'^TT LIBRARY OF CONGRESS DDDDSEDST'=3E Book AJ\J4-^ Gojpght'N!' COPyRICHT DEPOSIC ALLYN AND BACON'S SERIES OF SCHOOL HISTORIES A SHORT HISTORY OF MODERN PEOPLES (PART 11 OF IVORLD PROGRESS) BY WILLIS MASON WEST SOMETIME PROFESSOR OF HISTORY AND HEAD OF THE DEPARTMENT IN THE UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA 3^*:< ALLYN AND BACON BOSTON NEW YORK CHICAGO ATLANTA SAN FRANCISCO WEST'S HISTORIES 1 2mo, cloth, numerous maps, plans, and illustrations vIa THE ANCIENT WORLD ^ THE MODERN WORLD HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE AMERICAN HISTORY AND GOVERNMENT SOURCE BOOK IN AMERICAN HISTORY THE STORY OF MAN'S EARLY PROGRESS THE STORY OF MODERN PROGRESS THE STORY OF AMERICAN DEMOCRACY THE STORY OF WORLD PROGRESS A SHORT HISTORY OF EARLY PEOPLES A SHORT HISTORY OF MODERN PEOPLES ^ COPYRIGHT, 1922 BY WILLIS MASON WEST KorSjjooti i^ress J. S. Gushing Co. — Berwick & Smith Co. Norwood, Mass., U.S.A. JAM30'S(g)ciA69O2O2 /Vh^ / ir^ FOREWORD The growing demand in high schools for a one-year course in European history led me some months ago to write my World Progress. It is now decided to publish that work not only in the one-volume form but also in two " Parts," each adapted to a half-year course. The first part, carrying the story of civiliza- tion up to the sixteenth century, appears under the title A Short History of Earhj Peoples. The second part, bringing that story up to the present time, is the present volume. Throughout, my aim has been to select topics that make the past live again, and that at the same time form a continuous story and prepare for an understanding of the social problems of to-day. So brief a survey demands the rigid exclusion of unessentials. Recent developments, however, lead to a some- what new emphasis upon the story of Spanish America as well as upon that of China and Japan. The omission of United States history, except where intimately interwoven with Old World development, is made possible by the fact that happily that subject has won for itself a full and separate high-school year. WILLIS MASON WEST WiNDAGo Farm December 1, 1922 m CONTENTS List of Illustrations List of Maps .......... PART VIII — THE PROTESTANT REFORMATION CHAPTER XXXV. XXXVI. XXXVII. PAGE vii xi 329 The Reformation upon the Continent Lutheranism : Calvinism; Counter-Reformation England and the Protestant Movement . . 339 A Century of Religious Wars .... 348 Spain and Holland; The French Huguenots ; The Thirty Years' War in Germany PART IX — FROM THE PEACE OF WESTPHALIA TO THE FRENCH REVOLUTION XXXVIII. Science and Trade 357 XXXIX. Puritanism and Politics in England . . 368 The First Stuarts; The Great Rebellion and the Commonwealth; the Restoration and the '' glo- rious" Revolution of 1688; the development of parties and of Cabinet government XL. Expansion of Europe into New Worlds . . 386 XLI. Despots and Wars 392 Age of Louis XIV and of Frederick II ; the Rise of Russia; the American Revolution PART X — THE FRENCH REVOLUTION XLII. XLIII. XLIV. XLV. XLVI. France (and Europe) before the Revolution, 404 The Revolution in Peace (1789-1791) . . 412 The Revolution in War Time .... 420 Bonaparte and the Consulate .... 432 Napoleon and the Empire 438 PART XI — REACTION, 1815-1848 448 XLVII. Reaction in the Saddle, 1815-1820 . The Congress of Vienna ; the Rule of Metternich XLVIII. Unsuccessful Revolutions. 1820-1830 . . 457 vi CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE XLIX. England and the Industrial Revolution . . 465 L. The Revolution in the Lives op the Workers . 473 PART XII — CONTINENTAL EUROPE REARRANGED, 1848-1871 LI. " The Year of Revolutions," 1848 . . .480 In France; In Central Europe — Austrian Empire and Germany ; In Italy LII. From the Year of Revolutions to the Franco- Prussian War 492 The '' Second Empire" in France; "Italy Is Made" ; Making of Germany PART XIII — ENGLAND, 1815-1914: REFORM WITHOUT REVOLUTION LIII. The First Reform Bill, 1832 .... 506 LIV. Reform in the Victorian Age .... 514 LV. Recent Reform : " War upon Poverty " . . 529 LVI. English Colonies and Dependencies . . 537 PART XIV — CONTINENTAL EUROPE, 1871-1914 LVII. The French Republic, 1871-1914 . . . .544 LVIII. The German Empire, 1871-1914 .... 559 LIX. Other States of Central Europe . . . 570 LX. Russia 586 PART XV — THE WORLD IN 1914 LXI. Science and Social Progress ..... 595 LXII. World Politics to 1914 601 Encroachments upon Africa and Asia; Japan; China; European Alliances; International Arbi- tration PART XVI — THE WORLD WAR LXIII. The Conflagration Bursts Forth . . 621 The Balkans ; Germany Wills the War LXIV. Four Years of War 631 LXV. Since the War 651 Appendix — A Short List of Books on Modern European History for High Schools 1 Index ...... 3 ILLUSTRATIONS American Troops Marching through the Arch of Triumph, Paris. Colored ......... Frontispiece PAGE 1. St. Peter's, Rome: exterior and interior views Plate LV, facing 330 2. Luther's Defiance at Worms (Von Werner) .... 331 3. Luther's Room in the Wartburg 332 4. Charles V at Muhlberg . . Plate LVI, facing 334 5. Village Maypole Festival sixteenth century . . . 336 6. English Abbeys, Tintern and Tewksbury, Plate LVII, facing 340 7. Sir Thomas More (Rubens' copy of Holbein's portrait) . 341 8. Kenilworth Castle, 1620 and To-day . Plate LVIII, facing 343 9. Shakespere's Theater, The Globe 344 10. Queen Elizabeth at the Tilbury Rally 345 11. Francis Drake Knighted by Queen Elizabeth . . .349 12. Dutch Windmills 351 13. Henry IV of France, with his children Plate LIX, facing 352 14. Richeheu on the Mole at La Rochelle . Plate LX, facing 353 15. Death of Gustavus Adolphus . . Plate LXI, facing 354 16. Rheinstein, a Medieval Castle. Colored . . facing 359 17. Ruins of a Rhine Castle — above a modern town . . 360 18. Charles I of England (Van Dyck) Plate LXH, facing 371 19. Oliver Cromwell Visiting John Milton (David Neal) Plate IjUH, facing 375 20. Charles I's Attempt to Seize the Five Members in the Com- mons (Copley) Plate LXIV, facing 376 21. Cromwell in Armor (Robert Walker's life portrait) Plate LXV, facing 377 Trial of Charles I .... Plate LXVI, facing 378 Great Seal of the English Commonwealth .... 379 Blake's Victory over Von Tromp 380 White's Chocolate House in London (Hogarth) Plate LXVII, facing 385 House of Commons (Hogarth, in 1730) .... 385 La Salle Taking Possession of the Mississippi Valley for France (Marchand) 387 vii viii ILLUSTRATIONS PAGE 28. Facsimile Title Page from Hakluyt's Voyages Plate LXVIII, facing 389 29. Page from the New England Primer of 1680 . . . 390 30. The French in Heidelberg (horrors of Louis XIV's Wars) Plate LXIX, facing 392 31. Louis XIV and the Great Conde . Plate LXX, facing 393 32. St. Basil's, Moscow . . . . Plate LXXI, facing 395 33. The Great Elector Welcoming Fugitive Huguenots Plate LXXII, facing 397 34. The Last Rally of Tippoo Sahib . Plate LXXIII, facing 399 35. Crossed Swords of Prescott and Linzee . . . .401 36. Voltaire (Houdon's bust) 409 37. Gardens and Palace at Versailles . Plate LXXIV, facing 412 38. French Peasant Risings in 1789 . Plate LXXV, facing 415 39. Fall of the Bastille (Prieur) 415 40. Rouget De Lisle Singing the Marseillaise for the First Time Plate LXXVI, facing 424 41. Bonaparte at Areola . . . . . . . . 433 42. Bonaparte Dissolves the Assembly 434 43. The Vendome Column 440 44. Napoleon in 1811 442 45. Rising of Prussia against Napoleon in 1813 . . . . 446 46. The Retreat from Moscow (Verestchagin) Plate LXXVII, facing 446 47. The Congress of Vienna (Isabey) Plate LXXVIII, facing 448 48. Napoleon at Waterloo (Steuben) Plate LXXIX, facing 451 49. Napoleon aboard the Bellerophon ..... 452 50. The Duke of Wellington 459 51. A Paris Barricade in 1830 (Georges Cain) Plate LXXX, facing 462 52. Farm Tools, 1800 and To-day . . Plate LXXXI, facing 465 53. A Spinning Wheel in a Swiss Home 467 54. A Primitive Loom — in use in Japan ..... 468 55. Modern Textile Machinery . . Plate LXXXII, facing 468 56. An Early Cotton Gin 469 57. Steam Navigation — the Clermont and the Britannic Plate LXXXIII, facing 470 58. New York City — to show effect of steel in architecture Plate LXXXIV, facing 472 59. Harvesting in 1831 and To-day . Plate LXXXV, facing 477 60. Steel Works in Pueblo, Colorado 478 61. Louis Napoleon's Landing at Boulogne (Deutsch) . . 485 62. Joseph Mazzini 490 ILLUSTRATIONS IX PAGE A View of Paris . . . . Plate LXXXVI, Jacing 492 " France is Tranquil " (Harper s Magazine) . . . 494 Cavour (Desmaisons) ........ 497 Garibaldi 499 Proclamation of the German Empire at Versailles (Von Werner) 504 The Parliament Buildings, London Plate LXXXVII, facing 506 Canvassing for Votes in "Guzzledown" (Hogarth's" Humors of a Country Election ") 508 A Polling Scene (Hogarth's "Humors of a Coimtry Elec- tion") Plate LXXXVIII, /aciw^ 508 Westminster Abbey . . . Plate LXXXIX, facing 514 Queen Victoria . . . . . • . . .519 Sir Robert Peel Speaking for the Repeal of the Corn Laws Plate XC, facing 522 DisraeH 524 Gladstone 528 Canadian Parliament Buildings at Ottawa Plate XCI, facing 537 Railroad Station at Bombay, India . Plate XCII, facing 538 Taj Mahal. Colored facing 540 Gambetta Arousing the French Provinces against Prus- sian Invasion in 1871 544 Bismarck Dictating Terms to Thiers 545 Destruction of the Vcndome Column by Communards . 547 Bismarck, after dismissal from office 567 Gibraltar Plate XCIII, facing 576 Palais de Justice, Brussels A Norwegian Fjord — Sogndal Mount Blanc and Chamonix The Kremlin, Moscow The DeWitt Clinton (1831) and motive .... Forging a Railway Car xA.xle Two Views of the Panama Canal Hasedera Temple, Japan The Walls of Peking . Constantinople and the Bosphorus . Plate CI, facing 613 The Christ of the Andes ... Plate CII, facing 617 Copocabana and the Harbor of Rio de Janeiro Plate cm, facing 618 96. The Congress of Berlin in 1878 622 97. Windsor Castle. Colored facing 630 . Plate XCIV, facing 578 580 . Plate XCV, facing 582 . Plate XCVI, facing 588 Modern Electric Loco- . Plate XCVII, facing 595 596 Plate XCVIII, facing 598 . Plate XCIX, facing 604 . Plate C, facing 606 X ILLUSTRATIONS PAGE 98. World War Scenes : French Infantry in Action, and a French " Dugout " .... Plate ClY , facing 633 99. Rheims Cathedral in Flames from German Shells Plate CV, facing 634 100. World War Scenes : Review of French Troops ; Range Finding Plate CVI, facing 641 101. John J. Pershing Plate CVII, facing 644 102. General Haig 647 103. Captured German Guns in Paris . . Plate CVIII, facing 649 104. Ferdinand Foch 649 105. German Prisoners, and American Soldiers in Action in the Argonne Plate CIX, facing 650 106. The " Big Four '' at Versailles 654 107. Clemenceau Delivering the Treaty to the German Dele- gates at Versailles .... Plate CX, facing 656 108. Lloj^d George and Aristide Briand at Cannes Plate CXI, facing 659 109. American Warships in New York Harbor .... 668 MAPS 1. Europe in the Time of Charles V. Colored 2. The Swiss Confederation, 1291-1500 . 3. The Netherlands at the Truce of 1609 . 4. Territorial Changes of the Thirty Years' War. 5. English America, 1660-1690. Colored 6. Prussia at the Death of Frederick II 7. Europe, 1740-1789. Colored 8. Europe in 1802. Colored . 9. Germany after 1550. Colored 10. Europe in 1810. Colored . 11. Europe in 1815. Colored 12. Germanic Confederation, 1815-1867. Colored 13. Races of Austria-Hungary, about 1850. Colored 14. Growth of Prussia, 1815-1867 15. The German Empire, 1871-1914. Colored 16. Africa in 1914. Colored 17. Europe in 1914. Colored 18. World Powers in 1914. Colored . 19. The Balkan States, 1912-1913 20. The Kingdom of Italy, 1860 and 1919 . 21. "MittelEuropa," March, 1918 . 22. German Lines on the West Front, July 15 and 10, 1918 . . . . 23. Central Europe in 1919 . 24. Europe in 1919. Colored . facing facing facing Colored facing facing facing facing facing . after facing facing . after facing facing . after facing . after . after facing November facing . after PAGE 333 336 350 356 390 402 404 435 442 445 452 454 486 502 558 603 610 620 625 632 643 646 652 660 XI PAET VIII - THE PROTESTANT EEFOEMATION, 1520-1648 CHAPTER XXXV THE REFORMATION UPON THE CONTINENT I. LUTHERANISM The later references to the church have involved some men- The need tion of abuses growing up within it (pp. 306, 315). Good Chris- ^°^ religious tians lamented those abuses. A few broad-minded, genial men, like Erasmus, strove earnestly to reform them. Less patient, more impetuous men broke away from the old church in a revolt which became the Protestant "Reformation." The revolt began in Germany. That land lacked a strong Special government to protect it, and so its hard-won, little wealth was ^ "^^^ ^^ drained away to richer Italy by papal taxes of many sorts. Nowhere else was this condition so serious. From peasant to prince, the German people had long grumbled as they paid, and they needed only a leader to rise against papal control. Martin Luther, son of a Thuringian peasant-miner, became Martin that leader. Luther was a born fighter, — a straightforward "go^ie^e man, with a blunt, homely way that sometimes degenerated into coarseness. As an Augustinian friar, his effective preach- ing haH attracted the attention of Duke Frederick the Wise of Saxony, who made him a professor of theology in the new Uni- versity of Wittenberg. Luther 's revolt began in his opposition to the sale of indul- Luther and gences. The pope was rebuilding St. Peter's Cathedral at IJj^yigencL Rome with great magnificence. To help raise money for that purpose, a German archbishop had licensed John Tetzel, a Do- minican, to grant indulgences. The practice was an old one, arising easily out of the doctrine of " penance." The authorized 329 330 THE PROTESTANT REFORMATION Luther's theses arouse Germany Luther and the pope teaching of the church was, that, in reward for some pious act — or for the gift of money for a pious purpose — a sinner who had truly repented and who had, so far as possible, atoned for his sins, might have the punishment due in purgatory remitted by the church. The ignorant masses, unal)le to read the Latin documents, often thought that such an "indulgence" was an unconditional pardon, — contrary to the doctrine of the church ; and some professional " pardoners," who peddled such "letters," encouraged this gross error. Tetzel was a special offender in this way. A rude German rhyme, ascribed to him, runs, "The money rattles in the box ; the soul from purgatory flies." More than a hundred years before, the bright-soulcd Chaucer had given the only bitter lines in his Canterbury Tales to the Par- doner with his wallet " bret-full of pardons, come from Rome all hot." Now a visit of Tetzel to Wittenberg, with a batch of these papal letters, aroused Luther to more vehement protest. On a Sunday in Octo})er, 1517, Luther nailed to the door of the Wittenberg church ninety-five "theses" (statements) against the practice of selling indulgences, upon which he chal- lenged all comers to debate. That door was the usual uni- versity bulletin board where it was customary for one scholar to challenge others to debate. But Luther's act had con- sequences far beyond the university. The theses were iti Latin, the regular university language ; but the printing press scat- tered copies broadcast in German, and in a few days they were being discussed hotly over all Germany. Soon, however, this matter dropped out of sight. The papal legate in Germany reprimanded Tetzel sternly for his gross mispractice ; and the church corrected the abuse. But, mean- while, Luther adopted more radical opinions ; and in 1519 he denied the authority of the pope, appealing instead to the Bible as the sole rule of conduct and belief} Then when at last a papal ^ Luther tried to substitute one authority for another. But the Bible is capable of many interpretations. His appeal to the Bible as the sole au- thority meant Luther's understanding of the Bible. In the mouth of an- other man, however, the same appeal meant that other's understanding of the book. So, unintentionally, the Protestant revolt came to stand for the ripht of individual judgment. PLATE LV St. Peter's. Rome. — The interior \aew .shows the nave (central aisle) as one enters, looking east. On the right of the exterior view is shown the Vatican, the papal residence. St. Peter's was not completed until far into the seventeenth century, but it owes most of its glory to the work upon it of artists of the late Renais- sance period, like Raphael and Michael Angelo. The form of this greatest of churches is that of a cross, surmounted, at the junction of the arms, by a dome 138 feet across, the dominating feature of the building and prob- ably the most famous dome in the world. MARTIN LUTHER 331 bull ordered him to recant and to burn his heretical writings, Luther Luther burned instead the papal hull in a bonfire of other writings ^^rns the of the church, before the town gate in December, 1520, while a crowd of students and townsfolk brought fuel. Luther's Defiance at Worms, — a modern painting by Von Werner. The pope appealed to the young emperor, Charles V (p. 320) to Luther at punish the heretic. Germany was in uproar. The Emperor °^"^ called an imperial Diet^ at Worms (1521) and summoned Luther to be present, pledging safe conduct. Friends tried to dissuade Luther from going, pointing to the fate of Hus a century before ; but he replied merely, " I would go on if there were as many devils in Worms as there are tiles on the housetops." At the Diet he was confronted with scornful contempt by the great dignitaries of the church and of the empire. But to the haughty command that he recant, he answered firmly, ''Unless I am proven wrong by Scripture or plain reason . . . my conscience is caught in the word of God. . . . Here I stand. As God is my help, I can no otherwise." ^ The German Did in early times contained only nobles. In the four- teenth century, representatives of the "free cities" were admitted. Then the Diet sat usually in three Houses, Electors (the seven great princes), Princes (of second rank), and City Representatives. It never gained any real place in the government of the Empire. 332 THE PROTESTANT REFORMATION A German Bible Charles kept his pledge; but a month later the Diet pro- nounced against Luther the "ban of the Empire," ordering that he be seized for execution. The friendly Frederick of Saxony, however, had had him seized, on his way homeward, and carried into hiding in the castle of Wartburg. Most of his followers Luther's Room in the Wartburg. — The desk i.s the one at which he penned his translation of the Bible. The broken plaster commemorates an interesting incident. Believing that Satan had come to tempt him, Luther hurled his ink bottle at the apparition. The ink splashed the plaster ; and visitors have picked off pieces of the bespatterc d wall for souvenirs. Luther's picture, above the desk, is a modern addition to the room. mourned him as dead ; but in this refuge Luther translated the New Testament into strong and simple German. While he was still in hiding, his teachings were accepted by whole com- munities. Priests married ; nuns and monks left their con- vents ; powerful princes joined the new communion, sometimes from honest conviction, sometimes as an excuse for seizing church lands. LUTHERANISM WINS NORTH GERMANY 333 In 1522, Luther left his retreat to guide the movement again Lutheran- in person and to restrain it from going further than he hked. l^^^^Ji,^*^® Changes in rehgion, he urged, should be made only by the gov- man princes ernments, not hy the people : and he preserved all that he could of the old churcli services and organization, establishing them on essentially the basis on which they still stand in the Lutheran church. By 1530, that church had won Xorth Germany. Meantime the revolt against the old church had led to the The peasant growth of some extreme sects of wild fanatics ; and in 1525 "^^°s m there had been a great rising of the peasants, demanding, " in the name of God's justice," the abolition of serfdom and the right of each parish to choose its own pastor. The peasants in Germany were in a much more deplorable condition than in England, and, when they found arms in their hands, in several places they avenged centuries of cruel oppression by massacres of old masters. Luther, fearing discredit for his new church, called furiously Luther on the princes to put down this rising with the sword — to P^'^^^^h^s ^ ^ ^ ° war against *' smite, strangle, or stab" ; and the movement was stamped out the peasants brutally in blood, with ghastly scenes that infinitely surpassed in horror any excesses by the ignorant peasants themselves. The whole peasant class was crushed down to a level far lower than before, — lower than anyw^here else in Europe, — where they were to remain helpless for almost three hundred years. In 1529 another Diet reaffirmed the decree of Worms. Foreign Against this condemnation the Lutherans presented a formal charies^V protest — which gave them the name Protestant. Charles V, from acting the young emperor, was a zealous churchman, and if his hands had been free, he would have crushed Lutheranism at its birth. But even while the Diet of Worms was condemning Luther, the Spanish towns were rising in revolt and Francis I of France was seizing Italian territory (p. 320), and very soon Solyman the Magnificent (the Turkish Sultan) invaded Austria. Charles promptly crushed the ancient liberties of the Spanish towns ; })ut the wars against France and the Turk, with only brief truces, filled the next twenty-three years (1521-1544). 334 THE PROTESTANT REFORMATION Abdication of Charles When Charles did find his hands free for Germany, Prot- estantism was too strong even for his power, and he was forced to accept the Peace of Augsburg (1555), which left each prince of the Empire free to choose the religion for his province. (The people were expected docilely to accept the religion of their ruler.) The Protestants in their danger had sought aid from the French king ; and France for her reward had seized some Ger- man districts, including the city of Metz. Chagrined at the loss, and disheartened b}' the split within the Empire, Charles abdicated his many crowns in 1556. His brother Ferdinand became ruler of Austria, and soon after was chosen Emperor. Charles' son, Philip II, received the Netherlands, Spain, Naples, and Spanish America. There were now two Hapsburg Houses, one in Spain, one in Austria. France feared that she might he crushed between them, and became eager to take advantage of any chance to weaken them. II. CALVINISM — IN SWITZERLAND AND FRANCE Zwingli and Luther Rise of Switzerland While Lutheranism was winning North Germany (and Scan- dinavia), another form of Protestantism, Calvinism, was growing up in Switzerland and, for a time, in France and even in the west of Germany. This movement was started in 1519 (the year before Luther burned the papal bull), by Zwingli, a priest at Zurich, in Swit- zerland. Zwingli was far more radical than Luther. Luther tried to keep everything of the old worship and doctrine that he did not think forbidden by the Bible. But Zwingli refused to keep anything of the old that he did not think absolutely commanded by the Bible. He also organized a strict system of church disci- pline which severely punished gaming, sw^earing, drunkenness, and some innocent sports. Before continuing this story, how- ever, it is best to learn a little about Swiss history. The sturdy peasantry of the Swiss mountains preserved much of the ancient Teutonic independence and democracy even in the feudal age, though their districts had fallen under PLATE LVT Charles V at the Battle of Muhlberg, — a painting by the con- temporary Venetian artist Titian. This painting (now in Madrid) pic- tures the Emperor at the summit of his power, in 1547, — and just before the collapse. Shortly before, he had forced the French king to sue for peace, and had won a truce from the Turk. In the battle of Muhlberg (aided by the defection of Maurice of Saxony from the Protestant princes) he for the moment crushed Protestantism in Germany. But Maurice again changed sides ; the Protestants rallied ; and a few months later Charles fled from Germany, barely escaping capture. CALVINISM 335 the control (more or less strict) of neighboring nobles. Some small "cantons" in the German Alps belonged to the Hapsburg Counts. When Rudolph of Hapsburg (p. 315) became duke of distant Austria, he left these formet- possessions to subor- dinate officials — who oppressed the people. Accordingly, ill 1294 three "forest cantons" — Uri, Schwyz, and Unter- walden — united in a "perpetual league" for mutual defense. For two centuries, from time to time, the Hapsburgs sent armies against this union ; and soon the league against oppression by the lord's agents became a league for full independence. Freedom was finally established by two great victories, — Morgarten (1315) and Sempach (1386) — to which belong the legends of William Tell and of Winkelried. Meantime, other neighboring districts had rebelled against feudal overlords and joined the league ; and some of these new members were city-states — Bern, Zurich, and Luzern, richer and more aristocratic than the original cantons of farmer folk. The union remained a loose confederacy (mainly to manage foreign wars). The cantons sometimes quarreled among them- selves — as over this matter of the Reformation. (Indeed Zwingli fell in 1531 in a battle between Zurich and the original three cantons, which had remained Catholic.) But there was no 'powerful central government to stamj) out the neiv movement. Now Geneva, a French town in the Alps, quarreled with its John Calvin feudal lord, and, for its greater safety, joined the Swiss league. ^ Its former lord had been a Catholic bishop ; and so Geneva welcomed the new doctrines of Zwingli. Fi\'e years after the death of that leader, John Calvin (a fugitive from France because of religious heresy) found refuge at Geneva, and soon became there an absolute dictator o\'er both church and gov- ernment. Geneva became a Puritan "theocracy," "with Calvin for its pope." This remarkable man was a young French scholar of sternly Calvinism logical mind. He became the father of Puritan theology and En^^a^nd""^' of the Presbyterian church, with its synods and presbyteries, and America Undoubtedly he took the law of Moses rather than the spirit of Christ for the basis of his legislation : but his writings in- 336 THE PROTESTANT REFORMATION The " Counter- Reforma- tion " fluenced profoundly his own and future times. Ardent re- formers from all Europe flocked to Geneva to imbibe his teach- ings, and then returned to spread Calvinism in their own lands. From Geneva came the seeds of Scotch Preshyterianism, of the great Puritan movement ivithin the English church (soon to be treated), of the leading Protestant move- ment among the Dutch, and of the Huguenot church of France. It is from the French Calvin, not the German Luther, that mod- ern liberal Protestantism has sprung. True, Calvin did not believe in democ- racy, and he taught that for ''subjects" to resist even a wicked ruler was "to resist God;" but, in A Village Maypole Festival of the g j^e of this teaching, in sixteenth century, such as Calvin ... condemned. the course of historical movements, Calvinism became the ally of political freedom in Holland, England, and America. III. CATHOLICISM KEEPS THE SOUTH OF EUROPE For a time. Protestantism promised to win also the south of Europe; but Spain, Italy, France, Bohemia, and South Germany were finally saved to Catholicism. This w^as mainly because the old church quickly purged itself of old abuses. At first Erasmus and other Humanists had been interested in the work of Luther. But when it became plain that that movement was breaking up the unity of Christendom, they were violently repelled by it. Disruption into warring sects, they felt, was a greater evil than existing faults. They continued to w^ork, however, w^ith even greater zeal than before, for reform within the church. Such reform was finally carried AND THE COUNTER-REFORMATION 337 out by the Council of Trent (1545-1563). That great body did not change CathoHc forms ; but it defined some doctrines more exactly, and infused a greater moral energy into the church. The new religious enthusiasm within the Catholic world gave The Jesuits birth, also, to several new religious orders. The most im- portant of these was the "Order of Jesus" (Jesuits), founded in 1534 by Ignatius Loyola, a gallant Spanish gentleman of deep religious feeling. The Jesuits stood to the friars somewhat as the friars stood to the older monks. Holding fast like the friars to an intensely religious private life, they represented a further advance into the world of public affairs. Their members mingled with men in all capacities. Especially did they dis- tinguish themselves as statesmen and as teachers. Their schools were the best in Europe, and many a Protestant youth was drawn back by them to Catholicism ; and their many de- voted missionaries among the heathen in the New World won vast regions to Christianity and Catholicism. Unhappily less praiseworthy forces had a share in the victory The of Catholicism. Religious wars, we shall see (p. 348 ff.), in ^^^^^sition large part kept France, Bohemia, and South Germany Catholic ; and elsewhere the final success of the Catholic church in crush- mg out Protestantism was due in part to the Inquisition. The Inquisition dated back to the twelfth century. At that Origin three time the church had suffered one of its periods of decline ; and ^®^*""^^ discontent with its corruption had given rise to several small heresies. The most important of these sects were the Albigenses in southeastern France. They rejected some church doctrines, and they rebelled against church government by pope and priesthood — so that an old by-word, "I had rather be a Jew," became, for them, "I had rather be a priest" ! The church had made many vain attempts to reclaim these heretics, and finally, the great reforming pope, Innocent III, pro- claimed a "holy war" against them, declaring them "more wicked than Saracens." The feudal nobles of northern France rallied gladly to this war, hungry for the rich plunder of the more civilized south ; and a twenty years' struggle, marked by ferocious massacres, crushed the heretics. When open re- 338 THE PROTESTANT REFORMATION The Spanish Inquisition and Prot- estantism sistance ceased in desolated Langiiedoc, the pope set up a special court to hunt out and exterminate any secret heretics remaining there. Soon afterward, this court, enlarged and reorganized, became a regular part of the government of the church for sup- pressing heresy. In this final form it is commonly known as the Spanish Inquisition, though it held sway also in Portugal and Italy. In the south of Europe, now, the Inquisition became one means of stifling the new Protestant heresies. The court sel- dom confronted the accused witli his accuser, or allowed him witnesses of his choosing ; and it extorted confession by cruel tortures, carried to a point where human courage could not endure. The property of the convicted went to enrich the church, and the heretic himself was handed over to the gov- ernment for death by fire. Persecution of unbelievers ivas char- acteristic of the age. It disgraced every sect, Protestant as well as Catholic. But no Protestant land possessed a device so admirably calculated to accomplish its purpose as the Inqui- sition. For Further Reading. — Beard's Martin Luther, or (briefer but excellent) Lindsay's Luther and the German Reformation; Ward's The Counter-Reformation; Robinson's Readings in European History, for source material. Parkman's histories, especially Pioneers of New France (chs. v and vi) and Jesuits in North America (ch. ii) contain interesting accounts of Jesuit missionaries. If available, the scholarly Catholic Encyclopedia should be consulted for its articles on "Luther" and "Indulgences." CHAPTER XXXVI ENGLAND AND THE PROTESTANT MOVEMENT In England Henry VIII ^ had shown himself zealous against Henry vili Luther, and had even written a book to controvert Luther's quarrel with teaching, in return for which the pope had conferred upon him *he pope the title, "Defender of the Faith." A little later, however, Henry desired a divorce from his wife, the unfortunate Cath- erine of Aragon, aunt of Charles V (p. 320). Catherine's only child was a girl (Mary), and Henry was anxious for a son. More to the point, he wished to marry Anne Boleyn, a lady of the court. After long negotiation, the pope refused to grant the divorce. A Church Thereupon Henry put himself in the place of the pope so far °^ England as his island was concerned, and secured the divorce from his own courts. The clergy and people were then forbidden to ^Cf. p. 311. The following table of Tudor rulers shows also the claim of the first ruler of the next royal family. (Three of Henry VIII's wives, by whom he had no children, are not shown.) (1) Henry VII (1485-1509) Margaret (m. James IV of Scotland) I James V of Scotland I Mary Queen of Scots (2) Henry VIII (1509-1547) (6) James I of England (1603-1625) the first Stuart king Mary (grandmother of Lady Jane Grey) (4) Mary (1553-1558) (daughter of Catherine of Aragon) (5) Elizabeth (1558-1603) (daughter of Anne Boleyn) (3) Edward VI (1547-1553) (son of Jane Seymour) 339 340 ENGLAND AND THE REFORMATION Dissolution of the monasteries Henry burns Protestants and hangs Catholics Edward VI, 1547-1553 make any further payments to "the Bishop of Rome" (1532), and an " Act of Supremacy" declared Henry the " only supreme head on earth of the Church of England." When Parliament passed these laws, the Augsburg Confession had just been put into form ; and Calvin was about to take up Zwingli's work. Thus in England, separation from Rome was due at first to personal motives of the monarch. So far there had been no attack on the religious doctrines of the old church ; and Henry wished none. But his chief advisers, especially Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury, who had pronounced his divorce, had strong Protestant leanings ; and so some additional vieasures were secured. The doctrine of purgatory was declared false ; and the Bible, in English, was introduced into the church service, in place of the old Latin liturgy. Most of p]ngland accepted these changes calmly, and even the clergy made no serious resistance, as a class, to the over- throw of the pope 's power ; but the monasteries were centers of criticism. Henry determined to root out resistance, and to enrich himself, by their utter ruin ; and, at the king's wish. Parliament dissolved the seven hundred such institutions in England. A little of their wealth was set aside to found schools and hospi- tals (in place of the work in such lines formerly done by the monasteries themselves), but Henry seized most of the mo- nastic lands for the crown. Then he parceled out parts of them, shrewdly, to new nobles and the gentry. Thousands of influential families were enriched by such gifts, and became centers of hostility to any reconciliation with Rome that would ruin their private fortunes. These changes were as far as Henry would go ; and, to the close of his long reign, he beheaded "traitors" who recognized papal headship, and burned "heretics" who denied papal doc- trines. In one day, in 1540, three "heretics" and three "traitors" suffered death. The most famous martyr was the Catholic Sir Thomas More (p. 324). Henry was succeeded by his son Edward VI. The new king was a boy of nine, and during his short reign the govern- ment was held by a rapacious clique of Protestant lords. PLATE LVII Above. — Tintern Abbey To-day. (The road is modern.) Below. — Tewksbury Abbey To-day : one of the very few such struc- tures to escape ruin. MARY TUDOR 341 Partly to secure fresh plunder, these men tried to carry England into the full current of the Protestant movement. Priests were allowed to marry. The use of the old litany, and of incense, holy water, and the surplice, was forbidden. Commissioners to carry out these commands through- out P^ngland some- times broke the stained glass win- dows of sacred build- ings and tore from the pedestals the carved forms of saints. Rebellion was put down cru- elly, several Catho- lics were burned as heretics and con- spirators, — among them Father Forest, who was roasted barbarously in a swinging iron cradle ^^^ Thomas More. — After Rubens' copy of over a slow fire. Holbein's portrait. During this period, the English Prayer Book was put into its present form, under the direction of Cranmer (p. 340) ; and articles of faith were adopted which inclined toward Calvinistic doctrine. Henry had had Parliament fix the order in which his children should be entitled to succeed him ; and so when Edward died at fifteen, the throne passed to his elder half-sister, Mary, daughter of Catherine of Aragon. Mary was an earnest Catholic, and felt an intense personal repugnance for the Prot- estant movement which had begun in England by the disgrace of her mother. The nation was still overwhelmingly Catholic in feeling. The Protestants were active, organized, and in- fluential ; but they were few in numbers, and Mary had no Queen Mary tries to restore Catholicism, 1553-1558 persecutions 342 ENGLAND AND THE REFORMATION difficulty in doing away with the Protestant innovations of her brother's time. But she ivanted more thsui this : she wished to undo her father 's work, and to restore England to its allegiance to the pope. Parliament readily voted the repeal of all anti- Catholic laws, but it refused stubbornly to restore the church lands. Finally the pope wisely waived this point. Then the nation was solemnly absolved, and received back into the Roman church. Mary's But Mary destroyed her work by marrying Philip of Spain, son of the Emperor Charles V, and by a bloody persecution of Protestants. All English patriots dreaded, with much reason, lest little England be made a mere province of the world-wide Spanish rule; and even zealous Catholics shuddered at the thought of the Spanish Inquisition, looming up behind the Queen's hated Spanish bridegroom. Mary's persecution in itself was quite enough to rouse popu- lar fear and hatred- In a few months, more than two hundred and seventy martyrs were burned, — nearly half the entire number that suffered death for conscience' sake (avowedly) in all English history. Catholics had died for their faith under both Henry and Edward ; but there had been no such piling up of executions ; and, moreover, most of those Catholic victims had been put to death, nominally, not for religious opinions, but as detested traitors ; and the executions (with a very few exceptions) had taken place not by fu-e but by the more familiar headsman's ax. England had taken calmly the persecutions by these preceding sovereigns, but it was now" deeply stirred. The most famous martNTS were Archbishop Cranmer and Bishops Ridley and Latimer. Latimer had preached in ap- proval of the torture of Father Forest ; but now he showed at least that he too knew how to die a hero. " Play the man, Master Ridley," he called out to his companion as they ap- proached the stake ; " we shall this day, by God 's grace, light such a candle in England as, I trust, shall never be put out." Mary's un- Other causes, too, made the Queen unpopular. To please her husband, she led England into a silly and disastrous war with France, and then managed it blunderingly. England had popularity PLATE LVIII -^ '^HHBSj 'wwa m ^^Bi ^• ' -d ^ Mub ^^^H fe^ft** jriiiH |H ^^■9 l^j^^^^H 1 1 ^ 1 1 ^Sffi. ^ 4i 9 Above. — Ruins of Kenilworth Castle To-day. Below. — Kenilworth in 1620, from a fresco painting of that year. Queen Elizabeth gave this castle to her favorite, the Earl of Leicester, who entertained the Queen there with a splendid pageant described in Scott's Kenilworth. The walls enclosed seven acres. QUEEN ELIZABETH 343 never seemed more contemptible to other nations ; and ap- parently, it was doomed to become the prey of Spain or France. Mary died after a troubled reign of five years. As Henry's parliaments had arranged, she was succeeded by her half-sister, Elizabeth. Elizabeth was the daughter of Henry VIII and Anne Boleyn. Sy^^^ From her father, she had a strong body, a powerful intellect, an 1558-1603 imperious will, and dauntless courage ; and from both parents, a sort of bold beauty and a strain of coarseness. She had grown up in Henry's court among the men of the New Learning, and was probably the best educated woman of her century, — speaking several languages and reading both Latin and Greek. She has been called "a true child of the Renaissance," too, in her freedom from moral scruple. To Elizabeth, says a great historian, "a lie was simply an intellectual means of avoiding a difficulty." She was often vacillating in policy ; but she was a keen judge of men, and had the good sense to keep about her a group of wise and patriotic counselors. Above all, she had a deep love for her country. After more than forty years of rule, she said proudly, and, on the whole, truly, — " I do call God to witness, never thought was cherished in my heart that tended not to my subjects' good." And England repaid her love with a passionate and romantic devotion to its "Virgin Queen." Except for her counselors, men knew little of Elizabeth's deceit and vulgarity and weak- nesses. They saw only that her long reign had piloted England safely through a maze of foreign perils, and had built up its power and dignity abroad and its unity and prosperity at home, while her court was made glorious by splendid bands of states- men, warriors, and poets. Except for the "Oxford Reformers" The (p. 323), England had lagged behind in the early Renaissance, Renaissance but now the Elizabethan Renaissance gave that land a first place in the movement. Edmund Spenser created a new form of English poetry in his Faerie Queene. And the splendor of the Elizabethan age found a climax in English drama, with Shak- spere as the most resplendent star in a glorious galaxy that 344 ENGLAND AND THE REFORMATION counted such other shining names as Marlowe, Greene, Beaumont, Fletcher, and Ben Jonson. Not less splendid, possibly even more important, was the scientific progress of Harvey and Shakspere's Theater, The Globe. — This structure was built in 1599, and was burned in 1613 from a fire caused by discharge of "cannon" in a presentation of the play of Henry VIII. The " Eliza- bethan Settlement " Francis Bacon (p. 358). Amid the petty squabbles of suc- ceeding reigns, England looked back \\'ith longing to "the spacious days of great P^lizabeth." When Elizabeth came to the throne, at least two thirds of England icas still Catholic in doctrine. Elizabeth herself had no liking for Protestantism, while she did like the pomp and ceremonial of the old church. She wanted neither the system of her sister nor that of her brother, but would have preferred to go back to that of her father. But the extreme Catholic party did not recognize her mother's marriage as valid, and so denied Eliza- beth's claim to the throne. This forced her to throw herself into the hands of the Protestants. She gave all chief offices in church and state to that active, intelligent, well-organized mi- nority ; and the " Elizabethan Settlement" established the Eng- lish Episcopal church much as it still stands. At about the QUEEN ELIZABETH 345 same time, John Knox brought Calvinism from Geneva to Scot- land, and organized the Scotch Presbyterian church. Early in Elizabeth's reign, an "Act of Uniformity" had ordered all people to attend the Protestant worship, under threat of extreme penalties ; but for many years this act was The Act of Uniformity Queen Elizabeth at Tilbury, — exhorting the land forces gathered there to resist a Spanish landing. The rallying of the Catholic gentry to this gathering, with their retainers, insured England's safety, even if the Ar- mada had not been destroyed at sea. not enforced strictly. After Catholic plots against her throne Persecution began, however, Elizabeth adopted strong measures. Many ,. traitors " leading Catholics were fined and imprisoned for refusing to attend the Englisli church. And, under a new law. Catholic priests, and others who made converts from Protestantism to Catholicism, were declared guilty of treason. Many martyrs suffered torture on the rack and death on the scaffold — nearly as many as had died in the persecution of " Bloody Mary " ; 346 ENGLAND AND THE REFORMATION The Spanish Armada, 1588 England becomes Protestant but Elizabeth, like her brother, succeeded in making such exe- cutions appear punishment of traitors. England was constantly threatened by the two great powers of Europe, Catholic France and Spain. Neither, however, was willing to see the other gain England ; and by skillfully playing off one against the other, Elizabeth kept peace for many years and gained time for England to grow strong. Gradually it became more and more clear that the real foe was Spain. Then Elizabeth secretly gave aid to the Dutch, who were in rebellion against Philip II of Spain (p. 348) ; and finally Philip launched his "Invincible Armada" for the conquest of England (1588). English ships of all sorts — mostly little merchant vessels hastily transformed into a war navy — gathered in the Channel ; and, to the amazement of the world, the small but swift and better handled English vessels completely outfought the great Spanish navy in a splendid nine days' sea fight. Spain nevei recovered her supremacy on the sea, — and the way was prepared for the English colonization of America. To the chagrin of Spanish king and Roman pope, the mass of English Catholics had proved more English than papal, and had rallied gallantly to the Queen ; and, for young Englishmen, the splendid struggle made Protestantism and patriotism seem much the same thing. The rising generation became largely Protestant; and before Elizabeth's death, even the Puritan doctrines from Gene\a and from Presbyterian Scotland had begun to spread widely among the people. Ireland remains Catholic Ireland, the third part of the British Isles, remained Catholic. Henry II (p. 285) had tried to conquer Ireland ; but, until the time of the Tudors, the English really held only a little strip of land (" the English Pale") near Dublin. The rest of Ireland remained in the hands of native chieftains ; but constant war rooted out the old beginnings of Irish culture. Henry VIII established English authority over most of the island and destroyed the monasteries, the chief remaining centers of industry and learning. Shortly before the Armada, Spain made attempts to use the island as a base from whidb IRELAND 347 to attack England. Alarmed to frenzy by this deadly peril at their back door, Elizabeth's generals then completed the military subjugation with atrocious cruelties. Tens of thou- sands of men, women, and children were killed, or perished of famine in the Irish bogs ; and great districts of the country were given to English nobles and gentry. Incessant feuds continued between the peasantry and these absentee landlords, and the Irish nation looked on the attempt to introduce the Church of England as a part of the hated English tyranny. As English . patriotism became identified with Protestantism, so, even more completely, Irish patriotism became identified with Catholicism. For Further Reading. — Green's History of the English People is the best general account. CHAPTER XXXVII A CENTURY OF RELIGIOUS WARS PhiUp II of Spain The Dutch Rebellion Alvas Council of Blood When Philip II succeeded his father (p. 334) as king of Spain and of the Sicilies, and master of the Netherlands, he was the most powerful and most absolute monarch in Europe. The Spanish infantry were the finest soldiery in the world. The Spanish navy was the unquestioned mistress of the ocean. Each year the great "gold fleet" filled Philip's coffers from the exhaustless wealth of the Americas. In 1580 the ruling family in Portugal died out, and that throne (with Portugal's East India empire) was seized by Philip.^ The Spanish boast that the sun never set upon Spanish dominions became literal fact. Philip himself was a plodding, cautious toiler — despotic, cruel, unscrupulous. Charles V had disregarded the old liberties of the Netherlands and had set up the Inquisition in that coun- try with frightful consequences. Philip continued his father's abuses, without possessing any of his redeeming qualities in Dutch eyes. He was a foreign master — not a Hollander by birth as Charles had been — and he ruled from a distance and through Spanish officers. Finally, Protestant and Cath- olic nobles joined in demands for reform and especially that they might be ruled by officers from their own people. Philip's reply was to send the stern Spanish general, Alva, with a veteran army, to enforce submission. Alva's Council of Blood declared almost the whole population guilty of rebellion, and deserving of death with confiscation of goods. This atrocious sentence was enforced by butchery of great numbers — especially of the wealthy classes — and in 1568 a revolt began. The struggle between the little disunited provinces and the huge world-empire lasted forty years. In the beginning the conflict 1 Portugal reestablished her independence, by revolt, in 1640. 348 THE DUTCH REBELLION 349 was for political liberty, but it soon became also a religious struggle. It was waged with an exasperated and relentless fury that made it a byword for ferocity even in that brutal age. City after city was given up to indiscriminate rapine and massacre, with deeds of horror indescribable. Over against this dark Francis Drake Knighted by Queen Elizabeth on the deck of his ship, the Golden Hind, at his return from raiding Spanish America in his voyage round the globe (1581). — From a contemporary drawing by Sir John Gilbert. Expeditions of this kind were one way in which English- men showed their sympathy for Holland while England was still nom- inally neutral. Of course they had much to do with provoking Spain to the attack by the Armada. side stands the stubborn heroism of the Dutch people, who saved William of not themselves only, but also the cause of Protestantism and ^^"^e of political liberty for the world. William, Prince of Orange, was the central hero of the conflict. Because he foiled his enemies so often by wisely keeping his plans to himself, he is known as William the Silent; and his persistency and statesmanship have fitly earned him the name " the Dutch Washington." Again and again, he seemed to be crushed ; but from each defeat he snatched a new chance for victory. 350 RELIGIOUS WARS The Relief of Leyden, 1574 England aids Holland Dutch Inde- pendence Holland's splendid period The turning 'point of the war was the relief of Leyden. For many months the city had been closely besieged. The people had devoured the cats and rats and were dying grimly of starvation. Once they murmured, but the heroic burgomaster (mayor) shamed them, declaring they might have his body to eat, but while he lived they should never surrender to the Spanish butchers. All attempts to relieve the perishing town had failed. But fifteen miles away, on the North Sea, rode a Dutch fleet with supplies. Then William the Silent cut the dikes and let in the ocean on the land. Over wide districts the prosperity of years was engulfed in ruin ; but the waves swept also over thfe Spanish camp, and upon the invading sea the relieWng ships rode to the city gates. Dutch liberty was saved. Holland had been fighting England's battle as well as her own : only the Dutch war had kept Philip from attacking Eng- land. Englishmen knew this ; and, for years, hundreds of English volunteers had been flocking to join the Dutch army. Elizabeth herself had many times helped the Dutch by secret supplies of money, and now in 1585 she sent a small English army to their aid. This was the immediate signal for the Spanish Armada ; and the overthixDw of Spain's naval suprem- acy by the splendid English sea dogs (p. 346) added tremen- dously to Holland's chances. True, the ten southern provinces of the old Netherlands finally gave up the struggle, and returned to Spanish allegiance. (They were largely French in race and Catholic in religion. Protestantism was now completely stamped out in them. After this time, they are known as the Spanish Netherlands, and finally as modern Belgium.) But the seven northern provinces — Dutch in blood and Protestant in religion — maintained the conflict, and won their independ- ence as The United Provinces, or the Dutch Republic.^ The most marvelous feature of the struggle betw^een the little Dutch state and Spain was that Holland grew wealthy during the contest, although the stage of the desolating war. The * The government consisted of a representative "States General" and a " Stadtholder " (President). The most important of the seven provinces was Holland, by whose name the union was often known. f I t THE NETHERLANDS at the Truce of 1609 r54- SCALE OF MILES — X-he.Seven United Provinces I yjie. Provinces atitl Retained by Spaini ^ • 53- ^ ^ «; r<»iiiii;E<'i!* o I -< <. r F 1. A .\ h E $; s :^ /^Maa.tdohtj H % % A I I I I '/ , _ Arras '"''ll ^ I C A R D d; OJ THE DUTCH REPUBLIC 351 Dutch drew their riches not from the wasted land, but from the sea ; and during the war they plundered the possessions of Spain in the East Indies. The little republic built up a vast colonial empire ; and, especially after Spain 's naval supremacy had been engulfed with the Armada, the Dutch held almost a monopoly ■ Wjig ' .'.'^^m ^^ 1^^ ^^*^^^^ '.'ftJIWllHlBS^^^^^ PW.-,.,-.^, ^^ .^,,,, n^^^j^M,,,,,^^ •-—■-.^^^r^'flwSr^ ^^p"^ -':;■ ■— '---v- ■' - :^^?is«iy^;':,,"' ^"': ' - ■ . Dutch Windmills (near Molen). — In the sixteenth century, as now, such windmills in great numbers were used to pump surplus water out of the canals back into the ocean. They are a characteristic feature of thai Qountry "where the hulls of ships at anchor on the sea are higher than the steeples of the churches." of the Asiatic trade for all Europe. One hundred thousand of their three million people lived constantly upon the sea. Suc- cess in so heroic a war stimulated the people to a wonderful activity. Holland taught all Europe scientific agriculture and horticulture, as w^ell as the science of navigation, and in the seventeenth century her presses put forth more books than all the rest of Europe. On the other hand, Spain sank rapidly into a second-rate Spain's power. The bigot, Philip III, drove into exile the Christianized ^^^^ Moors, the descendants of those Mohammedans left behind when the Moorish political power had been driven out. They 352 RELIGIOUS WARS, 1546-1648 numbered perhaps a twentieth of the entire population, — and they were the foremost agriculturists and almost the sole skilled artisans and manufacturers. Their pitiless expulsion inflicted a deadly blow upon the prosperity of Spain. For a time the wealth she drew from iVmerica concealed her fall. But after the Armada she never played a great part in Europe, and, living on the plunder of the New World, she failed to develop the industrial life which alone could furnish a true prosperity. Moreover, the Inquisition steadily " sifted out the most flexible minds and the stoutest hearts," until a once virile race sank into apathy and decay. Religious war in France, I 562-1 598 Henry IV Edict of Nantes Another religious struggle (1562-1598) long desolated France — between the Huguenots (the French Calvinists) and their persecutors. This strife was complicated by personal rivalries between groups of great lords, and, even worse than the other wars of the period, it was marked by assassinations and treach- eries — the most horrible of which was the famous Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day (August 24, 1572) in which 10,000 Huguenots perished. Their leader, however, young Henry of Navarre, escaped, and, on the death of the childless French king in 1589, he be- came heir to the throne. Philip of Spain, to prevent his accession, gave aid to the Catholic lords ; but now Philip met the third of the great leaders on whom his schemes went to wreck. Henry drove the Spanish army in shameful rout from France in the dashing cavalry battle of Ivry. Then, to secure Paris, which he had long besieged (and to give peace to his distracted country), he accepted Catholicism, declaring lightly that " so fair a city " was " well worth a mass." In 1 598 Henry's Edict of Nantes established toleration for the Hu- guenots. (1) They were granted full equality before the law. (Before this, the forms of oaths required in law courts had been such as a Protestant could not take, and therefore a Huguenot could not sue to recover property.) (2) They were to have per- fect liberty of conscience in private, and to enjoy the privilege of public worship except in the cathedral cities. And (3) certain X '^ S^^'*-- , M ' .^^^^'^feb. ; ^..■.ifegi*-x43; 1 —4 fl) 75 •-5 '/J ,^ n» i^ -O ■n till 3 •-'-' -l-J ;_, CI =) r| o a ^ •/J ;^ 1— ( O - 73 o rt o j td a) -*-> -»j (/J c3 y3 'n O =^ ^ OJ ^ ^ >s ^ OJ o a; ^^ a fl) X © ^ O) ^ fcD HH ^ Ph THE HUGUENOT.S 353 towns were handed over to them, to hold witli their own gar- risons, as security for their rights. Henry IV proved one of the greatest of French kings, and he Henry and was one of the most loved. With his sagacious minister, the " ^ D^ike of Sully, he set himself to restore prosperity to desolated France. Roads and canals were built ; new trades were fostered ; and the industry of the French people once more with marvelous rapidity removed the evil results of the long strife. Henry's son, Louis XIII, came to the throne in 1610 as a Cardinal boy of nine. Anarchy again raised its head ; but France was '^ ® ®^ saved by the commanding genius of Cardinal Richelieu, the chief minister of the young king. Richelieu was a sincere patriot, and, though an earnest Catholic, his statesmanship was guided by political, not by religious, motives. He crushed the great nobles and he waged war upon the Huguenots to deprive them of their garrisoned towns, which menaced the unity of France. But when he had captured their cities and held the Huguenots at his mercy, he kept toward them in full the other pledges of the Edict of Nantes. At the same time, he aided the German Protestants against the Catholic emperor, in the religious war that was going on in Germany, and so secured a chance to seize territory from the Empire for France. The period of the religious wars in the Netherlands and France The Thirty had been a period of uneasy peace in Germany ; but now came jn^Qermanv in that land the last of the great religious wars — just a hundred years after Luther posted his theses at Wittenberg. This Thirty Years' War (1618-1648) arose directly out of an attempt of Protestant Bohemia to make itself independent of the Catholic Hapsburg Empire. Bohemian independence lasted only a few weeks ; but this was long enough to call all Germany into two armed camps. The Protestant German princes, however, showed themselves disunited and timid ; and, had the war been left to Germany, a Catholic victory would soon have been assured. But all over Europe sincere and religious Protestants felt deeply and truly that the war against the Catholic Hapsburgs was their own war — much as all free peoples felt 354 RELIGIOUS WARS, 1546-1648 Wallenstein and Gustavus Adolphus Devastation of Germany in the World War when Hberty was imperiled by Hohenzollern autocracy. First Denmark (1625-1629) and then Sweden (1630) entered the field in behalf of the Protestant cause ; and at last (1635-1648), for more selfish reasons, Catholic France un- der Richelieu threw its weight also against the Hapsburgs who so long had ringed France about with hostile arms. The war was marked by the careers of four great generals, — Tilly and Wallenstein on the imperial side, and Gustavus Adolphus, king of Sweden, " the Lion of the North," and Mans- feld, on the side of the Protestants. Gustavus was at once great and admirable ; but he fell at the battle of Liitzen (1632) in the moment of victory ; and thereafter the struggle was as dreary as it was terrible. Mansfeld and Wallenstein from the first deliberately adopted the policy of making the war pay, by supporting their armies everywhere upon the country ; but during the short career of Gustavus, his blond Swede giants were held in admirable discipline, with the nearest approach to a regular commissariat that had been known since Roman times. (Gus- tavus' success, too, was due largely to new tactics. Muskets, fired by a "match" and discharged from a "rest," had become an important portion of every army ; but troops were still massed in the old fashion that had prevailed when pike- men were the chief infantry. Gustavus was the first gen- eral to adapt the arrangement of his troops to the new weapons.) The calamities the war brought were monstrous. Season by season, for a generation, armies of ruthless freebooters harried the land. The peasant found that he toiled only to feed robbers and to draw them to outrage and torture his family ; so he ceased to labor, and became himself robber or camp-follower. Half the population and two thirds the movable property of Ger- many ivcre swept away. In many large districts, the facts were worse than this average. In Bohemia, thirty thousand happy villages had shrunk to six thousand miserable ones, and the rich promise of the great L^niversity of Prague was ruined. Everywhere populous cities shriveled into hamlets ; and for miles upon miles, former hamlets were the lairs of wolf packs. X Ph o G O C ^ O »— 1 o -tJ _; VW O 3 71 :3 25 o bO Wl tfl tS- '2 ^ h-i TJ o >.T! ^ c :3 hfl o '-3 3 rj 7J & OT 53 ^ < T3 C 1 c3 5^ ri ^ t*H o o -1 P o &, -o J o O tD 3 =3 o 11 *: p w M St^ ^^f| ^ 3 oo &< tyo o a .• k aW H ^ < h > a i^ ^ w t> a PEACE OF WESTPHALIA 355 Not until 1850 did some sections of Germany again contain Peace of as many homesteads and cattle as in 1618. ^^ ^ ^ ** The war was closed by the Peace of Westphalia, — drawn up by a congress of ambassadors from nearly every European power. This treaty contained three distinct classes of stipulations: provisions for religious peace in Germany ; territorial rewards for France and Sweden ; and provisions to secure the independ- ence of the German princes against the Empire. 1. The principle of the Peace of Augsburg was reaffirmed and extended. Each sovereign prince in Germany was to choose his religion ; and his subjects were to have three years to conform to his choice or to withdraw from his realm. ^ 2. Sweden, which was already a great Baltic power, extending around both the east and west shores of that sea (p. 266), secured also much of the south coast (with control over German com- merce) : Pomerania — with the mouths of the Oder, Elbe, and Weser — was the payment she received for her part in the war. France annexed most of Alsace, with some fortresses on the Ger- man bank of the Rhine. (The Congress also expressly recognized the independence of Switzerland and of the Dutch Provinces.) 3. The Empire lost more than mere territory. The separate states were given the right to form alliances with one another or even with foreign powers The imperial Diet became avowedly a gathering of ambassadors for discussion, not for govern- ment : no state was to be bound by decisions there without its own consent. The religious wars filled a. century — from the struggle between Conditions the German princes and Charles V (1546) to the Peace of West- ^J ^^^ f^^^^ phalia (1648). They left the Romance ^ South of Europe Catholic, ligious wars and the Teutonic North Protestant. France emerged, more united than ever, quite equal in power to any two states of 1 Many of the South German Protestants were then driven into exile by their Catholic lords. This was the first cause of the coming to America of the "Pennsylvania Dutch." 2 Romance is a term applied to those European peoples and languages closely related to the old Roman rule — like the Italians, Spanish, and French. 356 RELIGIOUS WARS, 1546-1648 Europe. England and Sweden had both risen into "Great Powers." Two new federal republics had been added to the European family of nations, — Switzerland and the United Provinces ; and the second of these w^as one of the leading "Powers." The danger of a universal Hapsburg empire was forever gone. Spain, the property of one Hapsburg branch, had sunk to a third-rate powder ; the Holy Roman Empire, the realm of the other branch, was an open sham. Far to the east loomed indistinctly a huge and growing Russian state. Exercise. — Dates to be added to the list for drill, — 1520, 1588, 1648. For Further Reading. — The Student's Motley is an admirable and brief condensation of the American Motley's great history of the Dutch Republic. Willert's Henry of Navarre is a brilliant story. PAET IX -FROM THE PEACE OF WESTPHALIA TO THE FRENCH REVOLUTION, 16481789 CHAPTER XXXVIII SCIENCE AND TRADE The hundred years of ruinous rehgious wars and bloody per- secution, almost without notice at the time, was also an age of splendid advance in science and in trade, — changes either of which was to modify the life of men and women in the future more than the wars of Wallenstein and Gustavus. I. SCIENTIFIC ADVANCE The true astronomy of Aristarchus (p. 146) had long been Copernicus lost, and all through the Middle Ages men believed the earth ^^ system the center of the universe with sun and stars revolving around it. But in 1543 a Polish astronomer, Copernicus, published a book proving that the earth was only one member of a solar system which had the sun for a center. From fear of persecution, Copernicus had kept his discovery to himself for many years — until just before his death, when the "religious wars" were just beginning. Those wars them- selves checked study and discovery in parts of Europe ; and persecution, for a while, repressed scientific discoveries in Cath- olic countries. At the opening of the Renaissance (p. 31.5) the popes had been the foremost patrons of the new learning ; but now the reaction against the Protestant revolt had thrown control into conservative hands, and the church used its tre- mendous powers to stifle new scientific discoveries. Still much was done. In Elizabeth's day in England, the physician, William Harvey, discovered the truth about the 357 358 SCIENTIFIC PROGRESS Harvey and the circula- tion of the blood GaUleo The method of experiment circulation of the blood/ and so made possible modern medicine. And in Italy Galileo discovered the laws of falling bodies and of the pendulum (as they are now taught in our text-books on physics), invented the thermometer, and, taking a hint from a Dutch plaything, constructed the first real telescope. With this, in 1610, he demonstrated the truth of Copernicus' teachings by showing the "phases" of the planet Venus in its revolution about the sun. True, Galileo was summoned to Rome by the pope, imprisoned, and forced publicly to recant his teaching that the earth moved around the sun; but, as he rose from his knees, he whispered to a friend — " None the less, it does move." And more important than any specific discovery about sun or the human body was the discovery of a new ivay of finding out truth about the world. For centuries scholars had tried to learn only by reading ancient authorities, and perhaps by reasoning a little further, in their own minds, upon what these authorities taught. But the new discoveries had been made in another way ; and now, Francis Bacon, in England, set forth eloquently the necessity of experiment to discover new facts. And before 1700, in Ital}^ France, and England, great scientific societies were founded, to encourage scientific investigation. II. "BUSINESS" BECOMES A FORCE IN LIFE The second great change that marked this otherwise dismal century was the growing influence in human life of what we call business. " Business " had been almost unknown and wholly without influence during the early Middle Ages, and during the later centuries of that period it had existed upon a small scale only. How the barbarian invasions and the violence of the "Dark Ages" destroyed the old Roman town life in Western Europe has been briefly told, and also how after the Crusades a new trade began to build towns anew. But for some centuries. 1 For centuries men had believed that the bright blood of the arteries and the dark blood of the veins were two distinct systems (one from the heart, the other from the liver) . Harvey proved that this was all one system and that the dark blood was purified in the lungs. r '■^■\' < <5 < ^:;*-^'. ^■.fe'ii. HINDRANCES IN MIDDLE AGES 359 by our standards, these new towns were few and small, even in proportion to the small population of Europe in that day. During the Middle Ages there were five special hindrances to trade. 1. The first was the continued violence of the feudal baron. Hindrances who long looked upon the trader as an escaped serf and there- *° ^"^'" fore as his natural prey. In England, noble and townsman the Middle were far less hostile than on the continent; but an event in ^^^f\ . feudal England, as late as the time of Edward I (1300), shows this violence class war even there. The town of Boston was holding a great fair.^ Citizens, of course, guarded its gates zealously against any hostile intruders, but an armed band of country gentle- men (of the "noble" class) got through in the disguise of play actors. When darkness fell, they began their horrible work of murder and plunder. They fired every booth, slaughtered the merchants, and hurried the booty to ships ready at the quay. The horror-stricken people of other towns told how streams of molten gold mingled with rivers of blood in the gutters. True, King Edward, under whose license the fair had been promised protection, proved strong enough to hang the leaders of these "gentlemen." But in Germany, at the same period, like events followed one another in horril)le panorama. The towns shut out the " noble knights " by walls and guards. But from their castle crags the knights swooped down upon unwary townsmen who ventured too near, and even upon armed cara- vans of traders, to rob and murder, or to carry off for ransom. Such unhappy captives were loaded with rusty chains that ate into the flesh, and were left in damp and filthy dungeons — so that to "rot a peasant" became a by-word.^ 1 Large cities, at fixed times, held great fairs, lasting many days, for all the small places in the neighboring regions, — since the villages and small towns had either no shops or small ones with few goods. Merchants from all the kingdom — and, indeed, sometimes from all Europe, — journeyed to such fairs w4th their goods, to reap a harvest from the country folk who crowded about their booths. The town took toll for these booths, and usu- ally itself paid king or noble a license fee for security. 2 At sea the trader's perils were even greater. There were as yet no light- houses and no charts to mark dangerous reefs, and the waters swarmed with pirates, led often by some neighboring noble. 360 PROGRESS OF TRADE Tolls 2. Gradually, the robber barons learned that it did not pay to kill the goose that laid golden eggs, and the land pirates softened their methods. The new monarchies, too, put an end to feudal violence. But the trader, though no longer likely to be robbed of all his goods at one time, was still compelled to surrender parts of them repeatedly in tolls at every bridge or Lack of money Ruins of a Rhine Castle, above a modern town. ferry or ford, at the gate of every town, at the foot of every castle hill by which the rough pack-horse trail wound its way. The collection of such tolls, too, was marked often by all sorts of vexatious delays and by intentional injury to the remaining goods, unless the helpless trader bribed the official who did the work with added goods or coin for his private use. (Such tolls grew up by custom, imposed by local authorities. They had no sanction from any central or national government ; but neither did the governments materially interfere to abolish them un- til toward 1700. In England this evil never reached such serious proportions as on the continent.) 3. And when the patient trader had carried his diminished wares past all these perils to people who wished to buy, too DURING THE RENAISSANCE 361 often the would-be customers had no money. Wealth they had, perhaps, in land or in goods, but not in any portable form that the trader could afford to take in pay. This lack of money was for centuries (pp. 235, 272) a serious hindrance. In Europe the ancient mines of gold and silver were exhausted, and there was no supply of precious metals from which to coin enough money for the demands of trade. 4. A large part of what little money there was remained in idle money, hiding, buried perhaps in the earth for safe keeping. The man "sury " who had coin, but who did not need to use it himself, had no inducement, as now, to lend it to some one who did want to use it. Interest ("usury'') was unlawful. The whole Christian world believed that God forbade man to take pay for the use of money. Therefore the Jews (outside this Christian faith) were the only money-lenders of the Middle Ages until almost the close ; and they, robbed at every turn themselves by king and baron, loaned only at ruinous rates rising usually to about fifty per cent a year.^ To be sure, in the thirteenth century Italian money-lenders (Lombards) began in a small degree to supply the place of modern bank loans by a quaint evasion of the belief about usury. They established moneyed colonies in the chief towns of Europe,^ and loaned money on good security without interest for a short time (a week or a month, perhaps) ; but, when not repaid on time, they then exacted a heavy penalty, previously agreed upon, for each month's delay. The Christian world found it con- venient to accept this subterfuge, but it was still some centuries before the old beliefs and laws against usury were openly aban- doned. 1 The Christian worid in the most un-Christian spirit despised and per- secuted the whole Jewish race on the ground that some of their distant an- cestors had persecuted Jesus. In every Western European land, a Jew was compelled by law to wear a special cap or other clothing to mark his race, and to live in a special quarter of the towns in which he was permitted to live at all (the Ghetto). He was forbidden to own land or to enter any trade gild ; and so was forced to live by lending money — which increased the popular hatred and led to many massacres in England and France like those which the Jews have had to suffer in recent years in Russia and Po- land. 2 " Lombard Street " in London has remained a great money center. 362 PROGRESS OF TRADE Crude banking methods Gild restrictions A summary of the growth of trade to 1500 A.D. In some other respects, too, the Lombards revived for Western Europe the elementary banking system of the old Roman Empire (see Ancient World), which had never died entirely in Italy and the Greek Empire. A merchant in Boulogne might come to owe a London merchant a large sum. To carry the coin from one city to another for each transaction grew more and more impos- sible as business grew. But now the Boulogne merchant merely paid the amount into the Lombard " bank" in his city (plus some "premium" for the bank's service) and received a written "order" for the money on a London Lombard house. This written "bill of exchange" would then be sent to the London creditor, who could get his money on presenting it at his London "bank." The London bank would have frequent occasion, in like fashion, to sell drafts upon the Boulogne bank. Then at some convenient time the two banking houses would settle their balance in coin ; but the amount to be carried from one to the other would be small, compared to the total amount of bus- iness it represented. This practice was a tremendous help to business — far short as it fell of our complicated "credit" systems by which we make one dollar do the work of many dol- lars. 5. And finally the gild rules absolutely prevented what we call "wholesale" business in most towns. Those rules (for a "just price" and to prevent monopoly) had been highly bene- ficial when they were adopted, but now they were hindrances to the new methods called for by the conditions of the new day. In spite of all such obstacles trade had grown slowly from the Crusades to Columbus. Even in the Dark Ages, Venice and Genoa and a few other Italian cities had kept some of their an- cient trade with the Orient — by fleets of ships that met the Arabian caravans on the eastern coast of the Mediterranean ; and after the Crusades this trade spread west from Italy down the Rhine through Germany and France and the Netherlands, and thence across the Channel to England, and, through the Hansa merchants, even to the Baltic lands. This trade, too, had made life over in Western Europe, not merely by bringing in new AFTER COLUMBUS 363 luxuries and comforts, but much more by stirring men up to new activities and by awakening new energies. The isolation of the old manor and village life vanished, and its dull apathy went witli it. To satisfy desires for the new foreign products, the people of the village must themselves produce more than before, and usually something different from before, in order to have wherewith to buy. So new manufactures were built up ; and soon, in many places, the men of the West began to manufacture for themselves the coveted glassware and silks and velvets and fine linens which at first had come only through rare traders. Thus, for the more energetic and stronger of the town people, life became more hopeful and more strenuous, as well as vastly more comfortalile. Most of these commodities, however, were still supplied by trade Trade needs with the East ; and some things, like sugar, drugs, and spices, discovery of could be secured in no other way. How the old routes for ^ew worlds this trade were closed one by one in the fifteenth century, and how the demand for new trade routes played a part in the raising of the curtain upon new worlds, east and west, has been told. And then indeed, after 1500, and especially after 1600, did trade come into its kingdom. The new monarchies (p. 319) Business stamped out feudal plunder and soon checked feudal tolls ; the saddle " growing banking system furnished credits and security ; and now the rich mines of Mexico and Peru poured a steady stream of gold and silver into Spain, whence the needed coin filtered into other parts of Europe to fertilize trade. The merchants,^ each with his retinue of adventurous and loyal ship-captains at sea and of skilled and trusted clerks on land, rose suddenly into a new estate — as distinct from the ordinary burgher as the burgher three centuries before had seemed from the villein. In 1350, a royal inquiry listed only 169 merchants in England. In 1600, twenty times that number were occupied with the Hol- land trade alone, while large stock-companies of other merchants were trading with Russia, India, and North America. France, Holland, England, Sweden, Denmark, each had its " East India Company," and most of these countries had trading companies 1 A merchant was a trader with a foreign country. 