imk Author i*o p Title Imprint 10—47372-3 1 ' ABDEE88 HON. RICHARD YATES. IlKUVKKEl) AT THE IP GRAND OVATION TENDERED HIM HY IKK jif iiiis m jAGSsoirnuii, ■oral oj his Course in th>: >)9 . Congress. Delivered at Strawn's Hall, Saturday Evening. Sept. 15, 1866. HP JACKSONVILLE : JO DBS A I. BTBAM POWER PBBM riuJIT. 1866. ADDRESS HON. RICHARD YATES. DELIVERED AT THE GRAND OVATION TENDERED HIM EY THE FJAOSSfl In Approval of his Course in the oQth (' Delivered at Strawn's Hall, Saturday Evening, Sept. 15, 1866. JACKSONVILLE: JOCRNAl BTEAM POWER PRE88 I ) L866. Y CORRESPONDENCE. Jacksonville, III., Sept. IT, I860. Hon. RICHARD YATES— Dear Sir : Having had the pleasure of listening to your eloquent address atStrawn's Hall, onlhe evening of the loth inst., we are desirous that your many friends who were unable to hear you on that occasion may read your remarks. We, therefore, respectfully request a copy for publication, if you can con-: venieutly favor us with the same. Very respectfully, J. W. KING, WM. P. BARR, J. T. NEWMAN, OLIVER J. PYATT, WM. B. JOHNSOX. JOSEPH TOMLINSON, DAVID M. SIMMONS, GEO. W. PADG1TT, W. C. WOODMAN, WM. HAMILTON, Jr., JOS. J. IRONMONGER Conn Jacksonville, III., Sept. 19, 18 ■ Messrs. J. W. King, W. P. Ban; J. T. Mwman, Oliver J. Pyatt, and oti Committee: Ckntlemen: I take pleasure in complying with your request, and here- with enclose you a copy of my Address for publication. I return to you and our fellow-citizens whom you represent my sincere thanks for the beautiful and cordial manner in which you and they have aeon tit to express your appreciation of my humble servi.. s. Very respectfully, RICHARD YATES, Address of Welcome, by Hon. P. G. Gillett. Friends, Fellow- Citizens, Ladles and G< ntlemt a : Our community is one peculiarly fa- Tored in many respects. - estiv- ■ i , are by no means uncommon oc< ng us. We are assembled this c vening, how upon an occasion of no ordinar and importance even in Jacksonville. The se of our coming together is to do ourselves < to his home, find awarding a well-earned honor to one of our fi throughout the laud. We arc not here ours to indulge in fulsome adulation of the \ :. We live in a tin u are called upon — -\\r.t with I in the year lom is tbn i ■ of ii i friends, 1 • I fel- ■ ive ii. . lie has led the \ i ■ I ■ hap ours, bits he hos n ■ < r b pain I In and nourished by the supplies he lias fur I them ; because upon the battli in the Iwaya and ' re he is enshrined in the of Illinois colors were never struck, and whose backs o the foe — the ' cd," we welcome him home to- . i Applause.] Because, v. hen a chansre : field of I ie to the White House and halls of he was as r to encounter th of Freedo I been to at pith Illinois valor, endur- or all these and oth- • r e welcome him home to-] le my ci ofjacl ar youthful id do i COUth' feCtl - : . I ■ i ■ i i mnly it e. rs. I now rl i oman and nt join in the welkin t, of i eat cheeri ADDRESS. Fellow Citizens — I should he in- capable of the emotions which should swell every heart, did I not return to you, now, my most sincere thanks for the cordial welcome you have given me on this occasion. But I may first return my hearty acknowledgements to Mr. Gillett, for the graceful and most eloquent man- ner in which he has expressed your appreciation. It is true that Jacksonville is my home. From boyhood, and during my manhood, it has been my home ; and, to you, my fellow-citizens — to your suffrages and your counsels — I may truly say, I am indebted for the ground-work of whatever success I may have had through my life. Up- on the present occasion, however, I am aware of the fact, that it is not simply from your personal regard — which I so highly appreciate — that you extend to me this cordial wel- come ; but it is from a higher consid- eration. It is from the consideration that, since we are in the midst of troublous times, and the very desti- ny of our nation is hanging, perhaps, on a few months of time, you extend to me this welcome because I have been one of that 39th congress, which, despite the blandishments, or the bribes, or the threats, or terrors oi Executive power, has maintained it- self, self-poised and well-balanced, in the high and noble purpose of pre- serving the republic from the dangers which have surrounded it. (Applause. ) I have said that we live in perilous times. Is there a man before me who feels that his footing is entirely safe, even in this land which has been so happy during the years of the past, and whose political foundations we deemed so secure '. I remember well that on the 14th day of April, 