests whose green waves rolled
down to the edge of the stream, the occasional sweeping
aside of the verdure to admit the tributary streams with
their splashing waterfalls — ^this in itself made a suffi-
ciently romantic setting for the poet's mind. But when
the gorgeous scarlet, blue, and yellow of the macaws
flashed across the green, and the almost equally brilliant
toucans bore their gigantic beaks from point to point,
while the metallic fire of the humming-birds shone out
among the feathers of other winged creatures of every
conceivable hue; when, again, the brilliance of vast but-
terflies floated above the log-like forms of the dozing
alligators, and the distant campanero bird, unseen in its
76 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
snowy whiteness, tolled out its notes that so perfectly
resembled a convent bell, and, finally, when at night the
great demoniacal wings of the vampire bats flitted by,
and the fireflies lit up water and leaf — here were scenes
and sounds such as made the vision of El Dorado draw
nearer and take new life!
The curious fascination of the country is admitted by
Ealeigh himself in his description of an excursion toward
some great waterfalls :
''For mine owne part I was well perswaded from
thence to have returned, being a very ill footeman, but
the rest were all so desirous to goe neere the saide strange
thunder of waters, as they drew me on by little and little,
ill wee came into the next valley where we might better
discerne the same. I never saw a more beautifull coun-
trey, nor more lively prospects, hills so raised here and
there over the valleys, the river winding into divers
branches, the playnes adjoyning without bush or stubble,
all faire greene grasse, the ground of hard sand easie to
march on, either for horse or foote, the deere crossing in
every path, the birdes towards the evening singing on
every tree with a thousand severall tunes, cranes and
herons of white, crimson, and carnation pearching in the
rivers side, the aire fresh with a gentle Easterly winde,
and every stone that we stouped to takeup, promised
either golde or silver by his complexion. ' '
It is true that the tale of El Dorado was fantastic
enough, even for a poet floating on such shining and
magic water as these. As he went on, Ealeigh picked
up more and more fragments from both Indians and
white adventurers. The white stone palace on an island
in a lake, the guardian lions chained by massive fetters
of gold, the great golden sun upon the silver altar, the
Dorado, or Gilded Monarch himself, whose body was first
anointed and then blown upon with gold dust every morn-
ing until he was clothed from head to foot in the glitering
metal of which he held such great store — to what ex-
THE BEGINNINGS OF BRITISH TRADE 77
tent Raleigh in his own heart was credulous remains un-
solved to this day. Certainly a man of his mental ca-
pacity can scarcely have swallowed the childish fairy
tale of the sands of gold and pebbles of diamonds which
fringed the lake. He may have considered that, on the
principle that there is no smoke without fire, in Manoa
there was no fable without a solid foundation of gold
somewhere or other. That he used a story, of which he
himself was entirely incredulous, as a lever toward the
colonization of the Guianas is a fairly popular theory.
But surely it is more probable and natural that Raleigh
really did credit the existence — although not necessarily
in the least as described in the legend — of great stores of
gold in Guiana. Is it necessary to go afield to search
for a more powerful magnet than this? Raleigh's fervid
imagination was a double-edged possession — first a bril-
liant servant, afterwards a mortal enemy !
Raleigh sailed home, his head still filled with the
glamour of these enchanted rivers, and we may now take
a hasty survey of one or two notable captains who as-
sisted in the exploration of Guiana, and the northeast
of the continent. One of the most prominent of these
was Captain Amyas Preston, who set out for those lati-
tudes in 1595, accompanied by Captain George Summers.
The year after (1596) Captain Keymis set out and thor-
oughly explored the coast of Guiana, Captain Berrie con-
tinuing these explorations in 1597. In this year, too,
Captain Leigh explored the Guiana rivers in a bark, the
John, of London. An attempt to found a definite settle-
ment was made by Captain Leigh in 1607; but sickness
and the wreck of a relief ship caused the survivors of the
original company of forty-six to abandon the attempt.
In 1609, however, Robert Harcourt essayed the venture
on a more ambitious scale, and in 1613 he obtained from
King James I a patent for all the country between the
rivers Amazon and Essequibo.
All this time Raleigh had been suffering from those
78 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
overwhelming blows of injustice and ill-fortune which
are too familiar to even the least historically curious to
be dilated on here. Stripped of his honors and offices,
he had been flung into the Tower of London by a king
with an untrue heart, a watery spine, and a windy head.
Ealeigh had been released in a half-hearted fashion.
It was greed alone that opened his prison doors, for he
was set free only in order that he might make solid the
gold of his Eldorado and bring it home to doubting, but
half-hopeful, James.
So, here he was, sailing down toward the blue South-
ern waters again, graciously permitted by his king to
attempt to add to the latter 's wealth. It must have been
with mixed feelings that Ealeigh undertook the venture.
Years before, when taunted with a want of good faith
in his enterprise, he had said:
"For mine owne part, I am not so much in love with
these long voyages, as to devise, therby to cozen my
selfe, to line hard, to fare worse, to be subjected to perils,
to diseases, to ill savors, to be parched and withered,
and withall to sustaine the care and labour of such an
enterprize, except the same had more comfort, than the
fetching of Marcasite in Guiana, or buying of gold oare
in Barbary."
This is a mere plain picture of the marine hardships
of those days. But to the troubles of this last voyage
were added those of a despairing and embittered spirit.
The story of no fleet is sadder than that of the poorly
manned squadron with which he set out. Of the failing
of his plans, of his own illness, of the death of his son
in action, of his bitter outburst of reproach against
Keymis that galled that gallant sailor to suicide — there
is surely no necessity to repeat the details of these fa-
mous tragedies.
Far better for him had Raleigh — like Cavendish and
his fellow Devonians, Drake and Hawkins — died at sea.
He sailed into Plymouth on the 21st of June, 1618, a
THE BEGINNINGS OF BRITISH TRADE 79
broken-hearted, solitary, and doomed man. Three
months later he stood on the scaffold, and felt the edge
of the ax he did not fear, since it was, as he explained
in the broad and soft Devon speech that he had never
lost, **a sharp and fair medicine to cure him of all his
diseases.'*
It was a triumph for Gondomar, the cynical Spanish
ambassador who had ceaselessly intrigued and worked
against him, as well he might, being an enemy. But
James and his creatures had not that excuse.
So much for Raleigh, and for the rest of the navigators
of that period. Only a fraction of the number of their
names and voyages has been given here. But these may
serve to recall some faint breaths of the atmosphere of
one of England's greatest ages.
CHAPTER IV
THE BUCANEEKS
Origin of the Bucaneers — Hostilities between the cattle hunters of His-
paniola and the Spaniards — Reprisals taken by the "Boucaniers" —
Dignity of the "Brethren of the Coast" — John Esquemeling on this sub-
ject — A remarkable community — Its socialistic laws — A comparison in
this respect with Mission settlements of Paraguay — ^The laws of the
bucaneers — Wild and savage pomp combined with careful business ar-
rangements — Meticulous rules of partnership and insurance — "No prey,
no pay!" — Respective results of a profitless and successful cruise —
Scenes in the bucaneers' town — Feats of the "Brethren of the Coast"
— Reasons for their success — Bravery of the Spaniards — Instances of
predatory strategy and daring — Viscount Bury on the bucaneers — Their
life and circumstances ashore — Food, costume, and customs — How men
became bucaneers — Friendship between the Brethren of the Coast and
the Indians — The Island of Juan Fernandez — A haven to the sea-rovers
— A thieves' kitchen to the Spaniards — Official order for the extinction
of the island goats — The step from a bucaneers' establishment to a Brit-
ish colony — British sections of the bucaneers — Lewis Scot — John Davis
— The chronicles of Basil Ringrose — Drastic rules of life adopted by
some of the crews — ^The celebration of divine service — Prohibition of
gambling and profanity — An instance of Captain Sharpe's merciful tend-
encies — Occasional amenities between the bucaneers and Spaniards —
Some notes from Ringrose's diary — Pregnant passages — Some prominent
captains — Coxon, Sawkins, Sharpe, Watling, Lewis Scot, John Davis,
Teach, Kidd, Cowley, Wafer — Dampier's youth — How he joined the
Brethren of the Coast — A bucaneer merely by chance — His connection
with the castaways of the Island of Juan Fernandez — Sir Henry Morgan
— His treacherous and greedy character — A medley of the jackal and
the lion — The last of the genuine bucaneers — Captains Woodes Rogers
and Stephen Courtney — A voyage that was only partly of the bucaneer
character — The expedition is cordially received by the inhabitants of a
small Brazilian town — Some amazing toasts — The finding of Alexander
Selkirk — Captain Rogers' abstemious preparations for attack — The
voyage of Captains Clipperton and Shelvock.
WE now arrive at one of the wildest and most
stormy of all South American periods, that of
the bucaneers. There is no need to enter at
any length here into the origin, history, or social causes
'80
THE BUCANEERS 81
of these grim amphibious beings who at the height of
their power pursued three principal callings: the tend-
ing of their own plantations, the hunting of ownerless
wild cattle, and the capture of Spanish ships, towns, gold,
and goods.
It is natural to suppose that the behavior of this ut-
terly reckless and cosmopolitan set of men would have
been wild enough in the most favorable circumstances.
The effect, therefore, of the repressive and irritating
policy of Spain on these desperate characters may be
imagined. "Without a doubt Spain brought most of her
freebooter troubles on herself. The first men who on
the Hispaniolan prairies smoked their meat over the
Boucane, or woodfire, wondering by day at the gorgeous
butterflies and at night marveling at the green-white
flame of the passing fireflies, were hunters pure and
simple — hunters, moreover, of the wild cattle whose
enormous herds had only come into existence since the
Spanish conquistador es themselves had depopulated the
island and laid it waste. The Boucaniers, as a matter of
fact, never entirely abandoned this first occupation of
theirs, and even at the height of their later power they
would continue their chase after the hides and meat,
until the diminishing herds of cattle forced them to pay
a less-divided attention to the profitable ''pickings" af-
forded by their fellow men.
With these newcomers, the Boucaniers, the Spanish
officials did not find the matter so easy. The hunters, as
well as the smugglers of all nationalities, were well able
to look after themselves. It is true that on many occa-
sions they were attacked by the Spaniards. More than
once their settlements were surprised by these, and their
houses burned, and the blood of women and children
sprinkled over the charred embers and the tobacco leaves
of the young plantations. Among such treacherous at-
tacks were some on the budding regular British colonies
— deeds at which Oliver Cromwell growled with righteous
82 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
fierceness, and with difficulty was restrained from flying
at the throat of the Spanish Empire.
But, so far as revenge was concerned, there was no
need. The blood of the massacred welded together new
and fiercer communities. Moreover, the fact that they
faced death, torture, or the most terrible form of life-
long labor in the mines added a further zest and spice
even to the bucaneers' racy recklessness. The *' Breth-
ren of the Coast" were only too willing, not only to
fight their own battles, but to adapt themselves to the
most merciless methods of warfare. In the end the
Spaniards found themselves worsted at the inhuman
game of reprisals, and most bitterly did they atone for
their early barbarities. The instruments of revenge
which their deeds forged against them may not have
been highly tempered, but they served! The name of
Morgan alone is synonymous with blood and tears for
hundreds of leagues along the Spanish Main.
In the eyes of many the scale on which the bucaneers
conducted their operations raised these from the status
of mere plunderings to the dignity and pomp of actual
warfare — since after all the chief moral distinction be-
tween the two seems to lie in the point of numbers!
This, at all events, was the view taken by the seventeenth-
century translator of John Esquemeling's bucaneer
reminiscences. In his enthusiasm he claims that this
work, in itself vastly interesting: ''informs us (with
huge novelty) of as great and bold attempts in point of
military conduct and valor as ever were performed by
mankind; without excepting here either Alexander the
Great or Julius Caesar or the rest of the Nine Worthies
of Fame."
Now here is a wholehearted apologist of the bucaneers.
*'Walk up!" he cries, standing on the step of his prom-
isingly reddened booth. "Walk up, my peaceful ama-
teurs of vicarious slaughterings! Presently I will pull
the curtain back and show you rapine and bloody gold on
THE BUCANEERS 83
a scale such as you never dreamed of! If you don't find
the thing as wholesale as an American beef-trust you
shall have your money back, on my word as a bucaneer's
translator!"
Decidedly at the height of their power the bucaneers
made up one of the most extraordinary communities that
the world has ever seen. At this period the South
American atmosphere would seem to have been peculiarly
ripe in socialistic experiments. At the same time that
the socialist republic of the Jesuits flourished in Para-
guay, the bucaneer island settlements in the Caribbean
Sea began to adopt the policy of sharing all things, in-
cluding plunder, in common. It is true that nothing
could have differed more widely than the actual existence
of these two peoples. Where the white-shirted Indian
converts went out in a chaunting procession to till the
fields, the bucaneers, their garments dyed the approved
scarlet by means of the blood of cattle, sailed out over
the bright blue swell to sink and bum in search of plun-
der, and those who resisted were made to feel the force
of the armory of cutlasses, knives, and pistols stuck in
each freebooter's belt. And, if they landed, woe to the
town that heard the tramp of the advancing brethren,
each ship's company under some fanciful flag designed
by its captain, the homely bunting occasionally adorned
with the mocking gaiety of fluttering ribbons !
But it must not be imagined that such expeditions were
conducted on the mere rollicking and licentious lines of
pillage, riot, and murder. Though they usually abounded
in all three, the bucaneers ' voyages were only undertaken
after the most careful, exact, and businesslike prepara-
tions. It is curious to reflect that that grim but pic-
turesque object, a bucaneers' ship under a full press of
sail, with the Brethren of the Coast in their caps, buskins,
and blood-hued garments disposed about the deck, re-
sembled in its ethics nothing so much as a modern limited
liability company, with its articles of association meticu-
84 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
lously drawn out, with its ofiBcers and surgeon as direc-
tors, and with its captain as chairman !
Yet it was so. Afloat, the association of the men who
went partners ashore in tobacco-planting and cooking
was carried to further lengths. Not a single bucaneer
vessel, provisioned with pork and salt turtle, pulled her
anchor up through the warm and shining waters of
Jamaica or Tortuga, but had the respective shares of
profit of the ships ' company accurately arranged, as well
as the salaries of the captain, the surgeon, and the car-
penter — the paid servants of the crew, who ate and lived
with the rest, and shared all else alike. Then there was
the insurance against the accidents of the cruise, and
the risks of round-shot, bullet, and cutlass. So many
pieces-of-eight for a right arm shot off, so many dollars
for a pierced eye, and so on throughout the entire cate-
gory of maimed members. There was just one if on
which the entire basis of pay, profit, and insurance rested.
**No prey, no pay," was the immutable law of the
Brethren of the Coast. A profitless cruise meant empty
pockets and hunger for all, from captain to cabin-boy,
and probably a lapse into a period of slavery into which
a debtor was forced by his creditor ashore in order to
discharge his liability. So these rovers on the tropical
seas took particular pains that no cruise should be fruit-
less, and saw to it that no consideration for life or limb
should stand in the way. Among themselves there was
no mercy extended to a breaker of the fraternity 's laws.
Marooned on a bare yellow strand surrounded by the
mocking blue sea, they died of thirst and their bones
grew bleached among the shining shells — objects seen by
very few beyond the gulls, the flying-fish, and the now
incurious sharks.
The reverse of this picture heaves with the wildest
and most bizarre life. On their own mountainous and
wooded island of Tortuga some hints of the bucaneer
celebrations of a successful cruise have been given by
THE BUCANEERS 85
Esquemeling — that rare being who combined the merits
of a freebooter and a historian, and who published a
book in Amsterdam in 1678. When a ship, emptied of
powder and shot, pork and turtle, but filled with gems
and pieces of eight, sailed into the rocky and verdurous
harbor of Tortuga, there would ensue wild scenes as the
shouting men came ashore, and swaggered past the palms
and flowers to the drinking-booths and gambling dens.
Perhaps a mining-camp in the mid-nineteenth century
would have supplied the nearest parallel. Thus we find
a sturdy desperado ruffling it in the middle of the street
by the side of a cask of wine, forcing every passer-by to
drink with him at the pistol's mouth. We get a glimpse
of another, too, running .amuck up and down the street,
slashing indiscriminately at those of his own profession,
well able to look after themselves, and at the terrified
crowd of peaceful, parasitical, and fat-pursed traders.
But it was doubtless the bucaneers who paid for their
fling in the long run. The trader had a very simple
revenge for all such risks. He put up the price of
powder, bullets, and brandy!
Had five-pound notes existed, doubtless the bucaneers
would have eaten them in sandwiches as did the later
antipodean miners. As it was, they preferred the gam-
bling road to a penniless condition. Then, hungry,
moody, and fierce, they would demand a new ship and a
new venture. They were short and busy days, those of
affluence. The tastes of the rovers saw to it that they
had not long ashore.
How was it, it may well be asked, that all this plunder
was won with comparative ease, and that a few men in
dug-out canoes were able to capture great Spanish
galleons? The most natural assumption would be that
of an extraordinary want of resolution among the Span-
iards. But this was not so. What of the three hundred
and fourteen men of the Spanish garrison of Chagres
who fought on until only thirty men remained on their
86 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
feet, and of these thirty, twenty were wounded? No lack
of courage there, surely! Ringrose and others, more-
over, bear witness to the shambles into which many a
galleon's decks were turned before its crew would sur-
render. And, as Esquemeling's translator demands, in
justice to the Spaniards :
''Were not 600 killed upon the spot at Panama, 500
at Gibraltar, almost as many more at Puerto del Principe,
all dying with their arms in their hands and facing
bravely the enemy. . . .?"
No, the success of their enterprises is to be attributed
to the extraordinary initiative and daring of the buca-
neers, employed against a brave enemy, and to that ex-
traordinary combination of cunning and complete reck-
lessness which made a hardened Brother of the Coast
the match of half-a-dozen ordinary men. What, for in-
stance, can exceed the callous ingenuity of the rovers,
who, their shot failing them on a land attack, pulled to
pieces a great organ in a neighboring church, and blazed
away its pipes from their cannon's mouths at the amazed
and discomfited enemy!
From a strategical point of view these haunts of the
bucaneers were admirably situated. Across the narrow
neck of Panama still ran the "gold road," astride of
which Drake in his own time had planted himself, and
which still groaned beneath the weight of the riches trans-
ferred from the Pacific coast. Moreover, much of the
treasure had stuck en route. Such towns as Panama and
the City of Cartagena to the east were well worthy of
more than one sacking, as many a sea-rover could have
told you with grim complacency.
Viscount Bury in his "Exodus of the Western Na-
tions" has most ably described the type and ambitions
of the later recruits of the "Brethren of the Coast":
"It became known to lawless vagabonds, the scum of
great European cities, that twice a year, there passed
among the islands of the tropical seas a procession of
THE BUCANEERS 87
stately galleons, deep with the weight of bars of gold
and silver, and bales of costly merchandize, and pearls,
and gems. It was but natural that men, feeling habitu-
ally the sharp pinch of misery, should turn with fierce de-
sire to the adventurous life that presented such allure-
ments ; that they should contrast the squalor and hunger
in which they passed their days with the brilliant career
of the bold 'Brethren of the Coast'; that they should
long to replace famine and sordid rags with the laced
coat and unlimited licence of the bucaneer; that they
should dream of the riches that might reward the lucky
adventurer, who should enjoy but for one hour the plun-
der of a royal galley, or thrust his arms elbow-deep into
a sackful of pearls from Margarita. ' '
It was such men as these, completely reckless, who
sailed down by hook or by crook through the steady
breezes of the Trades, landed at Tortuga or Jamaica,
learned to curse the mosquitos, to live on pork, pigeons
and strange birds, turtle, land crabs and curious fish,
bananas, mangoes, and wondrous fruits — and without a
doubt only accustomed themselves to the new fare after
much indigestion and many torturings of their interiors,
for which the new and almost incredible superabundance
of tobacco only compensated in part. Then they would
fraternize with the easy-going crowd of daredevils they
found there, and swilling brandy in the soft shade of
the palms, would make overtures to the company of a
stout ship fitting out for a cruise. Then, having made
his first raiding voyage, learning to drink the crudely
ceremonious toasts on board to the accompaniment of
the roaring cannon, and possibly having fleshed his cut-
lass, the new Brother of the Coast would find his pocket
weighed down with unaccustomed pieces of eight, and
would buy an Indian woman ''at the price of a knife, or
any old ax, wood-bill or hatchet," as Esquemeling has it.
If he were wise, he would observe the same good faith as
did his companions toward the Indians of the mainland
88 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
and the islands, and would do nothing to destroy the time-
honored alliance and intimacy between the Brethren of
the Coast and the infinitely useful native hunters, fishers,
guides, and gleaners of information. Failure in this
would have been a serious matter for a budding bucaneer,
for this friendship of the Indians was keenly valued by
the sea-roving community.
Sometimes, but much more rarely, an ambitious cruise
would lead the bucaneer into the Pacific. There, for a
certainty, his ship would rendezvous, provision and water
at the Island of Juan Fernandez. Surely throughout all
the oceans of the world there was never so minute an isle
of such moment as that of Juan Fernandez. In the eyes
of the average person its chief claim to fame is that it
once harbored the lonely Alexander Selkirk. But, not-
withstanding the extent to which it has been prosed and
sung, that event is in reality a very minor one in the his-
tory of the place.
The true significance of the Island of San Juan lay
in the fact that it stood as a refuge, not alone for a single
castaway but for every vessel of non-Spanish nationality
which had beaten and buffeted its way from Atlantic to
Pacific. It was a place of shelter by the way on whose
grassy stretches the tired and scurvy- stricken crews of
a corsair or royal ship could cast themselves do\\Ti in
the shade of the trees, and breathe in restful peace while
recuperating in preparation for their raids on the Pacific
coast.
To the bucaneer, the slopes and trees and grasses of
Juan Fernandez stood out from the ocean as a godsend :
in the eyes of the Spaniards the place loomed darkly as a
thieves' kitchen. They grudged the great wealth of fish
which frequented its coast, and the edible plants with
which its soil abounded. And they had reason; for it
was by such fresh food that the spent and invalided hostile
sailors regained a condition of health that was peculiarly
unwelcome to the Spaniard! The numerous herds of
THE BUCANEERS 89
goats, moreover, which flourished in the island found
favor neither with the viceroy sitting in his palace at
Lima, nor with the governor of Chile stationed in his
more modest habitation. Let there be no more goats on
Juan Fernandez ! was the official command, and packs of
hounds were ferried across to the island to swallow the
nuisance and to forestall the hostile sailors. Even then,
a large proportion of these irritating goats succeeded in
eluding the hounds, and in preserving their unpatriotic
carcasses for the benefit of heretic enemies. A bitter pill,
this, for the Spanish authorities, for undoubtedly steril-
ity and lifelessness in Juan Fernandez would have meant
the preservation of many sacked cities on the Pacific
coast.
In what may be termed their home waters of the Carib-
bean Sea the deeds of many of these Brethren of the
Coast were destined to play a larger part in history than
they themselves suspected. It was not such a very long
step from a bucaneers ' establishment to a British colony.
So much was discovered by the bucaneers themselves on
more than one occasion, when quite suddenly the pres-
ence of a royal governor put an end to their free and
easy councils. It was in a sense a compliment to them-
selves that their Government had taken them, and their
lands, seriously. But it is not to be wondered at that
these red-garmented gentlemen sulked for a while when
they found themselves cold-shouldered. They were con-
cerned chiefly with their pockets, and decidedly such part
as they played in the building up of so magnificent a
structure as that of the British Empire was not pre-
meditated.
We are concerned here with the British section alone
of the cosmopolitan army of bucaneers, and must pass
over the wild doings of such of their comrades as
Bartholomew Portugues, Eock Brasiliano, and Frangois
Lolonois. At the same time one may pause to remark
that this species of nomenclature is eloquent enough in
90 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
itself. Where the personal name is sunk beneath a na-
tional or territorial substitute, it may be taken for
granted — as in one or two small, floating, and reckless
communities to-day — that the motive for this is not in the
least concerned with pride of repute or achievement !
So far as their deeds are concerned, the doings of these
British bucaneers — like those of their comrades of other
nationalities — very rapidly become monotonous to re-
late. They soon began to vary the capturing of ships by
the sacking of coast towns, Lewis Scot setting an ex-
ample in this respect by his storm of Campeachy — an ex-
ample that was followed with success by John Davis and
the rest of the Brotherhood.
The record, indeed, is monotonous in its mere wild-
ness. Chases at sea, cutting-out expeditions, boarding-
parties, attacks on lordly galleons frequently carried out
in mere dug-out canoes, river expeditions in little na-
tive craft ; battles, burnings, and plunderings ashore ; the
stripping of the dead, the taking of prisoners, and their
occasional execution, the excesses and riots which fol-
lowed a victory — it is on these points that the changes of
the tale must be rung over and over again.
Yet even the most reckless and dissolute of all these
ships' companies was not altogether inhuman. The
chronicles of Basil Ringrose — the second historian of the
true genus bucaneer, who eventually met his death at the
hands of the Spaniards on the occasion of a shore raid
in 1688 — showed that the ordering spirit of humanity had
allowed no such departure from its laws.
It would, of course, be the simplest matter to picture
the life of the British bucaneers as a continuous pande-
monium of oaths, blows, drunken orgies, and general
debauchery. Of all these there was a ruddy and plentiful
harvest; but there was a good deal beyond. The exist-
ence of these strange folk was sufficiently complex. On
some vessels, for instance, divine service was celebrated
each Sunday, and it is possible enough that these services
THE BUCANEERS 91
were undertaken with some dim but genuine fervor, for
mere respectability and outward appearance were of less
than no account in the community! How much it com-
forted a dying Spaniard to know that a service of prayer
had preceded a surprise attack on his vessel is far more
doubtful. One or two bucaneer crews actually went
further, and their articles forbade profanity and gam-
bling — of course merely until a more fitting opportunity
arose ashore, since the regulation was clearly one of
expediency rather than morality.
There appear, moreover, to have been fairly frequent
protests against actions of cruelty in cold blood, and
Eingrose himself relates that on one occasion the notable
bucaneer. Captain Sharpe, when his pleadings for the
life of an old captain were of no avail, took water and
washed his hands, vowing that he, for one, would be in-
nocent of the man's blood.
Eingrose himself seems to have been inclined to mercy,
for he relates with indignant warmth how having saved
the lives of some Spanish prisoners from the hands of
their hated enemies, the Mosquito Indians, his men would
have given them back to their would-be murderers as
soon as his back was turned. He succeeded in saving
them for the second time, and his reward came when,
having been himself shortly afterwards captured by the
Spaniards, one of the men whom he had rescued chanced
to be on the spot. Then ensued a scene of the kind which
one does not usually associate with the relations between
bucaneer and Spaniard. For the Spanish captain, hav-
ing heard the story, embraced Eingrose, and feasted him
and his companions. Then he gave them back their
canoe, and bade them ''Go in God's name, saying withal,
he wished us as fortunate as we were generous."
Although this was a sufficiently astonishing incident,
the optimist in human nature will read with some com-
fort that it was not alone of its kind. On another occa-
sion on that very same voyage some bucaneer prisoners
92 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
were "very civilly entertained" at Africa on the Pacific
coast, "but more especially by the women."
Indeed, to show the amazing and versatile fashion in
which a bucaneer's day might be altered, it will suffice
to cull a final extract from Ringrose. The manner in
which the affairs of goats, duels, mutinies, drunkenness,
and revelry are mixed up is surely eloquently and incom-
parably casual! Here is the notable fragment:
"August 12th, in the morning, we came to an anchor
at the aforesaid isle {that of Plate). We sent our boat
ashore with men, as we had done formerly, to kill goats,
but we found them to be extremely shy and fugitive,
compared with what they were the last year. Here it was
that our quartermaster, James Chappel, and myself
fought a duel together on shore. In the evening of this
day, our slaves agreed among themselves, and plotted to
cut us all in pieces, not giving quarter to any, when we
should be buried in sleep. They conceived this night af-
forded them the fittest opportunity, by reason that we
were all in drink."
The discovery of the plot, its prevention, and the shoot-
ing of a slave, occupy three or four more lines. The end
of the paragraph discloses everything apparently
straightened out again, every one ' ' being very merry all
the while with the wine and brandy we had taken in the
prize." Truly, an efficient bucaneer's life was a breath-
less one !
This extraordinary terseness of Ringrose 's diary fre-
quently causes its reader to wonder not a little as to what
really lay at the back of these simple little sentences.
"James Chappel and myself fought a duel together on
shore!" And here is another, relating to a captured
ship: "In this vessel I saw the most beautiful woman
that I ever saw in the South Sea." Put the two to-
gether, compare them, and I think that you may safely
drop a tear to the memory of the most beautiful woman
in the South Sea !
THE BUCANEERS 93
I have no intention here of attemping to enter into the
lives and deeds of all the British bucaneers. The preg-
nant paragraph just quoted must suffice to demonstrate
the impossibility of this. Their passages across the
Isthmus of Panama from one ocean to another, their em-
barcations in frail canoes, mosquito flotillas that become
metamorphosed into fleets of galleons as the boarding
parties became busy and the prizes grew — these inci-
dents in themselves suffice for numerous bulky volumes.
Of the men themselves, too, enough has already been
written to send them down through all the ages to pos-
terity clearly painted in all the wild and glaring detail
of their lives. Their names conjure up some grim
specters of the past, and some really gallant deeds as
well. Captains Coxon, SawMns, Sharp, Watling, Lewis
Scot, John Davis, Teach, Kidd, Sharp, Cowley, Wafer —
each of these Brethren of the Coast has hacked his own
niche in history, and is memorable for what he took
rather than for what he gave !
The name of Dampier, however, gives one pause, for,
like many more of the tribe than casual history records, it
was a curious combination of circumstances and sheer
fatality rather than temperament and natural inclination
which drove him to join the Brotherhood. A Devon
farmer's son, he approached the life of the bucaneer by
the respectable path of a Jamaica plantation manager's
post, and, curiously enough (though some pessimist might
retort that it was naturally enough), it was only after his
marriage that he began to tread the same decks as the
bucaneers. Dampier soon proved himself a fine naviga-
tor, circumnavigating the world among his other feats,
and the advantages of his education enabled him to record
his adventures in a much more distinguished fashion than
that of the remaining British bucaneer chroniclers, Sharp,
Cowley, Eingrose, and Wafer.
It was Dampier 's fate to be closely connected with the
castaways of the Island of Juan Fernandez, for it was
94 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
his vessel which — weighing anchor in a hurry on the ap-
pearance of three Spanish men-of-war — accidentally left
behind the friendly Mosquito Indian known as William,
the first hermit of Juan Fernandez. It was on a much
later voyage, too, in 1708, that the vessel in which Dam-
pier sailed took up from the island the much more famous
Alexander Selkirk. As for Dampier himself, he died in
obscurity. He was in reality a very notable man, a skilled
navigator, and a bucaneer by the merest chance.
It was different with the redoubtable Sir Henry Mor-
gan, the admiral of the bucaneers, and the most notorious
of all their number. Morgan, whose headquarters were
Jamaica, was heart and soul a Brother of the Coast —
save that he lacked just that one virtue which even the
most dissolute of the company was wont to boast, loyalty
to his fellows. Perhaps Morgan founded his actions as a
bucaneer on the basis of his early experience in the West
Indies. The fact that on his first landing at Barbados
he was treacherously sold as a slave cannot have softened
his natural instincts ! For all that, his success was phe-
nomenal, and culminated — ^having first remorselessly
blown up a castleful of Spaniards — in his storming of
Panama, when a wailing eddy of nuns and priests were
driven forward remorselessly as the front rank of his
two thousand desperadoes. As to the sack of Panama,
no other plundering in the world has exceeded it in the
wildness and terror of its debauch. When it was all
done, moreover, the greedy and treacherous Morgan left
more than weeping women and the corpses of men be-
hind him. He was followed by the curses of his allies,
whom with his usual cool and calculating daring, he had
left in the lurch. For in his ship, as it dipped away from
sight down below the horizon, were many tens of thou-
sand of pieces of eight, and a great hoard of gold and
silver ornaments that should have been theirs.
Undoubtedly in Morgan's character the jackal added
a very shrill howl to the lion's roar. What, for instance,
THE BUCANEERS 95
could be a more eloquent study in consummate meanness
than the pains he took to seek out the bodies of his
drowned comrades as they floated on the sea — not in
order to give the corpses decent burial, but to despoil
them of their rings and richer clothes.
But Morgan had the fortunate knack of floating on the
surface of involved affairs. He escaped the vengeance
of his wronged comrades, and continued to escape it
when, a knighted governor of Jamaica, he cynically
hounded down in the name of the law those very men by
the side of whom he had once fought, slain, and plundered,
and with whom he had sworn eternal comradeship.
Decidedly Morgan appeared as the loudest squawk in
the swan song of the bucaneers, for at the close of the
seventeenth century when a Bourbon came to the throne
of Spain the true Brethren of the Coast passed away, and
were succeeded by lesser and indiscriminate pirates,
whose methods by comparison were vulgar and parochial.
We may close this chapter with some details of one or
two voyages which, although they recall the bucaneer
flavor up to a certain point, were, officially, of an author-
ized and privateering nature.
Captain Woodes Eogers set sail from Bristol on the
1st of August, 1708, in command of a thirty-gun ship, the
Duke. Dampier sailed with him as one of his officers,
and he was accompanied by the twenty-six gun ship, the
Duchess, commanded by Captain Stephen Courtney. The
expedition held a commission from Prince George of
Denmark, Lord High Admiral of England, to cruise in
the South Seas against the Spaniards and French.
Having captured a prize or two, the vessels put in at
Eio de Janeiro, casting anchor near a village some
leagues from the capital. Here the fact that some French
privateers were in the neighborhood caused an unusually
warm welcome to be extended to the British seamen by
the Portuguese, doubtless largely owing to the hope of
added protection thus brought them.
96 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
Indeed — apart from the routine of chasing vessels,
which after a time grows monotonous to relate — one of
the notable circumstances of this voyage was the lengths
to which the cordiality between the Portuguese and the
British was carried — though this did not prevent one or
two of the usual attempts at inveigling British seamen on
shore — in order that, as deserters, their labor might be
available for the mines !
The record of one day alone at the little town of Angre
de Reyes suffices to take away the breath of one familiar
with the usual ceremonious and stilted intercourse such
as characterized the relations between Iberian governors
and British sailors. This was the 27th of October, when
the governor, most unreservedly friendly, sent word to
know if the British would lend their ''music" to head a
procession in honor of the Virgin Mary. By all means !
replied the seamen. And so behold the procession set-
ting out through the very modest streets of Angre de
Reyes, banners waving, candles flaming, incense smoking
— and, at the head of all, the ''music" of the British
vessels, which consisted of a hautboy and two trumpets,
the blowers of which — owing to the too generous local
offers of liquor — were just a little the worse for wear.
But they appear to have maintained decorum, no doubt
largely owing to the presence in the procession of Cap-
tain Rogers, Captain Courtney, and the other officers of
the Duke and Duchess, each of whom carried a wax
taper.
But by far the most amazing thing was yet to happen.
The procession at an end, the British officers, having been
feasted, returned to their ships in a hospitable mood, and
then invited the chief men of the place to come aboard
and be entertained in their turn. Presently, when the
liquor had got well under way, the Portuguese toasted
the pope, to whom the sailors drank with jovial enthusi-
asm. Then Rogers, declaiming in his turn, gave first
the health of the Archbishop of Canterbury, and then,
THE BUCANEERS 97
in order that no one should be forgotten, called on his
guests to drink to William Penn, the Quaker. And to
both of these the Portuguese drank deep ! What a day !
Whether Rogers, following the time-honored customs
of the bucaneers, had these toasts saluted by salvoes of
artillery I know not. They may have been considered
sufficiently startling without any such addition.