364 SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC CHANGE chartered by the kings for trade with other distant parts of the earth. Single merchants, too, sometimes owned large fleets for such trade, like Shakspere's Antonio in The Merchant of Venice. Except for land, this class had more wealth by far than the nobles themselves, and lived with greater comfort. The kings, too, found the merchants a convenient source of revenue, and were inclined to favor them against the less profitable though socially superior nobles. Rising merchant class and decaying noble class hated and feared each other. Indeed, the mer- chants, alive to new ideas, made the strength of the Reformation everywhere outside of Germany ; and the cruelty of the Spanish nobles toward the Dutch Protestants, and of French nobles toward the Huguenots, was due in part to their detestation for these ambitious rivals. The change in English rural industry The " inclo- sures " after 1500 AD. A great social change, like the rise of this new business society, is likely to be accompanied, for a time at least, by a sad depres- sion of some other class. This social fact is illustrated by the story of English industry, in this age. The golden age for English peasants was the half century from 1450 to 1500, just after the disappearance of villeinaget The small farmer lived in rude abundance ; and even the farm la- borer had his cow, sheep, or geese on the common, his four- acre patch of garden about his cabin, and good wages for his labor on the landlord's fields. Sir John Fortescue (p. 310) boasts of this prosperity, as compared with that of the French peasantry : " They [English peasants] drink no water, unless at times by way of penance. They are fed in great abundance with all kinds of flesh and fish. They are clothed in good woolens. . . . Every one, according to his rank, hath all things needful to make life easy and happy." The large landlords had been relatively less prosperous. Since the rise of their old laborers out of villeinage, they were " land- poor." They paid high wages, while under the wasteful common- field system, crops were small. But by 1500 a change be- gan which enriched the landlords and cruelly depressed the IN ENGLAND AFTER 1600 365 peasants. This change was the process of "inclosures" for sheep-raising. There was a steady demand for wool at good prices to supply the Flemish markets, and enterprising land- lords began to raise sheep instead of grain. Large flocks could be cared for by a few hands, so that the high wages mattered less ; and profits proved so enticing that soon there was a mad rush into the new industry. But sheep-raising called for large tracts of land. It was pos- sible only for the great landlords ; and even these were obliged to hedge in their share of the common "fields." Therefore, as far as possible, they turned out small tenants whose holdings interfered with such "inclosures," and often they inclosed also the woodlands and meadows, in disregard of ancient rights of common pasture. Sir Thomas More, in his Utopia, lamented these conditions bitterly : "A careless and unsatiable cormorant may compass about and in- close many thousand acres within one pale, and the husbandmen be thrust out of their own ; or else by fraud, or violent oppression, or by wrongs and injuries, they be so worried that they be compelled to sell. . . . They [the landlords] throw down houses ; they pluck down towns [vil- lages], and leave nothing standing but only the church, to be made a sheep-house." Other statesmen, too, bewailed that sheep should take the Passing of place of the yeomanry who had won Crecy, and who, Bacon said, were also " the backbone of the revenue" ; and the govern- ment made many attempts to check inclosures. But law availed nothing ; nor did peasant risings and riots help. Inclosures went on until the profits of sheep-raising and grain-raising found a natural level. This came to pass before 1600. The wool market was sup- plied ; the growth of town populations raised the price of grain ; and the land changes created a wealthy landed gentry, to take a glittering part in society and politics. But this new "pros- perity" had a somber background. Half of the villages in Eng- land had lost heavily in population, and many had been wholly swept away. Great numbers of the peasants, driven from their homes, became " sturdy beggars" (tramps) ; atid all laborers were the free farmers 366 SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC CHANGE thrust down to a loiver standard of life, because the cost of food and clothing rose twice as fast as wages. Indeed, the gentleman "justices of the peace," apiwinted by the crown, were given power to fix wages for farm work. And when tramps spread terror through the rural districts, the justices hanged them in batches. In fifty years, in the glorious day of Shakspere and Elizabeth, seventy thousand "beggars" were executed. Growth of manufac- tures And of commerce End of the gild system in England Meantime, England was becoming a manufacturing country. From the time of the Yorkist kings, the sovereigns had made the towns their special care. Elizabeth welcomed gladly the skilled workmen driven from the Netherlands by the Spanish wars, and from France by the persecution of the Huguenots. Colonies of these foreign artisans were given their special quarter in many an English city, v.ith many favors, and were encouraged to set up there their manufactures, of which England had pre- viously known almost nothing. Soon, English wool was no longer sold abroad. It was worked up at home. These new manufactures gave employment to great numbers of work- men, and finally absorbed the classes driven from the land. And in turn, this manufacturing fostered commerce. By 1600, England was sending, not merely raw materials as for- merly, but her finished products, to distant markets. And then, by purchase of land and by royal gifts from the confis- cated church property, the members of the new merchant class rose into the new gentry, and their capital and energy helped to restore prosperity to the land. At the same time the rapid growth of manufactures worked a favorable change in the life of the workers. The gild system, wdth its vexing rules, broke down in England (though retained much longer on the continent), and was replaced by the so- called "domestic system." Manufacturing w^as still carried on by hand, and mainly in the master's house ; but the masters se- cured freedom from gild control and rapidly introduced im- proved methods. Nearly two centuries later in Paris a hatter won great popularity by making better hats than his competitors, — mixing silk with his wool ; but his jealous gild brothers had his IN ENGLAND AFTER 1600 367 entire stock destroyed, completely ruining him, because he had broken the gild rules requiring that hats should be made of "pure wool." This illustrates only one of the countless out- grown restrictions from which English manufacturers escaped about 1600. But the very success of Europe in winning the long-needed The money for its trade had led men into a new and mischievous de- Z^?J^^^~ tile theory lusion. For some two hundred years after 1600, every one who thought upon such matters at all, beheved that money (instead of being merely a convenient measure for wealth) was itself the only real wealth. Under the influence of this '' Mercantile " theory, the new nations began at once to build up new barriers against foreign trade — less hurtful, to be sure, than the old feudal toll system, but harmful enough to curse the world down to ' the present day. Governments long believed that the only way a country could get riches was not by producing more goods or by saving more of what it had, but by getting more gold and silver money. Each country accordingly sought to avoid bringing in imports — as though it could always sell without ever buying. Each sought, too, to get colonial possessions in the new worlds that might supply it with gold and silver, or at least with those arti- cles which otherwise had to be imported from foreign lands. And, of course, each tried to keep its colonies from buying from any one but the "mother" country. This false "political economy" was soon to lead to a century of new wars, and still hinders real brotherhood among men. Exercise. — Compare this English inclosure movement with that in Italy in the time of the Gracchi, and explain why finally it was less ruinous. CHAPTER XXXIX PURITANISM AND POLITICS IN ENGLAND I. UNDER THE FIRST STUARTS, 1603-1642 The English church in 1600 " Low- church " Puritans The Separatists England escaped a strictly "religious" war; but for two generations after 1600 the burning questions in politics as in religion had to do with Puritanism. Within the established Episcopal church the dominant party had strong " High-church " leanings. It wished to restore so far as possible the ceremo- nial of the old Catholic church, and it taught that the govern- ment of the church by bishops had been directly ordained by God. This party was ardently supported by the royal "head of the church" — Elizabeth, James, Charles, in turn; but it was engaged in constant struggle with a large, aggres- sive Puritan party. The same two parties had also sharp political differences, and the strife finally became civil war. Two groups of Puritans stood in sharp opposition to each other, — the influential "Low-church" element within the church, and the despised Separatists outside of it. The Low- churchmen had no wish to separate church and state. They wanted one national church — a Low-church church — to which everybody within England should be forced to conform. They desired also to introduce more preaching into the serv- ice, to simplify ceremonies, and to abolish altogether certain customs which they called "Romish," — the use of the sur- plice, and of the ring in marriage, of the sign of the cross in baptism, atnd (some of them) of the prayer-book. There was even a subdivision among them inclined to the Presbyterian church govern- ment, as it existed in Scotland. The Independents, or "Puritans of the Separation," be- lieved that there should be no national church, but that each local religious organization should be a little democratic so- ciety, wholly separate from the civil government, and even 368 UNDER THE FIRST STUARTS 369 independent of other churches. These Independents were the Puritans of the Puritans. To all other sects they seemed mere anarchists in religion. Elizabeth persecuted them savagely, and her successor continued that policy. Some of the Independent churches fled to Holland ; and one of them, from Scrooby in northern England, after staying several years at Leyden, founded Plymouth in America (the "Pilgrims'* of 1620). Political liberty in England had fallen loiv under the Tudors Political (p. 311); but, after all, Henry VIII and Elizabeth had ruled in i6oo°^^ absolutely, only because they jnade use of constitutional forms and because they possessed a shrewd tact which taught them just where to stop. Moreover, toward the close of Elizabeth's reign, when foreign perils were past, men spoke again boldly of checks upon the royal power. Elizabeth was succeeded by James I (James Stuart), al- The ready king of Scotland (footnote, p. 339). James was learned . Z^^"®' and conceited, — " the wisest fool in Christendom," as Henry Stuart IV of France called him. He believed sincerely in the "di- ^^^ vine right" of kings. That is, he believed that the king, as God's anointed, was the source of law and could not himself be controlled by law. He wrote a pompous and tiresome book to prove this. He and his son after him were despots on principle. The nation had been growing restive under the And the cloaked, beneficent, elastic tyrannv of the strong Tudors : ^'^sljsh . . " . . people naturally it rose in fierce opposition agamst the noisy, needless, and uncompromising tyranny of the weak Stuarts. There were, as yet, no organized political parties. But The germs there was a court party, devoted to the royal power, consist- par^i*eV ing of most of the nobles and of the " High-church" clergy; and an opposition country party, consisting of the merchants, the mass of country gentry, and the Puritan element gen- erally. The issue between the two was promptly stated. Even be- fore his first Parliament met, James I, in a famous utter- ance, summed up his theory: "As it is atheism and bias- 370 PURITANISM AND POLITICS IN ENGLAND Struggle between James I and Parliament Freedom of speech in Parliament phemy in a creature to dispute what God can do, so it is pre- sumption and high contempt in a subject to question what a king can do." This became the tone of the court party. When Parliament assembled, it took the first chance to answer these new claims. The king, as usual, opened Parliament with a "speech from the throne." As usual, the Speaker of the Commons replied ; but, in place of the usual thanks to his majesty, he reminded James bluntly that in Eng- land the royal power was limited. "New laws," said the Speaker, "cannot be instituted, nor imperfect laws reformed . . , by any other power than this high court of Parliament. " The Commons backed up this speech })y a long paper, assert- ing that the privileges of Englishmen were their inheritance " no less than their lands and goods." James seldom called Parliaments after this, and only when he had to have money. Fortunately, the regular royal rev- enues had never been much increased, while the rise in prices and the wider duties of government called for more money than in former times. Both Elizabeth and James were poor. Elizabeth, however, had been economical and thrifty. James was careless and wasteful, and could not get along with- out new taxes. Thus Parliament was able to hold its own. It insisted stubbornly on its control of taxation, on freedom of speech, and on its right to impeach the king's ministers. In the Parliament of 1621, the Commons expressed dissatisfaction with a marriage that James had planned for his son Charles with a Spanish princess. James roughly forbade them to discuss such "high matters of state." "Let us resort to our prayers," said one of the members, "and then consider this great business." The outcome of the consideration was a resolution, "(1) that the liberties, privileges, and jurisdic- tions of Parliament are the ancient and undoubted birthright of the subjects of England ; and (2) that the arduous and urgent affairs concerning the king, the state, the church, the defense of the realm, the making and maintenance of laws, and the redress of grievances, which happen daily within PLATE LXII Charles I attended by the Marquis of Hamilton ; the famous painting by Van Dyck, who spent much time at Charles' court. TAXATION AND REPRESENTATION 371 this realm, are proper subjects for debate in Parliament; and (3) that in the handling and proceeding of those busi- nesses, every member of the Commons . . . has freedom of speech ... to bring to conclusion the same." James tore out this page of the records and dissolved Par- liament. But Prince Charles was personally insulted by the Spanish court, where he had gone to visit the princess ; and in the last year of James' life the prince succeeded in forcing him into war with Spain — to the boundless joy of the nation. In March, 1625, in the midst of shame and disgrace because The early of mismanagement of the war, James died. In May, Charles orcharles I / met his first Parliament. He quarreled with it at once, dissolved it, and turned to an eager prosecution of the war, trusting to win the nation to his side b}- glorious victory. Ig- nominious failure, instead, forced him to meet his second Parliament in 1626. It is now that Sir John Eliot stands forth as leader of the Sir John patriots. Eliot stood for the control of the king's ministers °^. by Parliament. Everything else, he saw, was likely to prove " responsi- worthless, if the executive could not be held responsible. *u L ° The king\? person could not be so held, except by revolution, ministers but his ministers might be impeached; and, under fear of this, they might be held in control. So Eliot persuaded the Com- mons to impeach the Duke of Buckingham, the king's favorite and the instrument of much past tyrann3^ Charles stopped the proceedings by casting Eliot into prison — in plain defiance of parliamentary privileges — and dissolving Parliament. The king fell back upon " benevolences " ('* good-will " gifts) to The king raise a revenue. This was a device that originated during nevoiences" the Wars of the Roses. Henry VIII, absolute as he was, had renounced the practice. Now Charles revived and extended it, ordering his sheriffs in the county courts to ask benevolences from all taxpayers. But county after county refused to give a penny, often with cheers for Parliament. Then the king tried a " forced loan." This was a tax thinlv J,^,^ , . forced disguised by the false promise to repay it. The king's loan ' 372 SEVENTEENTH CENTURY ENGLAND England resists Parliament of 1628 party used both force and persuasion. Pulpits, manned now by the anti-Puritan party, rang with the cry that to resist the king was eternal damnation. As a patriot of the time put it, the "High-church" clergy "improved the highwayman's formula into 'Your money or your life eternal.'" And Charles made use of more immediate penalties. Poor freeholders who refused to pay were "pressed" into the navy, or a tur- bulent soldiery was quartered in their defenseless homes ; and two hundred English gentlemen were confined in dis- graceful prisons, to subdue their obstinacy. One ^oung squire, John Hampden, who had based his refusal to pay upon a clause in Magna Carta, was rewarded with so close an im- prisonment that, his kinsman tells us, " he never did look the same man after." The forced loan raised little revenue: and with an armament poorly fitted out, Buckingham sailed against France (with which his blundering policy had brought England into war). For the third time in four years an English army was wasted to no purpose ; and sunk in debt and shame, Charles met his third Parliament in 1628. Before the elections, the imprisoned country gentlemen were released, and some sev- enty of them (all who appeared as candidates) sat in the new Parliament, in spite of the royal efforts to prevent their election. Charles asked for money. Instead of giving it, the Com- " Petition of mons debated the recent infringements of English liberties ^ and some way to provide security in future. The king offered to give his word that such things should not occur again, but was reminded that he had already given his oath at his coro- nation. Finally Parliament passed "the Petition of Right," a document that ranks with Magna Carta in the history of English liberty. This great law first recited the ancient statutes, from Magna Carta down, against arbitrary im- prisonment, arbitrary taxation, quartering of soldiery upon the people in time of peace, and against forced loans and be- nevolences. Then it named the frequent violations of right in these respects in recent years. And finj,lly it declared all such infringements illegal. And the SIR JOHN ELIOT 373 After evasive delays, Charles felt compelled to give his EUot's consent (and accordingly the "petition" became a great resolutions statute) ; but at once, in a recess of Parliament, he broke the provisions regarding taxes. Parliament reassembled in bit- ter humor. Heedless of the king's plea for money, it turned to punish the officers who had acted as his agents in recent infringements of the law. The Speaker stopped this business by announcing that he had the king's command to adjourn the House.^ Men knew that it would not be permitted to meet again, and there followed a striking scene. The Speaker was thrust back into his chair and held there; ^ the doors were locked against the king's messenger; and Eliot in a ringing speech moved a series of resolutions which were to form the platform of the liberal party in the dark years to come. Royalist members cried, Traitor ! Traitor ! Swords were drawn. Outside, an usher pounded at the door with a message of dissolution from the king. But the bulk of the members sternly voted the resolutions, declaring traitors to England (1) any one who should bring in innovations in religion without the consent of Parliament, (2) any minister who should advise the illegal levy of taxes, (3) any officer who should aid in their collection, and (4) every citizen who should voluntarily pay them. And in the moment's hush, when the great deed was done, Eliot's Eliot's voice was heard once more, and for the last time, in ^^^^^^ that hall : " For myself, I further protest, as I am a gentleman, if my fortune be ever again to meet in this honorable as- sembly, where I now leave off, I will begin again." Then the doors swung open, and the angry crowd surged out. Eliot passed to the Tower, to die there a prisoner four years later. But Eliot's friends remembered his words ; and, when another Parliament did meet, where he had left off', they began again. 1 The king could adjourn the ParHament from time to time, or he could dissolve it altogether, so that no Parliament could meet until he had called for new elections. 2 If the Speaker left the chair, business was at an end. 374 SEVENTEENTH CENTURY ENGLAND " No Parlia- ment " years John Hampden and the " ship- money " tax Laud and Wentworth First, however, England passed through a gloomy period. No Parliament met for eleven years (1629-1640), and the king's edicts werQ the only law. Charles sought, too, ingeniously to find new ways to get money, and his lawyers invented the device of "ship-money." In time of invasion, seaboard counties had now and then been called upon by earlier kings to furnish ships for the national navy. Charles stretched this custom into a precedent for collecting a ''ship-money tax" from all England in time of peace. John Hampden (p. 372) refused to pay the twenty shillings assessed upon his lands, and the famous ship-money case went to the courts (1637). The slavish judges decided for the king — as had been expected. The king's friends were jubi- lant, seeing in the new tax " an everlasting supply on all occa- sions"; but Hampden had won the moral victory he sought. The twelve-day argument of the lawyers attracted wide at- tention, and the court in its decision was compelled to state the theory of despotism in its naked hideousness. It declared that there was no power to check the k'nufs authority over his subjects, — their persons or their money, — "For," said the Chief Justice, " no act of Parliament makes any difference.'^ If England submitted now, she would deserve slavery. The chief servants of the crown during this period were Archbishop I^aud and Thomas Wentworth. Wentworth had been one of the leaders in securing the Petition of Right, but soon afterward he passed over to the side of the king and be- came Earl of Strafford. His old associates looked upon him as a traitor to the cause of liberty. Laud was an extreme High-churchman and a conscientious bigot. He reformed the discipline of the church and ennobled the ritual ; but he persecuted the Puritan clergy cruelly, with imprisonment and even by the cutting off of ears. (As a result of this and of the political discouragement, that sect founded the colony of Massachusetts Bay. Practically all the immi- gration this colony received, before the American Revolu- tion, came in the ten years 1630-1640, while Charles ruled without Parliament.) TPIE LONG PARLIAMENT 375 In 1638 Laud tried to force Episcopacy on Presbyterian The Scotland. (Scotland had been joined to England when lier ^^o^'^h x" T 1 • (> T-« Covenanters King James had become kmg of England, but each country had its own Parliament, laws, and churcli. The union was "personal," and consisted in the fact that the two countries had the same king.) But w^hen the clergyman of the great church at Edinburgh appeared first in surplice, prayer-book in hand, Jenny Geddes, a servant girl, hurled her stool at his head, crying, — " Out, priest ! Dost say mass at my lug [ear]!" The service broke up in wild disorder, and there followed a strange scene in the churchyard where stern, grizzled men drew blood from their arms, wherewith to sign their names to a "Solemn Oath and Covenant" to defend their own form of religion with their lives. This Covenant spread swiftly over all Lowland Scotland, and the Covenant- ers rose in arms and crossed the border. Charles' system of absolutism fell like a house of cards. The Long He could get no help from England without a Parliament ; Parhament and (November, 1640) he called the Long Parliament. The great leaders of that famous assembly were the Commoners Pym, Hampden, Sir Harry Vane,^ and, somewhat later, Cromwell. Pym took the place of Eliot, and promptly indicated that the Commons were the real rulers of England. When the Lords John Pym s tried to delay reform, he brought them to time by his veiled ^^^^^^^ ^P threat: he "should be sorry if the House of Commons had to save England alone. '^ The Scots remained encamped in England ; so the king And Eliot's had to assent to Parliament's bills. Parliament first made program itself safe by a law thai it could he dissolved only by its own vote. Then it began where Eliot had left off, and sternly put into action the principles of his last resolutions. Laud, who had "brought in innovations in religion," and Wentworth, who had advised and helped carry out the king's policy, were condemned to death as traitors. The lawyers who had advised ship- money, and the judges who had declared it legal, were cast into prison or driven into banishment. And forty committees 1 Vane had lived in Massachusetts and had been governor there. 376 SEVENTEENTH CENTURY ENGLAND Parliament hesitates Pym's " Remon- strance " Charles' at- tempt to seize " the five members " were appointed, one for each count}-, to secure the punishment of the lesser officers concerned in the illegal acts of the govern- ment. These measures filled the first year,^ and so far the Commons had been united. But now a split began. Moderate men thought enough had been done. To do more, they feared, would mean revolution and anarchy. So they drew nearer to the king. On the other hand, more far-sighted leaders, like Pym and Hampden, saw the necessity of securing safeguards for the future, since the king's promises were worthless. Pym brought matters to a head by introducing a Grand Remonstrance, — a series of resolutions which appealed to the country for support in further measures against the king, proposing, in particular, that the king's choice of min- isters (his chancellor, and so on) should be subject to the approval of Parliament. After an all-night debate, marked by bitter speech and even by the drawing of swords, the Commons adopted the Remonstrance by the narrow majority of eleven votes, amid a scene of wild confusion (November 22, 1641). Said Cromwell, as the House broke up, "If it had failed, I should have sold all I possess to-morrow, and never seen England more." Charles tried to reverse this sviall majority by destroj^ing Pym, Hampden, and three other leaders, on a charge of treason- able correspondence with the invading Scots. No doubt they had been technically guilty of treason. But such "trea- son" against Charles was the noblest loyalty to England. The Commons paid no attention to the king's charges ; and so Charles entered the House in person, followed to the door by a body of armed cavaliers, to seize ''the five members.'' News of his coming had preceded him ; and, at the order of the House, the five had withdrawn. But the despotic attempt, and weak failure, consolidated the opposition. London rose in arms, and sent trainbands to guard Parliament. And Parliament now demanded that the king give it control of the 1 The trial of Laud came later, but he was already a prisoner. PLATE LXV Oliver Cromwell in armor. — A painting from life by Robert Walker. Cf. plate facing p. 375. THE PURITAN REBELLION 377 militia and of the education of the royal princes. Charles with- drew to the conservative North, and unfurled the standard of civil w^ar (1642). For Further Reading. — Green's English People (or his Short History) is thrillingly interesting for this and the following periods. II. THE GREAT REBELLION AND THE "REVOLUTION" Many men who had gone with Parliament in its reforms, The now chose the king's side rather than open rebellion. The ^5^2-164^5 majority of the gentry sided with the king, while in general the merchant and manufacturing classes, the shopkeepers and the yeomanry fought for Parliament. At the same time, the struggle was a true "civil war," dividing families and old friends. The king's party took the name "Cavaliers" from the court nobles; while the parliamentarians were called " Round Heads," in derision, from the cropped hair of the London 'prentice lads. (The portrait of Cromwell shows that Puritan gentlemen did not crop their hair. Short hair was a "class" mark.) At first Charles was successful. Shopboys could not stand Cromwell's -r^ ^1- r-i II Ironsides before the chivalry of the "Cavaliers." But Oliver Cromwell, a colonel in the parliamentary army, had raised a troop known as Ironsides. He saw that the only force Parliament could oppose to the habitual bravery of the English gentleman w\as the religious enthusiasm of the extreme Puritans. Ac- cordingly, he drew his recruits from the Independents of the east of England, -- mostly yeomen farmers. They were men of godly lives, who fell on their knees for prayer before battle, and then charged with the old Hebrew^ battle psalms upon their lips. By this troop the great battle of Marston Moor was w^on. Then Cromwell was put in chief command. He reorganized the whole army upon this "New Model"; and the victory of Naseby (1645) virtually closed the war. When the war began, many Episcopalians in Parliament Quarrel be- withdrew to join the king. This left the Presbyterians almost ^^^^^\f "' in control. Before long this party was strengthened still and Presby further by the need of buying the aid of Presbyterian Scotland. Kenans 378 SEVENTEENTH CENTURY ENGLAND The Com- monwealth, 1 648-1 654 Battle of Worcester Then Parliament made the English church Presbyterian. Soon, it began to compel all men to accept this form of worship. On this point, the Presbyterian Parliament and the Inde- pendent "New Model" quarreled. Charles, now a prisoner, tried to play off one against the other. "Be quite easy," he wrote his wife, " as to the concessions I may grant. When the time comes, I shall know very well how to treat these rogues ; and, instead of a silken garter [the badge of an honorary order of knighthood] I will fit them with a hempen halter." But now the real government of England was in the army. A council of officers, with Cromwell for their head, prepared plans; and the whole army "sought the Lord" regarding them in monster prayer-meetings, and quickly stamped out the royalist and Presbyterian risings. Then, under order from the council of officers. Colonel Pride "purged" the House of Commons by expelling 143 Presbyterians. After "Pride's Purge" (December, 1648), Parliament rarely had an attend- ance of more than sixty — out of an original membership of some five hundred. The "Rump" were all Independents, and their leader was ^'ane. (Pym and Hampden had died some time before.) This remna7it of Parliament, backed by the army, abolished monarchy and the House of Lords, and brought " Charles Stuart, that man of blood,'' to trial for treason to England. Charles was executed, January 20, 1649, dying with better grace than he had lived. Then the "Rump" Parliament abolished Presbyterianism as a state church, and declared England a republic, under the name of the Commonwealth. " TAe people," said a famous resolution, "are, under God, the original of all just power; and the Commons of England in Parliament assembled, being chosen by the people, have the supreme power in this nation." The Scots were not ready for such radical measures, and they were offended by the overthrow of Presbyterianism. So they crowned the son of the dead king as Charles II, and invaded England. Cromwell crushed them at Worcester, and the young "King of Scots" escaped to the continent. PLATE LXVI Trial of Charles I. — An engraving in Nelson's "True Copy of the Jour- nal of the High Court of Justice for the Tryal of King Charles I," pub- lished in 1684, and reproduced in Green's English People. THE COMMONWEALTH 379 The Rump ruled four years more, but it was only the shadow of the Parhament chosen thirteen years before. Cromwell urged a new Parliament. Finally the Rump agreed to call one, but planned to give places in that body to Great Seal of the Commonwealth, 1651, — the British Isles on one side, the nation (represented by the House of Commons) on the reverse. From Green's English People. all its own members ivithout reelection. Learning of this scheme, Cromwell hurried to the House with a file of mus- keteers and dissolved it in a stormy scene (1653). The real trouble was that, though the Independents had won control by the discipline of their army, they va ere after all only a small fraction of the nation. Cromwell tried for a while to get a new Parliament that would adopt a consti- tution, but the assemblies proved dilatory and fractious ; and finally the army officers drew up a constitution. This "Instrument of Government" made Cromwell practically a dictator, under the title Lord Protector (1854). Cromwell's rule was stained by shameful cruelties in Ireland ; but in other respects it was wise and firm. He made England once more a Great Power, peaceful at home and respected abroad ; and he gave freedom of worship to all Protestant sects, — a more liberal policy in religion than could be found any- where else in that age except in Holland and in Roger Wil- liams' little colony just founded in Rhode Island. At the best, however, this government was a government of force. 380 SEVENTEENTH CENTURY ENGLAND The Restoration of 1660 The Episcopal church restored The noble experiment of a republic had failed miserably in the hands of its friends; and, on Cromwell's death, the nation, with wild rejoicings, welcomed back Charles II in " the Restoration" of 1660. With the Restoration, the great age of Puritanism closed. The court, and the young cavaliers all over the land gave themselves up to shame- ful licentiousness. (But, in just this age of de- feat, Puritanism found its highest expression in literature. John Milton, years before, had given noble poems to the world — like his U Allegro — but for many years he had abandoned poetry to work in Cromwell's Council and splendidly to champion the Puri- tan cause and freedom of speech in prose pam- phlets. Now, a blind, disappointed old man, he composed Paradise Lost. And John Bunyan, a dissenting minister. lying in jail under the persecuting laws of the new government, wrote Pilgrim's Progress.) The established church became again Episcopalian, as it has since remained. In the reaction against Puritan rule, the new Parliament passed many cruel acts of persecution. All dissenters — Catholic and Protestant — were excluded from the right to hold municipal office ; and all religious worship except the Episcopalian was punished with severe penalties. Blake's Victory over Von Tromp at Plymouth in 1653. — Shortly before, Von Tromp, the Dutch admiral, had roundly defeated the British, and sailed up the Thames with a broom at his masthead. Blake's victory restored England's naval supremacy. This painting is by a recent French artist, Jules Noel. THE STUART RESTORATION 381 In spite of all this, the political principles for which the Political earlv Puritan Parliaments of Charles I had contended were ^^^^^^y . " . ^,, preserved Victorious. Charles knew he could never get another Par- liament so much to his mind as the one that had been elected in the fervor of welcome at his restoration ; and so lie shrewdly kept that "Cavalier Parliament" through most of his reign — till 1679. But even this Parliament insisted strenuously on Parliament's sole right to impose taxes, regulate the church, and control foreign policy ; and Charles' second Parliament adopted the great Habeas Corpus Act, which still secures Englishmen against arbitrary imprisonment — such as had been so common under Charles' father. (The principle of this act was older than Magna Carta ; but the law of Charles' time first provided adequate machinery, much as v/e have it in America to-day, to enforce the principle.) Charles II was careless, indolent, selfish, extravagant, witty. Charles II, He is known as the "Merry Monarch." One of his courtiers ^ ° ^ 5 described him in jesting rhyme as a king "who never said a foolish thing, and never did a wise one." There is reason to think, however, that beneath his merry exterior Charles was nursing plans for tyranny far more dangerous than his father's ; but he died suddenly (1865) before he was ready to act. Real political parties first appeared toward the close of this Beginning reign. Charles had no legitimate son ; and his brother and of political heir, James, was a Catholic of narrow, despotic temper. The more radical members of Parliament introduced a bill to ex- clude him from the throne ; and their supporters throughout England sent up monster petitions to have the bill made law. The Catholics and the more conservative part of Parliament, especially those who believed that Parliament had no right to change the succession, sent up counter-petitions expressing horror at the proposal. These "Abhorrers" called the other petitioners Whigs (Whey-eaters), a name sometimes given to the extreme Scotch Calvinists with their sour faces. The Whigs reviled their opponents as Tories (bog-trotters), a name for the ragged Irish rebels who had supported the Catholic and royal policy in the Civil War. The bill failed ; but the 382 SEVENTEENTH CENTURY ENGLAND Whigs and Tories James II, 1685-1688 The " Glorious Revolution " The BiU of Rights WilUam III, 1 688-1 702 rough division into parties remained. In general, the Whigs believed in the supremacy of Parliament, and sought on every occasion to Hmit the royal authority ; while the Tories sustained the royal authority and wished to prevent any further exten- sion of the powers of the people. James II lacked his brother's tact. He arbitrarily "sus- pended" the laws against Catholics, tried to intimidate the law courts, and rapidly increased the standing army. It was believed that he meant to make the established church Catholic ; and this belief prepared England for revolution. The Whig leaders called for aid to William of Orange, the Stadt- holder of Holland, who had married James' daughter Mary. William landed with a handful of troops. James found himself utterly deserted, even by his army, and fled to France. The story of this Revolution of 1688 is not a noble one. Selfishness and deceit mark every step. William of Orange is the only fine character on either side. As Macaulay says, it was "an age of great measures and little men'' ; and the term "glorious," which English historians have applied to the Revo- lution, must be taken to belong to results only. Those results were of mighty import. A Convention-Parlia- ment declared the throne vacant, drew up the great Decla- ration of Rights, the "third great document in the Bible of English Liberties" (stating once more the fundamental liberties of Englishmen), and elected William and Mary joint sovereigns on condition of their assenting to the Decla- ration. The supremacy of Parliament over the king was once more firmly established. The new sovereigns, like the old Lancastrians (and like all English sovereigns since) had only a parliamentary title to the throne. (The next regular Parliament enacted the Declaration of Rights into a "Bill of Rights.") William III was a great-grandson of William the Silent. He ranks among England's greatest kings, but he was a foreigner, and unpopular. (He spoke only his native Dutch, not Eng- lish.) His reign was spent mainly in war against the over- shadowing might of Louis XIV of France. While Stadtholder THE GREAT REBELLION OF 1688 383 of Holland, William had alread}^ become the most formidable opponent of Louis XIV's schemes (p. 392) ; and now the French king undertook to restore James II to the English throne. This began the "Second Hundred Years' War" between France and England. With slight intervals, the struggle lasted from 1689 to 1815. The story will be told in future chapters. Now it is enough to note that the long conflict turned the government's attention away from reform and progress at home. Just in the first years, how^ever, some great steps forward were taken — \vhich were properly part of the Revolution. Religious reform was embodied in the Act of Toleration of 1689, in W'hich, at William's insistence. Parliament granted free- dom of icorship to Protestant dissenters (though even these most favored dissenters from the English church did not yet secure the right to hold office or to enter the universities.) The chief gains in political liberty come under four heads. 1. Judges were made independent of the king (removable only by Parliament). 2. A triennial bill ordered that a new Parliament should be elected at least once in three years. (In 1716, the term was made seven years.) 3. Parliament adopted the simple device of granting money for government expenses only for a year at a time (instead of for the lifetime of the sovereign), and only after all other busi- ness had been attended to. Thenceforward, Parliaments have been assembled each year, and they have practically fixed their own adjournments. 4. The greatest problem of parliamentary government (as Sir John Eliot had seen) was to control the "king's ministers'* and make them really the ministers of Parliament. Parliament could remove and punish the king's advisers ; but such action could be secured only by a serious struggle, and against noto- rious offenders. Some w^ay w^as w^anted to secure ministers ac- ceptable to Parliament easily and at all times. This desired "cabinet government" was secured indirectly Beginning of through the next century and a half; but the first important g^^e^^ent steps were taken in the reign of William. At first William tried 384 SEVENTEENTH CENTURY ENGLAND Growth of cabinet government under the Georges Sir Robert Walpole to unite the kingdom, and balance Whigs and Tories, by keep- ing the leaders of both parties among his ministers. But he was much annoyed by the jealousy and suspicion which Parlia- ment felt toward his measures, and by the danger of a deadlock between king and Parliament at critical times. Then a shrewd political schemer suggested to the king that he should choose all his advisers and assistants from the Whigs, who had a ma- jority in the House of Commons. Such ministers would have the confidence of the Commons ; and that body would support their proposals, instead of blocking all measures. William ac- cepted this suggestion; and a little later, when the Tories for a time secured a majority, he carried out the principle by re- placing his "cabinet" with leading Tories. This was the hegin- ning of ministerial government, or of "responsible ministries." William, however, was a powerful ruler. He was not a tyrant in any way ; but he believed in a king's authority, and he suc- ceeded for the most part in keeping the ministers the "hinges min- isters'' — to carry out his policy. Queen Anne, Mary's sister, (1702-1714) tried to maintain a similar control over her min- istry. But, like William and Mary, she too died without leaving children ; and the crown passed by a new Act of Settlement to a great-grandson of James I, the German George I, who was al- ready Elector of Hanover. (This law, like the earlier one pro- viding for the succession of Anne, excluded nearer heirs because they were Catholics.) Neither George I nor his son George H spoke English ; and so far as they cared for matters of government at all, they were interested in their German, principality rather than in England. During the half-century (1714-1760) of these stupid German Georges, the government of England was left to the group of ministers. Unhappily, Parliament itself did not yet really represent the nation. Walpole, Prime Minister from 1721 to 1742, ruled largely by unblushing corruption. Said he cynically, "Every man has his price." During his rule, it loas not a parliamentary majority that made the ministry, but the ministry that made the parliamentary majority. (The same method, used only a little PLATE LXVII \\iiiXK a LuuL._,-.... .. ii^Ji si., — a paiutiu^; 1j.\" William llu^artli iii 17o3. Ho- garth was a "pictorial satirist," who portrayed strikingly the follies of his age. Several of his paintings picture tavern life. "White's" was the most celebrated resort in London. (Some fifty j^ears later it grew into the first private "Club.") There was a separate gambling room at White's in Hogarth's time, but here the dice are represented in use also in the public room. The picture is the sixth in a famous series, known as The Rake's Progress. The central figure in front is the leading character of the series, — now cursing fren- ziedly at the completion of his financial ruin. At the small table to the left, a well-known nobleman is writing an I. O. U., to secure more gold from a waiting usurer. On the further side, another money lender is counting gold into the hand of an eager borrower. All these gamblers are so absorbed in their gaming that they have failed to notice flames that have broken out — so that a street "watch," with staff and lantern, has just rushed in to arouse them to the danger. One other feature of the time is symbolized by the portrait of a noted highwayman (in riding boots and with pistol and mask protruding from his pocket) seated by the fire- place, so lost in thought that the boy with the glass cannot get his atten- tion. Such ' ' gentlemen of the road " were not unknown in London taverns. ENGLAND BECOMES GREAT BRITAIN 385 grows into Great Britain less shamelessly, was the means by wliicli the ministers of George III in the next generation managed Parliament and brought it to (h'ive the American colonies into war.) Meantime England had become Great Britain. James I (1G03) England had joined Scotland and England under one crown. In 1707 this "personal union" was made a true consolida- tion by the " Act of Un- ion," adopted by the Parliaments of both countries. Scotland gave up her separate legislature, and became part of the "United Kingdom, " with the right to send members to the English Parlia- ment and to keep her own established Presby- terian church. Halfway between these two dates, Cromwell completed the conquest of Ireland. And that same seven- teenth century had seen a vaster expansion of England and of Europe, to which we now turn. House of Commons. — From part of a painting by Hogarth in 1730. (For an account of the artist, see Plate opposite.) The figures in the foreground are Sir Robert Walpole and the Speaker (Ons- low). Several other faces also are por- traits. Note the wigs, the cocked hats (worn by all members except when ad- dressing the House), and the quill pen in the hand of the clerk. The represen- tation of the hall is perhaps the best we have of the old hall in which the Com- mons sat before the erection of the pres- ent Parliament buildings. For Further Reading. — It is desirable for reading students to continue Green at least through the Revolution of 1688. Blackmore's Lorna Doone is a splendid story which touches some passages in the history of the closing seventeenth century. Exercise. — The dates in English seventeenth-century history are important for an understanding of early American history : especially, 1603 (accession of James I) ; 1629-1640 (No-Parhament period) ; 1648- 1660 (Commonwealth); 1660 (Restoration); 1688 (Revolution). CHAPTER XL EXPANSION OF EUROPE INTO NEW WORLDS The center of historical interest shifts westward Spain in America Defeat of the Armada, 1588 France in America Columbus and Da Gama (pp. 326-327) had doubled the size of the known earth, added a new stir to European thought, and revolutionized the distril^ution of wealth in Europe. The cen- ter of historical interest shifted westward once more. The Med- iterranean, for two thousand years the one great highway be- tween Europe and the Orient, gave way to the Atlantic and the " passage round the Cape." The cities of Italy lost their leader- ship both in commerce and in art, while vast gain fell to the sea- board countries on the Atlantic. For a hundred years, it is true, direct gains were confined to tlie two countries which had begun the explorations. Portugal built up a rich empire in the Indian Ocean and in the Pacific, and an accident gave her Brazil. Otherwise, the sixteenth century in America belongs to Spain. The story of Spain's conquests is a tale of heroic endurance, marred by ferocious cruelty. Not till twenty years after the discovery did the Spaniards advance to the mainland of Amer- ica for settlement ; but, once begun, her handful of adventurers swooped north and south. By 1550, she held all South America (save Portugal's Brazil), all Central America, Mexico, the Cal- ifornias far up the Pacific coast, and the Floridas. Nor was Spain content with this huge empire. She was plan- ning grandly to occupy the Mississippi valley and the Ap- palachian slope in America, and to seize Holland and England in Europe; but in 1588 she received her fatal check, at the hands of the English sea dogs, in the ruin of her Invincible Armada. For a time France seemed most likely to succeed Spain as mis- tress in North America. In 1608 Champlain founded the first permanent French colony at Quebec. Soon canoe-fleets of tra- ders and missionaries were coasting the shores of the Great Lakes 386 FRANCE IN AMERICA 387 and establishing stations at various points still known by French names. Finally, in 1GS2, after years of gallant effort, La Salle followed the Mississippi to the Gulf, setting up a French claim to the entire valley. From that time New France consisted of La Salle 'I'akixg Possession of the ^Ils,'!, Kalfir.i, the Vcr-i.in Gulfc, Or»i:tz, Chaul, •,, . .• //.■'^'j.anii manv Iilantl^ adioyning to the Soutli parts ofo///!i ■ togc- i.'uT V, itli t!-iC hkc vnco E%\fl, tlic chictcll ports and places oLl/rica with- in a!u-i u idiout the Streight oicd>r.i.'Lv, and about the taraoiis Promoa- totic oj S:ic».i L/Pojn^i. -.crccoHd,coTiorehcnding the uerthvdircouericsoftheEngHlTi towards the North and Norcheait bv Sca,a<: ot Lip.'.viJ, s^-nL/i/iix, Con!:.i, t!ic Baie • \'.'r/;;v./,>,ihc lllcs olCi:-/;':)/' /^c, i'm^.i!>, and Aj7M Zcm't'U toward the , - ::.i r:iicr ti^'.with die mightic Empire ol Rti(jh, the Cifp'-w Sca,cV6r^w, ■ .:r.:iy\fe^A And io mult you & I. Toutb forward !Up3 Dcath fooncll nipv.. 7,a:bcui he £\^ climb the Tree H'i LofJ to fcf. A Pack from the New England Pkimek, published in 1680. — This textbook held its place in the schools in New England un- til after the American Revolution. Those schools were one of the two or three most significant features of the English colonies. ENGLISH AMERICA 1660-1690 English settlement, t660 Dutch settlement. ^S60 Swedish settlement, tS60 Limit of English occupation in '690 1 7P° GROWTH TOWARD DEMOCRACY 391 its guarantees for jury trial, freedom of speech, and other per- Transfer of sonal liberties (such as were known in no other colonies for two freedom to hundred years), and they all possessed their own self-governing America representative assemblies, modeled on the English Parliament. Moreover, not all England, but only the more democratic part Democratic of English life, was transplanted to America. No hereditary nobles f®J^^®^^'®s or monarch or bishop ever made part of colonial America. And that part of English society which did come was drawn toward still greater democracy by the presence here of unlimited free land. When the Puritan gentlemen, who at first made up the govern- ing body in Massachusetts colony, tried to fix wages for car- penters by law, as th« gentry did in England (p. 366), the New England carpenters simply ceased to do carpenter work and became farmers. Thus wages rose, spite of aristocratic efforts to hold them down. Free land helped to maintain equality in industry, and so in politics ; and the English colonies from the first began to diverge from the old home in the direction of even greater freedom. In the next chapter we shall see how the story of American colonization merged with the story of European wars. CHAPTER XIJ DESPOTS AND WARS The " Balance of Power " Threatened by France First series of wars of Louis XIV I. THE AGE OF LOUIS XIV, 1643-1715 Toward the close of the "reH£9 a ar '^ «2 BS b P^ b © AND THEIR FAILURE 403 Frederick's genius and tireless energy accomplished some- thing for a time ; but on the whole the monarchs made lamentable failures. One man was powerless to lift the inert weight of a nation. The clergy and nobles, jealous for their privileges, opposed and thwarted the royal will. Except in England and France, there was no large middle class to supply friendly officials and sympathy. The kings, too, wished no participation by the people in the reforms : everything was to come from above. When the "benevolent despots" had to choose be- tween benevolence and despotism they always chose despotism. Further Reading upon the subject of the last three chapters may profitably be confined to the struggle for the New Worlds. The student should read Parkman's Works, especially his Montcalm and Wolfe and his Half Century of Conflict. The following biographies, too, are good : Wilson's Clive, Bradley's Wolfe, Morley's Walpole. Review Exercises 1. Fact Drills. a. Dates with their significance : 1713, 1740, 1763, 1783. h. List six important battles between 1500 and 1789. 2. Review by countries, with "catch- words," from 1500, or from some convenient event of about that date. 3. Make a brief paragraph statement for the period 1648-1787, to include the changes in territory and in the relative power of the different European states. PAET X-THE FEENCH REVOLUTION You must teach that the French Revolution ivas an unmitigated crime against God and man. — Wilhelm II to teachers of history. The Revolution was a creating force, even more than a destroying one. — Frederic Harrison. CH.\PTER XLII " Revolu- tions break through in the weakest places " The middle class The nobles and clergy The peasants FRANCE (AND EUROPE) BEFORE THE REVOLUTION The "benevolent despots" had failed to reform society: now in France the people were to try for themselves. In that country the people were better off than anywhere else on the continent. They had risen far enough to see the possibility of rising further. But even there the social arrangements were atrocious. One per cent of the twenty-five million people were "privileged" drones (nobles and clergy), owning much more than half of all the wealth. Ninety -four per cent were cruelly oppressed workers, robbed of youth and life by crushing toil and insufficient food. Between these extremes came a small ambitious " middle class, " fairly prosperous and intelligent, but excluded from political influence, bearing a ruinous taxation, and bitterly discontented. This class (much larger than in any other continental country) was to furnish the ideas and most of the leaders for the Revolution. The privileged nobles no longer rendered service to society. They had become mere spenders and courtiers, — largely absentee landlords, not even living on their estates. The higher clergy (bishops and abbots) were the younger sons of the same noble families. They, too, squandered their immense revenues at court in idle luxury or vice, turning over their duties to sub- ordinates on paltry pay. (The Revolution found the village priests mostl}^ on the side of the people.) Over much of France the peasants lived in hideous misery. Famine was chronic in that fertile land, as in Russia in more 404 serfdom FRANCE BEFORE THE REVOLUTION 405 recent years. Taxation and feudal c.xiortion. dU'couragcd fann- ing. A fourth of the land lay waste. Of the rest, the tillage was little better than a thousand years before, with a yield a third less than in England. And if crops failed in one province, starvation followed (because of poor roads, and high tolls, and poverty, and the government's carelessness) although neighbor- ing provinces might possess abundance. One royal official describes how, even in ordinary times, "the children very commonly die" because of the coarse bread of bran and acorns on which they fed. True, conditions varied greatly in different parts of France. In some districts the peasants were fairly prosperous, and as a whole they were far ahead of the peasants in Germany or Italy or Spain or Austria. They played a part in the Revolution be- cause they had already progressed far enough to feel discontent. Serfdom lingered in Alsace and Lorraine, — regions seized Survivals of from Germany not long before (pp. 355, 393 ff.). Elsewhere the peasants had risen into villeinage somewhat like that in Eng- land before the uprising of 1381, four centuries before. Even v/hen the peasant owned his garden spot, he owned it subject to many ancient feudal obligations. He could not sell it without paying for his lord's consent, or sell any of his crop except in the lord's market, with tolls for the privilege. Commonly, he could still grind his grain only at the lord's mill, leaving one sixteenth the flour, and he could bake only in the lord's oven, leaving a loaf each time in pay. Under no circumstances might he injure the rabbits or pigeons or deer that devoured his crop. On penalty of death, he might not carry a gun, even to kill wolves. He could not enter his own field to till it, when the pheasants were hatching or the rabbits were young. Year after year the crops were trampled by huntsmen or devoured by game. Added to all this was the frightful royal taxation. Louis XIV, Crushing we have seen, left France burdened with a huge war debt. The dissolute Louis XV wasted as much in vice as his predecessor had wasted in war, while much of the rest of the revenue was given away in pensions to unworthy favorites, or stolen by taxes 406 FRANCE BEFORE THE REVOLUTION Forced labor corrupt officials. (All receipts from taxation were subject to the king's order — as if they had been merely his private bank- ing account. No report was made to the nation, but some facts leaked out. On the eve of the Revolution, three maiden aunts of the king were receiving yearly nearly half a million dollars in our values merely for their food — most of which amount, of course, went to enrich dishonest stewards.) Emptied in these shameful ways, the treasury was filled in ways quite as shameful. The clergy were wholly exempt from taxation by law ; and the nobles escaped from some taxes by law, from others by bribery and intimidation. Said the rich- est man in France frankly — "I itiake arrangements with the officials, and pay only what I wish." Full payment was made only by those least able to pay. Various clumsy devices, too, made the collection needlessly burdensome. Two of the many direct taxes were especially offensive in this respect. (1) Roads and canals were built and kept up by forced unpaid labor (the corvee). At the call of an official the peasant must leave his own work for this, no matter how critical the time. (2) The main revenue came from a tax assessed upon peasant villages only and fixed each year artifmn/i/ by the government. On one occasion, an official wrote : " The people of this village are stout, and there are chicken feathers before the doors. The taxes here should be greatly increased next year." So, too, if a villager lived in a better house than his neighbors, the officials made him pay a larger share of the common village tax. So the peasants concealed jealously what , few comforts they had, and left their cottages in ruins. It is estimated that a peasant paid half his income in direct taxes to the government. Feudal dues and church tithes raised these payments to four fifths his income. And from the remaining fifth, he had not only to support his family but also to pay The salt tax various indirect taxes. The most famous of these was the gabelle, the tax upon salt,^ which raised the price of salt to four, ten, or twenty times its first value. Every family was compelled ^ The man who sold the salt paid the tax to the government. The man who bought salt had of course to pay back the tax in a higher price. A tax collected in this way is called an indirect tax. " Rack' taxation DESPOTISM AND INEFFICIENCY 407 by law to purchase from the government at least seven pounds a year for each member over seven years of age, and thousands of persons every year were hanged or sent to the galleys for trying to evade this law. (Even then, only a fifth of the amount collected ever reached the treasury. Like the tax on candles, fish, flour, and other necessities, the salt tax was "farmed" to collectors, who paid the government a certain amount and then took for their profit what they could get above that amount.) Another class of vexatious taxes were the still remaining Complex tolls on goods required not only at the frontier of France, but again and again, at the border of each province and even at the gate of each town. Fish, so great a necessity in a Catholic country, paid thirteen times their first cost in such tolls on their way to Paris from the coast. The government was a centralized despotism (p. 231). Di- The rectly about the king was a Council of State. Subject to the king's approval, it fixed taxes, drew up edicts, and ruled France. Its members were appointed by the king, and held office only at his pleasure. At the head of each province was a governor appointed by the king. Subject to the royal power, he was an unchecked despot. In the parish the mayor or syndic was sometimes chosen by the people, sometimes appointed by the governor ; but in either case the governor could remove him at will. The parish assembly could not meet without the gov- ernor's permission, and it could not take any action by itself. Had the wind damaged the parish steeple ? The parish might petition for permission to repair it, — at their own expense, of course. The governor would send the petition, with his recom- mendation, to the Council of State at Paris, and a reply might be expected only after long delays, when perhaps the damage was beyond repair. Personal liberty, too, was wholly at the mercy of this arbitrary Arbitrary government. Any man might be sent to prison without trial, ^"^P"son- merely by a " letter " with the royal seal. Not only were " letters of the seal" used to remove political offenders: they were govern- ment 408 FRANCE BEFORE THE REVOLUTIOl^ also sold, to private men who wished to get rid of rivals. The government of Louis XV issued 150,000 such letters. Usually the imprisonments were for a few months ; but some- times the victim was virtually forgotten and left to die in prison. Arthur Young, an English traveler in France just before the Revolution, tells of an Englishman who had been kept in a French prison thirty years, although not even the government held a record of the reason. An This despotic government was clumsy and inefficient. dTsDotTsm France was still a patchwork of territories which the kings had seized piece })y piece. Each province had its own laws and customs, its own privileges and partial exemptions from certain taxes. The shadows of old local governments had lost their power /or action, but remained powerful to delay and obstruct united action. Voltaire (p. 409) complained that in a journey one changed laws as often as he changed horses. The spirit of "A revolution requires not only abuses but also ideas." c ange j^^ France the combustibles were ready, and so were the men of ideas, to apply the match. Science had upset all old ideas about the world outside man. The telescope had proved that other planets like our earth revolved around the sun, and that myriads of other suns whirled through boundless space. The English Newton had shown how this vast universe is bound together by unvarying "laws." The microscope had revealed an undreamed-of world of minute life in air and earth and water all around us ; and air, earth, water (and fire) themselves had changed their nature. The Ancients had taught that they were the "original elements" out of which everything else was made up. But the French lavoisier, founder of modern chemistry, had lately decomposed water and air into gases, and shown that fire was a union of one of these gases with earthy carbon. Tradition and authority had been proved silly in the world of matter: perhaps they were not always right in the world of human society. English writers, enjoying freedom of speech and of the press, had begun a revolt against the authority of the past ; but their VOLTAIRE AND ROUSSEAU 409 speculations were now carried much farther by French writers, who quickly spread their influence over all Europe. About 1760 there began an age of dazzling brilliancy in French literature and scholarship. Never before had any country seen so many and so famous men of letters at one time. Of the scores, we can mention only two. 1. Voltaire had already won his fame in 1750, and he ruled as the in- tellectual monarch of Europe for thirty years more. He came from the middle class. As a young man, he had been imprisoned for libel by a "letter of the seal"; and a dissipated noble, angered by a witticism, had hired a band of ruf- fians to beat him nearly to death. Some years of exile he spent in England, where, he says, he "learned to think." He had biting satire, mocking wit, keen reasoning, and incisive, vigor- ous style. He railed at absentee bishops of licentious lives ; he questioned the privileges of the nobles ; and he exposed pit- ilessly the iniquity of the gabelle and of the " letters of the seal." The church seemed to him the chief foe to human progress ; and in his invective against its abuses he sometimes confused it with Christianity itself. Most of his work was destructive ; but there was no chance to build up in Europe until much of the old was torn down. Voltaire's lifelong exposure of the folly and wrong of religious persecution had much to do with creating the free atmosphere in which we live to-day. Says our American Lowell, " W^e owe half our liberty to that leering old mocker." Voltaire. — The bust by Houdon. Voltaire and his associates 410 FRANCE BEFORE THE REVOLUTION Rousseau and democracy Louis XVI Marie Antoinette Turgot's reforms 2. Voltaire and his fellows admired the constitutional mon- arch}^ of P]ngland ; but they looked for reform from some enlightened despot, rather than from free government. One alone among them stood for democracy. This was Rousseau. He wrote much that was absurd about an ideal " state of nature " before men " invented governments " ; but he taught, more force- fully than any man before him, the sovereignty of the whole people. His famous book {The Social Contract, 1762) opens with the words, "Man was born free, but he is now" everywhere in chains" ; and it argues passionately that it is man's right and duty to recover freedom. Rousseau's moral earnestness and enthusiasm made his doctrine almost a religion with his disciples.^ In 1774 the dissolute but able Louis XV was succeeded by the well-disposed but irresolute Louis XVI. This prince had a ^•ague notion of what was right and a general desire to do it, but he lacked moral courage and energy. The queen was Marie Antoinette, daughter of the great Maria Theresa of Austria. She was young and high-spirited but ignorant and frivolous. Reform began, and finally the Revolution began, because the royal treasury was bankrupt. Louis called to his aid Turgot, a successful Provincial governor already famous as a reformer. This officer now cut down ruthlessly the frivolous expenses of the court, and abolished the corvee, the remaining tolls on com- merce, and the outgrown gild system. He planned more far- reaching reforms — to recast the whole system of taxes so that the rich should pay their share, and to abolish feudal dues. But the courtiers grumbled, and the queen cast black looks upon the reformer who interfered with her gayeties ; and so after a few months the weak king dismissed the man "with a whole pacific Revolution in his head." ^ Some years before the French Revolution began, the ideas, and even some of the phrases, of Rousseau began to have a powerful influence in America. Rousseau, however, drew these ideas to a great extent from John Locke and other English writers of the seventeenth century, and we cannot always tell whether reference to natural equality in a document of the American Revolution is affected by Rousseau or directly by the older English literature. TURGOT AND NECKER 411 Still in 1776 Louis called to the helm Xecker, a successful Necker banker and another reformer. Necker was not a great states- man like Turgot, but he had liberal views and a good business head. His difficulties, however, were tremendously augmented in 1778 when Louis joined zVmerica against England (p. 400). The new expense of this war made it plainly impossible (on the old plans) to pay even the interest on the national debt. Necker suggested sweeping reform in taxation, along Turgot 's lines; but the loud outcry of the nobles caused the king to dismiss him also from office (1781). Necker, however, had let the nation know just how it was being plundered. He had published a " re- port" on the finances, showing who paid the taxes and how much, and how the revenues were wasted. This paper was read eagerly and angrily by the middle class. For a few years more the king's ministers kept the govern- ment and the court going by borrowing unscrupulously with no prospect of paying. But the time came when not even the king's promise could induce any one to lend. Taxes must yield more ; and Louis learned at last the teaching of Turgot and Necker — that the only way to raise more money by taxes was to tax those who had more wherewith to pay. The privi- leged orders, however, had not learned this lesson. When the king begged, and finally ordered, them to give up their exemptions, they tried to evade the issue by arguing that the only authority with rightful power to impose new taxes was the States General. Unwittingly they had invoked a power that was to destroy them. The almost forgotten States Gen- eral (p. 291) had not met since 1614. Now the middle class took up the cry for it until the name rang through France. In August of 1788 the king surrendered. He recalled Necker and called a States General. For Further Reading. — Some material may be found in Rob- inson's Readings. Of modern accounts the student should read either Shailer Mathews' French Revolution, 1-110, or Mrs. Gardiner's French Revolution, 1-32. CHAPTER XLIII THE REVOLUTION IN PEACE Election of the States General One house or three For the election of the States General, the government marked France off into many districts. The nobles of each district came together and chose certain delegates from their "order"; the clergy did likewise ; and all other taxpayers in the district were allowed to vote for an electoral college, which then chose delegates for their class — " the third estate." There had been vehement discussion as to how the Estates General should vote. Anciently the three orders sat in sep- arate "houses," each having one vote. Under that arrange- ment, nobles and clergy (representing only a fraction of the nation) would have two thirds tlie power. Accordingly there was a loud demand from the middle class, and from liberal no- bles like Lafayette (recently returned from America), (1) that the third estate should have as many delegates as the other two orders combined, and (2) that the three estates should sit and act as one body. The king finally granted the "double repre- sentation" (300 nobles, 300 clergy, 600 of the thia*d estate); but at once tried to make this concession worse than useless by requiring the three orders to act as three separate units. May 5, 1789, Louis formally opened the States General at Versailles — the favorite royal residence, twelve miles south- west from Paris. His address made it plain that he ex- pected the estates to grant him new taxes, and promptly disperse. After this address the nobles and clergy with- drew from the hall (as the king desired) and "organized" as separate chambers ; but the third estate, with skillful general- ship, insisted at first that it could not act while so many " depu- ties of the nation'^ were absent, and sent pressing invitations to the others to join in one assembly so as to get at work " to save 412 PLATE LXXIV m- :\1 Above. — Iulntains in the \ kk-saillks GAKuti\&. Below. — The Palace of Versailles. - — The palace and park (and the road from Paris) were built by Louis XIV at enormous expense. THE STATES GENERAL 413 France." This deadlock continued for many weeks. Finally The Na- (June 17) when further delay was plainly dangerous, the third ^^^^^s- estate voted that even without the "absent" delegates its mem- bers practically represented the nation. Accordingly, still in- viting the other delegates to join, it organized as a ''National Assembly.'" This ivas a revolution. It changed a gathering of feudal "Estates" into an assembly representing the nation as one whole. Nothing of this kind had ever been seen before .on the con- tinent of Europe. Two days later, the National Assembly was joined by half The Tennis the clergy and by a few nobles. But the next morning the y°"^* ' Assembly found sentries at the doors of their hall, and carpen- 1789 ters within putting up staging, to prepare for a "royal session. " Plainly the king was about to interfere. The delegates ad- journed to a tennis court near by, and there with stern enthu- siasm they unanimously took a memorable oath never to separate until they had established a constitution.^ As anticipated, however, Louis summoned the three estates Vacillation to meet him and ordered them to organize as separate bodies and °^ *^® ^"^ to vote certain specified reforms. When he left the hall, the nobles and higher clergy followed. The new ''National As- sembly" kept their seats. There was a moment of uncertainty; but Mirabeau, a noble who had abandoned his order, rose to remind the delegates of their great oath. The royal master of ceremonies, reentering, asked haughtily, if they had not heard the king's command to disperse. "Yes," broke in Mirabeau's thunder; "but go tell 3 our master that we are here by the poiver of the people, and that nothing but the power of bayonets shall drive us away." Then, on Mira- beau's motion, the Assembly decreed the inviolability of its members : " Infamous and guilty of capital crime is any person or court that shall dare pursue or arrest any of them, on whose part soever the same be commanded." The king's vacillation prevented conflict. Paris was rising in arms, and when the regular troops were ordered to fire on the 1 The idea of a written constitution had come to P>ance from America. See West's Modern Progress, 271. 