1865, this nation was pleased with itself. Four years be - fore that time, horror and indignation 1 and inflamed the popular heart and mind, because the, flag of the na- tion was torn by traitor hands from the heights of .Sumter. The lurid flames of war shot athwart the horo- scope of the nation, and the tramp of marshalling hosts, and the pomp of Avarlike preparation brok< the still ness of peace which had so long blessed the land. War came — and such a war — gigantic war — the soil was crimsoned, and our rivers ran purple with human gore. Armies marched and fought, and commanders lost and won their victories,now pros- perous, wow adverse fortune till, at last, success, raised our ensign, Lee's proud army gave way. and victory streamed from all our banners in the North, in the South — upon the land, upon tin- sea (Applause.) On that Mth day of April, 1.8G5, the nation's eyes -were turned to that same Fort Sumter, where thousands of our loyal coun- trymen had gone to raise that flag whence traitor hands had pulled it down. The streets of Washington were gay with banners ; every house was brilliantly decorated, and Penn- sylvania Avenue was a scene of beau- ty indeed. The measure of our hap- piness was full, and our thanks went up to God for the victory. Our grat- itude went out to our Cabinet, to our skillful generals, to our brave uncon- querable army, and to all the men and women of the land, who had la- bored for the grand results which their skill, and prowess, and great efforts had achieved. But to one, high above all, did our gratitude go out : not to him as Pres- ident, but to him as friend, deliverer, saviour, the immortal Lincoln. (Ap- plause.) It was strange, was it not, that on this day, the one event which, &f all others, would most astound, sadden, and throw the nation back upon itself, should, amidst such uni- versal gladness, occur — that the Mo- ses who led us safely through the wilderness of our national troubles — the nation's chief — the nation's hope — the nation's most loved and honor" ed one, who had sunk deeper in the affections of the American heart than any other man — the most magnifi- cent man of the nation and the age ; before whom every head in the civil ized world was bent in reverence — was it boI strange that he should, on that fatal day. be struck down by the hand of a vile assassin in the interest of treason .' His humble origin, his gentleness of manner, his humility, his purity of motive, his unswerving truthfulness, his pure, spotless life and character, and his elevated devotion to his coun- try, had won for him the confidence 01 the American people. Their hearts went out to him. They loved him, and leaned upon him with child- like and tender love. His opinions became their opinions ; and yet, he modestly gave them credit for great policies, which he had long before conceived and elaborated and resolved to carry into effect. In this wav he direeted popular opinion, shaped and controlled events and ruled the na- tion without seeming to rule. It is a matter of history that he had prepared upon paper his views upon the Amnesty Proclamation, the Emancipation Proclamation. and other great measures, long before his Cabi- net or the people had conceived them. He was the educator of statesmen and the people up to the high-water mark of unconditional and universal emancipation. (Applause.) He was not ambitious ; or, rather, he was ambitious ; but his ambition was a virtue, and not a vice ; an un- selfish ambition to serve his country, and be a benefactor of his race. He never sought glory. There was noth- ing of the vain-glorious pomp and boast of the braggart about him, which men called glory. He never sought office, and in not seeking it, he was driven to its most shining summit ; and sat more securely upon fame's proud pinnacle, because care- less whether there or not. The Pres- idency did not ennoble him ; he en™ nobledthe Preside, icy. No olfice, or rank, or station could come up to tho simple majesty and grandeur of char- acter of Abraham Lincoln. [Applause.] In a word it will be said, he was the priceless gilt of God to America in a perilous time ; and raised up to dis- play in his simple and majestic per- son, that rugged simplicity. I hat stern virtue, and (inextinguishable lovo of Liberty, which entitles me to stand here to-night and pronounce him the greatest statesman of the age iu which he lived, and a aublimo illua- nation of the fact, that exalted good- ness and exalted greatness are one and inseparable. [Applause.] Fellow-citizens, what a mighty chasm between the lofty altitude of