It was on this voyage that Rogers discovered Alex-
ander Selkirk after his four years' and four months'
lonely residence, and that super-castaway was made mate
of the Duke on the spot.
The remainder of the log is made up of the usual chases
and captures on the Pacific, and of a lengthy, patient, and
cat-like lying in wait for the Manila galleon. When one
appeared (that proved worth two million dollars to the
crews) it is only with mixed feelings that one may read
of Rogers ' preparations for the attack. Having no spir-
ituous liquor on board, he caused a great kettleful of
chocolate to be made for the men ! Could anything have
been less rollicking — less appropriate to the latitude and
period ! Then he called his crew to prayers, and success-
fully engaged the galleon.
In 1719, Captain Clipperton, who had served under
Dampier, set sail for the South Seas with his two vessels,
one, the Success commanded by himself, the second, the
Speedwell, in charge of Captain Shelvock, formerly of
the royal navy.
Less than a week after they had left Plymouth a severe
gale separated the two vessels, which did not meet again
until chance happened to bring them together in the
Pacific Ocean. The misfortune was felt the more
keenly by the Success, since, as ill-luck had it, the Speed-
well carried the entire stock of liquor for the two ships.
The Success appears to have attempted nothing in the
Atlantic, arriving at Juan Fernandez vexed by scurvy
and beaten by storms. Here they stocked their larder
with a great number of the goats with which the island
98 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
abounded, but on the other hand they left behind them
two seamen who, desiring to play at Alexander Selkirk
in company, had deserted. After this comes the usual
record of prizes, and on account of a stay at Cocos Is-
land, in order that the crew should have an opportunity
of recovering from the sickness attending a long cruise.
Off the coast of Mexico, Clipperton chased a ship which,
when overhauled, proved to be the Jesu Maria, com-
manded by Captain Shelvock, and manned by forty of
the survivors of the Speedwell's crew. Here was a dra-
matic meeting. The Speedwell, it appeared, had been
wrecked on the Island of Juan Fernandez, and with her
timbers a smaller vessel had been built, by means of
which they had captured their present prize.
The Island of Juan Fernandez had seen many queer
things, but probably nothing stranger than the boat which
set out from its shores, holding forty persons, crowded
together, four live hogs, one cask of beef, and over two
thousand smoked conger-eels, on the odorous bundles of
which the men, for want of room, were forced to lie !
It soon became evident to Clipperton that Shelvock
and his crew were no longer inclined to sail in company
with him, nor to share the considerable booty they had
amassed. So the Success sailed away to China, leaving
Shelvock to his own devices. The latter, after some
further cruising, followed in the track of the Success to
the west.
PAET II
THE BRITISH IN COLONIAL SOUTH AMERICA
CHAPTER V
EAELY BRITISH ADVENTURERS IN SPANISH AMERICA
Reasons for the slender English records during the colonial period of the
continent — Influence of the Inquisition — The Spaniard in his official
and in his private capacity — Questions of faith — Englishmen who sailed
to Paraguay in 1534 with Pedro de Mendoza's expedition — The town of
"Londrez" — Cause of the nomenclature — The Chilean census of 1788 —
A late proof of the phenomenal dearth of foreigners — Conditions which
obtained in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries — Influence of the
Spanish occupation of Brazil — Method of receiving strangers in that
colony — Inhospitality to foreigners general throughout South America
until the independence of the continent — Early English Jesuits in
South America — The kidnapped London boy, John Martin, develops into
Joao d' Almeida, a noted Brazilian saint — His enthusiastic scourgings of
the flesh — ^Veneration in which he was held — Father Thomas Fields —
A famous Irish Jesuit — Captured by an English bucaneer — Alleged fate
of the most violent of the captors — Father Field's work in Paraguay —
Sacred ceremonies at sea — English vessels engaged in the slave trade —
Privileges granted to these — South America as a refuge for the social
outcast — Irish settlers — Their popularity in the continent — Special con-
cessions granted them — Their success as pastoralists — ^Method of part-
nership with the South Americans — Ambrose O'Higgins — The greatest
British figure in South America — Circumstances of his youth — Arrival
in South America — ^As a humble immigrant he takes up a minor com-
mercial career — ^His success as an itinerant trader — The road from that
situation to the viceregal throne — O'Higgins, when middle-aged, enters
the Spanish colonial service — His work among the Araucanian Indians
— ^Various governorships held — Increasing velocity of his upward career
— His liberal policy as captain-general of Chile — Ambrose O'Higgins
becomes Viceroy of Peru — His achievements while holding this high
office — Death of O'Higgins — His career compared with that of his son
Bernardo.
THE records of the English during the early
colonial period of South America are naturally
very slender. So far as Spanish America was
concerned, this could scarcely have been otherwise. "We
have already seen that the political and religious aim of
101
102 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
the Spanish Empire was the complete seclusion of its
colonies. When not even every province of Las Espanas,
the Spains themselves, was given free access to the
South American colonies, it may be imagined what diffi-
culties lay in the path of the foreigner — and, above all,
the heretic — ^who had a longing to taste of the vast riches
in which the Southern shores were reputed to abound.
The marvel, therefore, is not that those English expedi-
tions which harried the shores of Spanish South Amer-
ica should have met with so few of their own fellow coun-
trymen, but rather that they should have been brought
into contact with so many. In centers such as Lima and
other places where the Inquisition was powerful and in-
quisitors numerous there is no doubt that unrepentant
** heretics" were burned or otherwise put out of the way
by the annihilating laws of the auto-da-fe. But Span-
ish South America was wide, and the dread even of the
Inquisition did not succeed in obtruding itself the entire
length of the Pacific, to say nothing of the Atlantic coast.
There were many kindly Spaniards, official and other,
who shrugged their shoulders, and winked at the growing
intimacy between the South American colonists and a
stranded mariner or two.
Nevertheless, such cases were rare enough, and such of
their countrymen, as the Northern seamen met with on
their expeditions were nearly always of the Koman Cath-
olic faith. These seemed to come to the surface of the
spray of events with considerable frequency. They were
met with both on shore and in command of Spanish ves-
sels, and such meetings were by no means always of a
friendly character.
Indeed, there are instances of English Roman Catholics
in the service of Spain accompanying some of the earliest
of the expeditions to South America. One is said to have
accompanied Pizarro's force, and three — John Rutter of
London, Nicholas Coleman of Hampton, and Richard
Liman of Plymouth — sailed with Pedro de Mendoza in
EARLY BRITISH ADVENTURERS 103
1534 to the mouth of the River Plate, thence to Paraguay,
where they appear to have settled down.
Out of the mists of the early Spanish colonization of
the interior of the continent the aftermath of a sudden
explosion of cordiality still remains. In the Province
of Catamarca, which now belongs to the Argentine Re-
public, is a small village boasting the name of '^Londres."
This is the result of one of the farthest-flung eddies which
the marriage of Mary of England to Philip II of Spain
set in being. The nomenclature must have been the work
of a tactful local governor. Nevertheless, considering
the extreme remoteness of Catamarca from Spain, it is
quite possible that, by the time the news of the marriage
arrived and the name had been given, the hope of na-
tional alliance, and the cause of cordiality, had already
vanished.
To what extent foreigners had been kept out of the
Spanish South American dominions may be gathered
from a census taken in Chile in 1788. Out of four hun-
dred thousand inhabitants only seventy-nine were given
in as foreigners. Of these, representing thirteen na-
tionalities, there were only three who were not Roman
Catholics.
It is likely enough that this list was not a complete
one. It stands to reason that many complacent local
officials would not care to have it on record that they
were harboring too liberal a number of these strangers
who were so unpopular with the highest authorities.
And juggling with figures was so simple a matter under
the Spanish Empire that it had become almost a hobby
on the part of nearly every official, however straitlaced
he might have been in other respects ! Even so, it may
be taken for granted that the number of strangers in
Chile and elsewhere at that period were extraordinarily
limited.
If this state of affairs obtained at so late a date as the
end of the eighteenth century, it may be imagined how
104 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
much more severe were the conditions which applied in
the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. In what might
be termed the mid-colonial period of South America,
when, Portugal having freed herself in Europe from the
yoke of Spain, the great colony of Brazil reverted to the
mother country, it might well have been expected that an
alteration of policy would occur in this portion of the
continent. But this was not so. The germ of the Span-
ish colonial theory had eaten too deeply into the con-
temporary Portuguese mind to be lightly eradicated.
Thus when the affairs of Brazil came again to be ad-
ministered by the Portuguese, the foreigner who spread
his sails in anxious haste to make the ports of the new
Brazil met with an abrupt shock of disillusion. If the
authorities were in a complacent mood, his ship might be
allowed to anchor in one of the harbors and a certain
amount of very guarded intercourse might be permitted.
But all trips from the ship to the shore were rigidly dis-
couraged, and this policy was applied even to those old
national friends, the British. No party of foreigners, in
fact, was allowed to land unless under the close and in-
cessant supervision of an armed guard — a most unsatis-
factory method of drinking in first impressions of a
strange country!
It was not, indeed, until the Spanish colonies became
republics, and Brazil a monarchy, that was brought about
the removal of the barriers that had been set up in the
face of the foreigner. (_JEven for some decades after the
independence of the continent had been achieved, the old
theory of the exclusion of the foreigner persisted in one
or two remote regions, notably in Paraguay.
The actual starting-point of the careers of the Eng-
lishmen in the mainland of South America is, of course,
somewhat vague and difficult to determine. We have al-
ready referred to those who accompanied Pizarro and
Pedro de Mendoza. They doubtless played their part
manfully, but not in a fashion that left a permanent rec-
EARLY BRITISH ADVENTURERS 105
ord behind them. The earliest of the English who
achieved this were Jesuits. It is known that there were
several English priests at Cordoba, among them being
Thomas Falconer and Thomas Brown. At least one
saint of the early Brazilian Church — or of the company
of Jesuits in Brazil — can claim English birth. It ap-
pears that one of the most conscientious self-scourgers
and wrestlers with the devil among the Jesuits in Brazil,
was actually born in London in the reign of Queen Eliza-
beth. This was the friar Joao d 'Almeida, whose original
name was John Martin, and who is said to have been kid-
napped by a Portuguese merchant when he was ten years
of age. Seven years after this he was taken out to Brazil,
and entered the company of Jesuits, his superior being
the famous Father Anchieta.
The great repute for sanctity of which Joao d 'Almeida
soon became possessed was not lightly won. It is diffi-
cult to conceive a soul that could have been a deeper
enemy of its imprisoning flesh. Indeed, the only worldly
possessions in which he took the least pride were the in-
struments with which he was accustomed to chastise that
despised flesh of his. These made up an elaborate col-
lection. There was every possible variety of scourge,
from whipcord to wire ; there were hair shirts, and many
varieties of the most satisfactorily painful wire cilices;
there were sharp pebbles and hard grains of maize such as
would promote the most comfortable of shoes from their
state of ease to perdition, and then there were the nat-
ural and welcome allies of the spirit in the shape of mos-
quitos, fleas, and similar cordial assistants in the cam-
paign against the cursed matter. And all this is to say
nothing of the fastings carried out with so bitter a de-
termination that the fainting body stumbled while the
spirit soared!
Notwithstanding their mutual hatred, the spirit and
body of this remarkable man clung together for no less
than eighty-two years. At least let us say this of him.
106 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
that, though his particular methods of attaining to a
righteous state were medieval and crude, they had the
merits of an undoubted sincerity and of the fullest faith.
It is easier to smile at the methods of Friar Joao d 'Al-
meida than to test them !
The friar was not without honor in his own community.
The veneration with which he was regarded increased
steadily during his lifetime, until it had attained to a
pitch that, at the time of his last and fatal illness, con-
vulsed Eio de Janeiro and all the surrounding country
with grief, and every possible object that could be treas-
ured as a relic of the saintly man was carefully pre-
served.
A far more generally known Jesuit priest of British
birth was Father Thomas Fields — or Tomas Filds, as the
Spanish chroniclers record the name. This was an Irish
Jesuit, one of the foremost in strenuous endeavor of a
most notable company, who sailed out from Europe in
1587 in order to assist in the great mission work which
had been begun among the Indians of Paraguay,
According to the Jesuit writers. Fathers Charlevoix
and Del Techo, the vessel in which this small company of
Jesuits was sailing to South America was captured by
an English bucaneer when off the mouth of the river
Plate. It is said that the fathers were brutally treated
by the crew of the vessel which captured them, and it is
possible enough that they did suffer considerably at the
hands of some rough sea-dogs. At the same time, the
most orthodox of modern Jesuits will scarcely deny that
these two old historians have strained both their minds
and pens just a little in their enthusiastic haste to point
a moral!
It appears that, not content with maltreating the per-
sons of their captives, the bucaneers took to scattering
some treasured relics that the missionaries bore with
them. This was more than the Jesuit fathers could suf-
fer, and a struggle was brought about by their endeavors
EARLY BRITISH ADVENTURERS 107
to save the relics. Enraged, the bucaneers flung Father
Ortega, one of the Jesuits, overboard, and he was only-
rescued after some hesitation. But then fell the venge-
ance which preserved the missionaries from further ill-
treatment. With an extraordinary rapidity the chief
blasphemer developed a malignant boil in his leg. So
rapidly did the growth spread that, although his com-
panions amputated his leg, it was not in time, and the
miserable nian died in great agony within twenty-four
hours.
In the end Father Fields and his companions arrived
safely in Paraguay, and the labors of Fields among the
Indians — ^his interminable wanderings through forest,
swamp, and lagoon in search of fresh converts to bap-
tize — are set down among the most prominent of those in-
tensely interesting records which deal with the work of
the Jesuit missions.
In the eighteenth century there were undoubtedly many
more British friars, already domiciled in Spain or Portu-
gal, who sailed in Iberian vessels to South America. But
very few .of these left records behind them. Now and
again a corner of the veil is lifted, and we are given a
glimpse of the stately departure of the fleet and of the
galleons, of the ceremonies, rites, and feastings, and of
the occasional passage in a cock-boat across the shining
blue waters from one vessel to another. We learn, too,
from English passengers how, on the day dedicated to
Saint Ignatius, voyaging Jesuits would celebrate a great
feast, and would march in procession about a ship hung
with white linen and flags, whose masts were decorated
with the Jesuit arms and with pictures of Saint Ignatius,
while the cannon roared their salutes, and at night the
rigging glowed with lanterns, and flashed and banged with
fireworks.
Having dealt with this considerable number of saintly
figures, we may now pay some passing attention to a
few sinners — not that the slave traders of the eighteenth
108 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
century were considered a whit more sinful than folk
who dealt in objects other than human.
In the eighteenth century, as in Richard Hawkins ' day,
a shipload of black labor-instruments was always wel-
come. British vessels obtained special privileges when
engaged in this trade, and their owners possessed slave
establishments of their own in Buenos Aires, where the
original building to house slaves was constructed in 1702
by an English company that had secured a monopoly for
the importation of Negroes. In 1713 the Treaty of
Utrecht provided some notable concessions to the English.
In addition to the privilege of trading at the famous fairs
of Portobello (at which the goods, with the exception of
the large amounts smuggled, were bought to supply the
whole of Latin America) they were conceded the right of
slave-dealing in the whole of Spanish America.
Some years later, when war broke out between Eng-
land and Spain, Zavala, the governor of Buenos Aires,
seized the English slave-trading station, which was rees-
tablished at the end of a short war. During this period
many English vessels visited the port of Colonia for
smuggling purposes.
The slave-trading concession was subsequently with-
drawn, but was renewed again in 1784 and in 1791, when
ships that brought slaves were permitted to load the prod-
uce of the country for their return voyage. This latter
somewhat startling innovation caused much tribulation
to the Spanish merchants, who had until then enjoyed the
monopoly of these shipments, and when an English vessel
was loading with hides we find them protesting vigor-
ously against the "fatal consequences which must ensue
to the national commerce"! Small wonder that the
safety-valve of smuggling flourished ! The concession was
subsequently added of carrying away the produce of the
country in the vessels that had brought slaves. This
privilege was resented by the more reactionary of the
ofiicials, who endeavored to put a stop to it toward the end
EARLY BRITISH ADVENTURERS 109
of the eighteenth century, an attempt that had little effect
beyond increasing the smuggling traffic, which had from
the beginning acted as the safety-valve of South Amer-
ican commerce.
In addition to the reputable British who found them-
selves in the South American Iberian colonies at this
period, there were a certain number of shadier specimens
of that nationality who had taken refuge in some parts
of the Southern continent. Decidedly no shelter could be
more certain than that of the South American soil for
the spendthrift or criminal of a certain standing and of
sufficient means to make his way thither.
Having changed his religion, he would be received with
open arms by people, whose views, whatever else they
might have been, were at all events sincere and enthusi-
astic. Then, having learned to suck up Yerha Mate in-
stead of sipping his dish of China tea, and to drink red
Spanish wine instead of his claret, yellow Jerez, or purple
port, he would accustom himself to the life of the new
continent, and become as dead as drying bones to the
old.
In Spanish America the most welcome of all the set-
tlers who arrived from overseas during the last few de-
cades of the colonial period were the Irish. Their skill
in curing meat had brought them considerable reputation
among the colonials. This and the fact that their re-
ligion was Roman Catholic caused them to receive spe-
cial privileges, and they had established themselves in
considerable numbers in Argentina before the War of
Liberation.
It may be remarked here that an Irish Lieutenant-
Colonel in the Spanish service, Don Carlos Morphi, was
governor of Paraguay in 1766. He is said to have been
of considerable assistance to the Jesuits in the trials at-
tending their expulsion.
Later, the Irish took up the occupation of shepherds,
and — seeing that their foreign birth caused them to be
110 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
immune from the military duties to which the others were
liable — their services were in great request. A species
of partnership was usually entered into between the Irish-
man and the South American. The former would bring
into play his labor and his shepherd's knowledge; the
latter would provide the livestock and the land. By
this arrangement was laid the foundation of many a
South- American — as well as an Irish-South-American —
fortune that has to be counted in millions of pounds
sterling to-day.
Infinitely the most salient figure among the Britons of
Colonial South America is that of Ambrose O'Higgins,
the bare-footed youngster of the county Meath tenant
farmer, who rose to be viceroy of Peru. The most clearly
O'Higgins 's career is regarded, the more astonishing it
appears. The mounting force of such men as — leaving
the medievals and ancients out of the question for want
of space! — Clive, Napoleon, and Garfield is sufficiently
bewildering to contemplate. But the difficulties in the
path of these were as molehills compared with the moun-
tains that O'Higgins had to surmount.
Of these. Napoleon's career is that which, for one rea-
son only, most nearly approaches that of the ponderous
viceroy whose boyhood was spent in running errands at
Dangan Castle. But, although the Corsican in his early
youth was not over-familiar with the language of his
future empire, he was born, and his deeds were achieved,
in the midst of his fellow subjects of France.
O'Higgins lacked even this commonplace advantage.
It is true that he had an ecclesiastical uncle in Spain who
possessed a certain amount of influence — sufficient at all
events to offer the young nephew who had come out to
him from Ireland, seemingly without a vocation for the
priesthood, the opportunity of proceeding to the Spanish
South American colonies as a peddler.
Conceive, if you can, the gap between the foreign and
friendless young hawker, landing on the strange alluvial
EARLY BRITISH ADVENTURERS 111
flats of Buenos Aires, and the Viceroy of Peru — the
holder of an office coveted by every one of those grandees
of Spain who were privileged to remain with heads cov-
ered in the presence of the Emperor himself — a post
which had scarcely ever been held by the most eminent
even of the Spanish colonials, and which required the
proudest of quarterings as well as a European reputation
for statesmanship ! For in no capital were the formali-
ties of family and the privileges of blood more rigidly in-
sisted on than in the severe and unbending court of Spain.
Yet the man who struggled across the Andes to Chile
and Peru, and set up his humble stall in the shade of
the cathedral at Lima, bridged this mighty gap, and won
his way to the throne of the most important vice-royalty
in the world.
The main features of Ambrose O'Higgins's life in
Spanish South America are well enough known. Wan-
dering over the immense tracts of country from Vene-
zuela in the north downwards to Central Chile, in order
to dispose of his wares, it was this strenuous and itin-
erant life which gave him that wide topographical knowl-
edge which was to serve him so well in his later official
existence.
O'Higgins prospered in his commercial life, and, hav-
ing made sufficient money for his needs, he offered his
services to the Chilean Grovernment for the surveying of
roads and engineering work in the Andes and in the
South. It speaks well for the broadmindedness of the
Chilean colonial authorities that they accepted his offer.
They had no cause to regret this, and both traveling men
and beasts rapidly found cause to congratulate them-
selves on O'Higgins's work. It is an extraordinary ex-
ample of the workings of fate that at this early period
of his official career O'Higgins, serving the royal inter-
est, caused those much-needed shelter huts to be erected
in the Andes passes — refuges which some fifty years
later, after the Chilean defeat of Ramcagua, assisted his
112 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
republican son and his followers to make their escape
from the pursuing royal forces !
Shortly after this 'Higgins obtained a commission in
the Spanish Royal Engineers, and from that point his
promotion was assured and rapid.
A point to be noticed in 'Higgins' remarkable life is
that he was no less than forty years of age when he en-
tered the Spanish colonial service. Middle-aged, he had
already retired from one career, and, according to the
ordinary ethics of life, there was no reason why he should
not have sat down in peace for the rest of his life in the
shade of his poplar and orange trees, surrounded by his
vineyards and roses, and the countless flowers and fruits
of the beautiful Chilean valleys.
But 'Higgins never seems to have contemplated any
such retirement. He had other views. His mercantile
career had led him to the point at which a young Spaniard
enjoying reasonable influence might enter the Govern-
ment with all his ambitions and ideals shining before him
at their highest and freshest. 'Higgins flung away the
cares and details of his past, and entered the arena,
handicapped by some twenty years. It would be an un-
derstatement to say that he caught up with the others
hand over fist: from that moment his career was mete-
oric !
Advancing from rank to rank, he first defeated the
fiery Araucanian Indians, and then won the deep esteem
of those untamable warriors. In 1777 he obtained his
colonelcy, and shortly after he was made brigadier-gen-
eral. Among his achievements at this period was the
founding of the town of Balenar, a name which he gave
to it in honor of his Irish birthplace, Ballinary. He him-
self retained close and affectionate connection with this
name throughout; for when he was created a count he
chose the style of Balenar for his title.
The astounding velocity of 'Higgins 's upward career
was now increased. Reaching the rank of major-general
EARLY BRITISH ADVENTURERS 113
in 1788, lie was created Marquis of Osorno, and became
Captain-General of Chile in 1792, while in 1794 he re-
ceived a further military step to the grade of lieutenant-
general.
O'Higgins was now Governor of Chile, and his great
abilities began to find their full scope. His most notable
work was in connection with administrative reform, the
abolition of slavery, the founding of towns, the construc-
tion of roads and harbors, and other progressive meas-
ures of the kind.
Occasionally O'Higgins 's liberal policy was startling
in its effects, and brought him into conflict with his su-
perior, the mighty Viceroy of Peru. But 'Higgins per-
sisted in his views, and boldly argued with the King of
Spain himself, until the latter, yielding to the sound com-
monsense of 'Higgins 's point of view, ended by accord-
ing him his warm support.
The crowning acknowledgment of the great Irishman's
services occurred in 1796, when Ambrose 'Higgins was
made Viceroy of Peru. This post — the most coveted and
exalted beneath those of actual royalty throughout the
world — ^he held with great honor until his death in 1801
at the age of eighty-one. There is a portrait in existence
of Ambrose O'Higgins, when Governor of Chile, that
seems to me to reveal most admirably the physiognomy
of the greatest British subject who ever set foot on
South American soil. The countenance is essentially Hi-
bernian: the jaw is massive; the mouth is firm, and the
eyes and the expression of the face are characteristically
benevolent.
There are probably more varied lessons to be learned
from the career of Ambrose O'Higgins than from those
of the majority of great men. For one thing, it would
seem to prove that the wiser springs of human nature are
not necessarily tainted to their depths by a mistaken
form of government. The errors of the Spanish colonial
policy are patent, and none attempt to deny that the
114 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
general Spanish administration of the period was cor-
rupt to a degree. Yet it was the officials brought up in
so unsatisfactory a school who freely ^ recognized Am-
brose O'Higgins's merits, and who assisted the man with-
out court influence to that exalted place where he could
best display his talents. This honest appreciation, more-
over, extended from the lower ranks to the highest. The
King of Spain himself had corresponded with, argued
with, and praised his brilliant viceroy. But he had never
set eyes on him, nor listened to the brogue-tinged Span-
ish of the chief dignitary of his South American do-
minions. O'Higgins' case was that of sheer talent tri-
umphant. Judging from the general conception of Span-
ish colonial rule, it may have been an anomaly. In any
case it affords a warning against the dangerous vice of
over-generalization !
I have referred to Ambrose 'Higgins as the greatest
British subject who ever set foot on South American
soil, and this distinction is freely admitted on all hands.
But I would go beyond this. To my mind the name of
O'Higgins is one of the greatest which has ever shone
out of the entire history of South America. It is true
that it first appears there a generation or so before such
compelling patronymics as Bolivar, San Martin, and those
others which the stress of the War of Independence raised
high above the masses of the populace.
But the name of O'Higgins has something which these
others lack. It is, in fact, unique. It has a double luster ;
because it was borne by two generations with an almost
equal brilliancy. It is seldom that a genius such as Am-
brose O'Higgins the father, the greatest viceroy of roy-
alist Spanish America, bears a man such as Bernardo
'Higgins the son, first chief of the New Republic which
sprang up from the ashes of his dead father's govern-
ment.
In South American opinion the son usually ranks as the
greater of the pair. I think that the chief reason for
EARLY BRITISH ADVENTURERS 115
this is that Don Bernardo stands for the triumph of the
republican principles. But for this very natural wave
of sentiment, I think that the verdict would be reversed.
It is true that Bernardo 'Higgins did not begin where
his father left off. On the contrary, the illegitimate and
somewhat neglected son of the powerful viceroy was left
to carve out for himself the most important step in his
career — a fact which makes the double luster all the more
brilliant. But at all events he had his father's great
name at his back, and his manhood's career was begun
among kindred people whose customs and language were
his. His father had enjoyed no such advantages as
these.
From the point of view of crucial politics, Bernardo
'Higgins may have played the more important part;
but from the point of view of actual achievement it seems
to me that the palm must go to the father — to Ambrose
'Higgins, who governed a country a dozen times larger
than the island where he had been born a peasant's
child!
CHAPTER VI
SOME EIGHTEENTH-CENTUKY BKITISH VOYAGES TO SOUTH
AMERICA
Commodore Anson'3 Voyage — Aims of the expedition — Composition of the
squadron — Patients of Chelsea hospital deemed an efficient force of ma-
rines by the authorities — Official response to protests — Scene at the
embarkation of the unfortunate invalid veterans — The force strength,
ened by recruits — The squadron sets sail on the 18th of September, 1740
— Narrowly misses falling in with a Spanish fleet off the island of
Madeira — Subsequent calamities which befel Admiral Pizarro's vessels
— Anson's vessels arrive at Santa Catharina, in Brazil — Conduct of the
Portuguese governor — His greed and hostility — Anson, proceeding to
the south, arrives at the harbor of San Julian — Foul weather separates
the squadron — Shipwreck of the Wager — Subsequent adventures of the
lost vessel's officers and crew — Fate of the mutineers — The Centurion
with a diminished and enfeebled crew arrives at the island of Juan
Fernandez — The ravages of scurvy — Within the next two months arrive
at long intervals the Tryall, Gloucester, and Anna Pink, all similarly
afflicted — Appalling death roll of the squadron — Rest and recuperation
at Juan de Fernandez — Species of fish obtained — Anson plants vege-
tables and fruits — The island dogs — Agents introduced by the Spaniards
for the destruction of the goats — Survivors of these latter — The Cen-
turion, Gloucester, and Tryall set sail with little more than a third of
their original crews — The squadron begins its aggressions on the Pacific
coast — Chivalry displayed by Anson toward his prisoners — How this
was appreciated by the Spaniards of both sexes — Incidents at the cap-
ture of Paita — ^Seamen's humor — Various prizes — After securing much
booty Anson lies in wait for the Manila galleon — Abandonment and
burning of the now unseaworthy Gloucester — The Centurion after pro-
longed cruising captures the Manila galleon, and immense treasure —
She returns home after a cruise of nearly four years — A tale of Captain
Campbell, one of Anson's officers — Commodore Byron's voyage in the
Dolphin, accompanied by the Tamar — Intercourse with the Patagonian
Indians — Some native ideas of generosity — Embarrassing demonstra-
tions of friendship — Captain Wallis's voyage in the Dolphin, accom-
panied by the Swallow — An incident at Madeira — Description of the In-
dians within the Straits of Magellan — Discovery of Pitcairn's Island —
Captain Cook's voyage in the Endeavour — Some incidents on the South
American coast — Spanish curiosity concerning his discoveries in the
Pacific Ocean — Length to which the seclusion of the Spanish colonies
116
EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY BRITISH VOYAGES 117
was carried — An instance affecting a United States whaler — Capture of
the missionary ship Duff — Mutiny of the convicts of the Lady Shore —
Missionaries and convicts meet at Montevideo — The convicts' advances
rejected — Services subsequently rendered by these to the British sol-
diers of the river Plate expeditionary force — The cruise of H.M.S.
CornwalUs.
IN the year 1740 there were circumstances connected
with the manning and equipment of a British fleet
when commissioning for a long cruise that might
well try the patience of the most reasonable commander.
This Commodore Anson found out to his cost when pre-
paring to beard the power of Spain in her South Amer-
ican colonies.
The task before him was to sail round South America,
and, after harrying the Pacific coast, to attack Panama,
which fortress, it was planned, should be approached at
the same time from the Atlantic by a second, and power-
ful, British expedition which was to land at the isthmus
and advance along Sir Henry Morgan's road, thus re-
peating history in a more respectable fashion !
As related by Richard Walter, the chaplain of the Cen-
turion, the squadron consisted of five men of war, a sloop
of war, and two victualing ships.
They were the Centurion of sixty guns, four hundred
men, George Anson, commander; the Gloucester of fifty
guns, three hundred men, Richard Norris, commander;
the Severn of fifty guns, three hundred men, the Honor-
able Edward Legg, commander ; the Pearl of forty guns,
two hundred and fifty men, Matthew Mitchell, com-
mander; the Wager of twenty-eight guns, one hundred
and sixty men. Dandy Kidd, commander ; and the Try all
sloop of eight guns, one hundred men, the Honorable
John Murray, commander: the two victualers were
Pinks, the largest of about four hundred, and the other of
about two hundred tons burthen.
After this Mr. Walter lets loose a round shot of satire,
which the circumstances amply justified. ''Besides the
complement of men borne by the above-mentioned ships
118 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
as their crews," he adds, ''there were embarked on board
the squadron about four hundred and seventy invalids
and marines under the denomination of land-forces. ..."
These ''invalids and marines," as a matter of fact, had
comprised as bitter a pill as it was possible for poor un-
desirable humanity to provide for the chastening of a
naval commander's spirit. Instead of a smart regiment
of foot and three independent companies of a hundred
men each such as had been promised for the expedition
by the authorities, these latter in the end satisfied their
consciences by collecting five hundred out-patients of
Chelsea hospital — men who, from their age, wounds, or
other infirmities, were incapable of serving further in
marching regiments! Anson was aghast at the idea of
having this physical refuse of humanity shot upon his
ships, and his protest received the support of Sir Charles
Wager. But the latter received a stunning broadside of
crass officialdom! "He was told, that persons, who were
supposed to be better judges of soldiers than he or Mr.
Anson, thought them the properest men that could be
employed on this occasion."
The description of these "properest" men is sufficient
to take one 's breath away, even after this lapse of nearly
two centuries:
"But, instead of five hundred, there came on board
no more than two hundred and fifty-nine: for all those
who had limbs and strength to walk out of Portsmouth
deserted, leaving behind them only such as were literally
invalids, most of them being sixty years of age, and some
of them upwards of seventy. Indeed, it is difficult to
conceive a more moving scene than the embarcation of
these unhappy veterans. ..."
One can picture Anson, surveying from his quarter-
deck the pitiful sexagenarian stream, whose weak and
palsied limbs were intended by the admiralty judges of
"properest" men to make some shift at hearty and
rollicking movements! One can imagine, too, the start-
EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY BRITISH VOYAGES 119
ing eyes and fallen jaw of Colonel Cracherode, who had
come aboard to take up direct command of this army of
unsound Methusalehs!
At the last moment two hundred and ten of the rawest
recruits were sent to the squadron to take the place of
the enterprising invalids who had sufficient strength to
drag their deserting limbs away. None of these recruits
had yet learned to fire a musket, but they had at least the
strength to hold a firearm to their shoulder, which seemed
beyond the physical power of many of the first batch!
Thus manned, on the 18th of September, 1740, Anson's
squadron weighed anchor from St. Helens in the Solent,
stood past the tree-covered shore of Bembridge, and tided
it down the Channel, joining company for a time with a
convoy of one hundred and fifty merchant vessels and
their escort of six warships. Presently this great fleet
bore off to the west, leaving Anson's ships to make for
their first port of call, Madeira.
Anson's voyage differs from almost every other ex-
pedition of the kind, before or since, in that not only
were the Spaniards well acquainted with its objects and
destination, but they had actually fitted out a squadron
of superior strength, and had sent it to lie in Anson's
path. So that even when the British fleet was halting at
one of its earliest calls in the Bay of Funchal the Span-
ish admiral Pizarro with six ships, mounting three hun-
dred and four guns, and manned by two thousand seven
hundred men, was cruising in the quite near neighbor-
hood.
Many calamities were destined to befall both fleets be-
fore they entered a home port again. Of the Spanish
vessels only the flagship, the Asia, was ever destined to
return to Europe, and that only after the most dreadful
sufferings imaginable on the part of the crew : ' ' When
by the storms they met with off Cape Horn, their con-
tinuance at sea was prolonged a month or more beyond
their expectation, they were reduced to such infinite dis-
120 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
tress, that rats, when they could be caught, were sold
for four dollars a-piece ; and a sailor, who died on board,
had his death concealed for some days by his brother,
who, during the time, lay in the same hammock with the
corpse, only to receive the dead man's allowance of pro-
visions."
After this it is not surprising to learn that when the
Spanish vessels, abandoning at length the attempt to
round the Horn, put back into the river Plate they were
manned by less than half of their original crews.
Curiously enough, with the exception of the little Pearl,
which once ran within gunshot of the Spanish squadron
having mistaken it for her own, the two fleets did not
once set eyes on each other. The British vessels pro-
ceeded steadily on their course, Pizarro hovering about,
and perhaps awaiting a more favorable opportunity in
the Pacific Ocean — an opportunity which never came.
So, seeing that to Anson's squadron the Spanish
vessels never materialized themselves from out of the
occasional vague wonderings as to their whereabouts, we
may have done with them for the present, and follow
the British sailors.
Having taken in a brave store of the golden, full-
bodied Madeira wine, Anson proceeded uneventfully to
the southwest, and made his landfall on Sunday, the
21st December at the Island of Santa Catherina in the
south of Brazil. Here the squadron had some reason
to expect a friendly reception, if only on account of the
excellent relations which prevailed between Great Britain
and Portugal.
But Santa Catharina proved disappointing in almost
every respect. In the first place, being midsummer
south of the line, the spot abounded with venomous
''muscatos" and equally noxious sandflies. Moreover,
the governor of the place, Don Jose Sylva de Pazz, as Mr.
Walter terms him, was small improvement on his insects.
This personage, indeed, must have been of an extraordi-
EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY BRITISH VOYAGES 121
narily uncivil nature. He placed sentinels everywhere
to see that the inhabitants of the place did not trade with
the British except at ridiculous and prohibitively high
rates.