414 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION Attempt at counter- revolution Fall of the Bastille, July 14 mob, they rang their musket butts sullenly on the pavement, muttering, "We are the army 0/ the Nation!'' ^ The next day forty-seven nobles joined the Assembly, and in a week the king ordered the rest to do so. The courtiers still planned a counter-revolution, and again won over the weak king. To overawe the Assembly (and probably to seize liberal leaders) he assembled near Paris sev- eral regiments of German and Swiss mercenaries, who could be depended upon to obey orders. On Mirabeau's motion the Assembly bluntly requested the king to remove this threat. Louis answered by dismissing and exiling Xecker, who had op- posed the court policy. This was on the evening of July 11. About noon the next day, the news was whispered on the streets. Camille Desmou- lins, a young journalist, pistol in hand leaped upon a table in one of the public gardens, exclaiming, "Necker is dismissed. It is a signal for a St. Bartholomew of patriots. To arms ! To arms!" By night the streets bristled with barricades against the charge of the king's cavalry, and the crowds were sacking gunshops for arms. Three regiments of the French Guards joined the rebels, and two days later the revolutionary forces at- tached the Bastille. The Bastille was the great "state prison" for political of- fenders and victims of "letters of the seal." Thus it was a detested symbol of the "Old Regime." It had been used as an arsenal, and the rebels went to it at first only to demand arms. Refused admission and fired upon, they made a frantic attack. The fortress was virtually impregnable ; but after some hours of wild onslaught, it surrendered to an almost unarmed force, — "taken," as Carlyle says, "like Jericho, by miraculous sound." The anniversary of its destruction is still celebrated in France as the birthday of political liberty, like our July 4. This rising of Paris had saved the Assembly. The most hated of the courtiers fled from France in terror. The king visited ^ Some of these regiments had served recently' In America. Arthur Young (p. 408) had already declared, — "The American revolution has laid the foundations for another one in France." > X X < fin FALL OF THE BASTILLE 415 Paris, sanctioned all that had been done, sent away his troops, accepted the tricolor (red, white, and blue), the badge of the Rev- olution, as the national colors, and recalled Necker. The fall of the Bastille gave the signal for a brief mob-rule Local anju-chy Fall of the Bastille. — From a drawing !»;> Pricur. over all France. In towns the mobs demolished local "bas- tilles." In the country the lower peasantry and bands of vaga- bonds plundered and demolished castles. Each district had its carnival of plunder. The king could not restore order, be- cause the machinery of the government had collapsed ; but everywhere the middle class organized to put down anarchy — and so really saved the Revolution. All over France the elec- toral colleges (p. 412) had met from time to time to keep in touch with their delegates or to send them instructions : and now, in the failure of the royal government, these representative bodies made themselves into local governments. Their first act in each district was to organize the middle-class inhabitants into armed patrols to restore order. (This militia became per- manent — sanctioned soon by the National Assembly as '' National Guards," with Lafayette as supreme commander.) Meantime, on the evening of August 4, the report of a com- mittee on the disorders throughout the country had stirred the Put down by middle class organi- zation 416 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION August 4 : abolition of privilege Assembly deeply. A young noble, who had served in America with Lafayette, declared that the commotion was all due to the special privileges of his class, and, with impassioned oratory, he moved their instant abolition. One after another, in eager emulation, the liberal nobles followed, each proposing some sac- rifice for his order, — game laws, dovecotes, tithes, exclusive right to military office, and a mass of sinecures and pensions, — and each proposal was promptly voted, with enthusiastic applause. The work was done hastily, but it was noble and necessary, and it has never been undone. August 4 ended feudal- ism ond established legal equality in France. (This removal of abuses was one reason why anarchy was so easily suppressed.) " March of the women,' October 5, 1789 After these fruitful three months (May 5-August 4, 1789), the Assembly spent two years more in revolutionizing France and in drawing up a new constitution. Once more only it was endangered by the king. Early in October he again collected troops near Versailles, and at a military banquet (it was re- ported) young officers, to win the favor of court ladies, trampled upon the tricolor. The Paris mol) (still loyal to the king) began to demand that Louis should come to Paris, to be near the Assembly and away from evil counselors. One riotous ex- pedition to bring him to the capital was turned back by the National Guards ; but thousands of the women of the market place then set out on a like attempt, in a wild, hungry,^ haggard rout, followed by the riffraff of the cit}'. Lafayette permitted the movement to go on, until there came near being a terrible massacre at Versailles ; but his tardy arrival, late at night, with twenty thousand National Guards, restored order. The king yielded to the demands of the crowd and to the advice of Lafayette ; and the same day a strange procession escorted the royal family to Paris, — the mob dancing in wild joy along the road before the royal car- riage, carrying on pikes the heads of some slain soldiers, and 1 France was in the grip of famine when the States General met — due to a succession of poor harvests ; and the general confusion had prevented a rapid recovery. MARCH OF THF WOMEN 417 shouting jocularly, "Now we shall have bread, for we are bringing the baker, the baker's wife, and the baker's little boy." The king's brothers and some 150,000 nol)les fled from The France, — and soon were trying in foreign lands to stir up migrant war against their country. Nearly a fourth of the Assembly, too, withdrew, declaring that that body was no longer free. And it is true that from this time mobs in the galleries and in the streets did sometimes intimidate conservative speak- ers. During the rest of its life, danger to the Assembly came from this source, not from the court. One man in the Assembly never hesitated to oppose the mob, Mirabeau and often won it to his side. Mirabeau was the great man of the National Assembly. He was a profound statesman, with marvelous oratory and dauntless courage. (Unhappily his arrogance made him enemies among close associates : both Necker and Lafayette hated him.) IMirabeau thought the revolution had gone far enough, and he wished to preserve the remaining royal power so as to prevent anarchy. He urged the king to accept the new constitution in good faith and to sur- round himself with a liberal ministry acceptable to the Assembly. Indeed, as the mob grew more and more violent, IMirabeau wished Louis to leave Paris (where he was practically a prisoner) and appeal to the country provinces against the capital. But while the king hesitated, Mirabeau died suddenly, broken down by work and dissolute living. Then Louis decided to flee, not to French provinces, but to Attempted Austria, to raise war against the reforms of the Revolution. The t^e^Mn^ plot failed. The royal family did get out of Paris (Louis dis- guised as a valet), but, through the king's indecision, they were recognized and brought back. Then followed another popular Massacre of rising — with much excuse — to induce the Assemblv to dethrone the Champs °. " de Mars, the king and set up a republic. Crowds of workingmen with July 17, women and children flocked out to the Champs de Mars (an open ^'^^^ space near the city where the anniversary of the fall of the Bastille had just been celebrated) to sign a petition for this action. The municipal authorities forbade the gathering ; and finally La- 418 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION fayette's National Guards dispersed the jeering but unarmed mob with deadly volleys. This massacre marks a sharp division between the working class and the middle class. For the time, the latter carried the day. September 14, 1791, Louis took a solemn oath to uphold the new constitution, and was restored to power. The Consti- tution of 1791 The Constitution of 1791 opened with a noble "Declaration of the Rights of Man" — suggested no doubt by the Bills of Rights in some of the American state constitutions. It pro- claimed : (1) "Men are born equal in rights, and remain so"; (2) " Law is the expression of the will of all the people ; every citizen has a right to sliare in making it ; and it must be the same for all." And so on, through a number of provisions. French- men were declared equal before the law, and equally eligible to public office. Hereditary titles and all special privileges were abolislied. Jury trial, freedom of religion, and freedom of the press were established. The great Declaration has justified the boast of the Assembly — that it " shall serve as an everlasting war cry against oppressors." The Declaration of Rights cared for personal liberties. The arrangements concerning the government secured a very large (1) The Central government was made to consist of the king and a Legislative Assembly of one House elected anew once in two years. The king could not dissolve the Assembly, and his veto could be overridden if three successive leg- islatures so decided. (2) For local government^ the historic " prov- inces," with their troublesome peculiar privileges, were swept away. France was divided into 83 "departments" of nearly equal size. Each "department," and each of the "communes" (villages or towns) of which it was made up, chose a council and an executive with very complete control over local affairs. (3) The franchise was given to all taxpaj^ers, but the higher elective offices were open only to men of considerable wealth. This device of graded property qualifications secured control to the middle class. (The same device was common in America. None of our states then had manhood suffrage.) A constitu- tional mon- archy under middle-class amount of political liberty control THE CONSTITUTION OF 1791 419 land-owners Church and state had always been united in France, and they Church were now made even more so. The government assumed the duty of paying the clergy and keeping up the churches, and clergy of all grades were made elective. Unfortunately they were required to take an oath of fideUty to the constitution in a form repulsive to many sincere Catholics. Only four of the old bishops took the oath ; and two thirds of the parish priests, including the most sincere and conscientious among them, were driven into opposition to the Revolution. The greatest error of the Assembly was in arraying religion against patriotism. Great good, however, followed from one other feature of this Peasant arrangement. The nation took possession of the church lands — one fifth of all France — and sold them. In the outcome, the lands passed in small parcels into the hands of the peasantry and the middle class, and so laid the foundation for future pros- perity. France became a land of small farmers, and the peas- antry rose to a higher standard of comfort than such a class in Europe had ever known. Exercise. — 1. Point out both direct and indirect ways in which the American Revolution helped prepare for the French Revolution. 2. Compare the methods of the middle class and the nobles of France in 1789 with those of corresponding classes in Russia in 1917. 3. Com- pare the "suspensive" veto (p. 418) with the American plan of getting rid of the old "absolute" veto. Which plan is in use to-day in the most free governments ? 4. Can the franchise provision of the Constitution of 1791 be reconciled with the Declaration of Rights? For Further Reading. — The best one-volume history of the Revolution is that by Shailer Mathews. Next comes Mrs. Gardiner's, more conservative and less interesting. There are excellent treatments in H. Morse Stephens' Revolutionary Europe^ 1789-1815, and in Rose's Revolutionary and Napoleonic Era. The best of the larger works in Eng- lish is H. Morse Stephens' History of the French Revolution. Carlyle's French Revolution remains the most powerful and vivid presentation, but it can be used to best advantage after some preliminary study upon the age. Among the biographies, the following are especially good : Belloc's Danton, Willert's Mirabeau, Blind's Madam Roland, and Mor- ley's Robespierre (in Miscellanies, I). For fiction, Dickens' Tale of Two Cities and Victor Hugo's Ninety-Three are notable. Anderson's Constitutions and Documents contains interesting source material, like the Tennis Court Oath and many of the "decrees" referred to in this book. CHAPTER XLIV THE REVOLUTION IN WAR TIME The Legisla- tive Assem- bly, Sep- tember of 1791 to April of 1792 Constitu- tionalists Girondists and Jacobins Marat, Dan- ton, Robes- pierre As the constitution directed, France at once chose a Legisla- tive Assembly (September, 1791) of nearly 750 members. The great bulk of the nation had accepted the Revolution enthusi- astically ; but they considered it over, and they had not learned the need of ceaseless vigilance in politics. A very large part therefore took no part in the election. At first, however, about two thirds the delegates seemed to represent this part of the nation. Their leaders were known as Constitutionalists (support- ers of the constitution as it stood). Outside ^ the Assembly, this party was led by Lafayette, now the most influential man in France. A small minority of the nation would have preferred a more liberal constitution — with manhood franchise and perhaps a republican government. These few "radicals" won a third of the seats in the Assembly because of their organization in "Jacobin" clubs.- (Xo other party had an}- organization whatever.) The most prominent leaders of this group were called the Girondists (because several of them came from the Gironde Department). They were hot-headed, eloquent young men given to lofty speaking of fine sentiments, liut not fit for swift and decisive action. One small section of extreme Jacol)ins — only about a dozen, known as the Mountain because of their elevated seats at one side of the gathering — held men of a difi'erent stamp. Here sat Marat and Danton. Marat was a physician of eminence, i The old Assembly had generously but unwisely made its delegates in- eligible to the following one. Thus the Legislative Assembly was made up of inexperienced men. 2 A radical club which sprang up in Paris in the fall of 1789 took this name fromt its meeting place. Soon it established daughter societies in other cities, and kept up close correspondence with them on political matters. These daughter clubs showed a disciplined obedience to the mother society. 420 GIRONDISTS AND JACOBINS 421 with a sincere pity for the poor. He was jealous and suspicious, however, and became half-crazed under the strain of the Rev- olution. As early as 1789 his paper ("The Friend of the Peo- ple") began to preach assassination of aristocrats. Dantoti was a lawyer of Paris. He became prominent early in the Jaco- bin clubs, and his rude eloquence and his control over the mob won him the name " the Mirabeau of the Market Place." He was a man of rugged and forceful nature and a born leader — with little patience for the fine speechifying of the Girondists where deeds were needed. Outside the Assembly there was a third leader of this radical Robespierre group. Before the Revolution, Robespierre had been a precise young lawyer in a provincial town. He had risen to a judge- ship — the highest position he could ever expect to attain — but he had resigned his office because he had conscientious scruples against imposing a death penalty upon a criminal. He was an enthusiastic disciple of Rousseau. He w'as narrow^ dull, en- vious, pedantic ; but logical, incorruptible, sincere. In the preceding Assembly, Mirabeau had said of him, — " That man is dangerous ; he will go far ; he believes every ivord he says.'' The new Assembly, still with tremendous problems at home Foreign to solve, found itself at once threatened with foreign w^ar. The P®" ^ emigrant nobles (p. 417), breathing vengeance, were gathering on the Rhine frontier under the protection of German princes, rais- ing and drilling mercenary troops. They had secret sympathi- zers within France ; and in the early winter a treasonable plot to betray to them the key to France, the great fortress of Strass- burg, all but succeeded. The danger was real. The Assembly sternly and promptly condemned to death all Emigrants who should not return to France before a certain date ; but the king vetoed the decree. Moreover, the king's brother-in-law^ the Emperor Leopold, The Revolu- had already sent to the sovereigns of Europe a circular note, call- £°^Qpgan ing for common action against the Revolution, inasmuch as the kings cause of Louis was ''the cause of kings." The Revdtution stood for a new social order. Its cause was "the cause of peo- 422 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION The Assem bly accepts war The king's vetoes France girdled v/ith foes Brunswick's Proclama- tion: July 25 pies"; and the kings felt that they must crush it before it spread. The Legislative Assenibh'^ properly demanded of Leopold that he disperse the armies of the Emigrants and that he apologize for his statements. Leopold replied with a counter-demand for a change in the French government such as to secure Europe against the spread of revolution. This insolent attempt of a German potentate to dictate the policy of the French people aroused a natural tempest of scorn and wrath ; and (April, 1792) France declared war. The French levies at once invaded Belgium (then an Austrian province, p. 394), but w^ere rolled l)ack in defeat. The German powers, however, were busy robbing Poland (p. 402), and a few weeks more for preparation were given France. During these weeks, the Assembly decreed the banishment of all priests who refused to take the oath to the constitution (many of whom were spies), and it provided for a camp of twenty thousand chosen patriots to guard the capital. Louis vetoed both Acts. By June, France was girdled with foes. The Empire, Prussia, and Savoy (a powerful state in North Italy) were in arms. Naples and Spain were soon to join. Sweden and Russia both offered to do so, if they were needed. In July a Prussian army, commanded by old officers of Frederick the Great, crossed the frontier ; and two Austrian armies, one from the Netherlands and one from the upper Rhine, converged upon the same line of invasion. The French troops were outnuml^ered three to one. Worse still, the army was demoralized by the resignation of many officers in the face of the enemy, and still more by a justifiable suspicion that many of those remaining sympathized with the invaders. Within France, too, were royalist risings and plots ; and the king was using his veto to prevent effective resistance. The queen — whom the Paris mob now styled "the Austrian Woman" — had even betrayed the French plan of campaign. Brunswick, the Prussian commander, counted upon a holiday march to Paris. July 25 he issued a famous proclamation declar- ing (1) that Ihe allies entered France to restore Louis to his place, (2) that all men taken with arms in their hands should be hanged, AND "THE CAUSE OF KINGS" 423 and (3) that, if Louis were injured, he would "inflict a memo- rable vengeance " by delivering up Paris to military execu- tion. This bluster, with its threat of Prussian " frightfulness," was fatal to the king. France rose in rage. But before the new troops marched to the front, they insisted upon guarding against enemies in the rear. liOuis must not be left free to paralyze ac- tion, again, at some critical moment, by his veto. Constitution- alists and Girondists alike stood by the king, but the Jacobin radicals carried their point by insurrection. Led by Danton, they forcibly displaced the middle-class municipal council of Paris with a new government; and this "Commune of Paris" prepared an attack upon the Tuileries for August 10. After con- fusing his guards with contradictory orders, the king and his family fled to the Assembly, leaving the faithful Swiss regiment to be massacred. Bloody from this slaughter, the rebels forced their way into the hall of the Assembly. Two thirds of the dep- uties had fled, and the "rump" of Girondists and Jacobins now decreed the deposition of Louis, and the innnediate election, by manhood suffrage, of a Convention to frame a new government. Lafayette (commander of the French army on the Rhine) tried to lead his troops against Paris to restore the king. He found his arm.y ready, instead, to arrest him ; and so he fled to the Aus- trians — by whom he was cast into prison, to remain there until freed years later by Napoleon's victories. The rising of August 10 had been caused by the fear of foreign invasion and of treason at home. Three weeks later the same causes led to one of the most terrible events in history. The "Commune of Paris," under Danton's leadership, had packed the prisons with three thousand "suspected" aristocrats. Then came the terrifying news of the shameful surrender of Longwy and Verdun, — two great frontier fortresses guarding the road to Paris. The new Paris volunteers hesitated to go to the front, lest the numerous prisoners recently arrested should now break out and avenge themselves upon the city. So, while Danton was hurrying recruits to meet Brunswick, the frenzied mob at- tacked the prisons, organized rude lynch courts, and on Sep- August 10 : Louis deposed Surrender of Verdun And the " September Massacres " 424 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION Excused by the Jacobins France " at war with kings " The Revolu- tionary propaganda tember 2, 3, and 4, massacred a thousand of the prisoners with only the shadow of a trial. Whether the Jacobin leaders had a secret hand in starting these atrocious executions, we do not know. Certainly they did not try to stop them ; but neither did any other body of persons. Says Carl3de : "Very desirable indeed that Paris had interfered, yet not unnatural that it stood looking on in stupor. Paris is in death-panic . . . gibbets at its door. Whosoever in Paris hath heart to front death finds it more pressing to do so fighting the Prussians than fighting the slayers of aristocrats." The Jacobins, however, did openly accept the massacres, when committed, as a useful means of terrifying the royalist plotters. When the Assembly talked of punishment, Danton excused the deed. "It was necessary to make our enemies afraid," he cried. "... Blast my memory, but let France be free." Freed from internal peril, France turned upon her foes splen- didly, September 20 the ad\'ancing Prussians were checked at Valmy; and November 9 the victory of Jcrmnapes, the first real pitched battle of the war, opened the Austrian Netherlands to French conquest. Another French army had already entered Germany, and a third had occupied Nice and Savoy. These successes of raw French volunteers over the veterans of Europe called forth an orgy of democratic enthusiasm. The new Na- tional Convention (September 21, 1792) became at once, in Danton's phrase, "a general committee of insurrection for all nations." It ordered a manifesto in all languages, offering the alliance of the French nation to all peoples who wished to recover their liberties ; and French generals, entering a foreign country, were ordered "to abolish serfdom, nobility, and all monopolies and privileges, and to aid in setting up a new government upon principles of popular sovereignty.^' One fiery orator flamed out, — "Des- pots march against us with fire and sword. We will bear against them Liberty !" Starving and ragged, but welcomed by the invaded peoples, the French armies sowed over Europe the seed of civil and political liberty. The Revolution was no longer merely French, It took PLATE I.XXVI AT WAR WITH EUROPE 425 on the zeal of a proselyting religion, and spread its principles by fire and sword. France at large had not willed the deposition of Louis, The First but it now ratified that deed. When the new Convention met, ^^®^*S. Republic the Constitutionalist party had disappeared. The great ma- jority of the delegates were followers of the Girondists ; but on the Mountain sat Robespierre, Danton, and Marat, with a somewhat larger following than before. On its first afternoon the Convention declared monarchy abolished, and enthusiastically established "The French Republic, One and Indivisible." The radicals were bent also upon punishing Louis. They Execution of were convinced of his treason, and they wished to make recon- *^® ^^^ ciliation with the old order of things impossible. Said Danton : "The allied kings march against us. Let us hurl at their feet, as the gage of battle, the head of a king." The Girondists wished to save Louis' life, but they were intimidated by the gal- leries ; and " Louis Capet" was condemned to death for " treason to the nation." Then the Convention proposed a new written constitution Constitution for the Republic. This document was extremely democratic. It ^ t swept away all the checks of indirect elections and property qual- ifications, and made all citizens " equally sovereign." Further, it made all acts of the legislature subject to a " referendum." This Constitution of the Year I ^ was itself submitted to such a referen- dum, and ivas adopted by the nation. No country had ever had so democratic a constitution. Nor had any great nation ever before adopted its government by direct vote of the people. The constitution, however, never went into operation. The Con- vention suspended it, declaring that France was in danger, and that the government must be left free from constitutional checks until war was over. (This was one of the first demonstrations in history of the fundamental truth that war is a despot's game, and that democracies can play it successfully only by ceasing, for the time, at least, to be democracies.) ^ The Convention estabHshed for the time a new Revolutionary calendar, — a good topic for a student to report upon. 426 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION Treason and dissension The Giron- dists give way to the Jacobins Gironde rebellion and foreign invasion France was indeed in danger. The execution of the king was one factor in deciding England, Spain, Holland, Naples, and Portugal to join the war against France, and it offended many French patriots. Dumouriez, an able but unscrupulous gen- eral, who had succeeded Lafayette as the chief military leader, tried to play traitor, in the spring of 1793, by surrendering Bel- gian fortresses to the Austrians and by leading his army to Paris to restore the monarchy. His troops refused to follow him, and he fled to the enemy ; but Belgium was lost for a time and once more the frontier was open to attack. Ever since the Convention met, dissension had threatened between the Gironde majority and the Mountain. The Moun- tain was supported by the masses of Paris ; but, outside the cap- ital, the Girondists were much the stronger, and they now took the moment of foreign danger to press the quarrel to a head. They accused Marat of stirring up the September massacres, and persuaded the Convention to order his trial. Then they were mad enough to charge Danton with royalist conspiracy. Danton, who was straining his mighty strength to send re- inforcements to the front, pleaded at first for union ; but, when this proved vain, he turned savagely upon his assailants. " You were right," he cried to his friends on the Mountain. "There is no peace possible with these men. Let it be war, then. They will not save the Republic with us. It shall be saved without them ; saved in spite of them." And while the Girondists debated, the Mountain acted. It was weak in the Convention, but it was supreme in the galleries and in the streets and in the Commune of Paris. The Commune, which had carried the Revolution of August 10 against the Leg- islative Assembly, now marched its forces against the Con- vention (June 2, 1793) and held it prisoner until it passed a decree imprisoning thirty of the leading Girondists. Others of that party fled, and the Jacobin Mountain was left in power. Fugitive Girondists now aroused the provinces against the Jacobin capital, and gathered armies at Marseilles, Bordeaux, Caen. Lyons, the second city in France, even raised the white flag of the monarchy, and opened it^ gates to an Austrian army ; THE COMMITTEE OF PUBLIC 'SAFETY 427 and the great port of Toulon admitted an English fleet. Else- where, too, royalist revolt reared its head. Especially in the remote province of Vendee (in ancient Brittany), the simple, half-savage peasants were still slavishly devoted to king, priest, and hereditary lord, and they rose now in wild rebellion against the Republic. The Convention, with Paris and a score of the central Departments, faced the other three fourths of France as well as the rest of Europe. So far, the Revolutionists had been afraid of a real executive, And the as a danger to freedom ; but these new perils forced the Con- ^^ pubUc vention to intrust power to a despotic "Committee of Public Safety Safety," with twelve members, — all from the Mountain, The Convention made all other national committees and offi- cers the servants of this great Committee, and ordered even the municipal officials over France to give it implicit obe- dience. The Committee were not trained administrators, but they were men of practical business sagacity and of tremendous en- ^i'gy> — such men as a revolution must finally toss to the top. In the war office, Caniot "organized victory"; beside him, in the treasury, labored Cambon, with his stern motto, " War to the manorhouse: peace to the hut" ; while a group of such men as Robespierre and St. Just sought to direct the Revolution so as to refashion France according to new ideals of democracy and of welfare for the common man. Nearly a hundred "Deputies on Mission'' were sent out from Order, the Convention to all parts of France to enforce obedience to ^J^tory^" the Committee. They reported every ten days to the Com- mittee; but, subject to its approval, they exercised despotic power, — replacing civil authorities at will, seizing money or supplies for the national use, imprisoning and condemning to death. Never has a despotism been more efficient. In October Lyons was captured and ordered razed to the ground. Toulon was taken, despite English aid, and punished sternly. Other centers of revolt, paralyzed with fear, yielded. Order and union were restored. Before the year closed, French armies had taken the offensive once more on all frontiers. 428 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION The " Long Terror " Violence only an inci- dent due to foreign peril Positive reform To secure this union, the Committee had used terrible means. Early in September of 1793 it adopted "Terror" as a dehberate policy. This "Long Terror" was a very different thing from the "Short Terror" of the mob, a year before. The Paris pris- ons were crowded again with "Suspects"; and each day the Revolutionary tribunal, after farcical trials, sent batches of them to the guillotine. ^ Among the victims were the queen, many aristocrats, and also many Constitutionalists and Gi- rondists — heroes of 1791 and 1792. In some of the revolted districts, too, submission was followed by horrible executions; and at Nantes the cruelty of Carrier, the Deputy on Mission, half-crazed with blood, inflicted upon the Revolution an indelible stain. Over much of France, to be sure, the Terror was only a name, and the rule of the Deputies on Mission was supported ardently by the people. Still, in all, some fifteen thousand executions took place during the fourteen months of the Terror — one of many horrible blots on human history. At the same time, this bloodshed is not the significant thing about the Revolution. Indeed it was not the product of the Revolution itself, but of foreign war. Literature has been filled with hysterics about it. It is well for us to shudder — but there is no danger that we shall not, for those who suffered were the few who "knew how to shriek." The danger is that we forget the relief to the dumb multitudes who had endured worse tortures for centuries. And if the Convention destroyed much, it built up vastly more. The grim, silent, tense-browed men of the Committee worked eighteen hours out of every twenty-four. Daily, they carried theii* lives in their hands ; and so they worked swiftly and ruthlessly. But while Carnot, "Organizer of Vic- tory," was creating the splendid army that saved liberty from despots, his associates were laying the foundations for a new and better society. Mainly on their proposals, the Convention made satisfactory provision for the public debt that had crushed the old monarchy. It adopted the beginning of a simple and 1 Just before the Revolution a humane Ur. Guillotin had invented a new device to behead criminals — a heavy knife sliding down swiftly between upright supports. This "guillotine" was much more merciful than the older practice of beheading with an ax in a headsman's hands. THE REIGN OF TERROR 429 just code of laws. It abolished imprisonment for debt and gave property rights to women, forty years ahead of England or Amer- ica. It accepted the metric system of weights and measures, abolished slavery in French colonies, instituted the first Normal School, the Polytechnic School of France, the Conservatory of France, the famous Institute of France, and the National Li- brary, and planned also a comprehensive system of public in- struction,^ the improvement of the hospitals and of the prisons, and the reform of youthful criminals. But now the Jacobins broke into factions. 1. The Paris Commune closed all ('hristian worship in the Jacobin capital, substituting a ribald "worship of reason." These ex- devour one tremists were led by the coarse Hebert, who clamored for more another blood — wholesale execution of all defenders of private prop- erty. Robespierre denounced Hebert — who then tried once more to raise the Paris mob against the Assembly. This time the Assembl}^ won ; and Robespierre sent Hebert and his friends to the guillotine (March, 1794). 2. At the other extreme, Danton had been urging for months that the Terror was no longer needed in a victorious and tranquil France. In April, Robespierre accused him of con- spiracy and sent him to the guillotine. For the next three months, Robespierre seemed sole master. He reopened the churches, and offset Hebert' s Festival to Reason by making the Convention celebrate a solemn "Festival to the Supreme Being." ^ Then he hurried his plans to create a new France — which he Robes- imagined could be done quicklv by education. "We must en- Pierre's • 1 PI- " • 1 IP )> • 1 1 • dictatorship tirely reiashion a people whom we wish to make tree, said his decree, — "destroy its prejudices, alter its habits, root up its vices, purify its desires. The state, therefore, must lay hold of every human being at its birth and direct its education with powerful hand." One of his ardent disciples exclaimed that he 1 Said Danton, " Next to bread, education is the first need of the people." - Robespierre was not a Christian, but a deist, like Voltaire : that is, he believed in an all-good creator revealed in nature. 430 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION would blow out his own brains at once if he did not believe it pos- sible by "a school of the nation" to remodel the French people so that it should possess " the happiness of virtue, of moderation, of comfort — the happiness that springs from the enjoyment of the necessary without the superfluous. . . . The luxury of a cabin and of a field tilled by your own hands, a cart, a thatched roof, — such is happiness." And his fall To clear the ground for putting these fine theories into prac- tice, Robespierre intensified the Terror, until the number of executions rose to two hundred a week in Paris. Leaders in the Convention trembled for their own safety, and at last they turned savagely upon the monster. On July 27, 1794, when Robespierre rose to speak, he was greeted by cries of "Down with the tyrant !" Astounded, he stammered confusedly; and a delegate cried, — " See, the blood of Danton chokes him ! " Quickly he was tried and guillotined, with a hundred adherents. The Directory, 1 795 -1 799 " A whifif of grapeshot " The Terror now ended, and in the following March (1795) the survivors of the delegates expelled two years before were re- admitted to the Convention. The populace was disarmed, and the National Guards were reorganized, to consist again of the propertied classes only. The restored middle-class supremacy was then confirmed by a new "Constitution of the Year IIL" The government so established is called The Directory. This was the name of the new executive of the Republic, — a com- mittee of five, chosen by the legislature. The legislature became a two-house body, elected by voters with property qualifica- tions. A popular vote ratified this constitution ; but, at the last mo- ment, the expiring Convention decreed that its members should sit in the new legislature without submitting to reelection. Se- cret royalists took advantage of this unpopular act to stir up the Paris mob against the government, and the revolt was joined even by 20,000 National Guards. The Directory was in panic. But it had four thousand regular troops, and it hap- pened to hit upon a brilliant young officer to command them. That officer posted cannon about the approaches to the Conven- ROBESPIERRE'S RULE AND FALL 431 tion hall, and mowed down the attacking columns with "a whiff of grapeshot" (October 5, 1795). The Directory remained in power four years more ; but the chief interest for this period centers in the rise of the officer who had saved it, — and whose name was Napoleon Bonaparte. Exercise. — Discuss parallels and contrasts between the course of the French Revolution and that of the Russian Revolution of 1917. Do you recall any event in English history similar to the self-perpetu- ating act of the Convention at its close ? CHAPTER XLV BONAPARTE AND THE CONSULATE, 1795-1804 Expansion before Bonaparte Bonaparte in Italy France had already made great gains of territory. On the northeast, Belgium had been annexed, with the vote of its people. Nice and Savoy, on the southeast, had been added, in Hke manner. The eastern frontier had been moved to the Rhine. Holland had been converted into a dependent ally as the " Batavian Repub- lic," with a constitution molded on that of France. Prussia, Spain, and most of the small states had withdrawn from the war. Only England, Austria, and Sardinia kept the field. The Directory determined to attack Austria vigorously. Two splendid armies were sent into Germany, and a small, ill-supplied force in Italy was put under the command of Bonaparte. The genius of the young general (then twenty-seven years old) made the Italian campaign the decisive factor in the war. By swift marches he separated his enemies, won battle after battle, and by July was master of Italy. During the next year four fresh Austrian armies, each larger than Bonaparte's, were sent across the Alps, only to meet destruction at his hands; and in 1797 he dictated the Peace of Campo Formio, which for a time closed the war on the continent. To the Italians, Bonaparte posed at first as a deliverer, with magnificent promises of a free national life. He did sweep away serfdom, and, in place of old oligarchic states, set up some "re- publics"; but at the same time he perfidiously tricked the ancient state of Venice into war, and afterward coolly traded it away to Austria. Upon even the most friendly states, too, he levied huge contributions for the coffers of France and the private pockets of the Directory and to enrich his soldiers. Works of art, too, and choice manuscripts he ravished from Italian libraries and galleries, and sent to Paris, to gratify French vanity ; and when the Italians rose against this spoliation, he stamped out the revolts with deliberate " f rightfulness." 432 NAPOLEON BONAPARTE 433 The Italian campaigns first showed Napoleon Bonaparte to Character of the world. He was an Italian, — born in Corsica in 1769. In that same year, Corsica became a possession of France. The boy passed through a French military school, and when the Revolution began he was a junior lieutenant of artillery. The war gave him opportunity. He had distinguished him- self at the capture of Toulon (p. 427) ; and his brilliant defense of the Directory against the rising of 1795 won him the command of the "Army of Italy." Bonaparte was one of the three or four supreme military geniuses of his- tory. He was also one oi the greatest of civil rulers. He had profound insight, a marvelous memory, and tireless energy. He was a "terrible worker," with wonderful grasp of details, — so that he could recall the smallest features of geography where a cam- paign was to take place, or could name the man best suited for office in any one of a multitude of obscure towns. He was not insensible to generous feeling; l)ut, like Frederick II of Prussia, he was utterly unscrupulous and deliber- ately rejected all claims of morality. "Morality," said he, "has nothing to do with such a man as I am." Perfidy and cruelty, when they suited his ends, he used as calmly as appeals to honor and patriotism. His generalship lay largely in unprecedented rapidity of move- Napoleon Bonaparte Bonaparte at Akcola. — The French troops were breaking at a critical point, when the young general forced his way to the front, caught a falling standard, and by his presence, restored the for- tune of the day. After the painting by Gros. 434 NAPOLEON BONAPARTE ment, and in massing his troops against some one weak point of an enemy. "Our general," said his soldiers, "wins his victories with our legs." In early life he may have been a sincere re- publican ; but he hated anarchy and disorder, and, before his campaign in Italy was over, he had begun to plan to make him- self ruler of France. He worked systematically to transform the French people's earlier ardor for liberty into a passion for military glory and plunder. Bonaparte in Egypt Escape to France England alone continued the war against France ; and in 1798 Bonaparte persuaded the Directory to let him attack Egypt, as a step toward attacking England in India. He won a series of brilliant battles in Egypt ; but suddenly his fleet was annihilated by the English under Xclson, in the Battle of the Nile, and his gorgeous dreams of Oriental empire faded away. Without hesitation Bonaparte deserted his doomed army, and es- caped to France, where he saw new opportuni- ties. ^Yar on the con- tinent had been renewed. In 1798 England had succeeded in drawing Russia and Austria into another coalition ; and so far, in the new war, the campaigns had gone against France. Bonaparte's failure in distant Egypt was not comprehended, and the French people welcomed him as a savior. Moreover, the Directory had proven disgracefully corrupt. Bonaparte Dissolves the French As- sembly. — From a contemporary print. THE CONSULATE 435 Each of three years in succession — 1797, 1798, 1799 — the elections had gone against it ; but it had kept itself in power by a series of coups d'etat, or arbitrary interferences with the result of the voting. Now Bonaparte used a coup d'etat ^ against it. His troops purged the legislature of members hostile to his plan ; and a Rump, made up of Bonaparte's adherents, abol- Overthrow ished the Directory and elected Bonaparte and two others as ^J^^^ ^ consuls, intrusting to them the preparation of a new consti- Bonaparte, tution. "Now," said the peasantry, "we shall have peace, ^^^^* Consul thanks to God and to Bonaparte"; and by a vote of some three million to fifteen hundred, the French people accepted the constitution that virtually made Bonaparte dictator. Bonaparte's first work as consul was to crush foreign foes. In 1800 he won a dazzling victory over the Austrians at Marengo in Italy, and General Moreau crushed another Austrian army at Ilohenlinden in Bavaria. One by one the allies laid down their arms, and in 1802 the Peace of Amiens won peace even from England — which had been in arms against France since 1793. By the "Constitution of the Year VIII" (1800) Napoleon, as Centraliza- First Consul, was really a dictator. The legislature was little ^^°J mtensi- more than a debating society, and could not even propose a law without his consent. The government was said to " rest on man- hood suffrage," but only as "refined by successive filtrations." The 5,000,000 adult male citizens chose 500,000 "Communal Notables"; these chose 50,000 "Departmental Notables"; and these chose 5000 "National Notables." But all these elections elected nobody. The executive was to appoint com- munal officers from the 500,000, departmental officers from the 50,000, and members of the legislature from the 5000. Thus local administration was once more highly centralized, 1 Literally, a "stroke of state." This is the name given in France to in- fractions of the constitution by some part of the government through the use of force. Happily the thing itself has been so unknown to English his- tory that the English language has to borrow the French name. The at- tempt of Charles I to seize the five members (p. 376) was something of the sort. The coming century was to see many a coup d'etat in France ; and like phenomena have been common in other European countries. 436 NAPOLEON BONAPARTE Restoration of order Reforms The " Code Napoleon " SO that, independent of Bonaparte's will, there did not exist anywhere the authority to light or repair the streets of the meanest village.^ Within France Bonaparte used his vast authority to restore order and heal strife. Royalist and Jacobin were welcomed to public employment and to favor ; and a hundred and fifty thou- sand exiles, of the best blood and brain of France, returned, to reinforce the citizen body. Wages rose ; the French people built up a vast material prosperity ; and the burden of taxes was distributed with fair justice upon all classes. Political liberty was gone ; but the economic gains of the Revolution were preserved. An agreement with the pope ("the Concor- dat") reconciled the Catholic church to the state. All bishops were replaced by new ones appointed by Napoleon and conse- crated by the pope. The church became Roman again, but it was supported and controlled by the state. The reform work of the great Convention of '93 had been dropped by the Directory. Some parts of it were now taken up again. Public education was organized (on paper) ; corruption and extrav- agance in the government gave way to order and efficiency; law was simplified, and justice was made cheaper and easier to secure. This last work was the most enduring and beneficent of all. The Convention of '93 had begun to reform the outgrown ab- surdities of the confused mass of French laws. The First Con- sul now completed the task. A commission of great lawyers, working under his direction and inspiration, swiftly reduced the vast chaos of old laws to a marvelously compact, simple, symmetrical code. This body of law included the new prin- ciples of equality born of the Revolution. It soon became the basis of law for practically all Europe, except England, Russia, and Turkey. From Spain it spread to all Spanish America, and it lies at the foundation of the law of the State of Louisiana. 1 This new adnainistration was vigorous and fearless ; and under Na- poleon's energy and genius, it conferred upon France great and rapid benefits. But, in the long run, the result was to be unspeakably disastrous. The chance for Frenchmen to train themselves at their own gates in the duties and re- sponsibilities of freemen, by sharing in the local government, was lost. THE CONSULATE 437 Napoleon himself declared, after his overthrow, "Waterloo will wipe out the memory of my forty victories ; but that which nothing can wipe away is my Civil Code. That will live for- ever." In all this reconstruction, the controlling mind was that of The last of the First Consul. Functionaries worked as they had worked l^^ benevo- lent despots for no other master. Bonaparte knew how to set every man the right task ; and his own matchless activity (he sometimes worked twenty hours a day) made it possible for him to over- see countless designs. His penetrating intelligence seized the essential point of every problem, and his indomitable will drove through all obstacles to a quick and effective solution. His ardor, his ambition for France and for glory, his passion for good work, his contempt for difficulties, inspired every official, until, as one of them said, " the gigantic entered into our habit of thought." CHAPTER XLVI " Emperor Napoleon the First " Plebiscites System of spies Free speech suppressed NAPOLEON AND THE EMPIRE, 1804-1814 Soon Bonaparte made it clear that he meant to seize the trappings of monarchy as well as its power. In 1802 he had himself elected "Consul for Life." He set up a court, with all the forms of monarchy, and began to sign papers by his first name only — Napoleon — as kings sign. Then, in 1804, he obtained another vote of the nation declaring him "Emperor of the French," and he solemnly crowned himself at Paris, with the presence and sanction of the pope, as the successor of Charlemagne. Napoleon always claimed that he ruled by the "will of the French people"; and each assumption of power was given a show of ratification by a popular vote, or plebiscite. But the plebiscite was merely the nation's Yes or No to a question framed by the master. The nation had no share at any stage in shaping the qnestions upon which it was to tote; and even the vote was controlled largely by skillful coercion. A plebiscite was a thin veil for military despotism. At the same time, it must be acknowledged that the French people tamely surrendered to a despotic master who flattered their vanity and fed their material prosperity. Individuals who resisted found themselves subject to a tyranny worse than that of the old monarchy. Napoleon maintained a vast network of secret police and spies, and in ten years he sent thirty-six hundred men to prison or into exile by his mere order. No book could be published if it contained opinions offensive to the emperor. Newspapers were forbidden to print anything "contrary to the duties of subjects": they were required to omit all news " disadvantageous or disagreeable to France," and in political matters they were allowed to pub- lish only such items as were furnished them by the government. 438 wars NEW EUROPEAN WARS 439 Even the schools were made to preach despotism, and were com- manded to "take as the basis of their instruction fideUty to the Emperor." Religion, too, was pressed into service. An Imperial Catechism was devised, and used in all schools, ex- pressly to teach the duty of all good Christians to obey the Emperor.^ In 1802 Napoleon told his Council of State that he should The " Na- welcome war and that he expected it. Europe, he declared, needed a single head, an emperor, to distribute the various king- doms among lieutenants. He felt, too, that victories and mili- tary glory were needful to prevent the French nation from mur- muring against his despotism. Naturally, other nations felt that there could be no lasting peace with Napoleon except on terms of absolute submission. Under such conditions as these, war soon broke out afresh. England and France came to blows again in 1803, and there was to be no more truce between them until Napoleon's fall. During the next eleven years. Napoleon fought also three wars with Austria, two with Prussia, two with Russia, a long war with Spain, and various minor conflicts. The European wars from 1792 to 1802 belong to the period of the French Revolution proper. Those from 1803 to 1815 are "Napoleonic wars," due primarily to the ambition of one great military genius. In the first series, Austria was the chief opponent of the Revolution : in the second series, England was the relentless foe of Napoleon. On the breaking out of war with England, Napoleon prepared a mighty flotilla and a magnificent army at Boulogne. Eng- land was threatened with overwhelming invasion if she should lose command of the Channel even for a few hours ; but all Napoleon's attempts to get together a fleet to compete with England's failed. In 1805 Austria and Russia joined England in the war. With immediate decision. Napoleon transferred his forces from the Channel to the Danube, annihilated two great armies, at Ulm and Austerlitz, and, entering Vienna as a conqueror, forced ^ Extracts are given in Anderson's Documents, No. 65. 440 NAPOLEON EMPEROR Peace of Tilsit Austria to a humiliating peace. Prussia had maintained her neutraHty for eleven years ; but now, with his hands free, Na- poleon goaded her into war, crushed her absolutely at Jena (October, 1806), occupied Berlin, and soon afterward dictated a peace that reduced Prussia one half in size and bound her to France as a vassal state. Less decisive conflicts with Russia were followed by the Peace of Tilsit (July, 1807). The Russian and French emperors met in a long interview, and Tsar Alexander was so impressed by Siilwilt©' i The Vendome Column — made from Russian and Austrian cannon cap- tured in the Austerlitz campaign. The figures on the spirals represent scenes in that campaign, and upon the summit, 142 feet high, stands a statue of Napoleon. The name Vendome comes from the name of the public square. Napoleoa, like the later HohenzoUerns, was fond of imi- tating the memorial works of the Roman world-empire. Trafalgar Napoleon's genius, that, from an enemy, he became a friend and ally. France, it was understood, was to rule Western Europe ; Russia might aggrandize herself in the Eastern half at the expense of Sweden and Turkey ; and the two Powers were to unite in ruining England by shutting out her commerce from the continent. England had proved as supreme on the seas as Napoleon on land. In 1805, at Trafalgar, off the coast of Spain, Nelson THE CONTINENTAL SYSTEM 441 destroyed the last great fleet that Napoleon collected. Soon afterward a secret article in the Treaty of Tilsit agreed that Denmark (then a considerable naval power) should be made to add her fleet to the French; but the English government struck flrst. It demanded the surrender of the Danish fleet into English hands until the w^ar should close, and finally it compelled the delivery by bombarding Copenhagen. After this, Napoleon could not strike at England with his Napoleon's armies, and he fell back upon an attempt to ruin ter by crushing tai^gystem " her commerce. All the ports of the continent were to be closed to her goods, and Napoleon stirred French scientists into des- perate efforts to invent substitutes for the goods shut out of the continent. (One valuable result followed. The English cruisers prevented the importation into France of West-India cane sugar ; but it was discovered that sugar could be made from the beet, and the raising of the sugar-beet became a leading in- dustry in France.) This "Continental System" did inflict damage upon Eng- land, but it carried greater harm to the continent, which simply could not do without the manufactures of England, then the workshop of Europe. At times, even the French armies had to be clothed in smuggled English goods, and they marched into Russia in 1812 (p. 446) in English shoes. England's retort to the Continental System was an attempt " War of to blockade the coast of France and her dependencies to all neutral vessels. In these war measures, both France and Eng- land ignored the rights of neutral states. One result was the War of 1812 in America. In this struggle, unhappily, w^e let ourselves be drawn into fighting upon the side of the European despot, against the only champion of freedom, and upon the w^hole, into fighting that power which w^e had least reason to fight.^ Happily, in that day, America's part could not be decisive, and the contest did not much affect the European result. 1 As if, in 1914-1918, we had let Germany draw us to her side, as she hoped, because the English blockade of Germany hurt our commerce. i8i2 " in America 442 NAPOLEON EMPEROR Napoleon and the Spanish people Napoleon after Wagram Napoleon's new map of Europe Portugal refused to obey Napoleon's order to confiscate the English vessels in her ports. Thereupon Napoleon's armies occupied the kingdom. From this act, Napoleon passed to the seizure of Spain, placing his brother Joseph upon the throne. But the proud and patriotic Spanish people rose in a " War for Liberation." England seized her opportunity, and sent an army under Wellesley (afterward Duke of Wellington) to support this "Peninsular revolt." To the end, this struggle continued to drain Napo- leon 's resources. Long after, at St. Helena, he declared that it was really the Spanish war that ruined him. In 1809, encouraged by the Spanish rising, Aus- tria once more entered the lists, but a defeat at Wa- gram forced her again to submission. Napoleon now married a princess of Austria. He was anxious for an heir, and so divorced his former wife, Josephine, who had borne him no children, to make way for marriage with a grandniece of Marie Antoinette. This union of the Revolutionary emperor with the proud Hapsburg house marks in some respects the summit of his power. At the moment, the Spanish campaigns seemed trivial; and after Wagram, Napoleon was supreme in Central Europe. This period w^as marked by sweeping changes in territory. The most important may be grouped under four heads. 1. The Batavian Republic (p. 432) was converted into the Kingdom of Holland, with Napoleon's brother Louis for its Napoleon in IMl. Ki: EKi AFTEB 1550 SCALE OF MILES III I 1 10 20 4U 60 .;^' ^l KoU»T(._ East \ "^Friisland Cf Lroninijen >' ' T^^" " • ^ i jJ. Oldenburci , Ktovordei** ^^t; o u n t y. / ^I'rakenburtr' pholzf' Hoya ^venter / ^.-y V O. r ";fe"^'' \}fiiude^^ — >,\^ Minister i (^ \ .- \ ^-•.. . ^ , "bishopric iderborn,' i-dtr-^^^ ', qV^^ ' ■ ^'iiii,.,-.! -v^^_.' ,-' \ of/ Hes « Can Valenci "N Amiens ''A-Qufntin Cl-' .' Coblenzj rrc VfH^Xt A'n'tsaii ^ ^'^^ 18- XEFERENPE ^* Boundary of Empire Hapaburg Territories Ecclesiastical Territories O Imperial Cities s V , a ant. M^TtS, ENSa., N.Y. ;<V- St.Gt Longitude Glaniso East 8 from 52 50 18 ^ri \ Tyrol o B"^^?i^;\ ,, (jv^5') ^--r:-r:' \.^^ THE NEW MAP OF EUROPE 443 sovereign. Later, when Louis refused to ruin his people by en- forcing the Continental System rigidly, Napoleon deposed him, and annexed Holland to France, along with the whole north coast of Germany as far as Denmark. 2. In Italy the new republics and the old petty states were disposed of, one after another. Even the pope was deprived of his principality. When these changes were complete, Italy lay in three fairly equal divisions. In the south Napoleon's brother, Joseph, ruled as King of Naples ; and when Joseph was promoted in 1809 to the throne of Spain, he was succeeded in Naples by Murat, one of Napoleon's generals. In the northeast was the "Kingdom of Italy," with Napoleon himself as king — • as Charlemagne and Otto and their successors had been "kings of Italy" ! The rest of the peninsida icas made a part of France, and was organized as a French Department. 3. The Illyrian provinces on the eastern coast of the Adriatic were annexed directly to France. 4. Most important of all were the changes in Germany. To comprehend the significance of Napoleon's work there, one must first grasp the bewildering conditions before his inter- Germany ference. Until Napoleon, there ivas no true political Germany. Napoleon The Holy Roman Empire was made up of : (1) Two "great states," Austria and Prussia, each of them half Slavonic in blood ; (2) some thirty states of the " second rank," like Bavaria ; (3) about two hundred and fifty petty states of the "third order" (many of them under bishops or archbishops), ranging in size from a small duchy to a large farm, but averaging a few thousand inhabitants ; (4) some fifteen hundred "knights of the empire," who in England would have been country squires, but who in Germany were really in- dependent monarchs, with an average territory of three square miles, and some three hundred subjects apiece, over whom they held power of life and death; and (5) about fifty-six "free cities," all in misrule, governed by narrow aristocracies. Each of the two himdred and fifty states of the "third rank," like the larger ones, was aji absolute monarchy, with its own laws, its own mimic court and army, its own coinage, and its crowd 444 NAPOLEON EMPEROR Napoleon's beginnings of consolida- tion End of the Holy Roman Empire of pedantic officials. The "Sovereign Count" of Leimburg- Styrum-Wilhelmsdorf kept a standing army of one colonel, nine lower officers, and two privates ! Each of the fifteen hundred "'knights" had his own system of tariffs and taxes. Moreover, many a state of the second or third order consisted of several fragments ^ (obtained by accidents of marriage or war), sometimes widely scattered, — some of them perhaps wholly in- side a larger state to which politically they had no relation. No map can do justice to the quaint confusion of this region, about the size of Texas, thus broken into eighteen hundred gov- ernments varying from an empire to a small estate, and scattered in fragments within fragments. (Map after p. 314.) Napoleon reduced Austria to an inland state, and halved Prussia, thrusting it east of the Elbe, and, further, turning its recent Polish acquisitions into a new Duchy of War- saw. As another check upon the two leading states. Napoleon augmented the states of the second rank, raising several into kingdoms. And, from a general hatred for disorder and anarchy, he encouraged all these states to absorb the ecclesiastical realms and the territories of the knights and of the petty principalities within or adjoining their borders, along with nearly all the "free cities." Thus the "political crazy quilt" of eighteen hundred states was simplified to thirty-eight states. (This tremendous consolidation, surviving the rearrangements after Napoleon's fall, paved the way for later German unity.) Nearly all these German states, except Austria and Prussia, were leagued in the "Confederation of the Rhine," under Na- poleon as "Protector." This amounted to a dissolution of the Holy Roman Empire, and in 1806 Francis II laid down that venerable title. Napoleon himself posed as the successor of the Roman emperors. Francis was allowed to console himself with the title "Emperor of Austria," for his hereditary realms, instead of his previous title there, "Arch-Duke of Austria." Social re- form in Germany Napoleon's influence, too, began great social reforms in Ger- many. In the Confederation of the Rhine and in many.kingdonis ^ As indicated by such compound names as the one above. THE RUSSIAN CAMPAIGN 445 of Napoleon's })rothers and generals, serfdom and feudalism were al)olished, and civil equality and the "Code Napoleon" were introduced. Everywhere, too, the administration of justice was made cheap and simple, and the old clumsy and corrupt methods of government gave way to efficiency. Most striking of all was the reform in Prussia. In that state, Stein in reform came from a Prussian minister, and was adopted in order ^"^sia to make Prussia strong enough to cast off the French yoke. Jena had proved that the old Prussian system was utterly rotten. The guiding spirit in a new Prussian ministry was Stein, who labored to fit Prussia for leadership in freeing and regenerating Germany. The serfs were changed into free peasant-land- owners : the caste distinctions in society were broken down : some self-government w as granted to the towns ; and many of the best principles of the French reforms were adopted. Napoleon's insolence and the domination of the French , armies at last had forced part of Germany into the beginning of a new national patriotism; and that patriotism began to arm itself by borrowing w^eapons from the arsenal of the French Revolution. In 1810 Napoleon 's power had reached its widest limits. The Greatest huge bulk of France filled the space from the Ocean to the Rhine, Napoleon's including not only the France we know, but also Belgium, half sway of Switzerland, and large strips of German territory, — while from this central body two outward-curving arms reached to- ward the east, one along the North Sea to the Danish Peninsula, and the other down the coast of Italy past Rome. This vast territory was all organized in Fre7ich Departments. The rest of Italy and half the rest of Germany were under Napoleon's "protection," and w^ere ruled by his appointees. Denmark and Switzerland, too, were his dependent allies ; and Prussia and Austria were unwilling ones. Only the extremities of the continent kept their independence, and even there, Sweden and Russia were his friends. But Russia ivas growing hostile. Alexander was offended by the partial restoration of Poland (as the Duchy of Warsaw). 446 THE RUSSIAN CAMPAIGN The " Re- treat from Moscow " Battle of Leipzig The Continental System, too, was growing more and more bur- densome. Russia needed English markets, and in 1811 the Tsar refused longer to enforce the "System." Napoleon at once declared war. In 1812 he invaded Russia and penetrated to Moscow. The Russians set fire to the city, so that it should not afford him winter quarters ; but, with rare indecision, he stayed there five weeks, hoping in vain that the Tsar would offer to submit. Then, too late, in the middle of Rising of the Pia .-.:.-.:,.- .voaixst Xavull-us is Ibi'-S. — The people were often rallied by their pastors, as represented here by the Prussian | artist, Arthur Karapf. October, when the Russian winter was already upon them, the French began the terrible "Retreat from Moscow," fighting desperately each foot of the way against cold, starvation, and clouds of Cossack cavalry. Nine weeks later, twenty thousand miserable scarecrows recrossed the Niemen. The "Grand Army," a half million strong, had left its bones among Russian snows. ; The Russians kept up the pursuit into Germany, and the enthusiasm of the Prussian people forced its government to declare against Napoleon. University professors enlisted at the head of companies of their students in a " war of liberation." ■"... *^ y^^^M'iy > X H i P i' 1 g^ NAPOLEON'S OVERTHROW 447 Women gave their jewels and even their hair, to buy arms and supplies. The next summer, Austria also took up arms. By tremendous efforts, Napoleon raised a new army of boys and old men from exhausted France, and for a time he kept the field victoriously in Germany ; but in October, 1813, he met crushing defeat at Leipzig, in the " Battle of the Nations." Napoleon retreated across the Rhine. His vassal kings fled Fall of from their thrones, and most of the small states now joined his ^^° ^°" enemies. England, Russia, Austria, and Prussia, acting in close concert, took to themselves the name "The Allies." They now offered to leave Napoleon his crown, with the Rhine for the boundary of France. When these terms were haughtily refused, the Allies invaded France at several points, and, in spite of Napoleon's superb defense, they entered Paris victoriously in March, 1814, and dictated peace. Napoleon was given a large allowance, and granted the island of Elba, in the Mediterranean, as an independent principality. The Bourbon heir to the French throne, one of the Emigrant brothers of Louis XVI, appeared, promised a constitution to France, and was quietly recognized by the French Senate as Louis XVII L^ To make this arrangement popular, the Allies granted liberal terms of peace. France kept her territory as it was before the Revolution. The Allies withdrew their ar- mies without imposing any war indemnity, such as France had exacted repeatedly from other countries ; nor did they even take back the works of art that French armies had plundered from so many famous galleries in Europe. For Further Reading. — The best brief accounts are Stephens' Revolutionary Europe, 1789-1815, Rose's Revolutionary and Napoleonic Era, and Rose's Napoleon the First. Anderson's Constitutions and Docu- ments has an admirable selection of source material. 1 The son of Louis XVI had died in prison at Paris in 1795. According to the theory that he began to reign upon his father's death in 1793, he is known as Louis XVII. PAET XI - REACTION, 1815-1848 Political chaos in Europe The Con- gress of Vienna CHAPTER XLVII REACTION IN THE SADDLE, 1815-1820 I. THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA Napoleon had wiped away the old map of Europe, and now his map fell to pieces. All the districts which had been annexed to France since 1792, and all the states which had been created by Napoleon, were left without governments. The old rulers of these states were clamorinc^ for restoration. Other rulers wanted new acquisitions to pay for their exertions against Na- poleon. There was also a fear per\'ading Europe that from France either new and dangerous "Revolutionary" ideas or a new military conqueror might overrun the world. To settle these problems — to arrange for "restoration," "reparation," and "guarantees" — the four "Allies" invited all the sover- eigns of Europe to a " Peace Congress." The Congress of Vienna assembled in November, 1814. The crowd of smaller monarchs and princes were entertained by their Austrian host in a constant round of masques and revels, while the four great Allies (Russia, Austria, Prussia, England) did the work in private committee. From time to time, as they reached agreements, they announced results to the Con- gress for public ratification. The territorial rearrangements fall under three heads. 1. Italy ivas left in twelve states, and Germany in thirty -eight. These were all restored to their old ruling families. (The other phases of the "restoration" can be treated most conveniently in the next chapter.) 448 > X X 9 3 o O a a H CONGRESS OF VIENNA 449 2. The states along the French frontier icere strengthened, as one Territorial "guarantee'' against future aggression by France. (1) Holland ^ents"^^ was made into the Kingdom of the Netherlands, under the House " restora- of Orange, and Belgium was added to it, although the Belgians *^°^^ wished to be independent and objected very strongly to being ag^ins" ^^ made Dutch. (2) Nice and Savoy were given back to the King- French dom of Sardinia,^ to which was added also the old Republic of Genoa. (3) German territory west of the Rhine, now taken back from France, was divided between Prussia and Bavaria. (4) The Congress guaranteed the "neutrality" of Switzerland, promising that all woidd join in punishing any country which in future wars should march troops through that state. Thus the entire European frontier next France from the North Sea to the Mediterranean, was powerfully guarded. 3. The remaining rearrangements had to do, directly or in- directly, with " comjjeiisating" the Allies for their exertions and losses. Under cover of high-sounding phrases about founding "a durable peace based upon a just division of power," the Congress became "a Congress for loot" and began a disgraceful scramble for spoils. (1) England had stood out alone for years against the whole Plunder for power of Napoleon, and she had incurred an enormous national *^® Allies debt by acting as paymaster of the various coalitions. In re- payment she now kept Malta, the Ionian Islands, Cape Colony, Ceylon, and a f%w other colonial acquisitions, mainly from the old Dutch empire, which she had occupied during the war. This left England the one great colonial power. Spain and Hol- land still had some possessions outside Europe ; but their hold- ings were insignificant beside England's. (2) Austria received back all her lost territory except distant Belgium, in place of which she accepted Venetia and Lombardy — much to the distaste of the inhabitants of those districts. (3) Alexander, Tsar of Russia, secured Finland from Sweden ; 1 Sardinia had been part of the "Piedmont" ("Foot of the Mountain") state in North Italy. When Savoy, and the rest of that state upon the main- land, fell to France, Sardinia remained for a time the sole possession of the "House of Savoy," and afterward gave its name to the whole of the restored state. 450 REACTION VICTORIOUS and he demanded also further reward in Poland. The Duchy of Warsaw (p. 444), he insisted, should be made into a kingdom of Poland, and he should be the king. But this plan conflicted with Prussian ambition. (4) Prussia gained Pomerania from Sweden ; but the Prus- sian king insisted also upon regaining the Polish provinces that Napoleon had taken from him for the Duchy of Warsaw. Alex- ander promised to aid Prussia to get Saxony instead. The king of Saxony had been a zealous ally of Napoleon to the last ; and so. Ale ander urged, it would be proper to make an exception in his case to the careful respect shown by the conquerors to all other " legitimate rulers." The Allies Prussia was ready to accept this ; but Austria feared such nearly fall extension of Prussia toward the heart of Germany, and vehe- mently opposed the plan. England took her side. Thus the four xVllies were divided, Russia and Prussia against Austria and England, and came to the verge of war with one another. Perhaps the most interesting result of this was the way in which France wormed her way hack into the European circle. The Allies had meant to give that "outlaw nation" no voice whatever at the peace table. But Talleyrand, the shrewd French diplo- mat, was present at Vienna as a looker-on ; and now, by offering French aid to Austria and England at a critical moment, he won a place for his country in the Congress. Finally a com- promise was made — the more readily that Napdfeon had broken loose. In addition to her gain of Pomerania, Prussia took half of Saxony and considerable German territory, recovered from France, icest of the Rhine. It should be noted that Sweden, which in the time of Peter the Great had surrounded the Baltic, had now retired wholly into the northern peninsula. There, however, she found some compensation. Denmark (which had been the ally of Na- poleon) now had to surrender Norioay, and this land the Congress of Vienna turned over to Sweden in return for Finland and Pomerania. How, out of this arrangement, the Norwegians won independence in a ninety years' struggle is told in a later chapter, — one of the finest stories of the nineteenth century. 452 REACTION VICTORIOUS A peace of kings, not of peoples (3) to restore the works of art which Napoleon's armies had plundered from European galleries. During the "Hundred Days," of Napoleon's rule, the Con- gress finished its work. That ''assemblage of princes and lackeys'' stood for reaction. As an English historian says, — "It complacently set to work to turn back the hands of time to the historic hour at which they stood before the Bastille fell." It represented kings, not peoples. All the republics which had appeared since the French Revolution, and also the old republics (the United Provinces, Venice, and Genoa), were given to Napoleon after Surrender. — Fearing that the other allies might take his life after Waterloo, he hastened to surrender to the British frigate Bellerophon. monarchs. " Republics," said the Austrian Metternich (p. 453), "seem to have gone out of fashion." Switzerland was the only republic left in Europe, — and it was given an inefficient, loose union, far less effective than it had enjoyed under Napoleon's supremacy. Peoples were never consulted. The Congress trans- ferred Belgians, Norwegians, Poles, Venetians, from freedom to a master, or from one master to another, — in every case against their fierce resentment. The next hundred years were to be busied very largely in undoing this work — until not one stone of the building was left upon another. THE RULE OF METTERNICH 453 II. THE RULE OF METTERNICH For five years, reaction and despotism held the stage. In Absurdities man}' states, especially in the pettier ones, the restoration of the ^. oft^^^ old rulers was accompanied by ludicrous absurdities. The 1815 princes who had scampered away before the French eagles came back to show that they had " learned nothing and forgotten nothing." They set out to ignore the past twenty years. In France a school history spoke of Austerlitz as " a victory gained by General Bonaparte, a lieutenant of the king"! The king of Sardinia restored serfdom. The Papal States and Spain again set up the Inquisition. In some places French plants were uprooted from the botanical gardens, and street lamps and vaccination were abolished because they were "French improvements." The statesmen of the Great Powers must have smiled to themselves at some of these extremes ; but they, too, almost universally strove to suppress progress. Five states — Russia, Austria, Prussia, France, and England — really deter- mined the policy of Europe. The first four were "divine right" monarchies. Louis XVIII gave France a limited Charter, but it carefully preserved the theory of divine right. That theory, of course, could have no place in England, where the monarchy rested on the Revolution of 1688 ; but even in England the Whigs were discredited, because they had sympathized at first with the French Revolution. For some years the government there was in the hands of the Tory party, which was bitterly opposed to progress. "The rule of Napoleon was succeeded by the rule of Met- Metternich, ternich" — the Austrian minister. Metternich was subtle, the evU ]..,.. genius of adroit, mdustrious, witty, unscrupulous. His political creed the reaction he summed up thus : " Sovereigns alone are entitled to guide the destinies of their peoples, and they are responsible to none but God. . . . Government is no more a subject for debate than religion is." The "new ideas" of democracy and equality and nationality ^ ought never to have been allowed to get into ^ The sentiment of nationality is the feeling among all the people of one ri.v.e, speech, and country that they should make one political state, or be- 454 REACTION VICTORIOUS Europe, he said ; but, since they were in, the business of gov- ernments must be to keep them down. The Liberals of Europe had greeted Napoleon's overthrow with joyous acclaim ; but soon it seemed that Waterloo had simply "replaced one insolent giant by a swarm of swaggering pygmies." The Allied despots had roused the peoples, with promises of constitutions, to overthrow a rival despot, and then they betrayed the peoples and recalled their promises only as a jest. A few months after Waterloo, the English poet Byron lamented that " the chain of banded nations has been broke in vain by the accord of raised-up millions"; and, "standing on an Empire's dust" at the scene of the great battle, and noting "How that red rain has made the harvest grow," he mused : "Gaul may champ the bit and foam in fetters, But is Earth more free? Did nations combat to make one submit, Or league to teach all kings true sovereignty? . . . Then o'er one fallen despot boast no more." The Metternich's chief victory at the Congress of Vienna lay in Germanic ^^^^, ^^^,^^, organization of Germany. No one thought of restoring tion the discredited Holy Roman Empire. Liberal Germany, rep- resented by Stein (p. 445), had hoped for a real union, either in a consolidated German Empire or in a new federal state. But Metternich saw that in a true German empire, Austria (with her Slav, Hungarian, and Italian interests) could not long keep the lead against Prussia. He preferred to leave the various states practically independent, so that Austria, the largest of all, might play them off against one another. The small rulers, too, were hostile to a real union, because it would limit their sovereignties. Metternich allied himself, in the Congress, with these princes of the small states, and won. The thirty- eight German states were organized into a " Germanic Confeder- ation," a loose league of thirty-four sovereign princes and of the governments of the surviving "free cities," — -Hamburg, come a "nation." This feeUng tended to draw all Germans into one German state, and all Italians into one Italian state. In any conglomerate state, Hke Austria in that day, the feeling of nationality was likely to be a dis- rupting force. THE GERMANIC CONFEDERATION 455 Bremen, Liibeck, and Frankfort. Each state controlled its own government, its own army, its own tariffs, and its own foreign diplomacy, — although they did promise not to make war upon one another. The one organ of the Confederation was a Federal Diet at Frankfort. This was merely a standing conference of ambassadors appointed by the sovereigns : no im- portant action could be taken without the consent of r'rt-n/ state. But though the chance for making one German nation had a few con- been lost, the Liberals still hoped, for a time, for free political stitutions institutions in the separate states. Within the next four years, moderately liberal constitutions were granted in several states^ especially in South Germany, where the people had been greatly mfluenced by the French Revolution. Frederick William III of Prussia, also, appointed a committee to draw up the consti- tution that he had twice promised solemnly in the war of libera- tion. But he was a vacillating man, greatly influenced bv the nobles, who railed bitterly at the idea of free institutions ; and after the committee had dawdled along for four years, he repu- diated his pledge. Outside the Rhine districts the Liberals were made up of Disappoint- writers, journalists, students, professors, and a few others from °^^"t ^^^ the small educated middle class. In the universities, professors aSn and students organized societies (Burschenschaften) to agitate for German freedom and union. Some boyish demonstrations by such societies threw sober statesmen into spasms of fear, and seemed to them to prelude a revolutionary ^'Reign of Terror." Unhappily, Metternich's hand was strengthened also by the foohsh crimes of some Liberal enthusiasts. A small section of radical agitators preached that even assassination in the cause oi liberty was right ; and, in 1819, a fanatical student murdered Kotzebue a Russian representative in Germany, who was sup- posed to be drawing the Tsar away from his earlier liberal sym- pathies. Metternich was prompt to seize the chance. He at once called The Karls- the leading sovereigns of Germany to a conference at Karlsbad '"<' decrees 1 here he secured their approval for a series of resolutions, which he afterward forced through the Diet at Frankfort These 456 THE GERMANIC CONFEDERATION Karlsbad Decrees of 1819 were especially directed against free speech in the press and in the universities. They forbade secret societies among students ; they appointed a government official in every university to discharge any professor who should preach doctrines "hostile to the public order"; they set up a rigid censorship of all printed matter ; they created a standing com- mittee to hunt down conspiracies ; and these despotic purposes were enforced for many years by the exile or cruel imprisonment of thousands of high-souled youths and gentle scholars, — for singing patriotic songs or for wearing black, red, and orange (the colors of the old Empire), which had become the symbol of German unity. ^ For Further Reading. — The most desirable general treatment of the nineteenth century for high schools is Hazen's Europe Since 1815. DupHcate copies of this work will be better than a multiplicity of refer- ences ; but students should have access also to Andrews' Modern Europe, Seignobos' Europe Since 1814, and Carlton Hayes' Modern Europe, II. Exercise. — Add to the list of dates 1776, 1789, 1815. 