Abraham Lincoln and the infinitesimal littleness of Andrew Johnson. John- son is rain, egotistical, weak, vacilla- ting, selfish, stubborn, arbitrary ; ex- alted far above his merit ; possessing every passion upon which dema- gogues play ; and now, he disgraces himself in the eyes of the nation, and secures the contempt of mankind, for the degradation ho is bringing on the high office which has been so glori- ously ennobled and dignified by Abra- ham Lincoln. lie talks about being the Moses of the colored people. Upon the question as to who has been, or who may be the Moses of the colored peo- ple, it may not be amiss to refer again to Mr. Lincoln. There were some scenes in the majestic drama of Abra- ham Lincoln's life which no pen, or painting can portray, nor splendor of eloquence describe. On the 1st day of January, 1865, when vast crowds were pressing along Pennsylvania Av- enue to take the hand of Abraham Lincoln, at his New Year's re- ception — the colored people, who constitute a very large proportion of the population of Washington, and into whose minds it had, somehow or other, crept, that, in the Providence of God, Abraham Lincoln was to be their deliverer, collected in large numbers on the commons fronting the White House. They there pa- tiently waited till the procession \\ en1 by, that they might pass through and take the President's hand. Then they sent in an humble request to that ef- fect, and were immediately admitted ; and Avlien they came and took the President by the hand, it was with blinding tears in their eyes saying " God bless you, Abraham Lincoln !" He had, indeed, been a Moses to them. And when Richmond was taken, through some sort of impression, some sort of faith or revelation, the colored people believed, that when ihe flag floated over the vanquished towers of Richmond they should see their deliverer. The day after the surrender, Mr. Lincoln, without pre- vious notice to the military authori- ties at Richmond, took his little boy, got into a boat, went up the James river, landed on the bank, and, un- heralded, with no escort, no roll of drums, no triumphal car, was quietly walking to the hotel. Somehow, whether on the Avings of the wind, or otherwise, we do not know, the col- ored people heard of his coming, and in vast multitudes, men, women, and children, from the streets, the cellars, the by-ways, and the alleys, flocked around him and blocked up his way. waving their hats and bonnets, arid shouting "Glory to God," " God bless you, Massa Lincoln I" Here was, in- deed, a Moses for the poor, down- trodden sons of toil. I remember another nover-to-be- forgotten scene, when the funeral cortege, bearing the President's re- mains, passed from the White House to the Capitol, along Pennsylvania Avenue, where multiplied thousands, from far and near, had assembled to mourn the loss of the nation's mur- dered chief; and when every hous.\ window ami tree top was covered with those who witnessed the solemn scene. In the close, compact crowd, the poor sons of toil, with weeping eyes and sad hearts mourned, with unutterable sorrow, the death of their great deliverer. They could not be kept back, but pressed forward to pay their last tribute of respect to their great benefactor. When Lin- coln looked down from the shining realms, he appreciated the sorrow ol 8 every mail in that procession, without distinction of color. • Lincoln, the great Emancipator, was. indeed, a Moses to the colored people. Now, I say, what a chasm there is between that Moses, and this pretended Moses, who is traveling through the country, and dispensing his insane, everlasting twaddle against the true friends of Liberty and Union. A beautiful Moses is he to the color- ed people, who is for restoring slave- holders to all their old rights ; tor re- cognizing slave States, with laws fla- grantly outraging the colored people, and who vetoed both the Freedmen's Bureau and Civil Rights bills,fchrough which alone these people could have security for their lives and property. I am not here to indulge in abu- sive epithets towards the President of the United States. I can have suffi- : testimony to the fact that I have forborne ; that I have made every ef- fort at reconciliation. I love my coun- try, and believe that the salvation of the country depends upon the Repub- lican Union party. I did not wi the fruits of victory won from the ! y divisions in our ran I willing to tolerate any differ.