This governor of Santa Catharina, as a matter of fact,
did not content himself with mere arrogance and in-
civility. Being intimately connected in the smuggling
trade with the governor of the neighboring Spanish ter-
ritory to the south, he took care to send an express to
the river Plate, warning the Spanish authorities of the
arrival of the British fleet, together with a full descrip-
tion of its numbers and condition! It was, in conse-
quence, with no regret that the squadron sailed from
Santa Catharina on the 18th of January. Mr. Walter
has a note on this point :
**The Island of St. Catherine's has been usually recom-
mended by former writers, and on their faith we put in
there . . . but the treatment we met with, and the small
store of refreshments we could procure there, are suffi-
cient reasons to render all ships for the future cautious
how they trust themselves in the government of Don Jose
Sylva de Paz.'*
Sailing to the south, the squadron almost immediately
fell in with bad weather, an unusual summer phenomenon
in those latitudes. It was an ominous introduction, this,
to the stormy realms of the Horn itself, but the sailors,
knowing nothing of what was before them, sailed on
cheerily enough to the Bay of San Julian, the final haven
which all Pacific-bound navigators sought before plung-
ing into the gray waters of the low latitudes.
After this the logs of the squadron record a most ter-
rible glut of misfortune. Sailing southward, past the
entrance to the Magellan Straits, and onwards between
the grim rocky shore of Staten Island and the mainland,
they had as big a sailful of gales as the staunchest ship
could stand, and, all but overwhelmed by the giant seas,
were driven to the south and to the east far out of their
122 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
course. Off Cape Noir the Severn, the Pearl, and the
Wager, terribly storm-battered, parted company with
the squadron. The Severn and the Pearl succeeded in
rounding the Horn again and in sailing back to the
Brazils, but the Wager left her bones in Latitude 47.S. on
the bleak Chilean coast.
The adventures of the Wager's crew are sufficiently
noteworthy in themselves. The mutiny of a number of
the men afforded a grim introduction to what was to
follow. This culminated in the shooting by the captain
of a midshipman named Cozens, a rebellious "sea-law-
yer" — it may be as well to explain that a midshipman in
those days was frequently a mature personage, who had
nothing in common with the smart youngsters turned out
from Dartmouth to-day.
In the meantime the mutineers, who formed by far
the larger section of the party, were busied in lengthen-
ing the long-boat and preparing it for sea. When this
was all but ready the shooting of Cozens gave them the
pretext for placing the captain under a guard, vowing
that they would take him home with them to England to
be tried for murder. This was merely a subterfuge to
prevent their commander interfering with their plans,
and just before they set out they released him.
On the thirteenth of October, five months after the
shipwreck, the long-boat, rigged as a schooner, and tow-
ing the cutter, took its departure. The complement of
both boats was nearly eighty, so that they were crammed
and loaded to the gunwale with men. As they stood
to the south the mutineers had at least the remorseful
decency to salute with three cheers the few officers and
men who remained on the beach.
Perhaps the most extraordinary part of the whole af-
fair is that this long-boat did actually succeed in passing
from the Pacific to the Atlantic, and, safely navigating
the waters that had wrecked so many tall ships, sailed
EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY BRITISH VOYAGES 123
safely to Eio Grande in Brazil. But when that bat-
tered little boat, three and a half months after it had
started, drove its nose at length through the sunny waters
on to the Brazilian shore, out of its eighty men only thirty
gaunt beings sat within its water-worn planks!
The captain of the lost Wager and those that remained
with him took the barge and the yawl, and set out to the
northward along the Chilean coast, in exactly the op-
posite direction to that taken by the long-boat. After
innumerable disappointments and hardships the officers
became separated from their men, and there were left on
a desolate shore Captain Cheap, Mr. Hamilton (lieuten-
ant of Marines), the Honorable Mr. Byron and Mr. Camp-
bell, both midshipmen, and Mr. Eliot, the surgeon. By
the help of Indian guides they eventually reached the
Spanish settlements, but only after innumerable further
adventures and hardships. After a year's detention in
Santiago de Chile four of their number were permitted
to return to England.
The remaining officer was Mr. Campbell, who *' having
changed his religion, whilst at St. Jago, chose to go back
to Buenos Aires with Pizarro and his officers, with whom
he went afterwards to Spain on board the Asia; but hav-
ing there failed in his endeavors to procure a commis-
sion from the Court of Spain, he returned to England,
and attempted to get reinstated in the British Navy.
But in this endeavor the versatile midshipman met
with no success.
We may now return to the main British squadron it-
self, or, rather, to that portion of it which remained com-
paratively intact. As a matter of fact, the sufferings of
the crews of those ships which kept the sea were very
little less than those of the wrecked sailors.
The Island of Juan Fernandez — that rendezvous of
the mariners of all ages — had been chosen as the rally-
ing point, and the condition in which the vessels struggled
124 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
to its anchorage was remarkable and most pitiable.
Scurvy had broken out among all the crews with the most
terrible results.
The first to arrive was the Centurion. How labori-
ously and lamely this ship came to her anchorage on the
9th of June may be imagined, seeing that she had a skele-
ton of a crew that could muster no more than six fore-
most men capable of duty in a watch! Since leaving
the Solent she had buried two hundred and ninety-two,
leaving a remainder of two hundred and fourteen. Two
hundred of the dead men had succumbed to the spotted
plague of the scurvy, and scarcely a man remained on
board who was entirely free from the disease!
Three days afterwards the Tryall sloop came stagger-
ing in. She was sailed by a crew of five, the only be-
ings on board who had strength to stand on their legs,
and these were Captain Saunders, his lieutenant, and
three of the men. Out of her small complement the
Tryall had buried forty-two, of which thirty-four had
fallen to the scurvy.
On the 21st of June a ship was seen on the horizon to
leeward of the island, with no sail spread but her courses
and main-topsail. It was the unfortunate Gloucester, so
faint that her spark of life was almost gone ! Assistance
in men and provisions were sent out to her from the
island, but, owing to the weather, and her tragic condi-
tion which let her drift almost where she would, it was the
23rd of July before she limped to her anchorage ! The
unfortunate Gloucester had only eighty-two men left
alive, a quarter of her original complement!
The victualing ship, the Anna Pink, did not arrive un-
til the middle of August, but, owing doubtless to the na-
ture of her cargo, she appears to have come in fairly
good condition.
The death roll of the first three ships was not yet at
an end, for many of the men died after they had got
ashore, and as for the decrepit marines from Chelsea
AMBROSE O HIGGINS
EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY BRITISH VOYAGES 125
Hospital — ^it was practically a case of a clean sheet with
them — a wash out!
There was just one further calamity which the Brit-
ish squadron escaped, by a matter of hours only. They
suspected nothing of this at the time, although the quan-
tity of broken jars, fishbones, and ashes which the men
found on their first landing gave them some reason to
wonder. As they subsequently found out, an intact Span-
ish squadron from Callao had been waiting at the island,
and scarcely had their topsails sunk below the horizon
when the worn and helpless Centurion came in sight of
the land.
But very soon the benfits of the fresh provisions found
on the island became apparent. There were the seals,
at first "not much admired, though they afterwards grew
into more repute. ' ' There were also the fish, which, says
Mr. Walter, furnished delicious repasts, among them
cod of a prodigious size: *'We caught also cavallies,
gropers, large breams, maids, silver fish, congers of a
peculiar kind, and, above all, a black fish, which we most
esteemed, called by some a Chimney-sweeper. ' '
Then there was the ' ' sea-cra-fish, ' ' as Mr. Walter terms
it, very rightly claiming for the island specimens that
they were probably the most perfect of their kind in the
world :
' ' They generally weighed eight or nine pounds a-piece,
were of a most excellent taste, and lay in such abundance
near the water's edge, that the boat-hooks often struck
into them, in pulling the boats to and from the shore. ' '
Among his many admirable and thoughful acts, Anson
played the Good Samaritan on the Island of Juan
Fernandez. He sprinkled its fertile earth with the seed
of carrots, lettuces, and other vegetables, and planted a
great number of apricot, plum, and peach stones. These,
of course, were for the benefit more especially of any
British sailors who might find themselves dependent on
the hospitality of the uninhabited island. But they
126 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
served for all, as was evidenced by some Spanish prison-
ers who were brought to England some years later.
These desired to be presented to Anson in order to thank
him for his great courtesy toward some relatives of theirs
whom he had formerly held as prisoners. In the course
of the conversation they told Anson that, before its cap-
ture, their ship had touched at Juan Fernandez, and
asked him if it were not he who was responsible for the
groves of peach and apricot trees which now embellished
the island.
The crews of the squadron found that the goats in
which the island formerly abounded had been largely
reduced by the dogs introduced by the Spaniards in or-
der to destroy a source of provision so convenient to the
bucaneers and to the later hostile vessels. Richard
Walter has a most interesting statement concerning
Alexander Selkirk's custom of marking the ears of those
goats he did not want, and letting them go free. He says :
* ' This was about thirty-two years before our arrival at
that Island. Now it happened that the first goat that
was killed by our people, at their landing, had his ears
slit; whence we concluded, that he had doubtless been
formerly under the power of Selkirk. This was, indeed,
an animal of a most venerable aspect, dignified with an
exceeding majestic beard, and with many other symptoms
of antiquity. During our stay on the Island, we met with
others marked in the same manner; all the males being
distinguished by an exuberance of beard, and every other
characteristic of extreme age."
Surely to do justice to the full romance of this story
of the island goats the joint pens of Robert Louis Steven-
son and Defoe would be needed!
In September, the spring of the southern latitudes, the
squadron was once again ready for sea. The Anna Pink
had been broken up, and her crew had been distributed
among the Centurion, Gloucester, and Tryall. Neverthe-
less, instead of the nine hundred and sixty-one men which
EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY BRITISH VOYAGES 127
had manned these vessels on their departure from the
Solent, they had to be content now with the three hundred
and thirty-five survivors. Even so, rested, refreshed,
and refitted, the squadron set out in high spirits — spirits
which were not lowered when they almost immediately
began to fall in with Spanish vessels and to take rich
prizes, laden with silver and valuable merchandise.
Indeed, Anson's cruise off the Pacific coast of South
America recalls a voyage of Drake or of one of the early
bucaneers, save that all the harsher incidents of the latter
were softened and retrieved by the most excellent chiv-
alry and courtesy of the British commander. It is pleas-
ant to think that these qualities were appreciated to the
full by the Spaniards, and that very nearly a century
afterwards Anson's name was still held in honor along
the Pacific coast!
The difference in the attitude of his numerous prison-
ers on their capture and on their release was almost hu-
morously striking. Ladies, taken from a commandeered
ship, boarded the Centurion in deep anguish fearful of
all that was most brutal and bad at the hands of this
raiding heretic ! But when they found themselves in un-
disturbed possession of their own apartments on board,
and that their sex and susceptibilities were held in com-
plete reverence throughout, they took courage, and in
the end asserted their will to no small purpose. For
when the time came for them to go they refused point-
blank to stir until they had been given an opportunity
of thanking this very gallant sailor ! And, as every one
of the male prisoners found himself under similar obli-
gations, the White Ensign, though an enemy's flag, won a
prodigious amount of honor along the coasts of Chile and
Peru.
With reference to the capture of Paita, Captain Hall,
writing from that place in 1821 remarks: *'Lord An-
son's proceedings, we were surprised to find, are still
traditionally known at Payta and it furnishes a curious
128 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
instance of the effect of manners on the opinion of man-
kind, to observe that the kindness with which the saga-
cious officer invariably treated his Spanish prisoners, is,
at the distance of eighty years, better known, and more
dwelt upon by the inhabitants of Payta, than the capture
and destruction of the town."
It is impossible to follow in detail this voyage of An-
son's. As I have said, it may, from the practical point
of view, be regarded as one of the early privateer's
cruises — bowdlerized! There were ships captured and
new prizes manned. There was the landing at Paita in
Peru, already referred to, and the sacking and burning
of that town under the nose of the hostile forces as-
sembled just to the rear of it, who were ' * furnished with
trumpets, drums, and standards," and who ''paraded
about the hill with great ostentation, sounding their mili-
tary music, and practising every art to intimidate us. ' '
But the sailors ashore refused to be intimidated by any-
thing of the kind. In a rollicking fit they were adorning
themselves with all the glittering and foppish clothes, and
all the laced hats, they could lay their hands on, being
vastly amused at each other's appearance. After a time
the performance developed into a sort of pantomime:
"Those, who came latest into the fashion, not finding
men's cloaths sufficient to equip themselves, were obliged
to take up with women's gowns and petticoats, which
(provided there was finery enough) they made no scruple
of putting on, and blending with their own greasy dress.
So that when a party of them, thus ridiculously metamor-
phosed, first appeared before Mr. Brett, he was extremely
surprised at the grotesque sight, and could not immedi-
ately be satisfied that they were his own people."
This must have been a sight worth seeing, with its
background of burning houses, the hostile troops of horse-
men hovering in the mid-distance, and the mighty peaks
of the Andes to fill in the horizon.
There were other circumstances of the voyage which
EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY BRITISH VOYAGES 129
produced a more varied species of humor. For instance,
when a launch cruising by the shore was overhauled and
boarded, its occupants protested that they were but
wretched poverty-stricken folk, carrying some cotton in
jars. Yet, when discovered, these impoverished people
were dining unreasonably well off pigeon pie on silver
dishes. This in itself seemed a little out of place, and
a closer investigation of the cotton revealed doubloons
and dollars to the extent of nearly £12,000 secreted within
it!
By this time Anson had learned of the tragic failure
of the expedition on the Atlantic side of the Isthmus of
Panama — an undertaking that had promised every suc-
cess, until the death of Admiral Vernon threw everything
into a confusion which his successors tried in vain to re-
duce to order. Anson had learned, too, how fifteen thou-
sand splendid British troops had perished on the coast,
some in the course of an attack on Carthagena, but the
majority from fever and dysentery. There were no Brit-
ish troops remaining now on the Isthmus, and that part
of Anson's program fell away.
One of the chief objects of the British squadron was
now the great Manila galleon, which they knew was at
sea, bound for the Mexican port of Acapulco. This
Manila galleon was the kind of craft worthy to haunt the
imagination of Drake himself. This was the vessel
which carried the merchandise and coin to and fro be-
tween the rich Spanish colonies of Mexico and the Philip-
pines.
The squadron cruised off Acapulco, every eye on board
straining for a sight of the great lumbering galleon.
Hopes and fears rose and fell from February onwards.
Once, for a peculiarly anxious period, the squadron had
to leave its station to water at Chequetan. At length,
despairing of the galleon, the British squadron sailed
away to the west on the 6th of May, lamenting not a little
that the loss of those military efforts which had been put
130 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
out of their power by the storm and the scurvy, should
not have been compensated for in some degree by the
blow to Spain such as the capture of the Manila galleon
would have produced.
On the voyage to the west the Gloucester became unsea-
worthy, and, her crew having been transferred to the
Centurion, she was set on fire and destroyed. Her loss
was a blow to the expedition, and, scurvy breaking out
again, for a time the prospect became as melancholy as it
had appeared before the island of Juan de Fernandez
was sighted.
Fortunately the sailors found relief at the island of
Tinian, one of the Ladrones, where many more adven-
tures were met with than can be related here. From
Tinian the Centurion, alone now, sailed to the Portuguese
city of Macao at the entrance of the Canton River. Here
the Centurion refitted completely, remaining until the
following year, in April of which Anson set out again
on a final attempt to intercept the Manila galleon.
On the 20th of June, those on the Centurion still cruis-
ing the South Sea, saw a sail rising up over the horizon to
the southeast. It was the Manila galleon! She was a
formidable antagonist since she carried five hundred and
fifty men and thirty-six guns. But the Centurion's de-
pleted crew knew their business, and after an hour and a
half's engagement the Nuestra Senora de Covadonga,
having sixty-seven dead and eighty-four wounded, struck
her colors.
On board of the prize were found 1,313,843 pieces of
eight, and 35,682 ounces of virgin silver. After this the
staunch Centurion sailed home, and safely dropped her
*'hook" at Spithead on the 15th of June after a cruise of
three years and nine months.
In connection with this famous voyage of Anson's it
may be remarked that a fine old sailor, Vice-Admiral
Campbell, who died in 1790, served in the Centurion as a
midshipman throughout the cruise. When a captain.
EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY BRITISH VOYAGES 131
Campbell served with Sir Edward Hawke in the impor-
tant action which ended in the defeat of the Marquis de
Conflans in 1759. Having greatly distinguished himself
in the battle he was sent home to bear the news of the
victory. Lord Anson drove his old comrade to the
palace, and the following conversation, as related by
John Marshall, will show that Campbell, notwithstanding
his high connections, was possessed of a Spartan simplic-
ity of manner.
''Captain Campbell," exclaimed Anson, hugely de-
lighted at the victory, ''the King will knight you, if you
think proper. ' '
"Troth, my Lord," said Campbell, "I ken nae use
that will be to me.'
"But your lady may like it," protested Anson.
"Weel then," conceded Campbell, "his Majesty may
knight her if he pleases."
No wonder the Centurion performed the feats she did
when so splendid a commander as Anson had at his back
such sturdy officers as Campbell.
Commodore Byron set out in 1764 in the Dolphin for
the purpose of making discoveries in the South Seas. He
was accompanied by the frigate Tamar, commanded by
Captain Mouat. Having made the usual call at Madeira,
the two vessels proceeded to Rio de Janeiro, where the
Portuguese — following a custom to which they had now
become thoroughly addicted — enticed fourteen of the
sailors away, and succeeded in kidnapping five of them.
After this the vessels stood down toward the Magellan
Straits, encountering a terrific storm, before which hun-
dreds of birds fled, "shrieking through dreadful appre-
hension," as a chronicler has it, and which laid the
Dolphin on her beam end for a time.
Just before the ships entered the Straits of Magellan
some five hundred Indians were perceived gathered on
the shore, and Commodore Byron underwent a sign con-
ference with a friendly and gigantic chief of some seven
132 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
feet in height, having one eye boldly painted about in
black, while the other was quaintly ornamented with a
corresponding circle in white. The Chief's variegated
face, as well as the equally bizarre countenances of all
the rest, soon lit up with delight at some judicious gifts
of beads and ribbons. After this the two vessels entered
the Magellan Straits, and it is just possible — though by
no means probable ! — that the news of their civility had
preceded them, for, an officer on landing in one of the
channels was offered a dog by one of these Southern In-
dian braves and a few months' old infant by an equally
generous squaw!
There is no doubt that the very friendly disposition of
the officers and men had its occasional disadvantages!
At a subsequent landing, for instance, they fell in with
some very amiable, but quite primitive, Indians, whose
most admired food was rotting whale's blubber. Never-
theless, they showed themselves extraordinarily grateful
for the gift of some biscuit from the ships, and when
four of them, inveigled on board the Dolphin, were made
to listen to the strains of a violin played by one of the
midshipmen their excitement knew no bounds. One of
them — probably the most emotional of the four — deter-
mined to make some suitable effort at repaying these mo-
ments of joy. So he dived over the Dolphin's side, and
re-appeared with a quantity of his very best red paint —
with which he carefully and solicitously covered every
bit of the musical midshipman's face! The beaming na-
tive then approached Commodore Byron himself, who
only escaped a similar compliment with the greatest diffi-
culty and by means of considerable tact.
Very shortly after this, Byron, having already achieved
some good survey work, left the coast of South America,
and sailed away to the west.
In August, 1766, only a few months after Commoodore
Byron had brought her safely back into English waters,
the Dolphin, commanded this time by Captain Walli.s,
EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY BRITISH VOYAGES 133
again sailed for South American waters. On this occa-
sion the Dolphin was accompanied by the sloop Swallow
and the storeship Prince Frederick.
Wallis, steering practically the same course as Byron's,
touched at Madeira. At this pleasant port Captain Car-
teret of the Swallow soon found that nine of his sailors
were missing. His anxiety was relieved by a message
from the British consul ashore, who begged him — as much
for the modesty of the Madeirense ladies, it was to be
presumed, as for the credit of the British navy ! — to send
off a boat without delay in order to take off the nine
adventurous souls who were seated, perfectly naked, on
the large gray pebbles of the beach.
According to their own confession, when once again on
board, the sight of the mountains and vineyards of
Madeira had been too much for them! As they argued
before their relenting captain, they, having started on a
long and perhaps fatal cruise, could scarcely be expected
to forego their last opportunity of getting a really im-
portant skinful of wine ! So, undressing, they had tied
their money in handkerchiefs, and had swum ashore.
No historian that I know of has attempted to describe
the scene at the Madeira hostel when the nine, rollicking
and nude, put in their appearance. Such waste of im-
pressionist material approaches the criminal! Had any
bystander possessed a tenth of the enthusiasm for local
color such as the nine Swallows exhibited for the local
wine, this artistic gap would never have yawned !
Continuing its cruise, the squadron fell in with the stal-
wart and curiously painted Indians on the eastern ex-
tremity of the Magellan Straits, and the crews of the
vessels watched some guanaco hunts, the natives gallop-
ing after these animals, and bringing them down by
means of the bolas. The intercourse was again friendly,
and the sailors, being greeted with shouts of ''English-
men, come on shore, ' ' found that the Indians had by this
time picked up various English words and phrases.
134 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
Once within the Straits of Magellan, too, the squadron
fell in with those same primitive Indians — or their very-
near brethren — as had been encountered by Byron 's men.
On this occasion a little more was learned about these
folk who ** smelt as rank as a fox." If one of them, for
instance, was given a fair-sized fish, he would kill it by
a bite near the gills, and would instantly devour it.
Once clear of the Straits, Captain Carteret accidentally
parted company from the Dolphin and the Prince Freder-
ick, and thus the many adventures which befell the two
sections of the squadron in the South Seas were experi-
enced separately.
It should be remarked, however, that after leaving the
coast of South America, the Swallow discovered Pit-
cairn's Island — that home of so much future drama — so
called from the name of the young officers who first set
eyes on its land.
The choice of the Swallow, by the way, for such an
arduous voyage reflected small credit on the lords of the
admiralty of the day. We have it on the authority of
Lieutenant John Marshall, the editor of the Eoyal Naval
Biography, that previous to this voyage she had been
nearly twenty years out of commission. She had been
slightly sheathed with wood to preserve her bottom from
the worms, but, being nearly thirty years old, she was
unfit for foreign service. But all the satisfaction that
Captain Carteret could obtain from the authorities on
this head previous to his departure was the assurance
that "the equipment of the sloop was fully equal to the
service she had to perform."
It was in 1768, about twenty- two years after Wallis's
and Carteret's expeditions, that Captain Cook set out in
the Endeavour, accompanied by Mr. Banks. So far as its
dealings with South America were concerned, the voyage
was notable chiefly for the hampering restrictions which
were placed on the intercourse between the ship and the
shore at Rio de Janeiro, and for the extraordinary hard-
EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY BRITISH VOYAGES 135
ships endured by Banks and his companions on a land
march in the snowbound southern extremity of the con-
tinent. Seven years later Captain Cook again paid a
brief visit to Tierra del Fuego.
These visits of the famous Captain Cook to the South
Seas seriously disturbed the equanimity of the Spanish
colonial authorities. They sent a ship in his wake to find
out what he had achieved, and, the vessel being ably com-
manded, they were enabled to conduct some valuable re-
search work themselves — notwithstanding the fact that
the actual and inquisitive object of the voyage was a far
less lofty one!
This will show how little the views of the grandees
had altered since the days when Hakluyt had occasion
to write: ''Whoever is conversant in reading the Por-
tugall and Spanish writers of the East and West Indies,
shall conamonly finde that they account all other nations
for pirats, rovers and theeves, which visite any heathen
coast that they have once sayled by or looked on. ' '
A curious instance of the length to which colonial au-
thorities carried the policy of the seclusion of the colo-
nies was afforded by the discovery after the capture of
Lima by the patriots of a state paper referring to the
visit in the first years of the nineteenth century of a dis-
tressed American ship from Boston to the Island of Juan
Fernandez. The unfortunate vessel had been badly dam-
aged by a storm, and had run short of water and fire-
wood. It appeared that, carried away by a criminal
access of hospitality, the governor of Juan Fernandez
had permitted the distressed crew to repair damages,
take in wood and water, and sail away! Here was a
pretty kettle of fish ! And the Viceroy immediately .thun-
dered a message upon the erring governor, as he re-
ported in the state paper :
''In my answer to the governor I expressed my dis-
pleasure for the bad service which he had rendered to
the King, in allowing the strange ship to leave the port,
136 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
instead of taking possession of both her and the crew.
... I expressed my surprise, that the governor of an
island should not know that every strange vessel which
anchors in these seas, without a licence from our Court,
ought to be treated as an enemy, even though the nation
to which she belonged should be an ally of Spain. . . .
and I gave orders, that if the ship should appear again,
she should immediately be seized and the crew impris-
oned. . . . Finally, I desired a complete statement of the
whole affair to be transmitted to his Majesty."
The document speaks for itself. The only thing it does
not leave quite clear is how many sleepless nights his
Majesty suffered on account of this wicked Boston ship !
In any case it is sufficiently remarkable that a policy
of this sort should have been able to continue as late as
the opening of the nineteenth century.
Before quitting this subject of ships we may refer to
a somewhat remarkable meeting of saints and sinners
which occurred at the very end of the eighteenth century
in the pleasant town of Montevideo on the banks of the
river Plate. The contracting parties were the missionar-
ies from the missionary ship Dujf and the convicts from
the convict ship Lady Shore. It was by a curious coin-
cidence that they should both have arrived at Mon-
tevideo, since that place was not the destination of either
company, the Dujf being bound for the South Sea Islands,
and the Lady Shore for Botany Bay. The manner of
the arrival of both, too, was sufficiently adventurous.
The Buff was captured by French privateers off Mon-
tevideo, and the unfortunate missionaries, after suffer-
ing many hardships, were finally ejected with a total
want of consideration on to the Montevidean shore.
The convicts had reversed this process. They had done
their own capturing, having first mutinied and killed a
number of their guards, and had managed to bring the
Lady Shore into Montevideo, at which port they disem-
barked.
EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY BRITISH VOYAGES 137
It was a remarkable fate which brought these two sets
of people together on the Uruguayan coast. Probably no
two communities in the world could have differed more
widely. Never, claimed the superintendent of the Buff,
had missionaries set out under such special divine pro-
tection as those of the Buff, and never before had such a
continuous volume of hymns risen up from the deck of
a ship. In the dark and noisome cells of the Lady Shore
there had been oaths and deep curses, and the blasphemies
grew wilder and hoarser as the vessel staggered to a
tempest, or glowed motionless in the stagnant tropics.
What a heaven-sent opportunity for the missionaries !
I hope, and believe, that there are few members of the
South American Missionary Society to-day who would
not have leaped at it. Here were one hundred and nine-
teen males and females in the direst spiritual need, cast
up, as it were, at their very door. They should have felt
like a husbandman, whose wheat had walked into his barn
of its own miraculous accord ! But they did not.
"We denied them the privilege of visiting us,'' explains
Gregory, one of the missionaries, *' which they were at
first very forward to do; but Dr. Sumer and I, giving
them information that they were prohibited from hold-
ing any conversation with our females, we received some
abrupt answers, and they departed. ' '
They were a very smug set of missionaries, these
worthy men of the Buff, and for my own part I have little
doubt but that their less sanctimonious friends at home
must have afforded every facility and financial subsidy
which would encourage them to continue their labor in
the most remote South Sea Islands !
As to the convicts, there is ample evidence that some of
the women among them gave themselves up with devotion
to the tending of the wounded in the British expedition to
the Eio de la Plata which occurred less than ten years
afterwards, and thus earned the deep gratitude of the
troops.
138 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
At this period the unceasing energies of the British
navy made matters far more uncomfortable for the Span-
iards from time to time on the Pacific coast than would
appear from any general history. A very salient instance
of this is afforded by the voyage of H.M.S. Cornwallis,
which sailed from Madras for the west coast of South
America on the 9th of February, 1807, and proceeded by
way of New Holland, Van Diemen's Land, New Zealand,
and Chatham Island. It is worth while culling somewhat
extensive extracts from a journal kept on board, since
they are unusually eventful, and instructive concerning
the episodes of such a cruise. They are as follows :
** June 14th, at noon, stood towards Masafuero, but no
appearance of any sealers on it. Captain Johnston re-
solved to ascertain if it was in possession of the Span-
iards, as had been reported at Port Jackson. At 5 p.m.
the boat returned, having found only two American
sealers, who had been on the island about nine months,
and had seen but five sail during that time. ... at 6 p.m.
made sail for Juan Fernandez, in expectation of meeting
some of the enemy's cruisers.
' ' June 16. Stood into Cumberland bay, but not a vessel
or even a boat to be seen. . . .
* ' June 18th. While both officers and men were indulg-
ing themselves in golden dreams, an incident occurred
which threatened to involve the whole in one general de-
struction. It seems that the gunner had deposited a
quantity of blank musket-cartridges in his store-room, on
the preceding day, after exercise, instead of returning
them to the magazine . . . one of the crew, while fitting
a flint, snapped his lock, when the whole exploded with a
horrible crash. Several of the ship's company were
killed, and many dreadfully burnt; the fore cockpit
was set on fire, and the decks forced up ... in 20 min-
utes, however, by great exertions, the ship was half
water-logged, and by 9 p.m. the fire was totally extin-
guished."
EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY BRITISH VOYAGES 139
After a fruitless visit to Valparaiso and Coquimbo we
arrive at the entry :
^' June 27tli, anchored in Gnasco Bay, under American
colors ; armed the boats, and sent them with a division of
small-arm men, under Lieutenant Barber, to procure cat-
tle from the inhabitants. . . . Finding by the report of
Lieutenant Barber that water might be obtained ... we
succeeded in obtaining 30 tons; but unfortunately lost a
very promising young officer, Lieutenant Robson, who was
drowned in the surf whilst attempting to swim a line
ashore from the launch.
''July 2nd, the inhabitants having taken away two
empty butts during the absence of the watering party,
and Lieutenant Barber having informed Captain John-
ston that a quantity of copper was deposited near the
beach, and guarded by some horsemen, an armed party
proceeded to seize it, by way of retaliation. Having
brought off 31 pigs, weighing 6,000 lbs., and secured two
Spanish soldiers, we weighed and made sail to the north-
ward.
''July 8th, a small vessel from Arica was captured by
the jolly-boat near Iquique, an island on the coast of
Peru. From her, and two brigs which we took about the
same time, a few hogs and some refreshments were ob-
tained, which proved of great service, as the officers and
ship's company had been on two-thirds allowance of all
species, except spirits, ever since our departure from
Port Jackson."
After this the Journal deals with a lengthy series of
captures, one of which seems to have occurred on every
third or fourth day. Among these was the Atlantic, of
300 tons, formerly an English whaler, but now armed as
a Spanish government vessel — a capture, this, that was an
act of retributive justice !
One of the last entries of importance on the South
American coast is :
' ' Aug. 15th, Captain Johnston wrote to the Governor of
140 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
Guayaquil, informing him that he had liberated the 72
officers and men belonging to the prize gim-vessels, on
their parole; also allowed 340 subjects of Spain to go on
shore at different times since his arrival in the South
Seas, and requesting that the total number might be car-
ried to the general account whenever an exchange of pris-
oners should be agreed upon between the two nations."
All of which demonstrates a comfortable and trusting
method of waging war which redounds not a little to the
credit of both sides !
From the hygienic point of view, too, there is no doubt
that such a cruise was a vast improvement on the West
Indian naval station, where, in those days fever and dis-
ease was only too rife. It was Nelson himself, I believe,
who, when a youngster, served in the Hinchinbrooke fri-
gate off the Mosquito coast, and who, at the end of six
weeks, made one of the twenty-seven officers and men, who
alone survived out of a complement of two hundred and
thirty-five !
CHAPTER Vn
THE BKITISH EXPEDITION TO THE RIVER PLATE
Plan of the expedition — Questions concerning the political situation in
Spanish South America — Miranda's work in Europe — Some misconcep-
tions on the part of the British — Previous plans for sending British
forces to South America — The expedition to South Africa — Details of
the voyage — After the capture of Cape Town, Admiral Sir Home Pop-
ham sails on his own initiative for the river Plate — When off the
mouth of the river, a schooner is captured bearing a Scotsman in the
Spanish pilot service — Assistance given by Russel — His reward — A gal-
lant feat of arms ends in the capture of Buenos Aires — Conduct of the
Viceroy Sobremonte — Major Gillespie's account of the entry of the
British army into Buenos Aires — ^Varieties of fellow-countrymen found
there — The convicts of the Jane Shore — Improved material and moral
standing of these — Strategies employed to conceal the weakness of the
British garrison — Eecapture of the city by the South American forces
— Curious feature of the action — The capture of the Justinia by cavalry
and boats — Admiral Stirling arrives in the river Plate with reinforce-
ments — Capture of Montevideo — Landing of numerous British traders
— The "Southern Cross Gazette" — General Whitelocke's army — The ad-
vance on Buenos Aires — An utterly incompetent commander-in-chief —
British troops sent to certain slaughter into the streets — Capitulation
of the expedition — Political objects directly and indirectly attained by
the invasion — A minor result in England of the undertaking — Some
records of the prisoners of General Beresford's army who remained in
South America — El Guapo Beresfdr — ^An experience of the authors —
The outcome of a day's shooting in Misiones.
THERE can be no doubt whatever that a consider-
able amount of misapprehension attended the
despatch of the British expedition to the river
Plate. It is a tragic commonplace of our wars that the
services of the Intelligence Department have seldom kept
pace with the deeds of the soldiers in the field.
In 1805 it is certain that information had blundered
concerning the attitude and ambitions of the colonists of
Spanish South America. But on this occasion there was
141
142 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
more excuse than usual for a blunder of the kind. For
years, the South American patriot, General Miranda, had
been working with an unceasing ardor in London and
Paris, imploring military assistance to fling off the bur-
den of Spanish rule, and promising the enthusiastic co-
operation of the South Americans. Undoubtedly here
again the deep-rooted European ignorance of South
American affairs played its part. Miranda was speaking
for the North of the continent, for Central America, and
for Mexico. He held no proxy from the Argentines and
from the South.
Much of the affair was concerned with mistaken ideas
as to bunting ! The British proposed to offer the South
Americans the Union Jack in the place of the yellow and
red of Spain. But the South Americans, although anx-
ious enough to fight by the side of the Union Jack, had
other ideas. They had it in mind to toss up the old Span-
ish flag and to let it explode in mid-air like a rocket, when
it should send out quite new stars and brand-new patterns
of colors, which should be the property of the South
Americans alone. But even the South Americans them-
selves were sufficiently vague as to the details of their
future.
It was only known in England that the discontent in
the South was growing, and this was not the first occasion
on which a proposal had been broached to send a British
expedition to South America. In 1793 an expedition had
actually come to a rendezvous at the island of Saint Hel-
ena, but the enterprise was abandoned at the last moment.
Addington is said to have had a scheme of the kind in
mind in 1801, and in 1804 Pitt in conjunction with Lord
Melville had actually provided a force, under Sir Home
Popham, to sail with Miranda to the banks of the Orinoco
River and to raise in South America the flag of revolt.
The unfavorable military and naval situation which pre-
vailed at the beginning of 1805 was alone responsible for
the stoppage of the plan.
BRITISH EXPEDITION TO RIVER PLATE 143
When Sir Home Popham, the organizer of the expedi-
tion, set sail on the last day of August, 1805, with his
fleet and with a convoy of fourteen Indiamen acting as
transports for troops, his destination was the Cape of
Good Hope. The South American scheme was fated not
to develop until later in the day, and then in an irregular
fashion !