1 These colors had been used as the flag of the patriotic uprising against Napoleon in 1814 ; but their use was now punished severely — even in such ingeniously evasive combinations as a black coat, a yellow (straw) hat, and a red vest ! CHAPTER XLVIII UNSUCCESSFUL REVOLUTIONS, 1820-1830 T-he histonj of the nineteenth century is the history of the influences which the French Revolution left. — Frederic Harrison. No land touched by the French Revolution was ever again quite the same — l^REDERICK A. OgG. The first attacks upon Metternich's system came from the The south of Europe. The Spanish patriots who rose in 1808 Spanish against Napoleon (p. 442) found themselves without a govern- tionofTs^xV ment. Their king was in the hands of the French. The in- surgent leaders came largely from the small, educated middle class, who had been converted to the ideals of the early French Revolution. These leaders set up a representative assembly (the Cortes), and, in 1812, they adopted the liberal "Constitu- tion ot 1812" (modeled upon the French Constitution of 1/91). Meantime, when Napoleon seized Spain, the Spanish Ameri- independ- can states refused to recognize his authority, and so became '»« °' virtually independent, under governments of their own. At l^t^ hrst, most of these new governments were in name loval to the Spanish crown. During the next few years, however, 'the Span- ish Americans experienced the benefits of freedom and of free trade with the world, and began to follow the example of the United States, which had so recently been merely a group of European colonies. By 1820, all the Spanish states on the con- tinent of America had become virtually independent nations. tuined to his throne. He had promised to maintain the new "^^^'^i- constitution ; but he soon broke his pledges, restored all the old "'"" imquities, and cruelly persecuted the Liberal heroes of the "war of liberation." I„ 1820 he collected troops to subdue the re- 457 458 REACTION AND REVOLUTION AFTER 1820 The Spanish Revolution of 1820 Revolution spreads through the south of Europe volted colonies ; but one of the regiments, instead of embarking, raised the standard of revolt and proclaimed the Constitution of 1812. Tumult followed in Madrid. The king, cowardly as he was treacherous, yielded, and restored the constitution. This Spanish Revolution of 1820 became the signal for like attempts in other states. Before the year closed, Portugal and Naples both forced their kings to grant constitutions modeled upon that of Spain. Early in the next year, the people and army of Piedmont rebelled, to secure a constitution for the Kingdom of Sardinia. Lombardy and Venetia stirred rest- lessly in the grasp of Austria. And the Greeks began a long struggle for independence against Turkey. Interven- tion by ' the Holy Alliance England protests Spanish constitu- tionahsm crushed We have seen how Metternich used the Germanic Confeder- acy, designed for protection against foreign attack, to stifle liberalism in Germany. We are now to observe how he adroitly twisted an alliance of monarchs from its original purpose in order to crush these revolutions in Southern Europe. After Waterloo, while the four "Allies" were still in Paris (November 20, 1815), they agreed to preserve their union and to hold meetings from time to time. The purpose was to guard against any future aggression by France. But when the rev- olutions of 1820 began, Metternich assembled the absolute sov- ereigns of Austria, Russia, and Prussia in a "Congress" at Troppau, where they signed a declaration that they would unite to put down revolution against any established government. England protested, both before and after the meeting, de- claring that each nation should manage its internal affairs as it chose, and on this issue, she now withdrew from the alliance of 1815 — which from this time is known popularly as the Holy Alliance.^ Undaunted by England's opposition, the banded despots promptly marched overwhelming armies into Italy and restored absolutism in both Naples and Piedmont; and then, flushed with success, determined next to overthrow also the Spanish 1 The confusion which explains this name is discussed in West's Modern Progress, 342. THE HOLY ALLIANCE 459 constitution, from which the "contagion of liberty" had spread. In 1822, at a Congress at Verona, they were joined by France. England again protested vigorously. The French representative tried to reconcile England by pleading that a constitution might be all very well in Spain, but that it should be a constitution granted by the king, not one forced upon him by rebels against his authority. Wel- lington, the English repre- sentative, Tory though he was, fitly answered this "divine right" plea: "Do you not know, sir, that it is not kings who make con- stitutions, but constitutions that make kings ! " But on land, England could do no more than protest, and, with the sanc- tion of the "crowned con- spirators of Verona," a French army restored the old absolutism in Spain. The "Holy Alliance" planned also to restore ^he Duke of Wellington. monarchic control in the revolted Spanish colonies. But here they failed. On the sea England wa& supreme ; and she made it known that she would oppose the intended expedition with all her great might. Once more, as in Napoleon's day and in Philip II's, the English sea power saved liberty. America shares in the credit of checking the despots. Can- ning, the English minister, urged the United States to join Eng- land in an alliance to protect Spanish America. The United States chose to act without formal alliance,^ but did act along the same lines. President Monroe's message to Congress in 1823 announced to the world that this country would oppose any 1 See West's American People, p. 425 ff. Spanish America saved by England and the Monroe Doctrine 460 REACTION AND REVOLUTION AFTER 1820 Greek inde- pendence secured Battle of Navarino attempt of the despotic Powers to extend their "political sys- tem" to America.^ Almost at once Metternich met another check, in the affairs of Greece. The rising there had been accompanied by terrible massacres of all Turks dwelling in the country, and the exasper- ated Turkish government was now putting dawn the rebellion by a war of extermination. For a time Metternich hoped to bring about intervention by the allied Powers to restore Turkish authority ; but he failed from two causes. 1. The educated classes of Western Europe had been nourished mainly on the ancient Greek literature, and now their imagination was fired by the thought that this struggle against the Turks was a contest akin to the glorious ancient war against the Per- sians. The man who did most to widen this sympathy was Byron, the English poet, who closed a career of mingled genius and generosity and wrongdoing by a noble self-devotion, giving fortune and life to the Greek cause. Numbers of volunteers, aroused by his passionate lyrics, followed him to fight for Greek liberty, and before any government had taken action, the Turks complained that they had to contend with all Europe. 2. The Russian people felt a deep sympathy for the Greeks as their co-religionists, and a deeper hatred for the Turks as their hereditary foes, so that the Tsar could not join in open intervention against the revolution. Finally, indeed, intervention came, but for the Greeks. The English, French, and Russian fleets had proceeded to Greece to enforce a truce, so as to permit negotiation. The three fleets were acting together under the lead of the English admiral, who hap- pened to be the senior officer. Almost by chance, and chiefly through the excited feelings of the common sailors, the fleets came into conflict with the Turkish fleet, and annihilated it in the battle of Navarino (October, 1827). The English com- mander had gone beyond his instructions, but excited public feeling gave the government no chance to disown him. So the three Powers forced Turkey to grant independence to the Greeks. ^ This is one part of the famous Monroe Doctrine. SECOND FRENCH REVOLUTION 461 Elsewhere, however, Metternich was triumphant. For. ten years after the overthrow of the gallant Spanish Revolution, the reactionists had things their own way from England to Greece. The next attack on Metternich'' s system came from France in 1830. When Louis XVIII became king of France (p. 447) he knew The French that the people must have some assurance of those personal ^^^ ®^ ° liberties which they had won in the Revolution. Accordingly he gave to the nation the "Charter of 1815." In this way he saved the theory of "divine right" ; and the preamble expressly declared the king the source of all authority. Still this grant gave the people of France more freedom than any other large country on the continent then had, — confirming religious lib- erty, equality before the law, free speech, and freedom of the press. Political liberty, however, was extremely limited. There was provided a legislature of two Houses, — the Peers (appointed by the king) and the Deputies ; but the property qualification for voting was put so high that only about one out of seventy adult males had any voice in the elections. More- over, the king kept an absolute veto and the sole right to propose laws, along with Napoleon's system of control over all local ad- ministration. In 1824 the shrewd Louis was succeeded by his arbitrary and Charles X extremely reactionary brother, Charles X. Now the govern- ment curtailed the freedom of the press, closed the historical lectures of Guizot (a very moderate Liberal), and plundered $200,000,000 from the treasury for returned Emigrants. It was plain, too, that the king was bent upon restoring to the church its old lands and its old control over education, and upon punishing the old Revolutionists. In 1827 came the election of a new Chamber of Deputies, and, despite the narrow electorate, that body had a large majority of Liberals, vehemently opposed to the king's policy. Charles tried to disregard that majority and to keep his old ministers in power ; but (March 2, 1830) the Assembly, by a vote of 221 to 182, adopted a bold address calling for the dismissal of the ministry, — "that menace to public safety." Charles instead 462 REACTION AND REVOLUTION AFTER 1820 The " July Ordi- nances " of 1830 The " July Days " The end of divine right in France A limited monarchy dissolved the Chamber. Public interest was intense, and the aged Lafayette journeyed through France to organize the Liber- als for the next contest at the polls. The new elections in June destroyed the reactionary party. Every deputy who had voted against the ministry was reelected, and the Liberals gained also fifty of the remaining seats. Twice defeated by the votes of even the oligarchic landlords, but no whit daunted, the stubborn monarch tried a coup d'etat. He suspended the Charter by a series of edicts, known as the July Ordinances. These Ordinances (1) forbade the publication of newspapers without royal approval, (2) dissolved the new legislature (which had not yet met), and (3) promulgated a new law for elections so as to put control into the hands of a still smaller class of great landlords. The Ordinances were published July 26, 1830. That day, forty-one journalists of Paris, led by the young Thiers,^ printed a protest, declaring the Ordinances illegal and calling upon France to resist them. The journalists had in mind only legal resistance, not violence ; but there were in Paris a few old Rev- olutionists who were ready to go further. The same evening these radicals appointed "Committees of Insurrection" for the various districts of the city. The next morning angry crowds thronged the streets, and threw up barricades out of paving stones. That night Lafayette reached Paris, to take charge of the revolt. The regular troops made only half-hearted resist- ance. They lacked good leadership, and they hated to fire on the rebel flag, — the old tricolor. About four thousand men were slain in three days' fighting. Then Charles fled to England. Outside Paris, there was no fighting, hut the natioti gladly accepted this "Second French Revolution.'' The "divine-right monarchy" in France was now replaced by a constitutional kingship. The legislature, which Charles had tried to dissolve, restored the tricolor as the flag of France, made the Charter into a more liberal constitution, and then » Thiers had been preaching boldly in his newspaper the English constitu- tional doctrine, — "The king reigns; he does not govern.'' X X X ^ 'm..^^^^^ .^m piM o CO a 2 K pq GAINS FOR FRANCE AND BELGIUM 463 offered the crown to Louis Philippe^ (a distant cousin of Charles), on condition that he accept this amended Charter. The old Charter had declared that the king ruled "by the grace of God." The new document added the words, ''and by the will of the na- tion. '' In this vital respect, the Second French Revolution corre- The Charter sponded to the English Revolution of 1688. In other ways it ^^^^nded did not go so far. It did give to the legislature the right to introduce bills, and it doubled the number of voters, extending the franchise to all who paid forty dollars in direct taxes ; but this still left twenty-nine men out of thirty without votes. The revolution was not confined to France. For a moment, Spread of Metternich's system tottered over Europe. Belgium broke away from the king of Holland, to whom the Congress of Vienna had given it. Poland rose against the Tsar, to whom the Con- gress had given it. The states of Italy rose against Austria and the Austrian satellites, to whom the Congress had given them. And in Germany there were uprisings in all absolutist states, to demand the constitutions which the Congress had not given. The final gains, however, were not vast. Belgium did become Gains and an independent monarchy, with the most liberal constitution bosses in on the continent. And France, besides her own gains, was def- initely lost to the Holy Alliance of divine-right despots. (In- deed France joined England in protecting Belgium by arms igainst * intervention" — so that Metternich called London and Paris *' the two mad-houses of Europe.") But Tsar Nicho- las crushed the Poles, took away the constitution that Alex- ander had given them during his rule, and made Alexander's "Kingdom of Poland" into a mere Russian province. Aus- tria crushed the Italian revolts ; and then, his hands free once more, Metternich restored "order" (and despotism) in the disturbed German states. 1 As a youth Louis Philippe had taken the side of the First Revolution in 1789, and had fought gallantly in the French Revolutionary armies, until the extremists drove him into exile. Then, instead of joining the royalist emigrants in their attacks on France, he had fled to England and America, — where he earned his li\'ing by teaching French. 464 REACTION AND REVOLUTION AFTER 1820 Still, reaction had lost much of its confidence ; and when the next year of revolutions came, Metternich's system fell forever in Western Europe. That successful " Revolution of 1848 '* began in France, but it was the work of a new class of working- men, — factory workers, — who themselves were the product of a new industrial system that had grown up first in England. We must go back for that story. )l PLATE LXXXI Abovk. — Farm Tools in ISOO. — There were none others except the wagon — and the new and very rare (and very crude) threshing machine. Below.- — Modern Plowing. — These two cuts suggest only faintly the change that a hundred years has worked in agriculture. The tractor, steam or gasoline, is an American invention. Note the width of the swath. The movement forward is far more rapid than any horse team can go with one plowshare. Note the comfort in which the men work. And the difference between the plows of 1800 and of 1900 is less striking than the difference between the amount of farm machinery then and now. CHAPTER XLIX ENGLAND AND THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION While France was giving the world her first great social and The " In- political revolution, with noise and blood, toward the close of ^"^*"^1. . Revolution the eighteenth century, England had been working out quietly an even greater revolution which was to change the work and daily life of the masses of men and women and children over all the world. This " revolution" was at first a change in the ways in which certain kinds of work were done ; so we call it " the In- dustrial Revolution." It was not wrought by kings, or generals, but by humble workers busied in homely toil, puzzling day after day over wheels and belts and rollers and levers, seeking some way to save time. Our life and labor differ far more widely from that of our Little great-great-grandfathers in the time of the American Revolu- p^ange in ... . . industry for tion, than their life and labor differed from that of men in the looo years time of Charlemagne a thousand years before. In the days of ^^^o^^ ^750 Voltaire and George Washington, men raised grain, and wove cloth, and carried their spare products to market, in almost pre- cisely the same way in which these things had been done for six thousand years. The first improvements came in England. Early in the eight- The revo- eenth centurv, landlords there had introduced a better system of li^*^°? ^J^ , " , , . ./ .' Enghsh "crop-rotation,'^ raising roots like beets and turnips on the field agriculture formerly left fallow (p. 275). The added root crops made it possi- ble to feed more cattle — which furnished more manure, which in- creased all crops. Mechanical invention in agriculture came a little later. In 1785 the first threshing machine was invented, and enterprising "gentlemen farmers" soon began to use it ; but it was exceedingh' crude. The cradle scythe — a hand tool, but a vast improvement on the old sickle for harvesting grain — was 465 466 THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION The revolu- tion in transporta- tion Weaving and spinning patented in America in 1803. The cast-iron plow ^ appeared about 1800, permitting deeper plowing and more rapid work ; but for some time, even in America, farmers were generally preju- diced against it, asserting that the iron "poisoned" the ground. When these changes in agricultural production were just be- ginning there came also a change in transportation. Merchan- dise had been carried from place to place on pack horses ; and travel was on horseback , or (on a few roads) by clumsy slow six- horse coaches. But about 1750 England began building "turn- pikes" (with frequent barriers where tolls were collected from travelers to keep up repairs) ; a Scotch engineer, MacAdam, gave his name to "Macadamized" roads; and soon extensive canals (with " locks " to permit a boat to pass from one level to another) began to care for most of the bulky commerce. The change that was really to revolutionize society, how- ever, came in manufacturing, and first in spinning. In Queen Elizabeth's time, the fiber of flax or wool was drawn into thread by the distaff and spindle, as among the Stone- Age w omen. But in the seventeenth century in England, the distaff was replaced by the spinning wheel, — run first by one hand, but afterward by the foot of the spinner. Even the wheel, however (such as may now and then still be found tucked away in an old attic), drew out only one thread at a time. To spin thread enough to weave into the cloth for a family's clothing was a serious task. Weav- ers didn't get thread fact enough, and in 1761 the English Royal Society for the Encouragement of Manufactures offered a prize for an invention for swifter spinning. Three years later, in 1764 (just before Parliament passed the Stamp Act), an Eng- lish weaver, James Hargreaves, noticed that his wife's spinning wheel, tipped over on the floor, kept whirling away for a sur- prising time. Taking a hint from this new position, he invented a machine where one wheel turned eight spindles, and spun eight threads, instead of one. Hargreaves called the new machine the "Jenny," from his wife's name. 1 Improvements on the plow began with experiments on the shape of the mold board by Thomas Jefferson in Virginia. IN TEXTILE INDUSTRY 467 The thread was not satisfactory, however, for all parts of cloth Water manufacture ; but in 1775 Richard Arkwriqhi, a harher and ped- P°'^^'' ^^^ J, 1 . 1 p • . , . hand power dler, devised a new sort oi spinner without spindles. He ran CovvrigJit by Underwood & Underwooa A Spinning Wheel found in use recently in a Swiss home. his wool or cotton through a series of rollers revolving at different rates, to draw out the thread ; and he drove these rollers by water power, not b\^ hand, and so called his machine a " Water Frame.'' Four years later (1779), Samuel Crompton, an English weaver, ingeniously combined the best features of the "Jenny" and the ^m THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION ''Water Frame ' into a new machine which he called "the mule^* — in honor of this mixed parentage. With "the mule," one spinner could spin two hundred threads at a time. Now the wearers could not keep up. They were still using the hand loom, older than history. Threads were drawn out length- Copyriyiu by Underwood & Underwood A Primitive Loom in use in Japan to-day. The cotton gin and the supply of cotton wise on a frame, so making the warp. Then the weaver drove his shuttle by hand back and forth between those threads with the woof (cross threads). But now (1784) Edmund Cartwright, a clergyman of the Church of England, patented a ^^ power loom," in which the shuttle threw itself back and forth automatically ; and by later improvements it became possible for one man to weave more cloth in 1800 than two hundred could in 1770. The next need was more cotton ready to spin. Eli Whitney, in America, met this by inventing his Cotton Gin, wherewith one slave could clean as much cotton fiber from the seed as three hundred had been able to clean before. At almost the same time • PLATE LXXXII Above. — Twentieth-century Spinning Machinery — which, with • very little human labor, spins thousands of threads at once. Below. — A Modern Power Loom. STEAM AND IRON 469 a way was found to bleach cloth swiftly, by chemicals, instead of slowly by air and sun as formerly. Then came James Watt to supply a new power to run The steam this new machinery. Before 1300, Roger Bacon had specu- ®^sine lated on the expansive power of steam as a motive power, and a nobleman of Charles I's time constructed a steam engine that pumped water. Inventor and invention perished Courtesy of the Library of Congi tA* An Early Cotton Gin. in the Civil War that followed ; ^ but, a hundred years later, steam engines began to be used in England to draw water out of flooded mines. These engines, however, had only an up-and-down movement ; they were clumsy and slow ; and they wasted steam and fuel. James Watt, an instrument- maker, was called upon to repair a model for such an engine, and became interested in removing these defects. By 1785, he had constructed engines that worked much more swiftly, eco- nomically, and powerfully, and which could transmit their power to wheels (and so drive machinery) by an arrangement of shafts and cranks. In 1785 steam was first used to drive spinning ma- chinery. Fifteen years later, there were more steam engines in 1 George MacDonald's St. George and St. Michael tells the story. 470 THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION Improve- ments in working iron The steamboat The railway England than water wheels, and four had found their way to America. One more series of inventions completed this wonderful circle of the eighteenth century. Engines and power machines could be built in a satisfactory manner only from iron ; but the man- ufacture of iron was still slow and costly, and the product was poor stuff. In 1 790, however, steam began to be used to furnish a new blowing apparatus which gave a steady blast of air, in place of the old bellows and like arrangements. This soon made pos- sible more rapid and more perfect work in iron. New and better ways, too, were found to change the brittle "castings" into mal- leable "wrought" iron. Thus, by 1800, the " age of steam and iron'' had begun in Eng- land, and to some degree in America. The continent of Europe was closed against it some years longer by Napoleon's Continen- tal System. This is the convenient place to note two applications of the steam engine to locomotion, and also a few other inventions of the following half-century — more in America now than in England. In America the chief need was to apply steam to locomotion, and first (with our tremendous distances and lack of roads) to locomotion by ivatcr. As early as 1787 James Rumsey of Virginia ran a steaml)oat on the Potomac, and at almost the same time John Fitch and Oliver Evans did the like on the Susquehanna at Philadelphia. But no one of these neglected and broken- hearted geniuses could find capital willing to back the invention. Some twenty years later, however, Robert Fulton was more for- tunate.^ He secured money from Chancellor Livingstone of New York : and in 1807 his Clermont made its trial trip up the Hudson, 150 miles in 32 hours. Since steam could drive boats, why not coaches on land? Horse tramways had been used in England for many years to carry coal from a mine to a canal, and soon after 1800 a Cor- 1 Fulton offered his invention first to Napoleon, as a means of transporting his waiting troops from Boulogne to England (p. 439). Happily, Napoleon thought him a faker. PLATE LXXXIII Above. — Fulton'^ Ciu//,<-u,a. — From a model in the National Museum at Washington. ■" Below, — The modern steamship Brittanlc of the White Star Line. SPREADS TO AMERICA 471 nishman used a stationary steam engine to furnish the power for a short tramway. But the problem was to get a traveling engine. In 1814 George Stephenson succeeded in building a "locomo- tive" able to haul coal carts on tramways, and in 1825 a pas- senger line (twelve miles long) was opened in England. In 1833 a steam railway carried passengers from London to Liverpool in ten hours (a four-hour ride now), whereas the stage coach took sixty. The railway age had begun. And in many other ways, soon after 1800, mechanical inven- Other lead- tion began to affect life. From the beginning of George Wash- t^^/^j^^en- ington's administration to 1812, the American Patent Office tions — to registered less than eighty new inventions a year. From 1812 ' ^^ to 1820 the number rose to about 200 a year, and in 1830 there were 544 new patents issued. Twenty years later the thousand mark was passed, and in 1860 there were five thousand. A like movement, if not quite so swift, was taking place also in England. These inventions mostly saved time or helped to make life more comfortable or more attractive. A few cases onl}^ can be men- tioned from the bewildering mass. The McCormick reaper (to be drawn by horses) appeared in 1831, and soon multiplied the farmer's efficiency in the harvest field b\^ twenty. (This re- leased many men from food-production, and made more possible the growth of cities and of manufactures.) Planing mills created a new industry in woodworking. "Coifs revolver" (1835) re- placed the one-shot "pistol." Iron stoves began to rival the ancient fireplace, especially for cooking. Friction matches, in- vented in England in 1827, were the first improvement on pre- historic methods of making fire. Illuminating gas, for lighting city streets, made better order possible at night, and helped im- prove public morals. In 1838 the English Great Western (with screw propeller instead of side paddles, and with coal to heat its boilers) established steam navigation between Europe and Amer- ica. The same year saw the first successful use of huge steam hammers, and of anthracite coal for smelting iron. In 1839 a Frenchman, Daguerre, began photography with his " daguerreo- type." Still earlier, a French chemist had invented the canning 472 THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION of foods. In 1841 Dr. Crawford W. Long first demonstrated the value of ether as an anesthetic, — an incomparable boon to suffer- ing men and women. The magnetic telegraph, invented in 1835, was made effective in 1844. The Howe sewing machine was patented in 1846 ; and the next year saw the first rotary printijig press. Bessemer steel Petroleum The latest phases of the Industrial Revolution — which has never ceased — will be noted when we reach the " Age of Elec tricity"; l)ut it is convenient to treat here two of the chief developments of the second half of the nineteenth century. 1. The rapidly growing use of machinery called insistently for still better material than ordinary iron. Steel, an alloy of iron and carbon about midway in structure between cast iron and wrought iron, had been prized for centuries ; but no way was known to produce it rapidly out of iron ore. The Bessemer process (invented in England) made steel available and relatively cheap. Thib invention gave a tremendous impulse to all forms of industry, transforming even the landscape, with our lofty "iron" [steel] bridges, and the exterior of our cities, with our modern "sky-scrapers." 2. Coal became the chief manufacturing fuel about 1800; but before the close of the nineteenth century its place in many industries was challenged by mineral oil, or petroleum. Min- eral oil had been known in small quantities, and was used as a liniment ("Seneca Oil") before 1850. The first gushing oil well was discovered in western Pennsylvania in 1859, and the use of oil for light, heat, and power began. "To strike oil" soon became a byword for success — equivalent to a **ship come home" in the days of primitive commerce. Of recent years all the great industrial nations have been increasingly concerned about the future supply of this indispensable commodity, looking covetously toward the rich but undeveloped oil dis- tricts of Mexico, Roumania, and Mesopotamia. X Oh i o o o ^ -*J "o ;» . rf c3 t- o -2^56 ^' c o Cj o o .w s; MH b£ C O ^ o PQ - ^ P M o o H ^ O 5 '^ •^ in P^ ^ o CHAPTER L THE REVOLUTION IN THE LIVES OF THE WORKERS With machinery and steam power, one laborer was soon able to produce more wealth than hundreds had produced by the old hand processes. This ought to have been pure gain for all the world, and especially it should have meant more comfort and more leisure for the workers. Part of the increased wealth did go, indirectly, to the common gain, in lower prices. Every one could soon buy cloth and hardware cheaper than be- fore the Industrial Revolution. But, even yet, the workers have failed to get their fair share of the world's gain ; and for many of them, while the Industrial Revolution was young, it meant, not higher life, but lower life. Under the "domestic system" (p. 36G) all manufactures had Workmen been handmade (as the word "manufacture" signifies). Hours "f^^u^^^ of labor were long and profits were small, because there was mestic sys- little surplus wealth to divide. But workmen worked in their *®"^ own homes, under reasonably wholesome conditions. Their labor was varied. They owned their own tools. They had con- siderable command over their hours of toil. Their condition resembled that of the farmer of to-day more than that of the modern factory worker. Usually, too, the artisan's home had its garden plot, from which he drew part of his living, and in which he could spend much labor profitably in a dull season for his trade. But the machinery of the new industrial age was The new costly. Workmen could not own it as thev had owned their ^^^^^^^ •^ ^ . . . system old tools. Nor did they know how to combine to own it in groups. It all passed into the hands of wealthy men, who hired workers ("operatives") to "operate" it. This marks the be- ginning of a new organization of labor. As the old slave system gave way to serfdom in agriculture and to a gild organization 473 474 THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION The new " capital- ist" The new " pro- letariat " Cleavage between classes in manufactures, and as gilds gave way to the domestic system, so now the domestic system gave way to the present capitalist system, or wage system, or factory system. The capitaHst manufacturer was a new figure in European Hfe, appearing first in England, alongside the country gentlemen and the merchant princes. He was not himself a workman, like the old "master." He was only an "employer." He erected great factories, filled them with costly machines, bought the necessary "raw material" (cotton, wool, or iron, as the case might be), paid wages, and took the profits. And if the capitalist was a new figure in middle-class society, the capitalless and landless worker was a much more significant new figure in the "lower classes." He now furnished nothing but his hands. Moreover, much of the work on the new ma- chinery could be done by women and children — especially in all cloth manufactures, where the work consisted largely in turning a le\'er, or tying broken threads, or cleaning machinery. Until the operatives learned how to combine, so as to bargain collectively, the capitalist could fix wages and hours and con- ditions as he pleased. The capitalist, too, had no personal contact with his workmen. He employed, not two or three, living in his own family, but hundreds or thousands, whose names even he did not know ex- cept on the payroll. There was no chance for understanding between him and his "hands." Under the gild and domestic systems, apprentices and journeymen had expected to rise, sooner or later, to be "masters"; and at all times they lived on terms of constant intercourse with their masters, who worked side by side with them, and had a sort of fatherly guardianship over them. Under the new system, a particularly enterprising and fortunate workman might now and then rise into the capitalist class ; but on the whole, a permanent line separated the two classes. These features of the capitalist system we still have with us. But another group of changes, less inevitable, were for a time ex- ceedingly disastrous. As the factor}^ came in, the worker changed his whole manner of life for the worse. He had to reach AND CHILD LABOR 475 his place of work by sunrise or earlier, and stay there till sunset Tenement or dusk. So the employer built long blocks of ugly tenements near' ® the factory for rent ; and the workmen moved from their \illage homes, with garden spots and fresh air and varied industry, into these crowded and squalid city quarters. In 1750 England was still a rural country, with only five towns of more than 5000 people. In 1801 more than a hundred towns counted 5000 people, and the total population had nearly doubled. England was the first country to face the problems created by this rapid growth of city populations ; and in England for a time no one saw these problems clearly. The employers, most directly responsible, felt no responsibility, and were en- gaged in an exciting race for wealth. The ncAV cities grew up without water supply, or drainage, or garbage-collection. Sci- ence had not learned how to care for these needs, and law had not begun to wrestle with them. The masses of factory work- ers and their families dwelt in den-like garrets and cellars — a family stuffed indecently into a squalid unwholesome room or two — bordering on pestilential alleys, in perpetual filth and disease and misery and vice. In 1837 one tenth of the people of the great city of Manchester lived in cellars. Little better was the factory itself. Carpenters and masons Long hours conmionlv worked from sunrise to sunset — or even from dawn ^^. °^°" •' ^ notonous to dark — j st as farm laborers often do still. Such long labor hours for toil were terribly hard : but they could be endured when spent in fresh air, amid out-door scenes, in interesting and varied activitv. But this long labor day was now carried The long into the factory. There it was unendurable and ruinous, be- ^^ cause of foul air, poor light, nerve-racking noise of dangerous, limb-tearing machinery, the more monotonous character of factory labor — the workman spending his day in repeating over and over one simple set of motions, — and because there it crushed women and children. This was true even in America, when factories grew up here Illustrations after 1815. Many years ago, Professor Ely of Wisconsin Uni- [caTn^j^aT versity wrote (Labor Movement in America, 49): "The length of actual labor [in 1832] in the Eagle Mill at Griswold [Connect- 476 THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION Child slavery in England The beginnings of reform The " let- alone " theory of economics icut] was fifteen hours and ten minutes. The regulations at Paterson, New Jersey, required women and children to be at work at half-past four in the morning. . . . Operatives were taxed by the manufacturers for the support of churches. . . . Women and children w^ere urged on by the use of the rawhide." In England, conditions were at first worse than this. Parish authorities had power to take children from pauper families and apprentice them to employers ; and dissolute parents sometimes sold their children into service by written contracts. In the years just before ISOO, gangs of helpless little ones from six and seven years upwards, secured in this w^ay by greedy con- tractors, were auctioned off, thousands at a time, into ghastly slavery. They received no wages. They were clothed in rags. They had too little food, and only the coarsest. They were driven to toil sixteen hours a day, in some places by inhuman tortures. They had no holiday except Sunday ; and their few hours for sleep were spent in dirty beds from which other relays of little workers had just been turned out. Schooling or play there was none ; and the poor waifs grew up — girls as well as boys — if they lived at all, amid shocking and brutal im- morality. In 1800 a terrible epidemic among children in factory districts aroused public attention ; and Parliament "reduced" the hours of labor for children-apprentices to twelve a day. In 1819 and in 1831 laws were passed to shorten hours also for other child employees — who were supposed to be looked after by their parents. But these laws were ill-enforced ; and until after 1833 (p. 520) the mass of factory children continued to be " sad, de- jected, cadaverous creatures," among whom at any great factory, said a careful observer, " the crippled and distorted forms were to be counted by hundreds." ^ The revolution in work and in the workers' lives brought with it a revolution in thought. A group of writers put into form a new doctrine about the production of wealth — which very largely replaced the old Mercantilist political economy. The 1 Read Mrs. Browning's Cry of the Children. PLATE LXXXV Above. — Harvesting in 1831, with McCormick's first successful horse reaper, ■ — a tremendous advance upon the old hand sickle. (The sell- binder had not yet been invented.) Below. — Harvesting To-day. A Mogul Kerosene Tractor pulling two McCormick reapers and binders with mechanical shockers. Two men do many times as much work as six with the earlier reaper. (Cf. also cuts facing p. 405.) AND SOCIALISM 477 leader of the new teaching was Adam Sniitli in England. His Wealth of Notions (pnhHshed in 1776) taught that "laws" of " supply and demand " were " natural laws " in society, and could not be meddled with except to do harm. Prices and wages and all conditions of labor were to be regulated wholly by this " law." This would secure " the greatest happiness of the greatest num- ber. " Government must keep hands off, unless called in as a policeman to keep order. This became known as the "Manchester doctrine," because so universal in that early center of manufactures. It is also called by a French name, — Laissez faire ("let it go"). English mer- chants, also, accepted it, in their hatred of the old restrictions upon trade ; and it soon became almost a religion to the town middle class. It suited the strong and prosperous, but it was utterly unchristian in its corollary-, "The devil take the hind- most." It produced happiness for a few, and misery "for the greatest numbers." The horrible conditions of the new factory towns were its first fruits. Some thinkers began to call this po- litical economy a "dismal science," and, in search of a cure for social ills, to swing over to some form of socialism. The early socialists were moved b\^ a deep love for humanity Early and by a passionate hatred for suffering and injustice, but they socialism were not scientific thinkers. The}' believed that rich and poor could be induced by argument to set up a society of common goods and brotherly love, such as More had pictured in Utopia. Usually they thought that, in the new arrangement, society would be broken up into many small communistic units of a few hundred or a few thousand people each ; and one of the leaders, Robert Owen (a Scotch manufacturer), spent his fortune in es- tablishing model cooperative communities of that sort, as at New Harmony in Indiana. (All Owen's settlements failed ; but his work gave a great impulse to the later cooperative societies.) Modern socialists look back upon these early efforts as well- Marxian meant efforts of dreamers, and trace their present doctrine to ^°"^^^^°^ Karl Marx. Marx was born in 1818 in Germany. He attended the University of Berlin, and was intended by his family for a university professor ; but his radical ideas kept him from obtain- 478 THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION ing such a position. He began to publish his works on socialism about 1847. Germany and then France drove him away as a dangerous disturber of order ; and he spent the last half of his life in England. Marx threw aside the idea that benevolent persons could in- troduce a new era of cooperation by agreement. He believed, however, that a new cooperative organization of society was going to succeed the present individualistic organization as in- evitably as that had followed the gild and slave organization. Steel Works in Pueblo, Colorado. through tendencies in economic development that could not be controlled. All history, he said, had been the story of class struggles. Ancient society was a contest between master and slave ; medieval society, between lord and serf ; present society, between capitalist and workers. The workers, he was sure, will win, when they learn to unite. Modern socialism points out that a few capitalists control the means of producing wealth. This, they argue, is the essential evil in industrial conditions. Their remedy is to have society step into the place of those Jew, taking over the ownership and man- agement (1) of natural resources (mines, oil wells, water power, action AND SOCIALISM 479 etc.) ; (2) of transportation ; (3) of all machinery employed in large-scale production. They do not wish to divide up property, or to keep individuals from owning houses, libraries, carriages, pictures, jewels, of their own. That is, they do not wish to abolish private ownership of the things we use to support life or to make life more enjoyable, but only of those things we use to produce more wealth. Unfortunately a large division of socialists have abandoned " Direct the ballot in favor of " direct action." By this they do not mean, most of them, bombs or bullets, but they do mean industrial com- pulsion of society through " general strikes." To succeed in this, they aim first to organize all workers in each great industry, un- skilled as well as skilled, into "one big union." This program originated with the French "Syndicalists" a few years ago, and has been adopted by the "I. W. W. " in America. Society tends, naturally, to meet these threats of compulsion with harsh repression. However, the world congress of socialists in 1920 (the "Second International") distinctly repudiated these methods and clearly affirmed its faith in persuasion and the ballot. Students who pay any attention to socialism admit that its ideals are noble, and that it has rendered a real service by call- ing attention forcefully to cruel evils in our society. But the great majority of thinkers have little faith in its remedies, and dp not believe that the socialist program would work as its ad- vocates teach. Most constructive thinkers hope to lessen the ills of society without surrendering private enterprise and in- dividual initiative to any such degree as the socialists think necessary. For Further Reading. — On the Industrial Revolution, — Slater's Modern England (American edition), especially the introduction; Alsopp's English Industrial History, Part IV ; Byrn's Progress of In- vention; Kirkup's History of Socialism. PART XII - CONTINENTAL EUROPE REARRANGED, 18481871 The mid- dle-class monarchy Guizot's poUcy of stagnation. 1840-1848 CHAPTER LI " THE YEAR OF REVOLUTIONS," 1848 I. IN FRANCE In France the divine-right monarchy, we have seen, gave way in 1830 to a constitutional monarchy. Louis PhiUppe (p. 4G3) liked to be called "the Citizen King?"" He walked the streets in the dress of a' prosperous shopkeeper, a green cotton umbrella under his arm, chatting cordially with pass- ers-by. lie had little understanding, however, of the needs of France, or of the feelings of the masses below the shopkeeping class. For eighteen years (1830-1848) the favor of the middle class upheld his throne. Only the richest citizens shared in political power (p. 463) ; but the whole middle class held mili- tary power in the National Guards — to which no workingmen were admitted. In the legislature there were two main parties. Thiers (p. 462) led the more Uberal one, which, wished the monarch to be a Jigurehead, as in England; Guizot (p. 461), the conservative leader, wanted to leave the king the real executive, and to^e^ist all further liberalizing of the government. (Both Guizot and Thiers were famous historians.) \ " — f^oin^S#lcn84B,~Guizot was chief minister. Frahce was undergoing rapid industrial growth, and needed tranquillity and reforms. GuizoTgave it tran^iuillity. His ministry was the most stable government that France had known since the days of Napoleon. But, in his desire for tranquillity, he ^~^opposed all reform. Proposals to reduce the enormous salt 480 FRANCE IN '48 481 tax, to extend education, to reform the outi^rown postal s^'stem, to improve the prisons, to care for youthful criminals, were alike suppressed. He kept France not so much tranquil as stagnant. Thus, after a time, the bright, brainy public men were nearly " Place- all driven into opposition. But Guizot could not be overthrown °^®° . " , ^ ^ f ^^ _ organized by lawful means. The franchise was t/30''harrow; and (incor- corruption ruptible and austere himselfj he had organized the vast pat- ronage of the government for public corruption. Less than Narrow 200,000 men could^vQte, and the government hadrTOO,000 ^^^^t^^"^*^ o'ffices'to buy voters witK."^ A^ one time, half the legislature '^ helcTconsiderable revenues at Guizot 's will. In the matter of political reform Thiers ' party asked only The Lib - (1) to forbid the appointment of members of the legislature to appeaUo ° salaried offices, and (2) to widen_the_fr^n€hise so that one man public ^ out o£ twenty could vote. Guizot smothered both proposals. °P^"^°^ Finally the Liberals began to appeal to that vast part of the ) nation that had no vote. They planned _a_series_of^jiiass meet- ings, to bring public opinion to bear on the legislature. Guizot forbade these meetings — and brought on a revo- lution. "' ThisJ' Revolutien^f lSJS^l.was_ibe.jirork-.of-4he class_j)f factory workers that had been growing up, almost unnoticed by political leaders of either party. Until 1825, when the Industrial Revo- lution was fairly complete in England, it had not begun upon the continent. Cloth manufactures there were still carried on under the "domestic system." But in the next ten years, 5000 power- looms were installed in French factories ; and in ten years more, the number had grown to 30,000. By 1845, a large factory The new population had grown up in cities like Bordeaux, Lvons, Tou- "socialism' \ , . . ^ among the louse, and Paris. Moreover, more than the working class then workmen in any other land, the alert, intellectually nimble French work- °^ ^^^^ ingmen wer e inf luenced by the new socialism. Their chief spokesman was Loms^Elanc, an ardent young editor, who 1 The government appointed not only ruitional officials (post officers, custom-house collectors, etc.) but also all local officers, like our county treasurers and city policer "^ : _ .J ^ — -' '-^ 482 SECOND FRENCH REVOLUTION The " Feb- ruary days ' The last of the Cape- tians The Provisional Government of 1848 preached especially "the right to ivork." Every man, he urged, had a right to employment, ^o insure that right, he wished the nation to establish workshops in different trades and give employment in them to ^11 who washed it and who could not get it elsewhere. (In the end, according to his plan, the workers would manage the workshops.) Blanc was an unselfish, high-minded man, moved by deep pity for the suffering masses ; and his proposals were urged with moderation of word and style. But among his followers there were a few crack-brained enthusiasts and some criminally selfish adventurers ; and large num})ers of the workingmen had adopted phrases, not only about the "right to work," but also about "the crime of private property," as a sort of religious creed. This class was now to appear as a political power. In 1848 the Liberals appointed a monster political demon- stration in Paris for February 22 — choosing that day in honor of the American celebration. At the last moment the gov- ernment forl^ade the meeting. The leaders obeyed and stayed away ; but the streets were filled all day with angry crowds, shouting "Down with Guizot!" The National Guards, when called out to disperse the mob, themselves took up the cry. The next day Guizot resigned. Peace seemed restored ; but that night a collision occurred between some troops and the mob ; and the Radicals seized the chance. The bodies of a few slain men were paraded through the poorer quarters of the city in carts, w^hile fervid orators called the people to rise against a monarchy that massacred French citizens. By the morning of the 24th, the streets bristled with barricades and the mob was marching on the Tuileries. Louis Philippe fled to England, disguised as a "Mr. Smith." The "February days" saw the end of the thousand-year old Capetian monarchy. The mob had taken up the cry for a republic. Before dis- persing, a few liberal members of the legislature had appointed a radical committee as a " Provisional (jovernment " — with Lamartine, the poet-historian, as its guiding force^ This body of course was to call a convention to make a new constitution ; I NATIONAL WORKSHOPS 483 but meantime it must govern France, and especially it must at once restore order, bury the dead, care for the wounded, and secure food for the great city, wherein all ordinary business had ceased, — all this with no police force at its call. The first session (begun while the mob was still flourishing bloody butcher-knives in the legislative hall) lasted sixty hours. One hundred thousand revolutionists still packed the street without, and "delegations" repeatedly forced their way in, to make wild demands. Said one spokesman : " We demand the extermination of property and of capitalists ; the instant estab- lishment of community of goods; the proscription of the rich, the merchants, those of every condition above that of wage- earners; . . . and finally the acceptance of the red flag, to signify to society its defeat, to the people its victory, to all foreign governments invasion." Lamartine grew faint with exhaustion and want of food. His face was scratched by a bayonet thrust. But his fine courage and wit and persuasive eloquence won victory. __IoJtielp ap- pease the mob, however, the Government hastily adopted a number of radical decrees, writing them hurriedly upon scraps of paper and throwing them from a window to the crowd. One declared France a Republic. Another abolished the House of Peers. _. Still others established manhood suffrage, shortened the W-QEking day to ten hours, and affirmed the duty of the state to give every man a chance to work. A few days later, the decree recognizing the "right to work" The "work- was given more specific meaning by the establishment of "na- ^^°P " ^^^ tional workshops" (on paper) for the unemployed. In the business panic that followed the Revolution, great numbers of men had been thrown out of work. The government now organ- ized these men in Paris, as they applied, into a ** workshop army," in brigades, companies, and squads, — paying full wages to all it could employ and a three-fourths wage to those obliged to remain idle. Over one hundred thousand men, many of them from other cities, were soon enrolled in this way ; but, except for a little work on the streets, the government had no employment ready^ for sucfr a nmnher. The experiment was not 484 SECOND FRENCH REVOLUTION The new Assembly \ The Pai^s workmefi crushed The Con- stitution of "the Second RepubUc "/ "The Napoleonic legend " in any sense a fair trial of the socialistic Idea : it was a way of keeping order and of feeding a destitute army of the unemployed. A new "Constituent Assembly," elected by manhood suffrage, met May 4. 'The Revolution, like that of 1830, had been con- TmedTo Paris. The rest of France had not cared to interfere in behalf of Louis Pliilippe, but it felt no enthusiasm for a re- public and it abhorred the "Reds" and the socialists. This, too, was the temper of the Assembly. It accepted the Revo- lution, but it was bent upon putting down the Radicals. Al- most its first work (after making military preparation) was to __§tbolish the workshop armj^ — without notice and without any provision for the absorption of the men into other employments. A conservative French statesman has styled this "a brutal, unjust, blundering end to a foolish experirnent." The men of the w orkshop a rmy rose. They comprised the great body of the workingmen of Paris, and they were aided by their semi-mili- tary organization. The conflict raged for four days, — ^^ the most terrible struggle that even turbulent Paris had ever wit- nessed. Twenty thousand men perished ; but in the outcome, "the superior discipline and equipment of the Assembly 's troops crushed tlie socialists. Elevea thousand prisoners were slaugh- tered- -in _cold blood or transported for life — another of those cruel and senseless "White Terrors" which develop bitter class hatreds. The Assembly now turned to its work of making a constitu- tion. The document was made public in November. It was not submitted to aTpopulaFvote. It provided for a legislature of one house, and for a four-year president, both to be chosen b^>;;^anhood suffrage. A month later, Louis Napoleon, a nephew of Napoleon Bonaparte, was elected president of this ** Second French Republic" by an overwhelming majority. Napoleon's political capital was his name. A group of bril- liant j)ropagandists of whom, strangely enough, Thiers was_ chief, had .created a " Napoleon ic legend, '^repre sent ing the rule of the First Napoleon as a period of glory and prosperity, broken only by wars forced upon France by the jealousy of other rulers. These ideas had become a blind faith for great masses in France. BOHEMIA AND HUNGARY 485 Louis Napoleon had long believed that he was destined to revive the rule of his family. Twice in the early years of Louis Philippe's reign he had tried to stir up a Napoleonic revolution, only to become a laughing- stock to Europe. But now to thejpeasantry and the jniddle_clas,s, alarmed by the specter of social- ism, his name seemed the symbol of order. II. CENTRAL EUROPE ' IN '48 'Forty-eight was "the year of revolutions." In January, Metternich, now an old man, wrote to a friend, " The w orld is very sick. The one thing cer- tain is that tremendous changes are coming." A month later, t he Feb ruary rising in J*aris gave the signal for March risings in other la,nds. Metternich fled from Vienna hidden in a laundry cart ; and all over Europe thrones tottered — except in stable free England on the west, and in stable despotic Russia and Turkey on the east. Within a few days, in Holland, Spain, Denmark, and Sweden, to save their crowns, the kings granted new constitutions and many liberties. In every one of the German states, lar^c' or small, the rulers did the like. So, too, in Italy in the leading states, — Sardinia, Tuscany, Rome, and Naples. In all these countries the administration passed for a time to the hands of liberal ministries pledged to reform. The ' March days " in Central Europe Louis Napoleon at Boulogne. — This painting by Carl Deutsch commemo- rates one of Napoleon's ludicrous at- tempts to arouse a rebellion in his favor during the rule of Louis Philippe. After this "invasion," he was kept in prison for some years. ^^v 486 CENTRAL EUROPE IN '48 The Revolu- tion in the Austrian realms Race jeal- ousies aid autocracy The Hun- garian Re- public falls A. The Revolution in the Austrian Empire March 13, two weeks after the French rising, the students of the University of Vienna and the populace of the city rose in street riots, calHng for a constitution. The emperor promised this and other reforms, and appointed a Hberal ministr\^ But the Austrian Empire icas a vast conglomerate. It included mam' peoples and several distinct states. The Austrians proper were Germans. They made the bulk of the inhabitants in the old duchy of Austria, and they were the ruling class elsewhere in the Empire. Still they made up less than one fourth of all the inhabitants. In Bohemia the bulk of the people were the na- tive Slavs (Czechs) ; and in the eastern half of the Empire, the Hungarians were dominant. Hungary itself, however, ivas also a conglomerate state. In its border districts, the Slav peoples (Croats, Serbs, Slavonians) made the larger part of the popula- tion. In Bohemia and Hungary the March risings were not merely for constitutional government but also for Bohemian and Hun- garian home rule. The emperor skillfully conciliated both states by granting constitutional governments with a large meas- ure of home-rule and the official use of their own languages (instead of German) ; and then he used the time so gained to crush national movements in Italy (pp. 489-490). He had no intention, however, of keeping his sworn promises, and race jealousy quickly played into his hand. The German Lib- erals dreaded Slav rule, especially in Bohemia, where many Ger- mans lived. Soon, disturbances there between the two races gave the emperor excuse to interfere ; and, in July (the army now ready) the emperor replaced the constitution he had just given to Bohemia by military rule. Alarmed at this sign of reaction, the Radicals rose again in Vienna, and got possession of the city (October) ; but the triumphant army (recalled from Bo- hemia) captured the capital after a savage bombardment. Then absolutism was restored in the central government also. Hungary remained to be dealt with. Here, too, race jealous- ies aided despotism. The Slavs wanted independence from the Hungarians ; and if they had to be subject at all, they preferred ' I [f ' THE FRANKFORT ASSEMBLY 487 German rule from distant Vienna rather than IIunp:arian rule from Budapest. The Hungarians discovered that the emperor had been fomenting a rebellion of the Croats against them ; and accordingly they declared Hungary a republic, chose the hero Kossuth president, and waged a gallant war for full independ- ence. But the Tsar in accordance with the compact between the monarchs of the Holy Alliance, sent a Russian army of 150,000 men to aid Austria, and Hungary was crushed (April- August, 1849). It remained only for Austria to reestablish her authority in Germany, which had been left for a time to the Liberals. B. In Germany Even Prussia in '48 had its scenes of blood and slaughter. The March In Berlin, from March 13 to March 18, excited middle-class Revolution . .111 Prussia crowds thronged the streets ; and on the last of these days, in some way never clearly understood, a sharp conflict took place with the troops. The army inflicted terrible slaughter on the unorganized citizens; but Frederick William IV was neither resolutejenQugh norjcold-hearted enough to follow up his victory. To pacify the people, he sent into temporary exile his brother William, who had commanded the troops ; and he took part in a procession in honor of the slain, wearing the red, gold, and black colors of the German patriots. Then he called a Prussian parliament to draw up a constitution, and declared his purpose to put himself at the head of the movement for German na- tional union. Meantime, a "people's movement" for German unity had The got under wav. Early in March, prominent German Liberals Frankfort *' ^ Asscmblv gathered at Heidelberg and called a German National Assembly ; and May 18 at Frankfort the first representative Assembly of Germany came together. But unhappily even this gathering did not reall y rep resent the whole German people, but only a small middle class of "intellectuals." The nobility — with a few rare exceptions — held wholly aloof, and the peasantry were too slavish to have any sympathy with the movement. The Assembly was made up, too, of pedants and theorists, 488 CENTRAL EUROPE IN '48 inexperienced in public affairs ; and it wasted six precious months in debating a bill of right£_^ while all chance of win- ning rights was jHpping .away. Over all Germany the com- merciaTclass^was growing hostile, because of the long-continued business panic ; and the vacillating Prussian king had dissolved the new Prussian parliament he had called — giving to Prussia instead jL_ver^^onservative "divine-right" constit^ution. In other German states, too, the rulers were overthrowing liberal ministries that had been set up in the March days. In October, the Frankfort Assembly took up the work of making a ??«ii!'o?m/_ constitution. J[t_wrangled through the fall and winter (1) as to whether the new Germany should be a re- public or a monarchy, and (2) whether it should or should not include despotic Austria. Meantime Austria at last got her hands free, and announced bluntly that she would permit no union into which she did not enter (with all her non-German provinces). The peoples Then the Radicals gave up the impossible republic, and at last jj^jjg the Assembly decided for a consolidated "German Empire," of- fering the imperial crown to Frederick William of Prussia. But it ■""was six months too late. The Prussian king felt a growing aver- _sio n to the jnovement which, a few months before, he had called "the glorious German revolution"; and, after some hesitation, he declined the crown "bespattered with the blood and mire of revolution." In despair the Radicals then resorted to arms toset up a republic. They were promptl3' crUshgdj._the_Na- tional Assembly vanished in the spring of 1849; and many German Liberals^ "like Carl Schurz, fled, for their li ves, to A merica, The "people's" attempt to make a German nation y^^'^ ^ h ad failed. The " Hu- ^^ Frederick William then put himself at Jhe head of a half- OlmUtz''''^V liearte'd "league" of twenty-eight princes of North Germany. Austria insisted^tha^ this league dissolve. Austrian and Prus^ sian troops met, but the Prussian army was ill-prepared ; .-^nd finally Frederick William made ignominious submission in a conference atTHmiitz (November, 1850). Aitstria then restored tJfe' Uefmanic Cov federation of 1815. . FAILURE OF ITALIAN LIBERALS 489 C. The Revolution of '48 ix Italy Italy had been in fragments for more than thirteen hundred years — though there had always been ardent patriots to^Hream of a new Italian nation. Napoleon reduced the number of petty states somewhat ; and when the European coalition was struggling with Napoleon, an English force landed at Genoa, with its flag inscribed "Italian Liberty and Independence.' ' At the same time Austrian proclamations announced to the Italians, "We come to you as liberators. . . . You shall be an indepon(l(Mit nation." The Congri ss of Menna ignored these promises. Even the Italy and Napoleonic iiniH-ovements were undone. Lombard v and Ve- ^ °^' ._ ^ ^ - " gress of netia became Austrian provinces (p. 449), and most of the rest Vienna of the peninsula was handed over to Austrian influence. Bour- bon rule was restored in the south over the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies. Dukes, dependent upon Austria, were set up in Tuscany, Modena, and Parma. Between these duchies and Naples lay the restored Papal States, with the government in close sympathy with Austria. True, the northwest was given back to the Kingdom of Sardinia under a native line of mon- archs, to whom the people were lo^^ally attached ; but even there until 1848 the government was a military despotism. "Ita ly/' said Metternich complacently, "is a mere geographical expression." The stoiy of the Italian revolutions of 1820 and the Holy "Young Alliance has been told. In 1830, after the July Revolution *^ Jn^Paris, newrevolutions broke out in the Papal States and the small duchies, b ut these movements also were soon put down by Austria. The ten years from 1830 to 1840, however, did see the organization of the widespread secret society, "Young Italy," by Mazzini. Mazzi ni was_a lawyer of Genoa and a revolutionary enthusiast who was to play, in freeing Italy, a j>artjomevdia^ like_t]^^ in preparing for the American Civil War. His words and writings worked wojiderfully upon the youn^r ItaTFans of the educated classes for a united Italian Republic. Thus when the revolutions of 1848 broke out, Italy was ready 490 ITALY IN '48 Italian revolutions in '48 Defeats at Custozza and Novara to strike. In 1820-1821, the extremities of the peninsula had been shaken ; in 1830, the middle states ; jn 1848^ there was no foot of Italian soil not convulse d: and thistime the^revolu- tionists sought union an ardently a,s freedom. On the news of Metternich's flight, Milan and Venice drove out their Austrian garrisons. Then Charles Albert, king of Sardinia, gave his people a constitution and put himself at the head of a movement to expel Austria. The pope and the rulers of Tuscany and Naples promised loyal aid. Venice and other small states in the north vpted_ enthu- siastically for incorporar;_ tion into Sardinia^ But the king of Naples was dishonest in his prom- ises ; and even the liberal and patriotic pope (Pius IX) was not ready to break fully with Austria. Ex- cept for a few thousand volunteer soldiers, Charles Albert got no help from Ttaly south of Lombardy ; ^nd, July 15, 1848, he was defeated at Custozza. Then the movement passed into the hands of the Radicals. Venice and Florence each set up a republic ; and in February, 1849, the citizens of Rome, led by Mazzini, drove away the pope and proclaimed the "Roman Republic." These republican movements succeeded, for the hour, only because Austria was busied in Bohemia and Hungary (p. 486). But soon a strong Austrian army was sent to Italy. Charles Albert took the field once nioreJiut_was defeated decisively at Kopara (Marchj,_1849) ; and Venjce_was captured jn^ August Joseph Mazzini. MAZZINI 491 after gallant resistance. Louis Napoleon restored the pope to his Roman piin(ij)ality, and left a French garrison there for his protection (hiiinu th(^ nexTtwenty yearsIToJSTO. ButTTijiTike Germany, Italy hadjPailed only because of crush- ing interference from without ; and the splendid attempt had prorv^ed tHaF" United Italy" had become the passionate faith of a whole people. Tliis well-grounded faith for^ free Italy, and for a free Europe, was finely spoken to the world by Mazzini, with splendid cour- Mazzini's -1 PT • IP T\/r -'ii challenge to auc, in the very hour oi discouragmg deieat. Mazzmi had victorious barely escaped with his life; but in 1849, from his refuge in reaction Knulaiid, while less fortunate associates were dying in Italy on sratlolds and under tortures in dungeons, he uttered to the ex - iiltant forces of reaction a clear-sounding challenge : " Our victory is certain ; I declare it with the profoundest conviction, here in exile, and precisely when monarchical reaction appears most insolently secure. What matters the triumph of an hour? What matters it that by con- centrating all your means of action, availing yourselves of every artifice, turning to your account those prejudices and jealousies of race which yet for a while endure, and spread- ing distrust, egotism, and corruption, you ha\'e repulsed our forces and restored the former order of things ? Can you restore men's faith in it, or do you think you can long main- tain it by brute force alone, now that all faith in it is ex- tinct ? . . . Threatened and undermined on every side, can you hold all Europe forever in a state of siege f " For Further Reading on 1848. — Hazen's Europe Since 1815, 152-186. Andrews and Seignobos have good accourifsT Rhillips' European History, 1815-1899, is excellent for 1848. CHAPTER LII The shame of France : " Napoleon the Little ' FROM THE YEAR OF REVOLUTIONS TO THE FRANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR Except to the few men of faith, the risings of '48 seemed to have been in vain. True, feudahsm was at last gone forever, even from Austria, and the Holy Alliance was finally disrupted by the rivalry between Prussia and Austria. But in govern- ment, the "restoration" appeared complete. The Revolution had closed in Italy with No vara (March, 1849), in the Aus- trian realms with the fall of the Hungarian Republic (July, 1849), and in Germany with the "humiliation of Olmiitz" (November, 1850). In France it was swiftly going, and was to disappear in 1851 (p. 493). For the next generation, interest on the con- tinent centered in three lands, — France, Italy, Germany. And of these only Italy made true progress. I. FRANCE: THE SECOND EMPIRE, 1852-1870 In 1830 and in 1848, France had led liberal Europe; but for the next twenty years after she had crushed so bloodily the workingmen of Paris, her story is one of shame. Louis Napo- leon, President of the Republic, was constantly at loggerheads with the Assembly. From the first, he plotted to overthrow, the republican constitution^— to which he. had sworn fidelity — and, to make himself master of France^ The Assembly played into his hand. In 1849 jt passed a j-eactionary law which disfran- chised a large part of the workingmen of the cities.^ jdfy^ ^^f law had been passed, Napoleon criticized it yehemently, so as to app ear to the workingmen as their champion. At the same time, the discontent of the artisansmade the middle class fear a revolution; and that class turned to Napoleon as the sole hope for order. Thus the chief elements in the state dreaded the approaching close of Napoleon's presidency. 492 X < NAPOLEON'S COUP D'ETAT 493 The constitution forbade a reelection ; and an attempt to The coup amend this clause was defeated by the Assembly. Thus that ^ ^^°' body had now seriousl}^ offended both the artisan class and the middle class, and Napoleon could overthrow^ it with impunity. All important offices were put into the hands of his tools and his trusted friends ; and^n Drcemher 2, 18o1,he carried out the most striking coup d'etat in all French history. "^ During the preceding night, some eighty men whose oppo- sition W' as especially feared — journalists, generals, and leaders in the x\ssembly — w^ere privately arrtstcd and imprisoned ; and all the printing offices in tlie city were seized by Napoleon's troops. In the morning the amazed people found the city posted with startling placards announcing the dissolution of the Assembly and the establishment of a new government with Napoleon at its head. The Assembly tried to meet, but w^as dispersed. During^_the following days a few Radicals began to raise barricades here and there in the streets ; but these were carried by the troops with pitiless slaughter ; batc_h es of prisoners were shot down after surrender ; the Radical districts qfJFrance w^ere put under martial law ;^_nd thousands of men were trans- ported to penal settlements, virtually without trial. _A few days later, the country was invited to vote Yes or No Ratified by upon a new constitution making Napoleon president for ten ^^^^® years with dictatorial power. France " ratified " this proposal by a vote of "seven and a half millions out of eight millions ; and in No vember of J|_852j^ a nearlij unanimous vote made the daring adventurejiJEm;peroj_of the Fre^^ under the t[t\e N^apoleon III. (The Bonapartists counted the son of Napoleon I as Napoleon II, though he never reigned.) The "Second Empire" was modeled closely upon that of " Elec- Napoleon I. During its early years, political life was suspended. *^°JJ^ The ^p eople, it is true, elected a^ L egislative Chamber, but that Empire body could consider no bill that had not been put before it by the Emperor and his Council. Its function was merely to register eHicts. At the election of a "legislature," too, the government pre- sented for every position an "official candidate," for whom 494 SECOND FRENCH EMPIRE No personal liberty Napoleon accepted by France Because of " pros- perity " the way was made easy. Opposing candidates could not hold .public meetings, nor hire the distribution of circulars. They were seriously hampered even in the use of the mails, and their placards were torn down by the police, or industriously covered by the official bill-poster for the government candidate. The ballot boxes, too, were su- . ^l?4flj£ .CCAUTlEMilIIRAITV.. per vised by the police. More- over Napoleon, subsidiised a large number of newspapers, and suppressed all that were unfavorable to him. Personal liberty, also, was wholly at the mercy of the government. The servants of prominent men were likely to be the paid spies of the police. JJnder the "Law of Public Security" (1858), Napoleon could Icgalhi send "suspects," without trial, to linger through "France is Tranquil" (a favorite aTslow death in tropical penal phrase with Napoleon III). A' , " . / i i i i j • cartoon from Harper's Magazine. ^ coloiues. (as he had been doing illegally before). Still Napoleon seems honestly to have deceived himself into the belief that he was "a democratic chief." His government, he insisted, rested upon manhood suffrage in elections and plebiscites^ In partial recompense for loss of liberty, too, he gave to France great material progress. Industry was en- couraged. Leading cities were rebuilt upon a more magnificent scale ; and Pari s,, with widened streets, shaded boulevards, and glorious public buildings, was made the .most beautiful, capital in the world. Asylums and hospitals were founded; schools were encouraged, and school libraries were established ; and vast puWic works throughout the Empire afforded employ- mentto the working classes. France secured her full share of the increase of wealth and comfort that came to the world so rapidly during those years. The shame is that France was NEW WARS 495 bribed to accept the despicable despotism of Napoleon by this prosperity — and by the tinsel sham of "glory" in war. In 1852 Napoleon had declared, "The Empire is Peace"; And mili- but, in order to keep the favor of the army and of the populace ^^^ ^ °^^ by reviving the glories of the First Empire, he was impelled to war. For forty years, — ever since the fall of Napoleon I, — Europe had been free from great wars. Napoleon III rein- troduced them, and for a time his victories dazzled France, especially in the Crimean and the Italian wars. ^""^ 1. In 1854 Russia and Turkey were at war in the Black Sea. The Through Napoleon's intrigues, France and England joined waTTs^ -6 Turkey. The struggle was waged mainly in Crimea, and took -.^ ^-- its name from that peninsula. ^ Russia was defeated. No im- portant permanent results were achieved ; but Napo leon gath- ered r epresentatives of all the leading Powers at theCongress of Paris to make peace, and France seemed again to have become the a rbiter in European politics. 