- ences of opinion that were not n al. If the Presidentdid nol go as far as I did on the Suffrage and Civil R in every hon- ; party, there must be a 1 ■ pinions, and that tolera- tion isd i [dera- tion . land public - d Upon a pro: . in the i party flit out within the I of tl I reli ■. and in the which 1 made in l ■ ord again ,; : w i •• until ! saw that turning the warm, ! • la of Mr. Lincoln out of his Cab- inet, and out ot offices, everywhere, and that he was taking vile traitors and copperheads to his bosom, that I resolved to oppose him. The Union majority in Congress forbore with the President, until long- er forbearance ceased to be a virtue. Senator Trumbull has testified to yon that when he drew up the Freedmen's I Bureau bill, he went in person to the President and submitted it to him, and he approved it ; that, after tbo bill was printed, he sent it to the President and he still found no objec- tion. So of the Civil Rights bill. — Senator Trumbull has stated in sev~ era! of his speeches, that he submitted a printed copy to the President, and requested him to suggest any objec- tions, any defects, or amendments; and that he found no objection. And yet he treacherously sent in his veto to both of these bills, although they con- tained not a solitary provision which he had not before, in his speeches, messages and acts, fully sanctioned. Now, is not here an evidence of con- ciliation on our part \ For Judge Trumbull, in these efforts at concilia- tion, was earrying out the wishes of the Republican Union party of Con- gress. You may ask why. in the first in- stance, we voted for Johnson ? We ood reasons for doing so. His I, just before and during the rebellion, had been fair, and he was cho en in the place of the former Vice lent, who was a noble patriot and statesman, as an evidence of the i of the Republican party to have resented, and as proof of its opposition to any merely sec- tional party. The positi o by Mr. Johnson had been Buch as the most radical ofthe Repu oould approve. In the Senate r ho had been a most el< quenl champion ofthe Union; and his denunciations of Jeff Davis and hi i the Senate floor were the most bitter and withering of which the English lan- guage affords an example. ITe said, ia the Senate, March 2, 1861, speak- ing of these traitors : "I would have thern arrested and tried for treason, sad, if convicted, by the Eternal God, they should suffer the penalty of the law at the hands of the executioner. Sir, treason must be punished." As a member of the Committee on the Conduct of the War,he gave his hearty consent and co-operation to every measure proposed for a vigorous pros- ecution of the war. When appointed provisional Governor of Tennessee, lie co-operated with the President and Congress in every measure to put down the rebellion. He accepted an invitation to address, and did address, a large body of the colored people of his own State, at Nashville, and told them he hoped a Moses would arise to lead them to freedom, and, if no other Moses arose, he, would be their Moses. He repeatedly declared that he would be for giving the intelligent portion of the colored people the right to vote. He also repeatedly declared that he was willing to give suffrage to all colored men who had fought for the flag. You all remember his let- ter to Governor Sharkey, after he be- came President, in which he recom- mended that the State of Mississippi should amend her Constitution so as "to deny to all future Legislatures the power to legislate that there is prop- arty in man,"' and also that "the elec- tive franchise be extended to all per- sons of color who can read the Con- stitution of the United States,in Eng- lish, and write their names; and to all j persons of color who own real estate valued at not less than two hundred and fifty dollars:"(a proposition which I repudiate, because it is manhood, not property, which should be the ba- sis of suflrage.) I spoke from the same stand with Andrew Johnson, in front of the Patent Office, after the fall of Richmond, and heard him say several times, in substance, tha£ ••if he were President, whenever he found a secessionist, or a traitor, he would arrest him, try him, and, if found guilty, by the Eternal lie would hang him till he was dead. dead, dead,'' At the head of Courtney street, on Broadway, New York, some impu- dent fellow, at his reception, hung across the street a motto taken from one of the President's speeches, "show me t lie man who makes war upon the Government, who fires upon our forts, or upon our ships, and I will show you a traitor; find if I were President, I would arrest him, try him, and, if convicted, by the Eternal God, 1 would hang him." (Applause.) Why,, even the most radical of us