On the way to South Africa, as was usual enough, the
fleet called at San Salvador — ^now more generally known
as Bahia — in Brazil. Here provisions were laid in, and
a member of the expedition explains that ''the two serv-
ices were furnished here with 66 pipes of sound port, at
£24 each."
But almost immediately there arose lament from sailors
and marines and soldiers. The story of Anson's expedi-
tion and of half-a-dozen others was repeated. The Portu-
guese were determined to make hay so long as the sun
shone on the British vessels in their bay. The prices of
all things went soaring upwards at a most merciless pace.
Even the pilot of the port, plunging headlong into the
commercial fray, opened a grog shop, and before the fleet
left he had made no less than five thousand dollars profit
out of the extempore and shrewd venture !
A certain amount of trouble occurred too, on account
of the villainous, and occasionally murderous, habits of
the local boatmen, who have never enjoyed the best of
reputations. The humorous side of the picture was in
part supplied by the Brazilian soldiers, whose cartouche-
i boxes were found to contain maize instead of ammuni-
tion ! Finally, to conclude with the events at Bahia, Dr.
Emmerson, of the medical staff, an excellent musician,
offered to play the organ at one of the numerous churches.
After some hesitation the offer was accepted, when Dr.
Emmerson made the roof ring with ''Britons, Strike
Home!" "Britannia Rules the Waves!" and "God Save
the King!" to the open astonishment and admiration of
the Brazilians, it is said.
144 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
After this the British fleet sailed for Table Bay; and
the troops took possession of Cape Town. It was from
this point that the expedition set sail for the river Plate
on the 14th of April, 1806.
It is generally supposed that Sir Home Popham acted
entirely on his own initiative in thus endeavoring to add
to the laurels the force had already won. This is possi-
ble enough, since in any case he was aware of Pitt's pre-
vious intentions toward South America, and how they
had been frustrated through no fault of the minister's.
This may well have encouraged him to an attempt the
success of which would have marked him as one of the
great leaders of his age.
However that may be, the fleet sailed from Table Bay,
called at St. Helena, and at the beginning of June the
vessels were creeping in cautiously toward the land, the
blue of the ocean changing to yellow and brown as they
entered the mouth of the mighty river.
Near Montevideo was captured a schooner, which hap-
pened to have on board one of the Royal Spanish pilots
of the Rio de la Plata. The appearance and speech of
this latter were entirely Spanish, and at first he pro-
fessed to understand not a word of English; but per-
sistent questioning elicited the fact that there was very
little of the real Spaniard about him, and he admitted at
length in his native tongue that he was a Scotsman of the
name of Russel, who had been residing in Buenos Aires
for fifteen years= Russel consented to give his services
to the expedition, and he rendered valuable assistance.
But I much fear that in after life he must have regretted
the day he fell in with the British fleet. For after the
departure of the British army of occupation from South
America, Russel was imprisoned by the Spaniards for his
share of the atfair, and when he subsequently made his
way to England in the hope of obtaining some recom-
pense he found himself disappointed in his expectations.
He left his native island again in a bitter frame of mind,
BRITISH EXPEDITION TO RIVER PLATE 145
and doubtless drowned his grief in double quantities of
those strong waters of which, it appears, he was too fond
for his own good at the best of times.
The details of this first expedition are simple, but
sufficiently stirring. That a landing party of under
seventeen hundred men, all told, should have attempted
the conquest of a city of more than forty thousand in-
habitants, surrounded, moreover, by thousands of active
horsemen in the open country, is sufficiently surprising
in itself. That it succeeded is a tribute to the daring of
the soldiers and the fine qualities of those typical British
sailors who, as the force approached the town in a deluge
of winter rain, harnessed themselves to the guns, drag-
ging them through the morasses, and themselves swim-
ming across the swollen streams that impeded their prog-
ress from time to time.
It was a gallant feat in the face of gallant enemies, for,
had the Viceroy Sobremonte chosen to undertake a spir-
ited defense of the town, he would have found himself
valiantly supported, as subsequent events proved. But
Sobremonte, the Viceroy of Buenos Aires, the keystone of
the defense, fled incontinently, and exhibited himself as
a ludicrous and terrified figure that opened the eyes and
minds of the South Americans for good and all! Un-
doubtedly some bitter sentiment prevailed in Buenos
Aires when the inhabitants watched the entry of the ludi-
crously small force that had surprised the town. The Ar-
gentine patriot Belgrano has recorded his chagrin as a
spectator of this, and has also left behind him a striking
testimonial to ''the brave and honourable Beresford,
whose valour in this perilous enterprise I admire, and
shall always admire."
Major Gillespie, one of the officers of the expedition, has
an interesting account of many meetings, on the army's
entry into Buenos Aires, with countryfolk, whose presence
they had not suspected :
"The night had not closed before we were accosted by
146 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
several of our countrymen, over whose individual his-
tories there hung much obscurity. Some, we were told,
had been supercargoes, or consignees, who had abused
their trust, and had thus become everlasting exiles from
their country and their friends, while others were com-
posed of both sexes, who by a violation of our laws, had
been banished from their protection, and whose crimes,
in a part of them, had been still more deepened in their
die, as perpetrators of murder. These were some of the
convicts of the Jane Shore, who had become citizens by
their religion ; a most essential preliminary in this conti-
nent, to personal safety and prosperity. As we could not,
under our circumstances, discriminate their shades of
guilt, I can only speak of them as a body of unfortunates
... all of that list, except one dissolute female, were
settled in decent employs, and doing well, and all of them
contended in their good offices to us. The partial serv-
ices of a few towards our distressed soldiers while in
prison will atone for many weighty sins. ' '
Compare these acknowledgments with the cold con-
tempt poured on the convicts' advances by the mission-
airies of the Duff!
It is a curious story, that of the British occupation of
Buenos Aires. The preservation of individual friend-
ships between British and Argentines, the strategies em-
ployed by the garrison to conceal the real weakness of
their numbers, the gradual gathering and organization of
the hostile forces outside the city, the passage of the
Argentine army across the Rio de la Plata, the final as-
sault and desperate defense which ended in the inevitable
capitulation of General Beresford's little force — all these
events formed part of a moving period.
Argentine historians frankly admit that their General
Liniers offered Beresford terms of surrender which were
not afterwards carried out to the full — owing, they claim,
to the fact that Liniers offered more than lay in his power
to concede. From his negotiations with this officer
BRITISH EXPEDITION TO RIVER PLATE 147
Beresford had reason to suppose that the British force
would be permitted to return to England. But this was
not complied with, and he and his men were interned.
General Beresford and Colonel Pack, assisted by two
South Americans, and an American of the name of White,
subsequently escaped to Montevideo. Padilla, one of the
two South Americans, afterwards assisted in the editing
of the Spanish edition of the ''Southern Cross," the pub-
lication established by the British in Montevideo.
It is, of course, impossible to enter here into the sep-
arate events of the campaign, but one very curious inci-
dent must be remarked in the action which resulted in the
recapture of Buenos Aires by the Argentines. The Jus-
tinia, a small 26-gun British vessel, had approached very
near the shore in order to assist in the defense of the city.
A sudden and extraordinary retreat of the tide — ^which is
here largely at the mercy of the winds — left her high and
dry. On this a cloud of South American cavalry galloped
out over the mud, and captured her.
It might well be supposed that a feat such as the board-
ing of a vessel by cavalry was unique. But this is not so.
There are at least two other instances of craft being
attacked by cavalry in the Spanish colonies. The first
occurred in 1799, not on the mainland, but on the north
shore of the island of Puerto Eico. Some boats from the
British warship Trent, sighting a Spanish felucca ashore,
pulled in toward the land to capture her and to endeavor
to get her afloat.
As the Trent's barge drew quite near, a strong body of
Spanish cavalry came pounding down to the shore, and
formed up on the beach. Then, seeing that the British
still persisted in the attempt, the barge was actually at-
tacked by a swarm of troopers who rode straight into
the sea, and behaved in what the sailors termed a very
creditable manner, until the Trent's launch, coming up to
the assistance of the barge, rounded an intervening point
of land, and perceived what was afoot. The launch then
148 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
opened fire upon the Spanish cavalry with grape, canister,
and musketry, when, as the chronicler has it, "they
scampered off in the greatest confusion, many of the
horses throwing their riders, to the great amusement of
every Briton present."
So this spirited and amphibious action appears to have
ended in an appropriately jocular fashion!
The second represents probably the most remarkable
feat ever accomplished by cavalry against boats. This
took place in the Northern campaign of the War of Lib-
eration, and was witnessed by a number of British offi-
cers in the patriot service. It happened that a flotilla
of small Spanish gunboats was stationed on the Apure
Eiver, and was impeding an important march of Bolivar's
men. One of the most famous of the Northern leaders,
General Paez, brought three hundred of his lancers up to
the bank, and spurred his horse into the water, bidding
his men follow him. In a moment the three hundred
were swimming toward the gunboats — literally gunboats,
these, not the large craft which to-day steam under that
name — flogging the water and shouting in order to scare
away the Spanish allies in the shape of crocodiles. Spear
in hand, the men made for the boats, and, leaping from
their horses' backs over the gunwales, actually suc-
ceeded in capturing them.
All this, however, has taken us somewhat far afield from
the British expedition to the river Plate.
After Buenos Aires had been recaptured by the Argen-
tines, and Beresford had been taken prisoner. Sir Home
Popham remained on the spot, to blockade the mouth of
the river, and to await the reinforcements which it was
certain that the news of the capture of Buenos Aires
would cause to be sent from England.
This news had created no small stir in London. In-
deed, the manner of its announcement was designed to
cause a sensation. A million dollars, the booty taken
from the Southern city, entered London in wagons, each
BRITISH EXPEDITION TO RIVER PLATE 149
of which was drawn by six horses, profusely decorated
for the occasion. The first of these wagons was covered
with the royal standard of Spain, which had been cap-
tured from the fort of Buenos Aires, and flaming banners
proclaimed the treasure that was thus borne along in tri-
umph.
This rather dramatic display aroused all the political
and commercial interest that could be desired. But it
was not until after the catastrophe which ended in the
capitulation of the British Army of Occupation that Ad-
miral Stirling arrived off the river Plate to take charge
of the naval operations. He was in command of a fleet
which conveyed important British reinforcements, at the
head of which was General Auchmuty.
The news of the fall of Buenos Aires naturally threw
the plans of this second expedition out of gear. Mon-
tevideo was besieged, and after a courageous defense was
stormed by the British. So prominent a part, be it said,
did the sailors play in this siege, that the flag-ship, the
Diadem, was frequently left with only thirty men on
board! Then on the 10th of May, the frigate Thisbe
brought out Lieutenant- General Whitelocke to assume the
post of commander-in-chief. Eather more than a month
later powerful forces arrived from England, and with
them came Admiral Murray to take over the command
of the now formidable British fleet.
Simultaneously with the forces of war arrived the mes-
sengers of commerce. Convoyed by the frigates, mer-
chants and clerks sailed out in shoals, bearing samples of
bales and beers, cutlery and cloths. To the ten thousand
or so of the inhabitants of Montevideo, and to the British
army of occupation, was now added, explains Mr. J. P.
Robertson, who was present at the time, **two thousand
merchants, traders, adventurers; and a dubious crew
which could scarcely pass muster, even under the latter
designation." Establishing themselves at Montevideo,
they began to prepare themselves for the commerce which
150 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
should follow the flag. In the meantime they occupied
themselves as best they could. They wondered at the
queer muddy tinge of the waters of the estuary; they
read the ** Southern Cross" the gazette, printed in Span-
ish and English, that announced the liberal policy of the
British to the South Americans ; then they formed them-
selves into rather awkward volunteer squads and helped
to garrison Montevideo while Whitelocke and his splendid
army of eleven thousand picked men sailed up the broad
stream to carry Buenos Aires by assault.
The merchants, left behind at Montevideo, waited for
the message which was to bid them follow in the track of
the conquering army. It never came. In its place ar-
rived tidings which were at first received with blank
amazement and reasonable incredulity. The British
army, after having been deprived of an opportunity of
entering the city at the heels of the retreating enemy
forces, had been sent with fixed bayonets into the streets
of Buenos Aires, and, unflinchingly obeying the command
to advance into the obvious death traps, had been shot
down in heaps by the defenders from the roof-tops ! A
capitulation had followed, almost as disgraceful to White-
locke as had been his conduct of the action !
Presently it became evident that this news was only too
true, and that the merchants would have to pack up their
goods — in preparation for a departure, not for Buenos
Aires, but for Europe ! Soon enough the fleet returned,
bearing thousands of officers and men, wounded and
whole, bitter and enraged, and, still at their head, the
complacent and crass Whitelocke !
The sentiments which animated many of the South
Americans after the capitulation may be gathered from
the following extract from a British officer's diary:
"As for myself, I had not been two hours in Buenos
Aires, when I was visited by two young gentlemen, sons
of Signior Terrada, whose kind hospitality I had expe-
rienced before our departure into the interior, who in-
BRITISH EXPEDITION TO RIVER PLATE 151
sisted on my accompanying them and making their house
my home, while I remained, and they very considerately
brought a domestic to bear my luggage, which they were
surprised to find, was reduced to a hand parcel. The
reception from that family was welcome and liberal, and
I was happy to learn that the whole were safe and in
health, although three of them had served in the various
conflicts that had recently taken place, in defense of their
city. The expressions of gratitude for British generos-
ity were made by both parents upon my entering into the
house, when they intimated that my conductors had been
taken prisoners, by Sir Samuel Auchmuty on his storming
the Retiro, and that the treatment they had received
while they were in that unfortunate situation was noble
and humane. I can attest the tender delicacy shown by
every member of their household, and I have reason to
think that it was uniformly the same in every other, by
none of them even hinting at the disastrous events which
had so lately befallen our army, in which young soldiers
might have been prone to exult, nor was a single topic
proposed by them, but a few general enquiries concern-
ing the past, the repetition of some stories, and the urg-
ing of a disclosure, in what way they could provide for
my personal comforts through the voyage to Europe, by
money, cloathing, or necessaries. ' '
After this the remains of the unfortunate expedition
sailed away northwards to the British Isles. In instances
of individual gallantry and enterprise it had been as fruit-
ful as any other. It left behind it the corpses of many
brave men, and much beyond — a new spirit of confidence
on the part of the colonials, an extraordinary absence of
bitterness, and a few cannon shot in the tower of San
Domingo church, which became an institution in them-
selves, and which — when in course of time they fell out
— ^were replaced by dummies of wood, carefully painted !
The expedition, moreover, had exhibited the sterling
qualities of Generals Beresford, Auchmuty, Crauford,
152 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
and numerous other senior officers. But the force of all
this courage and resource had been completely neutral-
ized by the conduct of a commander-in-chief, whose sole
claim to distinction appears to have been interest in high
places, and whose subsequent ignominious dismissal from
the army was itself considered by many as too light a
sentence.
Reverting to the political significance of this expedi-
tion, it may be said to have been threefold, including : the
desire to place the river Plate provinces under the British
flag, that of assisting the South American colonials, and
that of embarrassing the Spaniards. As the irony of
fate would have it, although the British failed in the
first, they succeeded — completely if indirectly — in the
second and third. For it was the British invasion that,
exposing the weakness of Spain and the powerful re-
sources of the colonials, assisted materially in bringing
about the revolution, and the independence of Spanish
South America.
The full moral effects of the expedition became clear a
few years later, when the influence which General Crau-
f ord had exercised over the enlightened Argentine patriot
Belgrano bore fruit, and materialized as one of the fac-
tors in the founding of the new nation.
Bartolome Mitre has it that the British, ''having sur-
rendered, as prisoners conquered all hearts to their ideas,
implanting in them the fertile germs of independence and
liberty."
Here is a note by Hadfield :
''The late Lord Holland, in his posthumous 'Memoirs
of the Whig Party during My Time' . . . has a very
singular chapter on the secret history of these expedi-
tions. His lordship, who was a member of the Cabinet at
the time, says that Whitelocke's was but one of a series
of South American expeditions, and that it was originally
destined for Valparaiso. It was fortunately 'detained
by subsequent events in Buenos Aires, and the worst part
BRITISH EXPEDITION TO RIVER PLATE 153
of our plan was thus concealed from the knowledge, and
escaped the censure, of the public' Had the then Min-
ister, Lord Grenville, remained in office, he would have
sent against Mexico Sir Arthur Wellesley, who, in that
case, might probably have never become Duke of Welling--
ton."
What tiny straws suffice to show which way blow the
ironical winds of fate ! The ordinary student learns very
little from the average history book concerning this dream
of a wider dominion that was all but realized, yet at the
time the idea appears to have sunk in deeply enough. As
early as January 1, 1807, a little book of selected Spanish
prose appeared, concerning which the editor remarks in
the preface: **The numbers that will doubtless hasten
to the Spanish Colonies in the hope of future fame, or
of future wealth, will soon find it essentially neces-
sary to have a previous knowledge of the language, man-
ners, and customs, by which these Colonies are distin-
guished. ' '
These were words of wisdom, and the precaution was
admirable. But the editor had overlooked one contin-
gency. By the time the second edition had appeared the
colonies had ceased to be!
Of those prisoners of General Beresford's army who
remained in the Northern provinces of Argentina only
the scantiest records are extant. But traces of them crop
up now and then. Some ten years later, for instance.
General Miller on his way through Santiago del Estero
was a guest of the governor of that province, who as-
sured him that he entertained a strong liking toward Eng-
lishmen, adding that in his escort were two soldiers, once
in the British army, who rode like Gauchos, but had a
weakness for the bottle.
On this occasion, too, Miller was besieged with inquir-
ies concerning the later career of the general they termed
the handsome Beresford — el guapo Beresfor — for whom
they appear to have entertained the greatest esteem.
154 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
One and all were emphatic in their assertion that it was
he who first taught them to be soldiers.
Mr. J. P. Robertson, too, mentions having met in Para-
guay with an old Scottish sergeant of Beresford's army,
who had almost forgotten his own language, and at the
same time had only acquired a smattering Spanish and
Guarani! There are, moreover, numerous other in-
stances of the kind.
Even to this day some curious links with the past flash
out now and again in the Northern provinces of Ar-
gentina. I myself have been confronted with one or two
in the most expected fashion. On one occasion, for in-
stance, when shooting in the province of Missiones on the
borders of Paraguay, I was accompanied by an elderly
peon, who, for a Gaucho, possessed a remarkably philo-
sophical turn of mind.
I have commented on this peon in another place, but he
is worthy of the repetition of a few lines here. Shoot-
ing, he held, was all very well. Birds were good for the
digestion, and they were provided for that purpose. But
when the game was of another kind — ^when men shot
their neighbors — it was a pity. He shook his head in
grave reproach, for he was a remarkable peon. There
had been too much of that in the past, he said. Now that
the railway had come, it would be different. After this
he branched off into some quite minor details of natural
history, about which the average Gaucho very seldom
troubles himself.
I found out subsequently that his name was Stuart,
a discovery that let in a flood of light on his personality,
and that sent a picture of a remote red-coated ancestor
to the mind. May it not savor of complacent pedantry if
I quote here the sentiments which this unusual Gaucho
inspired at the time !
**It seemed to me, now that I knew it, that faint symp-
toms of the origin had showed in the man's thoughts and
natural bent. The love of nature for its own sake, the
BRITISH EXPEDITION TO RIVER PLATE 155
curiosity as to causes and results, the welcoming of peace
and order, the unusual sense of comradeship that his
presence engendered — it seemed to me now that I could
read in these some remnants of the instinct bequeathed
by an ancestor of whom all physical traces had been lost.
''He has not a few counterparts throughout the land;
their features grown as dusky as his, sunk into the ruck
of humblest humanity, and knowing no other life but
that of their fellows. Poor Stuart! Such is the ob-
vious pitiful comment — ^possibly misapplied. There is
no law in happiness, after all. His life may be at least
as contented as that of his superiors — the equals of his
ancestor."
CHAPTER VIII
BRITISH GUIANA AND THE FALKLAND ISLANDS
The pioneers of Guiana — Sir Walter Raleigh's opinion of the country — His
suggestions for its colonization — Guiana from the modern point of view
— Its agricultural and pastoral industries — Wars of the British,
French, and Dutch — Complications of the struggle — Bush Negroes —
Danger of these armed bands — Warfare between the blacks and the
planters — Occasional triumph of the former — Further struggles of the
European powers — War with the United States — The emancipation of
slaves — Popular excitement attending this action — Humane but hasty
procedure — Questions affecting the labor of the colony — Life in Guiana
— Some naval records — An incident connected with a notorious duellist
— The Falkland Islands — Early neglect — Attempts at colonization —
Captain McBride's opinion of the islands in 1776 — A depressing de-
scription — Occupation by a Buenos Aires garrison — The battle of the
Falkland Islands — Sentimental importance now attaching to the
colony.
AS these pages are designed to show the work of
the British in Iberian South America and not
within the bounds of the British Empire, any be-
yond a scanty reference to British Guiana and to the
Falkland Islands would be out of place.
The early days of Guiana are associated not only with
the voyages of Sir Walter Raleigh, but also with the bold
colonizing attempts in 1604 and 1609 respectively of
Charles Leigh, Robert Harcourt, Roger North, and John
Christmas. Indeed, the number of voyages which the
English undertook to this northeastern shoulder of the
continent in the early seventeenth century is not a little
remarkable.
Raleigh, filled with enthusiasm for Guiana, had boldly
claimed for it that : ' * Those commanders and chief taines
that shoot at honor and abundance, shall finde there
more rich and beautiful cities, more temples adorned with
156
BRITISH GUIANA 157
golden images, more sepulclires filled with treasure, than
either Cortez found in Mexico, or Pizarro in Peru: and
the shining glory of this conquest will eclipse all those
so f arre extended beames of the Spanish nation. ' '
*'Her Majestie may in these enterprize," he suggests
further, ''employ all those souldiers and gentlemen that
are younger brethren, and all Captaines and Chieftaines
that want employment . . . after the first or second
yeere I doubt not but to see in London a Contractation
house of more receipt for Guiana, than there is now in
Sivill for the West Indies."
It soon became evident, however, that the hoards of
wealth, which were reported to be glittering in such un-
heard of quantities somewhere among the forests inland,
were not to be lightly won : though the fable of El Dorado
persisted for many generations. In the meantime, since
a more practical foundation was necessary for settle-
ments, a process occurred such as has often been brought
about before and since. The brilliant hopes of diamonds
and gold yielded to the more strenuous certainties of agri-
culture — in this case sugar and tobacco.
Companies and private persons took up plantations;
cattle were introduced in fairly important numbers ; com-
munications were more regularly opened up with the
West Indies, and under Captain Marshall and some others
considerable progress was made toward prosperity.
In the meantime the disturbed state of England was
responsible for the arrival in Guiana of many immigrants
hailing from both the Cavalier and Eoundhead ranks.
In the latter half of the seventeenth century began that
wearying and complicated series of wars by which in the
end the fruits of so much labor was lost by British,
French, and Dutch.
It is impossible here even to attempt to go through the
intricate lengths of the struggles which must have seemed
interminable to the harassed colonists of those days. In
the course of the conflicts England fought Holland, then
158 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
the English and French fought Holland; after this the
English and Dutch fought France, and after a consider-
able time the French and the Dutch fought England !
This will give a broad outline of some of the chief
ramifications of the wars which laid waste the Guiana
plantations. In the intervals, when peace reigned be-
tween the three nations, and when there might have been
some hope of the agricultural restoration of the country,
a new and serious danger arose in the roving bodies of
bush Negroes. The number of African slaves who had
succeeded in making their escape into the forests in the
confusion attending the various invasions increased until
their pressure became a grave threat. Armed bands of
these Negroes took to lurking continually on the outskirts
of the plantations, raiding, murdering, and burning when-
ever the opportunity arose. As the attempts of these
bush Negroes grew bolder, the domestic slaves would fre-
quently revolt and join their wild ranks. To the terrible
punishments meted out to them when captured the Ne-
groes retaliated in their own gruesome fashion, and after
a time a regular war broke out between the blacks and
the planters, and on more than one occasion the latter,
together with some regular soldiers, were driven to the
coast before a stand could be made. On one occasion,
indeed, in 1763, the neighboring Dutch colony of Berbice
had to be entirely abandoned for a time, owing to the
triumphant onsweep of the victorious Africans.
In 1780, England was face to face in Guiana with the
hostile powers of France, Holland, and Spain, but the
end of many confused operations found the island power
with more territory than she had possessed at the be-
ginning. The war with the United States in 1812, how-
ever, brought down a hornets' nest of American priva-
teers on the coast.
The emancipation of slaves, which occurred in 1834,
was attended by much popular excitement, and the re-
sentment of the plantation owners at the loss of the labor
BRITISH GUIANA 159
on which they depended for the working of their fields
seemed in one sense to be justified by the behavior of the
blacks, who rose in insurrection, and were not put down
until many wild scenes had been enacted.
It was a great and humane work, the freeing of the
Negro Guiana slaves. But it seems possible to hasten
even toward good deeds at too great a pace. A more pro-
longed process of emancipation than the four years al-
lowed for the knocking off of the perfectly unjustifiable
fetters would almost certainly in the end have benefited
not only the financial standing of the plantations but the
subsequent condition of the slaves.
As it was, the feckless African flung up his industrial
mission at the first opportunity, and the chaotic labor
situation of the colony was only remedied by the intro-
duction of workers from the East Indies, China, and,
rather curiously, Madeira, from the humanity of which
diminutive island some of the earliest of the Brazilian
settlements had been formed. But these, let if be said,
are by no means the only sources from which the labor
of modern British Guiana is drawn, for its cosmopolitan
population is now, in its own way, one of the most re-
markable in the world.
All that need be said about British Guiana in this place
is that it stands apart from the rest of the continent as a
British possession, and, for this reason, breathes out the
atmosphere of the West Indies rather than that of the
mainland.
Those who visit Guiana may know at once that it is a
British colony not only from the speech of the inhabi-
tants, but from the type of buildings and the manner in
which the streets of the towns are laid out. In such re-
spects there is little doubt but that the Briton — ^notwith-
standing that the hub of his empire is in the foggy
North — understands from an old-standing and world-
wide experience better than any other nation how to
adapt his habits and homes to the tropics.
160 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
The old naval records concerning Guiana abound in
incidents that savor of Marryat. The easy-going colo-
nial existence evoked a conviviality that in turn gave
birth to cocktails, and similar inventions upon which the
tropical thirst might prey. All this was responsible for
a certain hospitable recklessness which nothing but the
modern god of Moderation has tended to diminish !
Although the more important circumstances of British
Guiana do not enter into this book, we may deal with a
chance incident which is not without interest. Life in
the colony in the first years of the nineteenth century
seems to have been unpleasantly enlivened by the pres-
ence of a notorious duelist of the name of Blair, who,
a dead shot, haunted that British possession as well
as the West Indies, marking down his victims and kill-
ing his men. One of the incidents of this man's career
is suggestive of the pages not only of Marryat but of
Lever.
It occurred when the officers of his Majesty's sloop-of-
war Pheasant were dining ashore at the house of a Mr.
Maxwell, a resident of Bridgetown. After dinner Blair
unexpectedly put in an appearance. Without a doubt this
sinister person had already worked out hi$ plan, for al-
most immediately he began to tell the Bfitish officers in
a most insulting fashion of a French privateer then fitting
out at Guadeloupe which, he asserted offensively, would
drive any British sloop-of-war from the station ! For a
time the British officers kept silence, out of respect for
their mortified host. This did not fit in with Blair's pro-
gram, and the professional duelist continued his aggres-
sions, until Captain Robert Henderson told him, quite
briefly, that, unless he ceased, he would throw him out
of the window. On this Blair left abruptly, and in a
few minutes arrived his invitation to come out and be
shot. Henderson, as the challenged, had the choice of
weapons. He chose pistols: distance, across a handker-
chief, the antagonists to be foot to foot! When he and
BRITISH GUIANA 161
his second arrived on the ground, it was, and remained,
undarkened by the shadow of the bully !
The blow to Blair's prestige must have been consider-
able. Had he lived in a work of fiction he would have
sunk at one full swoop, and would have been put out of
harm's way forever. Alas for the injustices of mere
fact ! This was not so. Blair appears to have lost little
time in learning to ruffle his feathers again, for he suc-
ceeded in sending a bullet through many a better than
he after that, his last victim being an officer of high rank
at Demerara.
The Falkland Islands are supposed to have been sighted
by Davis in 1592 and more closely visited by Eichard
Hawkins in 1594. The name which the latter gave to
them, Hawkins' Maidenland, was only in accordance with
the spirit of the age which devoted itself to bringing
bouquets of nomenclature to the virgin queen. But this
effort of brave old Richard's savors of a more daring
tenderness than the majority.
The first regular British colony, founded in 1766, was
ejected in 1770 by a powerful Spanish force after the
exchange of a few cannon shot, sent to and fro for the
sake of appearances rather than for anything else, since
the British were in no position to offer an effective re-
sistance. The following year, however, they were re-
stored by Spain to England.
There were some attempts to colonize the islands in
1774 and in 1776. In the latter year Captain McBride
rendered a depressing account of them. He says :
''We found a mass of islands and broken lands, of
which the soil was nothing but a bog, with no better pros-
pect than that of barren mountains, beaten by storms al-
most perpetual. Yet this is summer; and if the winds
of winter hold their natural proportion, those who lie but
two cables length from the shore, must pass weeks with-
out any communication with it. ' '
As a matter of fact, this description was very far from
162 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
doing justice to the island, which, notwithstanding its
rather desolate situation, has proved itself an admirable
center for sheep-raising.
In 1820 a Buenos Aires frigate visited the Falkland
Islands. She was commanded by a Mr. Jewitt, whose
title appears to have been ''Colonel of the Marine of
the United Provinces of South America." He formally
took possession of the islands in the name of the Patriot
Government of Buenos Aires, and it is on this account
that Argentina argues the irregularity of our tenure of
the islands. There is no doubt, as a matter of fact, that
the Buenos Aires Government did hold possession of
these islands for a time, for when H.M. sloop Clio visited
them in 1833 a garrison of twenty-five Buenos Aires
troops were found at the spot, as well as some settlers,
who retired in company with the garrison.
Some time after this the group was given the dubious
state of a penal settlement, but in 1852 this establishment
was done away with, and soon afterwards the beginning
of the present prosperity of the island began to set in.
These islands, of course, have recently attained to a
sentimental importance in history such as they never be-
fore possessed; for it was the naval battle of the Falk-
land Islands that avenged the destruction of Admiral
Craddock's squadron and vindicated the supremacy of
the white ensign, that was never more glorious than when
it sank, unconquered beneath the waves of the Pacific.
CHAPTEE IX
BRITISH FIGHTEES IN THE CAUSE OF SOUTH AMERICAN
INDEPENDENCE
(i)
Attitude of the British Government — Sympathy extended toward the South
Americans — Visions of state — Docxunent drawn up by the South Ameri-
cans — 'Some striking clauses — Instances of Latin foresight — Alliances
and the Panama Canal as viewed at the beginning of the nineteenth cen-
tury — ^Procedure of the United States and of Great Britain — ^Miranda
' and recruiting facilities — An Irish writer in the "Caracas Gazette" —
The most notable British eye-witnesses of the war — Admiral Coch-
rane, General Miller, Captain Basil Hall, and an anonymous chronicler
— Social opportunities enjoyed by these — Bolivar and San Martin — Dif-
fering circumstances of the Northern and Southern campaigns — War-
like ethics of the tropics and of the temperate latitudes — Ferocity of
the Northern campaign — ^Types of leaders — ^The British legion reproved
for giving quarter — Merciless methods employed by the Spaniards —
Revenge of the South Americans — Sir George McGregor — Fine perform-
ances of his volunteers — Colonel English recruits in England — Force
raised by Major Beamish — ^Death of that officer — Arrival of General
English with two thousand seasoned British troops — General Devereux
obtains two thousand men in Ireland — ^Some notable officers — Effects
of the climate and food on the newcomers — Beef or sugar-cane as ra-
tions — Sickness and death in the ranks — Lamentable conditions of the
corps — Creature and climatic pests — Early relations between the Brit-
ish and South American troops — The British distinguish themselves in
their first action — Removal of mutual misconceptions — Battle of Boy-
aca — Prestige of the British legion — Attempted detention of General
English's force at Trinidad — General Urdineta — Colonel Blossett's duel
— Contemporary opinion of General English — General Devereux — His
methods of recruiting — Composition of his force — Arrival of the corps
in South America — Consequences of a reckless sale of commissions —
General Devereux lands in South America — Humorous contemporary
description of his arrival — Father O'Mullin — Incidents at the official
reception — Devereux's character — His subsequent conduct — Story of
the Irish legion — Conduct of the British and Irish legions at the battle
of Carabobo — The two corps are united — Prowess of Captain Rush —
Death of Captain Chamberlayne — Feat of an Irish officer — "Town
163
164 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
Taker" — ^The secret treasure-chamber of Barcelona Cathedral — The
jewels of St. Lawrence — Stories spread by the priests concerning the
British — A tailed race of cannibals — British sailors in Bolivar's fleet
— Admiral Brion — An eccentric naval commander-in-chief — His con-
duct and uniform — Some British naval officers — Bolivar's relations
with the British troops — Temperament and peculiarities of the Libera-
tor — His activity and bravery — Abstemious habits — Mrs. English —
Episode at her ball — Privileges obtained by certain officers.
EVEN before the actual outbreak of the War of In-
dependence the sentiments of the British cabinet
toward the South American patriots were plainly
of the most friendly nature. Canning was deeply at-
tached to their cause, and Pitt had more than once been
on the eve of active intervention, although in 1806 Mr.
Fox protested that the liberation of South America was
not part of his government's program.
Notwithstanding this, the keenest interest was taken by
the British in the doings of the patriots, both in Europe
and in South America. Sympathy was extended in the
most genuine fashion, although it must be admitted that
some of the anticipations were by no means altogether
disinterested. There were serious hopes, for instance,
that the South Americans, once freed from the yoke of
Spain, might turn to Great Britain, and incorporate them-
selves in that liberal empire. It was a stupendous dream.
Had something beyond half measures been taken to ma-
terialize it — and the sending of an incapable commander
in charge of a British force is surely a half measure — the
history of the temperate portions of South America might
have been different, although, as subsequent events have
proved, it would not have run so natural and so Latin a
course. But, so far as the entire continent was con-
cerned, that is another story altogether, and here un-
doubtedly the vision was very thin and dim. Captain
Cochrane has an interesting reference to a document
which was drawn up on the(^2nd of December, 1797, by
the representatives of South America. This contained
various proposals, and was entrusted to the famous
SOUTH AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 165
South American, Miranda, to place before the British
cabinet.
This document was a striking instrument, and it clearly
proves the intellect and ambitious foresight of those who
combined to draw it up. One of its early clauses stipu-
lated that Great Britain should render to the South Amer-
icans a specified amount of military assistance toward the
attainment of their independence in return for a payment
of thirty millions sterling. /X)ther clauses related to a
commer-cial treaty between Great Britain and South
America, a connection between the Bank of England and
those of Lima and Mexico, and a project of alliance be-
tween the United States and South America. But, in
the light of the affairs of to-day, the most salient clauses
concerned a defensive alliance between Great Britain, the
United States of America, and South America, and the
opening of the navigation between the Atlantic and Pa-
cific oceans by cutting across the Isthmus of Panama, and
the guarantee of its freedom of the British nation !
Surely this document needs no comment. They were
very remarkable men, those Latin Americans who worked
in the midst of a political chaos for the freedom of their
continent, and whose genius is slowly revealing itself like
true ears of corn now that the chaff of a century is blow-
ing away ! -
The British Government must have been not a little im-
pressed by this, for it would appear that in 1798 they
made an actual offer to provide money and ships, pro-
viding that the United States would provide ten thou-
sand troops. The United States avoided a definite reply,
and the matter, in consequence, fell through.