2. In 1859 Napoleon joined the Kingdom of Sardinia in a war The Italian against Austria to free Italy. He won striking victories at- '^ ^^^ Magenta and Solferino, near the scene of the early triumphs ^ — of the First Napoleon over the same foe, — and then he made unexpected peace, to the dismay and wTath of the half-freed Italians. For his pay, Napoleon forced Italy jto_cede him the provinces of Nice and Savoy (pp. 424, 449). But the second half of Napoleon's rule was a series of humilia- Blunders in tions and blunders, (ij Napoleonfavored the Southern Con- iater° foreign f ederacy Jn the American Civil War, and repeatedly urged policy England, in vain, to unite with him in acknowledging it as an independent state. (2) In 1863 he entered upon a disastrous scheme to overthrow the Mexican Republic and to set up as "Emperor of Mexico" his protege, Maximilian, an x\ustrian prince, brother of the Austrian Emperor. Napoleon expected to secure a larger share of the Mexican trade for France, and to forward a union of the Latin peoples of Europe and America, under French leadership. His act was a defiance of the Monroe Doctrine of the United States, but his purpose seemed trium- 496 ITALY IS MADE phant until the close of the American Civil War. Then the government of the United States demanded the withdrawal of the French troops from Mexico. Napoleon was obliged to comply. (Soon afterwards Maximilian was overthrown by the Mexicans, captured, and shot.) (3) More serious still were a number of checks in Napoleon's attempts on the Rhine frontier. That storv will be told a little later. Victor Em- manuel II Cavoixr II. THE MAKING OF ITALY, 1849-1861 Meantime Italy had been made. The night after Novara (p. 490), Charles Albert abdicated the crown of Sardinia, and his son, Victor Emmanuel II, became king. The young prince was an intense patriot. A popular story told how, as he rallied his shattered regiment at the close of the fatal day of Novara, and withdrew sullenly from the bloody field, covering the retreat, he shook his clenched fist at the victorious Austrian ranks with the solemn vow, — " By the Almighty, my Italy shall yet be ! " The new king \yas put at once to a sharp test. His father had given to the kingdom a liberal constitution_(p. 490). Aus- tria demanded that Victor abolish it. If he would do so, he could have easy terms of peace, with Austrian military support against any revolt. At the same time the inexperienced Sar- dinian parliament was embarrassing him by foolish opposition and criticism. Victor Emmanuel nobly refused the Austrian bribe, and had to submit to severe terms from Austria and a heavy indemnity. But a frank appeal to his people for sup- port gave him a new loyal parliament, which ratified the peace, and his conduct won him the title of "the Honest King." Austria, which Sardinia wished to expel from Italy, had 37,000^000 people. Sardiniji was poor and had only 5,000,000 peopl^. The king and his great minister, Cavour, bent all energies to strengthening Sardinia for another struggle and to securing allies outside Italy. Victor Emmanuel was a soldier. Cavour was the statesman whose brain was to guide the mak- ing of Italy. The king's part was loyally and steadily to sup- port him. Exiles and fugitive Liberals from other Italian states w^ere welc omed at the Sa rdinian court and were often given high O' cu CAVOUR 497 office there, so that the government seemed to belong to the whole peninsula. Cavour carried through the parHament many social reforms ; and, in 1854, he sent a small but excellent Sardinian armvto assist the_allies against Russia in the Crimean War (p. 495). Many friendly Liberals condemned thisjast act as immoral. But Cayour at least had a political reason. He wished to prove that Sardinia was a military power, and to win a place for her in European confer- ences. At the ( /()n<^rrss of Paris in 1856 (p. 495) this policy bore fruit. Cavour sat there in full equality with the rep- resentatives of the Great Powers ; and, despite Austria's protests, he secured ..gtttentio n f or a convincing statement of the Cavour. — From Desmaison's lithograph. needs of Italy. iJpon all minds he impressed forcefully that Italian unrest could never cease, nor European peace be secure, so long as Aus^ri:i re- mained in the peninsula. Three years later this diplomatic game was won. ^As a young man, Louis Napoleon had been involved in the plots of 1830 for Italian freedom. C^avour now drew him into a secret alliance. In return for a pledge of Nice and Savoy, which had once been French, Napoleon promised to come to the aid of Sardinia if Cavour could provoke Austria into beginning a war. Austria played into Cavour 's hand by demanding, as a war ultimatum, that Italy reduce her army. Napoleon at once entered Italy, declaring his purpose to free it "from the Alps to the Adriatic." His victories of Magenta and Solferino And the Crimean War Cavour at the Con- gress of Paris r w The French aUiance Sardinia absorbs Lombardy vto »A 498 ITALY IS MADE Sardinia ab sorbs the duchies (p. 495) drove Austria forever out of Lombardy, which was promptly incorporated into Sardinia. This icas the first step in ~the expansion of Sardinia into Italy. The population of the growing state had risen at a stroke from five millions to eight. T^enetia remained in Austria's hands, but Napoleon suddenly made peace. He had no wish that Italy should be one strong, consolidated nation ; and he began to see that a, free Italy would be a united Italy. The Italians felt that they had been betrayed by "the in- famous treaty";^ but more had already been accomplished than the mere freeing of Loml)ardy. At the beginning of the. war, jlie peoples of Parma, Modena, and Tuscany had driven out their dukes (dependents of Austria), and voted for incorpo- ration in Sardinia. At the peace. Napoleon had promised Austria that the dukes should be restored, but he had stipulated that Austria should not use force against the duchies. For eight months this situation continued, while Cavour played a second delicate diplomatic game with Napoleon, finally persuading In March, _1860, declared again and Garibaldi adds South Italy him to leave the matter to a plebiscite. the three duchies bv almost unanimous vote for annexation. This was the second step in expansion, the first example in Europe of "self-determination," as we now use the phrase, Sarclinia was enlarged once more by one third. It had now become a state of eleven million people. The next advance was due in its beginning to Garibaldi (a gallant republican soldier in the Revolution of 1848), who had now given his allegiance loyally to Victor Emmanuel. In May, I860, Garibaldi sailed from Genoa w^th a thousand red- shirtjed fellow-adventurers, to arouse rebellion in Sicily. Cavour thought it needful to make a show of trying to stop the expedition ; but Garibal di landed safely, won Sicily and South Italy almost without bloodshed, and, with universal acclaim, proclaimed Victor Emmanuel "King of Italy." By this third step, "Sardinia" had expanded into "Italy," with a population of twenty-two millions. In February of 1 Read James Russell Lowell's Villafranca, to get an idea of the wrath of freedom-loving men at Napoleon's betrayal. CAVOUR AND GARIBALDI 499 1861 t he first "Italian parliament" met at Turin and enthusias- tically confirmed the establishment of the "Kingdom of Italy. "^ Cavour's statesmanship was triumphant. Five months later, the great minister was dead, broken down by the terrible strain of his work. His last words were, " Italy is made — all is safe." Rome, with some ad- joining territory remained the dominion of the pope ; and Venetia was still Aus- trian. The acquisition ofthese two provinces by Italy was intertwined with the making of Germany. For Further Reading. — Bolton ^ing^^^^^talian JJnUy j^ the best single work, G ood accounts will be found in Probyn's Italy, Bolton King's Mazzini, Dicey's Victor Em- manuel, or Cesaresco's Ca- vour. Hayes, Hazen, Andrews, Seignobos, all contain brief treat- ments. Exercise. — Trace the expansion of Sardinia on map facing p. 632. Special Report. — Garibaldi's life and adventures. III. THE MAKING OF GERMANY, 1861-1871 Napoleon III ruled France for some twenty years. During William I of the first ten years, Cavour made the Kingdom of Italy. Dur- 1 Joseph Garibaldi (1807-1882) had been active in the plots of secret so- cieties against Austrian rule before 1830. When the revolutions of that year failed, he escaped to Sout h Am prir a., to fight for liberty in various struggles in that continent. 'Forty-eight called him back to Italy, where he fought, beside Mazzini, for a Roman republic. Fleeing to New York, he earned a living for some years as a candle-maker. He came back to Italy to fight for freedom in the war of 1859 and the text tells his famous exploit of 18(50. Ten years later he fought for France against_Prussian con- guest, (p. 544), and then spent the remaining years of his life on a small country estate. The photograph pictures hiru in tliis closing period. Garibaldi. 1 Prussia ^XfV -^/t^ x£y 500 MAKING OF GERMANY The Prus sian army system Neglected, 1815-1861 ing the next ten, Bismarck, by far less justifiable methods, was to make a German Empire. "'Forty-nine" had shown Prussia as the onl^^ nucleus in that day for a German nation ; and even from Prussia nothing could be expected as long as Frederick William ly reigned. But in 1861 that king was succeeded by his brother, William I. This was the prince who had been banished for a time in 1848 to satisfy the Liberals (p. 487). That party had nicknamed him "Prince Cartridge." He was a conservative of the old school, and he had bitterly opposed the mild constitutional concessions of his brother. But he had tingled with indignation at the humiliation of Olmiitz ; and he hoped with all his heart for Ger- man" unity. He believed that this unity could be made only after expelling Austria from Geriiumy. To expel Austria would be the work of the Prussian army. The Prussian army difl'ered from all others in Europe. Else- where the armies were of the old class, — standing bodies of mercenaries and professional soldiers, reinforced at need by raw levies from the population. The Napoleonic wars had resulted in a different system for Prussia. In 1807, after Jena, Napoleon had required Prussia to reduce her army to forty- two thousand men. The Prussian government, however, had evaded Napoleon's purpose to keep her weak, by passing fresh bodies of Prussians through the regiments at short intervals. Each soldier was given only two years' service. Part of each regiment was dismissed each year and its place filled with new levies. These in turn took on regular military discipline, while those who had passed out were held as a reserve. .After the Napoleonic wars, Prussia kept up this system. The plan was to make the entire male population a trained army, but it had not been fully followed up. Since 1815, population had doubled, but the army had been left upon the basis of that period. No arrangements had been made for or- ganizing new regiments ; and so many thousand men each year reached military age without being summoned to the ranks. King William's first efforts were directed to increasing the number of regiments so as to accommodate 60,000 new recruits WILLIAM 1 AND BLSMARCK 501 each year. To do this required a large increase in taxes. But the Prussian parliament (Landtag) was jealous of military power in the ha nds of a sovereign hostile to constitutional liberty, and it r esolutely nfused money. Then William found a min- ^^'^^Ut^-^^^^ P^this will, parliament or no. This man, who was to be the German Cavour, was Otto von Otto von BismarcF. Thirteen years earlier, Count Bismarck had been known as a grim and violent leader of the "Junkers," the ex- treme conser\'ative party made up of young landed aristocrats. When he was announced as the head of a new ministry, the Liberals ominously prophesied a coup d'etat. Something like a coup d'etat did take place. William stood steadfastly b}^ his minister ; and for four years Bismarck ruled and collected taxes unconstitutionally. Over and over again, the Landtag de- The anny manded his dismissal, and the Liberals threatened to hang '■^organized him, — as very probably they would have done if power had fallen to them by another revolution. Bismarck in turn railed at them contemptuously as "mere pedants," and told them bluntly that the making of Germany was to be "a matter not of speechifying and parliamentary majorities, but of blood and iron." For years he grimly went on, muzzling the press, bullying or dissolving parliaments, and overriding the national will roughshod. Meantime, ^e army was greatly augmented, so that practi- cally every able-bodied Prussian became a soldier with three years' training in camp. First of any large army, too, this new Prussian army was supplied with the new invention of breech- 'ioading repeating rifles^ instead of the old-fashioned muzzle- loaders ; and Von Moltke, the Prussian "chief of staff," made it jthe most perfect military machine in Europe. From the first, Bismarck intended that this reconstructed Bismarck's army should expel Austria from Germany and force the princes ^^ ^^^J of the rest of Germany into a true national union. It had not been possible for him to avoiv his purpose ; but time was growing precious, and he began to look anxiously for a chance to use his new tool. By a series of master-strokes of unscrupulous and dar- ing diplomacy, he brought on three wars in the next seven years. 502 MAKING OF GERMANY The Danish War of 1864 The War with Austria (Six Weeks' War) in 1866 m^.lo The Franco- Prussian War, 1870-1 ^r^ 1. Taking advantage of an obscure dispute, he induced Aus- tria to join in seizing from Denmark the duchies of Sleswig and Holstein — to which neither robber state had the shadow of a claim. 2. He then forced Austria into war by insisting brazenly upon keeping all the booty for Prussia t^ although the German Diet almost unanimously declared war against Prussia as "the wanton disturber of the national peace^l! J n three days the Prussian arm\' seized Hanover, Hesse, and Saxony, and in three weeks it crushed Austria at Sadowa in Bohemia. Prussia then consolidated her scattered territory by annexing Hesse, Hanover, Nassau, and Frankfort, along with Sleswig-Holstein. This raised her population to 30,000,000 (cf. maps after pp. 402, 502). Moreover, Austria was compelled to withdraw wholly from German affairs — in which Prussia was left without a rival — and the Confederation of 1815 was replaced by two federation^. The first was the North German Confederation — not a loose league but a true federal state with much the same constitution as the later German P^mpire. The secoiid was made up of four South German states (Bavaria and Wiirttemberg the principal ones), organized like the old Confederation — of which indeed it was a survival. 3. To fuse these two German leagues into one was the main purpose of Bismarck's third war. Before both the preceding struggles Bismarck had tricked Louis Napoleon into giving him a free hand — allowing Napoleon " to deceive himself" with the expectation that Prussia would permit France to annex Rhine territory in compensation for Prussia's gains. Napoleon now wrote to Bismarck, ^suggesting that France annex part of Bavaria. Bismarck was already planning war with France, and this proposal delivered Napoleon into his hands. He revealed it privately to the South German states, and it terrified Ufem into a secret alliance with Prussia. Then Bismarck hurried on the clash with France with characteristic craft, not hesitating even to use practical forgery.^ After all, however, Bismarck's trickery succeeded only be- ^ See the story in some detail in West's Modern Progress, 420-1. "BLOOD AND IRON" 503 cause of the folly and envy of the rulers of France. French militarisin_loc)ked with jealousy upon the rise of a German na- tion ; and Napoleon was bent desperately upon retrieving his tottering reputation by dazzling victories. Thus Bismarck found it possible to irritate the French government into declar- "ing war (July 19, 1870). True, a few French statesmen had kept their heads, declaring The arro- that France was not readv for war. But Napoleon's war-min- P"£® *^^ "^•111 ^nr . inefficiency ister answered such objections by the boast, We are thrice of Napo- ready, down to the last soldier's shoestring" ; and France, which ^®°^ ^ s°^' for centuries had never been beaten h^yne foe, shouted light- heartedly, "On to Berlin." The first attempts to move troops, however, showed that the French government w^as honey- combed^ with corruption and inefficiency, - — \ '' Marked, indeed, was the contrast between this French iny "German ^fhciency and the " German efficiency," now revealed to Europet surorises Twelve days after the declaration of war (Auiiust 1), GermanyX the world had massed one and a quarter million of trained troops on the Rhine. The world then had never seen such perfection of mili- tary preparation. Caflyle wrote, "It took away the breath of Europe." The Prussians won victory after victory. One of *tlie fwo main Trench armies; — 173,000 men— was securely shut up jn il/cfe; September 2, the other, of 130,000 men, was captured at Sedan, with Napoleon in person ; ^ and the Prussians pressed on to the siege of Paris. Out of the war clouds emerged a new German Empire. In The German the preceding war, after Sadowa, Bismarck suddenly found °^P^^® himself the idol of the Prussian Liberals who had been reviling and opposing him. When military autocracy had apparently proved profitable, they abandoned their old opposition to it. So now^ all Germany. The South-German peoples went wild jwith enthusiasm for Prussia. By a series of swift treaties, while this f eeling was at its height, Bismarck brought them all into the North Ger man Confederation. Then he arranged that the king of Bavaria and other leading German rulers should ask King 1 Napoleon remained a prisoner of war for a few months, and soon after- ward died in England. PAET XIII - ENGLAND, 1815-1914; WITHOUT EEVOLUTION REFOKM England in thu nineteenth century served as a political model for Europe. The English developed constitutional monarchy, parliamentary government , and safeguards fur personal liberty. Other nations have only imitated them. — Seignobos. CHAPTER LIII Political retrogres- sion of the eighteenth century " Virtual representa- tion " THE "FIRST REFORM BILL," 1832 In the eighteenth century, we have seen, England acquired a world-empire and gave the world the Industrial Revolution. But, in political matters, that century was singularly uninterest- ing. Except for accidental progress in the matter of ministerial government (p. 383 ff.), England actually went backward politically. Parliament had never been democratic in make-up, and, after 16SS, it shriveled up into the selfish organ of a small class of landlords. Ireland sent 100 members to the House of Commons, and Scotland 45. Each of the 40 English counties, large or small, ^ent two. The remaining four hundred came from "parlia- mentary boroughs" in England and Wales. The old kings had summ ned representatives from whatever boroughs they pleased ; but a borough which had once sent representatives had the right, by custom, to send them always afterward. At first the power to "summon" new boroughs was used wisely to recognize new towns as they grew up. But the Tudor monarchs, in order better to manage parliaments, had summoned repre- sentatives from many little hamlets — " pocket boroughs, '* owned or controlled by some lord of the court party. 506 > XI XI XI < PL, EIGHTEENTH CENTURY CONDITIONS 507 This had condition was made worse by natural causes. In Eliza- Unrepre- beth's time the south of England, with its fertile soil and its sented cities jportsjon^ the Channel, had been the most populous part; but in the eighteenth century, with the growth of manufactures, population sliifted to the coal and iron regions of the north and west, where great cities grew up, like Birmingham, Bradford, Leeds^Liverpool, Manchester, Sheffield. And these ?iei^ towns had no representation in Parliament. Conditions had become unspeakably unfair and corrupt. And repre- Dunwich was under the waves of the North Sea, which had ^^" ^ ^"^"^ gradually encroached upon the land. But a descendant of an ancient owner of the soil possessed the right to row out with the sheriff on election da\' and choose himself as representative to Parliament for the submerged town. Old Sarum was once a cathedral city on the summit of a lofty hill ; but new Sarum, or Salisbury, a few miles away on the plain, drew the population and the cathedral to itself until not a vestige of the old town remained. Then the grandfather of William Pitt bought the soil where Old Sarum had stood, and it was for this "pocket borough" tli^at the great Pitt entered Parliament. So, Gatton was a park, and Corfe Castle a picturesque ruin, — each with a representative in Parliament. Bosseney in Cornwall had three cottages. It had, however, nine voters, eight of them in one family ; and these voters elected two members to Parlia- ment. On the other hand, Portsmouth, with 46,000 people, had only 103 voters. J.n the many small_^'_pocket boroughs," the few voters, de- "Pocket pendent ..upoa. a neighboring landlord, always elected his boroughs" nomin ee. Large places had sometimes a like character. In 1828, at Newark, the Duke of Newcastle drove out 587 tenants who had ventured to vote against his candidate. {" Have I not a right, " said he, " to do what I like with my own ? ") So the Duke of Norfolk filled eleven seats ; and Jully two thirds of the whole House of Commons were really the appointees of great landlords. Many other places were "rotten boroughs." That is, the "Rotten few voters sold the seats in Parliament as a regular part ojLt.heir^, boroughs " 508 ENGLAND, 1815-1914 private revenue. In 1766 Sudbury advertised in the public Reform checked by foreign war, 1689-1815 press that its parliamentary seat was for sale to the highest bid- der. Moreover, all voting was viva-voce, and the polls were held open for two weeks — so that there was every chance to sell and buy votes. The House of Commons had become hardly more represent- ative than the House of Lords. As the English historian Ma- caulay sai(l,^e "boasted representative system" of England had decayed into "a monstrous system of represented ruins Canvassing for Votes in " Guzzledown." — This is Number 2 in Hogarth's " Humors of a Country Election." Cf. cut opposite. and unrepresented cities." The reason why no reform had been secured was that from 1689 to 1815 all energies went to the long French wars. In the twelve years (1763-1775), between the "Seven Years' War" and the American Revolution, the Whig George III \ leaders, like William Pitt, did attempt wise changes. But George III was determined to prevent reform. He felt that his two indolent and gross predecessors had allowed kingly power to slip from their hands (p. 384). He meant to get it back, and to " be a king " in fact as well as in name, as his mother had opposes re- form PLATE LXXXVIII i|\^'V| '" ■ ' :'\ ;^ r ''^^'^^^^^^HHHI *t. ^ 1^ ^^^^^m^' S8 ^■^^ "Nh^^^fc ^*^^^ & 4^ ""'"' *- ■..■■■';." -^. ^^^ ^ ^; ■"' \ 1 *;s i«i .. V: -f^ l^^n ^^ Si jj^ 1 ^gH i FT ^-'ji ^ ^a m- HuMOKs OF A Country Election, — the third of a series of four plates of that name by Hogarth (plate after p. 384) in 1755, just after a bitterly contested election. The present scene represents the polling at a late stage. The English franchise was as fantastic as it was limited, — com- plicated by ancient customs. (Thus Weymouth, with only a few score voters in all, had twenty, some of them paupers, whose right came from a claim to share in a sixpence part of the rent of some ancient \dllage property !) The blind and maimed from the almshouse are being brought to the polls. The voter in the foreground is plainly an imbecile and un- able to walk. Over his shoulder the man in a cocked hat and laces is trying to recall to him the name of his candidate. Somewhat in the back- ground we have a symbolic representation of Britannia in her broken- down coach of state, helpless, while coachman and footman gamble at cards. With all this keen satire, Hogarth was a true lover of beauty. This plate, spite of its ugly theme, has a lovely setting and many gracious lines. EARLY REFORM AGITATION 509 urged him. To do this, he must be able to control ParHament. It would be easier to control it as it was then, than to control a Parliament that really represented the nation. And therefore, when just at this time the Americans began to Relation to cry, " No taxation without representation," King George felt canRTvolu it needful to put them down. If their claim were allowed, so tion must be the demand of Manchester and other new towns in England for representation in Parliament. But if the American demand could be made to seem a treasonable one, on the part of a distant group of rebels, then the king could check the move- ment in England. The American victory seemed at first to have won victory for English freedom also. Even before peace was declared, the younger Pitt asserted vehemently : Parliament " is not repre- sentative of the people of Great Britain ; it is representative of nominal boroughs, and exterminated towns, of noble families, of wealthy individuals." This condition, he declared, alone had made it possible for the government to wage against America Reform "this unjust, cruel, wicked, and diabolical war." In the v^ears checked by *' / , , " hatred for that immediately followed the war, Pitt introduced three differ- the French ent bills for reform. But, before anything was accomplished, ^^^o^^tion came the French Revolution ; and soon the violence of the Rev- olutionists in France turned the whole English middle class defi- nitely against change — and projects for reform slumbered for forty years more (1790-1830). This unhappy check came just when the evils of the Industrial Revolution were becoming serious. But the Tor^jparty, which carried England stubbornly to victory through the tremendous wars against Napoleon, was totally unfitted to cope with internal questions, and looked on every time-sanctioned abuse as sacred. The peace of 1815 was followed by a general business depres- Tory reac- sion, — the first modern "panic. " Large parts of the working tjo^ after *^® Napo- classes had no work and no food. This resulted in labor riots iconic wars and in political agitation. The Tory government met such movements by stern laws, forbidding public meetings (without consent of magistrates) under penalty of death; suspending 510 ENGLAND, 1815-1914 habeas corpus (for the last time in England until the World War) ; and suppressing debating societies. Some early The year 1821 marks the beginning of slow gains for reform. reform jjj 1825 Parliament recognized the right of workingmen to unite movements -r— ;' , . i-iiiiir. i i' m labor unions — which had always before been treated as conspiracies. In 1828 political rights were restored to Protes- tant jiissenters (Baptists, Presbyterians, Methodists) ; and the ^next year the same justice was secured for Catholics. The atrocious laws regarding capital punishment, too, were modified by striking the death penalty from 100 offenses.^ Struggle for Then, in 1830, George IV was succeeded by his brother Wil- Ury'reform ^^^"^ ^^ ' ^ rnore liberal-minded king ; and the French Revor begins in lution of the same year, by its moderation and by its success, strengthened the reform party in England. A new Parliament was at once chosen ; and the Whigs promptly introduced a motion to reform the representation. The prime minister was the Tory Wellington, the hero of Waterloo. He scorned the proposal, declaring that he did not believe the existing represen- Fall of tation "could be improved"! This speech cost him his popu- larity, both in and out of Parliament ; and the Whigs came dl^j^hX^ (■' *tJ Jnto power with Earl Grey as prime minister, and with Lord John Russell as leader in the Commons.^ The Whig I/ord Russell drew a moderate bill for the reform of Parlia- ment. Representation icas to be distributed somewhat more fairly by^taking about 100 members away from rotten or pocket borou ghs and assigning them to new places that needed repre- sentation ; and the suffrage was extended to all householders in the towns who owned or rented houses worth £50 a year, and to all "farmers" (p. 535). (Farm laborers were left out; as were ^ The English penal code of the eighteenth century has been fitly called a "sanguinary chaos." Whenever in the course of centuries a crime had become especially troublesome, some Parliament had fixed a death penalty for it, and no later Parliament had ever re\'ised the code. In 1660 the number of "capital crimes" was fifty (three and a half times as many as there were in New England at the same time under the much slandered "blue laws"), and by 1800 the number had risen to over two hundred. To steal a sheep, to snatch a handkerchief out of a woman's hand, to cut down trees in an orchard, were all punishable by death. ^ Russell was the son of a duke, and his title of Lord at this time was only a "courtesv title." THE FIRST REFORM BILL 511 the t own artisanj ^fass, living as its members did in tenements or as lodgers.) To the Tories this mild measure seemed to threaten, the foun- The king dations of society. Fierce debates lasted month after month. -^^''^f^/° . "^ . . . . yield to his In March of 1831 the ministry carried the "second reading" Ministers by a majority of one vote. It was plain that the Whig majority was not large enough to save the bill from hostile amendment. (A bill has to pass three " readings," and amendments are usually considered after the second.) The ministry decided to dissolve, and "appeal to the country" for better support. The king was bitterly opposed to this plan. A passionate sccik^ took place between him and his ministers, but he was forced to give way 7- and so, incidentally, it was settled that tlie ministry, not the king, dissolves Parliament, {This mcdiis that Parlia- ment really dissolves itself.) <. ^ a The Whigs went into the new campaign with the cry, " The Lords and Bill, the whole Bill, and nothing but the Bill." Despite the un- representative nature of Parliament, they won an overwhelm- ing majority. In June Lord Russell introduced the bill again. In September it passed the Commons, 345 to 239. Then the Lords calmly voted it down. One session of the second Parlia- ment was wasted. The nation cried out passionately^ against the House of Lords. ^JZhere-^was- much violtiuc, and England seemed on the verge of revolution. In December the same Parliament met for a new session. Lord Russell introduced the same bill for the third time. It passed the Commons by an increased majority. This time the ^ Lords did not venture altogether to throw it out, but they tacked on hostile amendments. The king had always had power to The make new peers at will. Lord Grey now demanded from the king authority to create enough new peers to save the bill. Wil- liam refused. Grey__resi^gned^ For eleven days England had jio government. The Tories tried to form a ministry, but could get no majority. Angry mobs stormed about the king's carriage in the streets, and the Whig )e^,<; lprs wpnt so fnr as seCTCtly t.Q- prepare for civil war. Finally the king recalled the Whig ministry. He was still Eleven Days " 512 ENGLAND, 1815-1914 The Lords become an inferior house unwilling to create new peers, but he offered to use his personal influence to get the upper House to pass the bill. Happily, Earl Grey was firm to show where real sovereignty lay ; and the king was compelled to sign the paper (still exhibited in the BritisH Museum) on which the earl had WTitten, "The King grants permission to Earl Grey ... to create such a number of new peers as will insure the passage of the Reform Bill." This ended the struggle. It was not needful actually to make new peers. The Tory lords withdrew from the sessions, and the bill passed, June 4, 1832. The " king's ministers " become the nations ex ecutive Excursus on minis- terial gov- ernment Incidentally the long contest had settled two points in the constitution : It had shown hoic the Commons could control the Lords. It had showiiThat the ministers are not the king's ministry, except in name, hut that they are really the ministry, or servants, of the House of Commons. This principle has never since been threat- ened. The king acts only through the ministers. Even the speech he reads at the opening of Parliament is written for him. The way in which a change in ministry is brought about should be clearly understood. If the ministry is outvoted on any matter of importance, it must resign. If it does not do so, and claims to be in doubt whether it has really lost its majority, its opponents will test the matter by moving a vote of "lack of confidence." If this carries, the ministry takes it as a man- date to resign. There is only one alternative : If the ministry believes that the nation will support it, it may dissolve Parlia- ment, and "appeal to the countr^\" If the new Parliament gives it a majority, it may go on. If not, it must at once give way to a new ministry. Info r m, the new ministry is chosen by the king ; but in reality, he simply names those whom the will of the majority in the Com- m ons ha s plainly pointed out. Indeed, he names only one man^ whom he asks to "form a government." This man becomes 'prime minister, and selects the other ministers.__In a parlia- mentary election. Englishmen really vote also for the next prime minister, just as truly, and about as directly, as we in this country MINISTERIAL GOVERNMENT 513 vote for our President. If the king asks any one else to form a ministry hut the man whom the Commons have accepted as their leader, probably the man asked will respectfully de- cline. If he tries to act, he will fail to get other strong men to join him, and his ministry will at once fail. If there is any real uncertainty as to which one of several men is leader, the matter is settled by conference among the leaders, and the new ministry, of course, includes all of them. A curious feature to an^ American student is that all tliis com- plex procedure rests only on cz^^iom;^ nowhere on a written constitution. Each member of the Cabinet is the head of some great department — Foreign Affairs, Treasury, War, and so on. The leading assistants in all these departments — sojne forty people now — are included in the ministry. About twenty oFtlie forty, — holding the chief positions, — make the inner circle which is called the Cabinet. The Cahinrf is really ''the Government," and is often referred to by that^ title. It is the real executive; and it is also the "steering committee'' of the legis- lature. In their private meetings the members of the Cabinet decide upon general policy. In Parliament they introduce bills and advoca te them. As ministers, tlicy carry out the plans agreed upon. In these changes, the Icing's veto has disappeared. The last veto was by Queen Anne in 1707. Thus we have two types of democratic government in the world, both developed by English-speaking peoples. They differ from each other mainly in regard to the executive. In the JJnited States,. the executive is a president, or governor, inde- pendcnt of the legislature. The other republics upon this con- tinent have adopted this American type. In England, the executive has become practically a steering committee of the legislature. This type is the one adopted by most of the free governments of the world outside America. For Further Reading. — The most brilliant story is Justin McC arthy's Epo ch of Reform,, 25-83. Rose's Rise of Democracy, 9-52, is excellent. ~ CHAPTER LIV English politics REFORM IN THE VICTORIAN AGE In 1837 W illiam IV was_succeeded by his niece, Victoria, whose reign filled the next sixty-four years. Victoria . came to the throne a modest, high-minded girl of eighteen years. She was not brilliant, but she grew into a worthy, sensible woman, of ex- cellent moral influence. (In. 18^0 she jnarried Albert, the ruler of a small German principality ; and their happy and lovely family life was an example new to European courts for gener- ations.}^ The remaining two thirds of the century was, for all the world, an era of prosperity, intellectual glory and moral refinement, democratic progress and social reform, and vast expansion of civilization. In all this advance, England held a first place. The Reform Bill of 1832 had given the vote to one out of six grow n me n (five times as liberal as the French franchise after the Revolution of 1830) . Political power had passed from a narro w lan ded o ligarchy to a broad middle-class aristocracy. Political parties soon took new names. "Conservative" began to repla ce "Tory," an d ''Liberal" replaced "Whi^' From 1832 to 1874, except for short inter\'als, the Liberals were in power, carrym^ a lo ng list of social reforms. Finally the Con- servatives, too, adopted a liberal policy toward social reform, and secured longer leases of power. The following table of ad- ministrations will be convenient for reference : Table of administra- 1830-34 tions 1834-35 1835-41 1841-46 1846-52 Liberals Russell jConserv- ' atives 1852 *. Derby f (1) Aberdeer^' ■1852-58 < ' ' , [ (2) Palmerstcn 1858-59 - Derby 514 X! X X X H A CENTURY OF REFORM 515 1859-66 1866-68 1868-74 1892-95 1895-1906 1906 Conserv- Liherals atives |(1) Salisbury ■ \ (2) Balfour f Campbell-Bannerman \Asquitli (to 1915) [1915-1918 A coalition war-ministry, led by Lloyd George] 1919-1922 A coalition ministry, mainly Conservatives, led by Lloyd George 1922 Bonar Law Disraeli and Gladstone Conserv- Liherals olivet (1) Palmerston (2) Russell Derby Gladstone 1874-80 Disraeli 1880-85 . Gladstone 1885-86 Salisbury 1886 . . Gladstone 1886-92 .\ Salisbury (1) Gladstone (2) Roseb^ry - The man who did most to educate the Conservatives into this new attitude was the Jew, Disraeli. He was an author, a brilUant genius, and a shrewd poHtician. Some critics called him " a Conservative with Radical opinions," while others in- sisted that he had no principles in politics. An even more important political figure was Disraeli's great . adversary, William E. Gladstone. Gladstone entered Parlia- ment in 1833, at the first election after the Reform Bill, and soon proved himself a powerful orator and a master of debate. He was then an extreme Tory. By degrees he grew Liberal, and thirty years later he succeeded Lord Russell as the unchal- lenged "leader "of that party. For thirty years more he held tliat place — four times prime minister. His early friends ac- cused him bitterly as treacherous; but the world at large accepted his own simple explanation of his changes, — "I was brought up to distrust liberty ; I learned to believe in it. " I. POLITICAL REFORM TheTories at once accepted the result of 1832, as the Conservative Working- party in England always does when a new reform has once been ^Qj^tg^t forced upon them. But they planted themselves upon it as a final- after 1832 ity. Even the Whigs agreed for many years in this "finality" view so far as political reform was concerned. A few eager Radicals in Parliament for a time kept up a cry for a more lib- eral franchise, but soon even they gave up the contest, to take part in the great social legislation of the period. /^ 516 ENGLAND, 1815-1914 The trade- union move ment The Chartist igita^on True, the masses of working men knew that the victory of 1832 had been won largely by their sympathy and public demon- strations, and they felt that they had been cheated of the fruits.^ This class continued restless ; but they lacked leadership, and, in ordinary times, their claims secured little attention. At first, they turned to trade unions, and sought to get })etter wages and shorter hours by strikes. But employers united, dismissed all union workmen, and, aided by the conservative courts, stamped out the movement for many years. A strike by a union the courts held a "conspiracy," and in 1837 they trans- ported six labor leaders to the Australian penal settlements. Then the Radicals turned again to politics. There were two jnarked periods of agitation at intervals of nearly twenty years, — just before 1848 and again before 1867. The earlier is the famous ('hd/iisf movement. Even before the First Reform Bill, there had been an extensive agitation for a more radical change, and the extremists had fixed upon six points to struggle for : (1) manhood suffrage, (2) equal electoral districts, (3) abolition of all property qualification for membership in Parliament, J4) payment of innnbers, (5) the ballot, and (6) annual elections. In 1837 the, Radicals renewed their agitation, and these "Six Points" were embodied in a proposed Charter.^ Five of them have since become law, and the sixth is no longer of any con- sequence; but to the ordinary Liberal of 1840 these demands seemed to preKidFTevoTution and anarchy. 'Forty-eight" was the critical year. The Chartists adopted a re solution, " All labor shall cease until the people's Charter becomes the law of the land." But this first attempt at a "general strike" for political purposes, along with accom- panying plans for monster petitions and processions, fizzled out, with no. disturbance that called for anything more than a few extra policemen. The_^ear of revolutions" left Eng- land unmoved, and the Chartist movement died. The jiext agitation took its rise from the suffering of the un- employed while the American Civil War cut off the supply o7 cotton for English factories, and it was strengthened by the * There is an admirable treatment in Rose's Rise of Democracy, ch. ii. THE SECOND REFORM BILL 517 victory of the democratic North in that war over the aristo- The Second era tic South. This time no one dreamed of force. The Lib- Reform erals, under Russell, introduced a reform measure, but lost power England a because they did not go far enough. Then, said Disraeli, cyni- democracy cally, " If tlie country is bound to have reform, we might as well give it to them" — and stay in office. Thus the " Srmnd Reform BilV (passed in 1867 by a Conservative ministry') ex- ^^2ijt!±^:;^ tended tlie franchise to the artisan class (all householders and all lofhicr.s' who paid Teh pounds a year for their rooms). This raised the number of voters to over fhn'<' m/llio/is, or to some- 'thing- ovvY half tlie adult miilv population. The unskilled la- borers in^town^nd country, and the male house-servants, still had no votes ; but England had taken a tremendous step to- w^ard de mocracy . Thi^ victory of 1867, like that of 1832, was followed by a period of _ sweeping legislation for social reform, — mainly in Gladstone's Liberal ministry^ LS68-1874 (p. 523). Then, after a Conservative ministry, led by Disraeli and chiefly concerned with foreign matters (p. 523 ), Glad stone took office again, and The Third the "Third Reform Bill" (18841 in large measure enfranchised 5.tf°'?o ^- -'"',■ ' Bill, loo^ the unskilled laborer and the servant cla ss. Th is raised the electorate to over six millions, and ^(except for unmarried sons without property, living in the father's family, and for laborers living in very cheap houses) it gave \ otts to practically all self- supporting men, leaving out only about one seventh the adult males. The next year^_ Parliament did away w^ith the chief remainmg inequalities in representation by dividing England into parli anie ntary d istricts, like our congressional districts. Three other reforms in this period made English poHtics clean and honest. In 187 the secret ballot was introduced. The form adopted other re- was the excellent one known as the Australian ballot, from its ^°''!°.^ ^° use in Victoria. (Most of the States of our Union have since then adopted the same model.) Between 1855 and 1870^ th^^ q i,'^il sprm'r.p. was thoroughly reformed. In earlier years, public offices had been given to reward political 518 ENGLAND, 1815-1914 /Local / government I reform Reform in town gov- ernment be- gins in 1835 Parish. Dis- trict, and County Councils partisans, in as disgraceful a degree as ever marked American politics. But since 1870, appointments have always been made after competitive examinations, and there has been no removal of appointed officials for party reasons. Bribery in elections, direct and also indirect, was effectively checked by the ''Corrupt Practices Prevention Act" of 1883, drawn along lines more recently adopted in the United States. The extension of the franchise in the "Reform" bills applied only to parliamentary elections. But local government also called for reform. It had been highly aristocratic. It was not centralized, as in France ; but each rural unit (county or parish) was in the hands of the local aristocracy, while the town government (usually vested in a self -elected mayor and council, holding office for life) had become exceedingly selfish and corrupt and had proved wholly indifferent to the pressing needs of the growing city populations. But in 1835 a Municipal Re- form Bill provided that 183 })oroughs (indicated by name) should ^ch have a municipal council elected by all who paid local taxes. The Lords went wild with dismay at this "gigantic innovation," and by votes of 6 to 1 , they amended nearly every clause in the bill so as to make it worthless. The Commons refused the amendments; and after a four months' struggle the Lords yielded. From time to time, new towns were added to the list ; and finally, in 1882, it was provided that any towm might adopt this form of gbvernrnent for itself. Since 1835, English town government has been honest, efficient, and enlightened, — a model to all other democratic countries. The best citizens serve in the town councils. The appointed officials, like the city engineer, city health ofl[icer, and so on, are men of high professional standing, who are never appointed or removed for political purposes. In the rural units the rule of the country gentry had been free from corruption, and it lasted until the latter part of the century. It had not been particularly enlightened, however, and inJ88^ and 1894 the County Council Bill and the Parish Councils Bill made local government thoroughly democratic. (1) The LOCAL GOVERNMENT REFORM 519 parish has a primary assembly {parish meeting). (2) Parishes "with more than three hundred people have also an elective Parish Council. (3) Larger sub- divisions of the county, Ivnown as Districts, have elective District Councils. And (4) at the top is the elective County Council. The powers of all these local bodies are very great. For Further Reading. — On the Second and Third Reform Bills, interesting treatments are to be found in Hazen, Rose, McCarthy's History of Our Own Times, and in the younger Mc- Carthy's England under Gladstone. Beard's English Historians, 566-581 and 582- 593, is admirable. On the Chartists, Rose, 84-146 ; Hazen, 446-450. IL SOCIAL REFORM Queen Victoria, late in life. The third^es_jKere_ajieriod of humanitarian agitation, as well Social re- as of democratic advance. Charles Dickens wrote his moving r!™^^"^ stories of the abuses in the courts, the schools, the factories, First Re- the shops. Carlyle thundered against injustice, in Chartism °^ and in Past and Present; Mrs. Browning pleaded for the "abused children in touching poems ; and Parliament responded to the same impulse. After carrying the Reform Bill of 1832, Earl Grey's ministry (1) freed the Negro slaves in the West India colonies, paying the colonists for their loss^ ; (2) began to free the hardly less misera- ble "white slaves" of the English factory towns, by a new- era of factory legislation (p. 520); (3) freed the Irish peasants 1 Special Report : Wilberforce, and his work for emaucipution. 520 ENGLAND, 1815-1914 The Factory Act of 1833 The Factory Act of 1847 Later fac- tory acts from the o])ligation of paying tithes to support the Episcopa- *lian clergy, whom they hated; (4) abolished the pillory and tEe whipping post, and began to reform the foul and inhuman conditions in the prisons ; (5) began the reform of local gov- ernment (p. 518) ; and (6) made a first step toward public edu- cation, by a national grant of £20,000 a year to church schools. The most important legislation of the century was the labor and ~Jactory legislation here begun. Graduall}^ Englishmen had awakened to the ugly fact that the new factory system was ruining, not only the souls, but also the bodies of hundreds of thousands of women and children, so as to threaten national degeneracy. In 1833, among the first acts of the "Reformed Parliament," Lord Ashley (Earl of Shaftesbury) ^ secured a factory law limiting the work of children (under thirteen year^) to forty -eight hours a week, and that of "young people" (from thirteeii to eighteen years) to sixty-nine hours a week (or twelve hours on five days and*nineTiours on Saturdays), ^nd strictly forbidding the employment of children under nine (!) In 1847 a still greater factory law limited the labor of women ai^'^'^^young personsj' (between 14 and 16) to ten hours a day with only half-time for "children" (between 9 and 14j_and with provision for schooling in the vacant half of the day^ (Iii^k££t!7 this law fixed a limit upon the hours of men also, because, after The women and children had all left a factory, it was not profit- ^able to keep the machinery going. Thus ten hours became the factory working-day many years before this goal was reached generally in America.) Of the lon g series of _lateT_acts, the most important is the great Act of 1901, w^hich revised and advanced the factory legislation of the preceding centurv. Since 1901, no child under 12 can ■^ ■*- . II I -I - I ,, , , „ . , - - - — ' . ■■' be em^lq^ed at all in any sort of factory or workshop ; and for^ employees between 12 and 16, a physician must certify that t^ere is no danger of physical injury from the employment.^ ^ Special report upon his work for reform. 2 For Further Reading. — Gibbin's Industrial History of England, 175- 176, and Cheyney's Industrial and Social History, 224-202. Vivid statements are given also in Justin McCarthy's Epoch of Reform, History of Our Own Times, and England in the Nineteenth Century. FREE TRADE 521 These acts have been accompanied by many provisions to Workman's secure good lighting and ventilation in factories and workshops, ^^"^P^^sa- and to_prevent accidents from machinery, by compelling the employer to fence it in with every possible care. In 1880 an T!n; i)]()i/crs' Liahilitij Act made it easy for a workman to secure coiiipctisation for any injury for which he was not himself tc* blame ; and in 1897 a still more generous Workman's Compen- satio7i^'cf~secuTe3. such c^ihpensatibri for the workmen by a simple process \vithout lawsuits. (These acts have been copied in the last few years by progressive iVmerican States.) The^short Conservative ministry of Peel (1841-1846) was The old m arked by the aboHtion of the Corn Laws. Those laws had '^°^^, put an excessively high tariff on imported grain. Their aim was to encourage the raising of foodstuffs in England, so as to make sure of a home supply; and during the Napoleonic w^ar this policy perhaps had been justifiable. The money profits, how- ever, had always gone mainly to the landlords, who enacted the laws in Parliament and who raised rents high enough to confiscate the benefits which the high prices might otherwise have brought to the farmer. After the rapid growth in popu- lation had rnade it impossible for England to produce enough food for lier people anyway, the landlords' monopoly of bread- stuffs had become an intolerable burden upon the starving mul- titudes. The needless misery among this class finally aroused great moral indignation. In 1838 the Anti-Corn-Law League, organ- ized hyJRjchard Cobden and John Bright, carried on a campaign of education through the press and by means of great public meetings. The manufacturing capitalists w^ere made to see that the Corn Laws taxed them, indirectly, for the benefit of the landlords — since to enable their workmen to live, they had to pay higher wages than would otherwise have been necessary. And so the selfish interests of this influential manufacturing class were thrown to the side of this particular reform. Final ly, in 1846, a huge calamity was added to the same side. This was the Irish Famine. The population of Ireland had been increasing rapidly, until it amounted to over eight millions. 522 ENGLAND, 1815-1914 The Irish Famine forces free trade in food Free trade adopted as a policy The greater part were poor peasants, living in misery, with t'he potato for almost their sole food. Suddenly, in 1846, in a night, came a blight that ruined the crop for the year ; and, Respite generous gifts of food from all the world, two million j)eople died of starvation.^ The government in England had already been considering a reform of the Corn Laws, and this terrible event in Ireland forced it to act. Peel decided to let food in free ; and, despite bitter opposition from the landlords of his own party, the reform was ^adopted. ' One interesting result of the bitter feeling of the Tory land- lords was the passing of the factory act of 1847 (p. 520). That much-needed reform had been vehemently opposed by manu- facturing Liberals, like John Bright, who urged (1) that it would oblige manufacturers to reduce wages and raise prices ; (2) that it took from the workman his "freedom of contract" ( !) ; and (3) that it would ruin English industry and drive capital away to countries where there was no such "mischievous legislation." But the landlord Tories, who had just been beaten by Bright on the Corn Laws, grimly took their revenge by forcing this other reform upon the manufacturing capitalists. The story shows that neither division of the capitalist class could see any needs of the working class that conflicted with their own unjust profits. Peel was soon overthrown by a party revolt, but the Liberals took up his work and carried it farther. They abolished one protective tariff after another, until, by 1852, England had become a^ '^free trade" country. For the next half century this policy was never seriously questioned in England. Soon after 1900, however, some Conservative leaders began to advocate a policy of '' fair trade," or a s\'stem of retaliatory tariffs against coun- tries whose tariffs shut out British manufactures ; and in 1909 and 1910 the Conservative party made its campaigns on this issue ; but so far (1921) it has not won. After the enfranchisement of the artisan class by the Re- form Bill of 1867, came Gladstone's great reform administration 1 A million more emigrated to America in the next four years (1847-1850). This was the first large immigration of Catholic Irish to this country. PLATE XC Sir Robert Peel speaking for the Repeal of the Corn I.aws Uciure the amazed House of Commons. A painting by T. Walter Wilson. GLADSTONE AND DISRAELI 523 (1868-1874)j which rivals in importance that of Earl^Grey in Gladstones the thirties. It established alongside the old private and paro- ^^fsTratlon chiai schools a new system of public schools, or, as the Eng- 1868-1874 TTslTcaTrthem, Board Schools.^ It aboli shed purchase^ of office tn the ariiiy, and completed the civil sery ice reform (p. 517). TtTnti-oduced the ballot (p. 517). It opened English univer- sities to others than the members of the Church of England. "It passed further factory laws. It definitely repealed the old conspjracy laws, under which labor unions liad'been persecuted, and it gav(^ l(\ual rights to such unions, permitting them to in- corporate and secure the rights at law of an individual. It also arranged honorably the Alabama Arbitration Treaty with the fnited States. J^t, "disendowed" and "disestablished" the English Church in Irehuid, and cam ec 1 through important land reforms for Ireland (pp. 526-527). But, (l('spit(> tlu' trade-union law, Gladstone _ offended The labor the labor party by a new law regarding strikes. This law )J"^°"f recognized the right of a union to strike, but made criminal Gladstone any show of intimidation. It forbade strikers to revile those who remained at work ; and it is reported that under the law seven women were sent to prison for crying "Bah !" at a work- man who had deserted the strikers. The ministry lost more and more of its support, and finally Gladstone "dissolved." In the election, the labor unions voted for the Conservatives ; and that party secured a large majority, for the first time since 1832. _ Then followed Disraeli's administration of 1874-1880 ivith its Disraeli's "dazzJinq forriqn />o//>w."''^ "The only reform at home was the i^^perialistic - . ■ ' -'J ^,. ^^ ... - ^ , _ admimstra- 1 promised repeal of the law auainst strikes. Gladstone's ministry tion, 1874-/ haHl)een exceedingly peaceful and honorable in dealing with '^^° foreign nations. Disraeli, leader of the new ministry, character- ized this attitude as weak, and said that it had "compromised S(i railed In (;iu-c tlir\- are managed by elected Boards. (The term "public schocjl" in iMTfilaud had been appropriated 1)y the great secondary schools, like Rugby, though there is no public control over them.) The Board Schools have revolutionized the English working-class. In 1850, more than a third of the newly married couples had to sign their names in the marriage registers with their "marks" ; but in 1903 only two per cent were unable to write their names. 524 ENGLAND, 1815-1914 Gladstone's second ministry, 1880-1885 the honor" of England. He adopted an aggressive foreign poKcy, and tried to excite EngHsh patriotism by "jingo" ^ ut- terances and conduct. Bv act of Parliament, Queen Victoria was declared "Empress of India"; the Boers of the Transvaal were incited to war, so that England might seize their lands; and in 1878, when Russia conquered Turkey (p. 623) and seemed about to exclude the Turks from EuropCj^ Disraeli in- terfered. He got together* a Congress _Qi the J^owers at Berlin, and saved enough of European Turkey to shut Russia off from the Medi- terranean^ Gladstone came forth from retirement to carry on a great campaign against this policy of supporting the Turk in his mastery over the Christian popu- lations of southeastern Europe. His appeal to the moral sense"of the English people was successful ; and Disraeli, Loud Beaconsfield, late in in the election of .1880 the his career. t •! i 1 ' Liberals secured an over- whelming majority. The evil work of the Congress of Berlin could not now be*undone ; but Gladstone's new ministry passed the Third Reform Bill and it also completed the purification of English politics by adopting the law against "Corrupt Practices" (p. 518). Soon, however, this Liberal ministry found itself occupied witn Irish questions, about_ which English politics were to revolve for the next fifteen years. 1 This word comes from a popular music hall song of 1878 : "We don't want to fight ; but, by jingo, if we do We've got the men, we've got the ships, We've got the money, too." IRELAND TO 1800 525 III. ENGLAND AND THE IRISH QUESTION The tragic story of Ireland to the close of Elizabeth's day has Cromwell been told. Said an English poet-historian of that time, " If -y^iuiam III it had been practised in Hell as it has been in Ireland, it had long since destroyed the very kingdom of Beelzebub." Just before the Civil War in England, the goaded Irish rose in fierce rebellion. A little later the merciless hand of Cromwell restored order with a cruelty which makes his name a by-word in Ireland to-day. Toward the close of the century^ the Irish sided with Janu's II against ^Yilliam III, but were defeated at the Battle of fill' Boyne (1090). Tlic Treaty of Limerick (1691), however, promised them tlie enjoyment of their own religion and certain other pri\ileges \ but these promises were treacherously broken by the English settlers, who controlled the parliament of the island, so that Ximerick is known as "the City of the Broken Treaty." During the eighteenth century the fate of Ireland was Ireland in wretched beyond description. In parts of Ulster (the northern eighteenth proxince") the population was mainly English. Elsewhere century six i^cvcnths of the land belonged to English landlords, most of whom lived in England and spent their rents there. Six sevenths of the people were Catholic Irish. A few of these, especially in the west, were country gentlemen ; a considerable number more were tenant farmers; but the great bulk were a starving peasantry, working the land for Saxon landlords and living in mud hovels, — each with an acre or two of ground about it. ^Farnaers ^nd laborers alike were " tenants at will." That is, "Rack they could be evicted at th(- landlord's word. Population was ""^^^ so crowded that there was always sharp competition to get farms and cottages, and so the landlord could make his own terms. If the tenant improved the buildings or drained the land, he commonly found at once that he had to pay more rent, so that he himself got no profit from his extra labor. This system of "rack rent" ina(l(- the ])('asantry reckless and lazyj^and the fact that the law of their masters w^as used only to oppress them trained them to hate and break the law. 526 ENGLAND AND THE IRISH V The Rebel- lion and the " Union " Young Ire- land And the Fenians Gladstone's reforms In 1798 the Irish rebelled. They were promised aid by the Frencli Directory ; but tlie help did not come in time, and the rising was put down witli horrible cruelty, A change in the goxcriinicnt followed. For several centuries, there had been a separate parliament for Ireland (controlled by the English settlers); but after 1798 Fmcjland consolidated the government of the firo idands7 THe Act of Union (1800) abolished the Irish legislatinc (giving Ireland one hundred representatives in the English rarliament), and made Ireland subject directly to Eng- lish rule and English officials. These were the conditions at the opening of the nineteenth century. Jn^lSOS ajbrilliant^young Irishman, Robert Emmet, tried to organize a rebellion for Irish independence; but the effort failed miserably, and Emmet died on the scaffold. The_struggle for the repeal of the Union began in 1830, in the fir st English Parli ament in which Catholics were allowed to sit (p. 510). Forty of the Irish delegation were pledged to work for repeal, ancT they were led by the dauntless Darnel O'Conncll; but tlie Trisli famine of 1846 checked the agitation, and just aJterward O'Connell diqd. Then a band of hot-headed young_ ^men tried conspiracy, and the fruitless and rather farcic al re- bellion of Young Ireland marked the year 1848. The next twenty years saw no progress. In 1866 came an- other rebellion, — the Fenian Conspiracy, — organized by Irish officers who had served in the American Civil War. The danger did not become serious, but it convinced many liberal English- men that something must be done for Ireland, and Gladstone's reform ministry of 1868-1874 took up the task. 1. Since the day of Elizabeth,^ l^e Episcopal church had held the ancient prope rty of the Catholic church in Ireland, though in 183o a parliamentary commission failed to find one Protestant (except the appointed clergy) in any one of 150 par- ishes. That foreign church was now disestablished (deprived of political j^rivjleges) and ;paj-tially disendowed — though it ke^t its buildings and enough other property to leave it still very rich. 2. This act of partial justice was followed in 1870 by the first THE HOME-RULE STRUGGLE 527 of a lo ng spri(^s of important reforms of the land Imvs. Two things were att(iiij)t('(l : (1) in case of removal, it was ordered that the landlord must pay for any improvements the tenant had made ; and (2) the government arranged to lend money on long time and at low interest, to the tenants, so that they might buy their little patches of land. In 18 81 and 1885 Gladstone's ministries extended and improved these laws until the peasants oegan to be true land-owners, with a chance to develop new habits of thrift and industr;^;^ Meantime, in 1870, a group of Irish memhers of Parliament Reform and had begun a neiv agitation for ''Home Rule," and soon afterward *^°®^"°° the same leaders organized the^'^Land League," to try to fix rents, as labor unions sometimes try to fix wages. For the time, the Liberal- ministry frowned on both these movements, and prosecuted the Land League sternly on the ground that it encouraged crime against landlords. But suddenly Gladstone made a change of front. In the new Gladstone Parliament of 1884, eighty-six of Ireland's hundred and five nieliibers "were "Home Rulers.'' They began to block all legis- Rule laTTon'; and'GlacTstone could^ go on only^by securing^ their alli- ;iiK'(\ ?vr()r('o\ er, he had b ecome convinced that the qnlji way to govcni Ireland was to govern it in cooperaiion irifh the Irish, and not in opposition to them. So in 1886 he adopted the " Home- Rule" plan and introduced a bill to restore a separate legis- lature^o^ Ireland. .. The Conservatives declared that this policy meant disunion Gladstone's and ruin to the Empire, and in this belief they were joined by retirement many of the old Liberals, w^ho took thq name of Liberal U^iion- ists. The Home-Rule Bill was defeated ; but it made the issue in the next election a few^ years later, and in 1893 Gladstone tried to carry another such measure. This time, the Commons passed the bill, but the Lords threw it out. The majority for it in the Commons was narrow, and plainly due only to the Irish vote. Thus Gladstone felt that the nation would not support him in any attempt to pass the bill by swamping the Lords with new peers. At this moment his age compelled him converted to Home 528 ENGLAND AND THE IRISH Further land reform The Sinn Fein move- ment to retire from parliamentary life, and the Liberals, left for a time without a fit leader, went out of power. The Conservatives and Unionists then tried to conciliate Ireland by extending the policy of government loans to the peas- antry to an almost unlim- ited extent, though for- merly they had railed at such acts as robbery and socialism ; and they grant- ed a kind of heal "home rule," by establishing elec- tive County Councils like those in England. The Irish members kept up agitation ' in Parliament, but for a long time even the Liberals seemed to have lost interest in Irish Home Rule ; and indeed it was plain that nothing could be done until after the "mending or ending" of the House of Lords. This matter was soon forced to the front in connection with English questions (pp. 529 ff.). Meantime a group of ardent Irish scholars and poets had be- gun to revive the use of Erse (the ancient Irish language) and to buildthe old IrisKhistory and legends into a noble and beauti- ful literature. A new sense of nationality, due largely to this literary revival^ soon gave birth to the Sinn Fein movement ("Ourselves alone"), calling for complete independence. Gladstone, after retirement. N CHAPTER LV RECENT REFORM IN ENGLAND: "WAR UPON POVERTY" / ho-pe that great advance will he made during this generation toward the time when poverty, with its wretchedness and squalor, will be as remote from, the people of this country as are the wolves which once infested its forests. — Lloyd George, in 1909. After Gl adstonels retirement, the Conservatives held power for The Con ten years (1896-1905). Thev carried forward some social re- servative '-7 1*1 /• 1 IP ''^^®' 1896- forms which they had once bitterly opposed — such as lactory igos reform and Irish-land reform — • but they also placed the Eng- lish Board schools under the control of the established church. In 1905 the. Liberals returned to power with a group of new Return of leaders, who still (1921) remain prominent in English public life, *^^ Liberals — Mr. Asquith, Mr. Lloyd George, and Mr. Winston Churchill. The ministry which contained these men was supported by the largest parliamentary majority which had been seen since the Fifty Labor First Reform Bill. The^sarne election sent fifty Labor repre- members in setitdtirr:-; to Parliament, several of them avowed Socialists. The new ministry sought at once to take the schools back from the control of the church but succeeded only in part — owing to the veto of the Lords. That House, too, ventured to challenge conflict by vetoing a bill that tried to take away tlie "plural votes" of rich men.^ To "end or mend" "Theobstructive House of Lords had been part of the Liberal platform for a quarter of a century. Now the issue was com- ing to the front. The final clash came over the budget. 1 The English law permitted a man to vote in as many counties as he JierdTandbcI property. The defense of this ancient privilege of property had become a matter of intense feeling with the English Conservatives. ■jyieXiberHls shouted the slogan, "One man, one vote." (Since elections wer e held^all on_^one day, the actual number of plural votes was iiot very large; but they remained a hateful class distinction.) ' 529 530 RECENT REFORM IN ENGLAND Lloyd George's budget of 1909 The Lords challenge conflict Each year the ministry presents a statement of the expenses^ it intends to incur, and of the taxes it proposes to lay where- with to meet those expenses. This statement is the budget. In April of 1909 Lloyd George, finance minister, presented a budget jvhich honestly horrified Conservatives, and which was the most socialistic step ever taken up to that time by a great government. (1) A graduated income tax took a large part of all incomes over $25,000, and bore more heavily on unearned incomes than on those earned. (2) A graduated inheritance tax took larger proportions than formerly of inheritances. (3) A much higher tax was placed on land that paid rents and royalties to landlords than on land worked by its owners. (4) IVIost important of all, there was a provision that when any man sold land for more than it had cost, he must pay one fifth the gain into the national treasury. (This is known as a tax on the "un- earned increment," and is a move toward the doctrine of the Single-taxers, who wish tlie community to take all such unearned increment.) The Conser^-^ti^i^s attacked this budget \i()lently as revolu- tionary. Especially they denounced the distinction regarding unearn ed inc(j>mes as an " invidious assault on the rights of prop- erty. " Moreover, they claimed that the treasury did not need such vast income as was proposed. As to this last point, Lloyd George declared that he was proposing a "war budget," — for "waging implacable war against poverty." The other accusations were answered forcibly by Mr. Winston Churchill, who frankly declared a man's right to property dependent upon the way in which he obtained it : " Formerly," said he, "the only question by the tax-gatherer was 'How much have you got?' . . . To-day . . . we ask also, ^ How did you get it f'' The budget passed the Commons, but the Lords threw it out by a vote of five to one. For many centuries the upper House had not dared to interfere with a "money bill" (p. 310). Now was the time for the Commons to strike. TSi^~Ipi^i^^O " *^^^' solved," in order t(^ appeal to the nationjor syjjport i^restrict- ing the veto of the House ofJ^iO^ds^ andvv'ere i ndorsed by an SOCIAL INSURANCE 531 enlarged majority. The Lords now passed the l)iidget, but threw out a bill against their veto^_ Another dissolution and a second election showed the country resolutely behind the min- istry; and Mr. Asquith, Prime Minister, now announced that, if necessary, 500 new peers would be created to pass the bill. Then the helpless Lords passed the laiv which reduced their House The Lords to a nonentity. Under this law of 1911, any money bill passed ^°se ^^^ by the Commons becomes law within a month, whether tne Lords pass Tt or not (and the Speaker of the Commons decides whether a bill is or is not a money bill) ; and any other bill passed by the Commons at three successive sessions be- comes law, in spite of a veto by the Lords. The Liberals then hastened to push through a program of Social in- social reform. In 1908 they had already passed an Old-age surance, Pensions Act giving $1.25 a week to every person over seventy 3^ears old with a yearly income of less than £160 — not as a dole ^ — -^ of charity but as due reward in payment for a long life of service to the commonweal. An even more important move in the "war against poverty" was now made, in a national insurance act of 1911. This act compelled every worker with a yearly in- come of less than $800 to insure against sickness, and offered tempting inducements for such insurance to workers with higher incomes. (The benefits include weekly payments during sick- ness, free medical care in health, and free treatment in state hos- pitals when sick.) More radical still was a provision insuring workers in certain trades against unemployment. A workman out of work, without fault of his own, was promised a weekly sum for a term of fifteen weeks, and free transportation to a place where the free labor-bureaus may find him new work. These acts placed England in the lead of the large nations in the matter of "social insurance." Political reform, too, loas pushed forward. In 1 911 the maxi- other re- mum duration of Parliaments was limited to five years, instead ^omi before of seven, and salaries ($2000 a year) were provided for members of Parliament. The same Parliament finally "disestablished" ^he English church in Wales (where the people were practically all dissenters) and at last passed Jrish Home Rule. The Lords 532 RECENT REFORM IN ENGLAND Delay due to the World War Ireland since the war vetoed both measures in 1912 and in 1913, but in 1914 they be- came law over the veto. In Protestant Ulster, however, the Conservative "Unionists" threatened rebellion to prevent Home Rule going into effect. When, a few weeks later, the World War began, the leaders in this program of violence gave it up ; but in return the ministry secured an act from Parliament postpon- ing the date when the Home-Rule law should go into operation. This delay was one of the most unhappy results of the great war. The old hatreds seemed about to be wiped out. Previous reforms by the English Parliament had disestablished the Eng- lish church in Ireland and had tried honestly to undo the injustice of centuries of English landlordism there by making the Irish peasants again the owners of their own land. A final act of justice seemed about to be performed, which would have left further Irish reform in Irish hands. The delay (along with some other blunders of the English government) produced bitter re- sentment ; and now the Sinn Feiners (p. 528) became the domi- nant party. On the whole Ireland still did its part nobly in the great war ; but some leaders spent their energies instead (some- times even in plots with German autocracy) in attempts to set up an independent Irish nation. On the other hand, fight- ing Germany for her life, England used unwise severity in put- ting down such plots by death sentences. This made any righteous settlement grievously hard. It is most convenient to bring this story down to date at this point. In the first Parliamentary election after the war, the Sinn Feiners djsplaced the Home Rulers, winding nearly all the seats outside Ulster. Of .course they then left their seats vacant. In 1920 Lloyd George carried a new Home-Rule Bill, providing tico subordinate Irish parliaments. The Ulster par- liament organized ; but the rest, of Ireland would have nothing to do with'lthe plan. For the next two years Ireland was ruled bv martial law-'^^witti innumerable assassinations and riots and w^ith frightful police retaliation. At last, however, England had to recognize that the great bulk of the Irish people really were united in their demand for a new national life, and English public opinion began to MISGOVERNMENT IN IRELAND 533 rebel against the government's polic}' of armed repression. (No question, 'too, this change of feeUng was hastened by the very strong and general sympathy for Ireland expressed in America — to whose public opinion England had grown sensitive.) At the same time, few Englishmen felt that in these days of airships and submarines, England could safely run the risk of the neigh- boring island becoming a base of operations for an enemy in some future war. Independence in all internal arrangements, and even in foreign trade, it was seen, had to be conceded, but along with retention of oversight over foreign political re- lations. And suddenly Lloyd George (to the dismay and wrath of the The settle- Tory elements in the coalition that had been supporting him) ^-22 executed one more of his many political somersaults. He called into conference the Irish leaders whom just before he had been hunting do]^n as traitors or felons, agreed with them uppn^a new plan of government by which Ireland became as independ- ent and self-governing as Canada or Australia, and carried that plan swiftly through the English Parliament. In Ireland an ex- treme partv still stood out for entire separation from the British "■■-■■in , ..« ■ ' ." ' ' """ "* Empire, but, after some weeks of bitter debate, the Irish Free, State parliament ratified this treatv on January J7, 1922. So, it may "be Eope^, en"3s the'story of one of the longest and cruelest injustices in history. Meantime suffrage reform had been completed in England. " Votes for In 1912 the Asquith ministry introduced the "Fourth Parlia- the suffra- mentary Reform Bill," extending the suffrage to all grown men gettes and establishing the principle "one man, one vote"; but this bill was withdrawn, later, because of complications with the "equal suffVage" movement. Until 1870, women in England (and in most European lands) had fe}ver rights than in America. But when the English ** Board schools" were created, women were given the right to vote for the Boards, and to serve upon them. In 1888 and 1894 they were given the franchise for the County Councils and Parish Councils, subject to the tax-paying restrictions that applied 534 RECENT REFORM IN ENGLAND to men. Then in 1893 the colony of Xew Zealand gave women fjill politicg-l rights^ and ia 1901 the new Australian Common- wealth did so (as the separate Australian States had done or at once did do). The action of these progressive colonics reajjted upon Old England.^ "Tn 1905 numbers of women there exchanged peace- ful agitation for violence, in the campaign for the ballot. They made noisy and threatening^. demonstrations before the homes of^membejg of tlie ministry ; they broke windows^; they in- vaded the House of Commons in its sittings ; and at last they began even to destroy mail boxes and burn empty buildings. The purpose jof these suffragettes was to center attention on the demand "Votes for women," sinceT^e leaders believed, the demand was sure to be granted if only people could be kept thinking about it. When members of this party of violence were sent to jail, they resorted to a "starvation strike," until the government felt compelled to release them — after trying for a time "forceful feeding." For the time, however, the suffragettes lost public sympathy and alienated many Liberals, so that all franchise reform paused. But when the war of 1914 began, the suffragette leaders called upon their followers to drop all vio- lence while the country was in peril ; and the devoted services of women to the country throughout the war removed the last oppo- sition to equaL. suffrage. Iii. 1918 the "Fourth Reform Bill" became law, giving one vote to each man and each woman. England long a land- lord's coun- try The early years of the twentieth century saw also another act of reparation to a large part of the English people — a matter which requires a backward glance. In 1700, in spite of the sixteenth-century inclosures (p. 365), England still had some 400,000 yeomen farmers — who,^ with their families, made nearly half tKe total population- But by 1800, though population haji doubled, this class of independent small holders had vanished, and rural EnglandTiad become a country of great landlords. The change took place mainly dur- 1 See also the progress of equal suffrage in other European lands (pp. 578- 582) and in America (West's American People, 689-690). A NEW YEOMAN CLASS 535 ing the final quarter of the century — just when the Industrial Revolution was well under way. The new profits in farming (p. 465) made landlords eager for more land. They controlled Parliament (p. 506) ; and that body passed law after law inclos- ing the "commons/' for the benefit of their class. A rhyme of the day expresses the feeling of the yeomen : "The law locks up the man or woman Who steals the goose from off the common ; But leaves the greater villain loose Who steals the common from the goose." The peasant farmers, having lost their old pasture land by these inclosures, could no longer maintain themselves against the competition of the privileged landlord, who also alone had money to buy the new machinery coming into use. ^Snuill farm- ers were compelled to sell out; while the merchants and new man- ufacturing capitalists were eager to buy, both because of the new profits in agriculture and because social position and political power in England in that day rested on ownership of land. The dispossessed yeomanry drifted to the new factory towns to swell the unhappy class there (p. 475) ; or they remained to till the landlord's land, living on his estate as "cottagers," subject to removal at his order. Since this change, until very recently, the classes connected Classes in with the land in England have been three, — landlords, tenant- [^^^ ^^' farmers, and laborers, The first class comprised a few thousand gentry and nobles. Each such proprietor divided his estate into "farms," of from a hundred to three hundred acres, and leased them out to men with a little capital, who are known as "farmers." This second class worked the land directly, with the aid of the third class, who had no land of their own but who labored for day-wages. The landlords as a rule prided themselves upon keeping up their estates. They introduced costly machinery and improved methods of agriculture more rapidly than small proprietors could, and they furnished some of the money necessary to put farms and buildings into good condition. Their own stately homes, too, encompassed by rare old parks, gave a beauty to 536 RECENT REFORM IN ENGLAND rural England such as no other country knew. (During the World War, these glorious oaks were cut to furnish lumber for England ; and much of this beauty has been lost.) The farm- ers, compared with the farm-laborers, were an aristocratic and prosperous class ; but, of course, they had always been largely influenced by their landlords. And they did not own their land. Peasants became free in England sor.ie centurie»i sooner than in France or Germany ; but in no other European country have the peasants ever so completely ceased to be owners of the soil as in nineteenth -century England. In 1876 a parliamentary inquiry found only a quarter of a million (262,886) land-owners with more thiin an acre apiege (while 1200 men owned a fourth of all England). France, with about the same population, had more than twenty times as many land-owners as England had. Rebuilding For many years the Liberal party had tried to remedy this drsr^""^" evil by parliamentary "Allotment acts" (1883, 1887, 1892); but the commissioners to carry out such laws always came from the landlord class, and little was done. But after local^ government b^G^me^^f lUocratic (in 1888 and especially in 1894) the local councils began to buy land, or to condemn it at forced sales, and then to turn it over in^malj holdings to farm laborers on long leases or for purchase^on easy te^ms. This movement has been tremendously accelerated by the need of taking care pf unemplpyecl returned..spldiers since the World War; and the English people are coming once more to own England. For Further Reading. — Ogg, Social Progress in Contemporary Europe, 265-279; Cross, History of England, ch. Ivii ; Larson, Short History of England, 617-639. w < Ph CHAPTER LVI ENGLISH COLONIES AND DEPENDENCIES Of all peoples the English have been the most successful in The colonizing new lands and in ruling semi-barbarous races. In ^"^'^^ 1776 England lost her most important colonies in North Amer- ica ; but the hundred years of war with France (1689-1815) gave her a new and vaster empire (pp. 399, 449). In the nineteenth century this empire was tremendously expanded again, — mainl}^ by peaceful settlement and daring exploration. In 1914 the British Empire covered nearly fourteen million square miles (nearly a fourth the land area of the globe), and its population numbered four hundred millions, or about one fourth of the whole human race. Forty millions of this number dwelt in the British Isles, and about fifteen millions more of English descent lived in self-governing colonies, — mainly in Canada, Australia, and South Africa. The other seven eighths of the vast population of the Empire are of non-European blood, and for the most part they are subject peoples. The outlying possessions are of two kinds: (1) those of conti- nental importance in themselves, such as Canada, India, Egypt, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa, and the West Indian and South American colonies ; and (2) coaling stations and naval posts commanding the routes to these possessions, such as Gi- braltar, Malta, Cyprus, Ceylon, St. Helena, Trinidad, and scores more. Some colonies are completely self-governing, with no depend- The self- ence upon England except in form. This is true of Canada, go^^^.