were, we supposed, right in overlooking the claims of that tried patriot, Hannibal Hamlin, (alas! unfortunate mistake) and churning him as one of the most radical of our party. It is stated in Scripture,that the one most trusted by the Saviour.and who dipped with him in the same dish, thus giving grounds to infer, that when all others might betray him he would stand firmly by him, was the first to betray his Lord. And so now, the greatest traitor to the people, to the Union, to the party that elected him, to Truth, Justice, Honor and Principle, is the man who is ever saying, "Here I take my stand, and all the powers of hell shall not drive me from my position." Is it not strange that, as he stood at the grave of Douglas, his knees did not smite together like Belshaz as a • me up from the tomb, saying, "There are but two parties, patriots and traitors. "(Applause.) How dare he stand by the grave of kin- coin ! Did not a voice come up from the tomb saying, "You have beeo faithless to your pledges; you have been untrue to your party, untrue 10 to the people, untrue to your country ; true only to traitors, to Jeff. Davis, to Booth, and faithful only to the prin- ciples and purposes for which I was foully murdered." (Immense cheer- ing;) Fellow- citizens: The issue that is before us is plain, distinct, and well- defined. Congress has taken the po- sition that they will never admit into fellowship the representatives of any State of thisUnion till they are satisfied that that State is purified of its trea- son, and is loyal to the Government. (Applause.) And they must have some indemnity tor the past, or, at all events, a guarantee of security for the future. The President, on the other hand, says that, notwithstanding what these rebels have done, notwithstand- ing they violated their oaths win n they swore as Senators and Represent- atives, and as civil and military offi- oersunder the Government,to support and maintain the Constitution of the United States, left their seats in Con- gress, and their posts in the army of the United States, from which they had received their education at pub- lic expense; notwithstanding they organized and supported independent Governments, established separate Constitutions, and adopted their own Jaws, and attempted to subvert 1 he Constitution and Government of the United States, and to establish upon its ruins a government of a differenl theory, whose corner-stone Avas hu- man slavery; notwithstanding they havt shroudt d the land in mourning'; aotwithstanding 500,000 graves have made by their acts, Andrew Johnson demands that we shall re- oeive these men as Representatives from those States before they bave,as we maintain, given as any evidence of repentance. ((Vies of "No, no, never.") This is the issue between Congress and the President. It is a vital and mighty issue, and upon itw solution depends the existence and perpetuity of this Government in all time to come. The President is making his " cir- cle around the country, fighting trea- son at this end of the line ;" and his argument is that the States have nev- er been out of the Union, and because they have never been out of the Un- ion, therefore they are entitled to representation. Now, sir, as Mr. Lincoln well said, the question wheth- er they are in or out of the Union, is "a most pernicious abstraction." It is sufficient to know that whether in or out of the Union, they have stood in a hostile attitude to the Govern- ment, I am willing to agree with the President, that they have never been out of the Union ; that's what we were fighting about, and we whipped them, and made them stay in ; the territory remains, the people re- main, and the territory, people and States are subject to the Constitution- al authority of the Federal Govern- ment in spite of their treason. But, are they any the less traitors and criminals because they could not take their States out of the Union? Does not treason, in the language of the Constitution, consist, in '••levying war ■l the United States?" And have they not levied war against the Unit- ed States ? Did they not prosecute that war with a bravery and despera- tion worthy of a better cause, for four long years, and with a ferocious cru- elty to prisoners of Avar, citizens of the Unit, d States, unparalleled in the annals ofsavage warfare? Did they not, by attempting to overthrow the Government, and by their bold and bloody treason, forfeit every right to life, liberty and property, and every rigb.1 to representation, as fully as if the States were out of the Union ? If so, why does Andrew Johnson go