There is no doubt that it was a not unusual vacillation
in the first place, and an altered European political and
militant situation in the second, that prevented the offi-
cial participation of the English a few years later. On
the other hand, every private encouragement was given.
British ministers in London clapped the visiting South
166 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
Americans on the back ; Miranda was given permission to
recruit in Trinidad and Barbados, while in England muni-
tions were made ready, and volunteers prepared them-
selves for action.
Curiously enough, too, an Irishman of the name of
Burke wrote in 1811 a series of stirring articles in the
''Caracas Gazette," urging the establishment of a free
constitution for Venezuela. These, one imagines, must
have been translated from English into the Spanish
tongue.
In dealing with the British soldiers and sailors who
fought on the patriot side on the actual outbreak of the
war there can be no attempt to catalogue, still less to de-
scribe, the infinitely numerous deeds and events in which
they were concerned. The aim of these chapters is
merely to show what type of men these were, with what
types of men they were brought into contact, and to ex-
hibit something of the tragedies and occasional quaint
humors of the South American campaigns.
The first cursory study of Admiral Cochrane 's life
alone would demonstrate the impossibility of dealing with
the historical side proper of these subjects in anything
short of bulky volume form. If these notes, therefore,
appear of an unduly fragmentary nature this must be
their excuse.
Of all those British who participated in, or witnessed
and chronicled, the events of the revolutionary wars in
the south of the continent, perhaps the most notable from
the standpoint of their associations and breadth of view
were Admiral Cochrane, General Miller, and Captain
Basil Hall. Moreover, the experiences of each of the
three form the natural complement of those of the other
two. Admiral Cochrane, as commander-in-chief of the
patriot Pacific fleet, represented the young South Amer-
ican navy ; Miller held high command in the patriot land-
forces, and Captain Basil Hall, as a most able and intelli-
gent officer in charge of a British warship on the South
SOUTH AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 167
American coast, had, as a spectator, rare opportunities
of which he took the fullest advantage.
Among the most graphic chroniclers of the Northern
campaign was the British ex-naval ofiQcer who anony-
mously wrote his ** Recollections of a Service of three
years in Venezuela and Colombia."
This may appear as a somewhat arbitrary selection out
of the multitude of British who distinguished themselves
to a greater or lesser degree in the patriot cause. But
very few of the other gallant men possessed, in addition
to their knowledge of the war, the civil and social expe-
rience in South America of those I have named. Each
of these was brought into contact not only with nearly
every leading figure of the young South American com-
munities but with the generals of the decaying Spanish
cause as well.
Three of these, moreover, obtained a certain insight
into the politer domestic life of the Pacific coast of that
day, and each of the three knew the two greatest char-
acters of the militant revolution — ^the gallant San Mar-
tin, of the South, reserved and diffident almost to the
point of shyness in the hours of his greatest victories;
and the equally brave Bolivar, of the North, self -cen-
tered and with brilliant virtues slightly tinged with
theatrical elements, who entered the liberated cities to
the noise of cannon, the pealing of bells, and the blar-
ings of brass instruments, and who rejoiced in such
triumphal processions as that when his carriage was
drawn by one of the fairest bevies of young girls imagin-
able dressed in festal white.
As a matter of fact, these distinctions in the tempera-
ments of the two greatest South American leaders were
eminently appropriate to their circumstances. Bolivar
flamed out as the emotional child of the brilliant tropics.
San Martin represented the restraint and comparative
phlegm of the white race of the South. To lead the en-
tire continent even of to-day, the cooperation of a Bolivar
168 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
and of a San Martin would be every bit as necessary as
it was then.
From the British point of view the campaign of the
North differed widely in the manner of its conduct from
that of the South. The British who fought under Bolivar
amid the tropical plains, streams, mountains, and for-
ests of Colombia and Venezuela either formed a separate
corps of their own, or made up the entire complement of
the officers of an Indian regiment. In the South, on the
other hand, under San Martin, the British who came out
to play their part in the War of Independence took serv-
ice in the ordinary way with such South American regi-
ments as were already in being.
In either case the volunteers had committed themselves
to a sufficiently strenuous life. But, whereas in the South
the British found themselves surrounded by men with
whom they had from the start a great deal in common,
and in the midst of pleasant conditions of nature to which
they rapidly became accustomed, those others who fought
in the neighborhood of the Equator found themselves in
less fortunate case.
Apart from the circumstances of climate and diet to
which the British troops took a considerable time to ac-
custom themselves, the ferocity with which the campaign
was waged in the North had no parallel in the South.
The Northern generals were of all sorts and conditions of
men. There were one or two who possessed an intellect
almost comparable with that of Bolivar ; though no other
possessed his genius. There were brave and chivalrous,
if completely unlettered, guerilla leaders such as Paez.
But there were many others who rose like dusky foam
to the top of a critical situation by mere brute force and
an unscrupulous intrigue of which even the most ignorant
can be capable. Moreover, since the ordinary Northern
troops were almost entirely of Indian and Negro blood,
with a mere sprinkling of white officers, the measures in
retaliation for the atrocities initiated by the Spaniards
GENERAL SAN MARTIN
SOUTH AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 169
were only too thorough. On more than one occasion the
British legion was officially reproved for not having par-
ticipated in the slaughter that was decreed by the exigen-
cies of a war of extermination to follow a victory.
Certainly nothing could have raised the passions of
the Northern people more effectually than the Spanish
methods. That they were not the work of the better class
Spanish regulars will be evident when the nature of these
deeds is considered. From the earliest days of the war
it had been agreed that no quarter should be offered or
accepted on either side. The massacre of surrendered
garrisons was, therefore, an affair which was accepted
as a matter of course. To what lengths this calculated
policy was carried may be gathered from some sentences
of an intercepted letter from General Morillo to the king
of Spain : They refer to the royalist entry into Bogota :
"Every person, of either sex, who was capable of read-
ing and writing, was put to death. By thus cutting off
all who were in any way educated, I hoped to effectually
arrest the spirit of revolution."
But there were more terrible methods of repression
practised even than these. British officers have testi-
fied to the sight of South American women whose ears
and noses had been cut off; others had lost their eyes or
their tongues, while others again had had the soles of
their feet pared off. It is needless to dig deeper into
this catalogue of horrors. The South Americans had
their revenge, and in one place alone a pile of over seven
thousand dried Spanish skulls bore witness to this !
It seems clear, nevertheless that such practices were
foreign to the true inclinations of the dwellers in the
Northern States. Captain Cochrane, who entertained a
high regard for the Colombians, remarked of them:
* ' They have certainly a desire to adopt Eiiglish manners
and customs, and give a decided preference to everything
English. This may be thus accounted for : first, that for
a long period England was the country that furnished
170 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
them, through Jamaica (by means of the contraband
trade) with all the comforts or luxuries of life, and conse-
quently gave them a relish for everything English, and
engendered a kindly feeling toward the inhabitants of a
country which supplied all their wants ; and, secondly, be-
cause the natural turn of a native Colombian much more
assimilates with the character of an Englishman than that
of any other nation in Europe ; for he is reserved, thought-
ful, and fond of commercial pursuits. Though polite and
desirous to oblige on first introduction, yet, like an Eng-
lishman, he requires time, and a knowledge of your char-
acter, before he becomes intimate, and then you find him
to be an excellent and valuable friend. ' '
The first British troops who seem to have taken part
in the Northern War of Liberation comprised a small
body of men brought out by Sir Gregor McGregor.
These, when they had once accustomed themselves to the
climate, performed such admirable services that more of
their kind were in great demand in Colombia. On this
a gentleman of the name of English, who is said to have
been in the British commissariat service and who was in
Colombia at the time, made an agreement with the patriot
government to raise a new corps in England. Having
been given the rank of colonel in the Colombian service,
he departed for this purpose, in which he was eventually
successful.
In the meantime a Major Beamish, a retired British
officer, had busied himself in Ireland in raising a small
corps for the Colombian service. Entirely of his own
initiative he got together, armed, and equipped three
hundred men, and, having purchased a vessel of two hun-
dred and eighty tons, he set out with them for Colombia.
As fortune would have it, this enterprising officer died
suddenly of apoplexy on the voyage; but his contingent
arrived safely at its destination, on the 28th of August,
1818, and subsequently played a gallant part in the cam-
paign.
SOUTH AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 171
In due course Colonel English, now promoted to the
rank of general, arrived at the island of Margarita with
a force of two thousand splendid British troops drawn
from the Peninsula veterans of the regular army. A
little later a Mr. Devereux, who was given the rank of
general in the Colombian army, raised some two thou-
sand raw recruits in Ireland, and caused these to be
transported, in unfavorable circumstances, to Colombia.
Such are the main facts concerning the arrival of the
British forces. Ma.ny of the officers engaged had dis-
tinguished themselves in previous campaigns. Some of
the most prominent of these were Rooke, Ferrier, Mackin-
tosh, Sir Gregor McGregor, Lyster, Sandes, Pigot, Keen,
Hamilton, Wilson, Manby, Woodberry, Blossett, Stop-
ford, Davy; to say nothing of Francis MaQeroni, Murat's
aide-de-camp, who became an Englishman, and was with
Sir Gregor McGregor at the capture of Puerto Bello,
ultimately becoming a general in the Colombian service.
Having now dealt with these main features, we may
turn to some of the details of the men and actions. On
the landing of the first British contingent on Venezuelan
soil the prospects of the newcomers appeared anything
but rosy. So abrupt was the change of food and climate
that the effect of these circumstances was in the first
place disastrous to the British troops, though for the
most part these were splendid and war-seasoned men.
The officers were a fine set, almost entirely obtained
from the regular British army, who had been attracted
by the offer of a corresponding rank in the Colombian
army to that which they held in their own. But the
health of not even the most seasoned of the veterans of
the rank and file could withstand the rations which were
served out to them, and to which the native troops were
accustomed. These consisted purely and simply of three
pounds of beef distributed each day — and not a single
grain of anything beyond, whether in the shape of salt,
bread, or vegetables!
172 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
This was the fare to which the soldiers had to accus-
tom themselves in the grazing country. When in the
sugar-cane districts, they found that a similar lack of
variety obtained ; for here a regime of sugar-cane served
for every meal, although it must be admitted that from
time to time a few plantains were forthcoming by way
of special gratification!
The effects of this extraordinary diet, and of the-
numerous privations suffered, soon became evident. Dy-
sentery and other forms of sickness played havoc with
the ranks of the British. In consequence of this when
they first attempted to take part in the strenuous marches
of the patriot forces the results were lamentable. Day
after day men fell out of the ranks to die by the roadside :
others were mounted on horses, to the backs of which
their weak condition only just enabled them to cling. A
contemporary asserts that the unfortunate corps '*soon
appeared more like a field hospital than a battalion fit
for duty in front of an enemy, and served only as a
laughing stock and ridicule for the other troops, who
were inured to the climate and bad fare. ' '
All this was to say nothing of the insect pests, jiggers,
thorns which tore the uniforms wholesale from the men's
backs, and small, fierce fish which bit entire mouthfuls
from their legs as they forded shallow streams. There
was the mountain sickness, too, the Soroche, which in the
loftiest altitudes frequently ended fatally.
Soldiering in Venezuela and Colombia held many ex-
periences which were disconcerting to a degree, and here
the matter was rendered worse by an ignorance of those
precautions which a tropical climate demands of the new-
comer. As a result of all this a battalion which had
landed three hundred and fifty strong could, after two
or three months, muster no more than one hundred and
fifty men! And these were sorry-looking specimens of
humanity, clad in a few rags and tatters.
Thus, curiously enough, the actual first entry into South
SOUTH AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 173
America of the British troops who were destined to win
for themselves so high a reputation there was achieved
under the most unpromising auspices. Before the es-
tablishment of the subsequent cordial relationship be-
tween them and the South Americans, a sentiment of
mutual depreciation obtained; for in the first place the
British mistook the sound strategy of the continuous
patriot retreats for an aversion to meet the enemy.
This condition of affairs continued until the British
went into action against the Spaniards for the first time.
When the engagement was over they had lost a third of
their number in killed and wounded, their commander,
Colonel Rooke — a fine officer, who had been aide-de-camp
to the Prince of Orange at Waterloo — ^being among the
latter, and subsequently dying of his hurts. Of the re^
maining officers, Lieutenant Kaisley was killed, and Lieu-
tenant M'Manus was wounded.
But, mauled though it had been, the affair had been a
triumph for the small British force. Backed by their
now admiring patriot allies, they had fought their way
with the bayonet inch by inch uphill, and, together with
General Paez's cavalry, had with reckless gallantry
turned a threatening defeat into victory. And it was
now for the first time that they themselves saw the real
fighting qualities of the South Americans. The roar of
battle had drowned the mutual misconceptions for good
and all.
**And what do you think of the British now?" asked
Doctor Foley of Greneral Ansuartagui, who had recently
taken to an open expression of doubt as to whether these
Northern troops were even worth their daily three pounds
of beef.
"They're worth their weight in gold," confessed the
General frankly, and from that moment his attitude to-
ward the British changed as completely as did that of
his compatriots.
The battle of Boyaca, which took place on the 7th of
174 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
August, consolidated the reputation of the British, whose
ranks had now received some reinforcements. In order
to make good the numerous casualties suffered it was fre-
quently found necessary to incorporate South American
troops in the Albion battalion. In connection with this,
Captain Cochrane remarks: ''The British had become
at length such good marchers, that they always formed
the advance-guard of the army, being now complained of
as marching too fast, instead of too slow as formerly.
Such was the esprit de corps, that the very natives in-
corporated in this battalion thought themselves above the
other soldiers, and called themselves English, and swore
in English by way of keeping up their title. ' '
As a matter of fact, the British influence at this period
rapidly permeated all grades of society, and was notice-
able even in that the Iberian Viva! was superseded for a
considerable time by Hip ! Hip ! ! Huzzah ! ! !
In Colombia too it may be said that the British mer-
chants showed at least as much enterprise as elsewhere.
Many of them provided important amounts of warlike
stores, hoping to be reimbursed when the fall of the city
of Angostura should endow the patriot coffers with im-
mense treasure. But Angostura, once captured, proved
a hollow plum! Loss and disappointment were inevit-
able in other directions, too, so long as the patriot cause
had not definitely prevailed, and the fluctuations of war
continued.
As a matter of fact, a number of the earliest flight of
these mercantile swallows who came in person found that
they had arrived before the true South American sum-
mer had set in ! Numbers, understanding nothing of the
climate, died of sickness, while others underwent perils
of another order. Thus, when the Spanish General
Morillo recaptured Cartagena, he seized all the British
and foreign merchants, and would have shot them all,
but for the interference of the British admiral on the
West India station. Surely experiences such as these
SOUTH AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 175
justified a considerable financial profit — which did not
always materialize.
When General English arrived in Venezuela he was
in charge of two thousand troops of as fine a quality as
had ever left England. Having found himself financially
unable to cope with his important contract, he had handed
this over to a Mr. Herring, a prominent London mer-
chant, who had completed his share of the bargain in a
most liberal and praiseworthy fashion. At the end of a
voyage carried out in well-appointed vessels the men
landed on Venezuelan soil finely uniformed and equipped.
The voyage had not passed without incident, for at
Trinidad, the local authorities, at the instance of the gov-
ernor of the island. Sir Ealph Woodford, had made an
attempt to detain the expedition. As a result a sea-en-
counter ensued between some small local vessels and the
expeditionary ships, assisted by a Venezuelan corvette
officered and manned by Englishmen, which ended in the
discomfiture of the former.
On its landing in Venezuela, General English's force
appears to have suffered in the same way as the rest
from the local climate and food. General Urdineta, more-
over, under whose command they were placed, took very
little pains to render himself popular with the newcomers,
and appears to have been cordially disliked.
It was undoubtedly largely owing to the behavior of
this general that in the early days of their arrival the
British troops suffered some slights, and that their re-
monstrances on the subject of arrears of pay were frig-
idly received. It was on account of this that Colonel
Blossett fought a duel with, and wounded, a Venezuelan
brigadier-general, and thus was one of the first to mani-
fest a spirit that compelled respect.
General English himself appears to have faithfully
carried out all his duties; but he does not seem to have
possessed the temperament of a born soldier. A con-
temporary opinion of him was that, ''as an officer he was
176 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
destitute of energy, and experience ; as a man he was gen-
erous and open-hearted. All that can be said of him in
reference to his conduct as commander of the British
legion is, that he mistook his profession, for which in-
deed he was physically unfitted."
The character of Devereux, who raised the chief Irish
legion, appears to have been rather complex. It is said
that, the son of an Irishman who suffered the extreme
penalty of the law for his participation in the Irish re-
bellion, he began his career in mercantile pursuits in the
United States. In 1815 he went to Cartagena, and dis-
cussed with Bolivar the project of raising an Irish legion ;
but no steps appear to have been taken in this direction
until General English had succeeded in recruiting his
formidable force in England.
On this Devereux returned to Venezuela and secured a
contract signed by Bolivar. He then proceeded to Dub-
lin, and, having announced his mission with some pomp,
he was given a public reception. He met with no dif-
ficulty in raising recruits, for the cause in which he
pleaded appealed to the Hibernian element of romance.
In a very short time he had assembled two thousand men.
Scarcely any of these, however, had the advantage of
knowing anything whatever about military life, and as a
fighting force they represented completely raw material.
Officers, too, were obtained almost entirely from the
civilian ranks of the higher classes, although some junior
officers in the British army parted with their commis-
sions in order to purchase others in the Venezuelan ser-
vice. It is said that from the sale of these commissions
Devereux obtained no less than sixty thousand pounds,
which he retained for himself.
Devereux did not accompany this force to South
America, and, after suffering many privations on the
voyage, it was landed at the island of Margarita, only to
have its ranks withered by yellow fever, of which seven
hundred and fifty men perished in a short time.
SOUTH AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 177
A species of disillusion other than climatic awaited the
officers of the unfortunate corps. In his enthusiasm for
the Venezuelan cause, and for easy coin, Devereux had
sold no fewer than one hundred and sixteen colonel's
commissions ! Here, then, were the one hundred and six-
teen Venezuelan colonels — many of them mere youths —
arrived on Venezuelan soil, only to discover that their
new government, ignorant of their commissions, refused
them their rank, to say nothing of its attendant pay ! It
was the same with numerous officers of other grades.
The chagrin and chaos of the raw army can be imagined.
Many of the disappointed officers, having secured a little
money by the sale of their personal effects, took passage
for the "United States, and departed for good. Some
are even alleged to have died of starvation.
When General Devereux himself came out to South
America the ferment had died down, and despair and
death had already sadly reduced the ranks of the legion.
Devereux and his self-appointed staff arrived in a char-
tered coal-brig. The description of this arrival as given
by the naval author of **Eecollections of a service of
three years ... in the Eepublics of Venezuela and Col-
ombia," although it savors a little of bitterness, is worth
giving here :
''I went on deck and was saluted by a jolly-looking old
fellow with a nose of a deep rubicund tint, who was walk-
ing the deck, and who asked me fifty questions in an in-
stant. This personage proved to be no other than Father
'Mullin, an Irish Catholic priest, who had been induced
to join the retinue of Devereux, at the recommendation
of the celebrated orator, Mr. Daniel O'Connell (whose
son accompanied the leader as aide-de-camp) under the
title of Chaplain to the Irish Legion, and private con-
fessor to its promoter. Father 'Mullin, with much
ceremony and circumlocution, informed me that General
Devereux was on board, and requested me to go below
into his cabin to see him. ' '
178 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
He found the General in despair, presenting a very un-
military attitude, as he was under the impression that
the ship had been seized and that he was about to be
arrested. Having been reassured, he was further com-
forted by the news that an official reception was being
prepared for him on the following day. This is our naval
author's account of what followed:
''Next morning, at the time appointed, I went again to
the General, who was far from ready. This arose from
the time he took to equip himself for the occasion, and
the total ignorance of himself and suite of the method of
arranging military appointments, the General and most
of his staff (as he termed them) never having been at-
tached to any army. . . . The General's dresses were all
soldered up in tin cases, that the luster of the lace and
bullion might not be diminished by the damp during the
voyage. He was busily engaged in opening them when
I entered the cabin ... at length all was clear, and we
beheld a most magnificent French field-marshal's uni-
form, so bedizened with lace that it seemed as if the
owner had considered personal appearance of far more
consequence in a war-of-extermination than discipline or
strength of numbers. ' '
Alas ! On his way to the banquet which had been pre-
pared Devereux's horse endeavored to roll at the edge
of a pond, and Devereux's brilliancy lost its first bloom.
At the banquet itself he found himself in his element;
for oratory was one of his strongest points, and he now
found ample opportunity for its display. He spoke for
nearly two hours, and frequently interrupted the officer
who translated his words by such expressions as ''Tell
*em, I '11 destroy every Spaniard in South America ; tell
'em that!" ''Say, that all Ireland is up in their cause,
in consequence of my representations; tell 'em that!"
At last the translator gave up his task with the despair-
ing remark : ' ' You must wait till you can tell them your-
SOUTH AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 179
self, General, for I never talked so much before in my
life."
Undoubtedly the manner of Deverenx's arrival was on
a par with much else connected with himself and his un-
disciplined troops. That this very sudden general was
an adventurer, there can be no doubt. But that he was
totally specious, as has been alleged, seems very improb-
able. What would have been easier for a thoroughgoing
scoundrel than to have gone off with the money he had
made from the sale of commissions, and never to have
sailed to South America at all?
At a later period, moreover, Devereux showed himself
capable of actions such as might wipe out a good many
illicit safes of commissions. When Mrs. English, the
widow of the General, was grossly insulted by General
Barino, the then Vice-President of the State, Devereux,
hotly resenting the attempted ill-treatment of his coun-
trywoman, called out the villainous high official, with the
result that he himself suffered a brutal imprisonment for
forty-seven days, until a public court-martial instantly
acquitted him.
Such acts as these plainly show that General Devereux
must have possessed many good points, and that prob-
ably one of his worst failings consisted of too fervid an
imagination !
The rest of the story of the Irish legion may be told in
a few words. The first military feat undertaken by that
which remained of the corps was the capture of the town
of Eio de la Hacha. Here, finding a large stock of bever-
ages and food, they gave up all idea of learning to submit
to discipline, and took to plunder and excesses. In the
end a number of them made their way to Kingston in
the island of Jamaica, where they continued their wild
conduct, and became a source of considerable trouble to
the authorities. Of the entire number some three hun-
dred returned to Ireland, and a hundred and fifty re-
180 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
mained with the patriot armies, becoming trained into
excellent soldiers, and eventually being incorporated with
the British legion.
Of the various actions in which the British fought, the
most notable was the decisive battle of Carabobo, which
took place on the 24th of June, 1821. The strength of
the corps on this occasion was about six hundred, two
hundred of its number having been distributed to stiffen
the ranks of the native battalions. Beyond these were a
hundred of the Irish legion, and some native troops offi-
cered by British.
In the course of this engagement the British, under
Colonel Mackintosh, and the Irish, led by Colonel Ferrier,
going to the aid of a patriot battalion which was on the
point of falling back, swept forward into the midst of the
Spaniards in an irresistible bayonet charge. In this
Colonel Ferrier, bearing the regimental colors, fell most
gallantly at the head of his men. This charge, united to
a furious onslaught by General Paez's cavalry, restored
the fortunes of the day, and with this patriot victory died
the last hope of the Spaniards in the North.
After the battle the British and Irish legions were
united, and were distinguished by the name of ' ' The Regi-
ment of Carabobo." The corps received the thanks
of Bolivar and of the Colombian Congress — thanks
that were well earned, as the casualty list showed,
for the British lost two-thirds of their number in this
action.
It is, of course, impossible to enter here into more
than one or two of the individual feats of the men who
helped to make a fine record in the British military an-
nals. Perhaps one of the most salient instances of per-
sonal prowess was that given by Captain Rush, who in the
action of the 28th of April slew no less than eleven of the
enemy with his own hands.
The tragic death, too, of Captain Chamberlayne, one
of Bolivar's aides-de-camp, is worthy of more than a
SOUTH AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 181
passing word. Left with a handful of men to defend
the city of Cumana against a large Spanish force, he
held out in the Casa Fuerte in the center of the town until
the want of provisions combined with an incessant bom-
bardment made the spot completely untenable. The rem-
nants of the garrison could resist no longer; but Cham-
berlayne was determined not to yield himself alive. In
his company was a very lovely girl from Caracas, to
whom he was devotedly attached. The girl, whose affec-
tion was as ardent as his, chose to die with him.
Chamberlayne placed a pistol to her head, another to
his own, and it was over the dead bodies of the pair that
the Spaniards rushed in to massacre the surviving mem-
bers of the garrison.
A more cheery topic is that of the jovial and daring
young Irish officer, who, moved to a mad freak, was re-
sponsible for a premature capitulation of Caracas. Hav-
ing privately borrowed three general's uniforms (from
which it will be obvious that generals were not rare in
the Northern patriot army!) he dressed himself in one
of them, and a couple of servants in the other two.
Then, slipping away from Bolivar's headquarters, he
rode to Caracas, displayed a flag of truce, and demanded
of the governor the surrender of the city, on the pretense
that Bolivar's army had advanced to within three miles
of the place. The governor, deceived by this bold front,
capitulated, and the Irish officer rode back in triumph
to Bolivar, with the document of surrender, sealed and
signed, in his hand. A comrade of this ingenious offi-
cer says of him: *'Our Lieutenant acquired by this ad-
venture the name of 'The towntaker.' He was a brave
young man, though thoughtless. He rose rapidly in the
army; but, not long after I left the country, was killed,
at the recapture of Maracaibo by the royalists."
The hands of the British were, in general, so free from
loot during this campaign that the spoil which these
shared with their South American comrades at the taking
182 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
of the cathedral of the town of Barcelona must be con-
sidered as the fruit of a rare lapse. The chief treasure
was concealed in a secret chamber beneath the altar, and
the story of its discovery suggests the pages of Edgar
Allan Poe or Robert Louis Stevenson: *'0n tapping
round it, we judged by the hollowness of the sound, that
there was a closet behind it ; and continuing our search,
we found three spring-bolts rather clumsily attached to
the frame, upon the touching of which the altar-piece
flew open, and disclosed a spacious room, filled with boxes
of various dimensions. Colonel Blossett, who thought
that this apparent concealment, coupled with other in-
dications, implied the existence of a hidden treasure, im-
mediately jumped into the room with such violence that
myriads of spiders and ^n enormous cloud of dust came
tumbling about his ears. After shaking himself, to get
clear of this disagreeable annoyance, he assiduously com-
menced operations. ... In a niche we also found one of
the most valuable relics of the place, at least to the
monks. This was the body of a man of gigantic stature,
curiously preserved in a case with a glass cover. It wore
a loose dress of white satin, in the Roman form, and
round its neck was a golden collar of great weight, set
with emeralds and pearls, to which was fastened a chain
of the same metal, each link being elegantly chased. On
its wrists and ankles were bracelets similar to the collar,
to each of which the chain was also fixed; and a crown
adorned its head, whereon its name was enameled at full
length. This was shown by the priests as the remains of
St. Lawrence, the patron saint of the city, to whom the
cathedral was dedicated. To him were all miracles as-
cribed, and for him, and in his name, were all contribu-
tions levied.'*
It appears that the ladies of the town were, justly
enough, not a little incensed at the spoliation of their
patron saint.
''Here!" exclaimed one, **they have stripped poor St.
SOUTH AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 183
Lawrence, and everybody knows that he was a good old
soldier ! ' '
**Very true," replied an officer, ''but you know that all
soldiers are liable to lose their baggage in time of war."
Nevertheless, since it was the British who were re-
sponsible for the loss of this particular baggage, it is to
be feared that the act did not render them more popular
in the eyes of the priests, who from the day of their
first landing had regarded them with aversion, and who
had assiduously spread unfavorable reports concerning
them. They even went the length of instilling into their
flock theories to the effect that the British were canni-
bals — cannibals, moreover, whom nature had adorned
with a tail. It was on this account that, for some time
after their landing, the officers of the legion noticed so
many searching glances cast toward their figures, fol-
lowed by the baffled look of one who fails to see with his
eyes that which his mind had confidently predicted !
It is not generally realized that at one period of the
War of Independence there were no less than two thou-
sand British seamen serving in Bolivar's fleet and in the
river gunboats. These men were frequently utilized in
land fighting, and made up a most efficient force.
Certainly none of the merit of such services as they
performed was to be ascribed to Admiral Brion, the first
commander of Bolivar's navy. Brion, a native of
Curagoa, was of Dutch origin, and, until he entered the
Venezuelan service at the age of forty, he had had no
experience whatever of naval matters. Indeed, the only
reason why he attained at one leap to his high com-
mand was that his wealth had in the first instance en-
abled him to provide out of his own pocket the squadron
he commanded!
Brion seems to have been honestly and enthusiastically
devoted to the cause. On the other hand, he gave only
too abundant proofs of his foolishness, pig-headedness,
and utter incompetence. Brion, in fact, was a crank
184 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
whose eccentricity verged at times on madness. What
can be thought, for instance, of a naval commander who,
when he caught sight of a hostile fleet in a position which
would have made its defeat easy, contented himself with
firing a salute of twenty-one guns, and with hoisting a
demijohn of wine and a live turkey at the yardarms of his
vessel, and then sheered off!
The uniform which Brion chose for himself was not of
the kind to impress naval spectators with the technical
and sober eflSciency of its wearer. On his own quarter-
deck he was usually attired in ''an English hussar jacket
and scarlet pantaloons, with a broad stripe of gold lace
down each side, a field marshal's uniform hat, with a
very large Prussian plume, and an enormous pair of
dragoon boots, with heavy gold spurs of a most incon-
venient length. ' '
Brion invariably displayed a deep prejudice against
all Europeans, and did his best to thwart the British in
the Venezuelan service. His command, however, was not
of long duration. He was succeeded by Padilla, a native
of Kio de la Hacha, and a brave and practical seaman.
Among those of the British who distinguished themselves
in this Venezuelan naval service were Chitty, Bingham,
Noel, Cobham, and Russel. All these were in command
of warships of various kinds, but I have named them thus
curtly, being uncertain as to what precise rank they held
in a navy that was of necessity of a somewhat improvised
kind.
Bolivar's relations with the British troops in general
were of the most cordial description throughout. The
Liberator was outspoken in his admiration for the legion,
and at a banquet would frequently drink reverently to
the memory of the dead, more especially to that of Rooke,
whom he had especially esteemed.
Bolivar's ardent and tropical temperament frequently
led him into performances of a theatrical nature which
to the colder Northern mind might easily obscure his real
GENERAL BOLIVAR
SOUTH AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 185
generosity and frank good fellowship. If there were
times when Bolivar loved to pose before his troops in a
glittering uniform, no one had a better right. Even the
fainting emotion which he sometimes indulged in the
face of rapturous public applause was a perfectly harm-
less weakness. That he was an excellent comrade in
times of stress has been proved by many Englishmen in
his service. When Colonel Rooke, for instance, was
robbed of his baggage on the plains of the Apure, it was
Bolivar who gave him half his own wardrobe, scanty
enough though it was on the march. A circumstance, too,
that won the Liberator the respect of many soldiers was
that he was a quite unusually good shot, and a fine swim-
mer. When the circumstances warranted such peaceful
exercises, moreover, he was noted for the excellence of
his dancing.
Another of his ofBcers, Colonel Mackintosh, was em-
phatic concerning Bolivar's exertions on the march:
''On the expedition to New Granada in 1819, we had a
number of rapid mountain torrents to pass : in order to
cross those which were not fordable, we dragged along
two small canoes, fastened to the tails of horses, by means
of which we were sometimes enabled to make a bridge;
at other times they were used to carry over the troops,
arms, etc., whilst those soldiers who had learnt the art
of swimming, swam through the water. Upon all these
occasions, Bolivar was very active, himself setting the
example of labor, and frequently working harder than
any common soldier. On passing rapid rivers where
there were fords, he was constantly to be seen assisting
the men over, to prevent their being carried away by the
force of the torrent ; and carrying on his own horse am-
munition, arms, and pouches."
At the battle of Boyaca, Bolivar was clad in a some-
what overpowering full dress of scarlet and gold. But
this did not prevent him, his trumpeter by his side con-
tinually sounding the advance, from plunging at the head
186 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
of a single squadron of cavalry four leagues in advance
of his army, by which means he secured a large number
of prisoners which could have been obtained by no other
means.
It may be remarked that this famous South American
leader, for whom the British fought with genuine en-
thusiasm, was extremely temperate in his habits, smoking
very rarely, and never indulging in spirits. The more
lukewarm among his admirers have asserted that this
sobriety of his was in a sense obligatory, since a too gen-
erous allowance of wine was wont to throw him into a
state of excitation from which it took him many days to
recover. However this may have been, Bolivar had no
fear of London bottled porter, of which he frequently
carried with him a stock when on the march.
Mention has been made of Mrs. English, who accom-
panied General English on his expedition to South
America, and who, after her husband's death, continued
in that continent. This lady appears to have been of a
most resolute and estimable character, and after an un-
pleasant experience or two at the hands of some of the
less reputable of the native leaders, she appears to have
won the respect of all. Her house subsequently seems to
have formed one of the centers of Anglo-South American
society at Bogota.
It was in the course of a ball and supper at Mrs. Eng-
lish's house that a joyful and dramatic episode occurred.
The Vice-President of the new State was present, and in
the midst of the entertainment General Paez's English
aide-de-camp. Major Withen, arrived in hot haste with
the news that Puerto Cabello had been captured and that
the freedom of Colombia had finally been achieved. The
bearer of this despatch — signed by Colonel Woodberry —
had covered a distance between Puerto Cabello and Bo-
gota in twenty days, a feat never before achieved !
It is possible enough that the British legion may have
SOUTH AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 187
been accompanied by others of its officers' wives, but, if
so, I have come across no record of them.
When the War of Liberation came to an end not a few
of these British warriors turned their swords into local
plowshares — or their more modern equivalent. Colonel
Manby, for instance, proposed to occupy himself in sub-
stituting gas for the few feeble paper lanterns which glim-
mered from a street corner or two of Bogota of the early
nineteenth century. Colonel Johnston, in association
with a Mr. Thompson, obtained a grant of the richest
rock-salt mines in the North, at Zipaquira, which they in-
tended to work on the European plan, while Colonel
James Hamilton was given the sole right of navigating the
Orinoco River by means of steam vessels. Other officers,
moreover, obtained grants of land.