^^^s . . . colonies Australia, New Zealand, and South Africa. The English min- istry appoints a Governor General, whose powers resemble those of the figurehead monarch in England. But the people of the colony elect the local legislature ; and the real executive is the local 537 538 THE BRITISH EMPIRE ministry, "responsible'' to the legislature, as the ministry in England is to Parliament. Crown In another group of colonies, the governors and officials, sent colonies ^^^ from England, really control the whole government. This class of "crown colonies'' comprises most of the naval posts, like Gibraltar, and also those colonies lying in the torrid zone, where the population is mainly non-European. India India is a huge crown colony. The English ministry appoints a Viceroy and a Council, and these authorities name the subor- dinate officials for the subdivisions of the vast country. In the smaller districts the P^nglish officials are assisted by native of- ficers, and to some extent by elected councils of natives. Out- side the territory ruled directly by England there are also nearly a thousand native principalities, large and small, where the governments are really directed by resident English "agents." The constant petty wars which formerly were always wasting the land have been wholly done away with, and the terrible famines, which from time immemorial have desolated it at in- tervals, have become fewer, and on the whole, less serious. As a result, population has increased rapidly, — over fifty per cent in a century, — and to-day more than three hundred million people dwell in India. England has built railroads, and devel- oped cotton industries. Cotton mills give a Western appearance to parts of that ancient Oriental land. India has 800 news- papers (printed in twenty different languages) ; and 6,000,000 students are being educated in schools of many grades. India is not taxed directly for the benefit of the treasury of the Empire, but her trade is a chief source of British wealth. The English have been making a notable attempt to introduce self-government and to get the natives to care for it. Towns are invited to elect municipal councils and to take charge of their streets and drainage and other matters of local welfare. Still it remains true that the Hindoos cannot understand Western civilization, and they do not like it. Moreover, in the great war, England failed to throw herself generously upon PLATE XCII ,.dcrwuo(f and Underwood. Coptjrii,i,i Railroad Station, Bombay, India. — The purpose of the building is due, of course, to English civilization ; but the architecture is native to India. EGYPT 539 Indian loyalty ; she refused commissions to Hindoos, and lost a great chance to bind that people to her more closely. Dissatisfaction due to this mistaken English policy, and the new impulse given by the war to all nationalist movements, have led, since 1920, to a remarkable "pacifist" movement for Hindoo independence — which, at this writing (December, 1921) English officers are putting down cruelly. Egypt in name was one of the tributary states of Turkey until Egypt 1914. In fact, however, it had been independent for most of the nineteenth century, until, in 1881, a new master stepped in. The government had borrowed recklessly and spent wastefully and the land was misgoverned and oppressed by crushing taxa- tion. Then, in 1879, England and France jointly intervened to secure payment of debts due from the Egyptian Khedive to English and French capitalists. In 1881 came a native Egyp- tian rising against this foreign control. France withdrew. England stayed, restored order, and "occupied" the country England had a special motive for staying. The Suez Canal And the had been opened in 1869. The gigantic undertaking had been ^"®^ Canal financed by an international stock company. In 1875 Disraeli's administration had bought from the Egyptian govern- ment its share of the Canal stock, and the English intervention in Egypt was largely to protect this property. Egypt has been made a base of operation, also, from which English rule has been extended into the Soudan (map facing p. 603) far toward Central Africa. After 1881, Egypt was really an English protectorate. The Khedive and all the machinery of the old government remained unchanged ; but an English agent was alwa^'s present at the court "to offer advice." Many Englishmen entered the service of the Egyptian government, too ; and all such officers looked to the English agent as their real head. In 1914, during the great European war, England formally announced a full protec- torate. To Egypt itself, English rule was in many ways a decided good. The system of taxation was reformed, so that it became 540 THE BRITISH EMPIRE less burdensome and more productive. The irrigation works were revived and improved, so that Egypt is richer, more populous, and with a more prosperous peasantry, than ever before. At the same time there has grown up a party among the Egyptian people who believe that their country is now quite fit to stand alone — and that it has a right to try. After the World War this situation led to occasional popular risings and stern English repression. Just at this writing (March, 1922) Lloyd George has announced that Egypt is to be set free. The winning of self-gov- ernment in Canada One of the most important features of tlie nineteenth century was the development of self-government in the Anglo-Saxon colonies of England. The loss of the American colonies had taught a lesson, and the next colony to show violent dissatisfaction had all its wishes granted. This event took place in Canada in 1837. There were then only two "provinces" there. These thinly settled districts lay along the St. Lawrence, and were known as Upper and Lower Canada. They had been governed for many years much as Massachusetts or Virginia was governed before 1776. The accession of the girl-queen in England in 1837 was the signal for a rising. The rebellion was stamped out quickly ; but an English commissioner, sent over to investigate, recommended that the demands of the conquered rebels for greater freedom should be granted. Parliament adopted this recommendation. In 1839 the two provinces were granted "responsible'' ministries. England, in name, retains a veto upon Canadian legislation; but it has never been used. In 1850 a like plan for self-gov- ernment was granted to the Australian colonies ; in 1852 to New Zealand ; and in 1872 to Cape Colony in Africa. Australia begins as a convict camp The growth of the Australian colonies is a romantic story, worthy of a book to itself. England's original claim rested on landings by Captain Cook in his voyage to the Pacific in 1769. No regular settlement was attempted for half a century, but in 1787 England sent a shipload of convicts to the coast of " New AUSTRALIA AND SOUTH AFRICA 541 South Wales," and repeated this act from time to time for fifty years. After their terms of punishment, many ex-convicts be- came steady farmers, and finally the English government began to induce other settlers to "go out" by free grants of land and of farming implements. By 1821 the colony had a population of 40,000, and soon it became the main sheep-raising region of the world. By natural expansion, familiar to students of American his- English tory, this colony of New South Wales sent out offshoots, so fnTustr^Jlia that by 1859 the continental island was occupied by six English colonies. These Australian commonwealths have been pioneers Democratic in democratic progress. Before 1900, every man and every ^uSaliV^ woman in each state had the right to vote. The government in each state owned the railroads. The "Australian ballot" and the Torrens system of land transfer came from these col- onies ; and a powerful Labor party in each has secured other radical reforms — which are seen better still perhaps in New Zealand. "New Zealand" comprises a group of islands 1200 miles east New of Australia. Settled and governed for a time from New South exoerhnents Wales, it became a separate colony in 1840. In 1911 it in industrial contained a million English-speaking inhabitants. For many ^^^^^^^y years it has been perhaps the most democratic state in the world. Women secured the right to vote in 1893. Large estates have been broken up into small holdings by heavy taxation. A state "Farmers' Loan Bank" set the example followed in part by the United States in 1913. The most advanced factory laws and "social insurance" laws in the world have been found in New Zealand since 1893 and 1898. South Africa was long an unsatisfactory part of the Em- South pire for Englishmen to contemplate. England seized Cape Colony from the Dutch during the Napoleonic wars (p. 449). English settlers came in rapidly, but in 1834 a portion of the old Dutch colonists "trekked" (moved with families, ox- wagons, herds, and flocks) north into the wilderness, and set up an independent government in Natal. A few years later the Africa : the Boers 542 THE BRITISH EMPIRE The Boer War British annexed Natal, and the Dutch again trekked into what is known as the Orange Free State, and, in 1848, once more *into the country beyond the Vaal River. These " Transvaal [' Dutch became involved in serious difficulties with the native Zulus, whom they ensla\ed and treated brutally, and a native rising threatened to exterminate aQ Europeans in South Africa. Under Disraeli (p. 523) England interposed, put down the ^ulus, and extended her authority once more over the Boer states. In 1880 the Boers re])clled, and with their magnificent marks- manship destroved a British force at the Battle of Majuba Hill. Gladstone adop^ei the view that the Boers had been wTongf ully deprived of their independence, and^ without attempting to avenge Majuba Hill, he withdrew the British claims and left ^cr_ Z-, ,,-^.^^0^ •tarn " "^ *' ^. j^'*"* • 1 to the noers of the Transvaal a virtual independence, under British **"protection." The exact rela'tions between the two countries, however, were not well defined. Soon afterward, gold was discovered in the Transvaal, and English and other foreigners rushed in, so as to outnumber the feoer citizens^ The Boers, who were simple farmers, unable themselves to develop the country, had at first invited immi- grants, but soon became jealous of their growing numbers and refused them all political rights. England attempted to secure better treatment for her citizens among these new settlers, and, under Salisbury's Conservative and Imperialistic ministry, was bent upon reasserting her authority in general. The Boers declared war (1899). The Orange Free State joined the Trans- vaal, and tlie little republics carried on a marvelous and heroic struggle^ They were finally l^eaten ; and England adopted a generous policy toward the conquered, malting large gifts of money to restock their ruined farms, and granting liberal selfj: government to her recent foes. t English col- During the last half-century the English-speaking colonies omes organ- j^g^yg made one more great advance in free government. At ized in great , " . ^ federal com- the time of the American Revolution, " Canada" meant merely monwealths ^j^^ g^ Lawrence settlements. In the nineteenth century these NEW FEDERAL COMMONWEALTHS 543 expanded westward, forming a splendid band of states ^ spanning the continent. Then, in 1867, the separate colonies of this British X(Htli Aiiurica organized themselves into the Dominion "o 7 Canada. This is a Jede raLstate, similar to the United States, composed now of nine members, with a number of other " Ter- ritot -c^y The union has a two-house legislature, with a re- sponsible ministry; and each of the eight states has its own local legislature and ministry, ji siinihtr union of the six Aus- traiian colonies into one federal state was agitated for many - — l^OO years; and, after two federal conventions and a popular vote, it was finally established on the first day of the twentieth century. Finallv, in 1909, the four South African states federated, with fcv^- ~ — *' . - thenarnej_" The Union of South Africa." Thus three new English nations were formed, — each at its birth large enough to command respect among the nations of the world (each one double the size of the United States at the time when its independence was achieved). The bond which holds together the Anglo-Saxon parts of the Ties be- Empire is almost wholly one of feeling. Certainly, if either Can- jand and"^ ada or Australia wished to set up as an independent nation, her colonies England would not dream of trying to hold it. The English statesman, however, who should invite Canada to drop out of the Empire, or who should provoke her into doing so, would be universally regarded in England as a traitor to his race. There is no present danger of separation. The colonists have had no cause to complain, except in one respect : namely, they have had no voice in deciding the policy of the Empire toward foreign nations. This evil has recently been removed in great part by the recognition of delegates from these colonial countries at the Peace Congress of 1919 and in the League of Nations. 1 Read Mrs. Humphry Ward's Lady Merton, Colonist, to get the spirit of the Canada of the West. PAET XIV - CONTINENTAL EUROPE, 1871-1914 CHAPTER LVII The Gov- ernment of National Defense Second stage of the war THE FRENCH REPUBLIC, 1871-1914 The news of Sedan (p. 503) reached Paris, September 3, 1870. The city had been kept in ignorance of the previous disasters to French arms. Now it went mad with dismay and terror. The next day, aided by a mob invasion of the legislative cham- ber, a few Radical deputies tumultuously proclaimed the " Third Republic," and set up a provisional Gov- crnment of National De- fense. This government tried at first to secure an hon- orable peace with Ger- many, protesting, truly, that the French people had not willed the war. But when Prussia made it plain that she intended to punish France by tak- ing large slices of her ter- ritor}^ the conflict entered upon a new stage. Paris held out heroically through a four months' siege; and Gambetta, a leading member of the Gov- " 544 Gambetta Arousing the Provinces against the Prussian invader. — From a newspaper print of the day. BISMARCK DICTATES THE PEACE 545 eminent of Defense, escaped from the beleaguered city in a balloon/ to organize a magnificent uprising in the provinces. Exhausted France raised army after army, and amazed the world by her tremendous exertions. But in the end it became apparent that the iron grasp of the German armies could not National Bismarck Dictating Teums to Thiehs in 1871, — a painting by Von Werner. The figure back of the table is Thiers' associate in the nego- tiation, Jules Favre, who had led the defense of Paris. be broken. The great population of Paris began to suffer the horrors of famine ; the dogs and rats had been eaten ; and on January 28 the city surrendered. There was no government in France with any real authority The to make peace; and so an armistice was arranged, to permit ^gggjjj^jjy the election of a National Assembly by manhood suffrage. The of 1871 Assembly met toward the close of February, 1871, and created a provisional government by electing Thiers " Head of the Ex- ecutive Power of the French Republic." To this government Bismarck ^ismarck, dictated harsh j;erms of peace. The Prussians took ^a^sliTerms Alsace and a part of Lorraine (with the great fortresses of Metz and Strassburg,) and a huge war indemnity of a billion dollars (some four times the cost of the war to Germany). 1 This was long before the day of aeroplanes. 546 THIRD FRENCH REPUBLIC The " Com- Hardly had the Ilii^tional Assembly accepted this peace be- mune of fore it had to meet a ternble rebellion at home. During the P&ris " 1 87 1 » -» ^' ~" ' * "^ siege all adult males of Paris had been armed as National Guards. When the siege waT*dver, every one who could get away from the distressed city did temporarily remove (including one hun- dred and fifty thousand of the wealthier National Guards) leaving Paris in control of the radical element. This element, too, kept its arms and its military organization ; and Jt now set up a government of its own by choosing a lar^e "Central Com- mittee."^ The National Assembly had established itself at Versailles. The radicals of Paris suspected it of wishing to restore the mon- archy. (In fact, a large majority of the members ivere Mon- archists, as events were soon to prove.) Moreover, the x\s- sembly had aggrieved tlie poorer classes of Paris : it had insisted upon the immediate payment of rents and other debts incurred during the siege ; and it did away in large measure with the pay of the National Guard, which since the surrender had been a kind of poor-relief. In addition to all this, the Reds and Socialists still remembered bitterly the cruel middle-class vengeance of '48 (p. 484). For two weeks Paris and Versailles faced each other like hos- tile camps. Then, indorsed by another popular election, the Central Committee set u p the Commune and adopted the red flag. The supporters of this jjcogram ^ished^^e central govern- ment of France to be merely a loose |ederation of independent "^comrnunes/' ^ In 1848 the Paris Radicals had learned that the country districts of France were overwhelmingly opposed to Socialism and to "Red Republicanism." But if each city and village could become an almost independent state, then the Radicals hoped to carry out their socialistic policy in at least Paris and other large cities, * So they called themselves " Federals." They are properly described also as " Conijfflun ards " ; but the name " Communist/' wliich is often applied to them, is likely to give a false impression. That latter name is generally used only for those who oppose private property. ISIany of the Communards were also Communists, but probably the majority of them were not. THE PARIS COMMUNE 547 But France, though still bleeding from invasion, refused to he Civil War dismembered by internal revolt. The excited middle class felt, moreover, that the institution of property itself was at stake, and they confounded all Communards together as crim- inals seeking to overthrow society. Like attempts to set up Destruction of the Vendome Column (p. 440) by Communards in 1871 ; — a sketch by a contemporary Parisian artist. The Commu- nards declared the commemoration of ^nctory in wars of conquest unworthy a free people. The monument was afterward restored. Communes took place at Marseilles, Toulouse, Narbonne, and Lyons ; but they came to little, and the civil war was confined to Paris. April 2 the Versailles Assembly attacked Paris with the regular troops that had now returned from captivity in Ger- many. The struggle lasted two months and was utterly fero- cious. The Assembly refused to treat the Communards as regular combatants, and shot down all prisoners. In retaliation, the Commune seized several hundred hostages from the better classes left in Paris. These hostages, however, were not harmed until the Commune had been overthrown. Then, in the final disorder, an unauthorized mob did put sixty-three of them to death, — the venerable Archbishop of Paris among them. The bom|)ardment of^ Paris by. the Versailles government was far more destructive than that by the Germans had been. 548 THIRD FRENCH REPUBLIC Another " White Terror Finally the troops forced their way into the city, which was already in flames in many sections. For eight days more, des- perate fighting went on in the streets, before the rebellion was put down. Court-martiaLexecutions of large batches of pris- oners continued for manv months, and some thirteen thousand survivors were condemned to transportation, before the rage of the victorious middle class was sated. There are few darker stains on the page of history than the cruelty and brutality of this middle-class vengeance. The Assem- bly monar chic in feel- ing Monarchic factions fail to unite Thiers President, 1871-1873 The Assembly had been elected simply with a view to mak- ing peace. In choosing it, men had thought of nothing else. It was limited by no constitution, and it had 710 definite term of office. Certainly, it had not been commissioned to make a con- stitution or to continue to rule indefinitely ; but it did both these things. At the election, people had chosen conservative candidates, because they wanted men who could be counted upon not to renew the war rashly. Tlie majority of the meml^ers proved to be Monarchists ; and they failed to s^t qp a king, only because they were divided into three rival groups, — Imperialists (Bona- partists), Orleanists (supporters of the Count of Paris, grandson of Louis Philippe), and Legitimists (adlierents of the Count of Chambord, grandson of Charles X). These three factions agreed in believing that a new election would increase the strength of the Republicans ; and so for five years they resisted all demands of the Republican members for dissolution. However, now that peace had been made, and the rebellion crushed, the Assembly felt compelled to replace the " provisional government" by some more regular form. Accordingly it made Thiers " President of the Republic," but it gave him no fixed term of office because the majority ofjthe Assembly hoped to change to a monarchy at some favorable moment. This presidency Tasted ' two years (1871-1873), and it saw France freed, from foreign occupation. Germany had expected the vast "war indemnity (which was to be paid in installments) to keep France weak for a long period ; and German garrisons FAILURE OF THE MONARCHISTS 549 were to remain in France until payment was complete. But France astonished all beholders by her rapid recovery. In eighteen months the indemnity was paid in coin, and the last German soldier had left French soil. The government loans (p. 553) were taken up enthusiastically by all classes of Frenchmen, — in great measure by the industrious and prosperous peasantry. In 1873 a momentary coalition of Monarchists and Radicals ^^^t chance in the iVssembly forced Thiers to resign. In his place the Mon- archists : archists elected Marshal MacMahon, an ardent Orleanist. For MacMa- somc months a monarchic restoration seemed almost certain. Le- dency gitimists and Orleanists had at last united in support of the Count of Chambord, who agreed to adopt the Count of Paris as his heir. The Monarchists had the machinery of the government in their hands, and were just ready to^declare^the Bou^;bon heir the King of France, when the two factions split once more on the question of a symbol. The Orleanists wished to keep the tri- color, the flag of the 1830 Monarchy. But the Count of Cham- bord denounced the tricolor as thg. "symbol of revolution," and declared that he would not give up the white lilies of the old Bourbon monarchy, the symbol of divine right. On this scruple the chance of the Monarchists came to shipwreck. Then, in 1875, despairing of an immediate restoration, the As- The Consti- semhly adopted a constitution. Modified slightly by later amend- xhird Re- ments, this is the present constitution of the French Republic, public It has never been submitted to the people. '' The constitution is very brief, because the Monarchist major- ity preferred to leave the details to be settled by later legisla- tion, hoping to adapt them to a kingly government. The first draft spoke of a "Chief ^Executive." An amendment changed this title to " President ^of the Republic" ; but the change w^as adogtedby a majority of only one in a vote of 705. {In 1884 a new amendment declared the republican form of government "not subject to repeal.'") The legislature consists of two Houses. The Senate contains three hundred members, holding office for nine years, one third going out each third year. (At first, seventy-five of the mem- 550 THIRD FRENCH REPUBLIC bers were to hold office for life, but m ISS^^n amendment de- clared that no more life i^eijil^ers^should IjtjL^chosen.) The Dep uties (lower House) are chosen bj': manhood suffrage tor a term of four years. To amend the constitution, or to choose a Presi- dent, the hvo Houses meet together, at Versailles, away from possi- ble disturbances in Paris. In this jjoint form, thev tal^e the name National Assemhli). A majority vote^oi this^Natio^nal As- sembly suffices to change the constitution. The executive consists of a president, elected for seven years by the National Assembly, and of Tfie mmistry'TLe appoints. The presi(Tent has much less power" tTTan the president of the United States. The ministers wield enormous power. They direct all legislation, appoint a vast multitude of officers, and carry on the government. Nominally, the president ap- points the ministers ; but, in practice, he must name those who will be acceptable to the Deputies. The ministry is obliged to resign when it ceases to have a majoritv behind it. Neither France nor any other European republic gives to its judi- ciary the poiver to veto laws as unconstitutional (as our American Supreme Court may do). The legislature itself is the sole judge of the constitutionality of its acts. The Re Even after the adoption of the constitution, the Assembly did public se- j^Q^ ^\y^^ y^-^y jj^^ once to a new legislature. But almost every curclv cs- * tablished " by-election " (to fill a vacancy) resulted in a victory for the Republicans, and by 1876 that party had gained a majority ^ of the seq^. It at once dissolved the Assembly, and the neiv elections created a Ilou^e of Deputies two thirds Republican. The Senate, with its seventy-five life-members, was still monarchic ; and, with its support, Mac^VIahon tried to keep a Monarchist ministrv. But under the leadership of the fierv Gambetta, the Deputies withheld all votes of supply, until MacMahon ap- pointed a ministry acceptable to it. hi 1870 the renewal of one third the Senate gave the Republicans a majority in that House also, and, soon after, Mac^Iahon resigned. Then the National Assembly elected a Republican president. For nearly a century, France had passed from revolution to revolution, until the world came to doubt whether any French LOCAL GOVERNMENT 551 government could be stable. The present constitution of France Stability of is the eleventh since 1789. Four times between 1792 and 1871 J.^^ ^^p""^' lie had the Republicans seized Paris ; three times they had set up a republic ; but never before had they truly represented the deliberate determination of the whole people. In 1879 they came into power, not by violence, but by an eight years' con- stitutional struggle against the political tricks of an accidental Monarchist majority. This time it tvas the Republicans whom the conservative, peace-loving peasantry supported. Even the World War did not bring any thought of a change in govern- ment. The important units of local government are the Depart- Local ments and Communes (p. 418). For each Department the government Minister of the Interior appoints a prefect. Besides general executive power, this officer appoints police, postmen, and other local authorities. In each Department there is also a general council (elected by manhood suffrage), with control over local taxation — except that its decisions are subject to the approval of the central government. Indeed, the central government may dissolve a Departmental council at any time, and order a new election. The Communes of France (since the recovery of Alsace-Lor- raine in the World War) number about forty thousand. They vary in size from great cities to rural villages with only two or three hundred people. Each has a mayor and a council. Un- til 1884, the mayor was appointed by the Minister of the Interior ; since 1884, he has been elected by the municipal council. The central government, however, may revise his acts or even re- move him from office. The municipal council is elected by manhood suffrage ; but its acts are subject to the approval of the prefect of the Department or of the central government. Such conditions do not seem very encouraging at first to an American student ; but, as compared with the past in France, the situation is full of promise. Political interest is steadily growing in the Communes, and Frenchmen arc learning more and more to use the field of self-government open to them. 552 THIRD FRENCH REPUBLIC No bill of rights Administra- tive courts Unlike the previous French constitutions, the present con- stitution has no ''hill of rights." That is, it has no provisions regarding jury trial, habeas corpus privileges, or the right of free speech. Even if it had, the courts could not protect the individual from arbitrary acts of the government by appealing to such provisions, because, in case of conflict between a citizen and the government, the suit is tried, not in the ordinary courts, but in administrative courts, made up of government officials. As a rule, the administrative courts mete out fair treatment; but in case of any supposed danger to the government, they may become its champions — at the expense of the rights of a citizen.^ It is only too true, however, that in times of excited feeling otlier democracies with long bills of rights have shown quite as serious a disregard of personal liberty. Education The zeal of the early Revolutionists for education (p. 429) was not given time to produce results ; and the restored mon- archy gave little attention to public schools. In 1S27 a third of the Communes of France had no primary school ivhatever, and nearly a third of the population could neither read nor write. The real growth of popular education dates from the Third Republic. To-day, in every Commune there is a primary school or group of schools. Education is free and compulsory, and the central government appoints teachers and regulates the courses of study. Each Department has an excellent system of secondary schools, called lycees; and the higher institutions are among the most famous in the world. Industry The advance of industry in the forty-three years between the Franco-Prussian and the World \Yar was enormous. The yearly production of wealth tripled (though the population slightly decreased). Coal mines turned out four times as much coal in 1911 as in 1871, and the number of patents granted in 1911 was five times as many as in 1871. (It is to be kept in mind, too, that Germany had taken from France — in Alsace- Lorraine — its richest iron districts.) 1 Special report : the Dreyfus trials. EDUCATION AND INDUSTRY 553 This progress is the more remarkable when we remember The French that France is preeminently an agricultural country. The pecul- P^^^^^^^y iar thing about French society, down to the World War, was the number of small land-owners and the prosperity of this landed peasantry. In 1900, more than half the entire popu- lation lived on the soil, and three fourths the soil was under crops. The great mass of cultivators owned little farms of from five to fifty acres. France supplied her population with foodstuffs, and exported a large surplus. The subdivision of the soil was carried so far that it was difficult to introduce the best machinery (though neighborhood associations were being founded to own machinery in common). The peasant was in- Population telligent, industrious, thrifty, prosperous, happy, and conserv- stationary ative. He wished to educate his son, and he had a high standard of living, compared with other European peasantry. With five or six children, a farmer owning five or ten acres found it al- most impossible to keep up this standard, and to leave his chil- dren as well off as he himself had been. Therefore the peasantry have not wished large families, and for a long time population has been almost stationary. (By the census of 1911 it was a little under forty millions, and the recovery of Alsace-Lorraine, with its two millions of people, somewhat more than balances in numl)ers the losses in the War.) Before the War this population was a " nation of little savers," A nation of and consequently a nation of money lenders. Through the nineteenth century, England had been the world's banker. In 1900, France was beginning to hold that place. After 1900, when a government wished to "float" a huge loan, or when capitalists wished to finance some vast industrial enterprise, France commonly furnished the cash. England still had more wealth than France; but it was largely "fixed" in long-time investments, while French wealth was held by a great number of people of small means, all seeking constantly for investments. The French national debt was not held, like the American or the English, in 1911, by men of great wealth, in large amounts, but by some 3,000,000 French people, — shopkeepers, clerks, artisans, day-laborers, small farmers, — in small amounts. Uttle capitaUsts 554 FRANCE SINCE 1871 The French government under the Third RepubHc had encour- aged this tendency of the workingman to "invest" savings, by putting bonds on sale at every village post office in small denominations — as low even as one franc (20 cents). (This admirable plan of encouraging all citizens to become "bond- holders" — and "stockholders in the national prosperity" — was adopted by the United States, with the War Savings Stamps, during the World War.) German invasion in 1914-1918 has made much of the fairest part of France a hideous desert, and has drained the rest of workers and of wealth. Up to this writing (December, 1921) the return of material prosperity is sadly delayed. French poli- tics : shift- ing minis- tries Politics in France have been, much of the time, upon a lower le\el than business life. The best minds of France have not been present in the Assembly. That body has been broken into many parties, and the ministries have been kaleidoscopic in their changes. This meant woeful confusion and in- efhciency ; and the government has suffered from red tape and from a widespread taint of corruption in politics. After 1900 the Socialists gained power rapidly ; and, in the election of 1914, they became the largest of the nine parties in the Assembly. All recent ministries had contained leading Socialists, but the war called back to power more conservative statesmen — in the war ministry of Clemenceau, "the Tiger." Loss of the old colonies A new colonial empire since 1830 French Algeria About 1750 J'range. bade fgir toj^ the_grgat colonial power of the worjdj Thirteen years later saw her stripped of all possessions outside Europe, except a few unimportant islands in the Indian Ocean and in the Antilles and some small ports in India (p. 399) . In the nineteenth century France became again a colonial power. In 1830 the^ovemmg^it of Charles ^ took ad- vantage of an insult by tl]^ Dey of Algiers to a French consul to seize territory in North Africa. In the middle of the cen- tury this foothold had grown, through savage and bloody w^ars, into complete^jccupancy of Algeria. The Third Republic intro- duced civil rule, and since 1880, Algeria has been not so much COLONIAL EMPIRE 555 .1 forei<^n possession, or a colony, as a part of France separated from the rcstLy a strip of sea. The French make only a small part of the population. It Is true, but the country Is orderly and civilized. The settled portion, near the coast, Is divided Into Departments, like those In European France, with represent- atives In the French legislature. The Inland parts are still barbarous and disorderly, but to this long-desolate Barbary coast, French rule has restored the fertility and bloom that be- longed to It as the garden of the ancient Roman world. Nearly all the rest of the vast French colonial empire has been And Tunis secured since the Franco-Prussian War. Algeria was one of five great states on the Mediterranean coast of Africa, — Mo- rocco, Algeria, Tunis, Tripoli, Egypt. All five had long been virtually Independent Mohammedan kingdoms, though In name they had remained part of the decaying Turkish Empire. And all five, until Europeans stepped In, were in a vicious state of misrule, disorder, and tyranny. We have seen how In 1881 Egypt fell under England's "protection." France c^ulckly regretted that she had so easily given up her claim to share in ffiat rich land, and In the same year she seized gladly upon dis- orders in Tunis as an excuse for extending her authority, from Algeria eastward, over that country. In 1904 she began in And like fashion to extend her sway In North Africa toward" the west ; °^°^^° establishing a protectorate over part of Morocco. Before seizing upon Tunis in 1881 — an act sure to arouse German violent resentment In Italy, which looked upon Tunis as her ""^^^^^^ own prey — the French government thought it necessary to lay its plans before Bismarck. That astute statesman at that time had not begun to have any colonial ambition for Germany, and he encouraged the French project, welcoming the chance to arouse hostility between France and Italy. (Indeed, with characteristic crookedness, he at the same moment encouraged Italy to hope for Tunis.) Soon afterward, however (p. 567), Germany herself entered the race for colonial empire ; and In 191I_ajx_.extension of French rule In Morocco almost plunged Europe into war. William II of Germany sent a warship to 556 FRANCE SINCE 1871 Other French colonies in Africa And in Asia French co lonial ad- ministration Church and state Aga/dk^a harbor of Morocco, and " rattled the saber in the scab- bard/' But England supported France; and Germany was finally appeased by European consent to her seizing territory in the Karaerun (West Africa) and by the cession J;o her of part of the French Congo territory^ France has huge possessions in other parts of Africa, on both the east and west coasts, besides the great island of Madagascar (map facing p. 603). In America she holds Gui- ana (Cayenne), with a few ports in the Antilles. In Oceanica, between 1884 and 1887 she obtained New Caledonia and several smaller islands. Her most important colonies, outside Africa, are in the peninsula of Indo-China in southeastern Asia. Na- poleon III seized Cambodia and Cochin China ; and the Third Republic, with little more scruple, seized Tonking in 1884, Anam in 1886, and Siam to the Mekong in a savage war in 1893-1896. For many years, moreover, the "imperialistic" forces in France ("jingo" politicians and some large business interests) have sought an indirect control in Syria much like that which Ger- many was trying to establish in Asia Minor. At the same time, France is not herself a colonizing nation — any more than in the seventeenth century (p. 388). Even in the settled portions of her colonial empire the European popu- lation is small. The total area of the colonial possessions is about four million square miles, of which about three and a half million are in Africa. The orderly regions have a share in self-government, and most of them have representatives in the legislature at Paris. Down to the World War, the most critical contest in the Third Republic was the Kulturkampf, the struggle between church and state for the control of education and indeed of other family relations. At the creation of the Third Republic, the state paid the expenses of all organized churches, Catholic, Protes- tant, or Mohammedan. Seventy-eight per cent of the French people in 1900 were members of the Catholic church ; ^ but, even ^ Alohammedanism is confined to Algeria. Two per cent of the people of France in 1900 were Protestants. Nearly twenty per cent had no church connection. CHURCH AND STATE 557 in so strongly Catholic a land, the people felt much distrust of 2)olitical influence from the Catholic clergy. This was largely because during the strenuous period from 1871 to .1879 the clergy threw their influence on the side of the IVIonarchists. Cried Gambetta, in one of his fiery orations, — "Clericalism! That is our foe." Accordingly, when the Re- publicans came into power, they hastened to weaken the church by taking from it its ancient control over the family. Marriage was made a civil contractljto be performed by a rnagistrate) instead of a sacrament; divorce was legalized, despite the teachings of the Catholic church against it; and all religious orders were forbidden to teach in either public or private schools. For a time, extreme Catholics were driven into opposition to the government; but the wise Pope Leo XIII moderated the bitterness of the pohtical warfare by recommending that French Catholics "rally" to the Republic and try to get the privileges they needed by influencing legislation (1893). On its side, the government then for a time let some of the anti- clerical laws rest unenforced. But about 1900, the Repub- licans and Radicals became alarmed again at the evidence of Monarchic sympathies still existing among the aristocracy, and even among arm}^ officers, and convinced themselves that these sympathies were due to the remaining clerical influence in the schools. In the years 1901-1903, thousands of church schools were closed by the politic, sometimes amid riots and bloodshed. Pope Pius X protested, and deposed two French bishops who had acquiesced in the government's policy. The government recalled its ambassador from the papal court, and prepared a plan which it called "separation of church and state. " A law of 1905 declared the nation the owner of all chuich property in France. Each religious congregation, however, was invited to reorganize as a self-supporting "cultural association," with the permanent %ise of its old property. Protestant churches complied; but such organization was forbidden to Catholics by the pope as incompatible with the principles of the church. In the elections of 1906, however, the nation gave an over- 558 FRANCE SINCE 1871 whelming, indar^ement to the whole anti-cI^rical policy; and then the government evicted great numbers of Catholic clergy from their homes (for refusing to obey the law of 1905) and banished multitudes of them from the country. In 1914, when the great European war began, two thousand of these banished priests returned to France to fight in the ranks against the in- vaders of their country. For Further Reading. — Hazen, Andrews, or Hayes. On the constitution, Lowell's Greater European Governments. For recent changes, The Statesman's Year Book or The World Almanac. THE GERMAN EMPIRE 1871-1914 SCALE OF MILES T r-v^. 58 ' ' "" 1 1 -r 1 ' 1 r 1 20 40 60 80 100 120 110 100 180 200 S E A *'£t-G0LAN0« Cukhaver <^ ju«pb)j ^"l/tie ^ ,>--'* r>«(N I tiwiabrij'ck O .anai liinster vr"u.o ^ ^ / jy ^Aachen „ V- ^ S ,' ^ . ^\ -Bon 50 / P R V V .Cobufg 1 /oRheims 'V Tr, eves- -? ^EMeURG '•Kaiserslant Manij :erno ? Darms't lirzburg .Bamber.?"^?"* ' f>' fALATlilATE 4v'> Fiirth' burff V Cilet z ^ ^'ancyV, ^ Strasburs : I "■jAKarTsruLfe "i-i o^tuttgart luie \A Miilhaus W ^'T. nrcERi Im ofAugsbi inlch \L-' jConstance S Vv- 1 T Z E R T V Rati; •_ f CHAPTER LVIII THE GERMAN EMPIRE, 1871-1918 The Germanic Confederation of 1814-1867 was a loose con- federacy of sovereign states. The German Empire of 1871- 1918 was a federal state. The central government was strength- ened by the change, somewhat as was ours in America when we exchanged our Articles of Confederation for our present Constitution. But this German "federated" Empire was made up not of A despotic republican states but of monarchic states (4 kingdoms^ 18^ federal state duchies, 3 "free cities"). The controlling body in the Empire was the Federal Council, consisting durmg most of its history of 5(3 delegates, appointed by the rulers of the different states The Federal and directed from day to jay by those princes. This council °"^"^ (Bundesrath) prepared measures for the legislature, and had a veto upon all l^ws. The imperial legislature was the Reichstag — a one-House The assembly elected by manhood suffrag^^.Oi the^3 9 7.^ delegates, ^^^^^stag j^russia ha(| 236. Practically, the power of this assembly was limited to accepting or rejecting proposals from the Bundesrath. Even its control over taxation was incomplete. Most revenue measures were standing laws. That is, once passed, they could not be changed without the consent of the Bundesrath. The imperial ministry, appointed by the Emperor, was called "re- sponsible," but not in the English sense: it was not obliged to resign when defeated in the Reichstag. The im perial government was frugal and efficient. It made The Empire justice in the courts easy to secure ; it guarded against food ^ paternal " . . despotism adulteration long before the rest of the world did ; and in other ways it zealously protected tlj^ £ai])lic , health. But alongside Militarism this watchful pater*: alism, there were grievous faults. Ger- 559 560 THE GERMAN EMPIRE, 1871-1918 No security for personal liberty The Emperor an autocrat The Prus- sian consti- tution, 1848-1918 Divine- right emperors Kaiser WilUam U many had been made by violence, and the result showed in the spirit of militarism and ifi the predomiiiance of the methods of the drill sergeant. Police rule was all-pervading. Said a keen for- eign observer (1896) : " To live in Germany always seems to me like a return to the nursery." Even worse was the con- temptuous and oftentimes brutal treatment of civilians by army officers. For years the newspapers contained reports of gross and unprovoked insults, and sometimes of violent assaults, by officers upon unoffending citizens, for which it was difficult to obtain redress in the courts. There was no security for per- sonal rights. Trial by jury, freedom of the press, freedom of public meetings, and free speech existed only in a limited degree. To criticize the emperor in the press, ever so lightly, was likely to land the offender in jail for a considerable term. In theory, the emperor was only the life president of the federation. But this life presidency was hereditary in the kings of Prussia. The emperor was head of the army ; and through his control over the ministry and over so large a part of the Bun- desrath (he appointed the large Prussian delegation) he con- trolled all foreign relations and virtually held a veto upon all domestic legislation. He held still mightier authority in the Em- pire from his position as despotic ruler of Prussia. Prussia had three fifths of the population of the Empire, and more than that part of the power. Her divine-ri^ht "constitution" was the one " granted" by the king in '48 (p. 488). Jtjeft .tke Js:ing virtually an autocrat in Pruss^ ; and Prussia'j^power made him an autocrat in the Empire. At his coronation, William I took the crown from the com- munion table, declaring, " The crown comes only from God, and I have received it from His hands." In 1888 William was suc- ceeded by his son, Frederick III. Frederick was an admirer ^f parliamentary government upon the English pattern; but his three months' reign brought no change in the government. William II, the son of Frederick^ returned to the principles of his grandfather. As a youth, he had been a great admirer of Bismarck ; but it soon became plain that the two men were each too masterful to work together, and in 1890 the emperor curtly WILLIAM 11 561 dismissed the chancellor from office. Thereafter, William II liimself directed the policy of the Empire, and he was a greater force in European politics than any other sovereign in Europe. He believed thoroughly in the "divine-right" theory, and he repeatedly stated it in as strikmg a form as ever did James I of England or Louis XIV of France, two or three centuries ago. In the Visitors' Bools: in the Town Hall of Munich, he wrote, "The will of the king is the supreme law." In an address to his army, he said: "On me, as German Emperor, the spirit of God has descended. I am His sword and His Vice-regent." "All-Highest" was a recognized form of address for the em- peror. And the phrase ironically attributed to him — " Me und Gott" — is no great exaggeration of the patronizing way in which he often referred to the Almighty as a partner in his enterprises. Some survey like the foregoing is needful to guard us against Germany the "tyranny of names." England and Germany in 1914 were ^" ^^*° both " constitutional monarchies" ; but that does not mean that they were in any way alike, even in government. They stood at the two poles of government. England had a democratic government, in which the monarchic and aristocratic survivals were practically powerless — mere matters of form ; the Ger- man Empire was one of the most absolute autocracies in the world. England's ideals were based upon industry and world- peace : Germany's ideals were based upon militarism and con- quest. Englishmen thought of the "state" as a condition for the full development of the individual man : Germans thought of individual men as existing primarily for the sake of the ab- solutist state. This divine-right militaristic autocracy^was upheld (1) by the Junkers and landed squires, or junkers, and (2) by the capitalists. The ^^^^ ^ ^ ^ junkers were rural and largely a Prussian class, especially strong toward the east. The capitalists were a new class in Germany. The "industrial revolution," with the factory system, which had grown up in England before 1800 and in France by 1825, 562 THE GERMAN EMPIRE, 1871-1918 The Prus sian army system Europe adopts the German army sys- tem did not begin to make headwaj^ in Germany until nearly 1870. Then, indeed, manufactures and trade grew by leaps — aided by the coal and iron of Alsace-Lorraine and b^^ subsidies from the huge war indemnity just then robbed of France.^ The whole artisan class was trained to "efficiency" in trade schools, — which were distinctly class schools, suited on this German plan to an undemocratic land only, in which the son of an artisan must look for no "higher" station than his father. And on the other hand there appeared a new figure in German life, the princely manufacturing capitalist. After 1880, the thousands of this class took their place — alongside the junker nobility — as a chief support of German autocracy, with a vivid e^^pecta- tion of favors to be received in form of special privileges. German autocracy had also its physical arm. After 1866, the Prussiaji a^m^sy§tem_.^yas extended oyer all Germany. At twenty each man was compelled to enter the ranks for two years' active service. For five years more he was a member of the "active reserves," with two months in camp each year. These reserves were to be called out for regular service in case of war. For twelve years more he was listed in the territorial reserve — liable for garrison duty in time of war, and even for front rank service in special need. Exemption from training was usually allowed to the only son of a dependent widow and to those unfit because of physical defects. The Prussian. yictories of 1866 and 1870 convinced all Europe of the superiority of thi§^ system over the old' professional armies, and nearly every, state in Europe soon adopted it, with slight variations. The burden was enormous — the most woeful waste of human energy the world ever saw — and the direct cost was far less than the indirect cost involved in withdraw- ing so large a part of each man's best years from productive 1 All this meant a tremendous growth of cities. Hamburg grew from 350.000 people in 1870 to 1,000,000 in 1910; Berlin from 820,000 to 2,000,000 ; Essen from 50,000 to 300,000 ; while many wholly new centers of trade appeared where had been only farming hamlets. The population jyi the Emiiii:e,^oubled in these forty years, and all this increase was a city Increase. "** "■** •'^ *^ "• — — ..^^ MILITARISM 563 work. (England, trusting to her navy, and the United States, trusting to her position, were the only large countries that dared refuse the crushing burden — and for England the cost of her navy was almost as serious.) Worse still, this militarism was a constant temptation to war. Rulers could not but regret leaving their costly tools to rust unused. Thousands of ambitious young officers in every land necessarily looked forward to war as a chance to justify their training and their cost, to the nation. And in the whole population, militarism developed a disposition to trust to force in dealing with other nations, rather than to good-will and reason. Even worse, militarism develops a state of mind hostile to true democracy at home. Men come to exalt the army above the civil authorities, and to adopt a servile attitude toward autocratic army officers. All these evils were found in surprising degree in the German Empire, as compared with the rest of Europe, and in Prussia as compared with the rest of Germany. For nearly^Jwcnty years after the Empire was established, Bis- Bismarck's marck directed its course. The "Iron Chancellor" was a ruler "^^^ of tremendous power of will ; but he carried his policy of " blood and iron" into civil affairs — and failed. Three contests fill the period. 1. The Empire had brought Catholic and^ Protestant Ger- The stmg- many under one government — which prepared the way for ^ ^^*j! conflict. The first struggle, however, came within the Catho- olic lie church. In 1870 a General Council of the church declared ^^^^^^ the pope infalUl)le tincapaBle of errofj* in promulgating doc- trines of faith and ^morals. Many of the German Catholic clergy refused assent to this "innovation" in doctrine (as they regarded it) and took the name of Old Catholics. The orthodox bishops attacked this sect vigorously, and expelled instructors in the schools who did not teach the dogma of infallibility. Then Bismarck stepped in to defend the Old Catholics and io assert the supremacy of the state over the church. Under his influence, th^ legislature expelled the Jesuits from Germany, 564 THE GERMAN EMPIRE, 1871-1918 Bismarck and the Socialists Repres- sion fails again and took marriage and all education, private and public (even the education of the clergy) from the control of the church. To enforce these laws, priests were deprived of ofEce, and were even punished by long terms of imprisonment or by exile. When the pope declared that the anti-clerical laws ought not to be obeyed, Bismarck confiscated ecclesiastical salaries and took into the government's hands all the property and revenues of the church. From 1875 to 1879, one fifth the par- ishes in Prussia had no clergy ; schools and seminaries were closed ; chairs of theology in the universities were vacant ; houses of the clergy were raided by the police ; and numbers of men of devoted Christian lives and broad scholarship lan- guished in prison. This persecution, however, steadily lost favor among the people. A strong and growing "Catholic" party in the Reichs- tag, "the CetUer,'' hampered all Bismarck's projects; and finally he was forced to make term^j^witji it, in order to secure the legis- lation he desired^ against the Socialists and for tariffs. In 1880 the government began its retreat ; and it abandoned step by step every position it had assumed in the quarrel. 2. Socialism did not become prominent in Germany until after 1848. German Socialism was founded by Karl Marx (p. 477), but its teachings were thrown among the masses by Lassalle, a brilliant writer and orator. When manhood suf- frage was introduced (in the election of the Reichstag of the North German Confederation), the__SQ!piali§ts got their first chance. They held eight seats in the Reichstag of 1867. Faith- ful to their doctrine of human brotherhood, these men in 1870 earnestly opposed the war with France, especially after it be- came a war for conquest. This " unpatriotic" attitude resulted in a check. The leaders were tried for treason and condemned to years of imprisonment ; and in the first Imperial Reichstag (1871) the party had pnly two repropentatives. But in 1874 the number nad risen to nine, and in 1877, to twelve. Bismarck then began to feel it neeclful to put down Socialism. His first effort to secure repressive laws from the Reichstag failed, but it called out two attempts by Socialist fanatics to assas- BISMARCK AND SOCIALISM 565 sinate the emperor (1877, 1878). This played into Bismarck's hands and made the Reichstag read}^ to go all lengths against the "Red Specter." New laws gave the government authority to dissolve associations, break up meetings, confiscate puV)li- cations, and imprison or banish suspects hy decree. Not con- tent with these extraordinary powers, Bismarck made them retroactive, and at once banished from Berlin sixty or seventy men who had formerly been connected with the So- cialists. The Socialists met this ruthless severity with as much forti- tude as the Catholic clergy had shown in their conflict. So- cialism for a time became an underground current. In 1881, just after the beginning of the repressive legislation, the Socialist vote fell off somewhat ; but in the election of 1884 it had risen to over half a million — much more than ever before — and in 1887 it was over three fourths of a million. Then the re- pressive laws were allowed to expire. Again the Iron Chan- cellor had failed. During the latter part of the struggle, Bismarck used also a Bismarck wiser policy. He tried to cut the ground from under the feet of *"®.^ ,^*^*® 1 o. . 1 . • ' - 1 • ***.•, • , . . socialism the Socialist agitators by improving the condition of the work- ing classes, along lines pointed out by the Socialists themselves. In 1884 he said, ^ " Giye_the workingman the right to work while he is well, and assure him care when lie is sick, and main- tenance when he is old, and the Social Democrats will get no hold upon him." In accordance with this program, Bismarck favored the introduction of great public works to afford employ- ment, and he created a state fund to help insure the injured and the aged. In this " Social insurance," Germany was a pioneer — though England and France have since passed by her. The legislation, however, did not weaken Social Democracy. Indeed the So- cialists railed at it as fear -inspired, poor-law legislation. To Bismarck, and to William II, it was the duty of the divine-right government to care for the laborer. To the Social Democrats, it was the right of the laborers themselves to control the govern- ment and to care for themselves through it. 566 THE GERMAN EMPIRE, 1871-1918 Growth of the Social- ist party It is convenient here to carry the topic of Socialism down to the Great War. After 1898 the SociaHsts were much the largest pohtical party, gaining heavil\^ in every election. In 1912 the total vote, 12,188,000, was split among fifteen parties, but the Socialists cast 4,239,000 of those votes — or more than twice as many as any other party. This was largely, no doubt, Because the Socialist conventions had put first in their plat- forms a number of practical political and economic inca.sures which the average American or Englishman would not regard as dangerous, — such as universal suffrage (including " votes for women"), the initiative and referendum, equal electoral districts, payment of members of the Reichstag, and responsi- bility of the government to the Reichstag. Bismarck and the frontier peoples Growth of German commerce 3. Equally violent, and more long-continued, was Bismarck's effort to Germanize th^ Poles j)f Ppsen, the Danes of Sleswig, and the French of Alsace. To each of these subject peoples, Germany forbade the use of its own language. The Sleswig Danes were not allowed to teach any history in their schools prior to the time when they were seized by Prussia. The Poles were tempted by the government to sell their lands to German immigrants ; and, when instead they sold cheap to their own race, the lands were seized by the government (with compen- sation). But even then the Germans whom the government induced to settle in Posen rapidly became Poles in feeling, as those induced to settle in Alsace often became French. To the end, the delegates in the Reichstag from these three dis- tricts were always "in opposition" to the government. The Prussian system, begotten of force, had confidence only in force — and so proved itself unfit for the problems of modern life.^ In still another matter, Bismarck's failure was less blamable. The old Germany of his youth had been an agricultural country. Foreign trade had been of little consequence. The new com- mercial Germany that grew up after 1870 he never felt any 1 There should be no trouble in distinguishing between this policy of forceful Germanization of wnwilling, conquered subjects, and our American- ization, by inducement, of those foreigners who of their own will have sought homes in our midst. BISMARCK AND COLONIAL EMPIRE 567 real sympathy for; but after a short resistance, in 1878, he yielded to its demands for high protective tariffs. But the man- ufacturing iittt nst began carhj tn cdll also for a colonial em- Jiirr_, outside Europe, as a safe and "sole" market; and this demand Bismarck resisted for years. But the manufacturers' demand for colonies was supported also by a people's demand. After 1880 the label "Made in Germany " began to be seen on all sorts of articles in all parts of the world, and before 1900 Germany had passed all countries except England and the United States in manu- factures and trade. Still the nation was not con- tent. Population was growing rapidly, and many millions had sought homes in other lands, mamly m the United States and in Argentina and Brazil. And so in The de- mand for a colonial empire Bismarck, after dismissal from office. — From a photograph. 1884, partly to meet the commercial demands of the capitalists, and partly to keep future German emigrants under the Ger- man flag, Bismarck reluctantly adopted the policy of acquiring colonies. At that tmie Germany had no possessions outside Europe, and no war navy. But, though late in entering the scramble for foreign possessions, she made rapid progress, especially after the young William II dismissed Bismarck from office in 1890. W illiam stopd^ not for Bismarck's policy of preserving the great existin£_Germanj^j)f that_dfty,. but for a new "JPan-German " policy of making Germany great^er — by means even more un- Growth of the co- lonial em- pire And the fall of Bis- marck 568 THE GERMAN EMPIRE, 1871-1918 Germany the protec- tor of Turkey scrupulous than those Bismarck had used — until she should be world-mistress. Thereafter the colonial empire mounted by leaps. At the opening of the World War, Germany had vast possessions in Africa, a million square miles in all, mainly on the Guinea coast and in South Africa on both east and west coasts (map facing p. 603), many valuable groups of islands in the Pacific, and the Shantung province of China.^ None of these acquisitions, how- ever, interested German ambition so deeply as did one other ad- vance — into Asia Minor — which began in earnest about 1900. Germany, did not get absolute title to territory there ; but she did secure from Turkey various ric]i concessions, guaranteeing her for long periods the sole right to build and operate railroads and to develop valuable mining and oil resources. This " eco- nomic penetration" she expected confidently to convert into full ownership. To secure such concessions, Germany sought the Turk's favor in shameful ways. A growing moral sense in international matters made it impossible for England after 1880 to bolster longer the dastard Turkish rule over subject Christian peoples ; but her old place was taken gladly by Germany, which loaned to the Sultan skilled officers to reorganize his armies and supplied him with the mo^t effecti\'e arms against revolt bv Christian natives (as in the Turkish war with Greece in 1897 over Cretan freedom). This important change of English and German policy ap- peared, plainly during the horrible "Armenian Massacres" of 1894-1895. To check a probable move For Armenian inde- pendence, the Turkish government turned loose upon that un- happy province — for the first of several times to come — hordes of savage soldiery to carry out a policy of frightfulness by licensed murder, pillage, and ravishment of a peaceful popu- lation. At once the English people in monster mass meetings ^ Two German missionaries were murdered in China in 1897, and the Kaiser made that a pretext for this last seizure. A German SociaUst paper in a satirical cartoon represented him as saving, — "If only my missionaries hold out, I may become master of all Asia." COLONIAL EXPANSION 569 called upon their government to intervene by arms. But Russia, fearful lest her Armenians might be encouraged to rebel, sup- ported Turkey ; France, just then hostile to England in colonial matters and bound to Russia as an all}^ took the same side ; and the German emperor chose this moment to send his photo- graph and that of his wife to the Assassin-in-chief of Turkey, to show his friendly adherence. From his retirement (p. 527) the aged Gladstone once more lifted his voice, urging that even under these hopeless conditions, England sliould alone take up the work of mercy ; but the Tory prime minister, Lord Salis- bury, confessing regretfully that in 1854 and 1878 "we put our money on the wrong horse," felt powerless to act. This sharp opposition of policy was one reason why Germany William came to look upon England as the chief foe to her expansion. ^ Accordingly Kaiser William determined to make Germany a great naval power. He constructed the Kiel Canal, so that the navy might have perfect protection, and so that it might instantly concentrate in either the North Sea or the Baltic , and year by year, against violent Socialist resistance, he forced vast ap- "propriations through the Reichstag to construct more and huger superdread noughts . For Further Reading. — Dawson's Bismarck and State Socialism and Russell's German Social Democracy are good treatments of their subjects. Davis' Roots of the War is especially good upon the old Ger- many, pp. 24-38, 162-248. Review Exercise. — Make a "brief," or outline, for the history of Germany from the French Revolution to the World War. Do the like for France and for England. CHAPTER LIX OTHER STATES OF CENTRAL EUROPE I. ITALY Government Education The crushing army system The constitution of Italy is the one given to Sardinia in 1848 (p. 496). It provides for a limited monarchy with a ministry "responsible" to the legislature. Until 1882 voting was re- stricted by a high property qualification to about one man in seven, but by 1913, by successive steps, virtual manhood fran- chise had been established. Local government is patterned upon that of France. In 1861 Italy had no schools except those taught by religious orders, and only 26 per cent of the population (above six years of age) could read and write. The next twenty years, through the introduction of a fair system of free public schools, increased this percentage to 38 ; and twenty years more, to 44. The higher educational institutions are excellent; and in history and science Italian scholars hold high rank. The kingdom of Italy at its l)irth was far behind the other great states of Europe. Its proper tasks were to provide for public education, to repress brigandage, to build railroads, to foster useful industries, to drain malarial swamps and reclaim abandoned lands, and to develop the abundant water power on the east slope of the Apennines so as to furnish electric power for manufacturing (particularly necessary since Italy has no coal). Progress in all this has been hindered by the poverty of the people and by tremendous expenses for military purposes. Italy was freed by force of arms, in 1859-1861. The new-born state, for many years more, feared that the work might be un- done by France or Austria ; so it adopted the usual European military system, with even longer terms of active service than were required in Germany or France. 570 ITALY 571 Taxation is crushing ; and yet, much of the time, the govern- Taxation ment can hardly meet expenses. For many years even before the World War, a fourth of the revenue went to pay the interest on the national debt, and a large part of the rest was for military purposes, leaving only a small part for the usual and helpful purposes of go\'ernment. To make ends meet, the government was driven to desperate expedients. Salt and tobacco were made government monopolies ; the state ran a lottery ; and taxation upon houses, land, and incomes was so exorbitant as seriously to hamper industry. Economic distress led to political and socialistic agitation. Agitation The government at first met this by stern repressive legislation. politics Socialists and Republicans were imprisoned by himdreds ; and for years at a time large parts of Italy were in " state of siege," or under martial law. The Radicals and Socialists, however, gained slowly in the parliament ; and after 1900 violent repres- sion was given up. Then at once it appeared, as in France, that the Socialists were a true political party ; and of late years they have been strong even in the ministries. A large emigration leaves Italy each year, mainly for Brazil Army, navy, and the Argentine Republic. Partly i n hope to retain these ^"^ *!^® emigrants as Italian citizens, the government took up a policy empire of securing colonies. Indeed the new-born kingdom of Italy almost at once l)egan to dream of renewing ancient Italian con- trol in the Mediterranean. Just across from Sicily lay Tunis, one of the rich but anarchic pro^'inces of the deca^dng Turkish Empire. To be ready to seize this plum when ripe, Italy began to build a navy, and, at crushing cost, she finally made hers among the most powerful in the world. But before she was quite ready to act, France stepped in (p. 555). Bitterly cha- grined, Ital^then u sed h er military_and naval force to secure valuable territory on the coast of Abyssinia (1885), and (1912- 1913) to seize Tripoli from Turkey. Another difficulty about territory long troubled Italy. .When Italia Austria gavejback "^Venetia" to Italy in 18G7, it was not by ^''^'^denta any means the ancient Venetia in extent. . Old Venetia had- reached down the east coast of the Adriatic, through Dalmatia ; church 572 CENTRAL EUROPE, 1871-1914 and the modern seaport, Trieste, was still largely Italian in blood — though the country district about it was mainly Slav. Italy desired the Dalmatian coast, with complete control of both sides of the Adriatic. In this matter, right and wTong were intermingled, so that a just solution of the problem was hardly to be expected. But another part of the same trouble was simpler. '%ombardy," redeemed in 1^59, certainly should have included the Trentine district on the south slope of the Alps, with its purely Italian population ; but, through the favor of Napoleon III, Aus- tria retained it. This *' Italia J[rredenta " ("Unredeemed"), along with unredeemed Trieste, was a constant source of "dahgeTlo^uropean peace down to the World War. State and TtaTy has also a serious problem in the relations of state and church. In 1870, when Italy took possession of Rome, Pope Pius IX protested agamst the act^^as a ^eed of brigandage — though the citizens of Rome ratified the union by a vote of ninety to one. The government left the pope all the dignity of an independent sovereign, though Tiis terrilory was reduced to a single palace (the Vatican) and some small estates. Within this domam the pope still keeps his own court, maintains his own diplomatic service, and carries on the machinery of a state. A generous anmud income was also set aside for him by the government of Italy. ^" Tn common with many zealous Catholics, however. Pope Pius IX felt that to exercise his proper influence as head of the church, he must be an independent temporal prince in fact as well as in form. He refused to recognize the Italian state or to have anything to do with it, never left his palace grounds, and styled himself the " Pris oner of the Vatican." His successors (1921) have followed this policy, and the Catholic clergy have usually approved it. The great majority of the people of Italy, however, though almost unanimously Catholic in religion, have supported the government's policy. For a long time it seemed possible that, in case of a general Euro- pean war, Austria might restore the old papal states by a par- tition of Italy, AUSTRIA-HUNGARY 573 II. AUSTRIA-HUNGARY, TO 1914 Down to the World War, Austria remained " a tangle of races A " tangle and a Babel of tongues." The peoples spoke eleven distinct °^ ^^^®^ languages, besides numerous dialects. A fourth of them were German (11 millions) ; a fifth Magyar, or Hungarian (9 millions) ; the rest were Italians, Jews, Illyrians, or Slavs. These Slavs made half the population, but they were broken up into many sub-races. Only the German language was allowed in the German schools, the press, or the courts. For a Bohemian to publish a ^0^/366^^^ paper in his native language was a crim.e. But in her wars of 1859 and 1866, Austria found her subject peoples a source of weakness rather than of strength, and saw that they rejoiced at her defeats. German x\ustria at last was given a free parliament ; but this did not conciliate the powerful non-German populations ; and finally the two strongest elements (German and Hungarian) joined hands to help each other keep control over all the others. "Austria-Hungary" became a dual monarchy, a federation of two states. Each half of the Empire had its own constitution, and the two halves had the same monarch and a sort of common legislature. These arrangements of 1867 sacrificed the Slavs. The Ger- mans remained dominant in the Austrian half of the Empire, and the Magyars in the Hungarian half. The union of the two was not due to any internal ties, but wholly to selfish fears. Without Hungarian troops the Austrian Germans and their emperor could not any longer hold Bohemia in subjection ; and without Austria to support her, Hungary would lose her border Slav districts and perhaps be herself absorbed in Slav Europe. Of course such a union was one of unstable equilibrium. Aspirations Bohemia continued to demand, if not independence, at least pg^pigg^^ that she be admitted into the imperial federation as an equal third state. The Poles of Austria and of Hungary hoped for a revival of an independent Poland. The Italians longed to be annexed to Italy. The Roumanians of eastern Hungary wished to be joined to free Roumania. The Croats and Slovaks desired 574 CENTRAL EUROPE, 1871-1914 Despotism from 1815 to 1833 "' Govern- ment by revolu- tion," 1833- 1873 Castelar's presidency independence or union with Serbia. With the progress of humanity and education, toward the twentieth century, it be- came less possible for the two dominant races to use the old cruel methods to keep down the subject peoples. For many years, historians had ventured to prophesy that a general Eu- ropean war, if one came, would probably end this ill-sorted con- glomerate state. III. SPAIN We have seen that the Holy Alliance restored despotism in Spain in 1823 (p. 459). For the next ten years the Liberals were persecuted vigorously. To own a foreign book was a crime. In 1831 a woman was hanged in Madrid for embroider- ing on a flag the words, "Law, Liberty, Equality." The cr uel a nd suspicious King Ferdinand di^d in 1833 ; but, for forty years mo re, S pain passecHrom revolution to revolution, — none for libertv, each for some ruler or miTICarv cHieftain — with many ""paper^constitutions. '^ The governj^ent was "gov- ernment by revolt " — with surprisingly little bloodshed. It has been wittily said that during this period " revolution in Spain 'became a fine art . ' ' For two years (1873-4 )^the Republicans got qpntr9l of the gov- ernment. . They elected one of their leaders, Castelar, president, but they gave Tiim an unworkable constitution. To save his country from bloody anarchy, Castelar after a few months turned his vague legal authority into a beneficent dictatorship. The choice, he saw, lay between bayonet rule in the hands of dis- ciplined troops controlled by good men, and pike rule in the hands of a vicious rabble led by escaped galley slaves. He candidly abandoned his old theories, and with wise energy brought order out of chaos. It was natural that he should be assailed as a tyrant.. When the Cortes reassembled, his old friends passed a vote of lack of confidence. The commander of the troops asked for permis- sion to disperse the Cortes ; but, l)y resigning promptly, Caste- lar showed that he had no wish to prolong his personal authority. To-day no one doubts his good faith or good judgment, and the SPAIN 575 name of this republican statesman-author-dictator stands out as the chief glory of Spain in the nineteenth century. Castelar's resignation was followed by anarchy and more Constitu- revolutions ; but in 1876 the restoration of the monarchy, ^^^^^^ "^°^; <«-7 ... . "" archy, 1876. with the present constitution, introduced Spain to a somewhat The govern- in or (^ hopeful period. Tlir g(nernment in theory rests °^®"* mainly in tlic Cortes. This body consists of a Senate and a (Ongress. Half the senators are elected, while the rest are appointed for life. The congressmen are elected by manhood suffrage (since 1890). The ministry is expected to resign if outvoted in the Cortes, but, in practice, parliamentary majorities do not yet really make ministries. Instead, ministries make parliamentary majorities, as in England a century and a half ago (p. 384) ; but since 1876 no party has " called in the infantr}^" Until 1881 the energies of the government went mainly to Ten years restoring order. Then, for ten years, reform crowded upon re- °gg® °^i^' form. Jury trial was introduced ; civil marriage was permitted ; popular education was encouraged ; the franchise was extended ; the slaves in the colonies were freed ; and the system of taxation was reformed. As a result, trade has mounted by bounds ; manufactures have developed ; railroads and telegraphs have been tripled. Population has doubled in the last century, rising from ten millions to twenty, and the growth has been es- pecially rapid in the last decades. Above all, the number of peasant land-owners is rapidly increasing. Until 1898, the surviving colonial empire (Cuba, the Philip- Loss of pmes, and so oh) was a drag upon progress. After 1876 a series of efforts was made to give good government and some measure of self-control to Cuba, which had been in incessant and wasting rebellion ; but the problem was too difficult to be worked out by a country so backward at home. In 1894 Cuba rose again for independence . Spain made tremendous efforts to hold her, and for some years, at an immense cost, maintained an army of 200,000 men at a distance of 2000 miles from home. The war- faye,^ however, was iLdueing Cuba to a desert; and finally, in 1898, the United States interfered. The Spanish-American 576 CENTRAL EUROPE, 1871-1914 Poverty and taxation Religion and education War resulted in the surrender of all the Spanish colonies, except a few neighboring islands and some districts in northwest Africa. It may be hoped that this loss will prove a gain. The pov- erty of the government has been serious. The interest charge on the huge national debt is a crushing burden, and until 1900 the debt itself was constantly growing. Now that Spain no longer has the task of holding distant colonial possessions, she may conclude to reduce her absurd army system and to use the money for the development of the intellect of the people and of the resources of the land. She still has ambitions, however, to extend her colonial possessions in Africa ; and she long kept a natural hope that, in case of a general European war, she might regain Gibraltar. This last consideration went far to make her somewhat pro-German in the World War. Catholicism is the state religion. Though the constitution promises "freedom of worsliip," no other religious services are permitted in public. In this respect Spain is the most backward of European lands. She is also sadly backward in education. There is a compulsory education law, but it is a paper edict. In 1909 a government investigation found 30,000 towns and villages with no public school whatever, while in 10,000 other places the schools were in hired premises — many of them grossly unfit for the purpose, — connected with slaughter- houses, cemeteries, or stables. The only schools in most of the country, outside these public schools, were "nuns' schools," teaching only the catechism and needlework. Only one fourth of the population could read and ^\Tite. Spanish Liberals haye. wished to chang_e^all this radically, ("i) by srparatuig church and state, jiud (2) hv^excluding clerical control from the schools. ^ But the. introduction of manhood suffrage in 1900 provgd-disastrous to such reforms. It strength- ■"^^ "the rtericals and Conservatives in the Cortes, because of the absolute obedience paid at elections by the peasants to their priests, ajid for many years progress in education and in politics has almost ceased. o X BELGIUM 577 IV. THE REPUBLIC OF PORTUGAL In 1821, as one of the results of the Spanish revolution of 1820, the king of Portugal accepted a constitution. For many years, however, the country was distracted by revolutions, and by wars between claimants for the crown ; but in 1910 a sudden uprising set up a republic, which so far (1921) seems stable. English influence controls foreign relations, so that Portugal is, in practice, almost an English protectorate. Until 1910 Catholicism was the state religion. Indeed there were only a few hundred people of other faiths in the country. But the Republican government at once established complete religious freedom, confiscated the church property, and adopted a plan for the "separation of church and state" like that set up in France in 1906. Education, by law, is universal and gratui- tous ; but in practice the children of the poor do not attend school. The schools, too, are very poor. Portugal is more illit- erate even than Spain. Colonies are still extensive (in the Verde islands, in Africa, and in India), but they do not pay expenses, and it is doubtful whether so poor a country can afford to keep them. Their ad- ministration is very bad. For thirty years the national finances have been on the verge of bankruptcy. Establish- ment of the Republic Religion and education Present problems V. BELGIUM The constitution of Belgium is still that of 1831, with a few amendments. The king acts only through "responsible" ministers. In 1831 the franchise rested upon the pa^^ment of a high tax ; and even in the 'eighties only one man in ten could vote. Agitation began for further extension of the franchise ; but the parliament voted down bill after bill. Finally, in 1893 the Labor party declared a general strike, in order to exert political pressure, and the crowds of unemployed men in Brussels about the parliament house threatened serious riots. The militia, top, showed a disposition to side with the rioters. The members of parliament, looking on from the windows, changed their A demo- cratic franchise 578 CENTRAL EUROPE, 1871-1914 minds, and quickly passed a new franchise law, pro\'iding for manhood suffrage, with plural votes (one or tico extra votes) for wealth and education. In 1919 (after the World War) plural votes were abolished. The leading political parties are the Clericals and the Laborites, or Socialists. For many years Belgium ranked among the leading industrial nations. In 1910 the population was seven and a half millions — more than double that in LSI 5. The people were happy, contented, and prosperous. Then for more than four years (1914-1918) this little land was ravaged by the World War. VI. DENMARK The king of Denmark granted g, ^aper .constitution in 1848; but real constitutional govenjmentj^gan onlv after the defeat of 1864. Two years of democratic agitation then secured the constitution of 1866.