vo- ciferating about the country his sense- less gabble, that the States are not 11 v>ut of the Union ? Did he not treat them as being in full fellowship in the Union, and not as exercising their full functions as States in the Union, 'when he appointed military or pro- visional governors, and when he dic- tated to them that they should adopt the Constitutional amendment abolish- ing slavery ? He cannot pretend that they were in the Union as Illi- nois or New York is in the Union, because he would not dare to appoint provisional governors for them. Why did he refuse to sanction the terms of surrender agreed upon by Sherman with Johnston ? You re- member those terras. Gen. Sherman, anxious to prevent the further effusion of blood, agreed, if Johnston would surrender his armies, they were to be restored to all their rights, civil and political, such as they had before the war. Now this is precisely what Andrew Johnson and his Philadel- phia Convention of August 14th say these rebel States should have, name- ly, all their political and civil rights, including the right to representation, as they enjoyed them before the par. Yet, sir, Andrew Johnson issued his order countermanding this f&ttle- ment on the part of Sherman, and why? Because the loyal people of the North, and Andrew Johnson him- self, condemned these terms upon the ground that the war would have been in vain, the blood and treasure of the nation would have been expended in vain, if the rebels were to be restored to all their rights as before the war, without any indemnity for the past, or security for the future. But, now, eir, Andrew Johnson proposes to go back and adopt the very terms of that surrender, and confer upon the rebels every right they had before the war, inflicting no punishment for their Heaven-daring crimes, and requiring no guaranties for their future good behavior and faithful allegiance to the Constitution and laws. I know it is asked, ' ; When a loyal representative presents himself in Congress, why not receive him?" — That is stating the question in the strongest terms for the other side. The answer is this : Our Government is based upon constituency. It is not the right of representatives in Con- gress} it is the right of constituencies which is to be recognized. Suppose a loyal constituency to send a disloy- al representative to Congress, would you accept him ? (No, no.) You say no, because he misrepresents his con- stituency. Now suppose a disloyal constituency send a loyal member, upon the same reasoning you must refuse to receive him because he does not truly represent his constituents. The principle is this : the constituents must be correctly represented, and you will see that a disloyal constitu- ency may send a loyal member to Congress for the purpose of securing a principle or precedent of admission, and he can immediately resign, and they can send a disloyal man in his plac". The proposition of Congress, as con- tained in the proposed constitutional amendment, is one of the most mag- nanimous ever submitted by conquer- ors to a vanquished foe. It is simply that these States shall be received upon the adoption of an amendment, which is now proposed for ratification by the States. It is not a proposition to keep out any loyal Stat.'. Tennes- see has been received. She has com- plied with the requirements of Con- gress, and by the admission of Ten- nessee we have shown, on our part, a disposition whenever a Slate ap proximatcs to loyalty, to extend the hand of fellowship and receive herintothe Union. (Applause.) All that we require is, that we have a fair and explicit understanding on this 12 subject. The amendment provides that the rebel debt shall never be paid. Is not that correct doctrine ! (Voices, -yes.") Well, if so,put it in the bond, in the Constitution. They have vio- lated their Oaths. Shall we now take simply their word? (Cries of no.) They have an interest in the payment of the rebel debt. Shall we not have it irrevocably in the Constitution that it is not to be paid ? (Yes, yes.) The amendment provides further that the national debt shall never be repudiat- ed. Is not that right ? (Yes.) If so, why not put it in the bond ? in the Constitution of the United States, and make it forever irrepealable ? It also provides that rebels who have taken an oath to support the Constitution of the United Slates, and have after- wards joined the rebel army, and at- tempted to overthrow the Govern*. ment and trample under foot our flag shall never hold office under the Gov- ernment of the United states. (Cheers and applause.) Well, if this is