CHAPTER X
BRITISH FIGHTERS IN THE CAUSE OF SOUTH
AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE
(n)
Bernardo O'Higgins — State circumstances affecting his birth — Relations
between the great viceroy and his son — A haphazard early existence —
Meeting with Miranda and San Martin — The consequences of parental
neglect — On his father's death Bernardo O'Higgins arrives in Chile —
His life as a country gentleman — On the outbreak of war he espouses
the patriot cause — The battle of Rancagua — Admirable qualities of
Bernardo O'Higgins — Their value to the State — Captain Mehegan'a
book — Liberal methods of the Dictator — He maintains his dignity to the
end — Juan Mackenna — Early history — His arrival in South America —
Made Governor of Osorno by the Viceroy O'Higgins — Subsequent pro-
motion — Mackenna joins the patriots — Josg Miguel Carrera — A stormy
petrel — Animosity between Mackenna and Carrera — Problems of lead-
ership — Carrera banishes Mackenna across the Andes — He fails O'Hig-
gins at the battle of Rancagua — Flight of the South Americans into
Argentina — Carrera's intrigues in Mendoza are frustrated by Mackenna
— Mackenna is killed by Carrera in a duel — The Carreras — Benjamin
Vicufia Mackenna — Assistance rendered by the British community of
Mendoza — Lord Cochrane — Some characteristics of the great sailor —
Stormy career of this marine comet — At the request of Bernardo O'Hig-
gins he takes charge of the Chilean navy — His exploits in the Pacific
Ocean — The capture of the Esmeralda and of the Corral forts — Fric-
tion between Cochrane and San Martin — Bernardo O'Higgins mediator
— Cochrane's family — A battle episode — An incident in which Lady
Cochrane figured — William Miller — After serving in the British army
he sails to South America — Shortly after his arrival in Buenos Aires
he receives a commission in San Martin's army — His experiences in
the Pampa — Mendoza society — Miller joins his regiment in Chile — His
brother officers — A heterogeneous but genial group — After distinguish-
ing himself in his first action he is given command of a company of
marines — The frigate Lautaro's officers and crew — Captain O'Brien —
Death of this gallant sailor — Enthusiasm of the Lautaro's scratch crew
— Its curious composition — Fine achievements of the young navy —
The Chilean proves himself an admirable sailor — Satisfactory relations
between officers and men — Miller's marines — Proofs of devotion given
by this body — Miller visits Santiago — Gaieties of the capital — St. An-
drew's day — Lord Cochrane presides in Highland costume — Entertain-
188
SOUTH AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 189
mentd provided by the British fleet — The first cricket in Chile — Social
functions — Lady Cochrane and Senora Blanco as hostesses — Charm of
the Chilean ladies described by a contemporary admirer — ^The Chilean
fleet sets sail from Valparaiso — Admiral Guise — Miller's various wounds
— Some fallen British officers — Colonel Charles — Various posts held by
Miller — The Montonero cavalry — Motley appearance of the corps — Its
value as a fighting force — A dangerous feu de joie — Warfare in the
rainless Peruvian deserts — Elaborate strategy devised by Miller — In-
genious methods by which the Spaniards were outwitted — Local super-
stitions — Amenities between Miller and the Spanish leaders — On the
conclusion of the war Miller is made prefect of Potosi — His departure
from South America — Esteem in which he was held — ^Miller returns to
South America eight years later — His vicissitudes in altered circiun-
stanees — His death — Honors accorded to his body.
IN dealing with the struggle in the South of the con-
tinent we are confronted at the outset with an
anomaly. Strictly speaking, Bernardo O'Higgins,
the son of the famous Irish Viceroy of Peru, being a
Chilean and no British subject, has no place in these
pages. But, whatever his nationality, it is impossible to
pass without remark by so great an historical figure as
that of Bernardo 'Higgins.
A viceroy of Peru, holding so many of the privileges of
royalty, was subject to a corresponding number of the
restrictions of his high state. No viceroy, for instance,
was permitted to marry a lady who resided within his
viceregal territories. But for this law, it is probable
enough that Bernardo O'Higgins would have been born in
wedlock, for his mother, Isabel Riquelme, belonged to one
of the aristocratic families of Chile. She undoubtedly
proved an admirable mother, and a deep affection existed
between that lady, her son, and her daughter Rosa.
It was owing to the irregular circumstances of his fam-
ily that so little is known about Bernardo 'Higgins 's
quite early days. Even the date of his birth is surpris-
ingly vague, and it is generally conceded that it may have
occurred at any period between the years 1775 and 1780.
The biographies of very few eighteenth-century men of
his eminence contain so shrouded a birthday as this !
190 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
The Viceroy Ambrose O'Higgins publicly recognized
Bernardo as his son. At the same time it must be ad-
mitted that his care for his offspring was of a desultory
species. As a boy of fifteen the latter was sent to Spain,
and from there he went on to England, remaining some
time at a school at Richmond.
At this very early stage of his existence he was ap-
parently left entirely to his own devices. Usually, his
father's agents supplied him with a sufficient amount of
money, but there were times when he suffered from a
temporary neglect, and when funds ran low. After four
or five years of this comparatively haphazard existence
he sailed for Spain.
It is curious to reflect that it was this very free-lance
life imposed by the merely casual attention bestowed on
him by Don Ambrosio which brought Bernardo O'Higgins
into contact, in England and Spain, with South American
patriots such as Miranda and San Martin. In fact, had
it not been for this parental neglect, it is morally certain
that he would never have formed those connections nor
drunk in those progressive ideas which eventually caused
him to play so great a part in the subsequent overthrow
of that mighty empire, of which, at the time, his father
was the greatest administrator.
After experiencing numerous vicissitudes and occa-
sional privations in Spain, Bernardo O'Higgins, having
learned of his father's death, when he himself was twenty-
four years of age, set sail for Chile, and very nearly
ended his days at Cape Horn, where the vessel in which
he was a passenger struck a rock, and lay for a time in
the greatest peril. Eventually he arrived home in safety
in the Chilean winter of 1802.
He now found himself in possession of hacienda of con-
siderable importance bequeathed him by his father, and,
entering the militia, he lived for a time the life of a
Chilean country gentleman. During this period it ap-
SOUTH AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 191
pears that his views were looked on with suspicion by
the Spanish authorities.
When the War of Independence broke out Bernardo
O'Higgins definitely ranged himself on the patriot side.
In the stress of the early, and frequently disastrous, con-
flicts he had ample opportunity to prove his courage as
well as his resource. One of the most notable instances
of this occurred at the battle of Eancagua, where his
forces — deserted by his treacherous ally Carrera^ — ^were
hemmed in by a greatly superior Spanish force. An in-
furiated struggle raged, and the Spaniards attacked al-
most without cessation for thirty-six hours. In the heat
of the bitter struggle each side hoisted the black flag, a
somber standard that waved a grim message to the fight-
ers that no quarter was to be given or expected !
The Chilean magazine had exploded; ammunition had
given out, and the houses of the town amid which they
fought were blazing fiercely. Even then Bernardo
'Higgins did not despair. He hastily caused a number
of horses, mules, and cattle to be collected. Side by side
with a gallant comrade, Eamon Freire, he placed himself
at the head of a remnant of scarcely more than two hun-
dred of his men. Then, driving the livestock furiously
before them to confuse their enemies, the survivors
charged out of the burning town, and cut their way
through the ranks of the Spaniards.
On this occasion 'Higgins received a bullet through
the leg, the first of the wounds he was destined to receive
in the patriot service.
It is clear that, in addition to his qualities of courage
and statesmanship, the lovable character of Bernardo
'Higgins assisted in winning for him the great influence
he possessed. It seems frequently to have been his lot
to play the part of a mediator. He had this temperament
of his to thank, early in the campaign, for his appoint-
ment as commander-in-chief of the Chilean forces — an
O
192 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
appointment whicli, as one who had received no military
education, he accepted only after some demur. He does
not seem to have been one of the objects even of the many
hatreds of Jose Carrera, while, the frequent involuntary
umpire in the disputes between Cochrane and the Argen-
tine leader San Martin, he achieved the seemingly im-
possible in retaining the affection of both.
A master mariner. Captain John J. Mehegan, has quite
recently produced a book, ' ' 'Higgins of Chile. ' ' In ac-
tual volume it is a small literary egg, but it is very full
of yolk! In this interesting little work the author has
followed the career of Bernardo 'Higgins with the en-
thusiastic closeness of a genuine admirer. A couple of
paragraphs from his preface will bring the career of
Bernardo 'Higgins, when at its zenith, very near to our
own days:
* ' Many an adventurous seaman from the shores of the
Mersey and Thames joined 'Barney's Navy,' and helped
to break the Spanish power in the South Pacific ; and the
writer in his early days met a few of these 'sheer hulks'
who, under the cheering influence of hot grog, would
thaw out, unseal their usually taciturn organs of speech,
and recount their adventures and experiences while en-
gaged in the service of the 'Irish Dago.' "
As dictator of the new State — the era of presidents had
not yet been arrived at in South America — Bernardo re-
vealed those great qualities of government with which
history has made the world sufficiently familiar. In many
respects his methods resembled those of his father, the
viceroy. The liberal mind of the latter had frequently
nonplussed the Spanish authorities: the progressive
measures of the son frequently brought him into collision
with the more conservative elements of the new Chile —
the elements, in fact, which most closely resembled those
of the old Chile.
It was the manner in which his progressive policy was
opposed by the conservative section that led to Bernardo
SOUTH AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 193
O'Higgins's retirement from power. This momentous
step lie carried out of his own initiative, and the ceremony
with which he divested himself of the insignia of his rank
and proclaimed himself a private citizen was characteris-
tically simple and dignified. Indeed, the sunset of
Bernardo 'Higgins 's career was every whit as impres-
sive as its midday hour. More remarkable still, his hold
upon the people's affection was as strong.
Colonel John Mackenna, who played a very prominent
part in the War of Liberation, came out to South America
under quite different auspices from those of his British
comrades in arms. This, however, was merely owing to
the fact that he arrived in that continent fifteen years or
so before the fateful campaign began.
Mackenna, who was born in 1771 at Clogher in the
county of Tyrone, began his military career in Spain.
Of a good family, he was received as a cadet in the Irish
regiment in that country, and served with some distinc-
tion in Morocco and against the French in the Peninsula.
He had attained to the rank of captain when it occurred
to him that South America promised greater things.
There, for instance, was looming the tremendous figure
of a countryman who had set out with not a tithe of
Mackenna 's advantages, 'Higgins, the Viceroy of Peru.
To the dismay of his parents Mackenna determined on
the venture, and, at the end of 1796, having been recom-
mended to Don Ambrosio 'Higgins, he set sail for
Buenos Aires. From that port he pricked along west-
wards through the hot summer dust of the flat Pampa,
crossed the Andes, and sailed northwards from the port
of Valparaiso to Lima.
'Higgins, finding that Mackenna was a man very much
after his own heart, made him governor of the town of
Osorno, and there, among the beautiful forests, moun-
tains, and streams of Southern Chile, Mackenna labored
with strenuous success at the problems of road-construc-
tion and of the repair and upkeep of the fortifications
194. BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
erected to defend the district against the attacks of the
warlike Araucanian Indians. He was afterwards given
charge of Valdivia, and so satisfied were the authorities
with his services that he was promoted to the rank of
colonel, and was made Governor of Valparaiso.
When the Civil War broke out Mackenna had every
material inducement to continue in the service of the
royalists.
But his convictions lay so strongly with the other side
that his material interests went by the board. He em-
braced the patriot cause, became a comrade of Bernardo
'Higgins, and together with him shared the vicissitudes
of the early Chilean campaign.
Very soon Mackenna found himself involved in the
confusion brought upon the patriot army by that arch-
conspirator and most unreliable of stormy petrels, Jose
Miguel Carrera. Carrera, one of three brothers who
afterwards suffered execution in Argentina, though he
fought as a leader on the Chilean side, had in reality
only one cause, and that was his own. On more than
one occasion his intrigues obtained for him the temporary
command of the patriot forces, but his character never
permitted him to retain this post for any length of time.
His adventurous disposition, moreover, was not of the
type which shows to the best advantages on the field of
battle, for in the face of the enemy he more than once
failed to lend to his comrades at a critical moment aid
which would have averted defeat and gained a victory.
From the start of the war Mackenna set himself with
resolution to oppose Carrera 's most unscrupulous moves,
with the result that a bitter animosity sprang up between
the pair. In the early days of the revolution, however,
when Mackenna was adjutant general and Carrera was
commander-in-chief, these sentiments had of necessity to
be suppressed.
At this juncture of the War of Liberation undoubtedly
Carrera stands for the evil genius of Chile, and Mackenna
SOUTH AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 195
and Bernardo O'Higgins for its good, though baffled,
angels. The latter pair fought strenuously side by side,
struggling hard to repair on the battle-field the harvest
of errors sown by the incapacity of Carrera.
Seeing that this condition of affairs could have no other
end but that of the ruin of the patriot cause, Mackenna in-
tervened, and his remonstrances with the Junta — the au-
thorities of the very youthful State of Chile — resulted in
'Higgins being named commander-in-chief of the forces
in the place of Carrera. The latter accepted the situa-
tion, since no other course was open to him at that mo-
ment, but he remained in the neighborhood of the armies,
poised like a hawk to pounce upon the first opportunity of
snatching power that should come his way.
After this the joint efforts of 'Higgins and Mackenna
stemmed for a time the royalist tide. But before long
the plotting of Carrera again proved successful. Hav-
ing obtained the control of the State, he endeavored to
make his precarious position more secure by banishing
Mackenna to Argentina across the Andes.
With the destinies of Chile in the irresponsible hands
of Jose Carrera and of his brothers Juan and Luis, a
crisis in the affairs of the young State was not long to be
delayed. At the fierce battle of Eancagua, Jose Carrera
left the gallant 'Higgins in the lurch, and although he,
with the remnant of his heroic deserted force, succeeded
in cutting a bloody way through the encircling Spaniards,
the result was a complete victory for the Spanish general
and a triumph for the royalist arms.
After the battle of Eancagua the patriot cause appeared
entirely lost. The capital was again occupied by the tri-
umphant Spaniards, while the remnant of the Chilean
force, accompanied by a number of brave ladies, struggled
over the Andes into Argentina, losing many of their
number in the course of the strenuous journey — a casualty
list which would have been increased but for the succor
and provisions which Mackenna sent to the stricken fugi-
^
196 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
tives from Mendoza, the town of his exile at the foot of
the eastern slopes of the Andes.
Jose Carrera — who had not delayed his flight until the
end of the battle of Rancagua — had arrived in Mendoza
with the rest of the fugitives. There he endeavored to
continue his intrigues; but he found that the sins of his
past were coming out into the daylight to roost! The
great Argentine, San Martin — who had received the rest
with the most cordial hospitality — looked upon him coldly,
and there was his enemy Mackenna on the spot — a witness
whose word was honored, and whose testimony could not
be doubted. Incensed that his plots should be thus baffled,
Jose Carrera picked an open quarrel with Mackenna,
chose Admiral Brown as his second, and in the duel that
followed Mackenna fell.
Undoubtedly this was one of the worst of the many
pieces of mischief which Carrera succeeded in doing to
the patriot cause ; for the history of the Carrerra brothers
would seem to be one of outrage that continually mounted
in audacity, and that was only checked by the execution
at different dates of all three.
But Mackenna, although he fell in this way, had at all
events bequeathed his race to the Chilean nation, as is
proved by the existence of Benjamin Vicuiia Mackenna,
one of the most famous of Chilean authors and statesmen,
who was born in 1831.
Preparations, moreover, for the campaign continued
without a break at Mendoza under the vigilant supervi-
sion of General San Martin. The great Argentine his-
torian, General Bartolome Mitre, states that the English
were the first of the youthful foreign communities to
volunteer assistance. According to this authority, they
raised a corps of riflemen, on the condition that the offi-
cers should be elected by themselves. This they did, be-
cause, in their own words ''appreciative of hospitality
and the rights of man, they could not view with indiffer-
ence the danger which threatened the country, and were
SOUTH AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 197
prepared to take up arms, and, if necessary to yield up the
last drop of their blood in its defense."
In the part played by the British in the War of In-
dependence in the Pacific one of the most notable figures
is that of Lord Cochrane. Now in a sense — and in one
sense only — this book resembles heaven. The more ma-
terial fame a man has enjoyed in his life, the less notice
he can receive in these pages ! In spite of objections to
the celestial claim, the procedure is inevitable, if a mere
repetition of popular history is to be avoided.
This applies to Cochrane more than to any other Brit-
ish fighter in the patriot cause. So much has already
been written about this most gallant and mercurial noble-
man that he must appear here merely in a few passing
glimpses — ^which is only fitting in a personality of his
elusive and extraordinary daring. Indeed, the peculiarly
Irish genius of the great Scotsman, which I have drunk
in eagerly from the period of boyhood's literature, some
years ago led me into an error that was due to absent-
mindedness rather than to ignorance. For not until the
Scottish papers came down upon my error with richly
justified severity was I made aware that I had written,
in a cotton- wool-headed moment ''the Irishman, Lord
Cochrane!" To what extent Dundonald himself would
have relished this tribute to his resource I do not know.
Much, I suppose, would have depended on his mood,
the normal frame of which left him in a condition spoiling
for a fight !
In his moments of action Cochrane was a magnificent
comrade. In the rush of a boarding party, the heat of a
hand-to-hand fight, and the steady irresistible advance
over the slippery decks, there was no living man whom
the ordinary sailor would rather have had by his side.
Had he reserved this mood for the turmoil of actual bat-
tle it would have been well for him and his friends. It
was precisely his inability to shake it off in times and
places that should have been devoted to peace that put
198 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
many people — including himself — to much inconvenience
in various parts of the world.
Before Bernardo O'Higgins had invited him to come
out to the Pacific in order to found the Chilean navy,
Cochrane had already achieved sufficient to cause his
name to be regarded with a wholesome dread by his
political enemies at home. But he had done more than
that. His combative methods in Parliament had imbued
his own co-legislators with a dread that was almost
equally profound, and, when he had once been removed
from the chamber by the force of many arms, there were
doubtless a number of the more timid who heaved a sigh
of relief on the Westminster bank of the Thames.
Bernardo O'Higgins had made no mistake in his man.
Lord Cochrane arrived in Chile in November, 1818, and,
a marine comet, was followed by an adventurous tail of
British and North American seamen. In four years or so
he had completely swept away the Spanish navy, that
had never even dreamed that a fleet flying any other flag
but its own could ever come into existence in the Pacific
Ocean. The great admiral's exploits on this coast are,
of course, world famous. The two most salient of these
are probably the daring and ingenious cutting-out of the
Spanish forty-gun frigate Esmeralda from under the guns
of Callao Castle, and the storming of the Coral forts in
Southern Chile, one of the most astonishing feats ever
accomplished by a squadron's landing party.
Beyond this were dozens of other performances of a
kind that could never have been achieved by a sailor of
less determination and initiative than Cochrane. All this
was to have been expected, and Cochrane received full
honors and acknowledgments from the Chilean people, for
whom he entertained a cordial affection.
On the other hand, there can be no doubt that Coch-
rane 's leisure moments were devoted with too much en-
thusiasm to the adjusting of grievances — real or imagin-
ary — such as required, if the former, little beyond diplo-
SOUTH AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 199
matic handling to be smoothed out of existence. With
all his admirable and gallant qualities, too much leisure
did not suit one who has been called "a kind of destroy-
ing angel, with a limited income, and a turn for politics ! ' '
It was lamentable, for instance, that Cochrane should
have fallen foul of San Martin. But, in any case, the
policy and temperaments of the two great men were
diametrically opposed. San Martin — ^whose valor was
blended with a shrewd and calculating caution of a Scot-
tish type — ^was more than once content to hold back his
arm and to let the forces of nature work irresistibly in
his favor. Cochrane, on the other hand — ^with a fire and
impatience that was essentially Latin! — became chafed
into a frenzy of irritation at a policy of impassivity which
was entirely foreign to his nature. Hence a mutual dis-
trust, and, only too often, a bitter correspondence.
Hence, too, an infinity of worries to the wise friend of
both, Bernardo O'Higgins, whose part it frequently was
to pour balm on the troubled spirits.
When Lord Cochrane sailed out to Chile it had been his
intention to remain there for the rest of his life. To this
end he had brought out with him agricultural implements,
seeds, and other objects. He also brought out his charm-
ing wife and his young son.
Of the innumerable, and well known, incidents which
might be repeated here did space permit is the one which
has this boy Tom^ — then a youngster of ten — for a hero,
when, his face covered with the brains of a marine killed
by a cannon ball, he tranquilly assured his father in the
midst of a naval engagement, ' * Indeed, Papa, the shot did
not touch me ; indeed, I am not hurt. ' ' But to attempt to
dive into the too great sea of such anecdotes would be to
get out of one's depth immediately.
As a hostess Lady Cochrane 's success was immediate
and great in a land famous for the fascination of its
women. Lady Cochrane 's popularity, moreover, was not
confined to the upper classes. Here is an episode, told
200 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
by John Miller, which occurred during Colonel (after-,
wards General) Miller's stay at Huacho:
' * On the day after his arrival there, and whilst he was
inspecting the detachments in the Plaza, Lady Cochrane
galloped on to the parade to speak to him (Miller). The
sudden appearance of youth and beauty, on a fiery horse,
managed with skill and elegance, absolutely electrified the
men, who had never before seen an English lady : ' Que
hermosa!' 'Que graciosa!' 'Quelinda!' 'Que guapa!'
'Que airosa! es un angel del cielo!' were exclamations
that escaped from one end of the line to the other. The
lieutenant-colonel, not displeased at this involuntary hom-
age, paid to the beauty of a country-woman, said to the
men, 'This is our Generala.' Her ladyship turned her
sparkling eyes toward the line, and bowed graciously.
The troops could no longer confine their expressions of
admiration to half-suppressed interjections; loud vivas
burst from ofl&cers as well as men. Lady Cochrane smiled
her acknowledgments, and cantered off the ground with
the grace of a fairy. ' '
In such delightful company as that of Lady Cochrane
we may well leave her gallant husband for a time.
William Miller, who was bom in 1795, had seen a con-
siderable amount of service with the British army in the
Peninsula and in North America, and had traveled Eu-
rope rather extensively in a private capacity, before he
sailed for Buenos Aires in 1817 in order to take up arms
in the cause of South American freedom. He chose the
South of the continent in preference to Colombia for the
reason that the former as yet was almost unvisited by the
foreign soldiers as well as mere adventurers who had
flocked in great numbers to the latter country.
Once landed on the rich alluvial soil of Buenos Aires, he
found himself in the midst of a community of his own
compatriots who had already firmly established them-
selves in that budding city. Although strongly tempted
by the lucrative commercial vista which was already re-
SOUTH AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 201
vealing itself in that spot, he determined to persist in his
chosen career of the sword. His closest friends in
Buenos Aires appear to have been people of the name of
Mackinlay, and a Mr. Dickinson, who presented him to
Pueyrredon, the supreme director of the new republic.
As a result of this he received in due course a cap-
tain's commission in the army of the Andes which, com-
manded by the famous Argentine general, San Martin,
was then in Chile. Before this, however, he had ridden
for long distances over the pampa, and had obtained con-
siderable experiences of the life of the plains. It was
there that he learned the ways of the Gaucho children of
the prairies, and watched them in their every-day tasks
when they galloped to ** round up" the cattle, or, having
lassoed and slain one of the herd, would roast its carcase
above the wood fire that blazed amid the green grasses
and scarlet verbena of the pampa, and, having cut away
long strips of the cooked flesh, would place the ends in
their mouths, and would slice the pieces clear from the
main strip by slashes of their long knives.
He would see them, too, in their festal lace and silver,
thrumming their guitars to love songs or chanted epics,
when a single mocking word would send the great sword-
knife whipping out from its sheath, and the poncho would
go curling rapidly round the left arm of each antagonist
as a shield. Undoubtedly he learned much in these first
weeks of his in South America which was of great use to
him in his subsequent campaigns. He learned much, too,
from his hospitable Argentine hosts, and galloped after
deer and ostrich, and shot duck, partridge, pigeon, and
quail to his heart's content.
Occasionally, of course, he met with that rough-and-
ready criticism such as the raw Gringo must expect at
the hands of the hardened rider of the plains. Thus, on
his way across the plains to the Andes, having refused
the offer of a cigarette, he had to submit with what grace
he could to his postilion's audible verdict on himself as
202 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
given to the postilion of the next stage. It was curt, but
eloquently pitying, "He knows nothing — can't even
smoke ! " At Mendoza, that pleasant town in the shadow
of the great Andes, famous for its poplars, vineyards,
and peach groves that abound on the banks of its irrigat-
ing streams, Miller saw much of the local society. A
genial man of the world, the Argentines found him sim-
patico, and took him without reserve into their hearts.
Thus he was enabled to take part in the evening parties,
the Tertulias, of the place, and to admire the infinite grace
of the daylight minuets, walked on plain earthen floors
by the men of Mendoza and the ladies, these latter fre-
quently attired in a riding habit, a long whip in their
hand.
Miller, having crossed the Andes by the pass of TJspal-
lata — until quite recent years a feat much easier to de-
scribe than perform — joined his regiment, the Buenos
Aires artillery. From the very first moment he appears
to have got on well with his fellow officers — a gallant, but
curiously heterogeneous set of men. Miller has left a
record of some of these, and it is sufficiently instructive.
There was Francisco Dias, a most polished ex-officer of
the Spanish navy, who spoke English fluently, and was
familiar with French literature. There was Juan
Apostol Martinez, a very cheerful and most ridiculously
eccentric captain, who hated Spaniards and priests to
such a degree that he played every conceivable prank on
these whenever the opportunity offered, and even fought
three duels with Dias on this account. There was a
"^ Frenchman who had been educated at the ecole polytech-
nique at Paris, and who had afterwards been page to
King Jerome Bonaparte ; there was Beltran, a monk who
had unfrocked himself to fight in the cause of South
American independence, and who proved himself a gal-
lant officer; and there was the adjutant, Talmayancu,
an educated and lively Araucanian Indian, who was fond
of playing practical jokes on the sentries at night!
SOUTH AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 203
Surely these suffice to prove the extraordinarily mixed
composition of the corps! As to the others, let Miller's
testimony be given in his own words : * ' There were some
very fine young men amongst the other officers of the
corps, and all were extremely obliging. Most of them
played on the guitar, or sang, and good fellowship reigned
throughout the camp."
Having once become thoroughly at home among these
new comrades of his. Miller, having obtained leave, rode
down to the port of Valparaiso, where he was delighted
to see the white ensign floating over the waters of the
Pacific. Here he was most cordially received by Com-
modore Bowles on board H.M.S. Amphion. Thus we find
him established on the Pacific slope where he was des-
tined to win fame and honor. It is impossible, of course,
to give more than the merest outline of his career here.
Of its more salient features it may be said that Miller
was fortunate enough to distinguish himself in the first
important encounter with the royalist forces, and in this
action, heroically assisted by Ensign Moreno, he saved
two of the guns of the Buenos Aires artillery. Shortly
after this he was detached with a company of infantry to
act as marines on board the newly purchased old East-
Indiaman of 800 tons, the Wyndham, now known as the 6
Lautaro frigate in the Chilean service.
The Lautaro may serve as a typical specimen of the
material out of which the young Chilean navy was being
forged at that time. Here, then, is the ship's company
of the frigate Lautaro of the young Chilean navy. Her
officers were for the most part British. Her commander
was Captain 'Brien, formerly a lieutenant in the British
navy, in which service he had already distinguished him-
self in the action which ended in the capture of the
United States frigate Essex.
O'Brien was one of the most gallant officers who ever
trod a warship, to say nothing of the deck of an old East-
Indiaman converted into a frigate! He died in the
204 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
Lautaro's action with the Spanish frigate Esmeralda,
when, having leaped on board the enemy's ship at the
head of the willing stream of his men, the two vessels
swung apart, and O'Brien, fighting to the last, was un-
avoidably left to face the Esmeralda's men with no more
than thirty devoted followers.
All this was only ten hours after her capstan had been
manned for the first time in the Chilean service by the
Lautaro's new and scratch crew! And this crew in
some ways was one of the most remarkable that ever
manned a warship. The expert division was represented
by a hundred foreign seamen. Beyond these were one
hundred and fifty Chileans, many of whom had never
before boarded a sea-going vessel, but whose enthusiasm
had been so keen that many of them swam to the ship from
the shore in order to make certain of being included in the
crew!
Such was the Lautaro and her crew, and it was this
latter type of sailor that, under Cochrane and his sub-
ordinate officers, speedily piled up a record of deeds such
as any of the old maritime nations of the world would
have been proud to claim for their own.
When, whether by capture or purchase, the Chilean
fleet increased to more formidable proportions, it was
still officered in the main by Englishmen, although a
considerable sprinkling of North Americans and other
nationalities now assisted, and Captain Dias, Miller's
former comrade in the Buenos Aires artillery, being
clearly an amphibious person, is once again seen on the
waters in command of the little twenty-gun ship
Chacabuco.
Efficiency soon began to oil the springs of the fleet, and
the Chileans, gaining experience, showed themselves even
finer sailors than their first commanders had dared to
hope. Officers and men — though they frequently failed
to understand each other's lay or nautical speech — began
to swear by each other's merits. Their ships became
SOUTH AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 206
those fortunate things that are known in the British
navy as ''happy ships." When at the top of their busi-
ness, the crews aimed their guns and boarded with ar-
dor ; when off duty, the officers would dance on the quar-
ter deck, the men in the waist and on the forecastle.
Miller saw to it that his marines kept in the forefront
of this progress of efficiency, and they repaid his efforts
to the full. On one occasion he was sent ashore with a
flag of truce which the Spaniards violated, and had it not
been for the intervention of some honorable royalist
officers, and for the angry threats of retaliation hurled
against the Spanish commander by his comrades afloat,
it is probable that his life would have been sacrificed
to the vindictiveness of the Spanish general Sanchez.
When he eventually returned in safety to his own vessel.
Miller found that his marines had gone aft in a body, and
had begged the commodore to allow them to land and
to rescue their officer, an attempt which must have meant
certain death to them !
After much successful cruising Commodore Blanco, ac-
companied by Miller, set out for the Chilean capital of
Santiago, and met with a regular triumphal reception as
they approached the city. Incidentally in the course of
this journey Miller reveals that even among the very
gallant and warm-hearted Chileans there were pressed
men. ''The approach," he relates, "was rendered inex-
pressibly delightful by the cheering welcome. . . . Even a
party of recruits, tied hand to hand, halted and uttered
their vivas as heartily as did their escort."
After this Miller was plunged head over ears into the
gaieties of Santiago, even then a town of arch-hospitality,
at which delightful place even then, as Miller remarks,
Chileans and foreigners associated together perhaps
more than in any other great town of South America.
At the end of November, 1818, Lord Cochrane arrived
at Valparaiso to take over the supreme command of the
Chilean navy. This was followed by a season of that
206 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
festivity which is so dear to the Chilean heart, and balls
and entertainments of all kinds abounded. As a return
for the numerous affairs of the kind given by the
Chileans, Lord Cochrane in the full costume of a High-
land chief presided at an elaborate banquet held on St.
Andrew's day. Miller's brother renders a diplomatic
account of the convivial revelry on that occasion :
''Extraordinary good cheer was followed by toasts
drank with uncommon enthusiasm in extraordinary good
wine. No one escaped its enlivening influence. St. An-
drew was voted the patron saint of champagne, and many
curious adventures of that night have furnished the sub-
ject of some still remembered anecdotes."
Now, were vulgar slang permitted in a work of this
nature, surely the verdict on this wise and guarded ac-
count would be " 'Nuff said!" It breathes out a remin-
iscent exhilaration which in itself is most graphic. No
doubt these good fellows of tried gallantry let them-
selves go to their hearts' content, and, each being pro-
foundly satisfied with the Veritas (or veritate for the
classic-minded) in vino that he found in the other, the
budding friendship between the Chileans and British
must have attained its intimate majority then and there.
This undoubtedly was one of the first of those innum-
erable Chileno gatherings upon which the Andes frowned
on from above, and the blue Pacific smiled at from be-
low!
The officers of the two British warships Andromache
and Blossom, just then in Valparaiso Bay, lost no time
in associating themselves with these festivities. The
first regular race course on the Pacific coast was im-
provised ; a level space in the neighborhood of the town
was cleared of its cactus and scrub, and then followed
cricket matches, and the bang of the leather ball against
those queerly shaped old bats of the early nineteenth
century.
But let the contemporary chronicler from whose pages
SOUTH AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 207
I have already quoted sum up the doings at Valparaiso at
this period:
''The intercourse between Valparaiso and the capital
was incessant. A grand ball at one place drew numbers
of the beau monde from the other. Tertulias, or routs,
and dances were given nearly every evening at Val-
paraiso. The two presiding belles were Lady Cochrane
and Mrs. Commodore Blanco, both young, fascinating,
and highly gifted. The first was a flattering specimen of
the beauty of England, and the second was perhaps the
most beautiful and engaging woman of Chile. ... In the
bright galaxy of Chilena enchantresses are to be recorded
the names of Dias-Cajigas, Cotapos, Vicuna, Perez,
Caldera, Gana, Barra, with a hundred more, all calculated
to produce ineffaceable impressions. In the midst of
these gay scenes the outfit of the squadron was com-
pleted."
On the 14th of January, 1819, all was ready, and the
following ships put out to sea: O'Eiggins, 50 guns.
Vice- Admiral Lord Cochrane, Captain Forster ; San Mar-
tin, 56 guns. Captain Wilkinson ; Lautaro, 48 guns. Cap-
tain Guise ; Chacabuco, 20 guns. Captain Carter. Miller,
it may be said, was appointed to the command of all the
troops of the squadron serving as marines.
The Chilean navy was now fairly launched upon the
waters, and the deeds it performed are too well known
to need recapitulation here. When it had done its work
no Spanish flag flew, afloat or ashore, along the Spanish
coast.
The casualties among the British officers on such stren-
uous service, as may be imagined, were not slight. From
Lord Cochrane himself down to the junior ranks scarcely
one emerged from the campaign unwounded. Miller's
escapes from death were especially numerous, one of the
narrowest of these being when he was injured by a
chemical explosion which blew the nails from his finger-
tips and his face out of all recognition for the time being-
208 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
At Pisco he was wounded in four places, one ball perma-
nently disabling his left hand, and another of the four
entering his chest, fracturing a rib, and passing out at
the back. On this occasion his life was again despaired
of; yet he contrived to win his way back to health, to
suffer a grazed head at Corral, and a terrible dose of
mutilation at Chiloe, where a grapeshot passed through
his left thigh; a four-pounder crushed his right instep,
and a bullet inflicted a flesh wound. Three of his trusty
marines bore him to safety under a murderous fire, two
of them persisting in this duty even after they them-
selves were wounded, and once again Miller recovered!
Then, too, the land campaign was responsible for the
loss of such fine fellows as Lieutenant Gerard, a gallant
young Scotsman who had formerly belonged to the Brit-
ish rifle corps ; another Scotsman of the name of Welsh,
a deeply esteemed young surgeon whose loss was de-
plored throughout every branch of the Chilean forces.
But undoubtedly one of the most lamented of all these
losses was that of Colonel Charles, a peculiarly gallant
and chivalrous soldier who, having passed through the
Royal Academy at Woolwich, served in the artillery in
the Peninsula, and having been made aide-de-camp to
Sir Robert Wilson, traveled and campaigned in Turkey,
Germany, and Italy. On his arrival in South America,
therefore, Charles was already a person of some distinc-
tion, and had received orders and decorations from Rus-
sia, Austria, and Prussia. His quite unusual intrepidity
and charm made a deep impression on the west coast of
South America, and, had he not fallen at Pisco — almost
at the same moment when his close friend Miller was
so severely wounded — it is probable that his name would
still be ringing to and fro between the foot hills of the
Andes.
To return to General Miller, it may be said that none
of his British comrades on land enjoyed such high com-
mand and varied experiences of South American war-
SOUTH AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 209
fare as he. Certainly he had no reason to complain of
any monotony in his career. His initial appointment to
the Buenos Aires artillery was followed, as we have seen, O
by a transference to the marines. He was subsequently
promoted by General San Martin to the lieutenant-
colonelcy of a black corps, the eighth battalion of Buenos
Aires. After this, having commanded a battalion of the
Peruvian legion, he served as chief of the staff of the
Peruvian army, the temporary command of which de-
volved on him, and at this period he received from Boli-
var a letter of appreciation and of personal thanks for
his services. After two or three temporary cavalry
commands Miller was appointed to the post of command-
ant-general of the Peruvian cavalry, and we may pause
for a few lines at this appointment, since it was one of
the most notable he held.
The Montoneros, or irregular cavalry of Peru, knowing
either Miller's personality or repute, welcomed him with
enthusiasm. Miller, too, was already familiar with the
military virtues, as well as with the outward appear-
ance, of his new troops.