^ This document promises freedom of speech and of the press, and creates a Diet (Rigsdag) of two Houses. The Landthing, or upper House, is coniposed partly of members appointed by the* king, partly members elected on aL very high property basis. The Folkthing, or lower House, is elected. In 1901 the vote was given to all self-supporting men, thirty years of age, and in I91a.jt was extended to all men and most women.< In 1901, after a thirty years' contest, min- istries were made responsible to the Representatives. Cooperation Denmark is the special home of cooperation among farmers. hieh^schools '^^^ ^^^d is not naturally fertile. The people, until after the middle of the nineteenth century, were poor and ignorant. Agriculture was backwartl, and the defeat by Prussia and Aus- tria in 1864 left the little state impoverished. Its people were forced to seek some escape from their condition. A new system of schools pointed the way. Denmark con- tains 15,000 square miles with nearly three millions of people. That is, it has more people than Indiana, in less than half the territory. More than a third of these people are farmers. For them, ninety-eight high schools give instruction in agriculture and domestic economy, — twenty of the ninety-eight being special schools in agriculture. Most of these schools, too, give o X! < SCANDINAVIA 579 special "short courses" in the winter, and these are largely at- tended by adult farmers and their wives. The schools are not merely industrial ; even the short courses emphasize music and literature. They aim to teach not merely how to get a living, but also how to live nobly. And the}^ have taught the Danish farmers the methods of successful cooperation. To-day Den- mark is one of the most progressive and prosperous farming countries in the world. Local cooperative societies are found in almost every dis- tinct line of farm industry, — in dairying, in the hog industry, in marketing eggs, in breeding cattle, in producing improved seed, in securing farm machinery, in farm loans. The local societies are federated into national organizations. The central society that markets eggs and dairy products has an office in London as well as in Copenhagen, and owns its own swift steamers to ply daily between the tv/o capitals. Denmark sup- plies England's forty millions with a large part of their eggs, bacon, and butter, — $10,000,000 worth, $32,000,000 worth, and $50,000,000 worth, respectively, in 1911. Thanks to the cooperative system, the profits go to the pro- ducers, not to middlemen. Best of all, the Danish peasant, on eight or ten acres of land, is an educated man, cultured because of his intelligent, scientific mastery of his w^ork. The coopera- tive movement in agriculture is found also, in only a slightly smaller degree, in Belgium, Holland, Norway, and Sweden. VII. NORWAY AND SWEDEN The Congress of Vienna, in 1814, took Norway from Den- The mark and gave it to Sweden (p. 450), to rew^ard that country j8^T°^ for services against Napoleon. But the Norwegian people declined to be bartered from one ruler to another. A Diet or Storthing, assembled at FAdvold, declared Norway a sovereign state, and adopted a liberal constitution {May 17, 1814)- Swe- den, backed by the Powers, made ready to enforce its claims, but finally a compromise was arranged. The Diet elected the Swed- ish king as king of Norway also on condition that he should rec- ognize the new Norwegian constitution. That document made 580 CENTRAL EUROPE, 1871-1914 the sittings of the Storthing wholly independent of the king's will, and also provided that the royal veto should have no effect upon a bill passed in three successive sessions. Jl^^T^'-.- A Norwegian Fjord, — Sogndal Norway's struggle for self-govern- ment Storthing and royal vetoes The union lasted almost a century, but there was a growing chasm between the two lands. Sweden had a strong aristocracy and a considerable city population. Norway even then had only a weak aristocracy, and was a land of independent peasants and sturdy fisherfolk and sailors. In the early part of the cen- tury the Storthing succeeded in abolishing nobility in Norway, after two vetoes by the king, and in 1884 it established manhood suffrage against his will. Meantime there had begun agita- tion for a greater amount of self-government. In 1872-1874 the Storthing passed a bill three times, re- quiring the ministries to resign if outvoted. King Oscar II de- clared that this was an amendment to the constitution. In such a case, he urged, the rule limiting his veto could not apply, and he declined to recognize the law. Civil war seemed at hand ; but a new election inj^884 showed that the Norwegians ^ere almost unanimous in the demand, and the king yielded. (Oscar SCANDINAVIA 581 II came to the Swedish throne in 1872, and his moderation and fairness had much to do on other occasions also with preventing an armed conflict, which impetuous men on either side were ready to precipitate. He was one of the greatest men who sat upon European thrones in the last century.) This victory made the real executive in Norway Norwegian, for all internal affairs. The Storthing passed at once to a de- mand for power to appoint Norwegian consuls. But the con- stitution had left the regulation of foreign affairs in the king's hands ; and the Swedish party exclaimed with some reason that the proposed arrangement would ruin the slight union that re- mained between the two countries, and that it was unconstitu- tional. Again King Oscar insisted that on such a matter his veto could not be overridden. Finally in 1905, after twenty years of strenuous struggle, the . Stortliing by almost unani- mous vote declared the union with Sweden dissol^yed, The " aristocratic element in Sweden called for war ; but King Oscar was nobly resolute that the two peoples should not imbrue theirjiand§. in eaclijDther^ Woc^^^^^^ Swedish labor unions, too, threatened a universal strike, to prevent violent coercion of their Norwegian brethren. Tn July the Norwegians declared in favor of independence in a great nationaL referendum, by a vote of 368,000 to 184. Sweden bowed to the decision. In September, 1905, to the eternal honor of both peoples, a peaceful sep- aration ivas arranged upon friendly terms; and then independent Norway chose a Danish prince (Haakon VII) for king. In 1901 the Storthing gave the franchise in all municipal Norway matters to women who paid (or whose husbands paid) a small ^ojnarT tax. In J 907 the parliamentary franchise was given to the suffrage same class of women. Thus, Norway was the first sovereign n ation to give the franchise to women. Until late in the nineteenth century Sweden was backward Swedish in politics. The Diet was made up, medieval fashion, of four estates — nobles, clergy, burgesses, and peasants — and the king could always play off one class against another. In 1866 this arrangement was replaced by a modern parliament of two reform since i866 582 CENTRAL EUROPE, 1871-1914 Houses, but for nearly half a century more the franchise ex- cluded a large part of the adult males. Agitation for reform began vehemently in 1895. Seventeen years later, the right to vote for members of the lower House of the parliament was given to all adult men, but with "plural" votes for wealth. At the same time women secured the franchise for all matters of local government. Then in ,1919, sweeping reforms aboy^hed pj_ural votii^^^nd esta te [ jjghed >iiiipl<' uni\(rsal suffrage for men and women in both national and loi al ail'airs. Condition in 1830 The Sonder- bund War VIII. THE SWISS REPUBLIC The Congress of Vienna left the Swiss cantons in a loose con- federacy (p. 452), not unlike that of the United States before 1789. The first great change grew out of religious strife. The rich city cantons were Protestant, and after 1830 they became pro- gressive in politics. The old democratic cantons were Catholic, and were coming to be controlled by a new conservative Clerical party. The confederacy seemed ready to split in twain. The final struggle began in Aargau. In this canton, in the election of 1840, the Progressives won. The Clericals rose in revolt. To punish them, after suppressing the rising, the Progressives dis- solved the eight monasteries of the canton. This act was con- trary to the constitution of the Union; and^he seven Catholic cantons in alarm formed a separate league, — the Sonderbund, — and declared that they would protect the Clericals in their rights in any canton where they might be attacked. The Federal Diet, now controlled by the Progressives, ordered the Sonderbund to dissolve; and in 1847 "The Sonderbund War" was begun — seven cantons agamst fiHeen. *^he des- potic Powers of the Holy Alliance were preparing to interiere JQ. behafrof the*Sonderbund, but the L nionists ^warned and en- couraged by the English government) acte3 with remarkable celerity anocrushed the Secessionists in a three weeks' cam- paign.^ Metternich still intended to interfere, but the revolu- 1 There are int^eresting po.ipts of likeness between the civil war in Switzer- land and that a Uttlc later in the Uixited States. In both countries there > o SWITZERLAND 583 tions of 1848 rendered him harmless. Then the Progressives remodeled the constitutions of the conquered cantons, so as to put power into the hands of the Progressives there, and adopted a new national constitution, which made the union a true Federal Republic. The Federal Assembly (national legislature) has two Houses, The Consti- — the Council of the States and the National Council.^ _ The first **^*^°^ consists of two delegates from each canton, chosen by. the can- tonal legislature. The second House represents the people of the union, the members being elected in single districts, like our Representatives. The franchise is giyen to all adult males, and elections take place on Sundays, so that all may vote. The Federal Executive is not a single president, but a committee of seven (the federal Council), chosen by the Federal Assembly. Each canton, like each of our States, has its own constitution and government. In a few cantons the old folkmoot, or primary Assembly, is still preserved ; in the others the legislature consists of one chamber, chosen by manhood suffrage. In each there is an executive council, not a single governor. As a rule, even in modern democratic countries, the people Direct govern themselves only indirectly. They choose representa- legislation tiyes__(legislatures and governors), and these "delegated" in- dividuals attend directly to matters of government. Switzer- land, however, has shown that "direct democracy" can work under modern conditions. The two Swiss devices for this end are known as the referendum and the popular initia- tive. The referendum consists merely in referring laws that have The been passed by the legislature to a, popular vote. This practice '^^erendum really originated in America. The State of Massachusetts sub- mitted its fu-st constitution to a popular vote in 1778 and in 1780. The French Revolutionists adopted the practice for was a conflict between a national and a states sovereignty party. In both, ^ as a result of war, the more progressive part of" the nation forced a stronger union upon the more backward portion. Tn both, too, the states which tried to secede did so in behalf of rights guaranteed them in the old consti- tution, which they believed to be endangered by their opponents. y* 584 CENTRAL EUROPE, 1871-1914 The initiative their constitutions, and the plebiscites of the Napoleons extended the principle to some other questions besides constitutions. In America, after 1820, nearly all our States used the referendum on the adoption of new constitutions and of constitutional amendments. But Switzerland taught the world how to go farther than this. By ^he constitutioi^of 1848, all constitutional amend- ments, cantonal or^national, must be submitted to popular vote, and in some cantons this compulsory referendum is extended to all laws ; while, by an^amendrnent of 1874^ certain number of voters by pctiUon may require the submission of any national laic. (This ''optional " referendum has been in use in the sep- arate cantons for most of the nineteenth century.) The poj)ular initiative is a Swiss d^velopmept. It__con^ists in the right of a certain nuinber of voters, by petition, to frame a new bill and to compel its submission to tl]e people. A little before 1848, this device began to be regarded as the natural com- plement of the referendum. By 1870, in nearly all the cantons a small number of voters could introduce any law they desired. In 1891, by amendment, this liberal principle was adopted for the national government: a petition oj fifty thousand voters may frame a law, which must then be submitted to a national vote. Thus the people, without the interventibn of the legislature, can frame bills by the initiative, and pass on them by the ref- erendum. These devices for direct legislation are the most im- portant advances made in late years by democracy. (Recently, many of the more progressive States of the American Union have carried them, with the further device of the recall, to a higher degree of perfection even than in their Swiss home.) Place in history In other respects also Switzerland has made amazing advances and to-day it is one of the most progressive countries in the world. The schools are among the best in Europe : no other country has so little illiteracy. Comfort is well diffused. The army system is a universal militia service, lighter than has been known anywhere else in continental Europe during the last forty years. Two thirds of the people are German; l)ut SWITZERLAND 585 French and Italian, as well as German, are "official" languages, and the debates in the Federal Assembly are carried on in all three tongues. The universal patriotism of the people is a high testimonial to the strength of free institutions and of the flexible federal principle, in binding together diverse elements. Said President Lowell, of Harvard, a few years ago, " The Swiss Confederation, on the whole, is the most successful democracy m the world. " CHAPTER LX Growth of territory The Trans- Siberian Railway The danger to India RUSSIA Russia's destruction of Napoleon's Grand Army, in 1813, revealed her tremendous power. In the fifteenth century (p. 395), the Russians held only a part of what is now South Central Russia, nowhere touching a navigable sea. Expansion, since then, has come partly by colonization, partly by war (pp. 395, 396, 402). In Asia, Russian advance after 1800 was steady and terrify- ing. She aimed at ice-free Pacific ports on the east, and at the Persian Gulf and the Indian seas on the south, besides the rich realms of Central Asia and India. In 1858 she reached the Amur, seizing northern Manchuria from China. Two years later she secured Vladivostok — ice-free for most of the year. In 1895 the Trans-Siberian Railway was begun, and in 1902 that vast undertaking was completed to Vladivostok. This road is more than 5000 miles long, — nearly double the length of the great American transcontinental roads. Eventually it must prove one of the great steps in the advance of civiliza- tion ; and it has been fitly compared in importance to the find- ing of the passage around the Cape of Good Hope or the build- ing of the Suez or Panama canals. Meanwhile Russia had compelled China to cede the magnificent harbor of Port Arthur (p. 608) and the right to extend the Trans-Siberian Railroad through Chinese Manchuria to that port (1898). On the south, just after the opening of the nineteenth cen- tury, Russia secured the passes of the Caucasus. By the middle of the century she had advanced into Turkestan. From that lofty vantage ground she planned a further advance, and by 1895 she extended a great Trans-Caspian railway to within seventy-five miles of Herat, the "key to India." 586 OPPRESSION AND CONSPIRACY 587 Great Britain seemed ready to resist further advance by war ; but a clash in Central Asia was postponed })y Japan's victory in the extreme East. In the last years of the nineteenth century Russia was busied Checked by with vast internal improvements, — not only the great railroads J^P*^ mentioned above, from Moscow to the Pacific and to the fron- tiers of India, but also a stupendous system of canals to connect her internal waterways. Under such conditions at home, Russia had every reason to desire peace abroad ; but in 1904 the arrogant folly of her military classes plunged her into a war with Japan as unjust as it proved ruinous. To the amazement of the world, Russia's huge power collapsed utterly on land and sea, and she was thrust back from Port Arthur and Manchuria (pp. 605-611). Russia still covered eight and a Extent in half million square miles (between two and three times the ^^^° area of the United States), or about one seventh the area of the habitable earth ; and she had a population of one hundred and sixty millions — just about equal in number to the whole group of English-speaking peoples. At the end of the Napoleonic wars, many young Russian Revolution- officers came back to their homes full of the ideals of the French ^^^^^^^ revolution. The Tsar himself (Alexander I, 1801-1825) had been educated by a liberal French tutor ; and for a time, in a weak, sentimental, indecisive way, he favored a liberal poKcy, and introduced a few reforms. Metternich won him from these tendencies ; and then many educated and liberal Russians be- gan to be conspirators against Tsarism. The cause of the conspirators was long hopeless, because it The serfs had no interest for the masses. Nowhere else in the world was the gap so complete between upper and lower classes. Four fifths the population of European Russia were serfs, filthy, ignorant, degraded, living in a world wholly apart from that of the small class of educated Russians. Besides the serfs, the rural population comprised a numerous And society nobility, who were landed proprietors ; and in the cities there were small professional and mercantile classes. For twohun- 588 RUSSIA, 1815-1914 Beginning of the Slavophil movement Reforms of Alexander II Emancipa- tion of the serfs dred years (since Peter the Great) these upper classes had had at least a veneer of Western civilization. At the opening of the nineteenth century their conversation was carried on, not in Russian, hut in French ; and their books, fashions, and largely their ideas, were imported from Paris. The re\'olutionary conspirators from these upper classes were romantic dreamers. In December of 1825, the revolu- tionists attempted a rising. They met with no popular sup- port, and the new Tsar Nicholas (1825-1855) exterminated almost the entire group with brutal executions, often under the knout. This cruelty, however, made " the Decembrists" mar- tyrs to the next generation of generous-minded Russian youth ; and their ideas lived on in the great Russian wTiters of the middle of the century, like Gogol and Turgeniev. The reign of Nicholas I was marked also by the beginning of Slavophilism. This was a movement among the educated classes to establish a native Russian culture, in contrast to the imported Western veneer. The Russians had begun to believe in themselves as the future leaders of a new civilization. They looked forward to a vast Pan-Slav empire (to include Bohemia and the Slav states of the Balkans) which should surpass West- ern Europe both in power and in the character of its culture. Nicholas gave his support heartily to the Slavophils, in large part because he despised the Western ideas as to liberty and constitutional government. In the closing years of Nicholas, however, the humiliation of the Crimean War (p. 495) revealed the despotic bureaucratic system as weak, when pitted against Western Europe; and this helped the Russian liberals to win to their side the new Tsar, Alexander II (1855-1881). Alexander struck the shackles from the press and the universities, sought to secure just treat- ment for the Jews, introduced jury trial, established a system of graded representative assemblies in the provinces (the zemstvos), and, in 1861, against the almost unanimous opposi- tion of the nobles, emancipated the fifty million serfs. Not only were the serfs freed from the jurisdiction of the nobles and from obligation to serve them : they were also given PLATE XCVI THE SERFS "EMANCIPATED" 589 land. This of course was necessary if the peasants were to Hve at all. The land, like the serf, was taken from tlie noble ; but not by confiscation, and not enough of it. Each village com- And the munity (mir) was to pay for its land. The Tsar paid the noble pro^jiem landlord down ; and the mir was to repay the Tsar in small in- stallments spread over forty-nine years. Alexander and his liberal friends intended each village to receive at least as much land as the villagers had had for their support while serfs ; but the noble officials, who carried out the details, managed to cut down the amount of land and to make the price unduly high. The peasants found themselves at once forced to eke out their scanty income by tilling the land of the neighboring landlord — on his terms. The annual "redemption payments" to the gov- ernment, too, were excessive. More than half the peasant^s labor went to satisfy the tax-collector. By 1890, one third the peasant body had pledged their labor one or more years in ad- vance to the noble landlords — and so had been forced back The peas- into a new serfdom. The peasants remained ignorant and Y^^®®"^" wretched, with a death-rate double that of Western Eu- rope. As late as 1900, half their children died under the age of five ; and every now and then large districts were devastated by famine — while vast tracts of fertile land lay uncultivated. At the emancipation, the peasants refused to believe Alexander's that the Tsar meant to give them such small allotments ; and poUcy in countless places they rose in bloody riots against the nobility and the Tsar's officers. The reactionary parts of society urged upon Alexander that such risings were the product of the pro- gressive writers and newspapers he had encouraged. As early as 1862 the Tsar was won to this view, and began to Persecution suppress the liberal press. Writers who had thought them- selves within the circle of his friendship were imprisoned in secret dungeons or sent to hard labor in Sil)erian mines, — with- out trial, merely by decree, — and the brutal police sought to crush out all liberalism by barbarous cruelty. The liberals, in the 'sixties, had come to include the great The body of university students. These youths, — men and women of liberals Nihilists 590 RUSSIA, 1815-1914 Reaction in tensified un- der Alexan- der III and Nicholas II Religious persecution of good family, — ardent for the regeneration of their country, now organized societies to spread information about the peas- ants' misery among the upper classes, and socialistic ideas among the peasants, and in the later 'seventies one branch of these persecuted radicals decided to meet violence with vio- lence. Their secret organization was popularly known as the Nihilist society. They deliberately resolved to sacrifice their own lives to the cause of liberty, and by assassination after assassination they sought to avenge the barbarous persecution of their friends and to terrify the Tsar into granting representa- tive government. Alexander at last decided to grant part of their demands. He prepared a draft of a constitution which was to set up a National Assembly. But the day before this plan was to be announced the Nihilists dynamited him. Alexander III (1881-1894) returned to the reactionary policy of his grandfather Nicholas. What remained of Alexander II 's reforms was undone — except that serfdom could not well be restored in law. The press was subjected to a sterner censor- ship. University teachers were muzzled, being forbidden to touch upon matters of government in their lectures. Books like Green 's English People were added to the long list of stand- ard works whose circulation was forbidden. The royal police were given despotic authority to interfere in the affairs of the mirs. All this reactionary policy was continued by the next — and the last — of the Tsars, the incompetent Nicholas II (1894- 1917), and with it was coupled an increase in the despotic at- tempt to Russianize the border provinces. The Finnish and German Lutherans of the Baltic regions, the Polish Catholics, the Armenian dissenters, the Georgians, and the Jews were all cruelly persecuted. Children were taken from parents to be educated in the Greek faith ; native languages were forbidden in schools, churches, newspapers, legal proceedings, or on sign boards ; and against the Jews (who had already been cruelly crowded into "the Jewish Pale") bloody "pogroms" were organized by police officers with every form of outrage, plunder, torture, and massacre. (It was this persecution that drove NIHILISTS AND SOCIALISTS 591 great numbers of Russian Jews to America.) And, in return Russian for the Tsar's aid against heresy, the Russian priests became despotism ^ spies for the autocracy in its poHtical persecution, and betrayed to the police the secrets of the confessional. In one respect the Baltic districts had more cause for com- Russianiza- plaint even than the Jews. Finland, the old German provinces g°JJ.° j-egton (Livonia, Esthonia, Courland), and Poland all excelled Russia proper in civilization, and each of them, at its acquisition by Russia, had been solemnly jyromised the perpetual enjoyment of its own language, religion, and laws. Russianization may sometimes have been a not unmixed evil to barbarous regions on the east; but it was bitterly hard upon these progressive western districts. By 1890, the police seemed to have crushed all reform agita- Under- tion and all open criticism of the government. But there was ^^^g^^ an "Underground Russia" where modern ideas were working silently. Many liberals were growing up among the increasing class of lawyers, physicians, professors, and merchants, and, sometimes, among the nobles. More important still was the fact that, about 1890, even The indus- Russia began to be touched by the industrial revolution. Mos- i^t^o^^^^' cow had been a "sacred city" of churches, marked by spires and minarets. In 1890, it was becoming an industrial center, w^ith huge factories and furnaces, marked by smoke-hung chim- neys. ♦ In such cities Socialism made converts rapidly among the And Social- new working class. There were two distinct bodies of these ^^™ Russian Socialists. The larger body looked forward only to peaceful reform, like the Social Democratic party in other lands. The other was made up of Social-Revolutionists. This was a secret society, perfectly organized, which had absorbed the old Nihilists. It held that violence was necessary and right in the struggle to free Russia from the despotism which choked all attempts at peaceful reform. In this day of per- fectly disciplined standing armies, with modern guns, open revolution is doomed to almost certain extinction in blood. So the Revolutionists worked by the dagger and the dynamite 592 RUSSIA, 1815-1914 The liberal movement of 1906: " the First Russian Revolution Class divisions among the liberals bomb, to slay the chief ministers of despotism. The society selected its intended victims with careful deliberation ; and, when one had been killed, it posted placards proclaiming to the world the list of "crimes" for which he had been "exe- cuted." Spite of every precaution, the Revolutionists, with complete disregard of their own lives, managed to strike down minister after minister among the most hated of the Tsar 's tools. The opportunity of the reform forces seemed to have come in 1905. The failure of Russia in the Japanese war showed that the despotic government had been both inefhcient and corrupt. High officials had stolen money which should have gone for rifles and powder and food and clothing for the armies. During the disasters of the war itself, other officials stole the Red Cross funds intended to relieve the suft'ering of the wounded. The intelligent classes were exasperated by these shames and by the humiliating defeat of their country, and began to make their murmurs heard. The peasantry were woefully oppressed by war-taxes. The labor classes in the towns were thrown out of employment in the general stagnation of business. The agitation for reform among all these elements became turbulent ; and in March, after failing to stifle it in blood, in the massacre of Red Sunday, the Tsar promised a Duma (representative assembly). As after the Emancipation Edict forty -five years before, the Russian people went wild with joy and hope'; and again bitter disappointment followed. All Russia had seemed united against autocracy in demands for political reform ; but now it proved to be divided within itself by a bitter class conflict. The city proletariat was struggling for radical economic change as well as for political reform ; especially for shorter hours and higher wages, for which many strikes were then in progress. The middle-class liberals (including most employers of labor) hoped that representative government — with only the grant of more land to the peasants — would remedy Russia 's ills. Immediately after issuing the October decree for the Duma, the Tsar threw himself once more into the arms of the reac- tionary official party, and sought to take advantage of this class THE DUMA OF 1906 593 division among the liberals. The prisons were emptied of crim- Reaction at inals, who were then organized by the police as "patriots" — ^^^^^ better known in history as the Black Hundreds ; and within three weeks, in a hundred different places, some 4000 radicals and labor leaders were assassinated. This brutal violence gave increased standing among the people The origin to the radical Socialist movement. In all great cities there had ° ^°^'^ ^ been organized a Council of Workmen's Deputies to guide the strikes. These Councils now began to be mighty political forces. The peasants, too, organized Councils of Deputies in many districts, and, in some places, revolutionarily inclined regiments made common cause with peasants and workingmen, and elected Councils of Soldiers' Deputies. This was the birth of the famous Soviets — a desperate attempt to meet the Tsar's duplicity and brutality by a new working-class government. But these soviet organizations at once began to antagonize Crushed for the liberal capitalists by ill-timed demands as to hours and * ® ]^^ ^ wages, enforced by general strikes. Accordingly the middle classes held aloof, while the Tsar's government used all its re- maining strength in the early winter to crush the new Soviets with an indescril)al)ly horrible vengeance. In April of 1906, midst gloom and anarchy, with 75,000 of The Duma Russia's finest men and women suffering torment in dungeons ° ^^^ as political prisoners, and with a cruel famine desolating many provinces, the Duma was at last brought together — the first rep- resentative assembly of the Russian nation. The Tsar had ar- ranged the elections so as to leave most weight in the hands of the wealthy and noble classes, and the police interfered actively against radical candidates ; but the revolutionary movement had swept everything before it. The largest party among the members were middle-class liberals, who called themselves Constitutional Democrats. The chief leader of this group was Miliukof, and it contained many other men of wise and moderate statesmanship. Next in numbers came the Peasants, with a program of moderate Socialism. The extreme Socialists of the towns {Social Democrats), had in great measure refused to take part in the elections. Still they counted 25 members. 594 RUSSIA, 1815-1911 violence Of the total of 400, only 28 were avowed supporters of autoc- racy. The Tsar 's repudiation by the nation was complete. The Duma, after vainly seeking a "responsible" ministry and the abolition of martial law, wisely concentrated its efforts upon securing the state lands for the suffering peasants. The Tsar, now in the hands of intensely reactionary advisers, was "sadly disappointed" that the Duma insisted on meddling in such matters, and (July 21) he dissolved it. Months of an- archy followed. Tlie government fell back upon stern repres- Anarchy and sion and intimidation, to suppress' not only disorder, hut also political agitation. More than a thousand political offenders were executed, and fifty thousand were sent to Siberia or to prison, while the Revolutionists counted up 24,239 others slain by the soldiery in putting down or punishing riots. Prisoners were tortured mercilessly, and in many cases were flogged to death. A second Duma met March 5, 1907. The surviving liberal members of the former assembly had been made ineligible for election. But this time the Social Democrats went into the campaign in earnest and elected nearly one third the mem- bers, in spite of desperate efforts of the police to close their meetings and imprison their leaders. With the remnants of the Constitutional Democrats and the Peasants, there was once more a large majority opposed to the government. In June the Tsar demanded that some sixty Socialist members should be expelled as "traitors"; and when the Duma ap- pointed a committee to investigate, he dissolved it. Then by arbitrary decree he changed the method of electing Dumas so as to put control into the hands of the great landlords. A third and a fourth Duma (1907, 1912), chosen upon this basis, proved properly submissive. The revolution, men said, had been stifled. The Duma of 1907 PLATE XCVII Above. — The "De AVitt Clinton," the first steam railroad train in America. The first trip (from Albany to Schenectady) was made August 9, 1831, with a maximum speed of 15 miles an hour. Note the resem- blance of the "coaches" to horse vehicles. Below. — A Modern Electric Locomotive on the Chicago, Milwau- kee, and St. Paul Road. Forty- two such engines are in use to haul pas- sengers and freight over the great Continental Divide. This engine weighs 282 tons, has an electrification of 3000 volts, and can haul six and a half million pounds of freight up a stiff grade at 16 miles an hour, or, geared for high speed, can null a passenger train, like the one here pictured, at a mile a minute on ordinary levels. PAET XV - THE WORLD IN 1914 CHAPTER LXI SCIENCE AND SOCIAL PROGRESS In spite of certain remaining dark spots on the globe, like Russia, it was usual in 1900, to speak of the preceding hun- dred years as "the wonderful century." It is true that no thousand years before had seen so much progress. Theodore Roosevelt's day was farther removed from Napoleon's than his from Charlemagne's. And in this mighty transformation the chief agents had been scientific inventioii and humane sentiment. PROGRESS IN SCIENCE Very wonderful was the scientific advance. The close of the eighteenth century saw those inventions in England that created the age of iron and substituted steam and machinery for hand power in production, so creating the "Industrial Revolution" (pp. 465 ff.). Toward the middle of the next century came a second burst of scientific invention, in which America led, again revolutionizing daily life and in particular applying machinery to farm production. Then, towards the close of that same century came the third group of inventions, re- placing the age of steam by the age of electricity, transforming once more the face of the world and the daily habits of vast populations. Gasoline engines and electric engines furnished new power for locomotion, for factory, and for field. Man explored the sea bottom in submarines and conquered the air. The electric street railway, the automobile, and auto trucks made for cleaner city streets, better country roads, and a vast saving of time and labor. Electric lights helped to 595 596 THE WORLD IN 1914 banish crime along with darkness. Telephone, phonograph, wireless telegraphy gave men new power to do and to enjoy. And along with this went such a transformation of all earlier machinery and processes as made those of 1850 quaint curi- osities. More important than these inventions that affect our bodies and our outer life have been the change in ideas about the Forging a Railway Car Axle To-day, at the Howard Axle Works, Home- stead, Pa. The drop-hammer, about to strike the white-hot axle, weighs three and one half tons. Fourteen such hammers are used in these works. world and man 's relation to it, — a change due also to the new science. A new In 1833 Sir Charles Lyell published his Principles of Geology. geology M.en had believed that the earth was essentially the globe as it came from the hand of God, five or six thousand years before, modified perhaps in places by tremendous convulsions or floods. Lyell explained mountains, plains, valleys, the rock strata, and other geologic features, as the results of the slow action of water, frost, snow, and other forces which we see still DARWIN AND PASTEUR 597 at work about us. This uniformitarian theory (supported by the discovery of fossils in the rocks) quickly induced men to reckon the age of the earth by aeons of time ; and soon the dis- covery of human remains in old geologic strata compelled a new conception of the length of man's life upon the earth. In the study of the animal world a like change was taking Evolution place. Here and there some thinker had hinted that the plants and animals we see about us must have all "evolved" by slow changes from one or at least from a few elementary types. In 1859 Charles Darwin gave this theory of evolution a definite form (so that it is commonly associated with his name), and showed one of the forces that has brought it about, in his Origin of Species by Natural Selection. Revolutionary as this idea was at first, it has become almost universally accepted among educated people, although other factors have been added to the "survival of the fittest" — the cause upon which Darwin laid almost sole stress. Hardly less important was the discovery (about 1840) that The cellular each animal or vegetable organism is made up of minute cells of ^f ^^g°a^^c°" protoplasm (a living substance of a character resembling gela- matter tine). These cells in each living thing, it was discovered, come from one original parent cell, and develop in different ways according to the nature of the organ they are to form (hair, skin, muscular tissue, etc.). This cell theory made possible a new^ scientific study of animal life — which is called biology. And biology has produced a new science of medicine. In Progress in the 80's the French biologist, Pasteur, broke the way, proving medicme the germ theory of disease, and inventing methods of inocu- lation against some of the most dreaded forms, like hydrophobia. Devoted disciples followed in his footsteps. During the Amer- ican occupation of Cuba after the Spanish- American war, Major Walter Reed showed that ordinary malaria and the deadly yellow fever alike were spread by the bite of mosquitoes. In like manner it has been proved that certain fleas, carried by rats, spread the bubonic plague. In 1903 Dr. Charles W. Stiles proved that the inefficiency and low vitality of the "poor Whites" in the southern United States were due to the parasitic 598 THE WORLD IN 1914 hookworm. The special causes of typhoid and tuberculosis have become well known ; and as this passage is being written, the germ that causes the dreaded infantile paralysis has been dis- covered. Each such discovery has enabled men to fight disease more successfully. It is not improbable that in the not distant future all deadly contagious diseases may be practically banished from the earth, — as, according to medical journals, yellow fever is just now banished. Between 1850 and 1900 the average hu- man life in civilized lands was lengthened by a fourth, and population was trebled. SOCIAL UPLIFT A new This larger and better life of the early twentieth century, too, solidarity ^'^^ bound together, for good and for ill, in a new human soli- darity. Our big world is more compact than the small world of 1800 was. Ox-cart and pack-horse have been replaced as car- riers by long lines of cars moving thousands of tons of all kinds of freight swiftly across continents. For bulkier commerce the most distant "East" and "West" have been brought near to- gether by the Suez Canal (opened in 1869) and the Panama Canal (built by the United States and opened in 1914) ; ^ while now the more precious articles and mails begin to be moved as by magic in airships, as Tennyson dreamed when in his youth he — "Saw the heavens fill with commerce — argosies of magic sails, Pilots of the purple twilight, dropping down with costly bales." New methods of banking make it possible to transfer credit in an instant, by wire or wireless, between the most distant portions of the earth ; and lines of communication are so or- ganized that it costs no more to send a letter or parcel around the earth than around the nearest street corner. The Minne- sota farmer's market is not Minneapolis, but the world. The Australian sheep-raiser, the Kansas farmer, the South African miner, the New York merchant, the London banker, are parts of one industrial organism. All this solidarity means one more revolution i?i industry. The age of small individual enterprise has given way to an era of 1 Special reports upon this building and on present use of these routes. PLATE XCVIII Copyriyiii oy L mltniood d- Underwood Copyright by Underwood ct Undcnvood Two Views of the Panama Canal. Above. — The Miraflores Locks, with the S.S. Santa Clara leaving the upper west chanil^er under tow of an electric motor, not in sight in the picture. Below. — The first boat through after navigation had been temporarily blocked (in 1916) by "the big slide" from Culebra Hill (shown on the left). The steamer is the St. Veronica of Liverpool. MOVEMENTS FOR SOCIAL JUSTICE 599 vast consolidation of capital and management — department stores, might\^ corporations, huge trusts, flouring centers like Minneapolis, meat-packing centers like Chicago, money centers like Wall Street. And this consolidation has brought incalcu- lable saving of wealth in economy of management and in utili- zation of old wastes into by-products. The new unity of society, too, has its moral side. Any hap- pening of consequence is known within the hour in London, Petrograd, Peking, New York, San Francisco, and, within a day, in almost every hamlet where civilized men live. A world opinion shapes itself, in ordinary times, as promptly as village opinion could be brought to bear upon an individual citizen a century ago. But even before the horrible catastrophe of the World War, it A dark side was plain enough that all this modern progress had a darker side. True, there was more life, and better life ; and there was more wealth to support life. The workers, too, though they got too little of that w^ealth, got vastly more than in 1800. An industrious, healthy artisan of to-day usually has a more enjoyable life than a great noble a century ago. Still the in- dustrial organization which produced wealth with gratifying rapidity failed to distribute it equitably. The world had be- Failure as come rich ; but multitudes of workers remained ominously l^^^^^^ ^^ poor. And this modern poverty is harder to bear than that of wealth earlier times because it is less necessary. Then there was little w^ealth to divide. Now the poor man is jostled by ostenta- tious affluence and vicious waste. Throughout the civilized world earnest men and women. The demand as never before in history, had begun to band themselves into many kinds of "social uplift" organizations to relieve or remove this misery. Until toward the close of the nineteenth century such movements were mainly charitable in their character. Then they began to work, not merely to treat the social disease, but to remove its cause. They ceased to call for charity, and began to work for social justice — for some improved organiza- tion of industry that should secure to the worker a larger share of the product of his labor and so insure him against the need of for " social justice 600 THE WORLD IN 1914 charity. Enlightened thinkers and statesmen entered upon a new and more promising "war against poverty," rec- ognizing also that such a course was necessary, not merely for the welfare of the poor, but also for the salvation of all society. CHAPTER LXII WORLD POLITICS TO 1914 T. ENCROACHMENTS UPON AFRICA AND ASIA Modern civilization is based upon ''industrialism." The Trade es- greater tlie industrial development of a country, the more em- ^^^^^^ *° ployment and better pay for its workingmen, and the more civilization profit for its capitalists. Now the life blood of industrialism is trade : trade not merely with civilized nations, but (sometimes much more) with tropical and subtropical countries for oil, rub- ber, ivory, minerals, and other raw materials needed by factories in civilized lands. Moreover, thanks to modern factory pro- cesses, every industrial country (which can get adequate sup- plies of raw materials) has a much greater factory output than its owm people can buy. The factories cannot keep running full speed without outside markets in which to sell. In the indus- trial states, too (before the World War), wealth accumulated faster, at times, than it could be invested profitably, — so that capitalists were anxious for outside investments, especially in countries with naturally rich but as yet undeveloped resources. Add to these facts a fourth fact, — that in most of the rich Causes of tropical and subtropical regions there have been (until lately) ^Q^je"^ no strong states to protect the inhabitants against outside en- croachments — and we have the main explanations of the rival- ries among the great civilized nations for colonial empire. Each seeks the largest possible part of the world 's raw materials for its factories to work up into finished products, the largest mar- kets for those products (all the better if a sole, or exclusive, market), and the best "concessions" from semi-barbarous states to its capitalists for exclusive rights to build railroads or develop mines. 601 602 RECENT WORLD POLITICS Imperialism and war In the eight- eenth cen- tury In the nine- teenth cen- tury This "imperialism" (or desire for empire for the sake of trade) has been the underlying cause of most modern wars.^ And yet, under ex- isting conditions, it is useless to blame any one nation for trying to grab the oil of Mesopotamia, the coal of China, the ivory of the Congo, or the rubber of Mexico. The blame hes in the amazing fact that the nations have not made more serious attempts to change the system of commercial cannibalism. Rightly seen, the vast raw wealth of the globe belongs to no one or two arbitrary political divisions of the globe's population : it is the heritage of the whole world, present and to come. When we grow^ civilized enough, there will be some world- organization to conserve these resources and to see that all nations may share on some basis of equal opportunity or of need. True, this is much to expect while each nation still permits grasping individuals to engross within its own borders that natural wealth that should belong to all its people. But, if the task is great, so is the need. It must be solved, if civihzation is to survive. Lentil there is such a world organization, annihilating world-war will not cease to threaten. The real work of a League of Nations wiU be not so much to "enforce peace," to for- bid war, as to remove the chief excuse for war by doing justice among the peoples. In the eighteenth century, trade rivalry became w^orld- wide war. From 1689 to 1783, France and England wTestled incessantly for world empire, grappling on every continent and every sea ; while, as allies of this one or of that, the other powers grasped at crumbs of European booty. The close saw^ France almost stripped of her old dependencies; and, a little later, when she seemed helpless in her Revolution, England sought to complete the victory. Then for a while Napoleon seemed likely to regain the Mississippi valley and India ; but Waterloo left England "the mightiest nation upon earth," for some sev- enty years without an aggressive rival for world dominion. During that period, other European nations got along somehow because trade had not yet become the supremely vital thing it w^as soon to be. But steam and electricity were swiftly draw- ing the globe's most distant provinces into intimate unity, and, with the spread of the Industrial Revolution (p. 561), world trade w^as taking on a new importance. Accordingly, after 1871, the new industrial French Republic began to seek ex- 1 For ancient war also, cf. pp. 35, 124, 174, and elsewhere. I 5) CAPE VEKDE IS. / (Pi/rtugal) ,^, 6AN»NT0N.0lJ ^Jt^'**" / Sr.vlNCtNTir*. iBOiVllTAI; \{^ I . / , 30 a* s» L.L.POATES, ENGR., N.Y, PARTITION OF AFRICA AND ASIA 603 pansion in north Africa and southeastern Asia ; and in 1884, at the Congress of BerHn, the new industrial German Empire gave notice that thenceforth it rneant to share in the plunder. The next quarter-century saw a mad scramble between Germany, France, and the already partially sated England for the world 's remaining rich provinces defended onl}' by "inferior" races. European politics were suddenly merged in world politics. The possession of petty counties on the Rhine or the Danube ceased to interest peoples who had fixed their eyes on vast continents. Australia was already English. North America was held by the United States or England. South and Central America New world were protected beneath the shield of the Monroe Doctrine. Problems Africa, however, was largely unappropriated, and now its seiz- ure was swift. In 1880 only a few patches here and there on the coast were European ; in 1891 (except for Liberia and Abyssinia) the continent was mapped out between European claimants Partition of (map opposite) — mainly between England, France, and Ger- "^^ many, though Belgium held the "Congo Free State," a rich territory of 1,000,000 square miles in the heart of the continent with 30,000,000 native inhabitants. (It must be understood, however, that, except for English South Africa, and part of French Algeria, European settlement has not entered the con- tinent to any considerable degree, nor have the natives been Europeanized.) By 1890, also, the partition of Asia was well under way — Europe in though in this continent too, except for a few trading stations, there has been no real European "colonization." Central and northern Asia had become Russian ; the vast, densely popu- lated peninsula of India (with adjoining Burma) was English ; the southeastern peninsula was mainly French. Of the five remaining native states, Afghanistan, Persia, and Siam were merely weak and helpless survivals permitted to exist by cautious European diplomacy as "buffer states," separating England from Russia on one side and from France on the other ; and, before the century closed, the Turkish Empire (p. 623) and even the ancient Chinese Empire had begun to go to pieces. Here we must note that in the closing years of the nineteenth 604 WORLD POLITICS The United States a World Power Land and people Western- ization century two new actors appeared to dispute world empire with the old claimants. A war between Japan and China (p. 605) re- vealed despised Japan as a great modernized World Power that must henceforth be reckoned with, especially in Asiatic questions ; and the Spanish- American War of 1898 brought the United States to the door of Asia. The United States had been sufficiently occupied for a hundred years in appropriating and developing her own vast territory from ocean to ocean, and had resolutely kept herself free from European complica- tions ; but now, her great task accomplished, she had already begun to reach out for the islands of the sea and for Asiatic trade. Then during the war with Spain, she annexed Hawaii and at the close she retained the Philippines. II. JAPAN Japan proper consists of a crescent-shaped group of islands with an area a fourth larger than the entire British Isles. Popu- lation is only slightly larger than the British, but it increases rapidly and it is already much more "crowded," because only a small part of the land is tillable (much of that only with immense toil, in terraces of built-up soil on steep mountain sides), and because factory industry, though now growing rapidly, is still far less developed than in America or Europe. Accordingly, labor is very cheap, and the standard of living is low. In spite of this, the short, brown people have remarkably vigorous and well-developed bodies and strong, alert intellects. Their man- ners are marked by Oriental courtesy (which our ruder West- ern world sometimes looks upon as extravagant if not deceitful), and naturally many of their customs are strange and even shock- ing to Europeans and Americans. Until the middle of the nineteenth century, Japan kept herself sealed against the outside world. For two centuries, even to trade with foreigners had been punishable with death. The Mikado (emperor) was absolute and was worshiped as a god ; and a small class of feudal nobles, backed by numerous hereditary military retainers {samurai) kept the common people in a bond- age not unlike that in ancient Egypt. But in 1853 Commodore PLATE XCIX Hasedera. Temple, Province of Gamato, Japan. — Number eight of the thirty-three places sacred to Kwannon, the goddess of mercy, who, ac- cording to Japanese belief, divided herself into parts in order to minister to as many as possible, in accordance with their particular need. AND JAPAN 605 Perry, under orders from the United States government, by a show of force secured the opening of Japanese ports to American trade. Humihated by this demonstration of the superior strength of Western civihzation, the intelHgent Japanese swiftly adopted many of its features. Before the close of the century, army, navy, schools, and industry were made over on Western models. Even sooner, feudalism and serfdom were abolished; and in 1889 a liberal Mikado proclaimed a constitution which created a parliament and ministry at least as powerful as that then existing in the German Empire. In recent years the min- istry tends more and more to become truly "responsible" ; and a progressive labor movement is likely to become a factor in politics. At the same time, it remains true that, since the fall of German and Russian autocracy in the World War, Japan is nearer a military despotism than is any other great power. Soon after Japan had become Westernized, she began to look Revealed a eagerly for colonial acquisitions — partly as an outlet for her po^gj. . overcrowded population ; and in 1894 her attempts to secure Chinese new privileges in the neighboring kingdom of Korea (a depend- i8Q4^igQ- ency of China) brought on war with the huge Chinese Empire. -— — -^ The Chinese fought with their usual fanatic bravery ; but their arms and organization were Oriental, and little Japan won swift victory on land and sea. China agreed to cede not only Korea with the neighboring Port Arthur, but also the island of Formosa. But Japan in Korea would have forever blocked the natural Russian ambition for an ice-free Pacific port, and now the Russian Tsar, backed by France, insisted that Japan should renounce Korea and Port Arthur (which meant virtually that China should turn these districts over to Russia instead of to Japan). Japan was unprepared for war with European powers, and Russian was wise enough to yield for the time ; but she began at once to ^^^^ ^ make ready patiently and skillfully for a struggle with Russia — which came ten years later (p. 609). Meantime the European powers felt at least obliged to recognize Japan more nearly as an equal. A series of new treaties removed various restrictions 606 WORLD POLITICS Anglo- Jap- anese pact of 1902 Land and people Stagnant civilization which had interfered with Japanese control of her own trade, and also aboHshed the European courts which had been set up within her territory to try cases in which Europeans were inter- ested. Then in 1902 Japanese diplomacy secured a twenty- ^-ear defensiv^treatx with J^ngland, in which each party agreed to aid the other in war if it were engaged with more than one Dower. (This meant that wlien the war with Russia should come, Japan would have only Russia to deal with.) III. CHINA Including its many outlying and loosely dependent districts (like Thibet and Mongolia) China has an area and a population about equal to those of Europe ; but China proper, containing half the area and three fourths the population, consists of eighteen provinces in the basins of the Hwangho and Yangtse river systems. Here, near the coast especially, population is densely crowded, considering the backward nature of industry. Most of the soil of China proper is fertile ; but, in the absence of suitable means of transportation and communication, agri- cultural produce away from the coast has little value. The mineral deposits (including coal and oil) are probably the richest in the world; but, except for recent "concessions" to Euro- peans, they are almost untouched. Even in China proper, the people belong to many distinct tribes with quite different dialects and with little in common except their patriotic pride in their common Chinese civiliza- tion and their contempt for all outside "barbarians." The Chinese civilization was old before that of Rome began. Printing, gunpowder, paper, delicate work in silks and in "chinaware," the mariner's compass, were all known in China for centuries before they appeared in Europe. The individual Chinamen, too, are industrious and energetic. But for the past 2000 years, Chinese culture has made no advance. Three causes help to explain this stationary or stagnant char- acter of Chinese civilization. (1) The very complex system of picture writing, employing thousands of symbols instead of only twenty-six, imprisons the mind of the educated class. This 73 0) O T3 ^ ^ 5H^ (1h AND CHINA 607 is the more serious because the educated class of mandarins is also the ruling and the official class. There is no hereditary nobility in China ; the mandarin class is open to any youth who acquires the necessary ability to read and to pass a satis- factory examination in certain sacred books. But the stren- uous attention which all mandarin youth must give for so many formative years to the mere forms of words, and then to memor- izing books of maxims, works against interest in new ideas. (2) Perhaps as a result of this, Confucius, the moral teacher of China, who about 500 B.C. compiled and arranged these sacred volumes, makes reverence for ancestors and for prec- edent fundamental virtues. To men so trained, innovation becomes a sin. (3) Moreover, China for thousands of years was effectively shut off from all other civilized countries by almost impassable deserts and mountains, so that she received no new ideas from without. In the seventeenth century the Mongol Tartar rule over China (p. 395) w^as succeeded by the rule of the Manchus (a conquering tribe from north-central Asia). An early monarch of this line compelled every Chinaman to wear his hair in a queue as a sign of subjection. This line of emperors continued ab- solute — in form — down to our own time ; but very soon after the conquest the real management of the empire reverted to the mandarin class. After the voyage of Da Gama round the Cape of Good Hope, European European traders began to try for admission into Cathay (China) *^ to secure its tea and silk in exchange for Western goods. The Chinese government, however, for three centuries permitted these foreigners to deal only in the one port of Canton — ■ where Portuguese, Dutch, and English established posts. The English found the greatest profits in bringing in opium from India. The Chinese government saw that this drug was ruining thou- sands of its people,, and, very properly, in 1839 it tried to stop The Opium that trade altogether. The English government then entered "'^ niipon the "Opium War," and it was supported (it is instructive 608 WORLD POLITICS Disinte- gration The Boxer rising to note) by English public opinion, which ignorantly supposed that England at most was merely breaking through barbarous trade restrictions — as the L^nited States was soon to do in Japan (p. (iOo). England of course was speedily victorious, and the treaty of peace forced China to cede the island of Hongkong (which is still British) and to open to foreign commerce a number of important ports. The helpless Empire was soon compelled also to admit Christian missionaries and to permit foreigners to travel through its realms. Next came the actual seizure of whole outlying provinces — Burma by England, much of Indo-China by France, and the valley of the Amur by Russia. After the Jap-Chinese War of 18Q4:i.5j. too, jlussia, ^n retyrn for her "protection," induced China to "lease" hen Port Arthur for a hundred years (! ) and Jtp grant her railway rights across Manchuria (with the ad- mission of Russian soldiers to guard the railway). Then followed quickly seizures of territory in China proper. How Germany entere4 the Shantung peninsula has been told (p. 568). That act stimulated England to "induce" China (by the appearance of a fleet of warships) to "lease" to her the port of Waihaiwij^i.^- just between Port Arthur and the new Gennan port Kiaochow. France secured Kwangchow-wan toward the south. The final partition of the ancient Empire seemed under way. But the peril called forth a violent outburst of patriotism. The mass of the people resented bitterly the interference of "foreign devils" in their affairs, and a secret society (the Boxers), pledged to rid China of foreigners, swept the country. In 1900_ came a widespread Boxer rising. Many missionaries and trav- elers were^ massacred ; the German minister was slain ; and the other European embassies in Peking were besieged. The siege was soon raised, and the ,Boxer rising crughgd with savage retaliationj^y a relief exj^edition in which Russia, Japan, the L'nited States, England, France, and Germany, joined. It seemed probable that the European powers would now seize large " indemnities " in territory, and perhaps break China in AND CHINA 609 fragments. Largely through the insistence of the United States, the indemnities were finally taken instead in money. *^, Even before the Boxer rising the American Secretary of State, America's John Hay, had urged upon the powers the policy of preserving jP^^^ I ^Chinese territorial integrity, in return for an "open door" policy / policy by that country, suggesting also that each of the powers should apply that policy in those "spheres of influence" it had already acquired. This "open door" program, forcefully sup- ported by America and England — and by all the small com- mercial countries — had much to do now with preventing the complete dismemberment of China. Of course the main in- centive of American policy was the wish to keep rich Oriental provinces open to American trade. But this policy — per- fectly proper in itself — fell in happily with the interests of humanity. (The main hostility to the American policy, in ways both open and secret, came from Kaiser William of Ger- many — so that in a moment of extreme irritation, Hay once exclaimed : " I had almost rather be the dupe of China than the chum of the Kaiser.") •— % 'n During the Boxer rising however, Russia had occupied Man- The Russo- ^ churia. She claimed that such action was necessary to protect ^ ^ ^^' y her railroad there, and promised to withdraw at the return of peace. In 1902 this pledge was solemnlv repeated ; but, before 1904, it was clear that such promises had been made only to be broken, and that Russia was determined not to loosen her grasp upon the coveted province. Moreover, she began to encroach upon Korea. To Japan this Russian approach seemed to im- peril not only her commercial prosperity (in Korea), but her inde- pendence as a nation. After months of futile negotiation, Japan resorted to war. To most of the world, Japan's chances looked pitifully small. Russian advance in Asia seemed irresistible, and the small island state appeared doomed to defeat. But Russia fought at long range. She had to transport troops and supplies across Asia by a single-track railroad. Her railway service was of a low order (like all her forms of engineering), and her rolling stock was inferior and insufficient. To be sure, it was 610 WORLD POLITICS supposed that immense supplies had already been accumulated at Port Arthur and in Manchuria, in expectation of war ; but it proved that high officials of the autocracy had made way with the larger part of the money designed to secure such equipment. Inefficiency, corruption, lack of organization, were matched only by boastful overconfidence. Japan, on the other hand, had the most perfectly organized army, hospital service, and commissariat the world had ever seen. Her leaders were patriotic, honest, faithful, and always equal to the occasion ; and the whole nation was animated by a spirit of ardent self-sacrifice. By her admirable organization, Japan was able, at all critical moments, to confront the Russians with equal or superior numbers, even after a year of war, when she had rolled ■ back the battle line several hundred miles toward the Russian base. At the outset, Japan could hope for success only by secur- ing naval control of Asiatic waters. Russia had gathered at Port Arthur a fleet supposedly much stronger than Japan's whole navy; but (February 8, 1904) Japan struck the first blow, torpedoing several mighty battleships and cruisers. The rest of the Russian fleet was blockaded in the harbor ; and, to the end of the war, Japan transported troops and supplies by water almost without interference. Valu, Port Korea was swiftly overrun. The Russians were driven back MukdeiT^^ from the Yalu in a great battle, and again defeated at Liaou Yang; and after a seven months' siege, marked by terrible suffering and reckless sacrifice on both sides, the Japanese cap- tured the "invulnerable" Port Arthur (January, 1905). The severe northern winter interrupted the campaign ; but in March, 1905, the Japanese resumed their advance. The Battle of Muk- den was the most tremendous military struggle the world had seen. It lasted fifteen days. The battle front extended a hun- dred miles, and a million men were engaged, with all the terrible, destructive agencies of modern science at their command. The Russians were completely routed, and driven back on Harbin. Togo's naval Russia's only chance was to regain command of the sea. victory During the winter of 1905, after a year of delays, a huge fleet, from Greenwich 20 10 ;^o O^ SCALE OF MILES ~300 loo sSo THE RUSSO-JAP WAR 611 far exceeding the Japanese navy in number and in size, but poorly equipped and miserably officered, had set out on the long voyage from the Baltic. By a breach of neutrality on the part of France, it was allowed to rest and refit at Madagascar, and again at the French stations near Southern China ; and in May it reached the Sea of Japan. There it was annihilated by the splendidly handled Japanese fleet, under Admiral Togo, in the greatest of the world 's naval battles. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, now Treaty of "offered his good offices" to secure peace; and a meeting of Portsmouth envoys was arranged (August, 1905, at Portsmouth, N. H.), at which the Treaty of Portsmouth was signed. Japan's demands were exceedingly moderate, and she yielded even a part of these at President Roosevelt 's urgent appeal for peace. Russia agreed (1) to withdraw from Chinese Manchuria, (2) to cede the Port Arthur branch of her railroad to China, (3) to recog- nize a Japanese protectorate in Korea, and (4) to cede to Japan the southern half of Saklialin, — an island formerly be- longing to Japan but occupied by Russia in 1875. The most important results of the war were indirect results. Russia was checked in her career of aggression in Europe and toward India, as well as m the Far East, and the collapse of her despotic government gave opportunity^ for the beginning of a great revolution in society and politics (p. 592). Her de- feat was a blessing to her own people. On the other hand, victory intensified imperialistic and militaristic tendencies in Japan, and her cruel rule in Korea soon alienated much of the sympathy her gallantry had won in America and England. One other change, vast and beneficent, is at least closely The Chi- connected with the war. China had recently begun to follow p^^^, ^z Japan's example in sending part of her youth abroad to com- plete their education, especially to America ; and Western ideas had begun to spread among the mandarin class. The national humiliation in the war with Japan in 1894 and in the Boxer War, and now the marvelous victory of Westernized Japan over Russia, reinforced the advocates of Western civilization for 612 WORLD POLITICS China. In 1909 the regent (Empress Dowager, whose Emperor- son was still a babe) promised a constitution "in the near fu- ture." The agitation of the Liberals then forced her to fix the 'date for 1913.^ But this was not soon enough. In 1911 Central China rose in revolution, to make the many provinces of the empire into a federal republic. The movement spread with marvelous rapidity, and in a few weeks the Republicans, in possession of the richest and most populous parts of the empire, set up a provisional republican government, at Nanking, under the presidency of an enlight- ened patriot, Dr. Sun Yat Sen. In an attempt to save the monarchy, the Empress then issued a constitution, and called to power a moderate reformer. Yuan Shih Kai (yoo-an she ki). When it quickly appeared that this was not enough, the Man- chus abdicated; Yuan Shih Kai established a provisional republican government at Peking, and opened negotiations with the Nanking ggvjerhment. To remove all hindrance to union, Sun .^at ^n resigned. T^ien the _[two .provisional governments elected Yuan Shih Kai president of the " Re- public of China." China a re- In AprjUlSl^the first Chinese parliament assembled, rep- public resenting four hundred million people. The new president, however, provedTself-seeking and reactionarv. Leading Liberals were assassinated, supposedly by his^ orders, and probably only his own death kept him from making himself^ emperor. The Peking government remains (1922) virtually a military dictator- ship ; but in the south a progressive republic was soon recon- structed under Dr. Sun. A fourth of the population of the globe cannot be expected to lift itself into civilization and orderly freedom in a day. Prog- ress in China, however, has gone much further than a mere change in external political forms. Western types of schools and of industry have been introduced over wide areas in the brief period, 1913-1922 ; and much advance has been made in freeing women from ancient servile customs — like that of binding the feet. On the other hand, while the Western World was occupied constitu- tionalism RECENT DEMOCRATIC ADVANCE 613 in war in 1915, and while China was still too much disftracted by revolution to offer effective resistance, Japan forced the Peking government to accept treaties embodying a now famous set of " twenty-one points," by which the aggressive island empire secured great control in the internal affairs of its huge neighbor. IV. A SUMMARY OF DEMOCRATIC ADVANCE The marvelous story of China's transformation makes this a Growth of good place to sum up the world's political advance down to the World War. As late as 1830, we have seen, England, Switzerland, and Norway were the only Old- World countries which were not absolute despotisms ; and these countries were far from being the democracies they are now. During the remaining two thirds of the nineteenth century, constitutional government spread eastward from England through Europe, and west from the United States to Japan. In 1900 Russia and little Monte- negro (with the possessions of Turkey) were the only European states still unaffected by the movement, along with Turkey, Persia, China, and Siam in Asia; and in 1913 Siam was the only sovereign state on this earth without a representative as- sembly and some degree of constitutional government. The story has been told for all countries except Persia and Turkey. In Persia the Shah was induced, by a peaceful but general middle- class demand, to grant a constitution in 1906. On his death (1907), the new monarch attempted to overthrow the liberal movement by force, but a general revolt deposed him and restored the constitution, seating a boy upon the throne under the guidance of liberal ministers. This government, however, was far too weak to withstand the encroach- ments of Russia and England upon the country ; and Persia remained distracted by revolts. In the. Turkish Empire a "Young Turk" party established a parlia- ment in 190^ by an almost bloodless revolution — since the army "officers/very largely joined the movement. It must be understood, however, that constitutionalism has as yet taken little hold upon the most of the people. More significant, too, than the introduction of representative forms in Oriental lands was the swift extension of the suffrage 614 THE WORLD OF 1914 The Triple Alliance Bismarck prefers Aus tria to Russia in the civilized countries — to full manhood suffrage and then to equal suffrage for all men and women. This topic has been treated in detail in the story of the several countries. (See in- dex for reviews.) V. MAKING "ALLIANCES" FOR PEACE The new social solidarity had its peril as well as its promise. Bv 1910 J^uropc had fallen into two hostile camps, the Triple Allifmcc and the Triple Kntmtc. 