right, let us put it in the Constitution. Fol- low the wise example of our fathers. At the end of the Revolutionary war every State of the Union except South Carolina, while it extended am- nesty _ to the Tories, and gave them their lives and property,pro\ided that the Tories should never hold office under the government. (Applause.) South Carolina did not make this pro- vision, and Bhe ha i . Republic brm of government to this day. ernor is elected by the Legislature,and not by the people. If 1 to sit upon Lh( ir own trials. As ell, sir, if a : • ne of the ; him, 1 gu< i 3 he would . or tihere would be a hung jury. (Laughb r.) I am for i in when Lh< y are n i to come. < -ihI know b I a-, ould like to ,. ,• the Union rei Lor< d, v. ith all its ■! stripes, and 1 will huld out the hand of fellowship to every State where I believe there i.s a true and safe loyalty ; but I want a permanent Union, and as Mr. Lincoln said, I want "peace to come and to stay." Now, my fellow-citizens, am I not right in this ? (Yes.) Let me you in all candor, are they fit to come in? Answer one question, and that decides the whole matter. Do you suppose that any of you can go down South and express your sentiments freely, in safety? No; and yet th* titution of the United Si guarantees to the "citizens of each State all the privileges and infenuni- tics of citizens in the several State-. I have seen hundreds of the loyal hern men, at the Convention in Philadelphia, who tell me there is no y for life or property in those ;. either- for colored men or for loyal white men. Will you take these men back in of Memphis? — in sight of the bloody murders of New Orleans ? If I had time I could dem- onstrate that the New Orleans Con- vention was a lawful bod; I law- fully : 1 1; but whether lawful or unlawful, the facts, go to indicate ami that the assault upon it wasa deliberate conspiracy to murder the members of that Convention. Phil. Sheridan, i d day of August, was suppressed by the Pres- ident,) "It was do riol ; it was an absolute hich was eded in barbarous cruelty by l: • 01*1 Pillow. J: was a murder which the mayor and police of this « ity perpetrated v. ithout a ehadow "I necessity. Furthermore, i believe it was premeditated and pre-arrangi d." H,. had, on the firsl of August, tel- i graphed that the mayor had "in his absence suppressed the Convention by 17 the use of Lis police brce, and iu so doing attacked the members of the Convention, and a party of two hun- dred negroes, with fire-arms, clubs, and knives, in a manner so uni sary and atrocious as to compel me to say it was murder.'' This part of the dispatch was also suppressed by the President : and, I ask you, for what motive, except to conceal from the people the evidence ©f his own mal- feasance in not preventing the riot as he was requested to do. I will not pursue details of that horrible tragedy. While a minister of devoted piety and high standing was offering up a prayer to God, this vile mob of trait- ors under Mayor Monroe, whom 31r. Johnson had pardoned to take that office — made the murderous attack upon the Convention. The minister, who was a brave as well as a good man. said "he woidd go and appeal to the mob — they would not hurt him." He took a small American flag, tied a white handkerchief around it. went out into the crowd, and they pounded him to pieces. They should be re- ceived into this nation, should they '. And these murders are justified by Andrew Johnson in his speech at St. Louis. "Oh shame, where is thy blush ! ,? How long will I keep ou1 .' Till every American citizen can travel to every village and hamlet in these States and speak his sentiments freely and he protected in his prop- erty Mud enjoy his Constitutional rights; till there are no skeletons of loyal men hung to the trees by the highways : till the flag of our coun- try i- no longer insulted, and till they do away with these grievances; I will keep them out till Gabriel's last trump shall sound (Cries of good. good, ami applause so loud thai the remainder of the sentence could not he heard.) I don't vvish to make threats, and 1 will not be threatened. I wib not threaten Andrew .Johnson. and he shall not threaten me. "When he says he can be Dictator it is a threat to the people. When Seward says. "Will you have Andrew Johnson for President or king ."" I tell you that it makes the blood o\' every American citizen leap through the arteries of his frame that any man dares to suggesl such an idea. (Applause.) Otempora, j mores! Art- not the times sadly out of joint when large numbers of the I leaders of the