The most ardent admirer of the Montonero cavalry
might have suffered some qualms concerning their pres-
tige as they paraded before Miller. A pipe-clay mar-
tinet would have sunk into an apoplectic trance on the
spot. Scarcely any two out of the whole division of
Montoneros were alike in uniform, accoutrements, or
arms. This strong individuality of the riders seems to
have affected even the mounts, for while some rode horses
others sat astride mules!
As to the men, their athletic bodies were garbed in
every conceivable blend of patriot uniform, captured
Spanish kit, and countryside costume; though not one
of them was lacking his lasso or his poncho. Their arms
were almost as varied as their uniforms, comprising al-
most every known weapon, from lances, swords, pistols,
muskets, and bayonets to daggers and long knives.
210 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
But Miller knew that these rough-and-ready cavalry-
men could fight — and their enthusiasm was heightened by
the fact that they were aware of his knowledge ! As the
commandant-general rode down the motley lines, the
Montoneros let loose a spontaneous feu de joie as ir-
regular as themselves. No doubt as he heard the bullets
whistling past him Miller appreciated the compliment
acutely ! The reckless fellows had no concern with blank
cartridge ! But they succeeded in not hitting their popu-
lar general.
It was in operations among the sandy wastes of the
Peruvian coastal desert that Miller was enabled to give
his strategic genius full play. Frequently his force was
obliged to penetrate into completely rainless deserts
similar to that of Huantajaya, which used to be locally
famous on account of the behavior of one of its young
women when on a visit to Tarapaca, where a few quaint
streams are wont to trickle. If to begin a story with the
words : ''there was a young lady of Huantajaya'* — prom-
ises (falsely) a continuation in Limerick verse, it cannot
be helped. The young lady did exist, and on seeing for
the first time one of these streams, she was horrified at
the sight of so much precious water running to waste.
**Save it !" she cried, flinging herself down, and endeavor-
ing to scoop some of the fluid up in her hands. "You
heretics of Tarapaquenos, save it!"
The methods by which Miller continually deceived the
Spanish leaders as to the actual strength of his force was
frequently entertaining in the extreme — to all but the
commanders of the opposing army. There would be
numerous jugglings with uniforms. Trumpeters would
sound at night in desolate valleys where no others but
themselves rode, and dozens of camp-fires would blaze,
warming nothing but the dry Peruvian air! Spanish
prisoners just previous to their release would witness the
cleverly staged march past of a great patriot army, in
SOUTH AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 211
which each man did duty many times over. At night,
too, these prisoners would hear the reiterated commands
to prepare fresh billets for expected troops, and each
such order was followed by the noise of an arriving
squadron. This was sometimes carried to such a pitch
that the patriot rank and file themselves were sometimes
completely deceived as to the actual strength of the army
with which they were marching! Miller's brother gives
some interesting details concerning the use made of in-
tercepted official royalist letters :
''The originals were kept, and others counterfeited,
and sent in their stead. Other letters were written in
cipher, or in a mysterious style, for the express purpose
of being intercepted, and which made Manzanedo doubt
the fidelity of his own officers. Cordova and Kodriguez,
two distinguished and influential priests, were particu-
larly useful in the execution of these stratagems. Cor-
dova willingly acted as secretary. . . . He was of a
jovial turn ; and often, when half the night had been con-
sumed in despatching letters in various directions, he
and Miller would pass the remainder in hearty laughs
at the strangeness of their productions, and in speculat-
ing with great glee upon the probable results."
The result of all this was the complete outwitting of
the Spaniards, whom Miller would frequently keep in
check by a mere handful of men posing as a formidable
army! No doubt, too, Miller's impish genius made the
most of those mysterious, rainless, and arid hills and
valleys where, some said, lights would flicker at night,
and the voices of the slaughtered ancient Peruvians would
sound again across the still air!
Miller, moreover, succeeded in winning the esteem of
the Spaniards, who respected his chivalry, and when the
occasion arose, courtesies were frequently exchanged be-
tween him and the royalist leaders. So liberally were
these amenities of warfare cultivated that the Spanish
212 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
general Valdez, when he learned once that Miller had no
cigars, sent the patriot commander a box of his own
Havanas !
When the War of Liberation had been victoriously con-
cluded the South Americans made it abundantly clear
that they did not look upon General Miller in the light of
a mere soldier of fortune. He was named prefect of the
province of Potosi, and was thus given authority over a
population of some three hundred thousand people. The
scope of this civil and military authority, moreover, was
extraordinarily wide. Miller's office included the posts
of superintendent of the mint, director of the bank, vice-
patron of the Church (who had the power of displacing
clergy from their office, and without whose ratification no
clerical appointment was valid) and involved the filling
of over a hundred civil appointments !
Miller held this post with all success until reasons of
health made it urgently necessary for him to return to
England. His parting from his colleagues, both civil
and military, was of the most affectionate description,
and it was with a deep sense of mutual esteem that Mil-
ler and the inhabitants of Potosi took leave of each
other. After this Miller, bearing high and cordial testi-
monials from General Bolivar, rode down from the moun-
tains to the plains of Buenos Aires on his way to Europe.
His material rewards, although not munificent, were not
to be despised. He had received five thousand pounds
from the Peruvian Government, and a grant of land from
Argentina.
It is said that an English merchant, traveling in the in-
terior of Peru at that period, made a point of announcing
himself as a countryman of Miller, because the usual an-
swer was, ''A countryman of Miller's must have the best
house and the best fare that an Indian village can af-
ford."
It is in one sense regrettable that Miller's public career
cannot be closed with this triumphal homecoming of his
SOUTH AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 213
to England. But after eight years he returned to Peru
again, and this time found the new State in the throes
of its internal dissensions. Becoming involved in these,
he was banished from the country in 1839. This af-
forded a tragic contrast to the manner in which his first
departure had been effected. Decidedly it was not the
fate anticipated by one of whom General Bolivar had
said that, ''South America will always claim as one of
her most glorious sons. ' ' But Bolivar's own lot was very
little brighter than Miller's. The changes in Peru had
been rapid!
Miller subsequently obtained an appointment as British
consul-general and commissioner in the Pacific, and, again
returning to Peru, he endeavored, without success, to
make good his financial claims against the Peruvian
Government.
In 1861 he felt that his end was near, and, having been
taken on board H.M.S. Frigate Naiad, he died, as he had
earnestly wished, under the British flag. Notwithstand-
ing his difiiculties with the Government, his popularity
with the Peruvians seems to have been practically unim-
paired, for during his illness he was publicly prayed for
— a very unusual circumstance in the case of a non-Eoman
Catholic — and, buried in the British cemetery at Lima,
he was accorded a public funeral. He appears, indeed,
to have been genuinely mourned.
No people have proved themselves more generous than
the South Americans in the erection of monuments to
their heroes. O'Higgins, Cochrane, Mackenna, Brown,
and the rest have been very freely honored in this way.
But Miller lacks his adequate measure of commemorative
stone — probably for the reason that his services were
spread over several frontiers and that no country can
take undivided charge of his fame.
CHAPTER XI
BRITISH FIGHTERS IN THE CAUSE OF SOUTH AMERICAN
INDEPENDENCE
(m)
Captain Hall— His friendship with San Martin— San Martin's lofty atti-
tude — Expression of his views to Captain Hall — Sentiments of a great
South American patriot — His philosophical temperament — A deck-
washing episode — Incidents at the fall of Lima — The British fleet on
the Pacific coast — Popularity of the officers — Part played by them —
Benavides — Some incidents of a sinister career — The renegade's escape
from death at the hands of a firing-party — Further betrayals — Bena-
vides becomes a leader of the fierce Araucanian Indians — Increase of
his power — He succeeds in capturing British and North American
whaling ships — His windfalls in men and munitions — Preparations to
invade Chile — How cavalry trumpets were made — Captain Hall is sent
to negotiate for the rescue of the British and North American seamen
— Captain Hall's adventures among the Araucanian Indians — Experi-
ences at a native orgy — Description of the savage chief Penel^o — A
dangerous interview — Execution of Benavides — Adventures of Captain
Roberton — His feud with the Italian desperado Martilini — His home
on the island of Mocha — His capture by Martilini and subsequent es-
cape — Martilini, captured by a French vessel, is sent as a prisoner to
France — Roberton is imprisoned by Bolivar — His escape — Subsequent
movements of Roberton and Martilini — Cruelties attending a Spanish
imprisonment — Further atrocities committed by Benavides — Colonel
O'Carrol and Lieutenant Bayley as victims — Captain Brown finds shel-
ter on a British warship — The manner in which Colonel Ferguson's
life was saved — Colonel O'Connor — Dr. Moore — Colonel O'Leary —
Colonel Wilson — His remarkable journey — A justly popular officer —
The Scottish captain of the Spanish brig La Vigie — a. determined sailor
— Improvised ammunition — ^A daring escape — Admiral Brown — His
early career — He establishes a packet service between Buenos Aires and
Montevideo — Founder of the Argentine navy — Some naval facts.
CAPTAIN HALL, as an unprejudiced eye-witness,
is one of those who have borne the most con-
vincing testimony to the real greatness of San
Martin — ^who, by the way, has been referred to by Had-
214
SOUTH AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 215
field as of Irish descent, a claim which would seem doubt-
ful. A warm friendship appears to have sprung up be-
tween the two men. As Hall watched the chivalry and
self-effacing genius of San Martin, his admiration deep-
ened for the man who solemnly declared that when his
task in the field should be concluded he intended to retire
from the scene of his glory into private life, and who, to
the astonishments of the skeptical world, fulfilled his in-
tentions to the letter!
San Martin, for his part, spoke very freely to Captain
Hall. Decidedly he did not permit his quarrels with
Cochrane to influence his cordial relations with other
Englishmen. His own aide-de-camp was the very tall
and stately General O'Brien, who subsequently became
the Uruguayan consul-general in London. Incidentally
it may be remarked that O'Brien obtained at least one
priceless curiosity as a reward of his services; for Mr.
W. BoUaert relates that in 1859", when in London, that
the General showed him the large and rich umbrella-
shaped canopy which used to be held over Pizarro when
he went in state. This was given to O'Brien when the
South Americans entered Lima in triumph.
In the course of one of his conversations with Captain
Hall, San Martin revealed very fully the reasons for the
policy which he was then carrying out in Peru. The
nature of this conquest of Peru, he maintained, differed
entirely from that of Chile. It was not a war of con-
quest and glory ; it was a war of new and liberal princi-
ples-^ainst prejudice, bigotry, and tyranny. No doubt
San Martin's mind was running at the time upon the
heated criticism of the impetuous Cochrane, to whom this
species of campaign was gall and wormwood. ** People
ask," said San Martin to Captain Hall, **why I don't
march to Lima at once ; so I might, and instantly would,
were it suitable to my views — ^which it is not. I do not
want military renown — I have no ambition to be the con-
queror of Peru — I want solely to liberate the country
216 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
from oppression. Of what use would Lima be to me, if
the inhabitants were hostile in political sentiment ? How
could the cause of independence be advanced by my hold-
ing Lima, or even the whole country, in military posses-
sion? Far different are my views. I wish to have all
men thinking with me, and do not choose to advance a
step beyond the gradual march of public opinion. ' '
Surely these words, delivered in San Martin's usual
quiet tones, would in themselves be sufficient to stamp
their speaker as one of the world's great men. Like his
brilliant colleague, Bolivar, San Martin was at least as
much of a philosopher as a soldier. He was keenly alive
to the value of local influences, and fully appreciated the
distinctions which geographical situations must impose
on policy. He was one of the few of his age and race
who realized the perils which lay in the path of too head-
long attempt at indiscriminate progress. It was in ref-
erence to this that he wrote :
''If all Europe enjoyed the liberty of the English na-
tion, the greater part of the Continent would writhe in
chaotic agony; on the other hand, the English nation
would consider itself enslaved were it governed by the
Constitution of Louis XVIII. It is right that the Amer-
ican peoples should be free ; but it is also right that they
should enjoy their liberty in that proportion which is
best suited to their needs. A departure from this rule
would mean the triumph of their enemies."
The quotation of a last reference to San Martin by
Captain Hall will show that the General possessed the
temperament, as well as the words, of a philosopher — a
combination that is probably rarer than would be im-
agined. When the final capitulation of Lima was at hand,
San Martin took up his quarters on a yacht which was
lying oif Callao. "I had occasion," explains Captain
Hall, ''to visit him early one morning on board his
schooner, and we had not long been walking together
when the sailors began washing the decks. 'What a
SOUTH AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 217
plague it is,' said San Martin, 'that these fellows will in-
sist upon washing their decks at this rate. ' — * I wish, my
friend,' said he to one of the men, 'you would not wet
us here, but go to the other side.' The seaman, how-
ever, who had his duty to do, and was too well accus-
tomed to the General's gentle manner, went. on with his
work, and splashed us soundly. *I am afraid,' cried San
Martin, *we must go below, although our cabin is but a
miserable hole, for really there is no persuading these
fellows to go out of their usual way. ' ' '
Obviously, though San Martin could lead troops and
win battles, he was no swashbuckler !
When the last Spanish stronghold in South America,
Lima, the ancient capital of the viceroys, was about to
fall, the inhabitants showed themselves in dire dread of
the anarchy that they feared would follow the capitula-
tion. San Martin was very soon able to prove to them
how complete was his hold over his men, and how rigidly
he maintained the ethics of law and order. It appears,
nevertheless, that the anxiety of the Limanians had not
been without foundation; for, in anticipation of its fall,
several bands of desperate characters had been hanging
about the outskirts of Lima.
When Captain Hall and three companions were riding
toward Lima, they saw one of these gangs, a dozen strong,
pull three travelers from their horses and strip them of
their cloaks. After this, they formed in line across the
road, and, brandishing their cudgels, awaited the Eng-
lishmen.
*'We cantered on, however," says Captain Hall, ''right
against them, with our pistols cocked and held in the
air. The effect was what we expected: an opening was
made for us, and the robbers, seeing their purpose frus-
trated, turned about, and became suddenly wonderfully
good patriots, calling out, 'Viva la Patria! Viva San
Martin!' "
Perhaps the British commanders on the Pacific coast
218 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
at the beginning of the nineteenth century merely repre-
sented typical average specimens of the naval officer of
that period. If so, the service was as fortunate in her
men of these days as it has been before, and since.
John Miller has left us an interesting note concerning
the esteem with which the British were regarded on the
Pacific. He says:
' * Another powerful reason for their preponderating in-
fluence was the strict observance of the laws of neutrality
by the English naval commanders, and the honorable,
straight-forward, courteous, and manly frankness with
which English naval officers conducted themselves.
Captains Sir Thomas Staines, Bowles, Shirreff, Falcon,
Sir Thomas Hardy (now Bear- Admiral), the Hon. Sir
Robert Spencer, Porter, and many other officers are still
remembered, and frequently mentioned by South Amer-
icans in terms of the warmest regard. ' '
The part played by these officers on the South Amer-
ican station was sufficiently varied. Occasionally a cap-
tain was called upon to serve as an ambassador between
the contending forces. This occurred in 1814 when Cap-
tain Hillyar, of H.M.S. Phoebe, sailed from Callao to Val-
paraiso with proposals to the Chileans from the Viceroy.
Captain Hillyard then shepherded the patriot delegates
to Talca, at which place a meeting with the royalists was
arranged, and a short-lived truce was concluded on the
5th of May.
One of the most sinister figures of the War of Libera-
tion on the Pacific coast was that of Benavides. In fact,
this creature of incarnate ferocity, bold animal courage,
and unmitigated villainy was of a type such as is very
seldom met with outside the pages of those melodramatic
novels which are designed first to thaw the shillings from
the public's pocket and then to freeze the blood!
Benavides 's career was remarkably well filled with in-
cident. From the word. Go! he plunged headlong into
iniquity. A deserter from the patriot cause, he was cap-
SOUTH AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 219
tured by the Chileans at the battle of Maipu. Sentenced
to be shot", in company with two or three other renegades,
he retained sufficient presence of mind to feign death
when severely wounded by the firing squad. Even when
a sergeant gashed the supposed corpse across the neck
with his saber, Benavides gave no sign, though the shock
was severe enough to cause him to carry his head to one
side for the rest of his life.
Having recovered from his terrible wounds — by a
species of superfluous miracle — Benavides managed to
ingratiate himself with San Martin, and to obtain par-
don and reinstatement in the Chilean forces. But con-
stancy had no place in Benavides 's unquiet spirit. Very
soon afterwards he deserted again to the royalist cause,
and took up his abode among the terrible Araucanian
Indian warriors, who at that time were hostile to the
Chileans.
The wild Araucanians found in Benavides a leader to
their taste, and they followed him in many a bloody in-
cursion into the civilized Southern provinces of Chile.
Sometimes the Spanish flag would wave over these re-
lentless marauding bands, as they plunged out of the
Southern evergreen forests, but more often the standard
that floated over the massacres was one of Benavides 's
own devising.
After a time, his power increasing, Benavides began
to cast a longing eye on the sea. An ambitious rogue,
he foresaw that the conquest of the Pacific waters (Coch-
rane had not yet risen on the horizon) might extend his
chieftainship into something really approaching a king-
dom. It is at this point, then, that he is brought into
contact with the British and Americans.
Whalers frequently came to an anchor off the moun-
tainous and wooded coasts of southern Chile, and Bena-
vides determined that a whaler he would have ! He suc-
ceeded even beyond his expectations. First of all he
surprised and captured the American ship Hero; then, in
220 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
a similar fashion, he took possession of the American brig
Herselia. His good fortune did not end here. Soon
afterwards he captured the British whaler Perseverance,
and, finally, the American brig, Ocean, bearing thousands
of muskets destined for the patriots, fell into his clutch !
Here was Benavides, already more than half way to-
wards the realization of his wildest dreams ! He had his
ships, a formidable supply of arms for his Araucanians
as well as for the British and North American sailors
whom he had ruthlessly pressed into his service, and the
gratified Spanish authorities at Chiloe had sent him a
detachment of officers and men as well as a number of
field-guns !
Benavides now began to prepare his army for the
serious invasion of Chile. He combined an unusual de-
gree of ingenuity with sheer savagery. Having first of
all murdered the captain of the Perseverance for an at-
tempt at escape, and cut the body of a sailor to pieces for
the same crime, he set himself to commandeer part of his
new fleet's equipment for the benefit of his land forces.
Sails vanished into small pieces — to become trousers for
his army ! Welded by the reluctant hands of his hapless
ships' carpenters and new recruits, harpoons grew into
lances and halberts. Almost every essential of his army
was obtained in the same way : even cavalry trumpets in
abundance were obtained by stripping the copper from
the bottoms of the ships.
It was the captain of the Herselia who had given this
last idea to Benavides. A shrewd fellow, he took ad-
vantage of the glow of incautious pride with which the
possession of the trumpets filled the dreaded chieftain,
and contrived, with a number of others, to escape in two
whale boats, and to bear the news of his comrades' dis-
tress to Valparaiso.
We are now brought once more into the company of
our most admirable Captain Hall, who was ordered south
in order to attempt the rescue of these British and North
SOUTH AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 221
American subjects, but not to embroil himself with Bena-
vides — a sufficiently difficult commission!
When Hall arrived off Benavides's headquarters he
found that this worthy, accompanied by some thirteen
hundred men, including the British and North American
seamen, had marched to the northeast from that spot.
Although Hall landed and proceeded in search of him, he
was not able to light upon Benavides himself, who was
engaged in his own species of warfare. The British and
American sailors shortly afterwards made their escape;
but it was not Hall's fate to return to his ship without
an adventure, although this was of a quite different order
to any that he had expected.
It appeared that a chief of the name of Peneleo, an
ally of the patriots, had taken prisoner some of Bena-
vides 's Indians, and, having slaughtered one of the men
before his wife 's eyes, was about to carry off the widow.
As the chief's camp was in the neighborhood. Hall de-
termined to endeavor to rescue the unfortunate woman,
although he had been warned that his quest would be
fruitless, as Peneleo ''had scarcely anything human about
him. ' '
Arrived at the Indian camp. Captain Hall and one of
his officers found themselves in the midst of a native
orgy, and, incidentally, in a tight corner. His descrip-
tion of the event is worth quoting :
''On our entering the court-yard of their quarters, we
observed a party seated on the ground, round a great tub
full of wine ; they hailed our entrance with loud shouts,
or rather yells, and boisterously demanded our business ;
to all appearance, very little pleased with the interrup-
tion. The interpreter became alarmed, and wished us
to retire ; but this I thought imprudent, as each man had
his long spear close at hand, resting against the eaves of
the house. Had we attempted to escape, we must have
been taken, and possibly sacrificed, by these drunken sav-
ages. As our best chance seemed to lie in treating them
22g BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
without any show of distrust, we advanced to the circle
with a good-humored confidence, which appeased them
considerably. One of the party rose and embraced us in
the Indian fashion, which we had learned from the gen-
tlemen who had been prisoners with Benavides. After
this ceremony, they roared out to us to sit down on the
ground along with them, and with the most boisterous
hospitality insisted on our drinking with them ; a request
which we cheerfully complied with. Their anger soon
vanished, and was succeeded by mirth and satisfaction,
which speedily became as outrageous as their displeas-
ure had been at first."
The orgy grew rapidly wilder, until the appearance of
Peneleo himself put the crowning touch to the picture.
He was rather more drunk tRan the rest :
**A more finished picture of a savage cannot be con-
ceived. He was a tall, broad-shouldered man; witli a
prodigiously large head, and a square-shaped bloated
face ; from which peeped out two very small eyes, partly
hid by an immense superfluity of black, coarse, oily,
straight hair, covering his cheeks, and hanging over his
shoulders, rendering his head somewhat of the size and
shape of a beehive."
Peneleo, surly and hostile, was in a dangerous mood:
his spear stood only too conveniently to his hand, and
it was a matter of touch and go whether the questions the
naval officer asked about the captive woman would not be
their last. As for the woman herself, she seemed recon-
ciled to her lot! From the glimpse they obtained of
her, Peneleo 's peculiar and sinister charm appeared al-
ready to have wiped away her tears and the memory of
her late husband ! It may have been this that saved the
lives of the ofiicers, and let them out of a very serious
scrape.
As for Peneleo 's chief, Benavides, he met with his
deserts on the 12st of February, 1822, when he was at
length brought to justice, and his lurid career ended.
SOUTH AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 223
He was dragged from the prison at Santiago in a pannier
tied to the tail of a mule, and was hanged in the Plaza.
Even the more disciplined of those Southern Indians in
the Chilean service were not always the most amiable
persons to meet. On one occasion when some English
ships were visiting the port of Talcahuano, they landed
a force of marines who went through some manoeuvers in
company with the Indians. When the marines had fin-
ished, the Indians began their exercises. An eye-witness
remarked of them that:
**The lances which they use in real combat are from
eight to ten feet in length, pointed with iron about two
feet long ; but for fear of their doing any mischief, these
lances were left behind at Conception, and in their stead
they were armed with long sticks or branches of trees.
They first formed themselves into a line, and their officers
rode round and round them at full gallop, probably as in
actual warfare, to remind them of the exploits of their
ancestors, and animate them to heroic exertion.
*' Meanwhile, the Indians were sounding the note of
defiance, a sort of tremulous, soft, melodious cry, pro-
duced by shaking the flat hand upon the mouth, while
they utter the tones. Next, the command being given to
advance to the charge, they drove their horses forward
at full speed, with protruded lances."
Afterwards these Indians, having, according to their
usual custom, drunk, not wisely but too well, became
truculent to a degree. According to the narrator :
''When they arrived that same evening at Conception,
they galloped about the streets till late at night, fighting
among themselves and terrifying the peaceable inhabi-
tants. There seems to be a strange mixture of pride and
meanness in the character of these Indians. The three
Indian officers who dined in the ward room, complained
that they were not asked into the cabin, and yet these
same men asked some of our officers to give them money.**
From all this it will be evident that the temperament
224 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
of this branch of the famous Araucanian warrior tribes
was sufficiently complex. Such episodes suggest the old
story: that the natives took from the white man his
worse, rather than his better, traits.
Undoubtedly the hero of some of the most extraordi-
nary adventures of the war was Captain Roberton, who
came out in company with Captain Guise — Cochrane 's
second in command and eventual successor — to join the
Chilean navy. The experiences of this daring sailor
were of the kind such as are very seldom to be met with
outside vivid and rather out-of-date blood-and-thunder
paper covers.
In the course of his career Roberton became involved
in a blood-feud with an Italian desperado of the name of
Martilini, once a boatswain in a patriot vessel, who had
deserted to the enemy. On their first meeting Martilini
was wounded by Roberton. Shortly after this, with the
permission of the Chilean Government, Roberton took
up his abode on the uninhabited island of Mocha. There,
amid the southern Chilean forests, where the fuchsia and
the beautiful waxen petals of the copihue flower light up
the aisles of vegetation, he set up a correspondingly ro-
mantic household, of the kind classified as irregular.
Presently Martilini appeared off the island in the pirate
ship Quintamlla. Roberton, caught at a disadvantage,
was torn away from his leafy bower, and, flung in irons
on board the Quintanilla, was reserved for an end of tor-
ture and death such as is romantic only in print. He
was preserved from this fate by one of the violent storms
of those latitudes, which caused his captors to release
him, and to seek the aid of his expert seamanship. The
gale having subsided, Roberton made use of his tem-
porary freedom to escape, and, once clear of the Quin-
tanilla, sent her commander a message that promised a
taste of his vengeance on the first opportunity.
But this never seems to have arisen. Calms and gales
both played their share in preventing a further meeting
SOUTH AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 225
between the two enemies, though Roberton pursued his
quest with the most grim resolution. After a time mis-
fortune dogged the career of both. Spurred on by some
mad freak of intoxication — or mere grapeless irresponsi-
bility — Martilini planked three or four roundshot into
the side of a French brig-of-war that he was passing,
trusting to the breeze to carry him safely away from the
unprepared French vessel ! A sudden calm enveloped the
Quintanilla — ^just in the way that a lurking enemy leaps
from an ambush! The result of this was that he was
borne away as a prisoner to France.
It was somewhere about this period that Eoberton,
rashly venturing into the thorny wildernesses of politics,
fell foul of Bolivar, and — as a fatefuUy ironical conse-
quence ! — ^was confined in one of those very dungeons in
Callao for the abolition of which Bolivar, in a greater
degree, and he himself, in a lesser, had struggled so
arduously. Eoberton, having no taste for a Callao
dungeon, escaped in a manner characteristic of him.
Snatching his opportunity, he came charging out, knocked
down each sentry that opposed his exit, dashed through
the main guard with the velocity of a stone shot from a
catapult, dived into the sea, swam out to a merchantman,
and got clear away.
Unfortunately I have no record of the ultimate fate of
Roberton and of Martilini. Roberton made his way
southwards again to his loved island of Mocha, in the
verdurous shades of which he may, or may not, have spent
the rest of his days. As for Martilini, it is recorded that
in 1828 he was again in command of a privateer in the
Pacific. I have a shrewd suspicion that if ever Roberton
saw the other's topsails above the edge of the waters, he
betook himself to some intricate forest nook with his
senora, until a clear horizon told him that he might safely
return to the lovely ruca that was his romantic — ^but
draughty — ^home !
The fate of those British officers in the South American
226 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
service whom the royalists succeeded in capturing was
occasionally of the worst. Captain Esmonde, for ex-
ample, was very scurvily treated in the dungeons of
Callao. An act of poetic retribution, however, followed,
for it was on this account that his brutal jailer, who de-
sired to establish himself well with the patriots at the
end of the war, failed to regain his Peruvian estates.
There are several instances, too, of a captivity in irons
sufiSciently lengthy to lay the bones of the sufferers bare.
But Benavides and his band of Araucanian freebooters
went far beyond anything committed by the royalist regu-
lars in the way of atrocities. Among other barbarities
inflicted on Colonel 'Carrol, Lieutenant Bayley, and
other officers who fell into the hands of these, was that of
having their tongues cut out.
There were occasions, naturally, when the British Pa-
cific squadron found itself influenced by motives of hu-
manity rather than by the icy reasoning of pure neu-
trality. Thus when Captain Brown of the Argentine
navy — ^who had been captured when in command of the
Maippo brig, and who had for a year lain under sentence
of death — escaped to a British warship, he found sanc-
tuary there; notwithstanding the angry protests of the
viceroy, who ''proved by precedents commencing in the
year of our Lord 1499, and ending Anno Domini 1808,
that the British commander had overstepped the boun-
daries marked out by international law."
On another occasion the life of Colonel Ferguson, one
of the British aide-de-camps whom Bolivar delighted to
have on his staff, in his Southern campaign, was only
saved owing to the chance presence of a boat's crew of a
British man-of-war. Kemarking the unusually fair skin
of one of a party of patriot prisoners drawn up for execu-
tion on the beach, one of the sailors ran up to him, and,
discovering that he was an Irishman, brought his officer
in haste to the spot. In this case the Spanish authorities
must have been in a complaisant mood, for, as a result of
SOUTH AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 227
the officer's intercession, they did not hesitate to com-
mute the sentence on the spot. Ferguson appears to
have been a very gallant officer, and met his death when
defending Bolivar during the outbreak of a conspiracy in
September, 1828.
Some other officers of Bolivar's, who do not come
within the scope of the operations previously referred
to, may be mentioned here. Among these was Colonel
O'Connor, a gallant Irish, who raised a regiment at
Panama, and brought it to Peru, where he became notice-
able for his bravery.
Bolivar — whose devoted body-surgeon was Dr. Moore,
an Irishman — showed his predilection for the British by
the manner in which he employed them on his staff. An-
other of his aides-de-camp, by the way, was Colonel
O'Leary, who from the age of seventeen had fought in
the cause of South American independence, being pres-
ent at every engagement of importance that was fought
in Colombia, in the course of which campaign he received
several wounds. He was frequently entrusted with im-
portant diplomatic missions.
A third British aide-de-camp was Colonel Belford Wil-
son, who, educated at Westminster and Sandhurst, was
among the finest and most promising of the British com-
batants in South America. His qualities were fully ap-
preciated by Bolivar, who singled him out for various
special missions, one of these being the bearing of the
Constitution drawn up for the new Republic of Bolivia.
In the course of his journey Wilson covered the eighteen
hundred miles between Lima and Chuquisaca in nineteen
days, and returned by a slightly longer route in the same
number of days !
Wilson, it may be said, was exceptionally popular with
all his brother officers, of whatever nationality they might
be. One of his actions may be quoted as giving a clue
to the secret of this general esteem. Having been made
colonel at a very youthful age, he refused for a time to
228 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
receive the rank, pleading that this very early promotion
was unfair to his comrades. In the end it was only in
obedience to Bolivar's express orders that he gave way
on the point.
To turn for a moment to the opposite pole of affairs,
among the four British subjects who fought on the Span-
ish side in the War of Independence was a very deter-
mined Scotsman who commanded the royalist brig La
Vigie. He espoused the Spanish cause, it appears, not
on account of any political convictions, but in order to
avenge some losses he had sustained at the hands of the
patriots.
The name of this adventurous seaman does not appear
to have emerged from the chaos of events with which it
was associated, but his deeds made a sufficient impres-
sion at that time. In the course of a gallant but most
uneven fight with the Chilean warship Congreso, com-
manded by Captain Young, having used up every shot in
his locker, he continued to blaze away marline-spikes,
nails, and bits of iron, until he had cleared his vessel of
the last hope of anything in the way of a missile ! Then,
under a heavy fire, he made for the shore in a boat.
A search party of marines from the Congreso followed
him, and came upon him concealed in a house. On this
the intrepid Scotsman knocked down the officer of marines
and two of the privates, and escaped at the expense of a
severe bayonet wound. After this meteoric outburst of
deeds his personality fades away into the unknown.
Presumably some day or other the status of many of
the lesser lights among the historical personages of South
America will become fixed. Decidedly the process will
be anything but a simple one in view of the extraordinar-
ily sharp divergences that are revealed in the contem-
porary opinions.
Admiral Brown affords one of the numerous instances
of this, even though his personality is too important to
be included among those lesser lights I have referred to.
SOUTH AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 229
The leading figure among the sailors of the young Argen-
tine navy, he is spoken of in terms of unstinted admira-
tion not only by the Argentine and Chilean chroniclers
of the period, but also by all the British who happened
to be residing at the time in the neighborhood of the
river Plate.
Yet at this same period Brown is referred to by the
Rev. R. Walsh, a most enlightened and liberal-minded
clergyman resident in Brazil, in a totally different man-
ner. Walsh terms Brown a pirate, and alludes to him
thus in no abusive sense, but with the calm detachment
proper to an uncontrovertible fact !
William Brown, who became an admiral in the Argen-
tine service, adds one more to the long list of Irishmen
who fought in the patriot cause. Born in county Mayo in
1777, he went to sea in his early boyhood, and after many
strenuous years the ship in which he was serving, the
Eliza, was wrecked at Ensenada at the mouth of the Rio
de la Plata. So far as Brown was concerned, this was a
blessing, very much in disguise, for it led him to the
threshold of his future career.
The young Irishman determined to remain where fate
had cast him. In a remarkably short time his enterprise
had established a packet service between Buenos Aires
and Montevideo, and he had become the owner of the
schooner Industria.
Then the War of Independence broke out into full
flame, and the new Buenos Aires authorities, casting
about them for a man who should found and fight a navy,
offered the post to Brown. He accepted without hesita-
tion, was given captain's rank, and devoted himself to his
task with enthusiasm.
Brown's first squadron was inevitably of an impro-
vised order, but it was with such materials as he had got
together that he destroyed the greatly superior Spanish
fleet off Montevideo in May, 1814, and thus brought about
the surrender of the city. After this, seeing that there
230 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
remained scarcely anything for him to do in the Atlantic,
Brown prepared a squadron with which to harry the
Pacific coast. This consisted of the 20-gun brigantine
Hercules, commanded by his brother Michael, in which he
sailed as commodore, and the 16 gun-brigantine Trini-
dad, commanded by his brother-in-law, Walter Chitty.
These were followed by a subsidiary squadron compris-
ing the Halcon and the lugger Urihe, manned entirely by
Chilean refugees and Argentines. The first three vessels
flew the Argentine flag, but the little Urihe, thirsting to
avenge the disaster of Eancagua, sported the black flag
in token of war to the death. But this grim standard
was destined never to float over the waters of the Pacific ;
for the stormy water of Cape Horn swallowed it up with
the vessel that bore it.
The remaining vessels boldly proceeded to blockade
Callao, making various captures and causing great alarm
all along the Pacific coast. After this they set sail for
the north, and in the middle of February, 1816, they ap-
peared off the port of Guayaquil. Having stormed the
fort which guarded the mouth of the port, the expedition
sailed up the river, and engaged the main fort of San
Carlos. Here the Trinidid ran aground, and, finding her-
self helpless, was obliged to surrender. Brown, who
chanced to be on board that vessel, had already stripped
himself naked, and had plunged into the sea in order to
swim to the Halcon, when he perceived that those who re-
mained on the Trinidad were being slaughtered by the
Spaniards.
Brown turned in the water, and swam back to the Trini-
dad. He clambered up the ship's side unperceived, and
in stealthy haste made his preparations. Then, stark-
naked, a sword in one hand and a lighted torch in the
other, he rushed to the magazine, and threatened to blow
up the ship and all on board unless the Spaniards gave
quarter to his men. The appalled Spaniards held their
hands, and the gallant Brown and his men were taken
SOUTH AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 231
ashore as prisoners. Brown himself was immediately
exchanged for the Governor of Quayaquil, who had been
captured just previously.
It may be said that Brown's vessel, the Hercules, was
eventually taken in charge by a British man-of-war, and
was condemned at Antigua on account of a violation of
the navigation laws.
The remainder of Brown's career was concerned with
the internal wars of a later period of South American
history, and we shall meet with him again in another
chapter.