Johnson rebel patty \ are looking to the overthrow of con- gress and the regularly constituted ! authorities of the Government, and to I the establishment of usurped author- ity in their places '. Passing over the threats of Garrel Davis and the Southern press, and a portion ot the Northern copperhead press, is it not time, I ask, to have the sentinels of liberty on the- watch tower, when Montgomery Blah*, the dismissed Postmaster General of Mr. Lincoln, and now the highest accred- ited minister of Andrew Johnson in preaching "my policy", is day by day with Satanic coolness threatening the people with two Congresses \ The plan seems to be to elect twon- ty— five copperhead representatives in districts now represented by loyal men, and ihese. added to the copper- head representatives now m Congress and to the delegation from the rebel States, will constitute a majority, and they will apply to the President for recognition, which he will grant. The loyal representatives will then impeach the President, and we will have civil war. The) are thus i>\ threats like these attempting to in- timidate the people, and induce them to surrender their rights. Fellow citizens, not only as a citizen but as a Senator. I defy them; (loud cheers,) and I will say 1o Montgomery Blair and Andrew Johnson, thai s, , far as 1: Illinois is concerned, she raised 250. 000 troops before; but when another attempt is made to overthrow the Government. 500000 swords will leap from their scabbards to put it down. (Great applause) The rebels of the South will again reckon without their host. The Northern copperheads, whatever may be their personal cour- age, will not expose themselves in battle in such a cause. No, sir, they dare not raise their hands against the Hag. Why did they not join Mor- gan and Lee in their Northern raids? Let all conspirators against the liber- ties of this country take due and timely notice, that the loya^ millions will meet them at Phillippi. You shall not tear the temple of liberty down. (Immense applause.) Fellow citizens, I did not intend to occupy your time so long, (voices, "go on, go on,") but I wish to warn you that there in real danger. Not that we wiil not finally triumph and save this Government — for we will — but there is real danger ot civil war. — There is no question in my mind, nor in the minds of distinguished Sena- tors with whom I have conversed, that the conspiracy to which I have referred is widely brewing, and that the Catalines are not few in num- bers. Andrew Johnson is soured and stands precisely in the same attitude to the American people in which Jeff. Davis stood before the war, — There is no particle of difference whatever, except thai .fell". Davis was truer to his professions; he was an educated secessionist, and had the plausible excuse that he was fighting for his .State; but Johnson has brok en his word, betrayed his' friends anil joined the enemies o| his country, lie intends to have power. lie is a weak niai: of fierce passions, and one upon whom demagogues can play and are playing. He is not surrounded by the patriots of the country, but by copperheads, secessionists and rebels, and is ready to recognize an unlaw fully constituted Congress, which is an usurpation, and will necessarily bring civil war. Now you see that our only plan is by an overwhelming demonstration at the polls to show that any attempt at usurpation, by rebels, copperheads and Andrew Johnson will be futile ? Thank God, we know what that dem- onstration w il 1 be. We have already heard a glorions shout from Maine, which has rolled up a loyal majority of 30JM)0. [Cheers and prolonged applause.] There is no doubt in my mind that Pennsylvania will give40,- 000 majority, and we shall cany ev- ery northern State. Instead of their gaining twenty-five representatives, 1 they will not gain one. I believe we shall carry every doubtful State, dis : trict and county in the nation, and 1 hail the day when old Morgan shall come out with her banner to the sun I in favor of liberty and the Union. — , [Great applause.] There is do ques- tion about if if you will do your duty. I have spoken longer than \ inten- ded, ("go on. go on.") but in closing I must refer again to this grand recep tion, and thank you for it — and wherever \ may go, my eyes shall turn back to this scene, as one of the greenest spots in the waste oi memo i-y, and I shall havethe pie;: dug con- sciousness that however others may let 1 towards in"'. I have the respect and confidence of my neighbors, and a happy home among my fellow-citi zens of Morgan county. , bond an ph'iise.]