PAET III
SOUTH AMERICA IN THE EAELY PART
OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY
CHAPTEE XII
THE FIEST BRITISH RELATIONS WITH THl NEW
REPUBLICS
Naval chroniclers — Shrewdness of their comments — Respective situations on
the Atlantic and on the Pacific — Popular captains — Petition of British
residents — The Lima theater — Captain Basil Hall — A friend of San
Martin — His intercourse with the Argentine Liberator — Pen-pictures
of the Pacific coast — H.M.S. Briton — Some experiences of her ships'
company — A humorous episode at Piura — H.M.S. Cambridge transports
British consuls to South America — Tragic end of one of these officials —
Various episodes related by the chaplain of the Cambridge — Some
notable names and characters ashore — ^Sunset is delayed for an hour
when Bolivar dines on board the Cambridge! — Some local biils-of-fare
— Profuse hospitality of the South Americans — Part played by British
merchants — Episode at an official ball at Valparaiso — One of the trage-
dies of a defimct regime — ^Manner in which Bolivar was received at a
ball given by a British merchant — Bolivar's coimtry house near Bogota
— ^Views of an ex-official of the suppressed Inquisition — Petition of a
cock-fighting monk — His letter to Lord Derby — Growth of British popu-
lation in Valparaiso — Missionary and scholastic enterprise — A bur-
lesque mutiny and its consequences — Experience of an American mer-
chant on the Pacific coast — Judge Prevost and his unfortunate joke —
Some mining incidents — Interest evinced in London — Bolivar as an ex-
pert — End of the "boom" — Surveying on the South American coast —
The voyage of the Chanticleer — Death of Captain Foster — Improvement
in sea food — Origin of the term "Gringo" — ^A Chilean explanation.
WE are largely indebted to that small band of
British naval men stationed on the Pacific
coast at the time of the War of Independence
for a knowledge of the more intimate — and consequently
more interesting — details of the social and political
events.
The reason why so few accounts have come down to ns
in the English language of the events, manners, and
customs of the river Plate countries in the earliest years
of their independence, is neither political nor commercial.
235
236 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
It is sheerly geographical, and consists in the muddy
shoals — at that time innocent of any dredger — which
caused the visits of British warships to be comparatively
rare, and thus failed to remedy the lamentable lack of
naval note-takers.
It was these shrewd naval observers who marked how,
when the establishment of the patriot government had be-
come assured in any district, the costume and customs
of the inhabitants altered as if by magic. They noted
how the primitive local garments of the ladies, and the
cloaks of the men disappeared, to give place to European
fashions. They have referred, too, to the assured and
confident air that now followed the former appearance
of trouble and distrust. They watched the quick growth
of national pride, the phenomenal springing up of com-
merce, and the rapid founding of the schools, libraries,
and centers of arts.
They noticed with admiration, too, that, wherever the
patriot flags were unfurled, two institutions — ^bull-fight-
ing and slave-trading — immediately died away. Indeed,
there were not lacking those who asserted that the un-
usually brutal exhibitions of bull-fighting at Lima formed
part of the viceregal plan for the mental treatment of the
colonists. But those from whom these statements eman-
ated were almost certainly carried away by their anti-
royalist sentiments.
It is, of course, impossible to refer individually even to
those of the most notable group of British naval officers
who served in the Pacific at this period. Nevertheless,
Captain Thomas Brown who sailed out in 1823 in the
42-gun frigate Tartar to South America deserves some
special mention for the extraordinary popularity that he
enjoyed on the part of both Spaniards and South Ameri-
cans.
Before the departure of the Tartar from the South
American station, Captain Brown received from Bolivar
a portrait of himself which he had taken the trouble to
FIRST RELATIONS WITH NEW REPUBLICS 237
send all the way from Alto Peru, where the Liberator
was then engaged. At Callao, on the other hand, that
gallant and stern soldier General Rodil, Spain's last hope
in South America, and Bolivar's greatest enemy, refused
Brown leave to purchase ship 's stores, adding that, as a
mark of his friendship and esteem, the British captain
must consent to accept as a gift anything that his ship
required. What more varied and striking testimony of
a true popularity could there be !
Another British commander whose personality cannot
well be overlooked was Captain Bowles, who played a
sufficiently important part on the Atlantic station. A
testimonial was drawn up at Buenos Aires on the 24th of
March, 1814, **to express to you the very high esteem with
which your conduct has impressed us, and to offer you our
most grateful thanks for the constant and efficacious pro-
tection you have afforded to the British interests."
This is signed by ** John Nightingale, George Dyson, R.
Montgomery, Robert Orr, G. T. Dickson, John M'Neill,
James Brittain, James Barton, H. Chorley, J. Thwaites,
Joshua Rawdon, J. Boyle, W. Wanklyn, W. Stroud."
And to a document in connection with a presentation
made to this officer six years later in Buenos Aires were
attached the signatures, '^Rich. Carlisle, G. T. Dickson,
WiU. Cartwright."
In those early and troublous days of South America,
when it was inevitable that the foreigner should suffer
from time to time between the grinding wheels of patriot
and Spaniard, the presence of a British vessel in a port
was undoubtedly a comfortable feature to the new Brit-
ish settlers on the South American coast.
At the foot of a petition that ** before the Indefatigable
leaves these seas she may be replaced by another vessel
of war, if it be not incompatible with his Majesty's
service," drawn up in Valparaiso on the 27th of March,
1815, occur eight signatures which presumably are those
of some of the most prominent British merchants then
238 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
in the town. These are: Colon Campbell, Jno. Jas.
Barnard, N. Crompton, George Cood, Andrew Blest, John
Blest, T. Beetenson, and James Ingram.
These British naval men were, of course, the only spec-
tators who obtained a clear and impartial view of the
social situation before and after the revolution. Many
of the changes came about with a surprising suddenness.
So far as the theater was concerned, for instance, the
transformation of the audience seems to have been as
dramatic as anything which occurred on the stage. Here
is the description of one of these naval eye-witnesses, of
the Lima theater :
'*In the evening there was a play, but the people we
had been wont to see there before the revolution were
all gone; and their places occupied by Chilian officers,
and by English, American, and French merchants, to-
gether with numberless pretty Limenas, a race who smile
on all parties alike. The actors were the same, and the
play the same, but everything else — dress, manners, lan-
guage — ^was different: even the inveterate custom of
smoking in the theater had been abolished by a public
decree."
To my mind, as I have already said, the most outstand-
ing of the records of the Pacific coast during the last
period of the War of Liberation and the first few years
of the independence are those of Captain Basil Hall.
Hall reveals himself as an admirable type of the British
sailor, and it is clear that his kindly geniality won for him
as much popularity as his firmness gained him respect.
Enjoying as he did the intimate friendship of San
Martin, the great Argentine would unbosom himself to
him of his hopes and fears, plans and ideals. Much has
been written of late of San Martin, and it is a little diffi-
cult to understand why Hall's first-hand and intimate
testimony has been so seldom referred to. The British
sailor's admiration for San Martin was by no means
universally shared at the time it was evoked. There
FIRST RELATIONS WITH NEW REPUBLICS 239
were many who doubted — and, after all, this doubt was
not so unnatural a thing in those who did not know the
General — the sincerity of San Martin's statements that
he desired all for his country, nothing for himself. But
Hall was not among those who doubted. His fervid pen-
picture of the Liberator was justified to the full by sub-
sequent events, when San Martin, having achieved his
great work, voluntarily descended from his pinnacle in
the full blaze of publicity, and entered private life — and,
incidentally, an oblivion, from the tragedy of which his
name was not drawn until more than half a century later.
Captain Hall has provided a set of pictures of the
life of the Pacific coast which are in many respects unique.
Moreover, whether he were chatting with San Martin,
being entertained ashore, protecting British interests, ne-
gotiating between royalists and South Americans, or fac-
ing a hostile Spanish mob at Callao, as was once his lot,
he appears to have risen to the occasion with the most
admirable equanimity.
The complications which the British naval officers on
the South American station had to face during the first
year or two of the War of Independence were not light-
ened by the fact that we were at the time at war with the
United States.
In the course of this the United States frigate Essex
worked considerable damage to the British whale fishery
in the Southern seas, and at the end of 1813 H.M. frigate
Briton, 38 guns, was ordered to the Pacific to endeavor
to meet with the American vessel.
The Briton did not meet with the Essex (this vessel,
after a desperate resistance, having already been cap-
tured by the Phoebe and Cherub), although she spoke with
some of the whaler captains who had been victims of the
American frigate's raid, and, among some green bushes
at Chatham Island, found the tomb of a Lieutenant
Cowen, one of the Essex's officers, who had fallen in a
duel with a brother officer named Gramble.
240 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
The Briton's company saw a good deal of the Pacific
coast. When lying off Callao, they saw much of the good
people of Lima, and this is what Lieutenant John Shil-
libeer, in command of the marines, has to say of them:
*'The ladies being pretty, and possessing a more
than ordinary share of interesting vivacity, we were
led so imperceptibly to the point of departure, that it
had arrived before we could have hoped it had half
elapsed/'
This is well meant, but almost as involved as the morals
of a lady who, at the Northern port of Piura, came off
with a number of others to visit the Briton. In 1814 the
rage for collecting souvenirs from visiting warships had
not reached its height, so her action in pocketing a certain
amount of the Briton's silver proved that her ideas an-
ticipated the times. She was obviously confused when
the Captain's steward retrieved from her capacious
pockets a silver knife and other objects of the kind.
Nevertheless, there seem to have been circumstances
which made this appropriation rather out of the ordinary.
**It may be urged in extenuation of her fault," gravely
explains Shillibeer, **that Lord Anson, at his visit there,
had played a trick or two on the family from which she
was descended."
Could Anson only have foreseen one of the results of
his famous voyage!
In 1823 H.M.S. Cambridge set out for South America,
having on board four British consuls, Messrs, Rowcroft,
Nugent, Parish, and Hood, who were appointed respec-
tively to Lima, Valparaiso, Buenos Aires, and Mon-
tevideo. Each of these officials was provided with two
vice-consuls. Doubtless the South American squadron
was not ill-pleased when British consuls were appointed
to the Pacific coast, for, until the advent of those useful
agents, all official matters and commercial difficulties
which cropped up between the South Americans and the
British had to be adjusted by the British naval com-
FIRST RELATIONS WITH NEW REPUBLICS 241
mander-in-chief, who thus, whether he would or not,
became a Jack-of-all-trades, ashore as well as afloat.
All the consuls reached their destinations safely, but
Mr. Eowcroft met his end under tragic circumstances very-
soon after he had taken up his post. He had been din-
ing on board the Cambridge, and was anxious to return
to Lima after nightfall. He had been warned that this
attempt would be dangerous, since the uniform of the city
of London cavalry which he wore somewhat resembled
that of a Spanish officer, for which it might easily be mis-
taken in the dark. But the unfortunate official deter-
mined to set out, and the predicted catastrophe occurred.
The patriot guard, making certain that it was a Spaniard
advancing toward them, fired, and Eowcroft died the
next morning from his wounds.
It may be remarked here that, although Great Britain
had appointed her consuls to most of the new republics
as early as 1823, some time was destined to elapse before
the weight of full diplomatic relations was added. The
first envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to
be appointed was Mr. Alexander Cockburn who was sent
to Colombia in 1826. After this Sir E. Ker Porter was
appointed charge d'aif aires to Venezuela in 1835; in 1837
Mr. W. Wilson proceeded in a similar capacity to Bolivia.
The diplomatic equipment of the entire continent soon
followed, with the result that South America was no
longer regarded as a collection of experimental groups of
humanity but as a gathering of friendly states, each of
which was rapidly growing in importance.
To the chronicles of Miller, Cochrane, and Hall might
well be added those of the chaplain of H.M.S. Cambridge,
who modestly writes under the initials H. S. His pages
are few and small, but they are filled with most interest-
ing matter. Among the personages he met was the Span-
ish General Eodil, who came to dine on board the Cam-
bridge shortly after the fall of Callao — a stronghold which
he had defended with a tenacity in the face of hopeless
242 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
odds such as none but a man of his extraordinary de-
termination and courage could have exhibited. It was
Rodil who, for month after month, maintained the spirit
of the diseased and starving garrison. His methods were
occasionally relentless and bloodthirsty ; but he himself at
all times set the highest example of courage and watch-
fulness. His activities were ceaseless by day and by
night, and he was invariably to be found at the point of
danger. When the inevitable end drew near, Rodil ate
and slept on the parapets, never once entering his quar-
ters, while his beard, for want of shaving, grew long upon
his face. What an heroic figure would have been Rodil 's,
had he served a victorious cause !
It is the chaplain of the Cambridge who relates how,
at the hauling down of the Spanish ensign at Callao, Cap-
tain Simpson, of the Peruvian navy, stood near the in-
domitable Rodil, and remarked that the Spanish gen-
erial's face remained impassive, and that he even smiled
slightly — as well he might in the consciousness of a duty
so heroically, if ruthlessly, done.
It is he, too, who gives us a wealth of such instructive
paragraphs as the following: "We reached Santiago
about two o 'clock. Lord Byron and I drove to the house
of the agent for the Chilean Mining Association, where
we found a hearty welcome and invitation to fix our abode
during our stay in the place. We dined at the English
inn, and in the evening went to visit at the house of
Admiral Blanco. Here I met with Martin de la Vega,
an old man of eighty-four, who dances at all the tertulias ;
he is chaplain in the army ; and before I had known him
half an hour, he told me, I am the man mentioned by
Captain Hall, in his book on South America. ' '
Here is another fragment that introduces a number of
sufficiently notable names: ''This evening I rode up to
Lima in the stage coach which has been lately established,
in company with Grillespie. I established myself in Mrs.
Walker's hotel, near the Church of San Augustin. The
FIRST RELATIONS WITH NEW REPUBLICS M3
next morning I called on General O'Higgins, who very
obligingly invited me to dine with him. General Sands,
an Englishman, who has been nine years in the Colombian
service, and Mrs. Houston were of the party. Gen.
O'Higgins 's mother, a pleasant lively old woman, and his
sister, a lady apparently about fifty, dined with us. The
conversation was various and most agreeable, and the
dinner sumptuous, and dressed much in the English
stile."
On one occasion, when Bolivar was dining on board
H.M.S. Cambridge, the boats had been ordered at sunset.
So agreeable did the entertainment prove that the British
commander, possibly bearing Joshua in mind, gave orders
that the sun was not to set until half an hour after its
usual time. And the sun obeyed — so far as the ship's
routine was concerned! When the Liberator in his
gorgeous uniform descended the gangway at the hour of
official sunset the dusk had fallen, and the stars had be-
gun to shine ! On this occasion his appearance was thus
described: ''His countenance seems open, and his con-
versation lively and unassuming ; but his whole figure and
face are those of a man worn out with care and toil."
Bolivar made evident his appreciation of the Cam-
bridge's entertainment by a slight testimonial which he
sent on board the next day. Ten bullocks and fifty sheep !
Even in those days there was nothing niggardly in South
American courtesies !
Indeed, this generous species of hospitality was illus-
trated in a remarkable fashion even at a dinner given by
the local priest. Here the meal was ushered in by vermi-
celli soup and boiled fowl; after which came "two dishes
of boiled meats, beef, tongue, and a fat ham, all mixed to-
gether, and surrounded with vegetables, pumpkin, cab-
bage, and potatoes." To top up this profusion arrived
a roast turkey and a dish of baked cream ! One is con-
strained to believe that this was not the good cura's
normal fare ! Let it be added that at a dinner at another
244 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
establishment two turkeys were brought to the table, the
one hot, and the other cold, both ornamented with sweet-
meats and gold leaf.
It must not be imagined that the civilian element had
played no part in the stirring events of the day. Mr.
John Miller, who wrote the ' ' Memoirs of General Millar, ' '
freely acknowledges the various services rendered by the
British mercantile community of the Pacific coast to the
South Americans. He cites the case of some English
merchants who joined the patriot cavalry in the charge at
Maipii — the most conspicuous of these being Messrs.
Samuel Haigh and James Barnard. He mentions, too,
cases of private benevolence and friendly offices.
But it was another matter, protests Mr. Miller, when it
came to hard and fast business — ^when the justice of the
respective claims of the patriot or royalist causes were
apt to become diminished in importance before the per-
sonal considerations involved in the questions of per-
centage and profit. This may well have been so. The
community would not have been the first to drown senti-
ment in financial success !
The attention of the average person who troubles him-
self about this period is so apt to be taken up by the
spectacle of the patriot victories and of the triumphant
vindication of their rights that one is apt to forget that,
the more brilliant the light, the darker the shade. Much
has been heard of the Spanish haughtiness and arrogance ;
but there was the other side of the picture. Captain Hall
gives us a pathetic glimpse of this in his description of
an elaborate official ball at Valparaiso — an entertainment
at which the Chilean ladies appeared in the most magnifi-
cent toilettes. But Captain Hall happened to look into a
side chamber, where lurked the skeleton of the feast.
This is what he saw:
**I was struck by the appearance of several lady-like
young women standing on chairs and straining their eyes,
as they looked over the heads of the servants and musi-
BRITISH SOUTH AMERICANS
A BRITISH SOUTH AMERICAN ON HIS RANCHO
FIRST RELATIONS WITH NEW REPUBLICS 245
cians to catch a glimpse of the strangers in the ballroom,
from which they appeared to be excluded. Seated on a
sofa in the corner near them were two stately old ladies,
simply though elegantly dressed, who did not appear to
sympathize with their children in eagerness about the
ball, but sat apart quietly conversing together. In their
countenances, which retained traces of considerable
beauty, there dwelt a melancholy expression; while their
demeanor indicated an indifference to all that was pass-
ing. On enquiry, it appeared that they were old Span-
iards, who, under the former administration of the coun-
try, had been persons of wealth and consequence, but
whose existence was now scarcely known."
While on the subject of these entertainments, we may
skip a few years, and remark on one which took place in
Peru. On New Year's day of 1825 an English merchant
in Lima gave a ball in honor of Bolivar and of the battle
of Ayacucho. This was a very full-dress affair, a strong
band being in attendance, and bunting flying freely. At
one end of the ballroom was a full-length portrait of
Bolivar, done on canvas, while a similar likeness of Sucre
adorned the opposite wall.
When Bolivar entered the room there was considerable
acclamation, the orchestra striking up the Colombian na-
tional air. It is to be hoped that this portrait of Bolivar
was a success, for the sake of the Liberator, for to be
confronted all the evening by a libellous replica of one-
self must be depressing even to a person of such indomi-
table spirit as Bolivar! Considering the almost certain
absence of any really capable artist in those stirring
times, one is inclined to fear the worst. Bolivar, how-
ever, could not have been much disconcerted, for after
supper he waltzed with a young lady of Lima.
It may interest admirers of Bolivar to learn that the
General possessed a very pretty country house at the
foot of a picturesque ravine in the neighborhood of
Bogota. In this pleasant, verandaed building, set in the
246 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
midst of the forest, and surrounded by gardens laid out
in the French style, Bolivar was wont to entertain his
friends at numerous dinner parties. Here, according to
a contemporary authority, he appeared to great advan-
tage, "evincing the good humor and urbanity of his dis-
position, though never descending from his finished, gen-
tlemanly manner."
Occasionally when the old order came into collision
with the new, the result was tragic, as when, for instance,
the old Spaniards found themselves deprived not only of
their property and social position but of their homes.
Just as often the upshot had its ludicrous side. Delu-
sions were apt to be shattered on either side. The pop-
ular notion, for instance, that the officials of the Inquisi-
tion were of necessity callously hypocritical as well as
cruel in the exercise of their grim duties is not always
borne out by a closer acquaintance with these men. A
minor instance of this occurred at Lima, just after the
abolition of the Inquisition at that place. One of the ex-
priests of that much dreaded institution happened to find
himself in company with some Englishmen who were din-
ing, and after an acquaintance had been struck up he
turned to an acquaintance, and exclaimed in genuine dis-
tress : * ' Oh ! What a pity it is that such fine rosy-look-
ing, good young men, should all necessarily and inevitably
go to the Devil!"
Another curious character of the Pacific coast at this
period was a monk who was passionately addicted to cock-
fighting. Having made the acquaintance of the chaplain
of H.M.S. Cambridge, he begged the latter to write to
Lord Derby, whose breed he had heard was the best in
England, in order to ask for four fighting-cocks and as
many hens !
In the end he himself compiled a letter to Lord Derby,
and demanded the favor in a collection of most ingenu-
ous sentences. Whether the epistle ever reached Lord
Derby I do not know.
FIRST RELATIONS WITH NEW REPUBLICS 247
All this time, of course, society was consolidating it-
self in the more important towns of the Pacific coast.
The South Americans rapidly adapted themselves to the
liberal notions of existence which now prevailed, and the
intercourse between them and the British continually de-
veloped. The importance of the immigration of these
latter may be gathered from the fact that in 1823 the
British population of Valparaiso, which at the time con-
tained some ten thousand inhabitants, amounted to no
less than a thousand. In the meantime a Mr. Thompson,
a missionary, founded Lancasterian schools at Buenos
Aires, Montevideo, and Santiago. He subsequently,
about 1821, founded a fourth at Lima. It is noteworthy
of remark here that, although he met with considerable
opposition in Peru, he received the hearty support of the
clergy and monks.
Lancastrian schools were established, too, in Colom-
bia and Venezuela almost before the North was liberated,
one of the first being at Cartagena.
An even bolder flight of enterprise was initiated in
1823, when another missionary caused the New Testa-
ment to be translated into Quichua, the language of the
ancient and modern Peruvian Indians.
No picture of this kind, of course, could be without its
reverse. A quaint Northern instance of the confusion
and mental giddiness into which too powerful and rapid
a dose of liberty had flung the inhabitants of many of the
districts is related by a naval officer with some humor:
**0n Christmas Eve, at the time we were sailing up
the river, the whole army of the State of Guayaquil, con-
sisting of one regiment, marched out of the town, and
having taken up a position half a league off, sent in a
message at daybreak to the Governor, to say that they
were determined to serve under no other flag than that
of Bolivar ; and unless they were indulged in this matter,
they would instantly set fire to the town. The Governor,
with the good sen^e and prudence of utter helplessness,
248 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
sent his compliments to the troops, and begged that they
would do just as they pleased. Upon the receipt of this
civil message, one half of the regiment were so much
pleased with having the matter left to their own free
choice, and being rather anxious, perhaps, for their break-
fast, which was waiting for them, agreed to relinquish
the character of rebels, and come quietly back to their
allegiance. ' '
It is on such Gilbertian foundations as these that many
Englishmen build up their conception of South America
of to-day ! For, all that, it is true enough that the early
nineteenth century provided plenty of instances of the
kind throughout the continent. That the temperament
of the South American need not of necessity be mercurial
was discovered somewhat to his cost by a North Ameri-
can merchant who in the early 1820 's landed thirteen
arrohas of sugar at the port of Chorillos on the Peruvian
coast. To his dismay he found that the peasants em-
ployed to carry the goods from the beach to the town in-
sisted on pocketing a proportion of the sugar. Nothing
would stop them. The scandalized merchant beat the
men with his fists until he had to cease for the simple
reason that his knuckles were worn out. They took his
blows with perfect stolidity, accepting them in tacit ex-
change for the sugar, of which they continued to pocket
what they considered their share with a calm and un-
breakable resolution? They made no attempt to molest
their employer, and the American may well have thought
himself fortunate in emerging from the situation with the
loss of nothing beyond one out of his thirteen arrohas of
sugar.
Among the other incidents of the early days of libera-
tion there is an amusing story told of a certain Judge
Prevost, a jocular agent from the United States, who
was in Buenos Aires in the 1820 's — that period of giddily
rapid governmental transition. Judge Prevost made a
habit of stepping on to the balcony of his house every
FIRST RELATIONS WITH NEW REPUBLICS 249
morning and of demanding of the first person who would
chance to pass beneath, ''Who governs to-day?" Little
things lead to men's undoing, and it was the coincidence
of meeting a brother wag — ^who replied, "Quien sabef"
(who knows?) — one fine morning that led to his abrupt
departure from Buenos Aires. It was Prevost's delight
to tell this story: it never failed in its reception. Un-
fortunately for himself he told it once too often, and it
reached the ears of a governor who was lacking in humor,
and who was determined to let the official from the United
States know who was governing that morning ! So poor
Judge Prevost had orders to depart forthwith, and four
hours later found himself bound for Chile in the good
vessel Enterprise, the property of a Mr. Samuel Haigh —
who has already been mentioned for his gallant assistance
to the Chilean cause — ^who was himself traveling in the
ship at the time.
After this smart reminder of that of which the age was
still capable, it is time to return to the practical and
commercial side of the situation. No sooner was Peru
in the hands of the South Americans and its industries
and commerce open to the world than an intense excite-
ment manifested itself in the London mining market.
The mines of Peru — ^where, incidentally, an Englishman
of the name of Green was already superintending the
brand-new coinage at the Lima mint — were calling, with
the magical name of Potosi written in glittering letters in
the sky high above all the rest !
On 'change in London Town bankers and merchants
nodded together with the ponderous and chastened wis-
dom of the financier, their eyes filled with the yellow gold
of Peru that filtered through the London sunshine, and
with the silver that blinked more dully through the mist.
To do them justice, the inhabitants of young independ-
ent South America tumbled to the situation with a rapid-
ity which augured well for their future careers as busi-
ness men. In their eyes it is possible that the mines were
250 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
of rather less import than the company of important and
eager gentlemen who were reported to be hastening to
the spot from London, bearing extraordinary powers and
authorities to deal in mines on a scale such as mines had
never been dealt in before!
So those who had mines prepared to sell them then
and there, and those who had none prepared to sell some
one else's — and frequently succeeded in the attempt!
Never, too, was there such a furbishing up of old and
exhausted mines, of which, the rights lay by the law of
the land at the disposal of the first comer ! Local com-
panies were formed with the object of securing every
mineral field which might be bought for a song, and
every effort was made to receive the mine buyers with
forethought and suitable attention !
In due course the commissioners arrived. Once upon
the scene, several of these turned out to be old friends
of the local mine-magnates — Englishmen who had taken
part in the revolution and who, having convinced the Eng-
lish capitalists of their knowledge of the Peruvian min-
ing world, now returned to the scene of their former ex-
ploits, some of them traveling en prince this time, ac-
companied by secretaries, technical advisers, and valets.
In London, fed by ardent reports from South America,
the speculation in these matters grew more and more in-
tense. Had the worthy investors known the language of
to-day, they would have declared that their market was
booming. The shares of one or two of those institutions
which had sent out the most elaborate commissioners ac-
tually rose to one hundred times the amount of their
original value, and had all the appearance of being about
to continue to soar at the same pace for an indefinite
period.
In the meantime Bolivar himself had taken a hand in
this Peruvian mining enterprise. It is a little difficult
for the casual historian to associate the romantic figure
of the Liberator of half South America with any dealings
FIRST RELATIONS WITH NEW REPUBLICS 251
of the kind. But when the occasion arose Bolivar showed
himself as fully alive as any one else to the value of min-
ing scrip. First of all he rescinded the law which al-
lowed the first comer to take possession of unworked
mines — a decree which was subsequently revoked in turn ;
then he put up for sale the whole of the unappropriated
mines of Upper Peru. The whole of the unappropriated
mines of Upper Peru, gentlemen, in one lot ! Going — go-
ing— !
''A million dollars!" bid a syndicate from Buenos
Aires. *' Twelve hundred thousand!" capped a rival.
*'A million and a half!" offered Captain Andrews, a
London commissioner. Bolivar, having cast a wary eye
over the local market, shook his head. He could do bet-
ter than that in London, he believed. He named his own
commissioners, who should make for the financial hub
of the world. But they got no farther than La Plata.
By that time the news had arrived that the London min-
ing balloon had burst with a most painful and costly
pop!
Thus in 1825 the South American market knew its first
panic in London. After the crisis the mining values of
Peru gradually found their right levels, and a number of
properties which had been considered as sound were
found almost worthless, while, on the other hand, many
which had been held as of little account provided with a
most gratifying surprise those people who happened to
be financially interested in them at the time when they
consented to reveal the value of their contents.
At this period a great amount of survey work was ac-
complished by British vessels on the South American
coast. It is, of course, impossible to follow the details of
their enterprise, and a few records of a single expedition
may serve well enough to illustrate the rest.
In 1828 Captain Henry Foster sailed in H.M.S. sloop
Chanticleer on a scientific mission to the Southern At-
lantic — a voyage which has been graphically described by
252 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
the surgeon of the vessel, Mr. W. H. B. Webster. Ar-
riving at Montevideo, they found the Portuguese garrison
besieged by the Gauchos, and the surgeon on the occa-
sion of a landing-party found himself unexpectedly look-
ing down the muzzle of a carbine which a suspicious
Gaucho was pointing directly at him. The man must
have been a formidable person to meet, as, beyond his
carbine, he was provided with a lasso, a cutlass, and a
brace of pistols! After a conversation of signs, the
mind of the Gaucho seems to have been relieved, for he
made a polite bow, and vanished.
After this the Chanticleer sailed down to Cape Horn,
and in the name of King George the Fourth annexed some
territory, made friends with the Fuegian Indians, and met
with H.M.S. Adventure, commanded by Captain King.
At a later period of the cruise the Chanticleer found her-
self off the Brazilian convict island of Fernando Noronha,
and the officers bore testimony to the civility and good-
nature of the convicts who had the free run of the island.
The voyage ended in a tragedy. Having completed
some valuable astronomical observations at Panama, Cap-
tain Foster was returning in a canoe to his ship. Pro-
ceeding down the historical river Chagres, he leaned
against an awning, which gave way, precipitating him
into the water. A young officer and his coxswain in-
stantly plunged together after him, but the swift cur-
rent of the stream had sucked the Captain beneath, and
the grim Chagres Eiver had yet one more catastrophe to
add to its long list.
At the time of the Chanticleer's voyage science had al-
ready begun to play some part in alleviating the fare of
the sailor and in minimizing the risk of scurvy — a work
in which Captain Cook had already shown such zeal.
From the modern point of view progress was compara-
tively insignificant, as will be evident from a remark of
the Chanticleer's surgeon: *'It is not very long ago that
I was shewn in Sir Ashton Lever's museum a piece of
FIRST RELATIONS WITH NEW REPUBLICS 253
dried salt-beef ; the shreds of which it was composed ex-
actly resembled ropeyarn, and, having been round the
world, it was very properly treasured up as a curiosity.**
One can picture the shudderings of the advertising
manager of a present-day food extract on being con-
fronted with an uncompromising description of this kind.
But even at that period it was said to be possible to cook
a joint of Donkin's preserved meat in London and to eat
it fresh at Cape Horn. Sailors themselves alleged that
it might be taken right round the world, and be as good
as ever. This in itself does not seem to suggest a rope-
yarn texture. No doubt they were easily satisfied in
those days, and the explanation lies in the **as ever."
Before forsaking the subject of the sea, we may touch
on a topic, which at first would seem to have no connec-
tion with it ! The term * * Gringo ' * is, of course, applied
with impartial generosity alike to the European in gen-
eral, or to the North American. But it was made to apply
in the first place more especially to the Britisher. It cor-
responds more or less with the "rooinek" of South Amer-
ica, and has its softer and friendlier counterpart in the
''new chum" of our own colonies.
When in Chile, on several occasions I heard the origin
explained of this word of scanty compliment. Accord-
ing to my informants of the Pacific coast, it appears that
the primary source of this was the musical propensities
of a boat 's-crew of a British ship anchored off a Chilean
port. The men, it appears, when pulling ashore, across
the blue waves, trolled out the ballad "Green grow the
rushes, 0!" in a lusty chorus that in part remained in
the ears of some Chilean Guazus who happened to be
listening ashore. Hence the contraction of the first
words into "Gringo."
I can only give this story as it was told me by Chilean
and Englishman alike. Unfortunately there was no date
attached — ^which omission in itself need not necessarily
make the tale improbable !
254 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
Senor Lucio V. Mansilla, however, in his work on * ' Ro-
zas" maintains that "Grringo" is not an Americanism, for
wanderers such as the gipsies were known by this name
in Spain. Other foreigners were distinguished by simi-
lar nicknames. Thus the Spaniard was known as the
Godo, and the Italian as the Carcamdn, while the general
term for a foreigner unused to the saddle was Mattur-
rango.
CHAPTEE Xni
EABLY TEAVELEKS AND TEADEES IN THE EEPUBLICS
Social conditions in the new South America — The influence of concessions
— Occupations followed by the first British settlers — ^Wild scope of
their energies — Some early hotels — Scottish milkmaids — ^Varied circum-
stances of the pioneers — South America as a Latin continent — Eole
played by the British — Some questions of shopkeeping — Past and pres-
ent position — The road to Chile — Experiences of some Cornish miners —
A combat with a condor — Travel in the Andes — Isolated miners —
Method of conveyance in the Colombian mountains — The Sillers and
his revenge — Turbulent priests at Mendoza — One interpretation of the
advantages derived from the Eevolution — ^The exchange of commodities
between Britain and South America — Some ill-fated shipments and in-
congruous objects — Origin of a quaint local custom — ^How a Scotsman
vindicated his veracity — British pastoralists on South American soil —
The Indian peril — Methods of attack employed by the aborigines of the
Pampa — Measures of defense — ^Northern natives — Ravages committed by
them during the War of Independence — Havoc wrought in the town of
Santa Marta — A naval day ashore — Experiences of a shooting party —
The historical lake of Guatavita — Plans for the securing of its treas-
ure — ^The etory of the Spanish soldier and the golden images — A curi-
ous Northern custom — Rough sport — An early nineteenth-century Co-
lombian dinner — Christmas festivities at Bogota — Procedure substi-
tuted in 1823 for the medieval entertainment — ^Appearance of the
Northern traveler — The sons of generals Miranda and Wilson — Cap-
tain B. J. Sullivan — The river voyage of Lieutenant W. Smyth and
Mr. F. Lowe — Preparations for crossing the continent by stream —
Departure at the last moment from the Samarang — Assistance re-
ceived from the Peruvian Government and the British community —
Start of the expedition — Colonel Althaus — Major Beltran and Lieuten-
ant Azcarate — Difficulties in connection with the escort — ^An alteration
of the route is found necessary — The Huallaga River — A launching
ceremony — The native crews — Aboriginal humor — Prevalence of Brit-
ish goods — An advance agent of imagination — The Ucayali River —
Sojourn at a mission establishment — Leave taken from the Peruvian
officers — How the lack of funds was remedied — Incidents on the final
voyage — Arrival at ParS.
265
256 BRITISH EXPLOITS IN SOUTH AMERICA
OWING to the nature of its population the tend-
ency of South American society has always
worked toward the foundation of a small but bril-
liant aristocracy at the head of a disproportionately large
untutored populace. In the south of the continent the
important immigration from Europe has had the effect
of supplying the republics of the temperate latitudes with
a bourgeoisie of weight and influence. But in the first
quarter of the nineteenth century no such body had come
into existence in any part of the continent.
It was largely owing to a misconception of these social
conditions that the policy of the first British relations
with the South Americans had very soon to be amended.
London financiers and merchants drew their impressions
of the South American from such personalities as Mir-
anda, Bolivar, San Martin, and Eivadavia, and there were
many who seemed to consider that these extraordinarily
gifted men were merely average specimens of South
American humanity !
The inevitable disillusion followed expectations such as
these. Besides the honorable men of the new republics,
there were those others — whose total absence from any
state would automatically unveil a solid Utopia? And for
such as these no mine in the continent was as profitable
just then as the dazzling field for the nimble-witted in-
troduced by the British hunt after industrial concessions !
After this the British commercial men — ^like the burned
child who forgets the pleasant warmth of the fire in the
pain of a burn — held aloof for a time, until matters be-
gan to adjust themselves to the actual and practical exist-
ence of affairs.
It is clear enough, too, that those British pioneers who
first settled themselves in the liberated states had not
gaged the depths of the national forces of their adopted
lands. t