1. After 18/1 Bismarck sought to isolate France, so as to keep her from finding any ally in a po-sible "war of revenge." To this end he cultivated friendship especially with Russia and Austria. Austria he had beaten in war only a few years earlier (1866) ; but the ruling German element in Austria was quite ready now to find backing in the powerful and successful German Empire. Soon, however, Bismarck found that he must choose between Austria and Russia. These two were bitter rivals for control in the Balkaijs. The Sla\- peoples there, recently freed from the Turks, looked naturally to Russia, who had won their free- dom for them, as the "Big Brother" of all Slavs and all Greek religionists. But Austria, shut out now from control in Central Europe, was bent upon aggrandizement jo the south. In particular her* statesmen meant to win, a strip gf territory through to Salonikij on the, Aegeap, so that, with a railroad thither, they might control the rich Aegean trade. ^ Now Serbia, one of these Slav states, dreamed of a South Slav state reaching to the Adriatic, — which would interpose an inseparable hlav barrier a'cross the path of Austria's ambition. Accordingly Austria sought always to keep Serbia weak and small ; ,while Russia, hating Austria even more than she loved the Balkan Slavs, backed Serbia. (Map, p. 625.) This rivalry between Austria and Russia became so acute by 1879 that there was always danger^ war ; and in that year Bismarck chose to^sijie with Austria as the surer ally. Accord- ingly he formed a definite written alliance with Austria to the effect that Germany would help Austria in case she had a war "ARMED ALLIANCES FOR PEACE" 615 with Russia, and Austria would help Germany in case she were Italy drawn into Bis- marck's attacked by France and any other Power. Three years later, while Italy was bitterly enraged at the F'rench seizure of Tunis league (p. 555), Bismarck added Italy to his league, making it the Triple x\lliarice. *' 2. Then Russia and France, each isolated in Europe, drew The Dual together for mutual protection into a "Dual Alliance" (1884). ^gg^ "England long held aloof from both leagues. In the 'eighties "and 'nineties, England and France were bitter rivals in Africa, and England and Russia, in Asia. But after Bismarck's fall, England's England began to see in the German emperor's colonial ambi- isolation" tions a more threatening rival than France; and Russia's de- feat by Japan made Russia less dangerous. German militarism, too, was deeply hateful to English democracy. Moreover, Eng- land and France were daily coming to a better understanding, and in 1903 a sweeping arbitration treaty put any war between them almost out of question. Soon afterward, England and Russia succeeded in agreeing upon a line in Persia which should separate the "influence'' of one power in. that country from the "influence" of the other, so removing all immediate prospect of trouble between the two. From this time the Dual Alliance The Triple became the Triple Entente — England, France, and Russisr. Eng- ^^*®^*® land was not bound by definite treaty to give either country^aid in war ; but it was plain that France and Russia w^ere her friends. Each of the two huge armed leagues always protested that Thealli- its aim was peace, and for half a centur}^ after 1871 Europe did ^g^^g * have no w^ar, except the struggles in the half-savage Balkans. But this "peace" was based upon fear, and it was costly. Year by year, each alliance strove to make its armies and navies mightier than the other's. Huge and huger cannon were in- vented, only to be cast into the scrap heap for still huger ones. A dreadnought costing millions was scrapped in a few months by some costlier design. The burden upon the workers and the evil moral influences of such armaments were only less than the burden and evil of w^ar (p. 563). In every land voices be- gan to cry out that it was all needless : that the world was tpo Christian and too wise ever again to let itself be desolated by a 616 THE WORLD OF 1914 The first modern " arbitra- tion" The Hague Congress of 1899 Germany defeats pro- posals for disarming great war. And then came some interesting if not very zealous ^efforts to find ne w ma chinery by which to guard against war — in standing arbitration treaties, permanent international tri- bunalsTite the Hag ue C ourt, and occasional World Congresses. VI. INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION The first case of arbitration between nations in modern times was arranged bvone clause^ of the Jav Treatv of 1794 oetween England and the United States. For nearly a hundred years this sensible* device continued to be used mainly by the two English-speaking_nations.; but before the close of the nineteenth century it })egan to spread rapidly to other lands. During that century several hundred disputes were settled honorably, peacefully, and justly by this process. But in each of these cases a special treaty had to be negotiated before arbitration could begin — with every chance for war before such an arrangement could be made. Now the closing years of the nineteenth century saw agitation for " general arbi- tration treaties'' by which nations might agree in advance to sub- mit disputes to a certain court of arbitrators. In 1897 a treaty of this kind between England and the L'nited States failed of adoption because of opposition in the United States Senate, though it had been recommended vigorously first by President Cleveland and afterward by President McKinley. Then leader- ship in this great movement passed for the time away from the English-speaking peoples. On August 24, 1898, by order of Tsar Nicholas (a sentimental lover of peace), the Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs handed to the representatives of the different nations in St. Petersburg a written su gge stion for a, jvorld conference to consider some means for arresting the danger of war and for lessening the burden of the armed peace. Out of this^sugg^J^n, there grew the II(i(Jui Vidri Cn/ifrrcucc of 1S09. Twenty-six nations were represented, including Mexico, Siam, Japan, CEina, and Persia, — pra ctically all the independent states of the world except ' Regarding the di&^putod boundary between Maine and Nova Scotia, see West's American History and Government, § 232, or American People, § 406. PLATE CII 5^5C1-^-"^ ^ j:: HB^ - bC t-i ^BBf n !^ O w > o ':3 m. - *^ -d I^H Qgg ^fip™ ^ = 2 f o i: q ^ rt K -^^ t- g 72 O 3-2 S '' o THE NEW MAP OF EUROPE 657 for that " tnisteeship" ; but the English representative declared flatly that no action there taken could "limit the freedom of action of his government." Moreover, Shantung with its forty million people remained in Japan's hands, without even the pretext of a "mandate," in spite of the vigorous protest of China.) Germany lost a fifth of her territory and j^opulatioyi in Europe, with her most valuable coal deposits. She not only returned Danish Sleswig^ to Denmark and Alsace-Lorraine to France, but also ceded three small areas to Belgium, and to Poland not merely her old Polish districts but also large strips of distinctly German territory in Upper Silesia and east of the Vistula. Moreover, to give Poland easy access to the sea, German Dant- zig became a "free" city (against its will), with roundabout provisions that leave it really subject to Poland. Likewise, by veiled annexation, France has possibly acquired the Saar valley, east of Alsace, with a solid German population.- The dismembered Austrian Empire, besides the territorial se- The Aus- cessions already noted (p. 651), very properly ceded Galicia *"^° treaty to Poland, Transylvania to Roumania, and Trieste and the Trentino to Italy ; but, in connection with this last cession, in order to provide Italy with a needless "strategic frontier" against Austria, that enfeebled country was compelled to cede also a strip of strictly Germ.an territory (the Brenner Pass in the Alps) with a quarter of a million of German people. In these ways, Hungary was reduced to about one third its former 1 Sleswig determined its own fate (as the treaty had provided) by plebi- scites. Denmark showed an honorable and wise desire to annex only such districts as desired it, and readily acquiesced in the retention of two thirds of the old duchy by Germany. Parts of Upper Silesia were also to have settled their own fate ; but France and Poland managed later to take from Germany rich districts of that region in spite of an overwhelming German vote there. 2 The treaty very properly gave France the Saar coal mines for fifteen years (under the control of an international commission dominated by France), in return for Germany's wanton ruin of French mines; but un- happily, it also provided that at the end of that time France should annex the district absolutely (even though the inhabitants should vote against that action) unless Germany should then pay at once the full value of the mines. Other provisions of the treaty (below) made it very probable that Germany would be unable to do that. 658 THE PEACE TREATIES Minor treaties The Ger- man indem- nity size ; and German Austria is left a petty state of 7,000,000 people grouped about Vienna ("a capital without a country") shut off from the sea, with its old markets and mines all gone and with little agricultural land. (This Austria has dragged out the years since the treaty in cruel starvation meagerly relieved by Allied charity. The land can raise at best only a sixth of its necessary food, and it has practically no other industrial resources. The people naturally desire incorporation into Ger- many ; but, at French insistence, the Peace Congress forbade this very natural application of the promised principle of " self- determination " because it might strengthen Germany.) In the complex Balkan readjustments, it was found difficult to follow the promised "lint\s of nationality"; but Greece and Serbia were given new territory on tlie north Aegean coast at the expense of Bulgaria — which was now shut off from the sea except by the route of the Danube. " Turkey^' was reduced to ^isia Minor, although Constantinople and "the Zone of the Straits" were also left in Turkish posses- sion subject to the control of an international commission and open to ships of all nations. Armenia and Arabia (the Kingdom of Hejaz) were declared independent states. Smyrna went to Greece ; most of tlie Aegean islands to Italy ; Syria (much against its will) to France ; and Mesopotamia equally unwill- ingly to England. (In the main this arrangement was a frank surrender to arrogant imperialism, French and English ; and these "protectors" of Mesopotamia and S>Tia have been com- pelled to maintain their authority by bloody campaigns. As a by-product of these arrangements, too, and of the collapse of Russia, English imperialism has secured control of all Persia. Moreover, in 1921, dissatisfied Greece w^ent to war with Turkey for more plunder In Asia ]\Iinor.) It should be added that, to the chagrin of the Arabs now in possession, Palestine was set aside, under English protection, for a home for a restored Jewish state — if Jews return there in sufficient numbers. Most troublesome of all was the question of the money " repara- tions" to be paid by Germany. That country was required to pay at once some five billions of dollars in gold and in goods PLATE CXI Copyright by Underwood ct- Underwood Lloyd George and Aristide Briand (the French premier) in conference at Cannes in August, 1921. After the close of the Peace Congress in the fall of 1919, the real government of Europe lay in an "Allied Council" holding frequent sessions and made up of representatives of the leading European "AlUes." The premiers of France and England were "the Big Two" of this Council through 1920-1921. Lloyd George, responding to liberal English feeling, soon showed a desire to adopt a gentler policy toward Germany. Toward the close, Briand was beginning to incHne slightly in the same direction ; but this so offended the anti-German feel- ing in the French Assembly that he was obliged to resign. THE GERMAN INDEMNITY 659 (all then available), besides promising to supply many millions of tons of coal each year for ten years to Belgium, Italy, and France (in addition to the Saar arrangement). Further payments were left to be fixed by an Allied commission when it should be better knov/n what the damages were and how much it would be possible to take ; and until final payment was made a French army was to occupy the German districts west of the Rhine. France showed strong inclination to keep the total indemnity indefinite as long as possible, taking meanwhile from time to time all that could be found ; but I^loyd George and English public feeling gradually swung over to the opinion that German industry could not be expected to revive with its neck in a per- petually strangling noose ; and in February of 1921 the com- mission fixed the total indemnity at about fifty-six billions of dollars, to be paid in installments over forty years. Germany protested that this was an impossible sum, and many experts in the Allied countries declared it to be three or four times more than Germany could pay ; but France advanced her army of occupation further into German territory, willing apparently to retain such territory permanently in place of the money reparation. By selling paper money to foreign speculators (mainly American), Germany then did secure gold enough for the first two installments ; but that currency depreciated to almost nothing, so that this process cannot be repeated ; and at this writing (March, 1922) the German indemnity remains a chief cause of world demoralization. England and the United States formerly sold vast quantities And world of goods to Germany. Germany now has no w^ealth with which to buy, — which is one cause why English and American facto- ries are idle (1922) and American farm products of little value. Moreover, if Germany is to pay any further indemnity, she must get the gold by exporting factory goods. To do that she must undersell English and American factories in some market (to the still greater demoralization of the trade of those countries). Therefore England insisted that Germany must place a heavy ex- port tax upon her ow^n goods. This makes it difficult for her to undersell England — but it also makes it well-nigh impossible 660 THE PEACE TREATIES The secret treaties Criticism of the Ver- sailles treaty for her to get gold wherewith to pay indemnities. The world is slowly discovering that, under the delicate adjustments of modern trade relations, it is not an easy thing to take a huge indemnity in money from one country without injuring many, other countries. Many of the objectiona})le features in the treaties were due to the secret bargains for division of spoils by which the Allies had bought the aid of Japan and Italy. When the Congress met, those bargains were not generally known ; but it soon be- came clear that they would prevent a peace closely in accord with the Fourteen Points. For a time Mr. Wilson stood out against the Congress becoming "a Congress for booty"; and once (when Orlando insisted that Italy should have Croatian Fiume, the natural Adriatic door for Jugoslavia) he even cabled to America for his ship. This extreme threat prevented that particular act of plunder — though Orlando was so incensed that he left the Congress for some weeks ; and in the end Mr Wilson was induced to reconcile himself cordially to the treaty for the sake of securing the League of Nations. As soon as the treaty with German}' was made public, how- ever, it was denounced vehemently by many earnest thinkers in all lands. Indeed some of the experts attached to the American delegation had already resigned in protest ; and Jan Smuts, South Africa's hero-statesman, declared in a formal statement that he signed for his country only because peace must be made at once and because he hoped that the worst features of the treaty might be modified later by the I^eague of Nations. Such criticism had little or nothing to do with sympathy for Germany. It was based upon the conviction that the treaty was dishonor- able to the victors, inasmuch as it V)roke faith with a submis- sive foe after surrender, and that it would breed future wars — and so broke faith even more fatally with hundreds of thousands of splendid youth who gave their lives, in long torment and suf- fering, to " win a war that should end war." At the same time the severest critic must confess that the new ^ap made at Versailles is at least a tremendous advance over the old map of 1914, with political divisions drawn far more according to the AMERICA AND THE LEAGUE GGl reasonable and natural lines of race and language and popular desires. In America there was much opposition to joining the League of Nations. President Wilson's influence finally rallied the Democratic Senators in favor of ratification of the Covenant without modification. With equal imanimity, the Republi- cans opposed it — but upon two widely different grounds. A small section declared that for America to join any such " super- government" would sacrifice her sovereign independence ; that we were able to take care of ourselves, and should let the rest of the world look after itself. A much larger group objected to particular features of this Covenant, but agreed that it was no longer possible for America to hold aloof from Europe. Said Ex-President Taf t : "The argument that to enter this covenant is a departure from the time-honored policy of avoiding 'entangUng alHances' is an argu- ment that is blind to changing conditions. . . . The war ended that policy. ... It was impossible for us to maintain the theory of an iso- lation which did not exist in fact. It will be equally impossible for us to keep out of another general European war. We are just as much interested in preventing such a war as if we were in Europe." Republican Senators, representing this view, added to the The United covenant certain amendments, with which thev were willing States re- fuses to to ratify. President Wilson claimed that such amendments enter the w^ould make ratification invalid ; and against his influence the league Republicans could not muster the necessary two thirds vote in the Senate. The Democrats failed likewise to secure the necessary votes for ratification in the original form. W'hile touring the country to arouse support for the covenant, Presi- dent Wilson suffered a distressing physical breakdown, and the whole question hung fire for many months. In 1920, the Presi- dent hoped to make the election of his successor a " solemn ref- erendum" upon the matter. As usual in American politics, too many other questions eintered into the campaign to leave any one issue absolutely clear cut ; but the Republican " land- slide" victory shelved any probability of the United States entering the League for years to come. 662 BOLSHEVIST RUSSIA The League has accompHshed some useful work in settHng minor European differences, and it has admitted several new members — Austria, Bulgaria, Finland, Luxemburg, Costa Rica, and Albania ; but the absence of the Ignited States (now the most powerful and richest country in the world) seriously handi- caps its usefulness, — especially as Germany and Russia are still excluded. It is far from being a world organization. Bolshevist Russia The soviet system Another disturbing factor in the slow return of world progress, which the Peace Congress did little to help, was Bolshevist Russia. After the fall of the Tsar, society in Russia collapsed. Criminals, singly or in bands, worked their will, unchecked by any government, in robbery, outrage, and murder, not only in country districts but even in the public streets of great cities. The cities were starving ; and speculators were increasing the agony by hoarding supplies to sell secretly to the rich at huge profits. Our papers, especially in their cartoons, ascribed all this to the Bolshe\'ists — who in reality put it down in many districts. Kerensky had proved utterly unable to grapple with the situation ; but when the Bolshevists came to power, they shot the bandits in batches, and meted out like swift punishment to " forestallers " of food. In such summary proceedings, many innocent persons suft'ered along with the guilty ; but at least Russia was saved from reverting to savagery. Gradually order and quiet were restored ; and the available food was " ra- tioned" rigidly, the Bolshevists taking particular care of chil- dren of all classes. The Bolshevists claimed to give political citizenship to all useful workers — including teachers, actors, physicians, en- gineers, and industrial managers, but excluding the idle (rich or poor) along with bankers and lawyers, for which classes their society has no place. Their governing bodies represent, not individual citizens (as our Western governments do), but the different kinds of industries. In each "district," there is a shoemakers' union, a teachers' union, and so on. Each such union chooses delegates to the soviet (p. 592) of the dis- trict. These district Soviets are local governments ; and further FREE SPEECH SUPPRESSED 663 all of them within a given province send delegates to a higher "provincial soviet." Delegates from the various provincial Soviets make up the central and supreme soviet at Petrograd. (All delegates are subject to recall at any time by the bodies that elected them.) For the first time in history on a large scale, this government at once put into actual operation an extreme kind of socialism, along with the confiscation of most private property. This alarmed the propertied classes everywhere. ^ The Allies at Paris did not think it safe to let the Bolshevist system w^ork out its own failure, but, fearing its spread to their own lands, attempted to overthrow it by force. Among the various reasons for this action on the part of the Allies, two stand out particularly : (1) Members of the Bolshevist government un- wisely and blatently preached a coming revolution for the world outside their own borders ; and (2) the Bolshevist plan had not been put into operation by the deliberate will of the Russian nation, but rather by a skillful coup cVetat on the part of the small but perfectly organized class of town workers. Indeed, the Bolshevist leaders frankly proclaim that (until Free speech they can train up a new generation) their government is not ^"PP""®^^ to be a democracy but a "dictatorship of the proletariat," rep- resenting a very small part of the nation. Apportionment of delegates to the Soviets is arranged, openly, so that ten peas- ants have no more weight than one factory worker. But the ignorant peasants (still making more than ninety per cent of the nation) were so poorly organized, and so content with the lands they had been permitted to appropriate, that they acquiesced passively ; and the small capitalist and professional classes were quickly suppressed. The Bolshevists seized control of the army and the press, and put down despotically all public agitation against their socialist system. At first, to be sure, they treated the old capitalist class with consideration so far 1 These classes, too, especially in France, held the millions of dollars' worth of old Russian bonds, which the Bolshevists now unwisely repudiated on the ground that the Tsars had secured the money to hold the Russian people in bondage. 664 BOLSHEVIST RUSSIA The red terror Allied sup- port for " emigrant invaders Russian people rally patri- otically to the govern- ment as concerned their personal safety. But a little later, when the world was attacking Russia in open war, and when the dis- possessed Russian classes were carrying on a campaign of assas- sination of Bolshevist leaders and had struck down Lenin with a dangerous wound, the Bolshevists adopted a delil)erate policy of "Terror," arresting and executing some thousands of "aris- tocrats," until internal opposition was crushed. This parallels the story of the French Revolution except that the Russian "Terror," bloody as it was, was shorter and less atrocious than the French. Even before the Terror, the various non-socialist forces might have rallied, to overthrow or at least to modify Bolshevism, if a despotic blunder of the Allies had not identified Bolshevist rule with Russian patriotism. Like the French "emigrant" nobles of 1792, the Russian courtiers and nobles in 1917, fleeing from the Revolution, levied war against the new government of their country from without — with foreign aid. Supplied lavishly by the Allies and America with arms and money, they at first won some success. Kolchak for a time held most of Siberia, — succeeded, when the Bolshevists crushed him, by the Japanese ; Denekin, and later Wrangrl, began invasion from Ukrainia ; and Mannrrheim threatened Petrograd from the west. (It is to be added that hostile Roumania and Poland and small reactionary armies in the other new Baltic states, with the Allied blockade of Archangel, made the cordon complete.) All these Russian emi- grant leaders claimed that they desired constitutional govern- ment, but soon their deeds proved that they plotted for the restoration of despotism, and the needless and unspeakable atrocities of the various "White" terrors that followed their early successes at least equaled the excesses charged against the Bolshevists. It had been claimed that the masses of the Russian people, encouraged by the presence of invading armies, would rally to overthrow Bolshevist tyranny. Instead they rallied to the Bolshevists, to drive out foreign invaders. Especially did the leading "intellectuals" of Russia, like the famous author Maxim Gorky, now offer their services to that government, THE FAMINE OF 1922 665 although many of them had just been suffering bitterly from it. The Russian organization showed amazing ability, and before 1920 the newly created "Red army" swept the invaders from Russian soil, except for the Japanese in far-eastern Sil)eria. True, there followed twelve months more of war with Poland, aided freely with French money and officers and American munitions ; ^ but at last, by wise diplomacy, Russia secured peace in that quarter also. The Allied "blockade" of Russia, however, lasted on in The Russian fact into 1921. The small Baltic states, from which she had won ' blockade " peace, had no resources for trade ; and though England and America had technically lifted the blockade some months earlier, both continued to refuse passports and even mail and wire communication. This policy absolutely prevented trade. Meantime the lack of food and of medical supplies — which the Bolshevist government was eager to pay for in gold — killed more people (mainly mothers, young babies, and other hospital cases) than a great war. The blockade, too, kept Russia from getting cotton or rubber for her factories, or loco- motives for her railroads, or machinery for her agriculture ; and so gave the Bolshevists a plaiisible excuse for the slowness of their industrial revival. Then there descended on unhappy Russia in 1921-2 the most The Rus- horrible famine ever known even in that land of famines. ?^^^ /"^~ ine of When the large tracts of the former propertied class, which 1921-2 used to be farmed by machinery, were turned over to the peas- ants by the Revolution, it was impossible for them to cultivate these on as extensive a scale as formerly, because they lacked organization and machinery. To aggravate this con- dition Russia was visited by a long drought of unheard- of severity which resulted in a crop of only one-fortieth the average, so that, in the absence of trade with the world, millions were stolidly dying of hunger. This unparalleled suffering touched the heart of the world; and for months ^ For a time the English government, it was beheved, planned to send an English army; but such a project was effectively barred by the unani- mous slogan from English organized labor — "not a man, not a gun, not a penny!" 666 A NEW AGE The war and civili- zation (February, 1922) governments and charitable organizations have been hurrying food and clothing to the stricken land. In the World War fifty-nine million men served in arms — nearly all the physically fit of the leading peoples on the globe. These suffered thirty-three million casualties, of which fourteen million were deaths or irremediable mutilation and ruin, besides an incalculable number of vitiated constitutions. Almost as many more non-combatants were victims of famine and pesti- lence. And the evil runs over into future generations. In all the warring countries the birthrate has declined alarmingly and the human quality has deteriorated. As to material wealth, a huge portion of all that the world had been slowly storing up for generations has gone and in many districts all machinery for producing wealth is in ruins. Indeed the world had used up its prospects for long to come. Future generations are mortgaged to pay the war debts. America entered the struggle late, and made comparatively little sacrifice ; but even this country came out of the war with a debt larger than the total receipts of its treasury in all its century and a half of history.^ England suffered less than the continent ; but in England, merely to keep up the interest on the debt, along with her old annual expenditure, the nation must raise five billions of dollars a year — which means a taxa- tion per family of al^out twenty times that which an average American family paid before the war. The totals of French and German indebtedness are so huge as to have little mean- ing to us. This financial distress is tremendously aggravated by dis- order in the currency in European lands. During the w^ar years, or very soon after, nearly all the gold of the world passed into America. Most continental countries have no money except a terribly depreciated paper money, — money worth in Germany about one fortieth its face, and in Austria less than one two-hundredth. This demoralizes all industry at home, ^ This does not include some ten million dollars lent by America to the Allies during the war, the payment of which is problematical. THE WASHINGTON CONFERENCE 667 creates bitter suffering for the poor and for people living on salaries and other fixed incomes, and of itself it could prevent the revival of foreign trade. The World War struck civilization a staggering blow, but there Pacific are hopeful signs that the warning has not been in vain. ^"®^ ^°^^ Two of the great powers suffered little directly from that war, — the United States and Japan. Between these two there were old causes of irritation ; and the war left with them new dis- putes — as to Japan's relations to China (and to American trade there) ; as to her control of Pacific cables wrested from Germany ; and so on. At once the two countries entered upon an open and ominous rivalry in enlarging their navies, upon a scale never before dreamed of, and in fortifying their Pacific possessions. To any one who held in mind the lessons of the past, all this indicated at least a serious danger that America and Japan might soon drift into another annihilating war — which of course would quickly involve the rest of the exhausted world. Wise statesmanship has for the present removed this peril. The Wash- Diplomatic negotiation of the usual sort was failing to lessen Jg^^ce of^' the danger ; but in the summer of 1921, Mr. Harding, President November, of the United States, called an international conference at Wash- ^^^^ ington to consider the limitation of naval armaments and the matters of dispute in the Pacific. This Washington Conference was attended, of course, by representatives of England, France, Italy, and Japan, and also of four smaller powers with interests ill the Pacific — China, Portugal, Belgium, and Holland. Charles Evans Hughes, the American Secretary of State, presided. (China, not unnaturally perhaps, was present in the part of a petitioner rather than in that of an equal partner in conclu- sions.) The Conference opened November 12, 1921, and continued The "naval twelve weeks. On the opening day Mr. Hughes took away the breath of the world b}' making public a detailed proposal for naval reduction. America and England, according to this plan, should keep navies of equal power ; Japan should have three fifths the strength of either of them ; each of the three was to holiday 668 A NEW AGE scrap all new ships in construction and a certain proportion of its old vessels ; ^ and no new warship should be begun by any of them for ten years. Eventually the Conference adopted the proposal with no essential change. It also provided for stopping the fortification ^ i * M. ''^ "^^^^bL ^ a i Jg jM i ■IMh ■iii^BHHi TBlP**^ ^SH^H "^^^^^^^H Wi- ^^S P^''^™ fc ,-^:: ' IB ■MT i J ^M Hi ^ ■'■ - H American Warships kv New York Harbor. The super-dreadnought, Utah, in the foreground, has a tonnage of some 21,000. The ships under construction, but scrapped after the "Washington Conference, would have been much hirgor, as indeed are several of the vessels now in commission. of Pacific Islands by America and Japan. England and Japan agreed that it was unnecessary to renew their twenty-year alliance (p. 606), which was aboiit to expire and which many Americans regarded as a menace. And the great cable stations in the Pacific, at the island of Yap and elsewhere, were opened freely to the United States and other countries before shut out from them. 1 All this applied to " capital ships," — dreadnoughts, super-dreadnoughts, and armored cruisers (such ships as are valuable not so much for defense as for attack). The United States scraps thirty ships, sixteen of them under construction upon which she had already expended a third of a billion dollars. THE WASHINGTON CONFERENCE ' 669 China got less than she wanted, and less than America would Some justice have been pleased to see her get ; but she got much. Japan withdrew the most offensive of her twenty-one points (p. 613) — which had required China to agcept Japanese officials into her administration in order to care for Japan's interests in China ; and she promised definitely to surrender Shantung at the end of five years, upon condition that China at that time should pay a specified and not unreasonable price for the railroad l)uilt there by Germany and Japan. England freely returned Waihaiwai to China (p. 608). All the powers, too, surrendered certain peculiar rights which they had enjoyed, beyond the con- trol of the Chinese government, — rights which had been a humiliation to Chinese dignit}' and which often became a cover for exploitation. All, too, agreed to maintain in future an "open door" policy in their relations with China, and to make public at once any future treaty with that country. The unfortunate attitude of France made it impossible to A promise secure anv agreement to reduce land armaments or to accom- ° /^^^^^^ " . . . . . things plish anything worth while in submarine reduction. Many other valuable suggestions came to naught for the time. But the actual accomplishment of the Washington Conference h full of promise for the world. It has made war between the great powers over Pacific questions almost unthinkable for at least ten years — and it has pointed a way by which statesmen may use that interval to render future wars impossible. Americans have every reason to rejoice proudly that the proposal for a "naval holiday" came from our country. From no other could it have come with so good a grace. iA.merica, far richer now than any other hind, could at least stand the waste and expense of naval preparedness better than any other great nation could. For America, then, to suggest waiving that " advantage," showed a splendid faith in reason, rather than in violence, for the settlement of international controversies. We, here in America, hold in our hands the fate of the world, the hope of coming years ; and shame and disgrace will be ours if in our eyes the light of high resolve is dimmed, if we trail in the dust the golden hopes of man. Theodore Roosevelt. APPENDIX A SELECT LIST OF BOOKS ON MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY FOR HIGH SCHOOLS Starred volumes should be present in multiple copies. From Columbus to the French Revolution Beard, Martin Luther. London. i Beazley, Prince Henry the Navigator (" Heroes ")• Putnam. Bourne, E. G., Spain in America (Am. Nation Series). Harpers. Bradley, Wolfe. Macmillan. Fletcher, Gustavus Adolphus (" Heroes "). Putnam. Fox-Bourne, Sir Philip Sidney {" Heroes "). Putnam. Harrison, F., William the Silent. Macmillan. Lindsay, T. W., Luther and the German Reforynation. Scribner. Parkman, Francis, New France and Montcalm and Wolfe. Little, Brown, & Co. Seeley, Expansion of England. Macmillan. From 1789 to the Present Time *Anderson, F. M., Constitutions and Other Documents Illustrative of the History of France, 1789-1907. H. W. Wilson Co. ; White Plains, N. Y. Andrews, C. M., Historical Development of Modern Europe. (P>om 1815 to 1897.) Putnam. Barker, J. E., Modern Germany. London. Cesaresco, Cavour. Macmillan. Crawford, Switzerland To-day (1911). New York. *Gardiner, Mrs. B. M., French Revolution (" Epochs ")• Longmans. Gibbons, H. A., New Map of Europe (1911-1914). The Century Co. *Hayes, Carleton, Modern Europe. 2 vols. Macmillan (Vol. II covers 1815-1915). The Great' War. Macmillan. **Hazen, CD., Europe since ISln. Holt. Headlam, J. W., Bismarck (" Heroes "). Putnam. Johnston and Spencer, Ireland's Story. King, Bolton, History of Halian Unity, 1814-1871. Scribner, Kirkup, T., History of Socialism. Macmillan. Loreburn (The Earl ofj, Hoio the War Came (World War). London. An admirable .study by an anti-imperialistic Englishman. 1 ^ APPENDIX Lowell, E. J., Eve of the French Revolution. Lloyd, A Sovereign People (Switzerland). New York. *McCarthy, Justin, Epoch of Reform, 1830-1850 C' Epochs") Long- mans. (An admirable volume on English history.) England in the Nineteenth Century. Putnam. England under Gladstone. London. *Mathews, Shailer, French Revolution. Longmans. "'Ogg, F. A., Social Progress in Contemporary Europe (1789-1912) Macmillan. *PhiUips, W. A., Modern Europe (1815-1900). MacmiUan. Rose, J. H., Napoleon. Macmillan. * Revolutionary and Napoleonic Era. Cambridge Press, * ^^«^ of Democracy in Great Britain. N(>w York. Russell, German Social Democracy. Longmans. Sparge. John, Elements of Socialism. Macmillan. Stephens, H. Morse, Revolutionary Europe, 1789-1815. Macmillan Wallace (and others), Progress of the Century (Nineteenth). Harpers INDEX Pronunciation, except for familiar names and terms, is shown by divi- sion into syllables and accentuation. When diacritical marks for Eng- lish names are needed, the common marks of Webster's Dictionaries are used. German and French pronunciation can be indicated only im- perfectly to those who are not familiar with the languages ; l)ut attention is called to the following marks : se and de = e : le = i ; the soft as- pirated guttural sound g of the German is marked g ; the corresponding ch (as in ich) is marked k ; the sound of the nasal French n is marked n ; for the German a and au the equivalents are indicated, to prevent con- fusion with Enghsh a; o is always the German letter; and u is the German sound which is equivalent to French u. In French words with an accent on the final syllable, that accent only is marked ; but it should be understood that in such words the syllables as a rule receive nearly equal stress. Silent letters are put in Italic. '' Abdul the Assassin" (ab'dul), 623. Ab-ys-sin'i-a, and Italy, 571 ; in- dependent, 603. Act of Settlement (English), 340. Act of Supremacy (English), 384. Africa, partition of after 1884, 603 and map opp. ; after World War, 656. Agriculture, in France before the Revolution, 404-5 ; improvement in England in eighteenth century (rotation of crops), 465-6; tools of in 1800, cut facing 465; and new machinery, cut facing 477 ; cooperation in Denmark, 578-9. Airplanes, in war, 633. See Tenny- son. Aisne (an), Battle of, 647; map facing 646. Alabama Arbitration, the, 523. Al-ba'ni-a, 621 ; kingdom of, 624. Albigenses (al-bi-g6n'ses), 337-8. Alexander I (of Russia), 440, 445, 449-50, 451, 587. Alexander II, 588-90. Alexander III, 590-1. Al-ge'ri-a, 554-5. Alsace (al sace'), becomes French, 355 ; serfdom lingers in 1789, 405 ; seized by Germany in 1871, 545 ; recovered by France, 650 ; map after 558. America, European colonization, 385 ff. ; and European wars, 392-400. See United States of, South America, Spanish America , etc. American democracy, contrasted with English, 513. American Revolution, 400-401 ; the younger Pitt upon, 509 ; in- INDEX fluence upon French Revolution, 412, 414, note. Amiens (iim-yan'), Peace of. 435; and World War, 646; map facing 646. Anesthetics, discovery of, 472. Anglo- Japanese treaty (an'glo), (1902), 606 ; not renewed in 1922 because of Washington Confer- ence, which see. Anne, Queen, and ministerial government, 384; last royal veto in England, 513. Anne Boleyn (boorin), 339, 343. Arbitration, International, 616-620. See League of Nations. Argentina, and arbitration, 617; ])r()gress, 618; trade of, 619. Argonne (ar-gon'), American sol- diers in the, 605 and Plate facing ()oO ; map facing 64(). Arkwright (ark'wright), Richard, and the water frame, 467. Armada, see Spanish Armada. Armenia (ar-me'ni-a), map after p. 660; Turkish massacres in, 568-9 ; independent after World War, 658. Ashley (Shaftesbury), and factory reform, 520. Asquith (as'quith), English prime minister, 529. Astronomy, medieval, 357 ; Coper- .nican, 357-8. Augsburg, Peace of, 334. Map after 558. AusterHtz. Battle of, 439. Australia, and English coloniza- tion, 540-1 ; federal union, 542- 3; in World War, 632; at Peace Congress, which see. Australian ballot, 541. Austria, and French Revolution, 422, 426, 432 ; and Bonaparte's Italian campaigns, 432-3; and Napoleonic Wars, 438-440, 442, 445; becomes an "Empire," 444 ; and the rising after the retreat from Moscow, 447 ; "re- stored " at Congress of Vienna, 449 ; dominates Germany, 454 ff. ; and Holy Alliance, 458 ff. ; and Revolution of 1848, 486-90; loses Italy in 1859, 497-8 ; loses Germany in 1866, 502; the Dual Empire, see Austria- Hun- gary; and the World War, 649, 657-8. Austrian Succession. War of, 398. Austria-Hungary, creation, 573 ; conglomerate character, 573-4 ; and the Balkans, 623-4 ; annexes Bosnia, 624 ; and the occasion for the World War, 628; dis- solution of, 649; see Austria and Hungary. Bacon, Francis. 344 ; and scien- tific method, 358. "Balance of Power" policy, and war, 392 ff. Balkan district, the, a seedbed for war, 621 ff. ; land and peoples, 621-2; struggles with the Turk for freedom, 622-3 ; and Russian aid in 1877, 623; and Congress of Berhn, 623 ; wars of 1912-13, 624-6; see World War and Peace Congress. Baltic Provinces (of Russia), 396; attempts to Russianize, 591 ; and World War, 646 ; see names of new states, Lithuania, Cour- land, Latvia. Banking, see Jews, Lombards. Bastile (bJis-teel'), fall of, 414. Batavian (ba-ta'vi-an) Republic, 432, 442. Beet sugar, 445. Belgium, Spanish after rebellion of INDEX 16th century, 348-50 ; ceded to Austria at Utrecht, 394 ; and French Revolution, 422 ; an- nexed to France, 424, 432; annexed to Holland by Congress of Vienna, 449, 452 ; and Revo- lution of 1830, 463 ; in 19th cen- tury, 577-8; and the Congo State, 603; invaded by Ger- many, 629 ; heroic resistance ruins German plans, 631 ; and German Colonies in Africa, 656. Belleau (b61-lo') Wood, Battle of, 647 ; map facing 646. " Benevolences," 371. *• Benevolent despots," and their failure, 402-3. Berlin, Congress of, in 1878, 524. " Berlin to Bagdad," 624. Bern, 335, and map facing 336. Bessemer steel, and modern archi- tecture, 472. Bethmann-Holweg, 629-30. Bible, translated into German by Luther, 332; the English (iVychf's), 108; use of English Bible under Henry VIII, 340. See Erasmus, Septuagint. " Big Four," the, at Versailles, 653, 654. Bill of Rights (Enghsh), 382. Biology, 597-8. Bismarck, Otto von, 501-5, 545, 555, 563-8. Blanc (blafi), Louis, 481-2. Blenheim (blen'im). Battle of, 393. Blucher (blii'Ker), at Waterloo, 451. Boers, in South Africa, 541-2. Bohemia, and Thirty Years' War, 353, 354 ; and Revolution of '48, 486. See Czechoslovakia. Boleyn (bool'in), Anne, 339, 343. Bolsheviki (b6l-sh6-vi'ke), 642; rule in Russia, 662-6. Bonaparte, see Napoleon. Boniface VIII, Po'pe, 313. Bosnia, separated from other Serbs, 621-2; given to Austria to administer, 623; annexed by Austria, 624; and furnishes pretext for World War, 628; merged in Jugoslavia, which see. Bosseney (boss'ni), 507. Boxer Rising (China), 608-9. Braddock's campaign, 399. Brandenburg, Mark, see Prussia. Brazil, 618, 619. Bremen, 455 ; map after 559. Brenner Pass, the, transferred to Italy, 657. Brest-Litovsk, 646 ; map, 643. Bright, John, 521, 522. Browning, Elizabeth Barrett, 519. Brunswick, proclamation of, 422-3. Bundesrath (boon'des-rat), 559. Bulgarians, 621 ; under Turkish rule, 622-3; war of 1877, 623; and Congress of Berlin, 623 ; joins Teutons in World War, which see. Bunyan, John, 380. Burschen-schaften (bursch'en- shaft'en), 455. Cabinet government, evolution of, 383-4; explained, 512-3. Calvin, John, 335-6. Calvinism, 334-6 ; see Presbyteri- anistn, Huguenots, Puritanism. Cambon (kom-bon'), 427. Campo Formio, Peace of, 432. Canada, French colonization, 386 ff . ; l^ecomes English, 399 ; de- velopment of self-government, 540 ; and federal union, 542-3 ; and World War, 632; repre- sented in Peace Congress and in League of Nations, 653. INDEX Capitalism, and industry, 474. See Industrial Revolution. Carlyle, 519. Camot (car-no'), " Organizer of Victory," 427, 428. Carrier (kiir-rl-a'), 428. Cartwright, Edmund, 468. Castelar, 574-5. Catherine of Aragon, 329. Catherine II (Russia), 396. Cavalier Parliament, 381. " Cavaliers " (English), 377. Cavour (cii-voor'), 497-9. Center, the (Catholic Pohtical party in Germany), 564. Chambord (sh6n-bor'), Count of, 548-9. Chamonix (sh6m-o-nix'), Plate fac- ing 5S2. Champlain, 387. Champs de Mars (shoii de mars), Massacre of the, 417. Charles I (England), 371-8. Charles II, 378, 380-2. Charles V (Holy Roman Empire), 319-20, 331-334; Plate facing 334. Charles X (France), 461-2. Charles Albert, 490, 496. Chartist movement (English), 516. Chateau-Thierry (shat-to'-tyar-e'), 047 ; map facing 646. Chaucer, quoted, 330. Chemistry, and Lavoisier, 406. Child labor, 475-6; see Factory Acts. Chili, and arbitration, 617, and the "A. B. C. concert," 618; trade of, 619. China, land and people, 606 ; stagnant civilization, 606-7 ; earh' European trade, 607; Opium War, 607-8; forced to open ports, 608; loses border provinces to European powers, 608; Boxer Rising, 608-9; " Open door " policy and the United States, 609; and the Russ-Jap War, 609; Western- ization, 611-13; a republic, 612; other progress, 612; and Japan, 613; and World War, 640; see Washington Confer- ence. Christ of the Andes, the, Plate facing 617 ; see Arbitration. Churchill, Winston, 529, 530. Church of England, origin, 339-40 ; Protestant under Edward VI, 340-1 ; Catholicism restored by Mary, 341-2; the Elizabethan Settlement, 343-6; and Puri- tanism, 968-76 ; Presbyterian in the Civil War, 378 ; Episcopacy restored, 380-1 ; disestablished in Ireland, 523, and in Wales, 531. Clemenceau, " the Tiger," 644; at the Peace Congress, 653, 654, and passim. Clermont, the, 470 and Plate opp. Cleveland, Grover, and arbitration, 616. Clive, Robert, 399. Cobden (cSb'den), Richard, 521. Code Napoleon, 436-7. Columbus, Christopher, and Amer- ica, 327. Commerce, review of in middle ages, 358-62; growth after Columbus, 362-4; and war danger, see Imperialism. Commonwealth, the English, 378-9. Commons, House of. Plates facing 376, 378, and cut on 385. Commimards (com-mun'ards), (Paris), 546-8. Conde (kon-da'), the Great, and Louis XIV, Plate facing 393. INDEX Confederation of the Rhine, 444. Congo Free State, 603. " Conservative," replaces " Tory," 514; see table, pp. 514-5. Constantino I, King of Greece, 641, 649. Constantinople, map after p. 218; capital of Greek Empire, 247 ; repels Saracens, 254 ; and the Crusades, 295 ; captured by Turks, 317; goal of Russian ambition, 396 ; and Peace Con- gress, 658 ; Plate facing 613. Continental System (Napoleon's), 441 £f. Convention of 1793 (the Year I), 425-429 ; constructive work, 428. Cooperative agriculture (Den- mark), 578-9. Copernicus (co-per'ni-cus), 357. Copocabana (co-po-ca-ba'na) , Plate facing 618. Corn Laws, repeal, 521-2. Corrupt Practices Prevention Act (EngHsh), 518. Cortes (cor'tes), 457. Corvee (kor-va'), 406. Cotton Gin, 468-9. Counter Reformation, 336-8. Coup d'etat (coo d6-ta'), term, 435 and note ; Napoleon's in 1851, 493. Courland, 652 ; map facing 646. Covenanters, Scotch, 375. Cranmer, Archbishop, 340, 341, 342. Crimean (cri-me'an) War, 494; and Italy, 497. Croats, 487, 622 ; see Jugoslavia. Crompton (cromp'ton), Samuel, and the " mule," 467-8. Cromwell, Oliver, 375-9; Plates facing 375, 377. Cuba, and Spanish American War, 575-6; and World War, 640. Custozza (koos-tod'za), Battle of, 490 ; map after 454. Czechs (ch6ks), 486. Czechoslovakia, 651 ; map facing 652. Daguerreotypes, 471. Danton (dan-ton'), 420-9. Dantzig (dant'zio), 657; map after 454. Darwin, Charles, 597. Declaration of Rights (English), 382. Declaration of the Rights of Man, 418. Denekin (den'e-kin), 664. Denmark, 578-9; and Sleswig, 637 and note. Desmoulins (da-moo-lan'), Camille (kji-mel'), 414. DeWitt Clinton, the (steam loco- motive), Plate facing 595. Diet, German, 331, note. See Westphalia, Peace of. Directory, the French, 430-1,434-5. Disestablishment, of the English Church, which see. Disraeli (diz-ra'li), Benjamin, 515, 517, 523-4. Divine Right of Kings, theory of, 369 ff. See William II of Ger- many. Domestic system, in manufac- tures, 366. Drake, Sir Francis, 348, 389, 390. Dual Alliance, the, 615. Dumouriez (du-moo-rg-a') , 426. Dunwich (diin'ich), 507. Dutch Republic, rise of, 350; see Holland; map after 350. Egypt, and Napoleon, 434; under English control, 539-40; a free state, 540. Eidvold (eid'vold). Diet at, 579. 8 INDEX Elba, 447, 451. Electoral College, of the Holy Roman Empire, 331, note. Electricity, Age of, 595. Eliot, Sir John, 371-4. Elizabeth, Queen (English), 343- 7, 349. Elizabethan Settlement (of the Church), 344. Elizabethan Renaissance, 343-4. Elizabeth of Russia, 396. Emmet, Robert, 526. England, and Protestant Refor- mation, 339 ff. ; and Spanish Armada, 346 ; social and eco- nomic changes of 16th century, 364-7 ; growth of manufactures, 366 ; growth of commerce, 366- 7; under the first Stuarts, 368- 377 ; English Puritanism, 368 ; germs of political parties, 369- 70 ; germs of ministerial respon- sibility, 371; Civil War, 377- 8 ; the Commonwealth, 379 ; the Restoration, and the later Stuarts, 380-2; Revolution of 1688, 382 ff. ; Ministerial gov- ernment, 383-4 ; Great Britain, 385 ; acquisition of colonial em- pire, 389-91 ; and wars of Louis XIV, and Frederick II (which see), and colonial growth, 394, 389-91, 399; and American Revolution, 400-1 ; and French Revolution, 426 ff. ; and Napo- leon, which see ; colonial empire confirmed by Congress of Vienna, 449 ; and Industrial Revolution, 465 ff. ; retrogression politically in ISth century, 506-9; reform in 19th century, 509 ff. ; recent reform, 529-534; colonial em- pire today, 537-41 ; and Ire- land (which see) ; and World W^ar, 629 ff . Episcopalianism, see Church of England. Erasmus (e-ras'mus), 329, 336. Esthonia, 652 ; map facing 646. Ether, see Anesthetics. Evolution, Theory of, 597. Factory reform (see Industrial Revolution), 519-22. Fair, the medieval, 359. Favre (favre), Jules (zhiil), 545. Fenian movement, the, 526. Ferdinand of Spain, 457-8. Ferdinand of Austria, 334. Finland, acquired Ijy Russia, 396, 449, 591 ; attempts to Russian- ize, 591 ; independent, 632, 641. First Reform Bill (English), 509- 12. Fitch, John, 470. Fiume (fyii'ma), 660; map after 454. Florida, 399. Foch (fosh), Ferdinand, 648. Fortescue (for't6s-cue). Sir John, 364. Fourteen Points (Woodrow Wil- son's), 645-6, 650. France, acquires first colonial em- pire, 387-9; character of, ib. wars of Louis XIV, 392-4 loss of colonial empire, ih. French Revolution, which see under Napoleon I, which see treaties of 1814, 1815, 447, 448- 452 ; " restorations " at Congress of Vienna, which see ; Revolution of 1830, 461-3; of 1848, 480-5; Second Republic, 484-5; Sec- ond Empire, 492 ff. ; espionage and despotism, 493-4 ; and new wars, 495-6 ; Franco-Prussian War, 502-4, 544-5; Third Re- public, 544 ff. ; Peace of 1871, INDEX 9 545-6 ; Communards, 546-8 ; constitution, 549-52 ; republi- canism confirmed, 548-51 ; local government, 551 ; industries, 552 ; wealth before World War, 552-4 ; small land-holders, 553 ; ruin of World War, 554 ; second colonial Empire, 554-6; kultur- kampf, 556-8; see World War, Washington Conference. Frederick the Wise, 329, 332. Frederick I (Prussia), 397. Frederick II (the Great), 398-402. Frederick William, the Great Elec- tor, 397. Frederick William I, 397-8. Frederick William III, 455. Frederick William IV, 487-8, 500. Free Trade, English, 522. French and Indian War, 399. French Revolution, 404 ff. ; France before, 404-410; States General, 411-2 ; National Assembly, 412- 3 ; and American Revolution, 412, 414, note ; Bastille, 414-5 abolition of privilege, 415-6 march of the women, 416-7 "emigrants," 417; constitution of 1791, 418-9; peasant land- holders, 419 ; and war with Europe, 420 ff. ; panic, union, victory, 422-4; First French Republic, 425 ff. ; Revolution a proselyting religion, 424-5 ; the Terror, 428; constructive work, 428-9 ; fall of the Jacobins, 429 ; the Directory, 430 ff. ; territorial gains to 1795, 432 ; and Napo- leon, which see. Froissart (frois'art), 307. Frontenac (fron-te-nac'), 388-9. Fulton, Robert, 470. Galileo (gal-i-le'o), 358. Gambetta (gam-b6t'ta), 544-5, 557. Garibaldi (g:ir-i-bal'di), 498-9. Geddes (geddes), Jenny, 375. Geneva, 335 and map opp. 336. Genghis (jen'giz), Khan (khan), 395. Genoa, absorbed by Sardinia, '452. Geology, 596-7. George I (England), 384. George II, 384. George III, 508-9. German Empire (1871-1918), see Germany, Prussia, North Ger- man Confederation; making of, 500-5 ; federal, 559 ; autocracy and militarism, 559-61; jungers, 561 ; Capitalists, 561-2 ; growth of cities in, 562, note; Army, 562-3 ; kultur-kampf , 563-5 ; Socialism, 564-5 ; and the border peoples, 566 ; Colonial Empire, 566-9 ; dream of Mittel Europa empire, 568-7 ; prevents dis- armament at Hague Conferences, 617, 619; and Turkey, 623; and Balkan wars, 624-6 ; army bill of 1913, 626; "wills the war," 626; effect of militarism upon, 626-8 ; see World War, Peace Congress, and German Republic. German Indemnity, problems of the, 658-9. German Reformation, the, 329- 334. German Republic, 651, 656-7. Germanic Confederation, 454 ff. ; see North German Confederation. Germany, and Protestant Refor- mation, 329-334 ; ruin in Thirty Years' War, 354-5 ; see Austria, Prussia, and maps after 302, 314 ; Napoleon's new map of, 443-4; social reform in (Napoleon), 444-5; and Congress of Vienna, which see; Germanic Confeder- 10 INDEX ation, which see ; Revolution of 1848, 487-8 ; see North German Confederation, German Empire, and German Republic. Gibraltar, 394 ; Plate facing 576. Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, 389, 401. Gilds (gilds), become hindrances to progress, 362, 366-7 ; disap- pear from England early, 366. Girondists, 420, 426-7. Gladstone, William Evarts, 515, and -passim to 529 ; ()2o. Gogol (go'g6l), 588. Gorky (gor'kv), 664. " Great Britain," 385. Great Western, the, 471. Greece (Modern), war for inde- pendence against Turlcs, 458, 460; and other Balkan states, 621; see World War and Bal- kans. Green, John Richard {English People), forbidden in Russia, 590. Greene (dramatist), 344. Grey (Earl), and Parliamentary reform, 510-2. Guillotine, the, 428 and note. Guizot (ge-z6'), 461, 480-2. Gustavus Adolphus (gus-ta'vus a-dol'phus), 354 and Plate opp. Haakon VII (hiiak'on), 581. Habeas Corpus, 381. Hague Peace Conferences, 616-7. Haig (ha/g). Sir Douglas, 647. Hakluyt (hak'luyt), Richard, Plate facing 389. Hamburg (ham'biiro), 454-5. Hampden (hamp'den), John, 372, 374, 375, 378. Hapsburg (haps'burc), the, two branches, 334. Harding, President, and Washing- . ton Conference, 667. Hargreaves, James, and the " Jenny," 466-7. Harvey, William, and the circula- tion of the blood, 344, 357-8. Hasedera (hiis-e-de'ra), Plate fac- ing 604. Hay, John, 609. Hebrews, proposed to restore a political state in Palestine, 658. He'jaz, Kingdom of, 658. Henry VIII (England), 339-40. Henry IV (France), 352-3. Henry of Navarre, see Henry IV. Hogarth (ho'garth), William, cut on p. 385 and facing 385, 508. Hohenlinden (ho-/i6n-lin'd6n). Bat- tle of, 435. Holland, and Phihp II, 348; rebel- lion, 348-51 ; independence rec- ognized, 355; wars with Louis XIV, 392-3; decline, 399; see French Revolution, Batavian Re- public, and Napoleon; " King- dom of Holland," 442; annexed to France, 443 ; Kingdom of the Netherlands, 449 ; and Belgium, 449, 463. Holy Alliance, the, 458-9, 463. Holy Roman Empire, and Peace of Westphalia, 355 ; a shadow, ended by Napoleon, 444. Home Rule (Irish), struggle for, see Ireland. Howe (sewing machine), 472. Hughes, Charles Evans, 667. Huguenots, 336, 366, 393, 397. " Hun," 634. Hungary, and Revolution of '48, 486-7; see Austria- Hungary, • since the World War, 651. " Imperialism," and trade, 601- 604 ; and danger of war, 620. Inclosures (English), 16th century, 364-5 ; 18th century, 534-5. INDEX 11 Independents (in religion), English, see Separatists; and the Long Parliament, 377-9. India, French and English rivalry for, 398-9 ; under English rule, 588-9; and the World War, 632. Indirect taxes, term explained, 406, note. Indo-China, French seizures in, 556. Indulgences, Papal, and the Ref- ormation, 329-30. Industrial panic, 1815-1819, 509- 10. Industrial Revolution, 18th cen- tury, 465-470 ; and factory sys- tem, 473 ff . ; and growth of cities, 474-6 ; and Manchester doc- trine, 476-7 ; and Socialism, which see ; recent developments — age of electricity, 595-7 ; and consolidation of capital, 598-9. Innocent III, Pope, 337. Inquisition, the (Spanish), 337-8. Ireland, history to 1600, 346-7; and famine of 1846, 521-2 ; Eng- lish Church disestablished, 523 ; brief story of, from Elizabeth to 1800, 525-6; Rebelhon of '98, 526; Emmet's Rebelhon, 526 ; Act of Union, 526 ; Young Ireland, 526 ; Fenian movement, 526 ; English Church disestab- lished, 526 ; land reforms, 527, 528; Home Rule struggle, 527- 8 ; rise of Sinn Fein movement, 528; Home Rule Bill of 1914, 531 ; suspended, 532 ; and the World War, 532 ; since, 532-3 ; " Free State," 533. Iron, cast iron, 470. See Besse- mer steel. Ironsides, Cromwell's, 377. Italian War of 1859, 495. Italy, loses leadership in trade after Columbus, 380 ; Napoleon's campaigns in, 432-3 ; new map of, 443 ; and Congress of Vienna, 448, 452; Revolution of 1820 and 1830, see Sardinia and Sicily; Revolution of '48, 489- 91 ; from '48 to '59, 496-7; War of '59, 495, 497-8 ; growth of, out of Sardinia, 498-9; acquires Rome, 505 ; constitution, 570 ; colonial empire, 571-2; the Irri- dentists, 571-2; and the Popes, 572 ; and World War, which see ; entrance, 632 ; military collapse, 642 ; victory on the Piave, 649 ; gains at Versailles, 657-8 and map opp. Ivan (e-van') the Terrible, 395. Ivry (iv'ry), Battle of, 352. Jacobins (French Revolution), 420 ff. James I (England), 339, 369-71. James II, 381-2. Japan, medieval rumors of, in Eu- rope, 325 ; discussion of, 604 ff . ; Westernized, 604-5 ; expansion, 605 ; war with China, 605 ; robbed of fruits of victory by Russia, 605 ; gains, 605-6 ; war with Russia, 609-12 ; and World War, 623; seizes Shantung, ib.; and Peace Conference, which see ; in Siberia, 665 ; and Washington Conference, 667-9. Jay Treaty, and arbitration, 616. Jemmappes (zhgm-miip'), Battle of, 424. Jena (ya'na). Battle of, 440; map facing 502. Jesuits, 337. Jews, and " banking " in Middle 12 INDEX Ages, 361 and note ; treatment in modern Russia, 590. Jingo, term explained, 524, note. Jensen (jon'son), Ben, 344. Jugoslavia, 652, and map, ib. Jung Deutschland, quoted on war, 627-8. Karlsbad (karls'bad), Decrees of, 455-6 ; map facing 502. Kenilworth Castle, Plate facing 343. Kerensky (ker-ens'ky ) , 641-2. Kiel Canal, 569, 628; map after 559. Kiev, 394 ; map after 610. King William's War, 393. Knox, John, 345. Kolchak (kol'chak), 664. Korea fko-re'a), 605, 611. Kosciusko (kos-ci-tis'ko), 401. Kossuth (k6s-siit/i'), 487. Kotzebue (k6tz'6-bue), 455. Kremlin (krfim'lin), the, Plate fac- ing 588. Kulturkampf (kiil'tiir-kampf), in France, 556-8; in Germany, 563-5. Kwangchowan (kwang'chow-an), 608. Labor imions (Enghsh), 516, 523 Lafayette (in French Revolution), 415, 416, 420, 423 ; and Second Revolution, 462. " Laissez-faire," 477. Lamartine (lam-ar-ten'), 482-3. Latimer (lat'i-m6r), Hugh, 342. La Salle (la salZe'), 387. Latvia (latVi-a), 652, and map after 660. Laud, Archbishop, 374, 375. Lavoisier (lii-wa-si-a'), 408. League of Nations, 605-6, 661-2. Leipsig (llp'sio), Battle of, 447; map after 454. Lenin (la-neen'), Nikolai (nik'o-lai) 642, 664. " Letters of the Seal," 407. Leuthen (leu't/ien), Battle of, 399; map facing 402. Leyden (ley'den). Relief of, 350; map facing 350. Liaou Yang, Battle of, 610. Liberal, name replaces Whig, 514; tal)lo of administrations, 514-5. Liberia, 603. Lichnowsky (liK-nows'kj^), Prince, and proof of German guilt in causing the World War, 628 and note, 629. Lithuania, 646, 652 ; map, 652. Lloyd George, 529 ; budget of 1909, 529-31; and Irish Free State, 533 ; and Peace Congress, 653-4. Lombard bankers, medieval, 361-2. Long, Crawford W., 472. Lords, House of, and First Reform Bill, 511-2; reformed (veto), 52^31. Louis XIII, 353. Louis XIV, 392-4. Louis XV, 407, 410. Louis XVI, 410, 422-3, 425. Louis XVIII, 447, 451, 461. Louis PhiUppe (phil-ippe'), 463, 480-2. Louvre (loovr), art museum in modern Paris. Loyola, Ignatius, 337. Lusitania, the, 637. Luther, Martin, 329-334. Lutheran Church, the, 333, 334. Lyell, Sir Charles, 596. Macadamized roads, 466. Macaulay, on French war methods in time of Louis XIV, Plate fac- ing 392. INDEX 13 McCormick reapers, 471 and Plate facing 477. McKinley, President, and arbi- tration, 616. MacMahon (mac-ma-/ion'), Presi- dent of France, 549, 550. Magenta (ma-gen'ta), Battle of, 495 ; map after 454. Majuba (ma-yu'ba) Hill, Battle of, 342. Malplaquet (mal-plii-ka'), Battle of, 393. Manchester Political Economy, 476-7. Manchuria, northern part becomes Russian, 586; Chinese Man- churia and Russia, 609, 611. " Mandatories," and former Ger- man colonies, 656-7. Mansfeld, 354. Marat (ma-ra'), 420-1. Marengo (ma-r6n'gd). Battle of, 435 ; map after 454. Maria Theresa (t/?6-re'sa), 395. Marie Antoinette (ant-wa-n6t'), 410. Marlborough (marrbov-o), 393. Marlowe (mar'lowe), dramatist, 344. Mime, Battle of, 631 ; map fac- ing 646. Marston Moor, Battle of, 377. Mary Tudor, 339, 341-2. Marx, Karl, 477-8. Maurice (mau'ris), of Saxony, Plate facing 334. Max, Prince, of Baden, 649. Maximilian, of Mexico, 495-6. Mazzini (mat-ze'ne), 489-91. Medicine, and biology, 597-8 ; see Anesthetics. Mercantile theory (Political Econ- omy), 367. Metric system, of weights and measures, devised and adopted in French Revolution, 429. Metternich (met'ter-niK), 452, 453-4 and ff.; 485. Metz, 334, 545 ; map after 454. Mexico, and Napoleon III, 495-6. Militarism, Prussian army system, 500-1 ; and Germany, 562-3 ; in Europe, 615-6 ; access in 1913, 626; effect upon German people, 626-8. Milton, John, 380 and Plate fac- ing 375. Ministerial government, see Cab- inet government. Mirabeau (mir-ii-bo'), 413-7. Mittel Europa, 624, 632-3; map on 643. Money, and " usury " and bank- ing, 361 ; see Mercantile theory; European currencies demoralized after World War, 666. Monroe Doctrine, the, and Holy Alliance, 459-60 ; and Napoleon III, 495-6. Montenegro (mon-te-ne'gro), 622. Moreau (mo-ro'), 435. More, Sir Thomas, 340, 341, 365. Morgarten, Battle of, 335; map facing 336. Moriscoes (mo-ris'coes), expelled from Spain, 351-2. Morocco, 555-6. Moscow, burning of, 446 ; Napo- leon's retreat from, 446 and Plate opp. Mount Blanc. Plate facing 582. Mountain, the, in French Revolu- tion A^sembhos, 420. Muhlberg (mii/irberc). Battle of, Plate facing 334. Mukden (muk'd6n) Battle of, 610. Munitions, sale of in war by neutrals, 635-6. Murat (mu-ra^O, 443. Muskets, invention of, 354. 14 INDEX Nantes (nantes), Edict of, 352-3; revocation, 393 ; Carrier at, 428 ; maps of France. Naples, Kingdom of, 443; Rev- olution of 1820, 458; and of 1848, 490; and Kingdom of Italy, 498. Napoleon I, as Bonaparte, saves Directory, 430-1 ; campaigns in Ital}', 432-3 ; character, 433 ; in Egypt, 434; overthrows Directory, 435 ; First Consul, 435 fT. ; restores prosperity, 436; code, 436; Emperor, 438; espionage and despotism, 438- 9 ; and wars, 439 ff . ; greatest power, 445 ; new map of Europe, 442-4 ; invasion of Russia, 445- 6; fall, 446-7; return from Elba, 451; Waterloo, 451; Plates from 445 to 451. Napoleon II, 493. Napoleon III, Louis Napoleon, President of Second Repul)lic, 484-5; Emperor, 492 ff. ; and Bismarck, 502 ; fall, 502-4 ; and Indo-China, 556. Napoleonic Code, the, 436-7. Naseby (nase'by). Battle of, 377. National Workshops (French, in '4S\ 483-4. Nationality, term explained, 453. " Naval Holiday," established by the Washington Conference, 667-8. Navarino (na-va-re'no) , Battle of, 400. Necker, 411 ff. Nelson, Admiral, 434, 440-1. New England Primer, 390. Newfoundland, becomes Enghsh, 394. New Orleans, 387. Newton, Sir Isaac, 408. New Zealand, 541. Nice (nes), seized by France, 424; annexed by plebiscite, 432; restored to Savoy, 449; re- gained by France, 495. Nicholas I (Russia), 463, 588. Nicholas II, 590-1 ; and Hague Congress, 616; fall, 641. Nile, Battle of the, 435. Normal Schools, adopted by French Revolutionists, 420. Norway, handed to Sweden by Congress of Vienna, 450; wins self-government and indepen- dence, 579-581. North German Confederation, 1867, 502, 503. See German Empire. Nova Scotia, becomes English, 394. Novara (no-vii'ni). Battle of, 490, and map after 454. Novgorod (nov'go-r6d), 394. O'Connell, Daniel, 526. Old Age Pensions (Enghsh), 531. Old Sarum (sfi'rum), 507. Olmutz (ol'miitz), Humihation of Prussia at, 488; map after 454- Orange Free State, 542. Oscar II (Sweden), 580-1. Oudenarde (ou-de-narde'), Battle of, 393, map facing 350. Owen, Robert, 477. Pan Slavism, 588. Panama Canal, 598. Papacy, the, and the Kingdom of Italy, 572. Papal infallibility, doctrine of, 563. Paradise Lost, 380. Paris, and Napoleon III, 494 and Plate opp. ; capture of, by Ger- mans, 544-5 ; and Communards, 546-8. Paris, Congress of (1856), 497. Parliament (Enghsh), and the Stuarts, 368-382 ; and the Revo- INDEX 15 liition of 1688, 382 ff. ; term of fixed, 383; retrogression in 18th century, 506-9 ; and Amer- ican Revolution, 509 ; and First Reform Bill, 509-12, 514; and Second Reform Bill, 516-7 and election methods, 516-7 and Third Reform Bill, 517 duration changed to 5 years, 531 ; and payment of mem- bers, ib.; and Fourth Reform Bill, 533-4. See Commons and Lords. Pasteur (pas-teur'), 597. Peace Congress (after World War), 651 ff. ; conditions before, 651-2 make-up, 652-3 ; method, 655 and League of Nations, 655-6 and peace treaties, 656-9 ; criti- cism of, 660. Peel, Sir Robert, and Corn-Law repeal, 521-2 and Plate facing 522. Pedro (pe'dro), Dom (of Brazil), 618. Penal code (English, 18th century ) , and reform, 510 and note. Perry, Commodore, and Japan, 605. Persecution, Religious, 342, 380, 352, 393. See Inquisition. Pershing, John J., 644. Peter the Great, 395-6. Petition of Right (Enghsh), 372-3. Petrograd, 396. Petroleum, importance of, 472. Philip II, of Spain, 334 ; and Mary Tudor, 342-3; power, 348; and the Netherlands, 348. See Spanish Armada. Philippines, American, 604. Physics, and Gahleo, 358. Piedmont (pted'mont), 449, note; map after 454. Pilgrims, the Plymouth, 369. Pilgrim's Progress (Bunyan's), 380. Pitt, William (the Elder), 399, 508. Pitt, William (the Younger), on the American War, 509. Pius IX, Pope, 490, 572. Pius X, Pope, 557. Plebiscites (pleb'is-cites), Napo- leonic, 438. Plow, modern improvements on, 466. Pocket boroughs (Enghsh), 506-7. Poison gas, in war, 633. Poland, partition of, 401-2; see Duchy of Warsaw, and Con- gress of Vienna; . " union " with Russia, 450; rebelHon of 1830, 463 ; consolidated with Russia, ib.; and World War, 646; Republic of, 651-2; and Peace Congress, 657. Political parties, development in England, 381-2. Port Arthur, 586, 605, 608, 610; map after 620. Portsmouth, Treaty of, 611. Portugal, colonial empire, 386 ; and Napoleon, 442; Revolution of 1820, 458, 577; Repubhc, 577 ; and World War, 640. Prague, University of, and Thirty Years' War, 354. Prayer Book, English, 341. Presbyterianism, see Calvinism, in Scotland, 345 ; and land, 375 ; in England in Civil War, 377-8. Pride's Purge, 378. Protestant, term explained, 333. See Reformation. Protoplasm, discovery of, 597. Prussia, rise of, to Frederick II, 396-8; and Frederick II, 398-402 ; and French Revolution, Napoleon, and Congress of Vienna, which see; halved 16 INDEX by Napoleon, 440; Stein's re- forms in, 445; War of Liber- ation, 446-7 ; one of the " Allies " of 1913, 447 ff. ; " re- stored " by Congress of Vienna, 44Q-50; Revolution of '48 in, 487-8; " Humiliation of 01- miitz," 488 ; army system, 500-1 ; and William I and Bismarck, 500 ff. ; seizure of Sleswig- Holstein, 502 ; war with Austria, and annexations, 502 and maps facing 402 and 502 ; and Franco- Prussian War, 502-5. See Ger- man Empire. Puritanism, 368-9 ; and American colonization, 374, 390. Pym, John, 375-6, 378. Quebec, 386. Queen Anne's War, 386. Rack rent fin Ireland), 525. Railroads, 470-1. Raleigh, Sir Walter, 389. Ramillies (ra-me'ya), Battle of, 393 ; map facing 350. Reed, Major Walter, 597. Reformation, the Protestant, 329 ff. Representative government, growth in England, see Parlia- ment. " Responsible " ministries, 383-4. Restoration, the EngHsh, 380 ff. Revolution, The Glorious, of 1688, 382 ff. Revolution of 1820. 457-9. Revolution of 1830, in France, 461-3 ; in central Europe, 463. Revolution of 1848, in France, 480-5; in central Europe, 485 ff. ; in Austrian Empire, 486-7 ; in Prussia, 487; in Germany, 487-8; in Italy, 488-91. Rheims Cathedral, Plate after 634. Ribault (re-bo'), 387. Richelieu (re-sh61-yii'), Cardinal, 353, and cut opp. Ridley, martyr, 342. Rio de Janeiro, Plate facing 618. Robespierre ^robes-pierre'), 421, 427, 429, 430. Rome, city of, in Revolution of '48, 490; French garrison in, 490-1 ; Italy acquires, 505. Roosevelt, Theodore, 611. Rossbach frSs'baK), Battle of, 399; maj) facing 402. Rotten boroughs (English), 507-8. Roumania, wins partial self-govern- ment from the Turk, 622 ; in- dependence, see Balkan dis- tricts for 1877; and World War, 641 ; and Hungary after the war, 651. " Round Heads," English, 377. Rousseau (rous-so'), 410. Rudolph of Hapsburg (haps'buro), 335. Rump Parliament, the, 378-9. Rumsey, James, 470. Russell, Lord John, 510. Russia, early history, 394; Greek Christianity, 394; Tartar con- quest, 394-5; wins freedom, 395; Asiatic, with "European veneer," 395-6; march to the seas, 396 ; southeast Baltic coast, 396; other expansion, 396, 401-2; Tilsit, 440; Napoleon's invasion and defeat, 445-7; and Holy Alliance, which see; territorial growth summed up, 586-7; in 19th century, 587-8; emancipation, 588-9; and failure of, 589; persecution of liberals, 589-90; Nihihsts, 589-90; Jews and, 590-1 ; border provinces Russianized, 591 ; and Industrial INDEX 17 Revolution, 591; Socialism in, 591 ; violent methods of conspir- ators, 592 ; Revolution of 1905- 6, 592-5 ; the Dumas of 1906-12, 593-5; Soviets, 593; failure of the Revolution, 594; and the World War, 632, 641 ; Revolu- tion of 1917, 641-2 ; and Brest- Litovsk, 646; under Bolshevist rule, 662-6; Alhed blockade, 665 ; famine of 1921-2, 665. Russian Jews, 590-1. Saar (saar) coal, the Peace Con- gress award, 657 and note ; map, 652. St. Bartholomew's Day, Massacre of, 352. St. Basil's, Moscow, Plate facing 395. St. Helena, 451. St. Just, 427. St. Mihiel, 648 ; map facing 646. St. Peter's, Rome, 329 and Plate facing 330. St. Petersburg (Petrograd), 396. Sadowa (sad-ow'a), Battle of, 604. Saloniki (sal-6n-ik'i), Greek, 625. Sardinia, Kingdom of, see Savoy and Piedmont; " restored " at Vienna, 449 ; reaction, 453 ; Revolution of 1820, 458; of 1848, 490-1 ; story to '59, 497- 8; grows into "Italy," 498-9. See Italy. Savoy (sa-voy'), 424, 432, 449, 495. Schellendorf (sch6ri6n-dorf), Von, on German destinj^ 627. Schurz, Carl, 488. Schwyz (schwyz), 335 and map facing 336. Science, Baconian method, 358; progress in 19th century, 595; see Evolution, Biology. Scotland, and John Knox, 345; union with England, 385. Scutari (.scli-ta'ri), 624; map, 625. Scythe (cradle scythe), invention of, 465. Second Reform Bill (English), 516-7. Sempach (s6m'paK), Battle of, 335 and map facing 336. " Separatists " (Puritan), 368-9. September Massacres (French Revolution), 424. Serbia, 621-3, 625-6, 632. Serfdom, lingers in Europe to French Revolution, 405; abol- ished by the Revolution, 419, 424, 444-5 ; restored after Con- gress of Vienna, 453; finally disappears from central Europe in the Revolution of '48, which see ; abolished in Russia, 588-9. Seven Years' War, 472. Sewing machine, invention of, 472. Shakspere, 343. Shantung (shan-tung'), 568, 608, 657, 669. Ship money, 374. Siam, 603. Sicily, becomes Austrian, 394. See Naples. Silesia (si-le'si-a), 398, 657. Sleswig (slgs'viG), 502, 566, 657 and note. Smith, Adam (political economist), 476-8. Smyrna (smyr'na), becomes Greek, 658. Social Contract (Rousseau's), 410. Social Insurance, EngHsh, 531 ; German, 565. Socialism, 477-9 ; and Revolution of '48 in France, 481-2; in French politics, 554 ; in German Empire, 564-6; and the World War, 628 ; see German Republic. 18 INDEX Solferino (sol-fer-e'no), Battle of, 495 ; map after 454. Solyman the Magnificent, 333. South Africa, 541-2. Soviet system (Russia), 662-3. Spain, decline, 351-2 ; colonial em- pire decoys, 386 ; loses European possessions outside its own bor- ders, and Gibraltar, 394; and French Revolution, which see ; Napoleon seizes, 442 ; War of Liberation, 442; Revolution of 1820, and Holy Alliance, 457-9 ; loses Spanish America, 457-9 ; story of, after 1820, 574-6. Spanish America, 457-9, 617-9. Spanish Armada, 346. Spenser, Edmund, 343. Spinning wheel, 466-7. Steam engine, 469-70. Steam navigation, 470 and Plate facing 470. Stein, reforms in Prussia, 445, 454. Stephenson. George, 471. Stiles, Dr. Charles W., 597-8. Strassburg (strass'blirc), becomes French, 393 ; seized by Germany, 545 ; map facing 646. See Alsace. Submarines, see U-craft. Suez Canal, 539, 598. Sun Yat Sen, 612. Sweden, territorial changes, 355, 449-50 ; tries to annex Norway, 450; union with, to dissolution, 580-1 ; conditions to-day, 581-2. Switzerland, story to 1520, 334-5, and map facing 335 ; indepen- dence recognized, 355 ; neutrality guaranteed by Congress of Vienna, which see; stor>' from 1815 to 1848, 582 ; and Sunder- bund War, 582-3; constitution of 1848, 583 ; direct democracy, 583-4; success, 584-5. Syria, and France, 658. Taft, William H., on League of Nations, 661. Talleyrand, at Vienna, 450. Tartars, conquests of, 394-5. Tell, William, 335. Tennis Court Oath, 413. Tennyson, and prophecj^ of air- ships, 598. Tetzel (t6t'z6l), John, 329, 330. Tewksbury (tewks'bu-ry) Abbey, Plate facing 340. Textile Industries, see Industrial Revolution. Thiers (te-gr'), 462 and note, 480-1, 54,5-9. Thirty Years' War, 353-5. Tilsit, Peace of, 440. Tintern Abbey, Plate facing 340. Tippoo Sahib (tip'poo sa'Ib), Plate facing 399. Togo (to'go), Admiral, 611. Tory, 381 ; see Conservatives. Toulon (tou-lSii'), 427, and map facing 443. Trading companies, medieval, 363-4. Trafalgar (tra-fargar). Battle of, 440. Tramps, English, in Elizabeth's reign, 365-6. Trans-Siberian Railroad, 586. Transvaal trans'vaal), Dutch, 544. See South Africa. Treaty of Paris, 1763, 399. Treitsche (trcit'sche), 627. Trent, Council of, 337; map after 454; restored to Italy, which see. Trieste (tre-6st'), 572, 657; maps after 441, 454. Triple Alliance, 614-5. Triple Entente, 615. Troppau (trop'po). Congress of, 458 ;' map after 454. Trotsky (trots'ky), Leon, 642. INDEX 19 Tunis, 555, 571. Turgeniev (tiir-ggn-iev'), 588. Turgot (tur-gsr), 410. Turks, the, in southeast Europe, 621-2; Germany's vassal, 568-9, 623-4; "Young Turk" movement, 613 ; gradual forced withdrawal from Europe, 622-3 ; war with Russia in 1876, 623 ; and Congress of Berlin, 623 ; and Balkan Wars of 1912-1913, 624-5; and World War, 632, 649 ; and Peace Congress, 658. U-craft, German, in World War, 636-7, 639, 643-4; failure of Washington Conference to re- strict, 669. Ukrainia, 641, 646, 652, and map, 652. Ulm, Battle of, 439 ; map after 454. Underground Russia, 591. United States of America, see America and Americayi Revolu- tion; a world-power after 1898, 604; and China, which see and the World War, 634 ff. attempt at neutralit}', 634-6 enters the war, 639-40; tre- mendous exertions, and effect, 644 ff . ; and Peace Congress ; see Woodrow Wilson; and League of Nations, 661-2; and Wash- ington Conference, 667-9. Unterwalden (iin-ter-val'den), 335 and map facing 336. Utrecht (li'treKt), Peace of, 394; map facing 350. Vane (vane), Sir Harry, 375, 378. Vardar (var'darj, Battle of the, 649. Vendee (ven-da'), 427. Vendome (ven-dome') Column, 440, 547. Venice, 432, 449. Venizelos (v6n-i-ze'los), 649. Verona, Congress of, 459; map after 454. Versailles (v6r-si'), 412 and Plate opp. ; Peace Congress, which see. Victor Emanuel II, 496-8. Victoria, of England, 514. Victorian Age, the, Reform in, 514-28. Vienna, Congress of, 448-452. Voltaire (vol-taire'), 408, 409. Wagram (wa'gnim). Battle of, 44; map after 454. Waihaiwai (wai-hai-wai'), 608, 669; map after 620. Wallenstein (val'len-stein), 354. Walpole. Sir Robert, 384, 385. War of i8i2, 441. Warsaw (war'saw). Duchy of, 444, 450 ; map after 442. Wartburg (varfbura), the, and Luther, 332. Washington Conference of 1921-2, "naval holiday," 667-8; and China, 668-9; America's credit for, 669. Waterloo, 451 ; Byron quoted on, 454. Watts, James, 469. Wellington, Duke of, 442, 451, 459. Westminster Abbey, Plate facing 514. Westphalia (west-pha'li-a), Peace of, 354. Whig, 381. See Liberal Whitney, Eli, 468. Wilberforce, 519, note. William III, and cabinet govern- ment, 382-3. See William of Orange. William IV, 510-2. William I, of Prussia, and the Gorman Empire, 503-4. William II (the Kaiser), quoted on 20 INDEX French Revolution, 404; and divine-right despotism, 560-1 ; and Morocco, 555-6; and Bis- marck, 567-8; and Pan Ger- manism, 567-8, 627 ; opposes "open door" in China, 609; threatens America, 638; abdi- cates, 650. William the Silent, 349-50. William of Orange, 392-4. See William III of England. Williams, Roger, 379. Wilson. Woodrow, and World War, 634 ff. ; and American neutral- ity, 634 ; Lusitania notes, 637 ; reelection, 637-8; war message, 639-640; " Fourteen Points," 645-6 ; and the Armistice, 650 ; and the Peace Congress, 653 ff. ; and Congressional elections in 1918, 654-5; and League of Nations, 655-6, 661. Winkelried (wink'6l-ried), Arnold, 335. Wittenberg (vit'tgn-berc), Luther at, 329-330 ; map after 454. Wolfe, James. 399. Woman suffrage, in England, 533- 4 ; in Norway, 581 ; in Sweden, 582. World politics, to 1914, 601 ff. ; " imperiahsm," 601-2 ; review of, in 18th century, 602; scramble for territory and markets, after 1884, 602-3; United States a factor, 604; Japan, 604-6; China, 606-9; European Alli- ances, 614-5; arbitration move- ments, 615-20. See World War. World War, causes — imperialism, 601-2 ; materials heaped for conflagration, see World Politics; a fuse in the Balkan situation, 621-6; Germany lights the fuse, 626-9; invasion of Belgium, 629; England goes in, 629; German plans wrecked by Bel- gium and the Marne, 631 ; lines stabilized in the West for years, 631-2 ; the war spreads (Eng- land's colonies), 632; German gains in 1914-15, 632-3; new warfare, 633; " f rightfulness," 633-4; and the United States, 34 ff. ; American neutrality made impossible, 635-9 ; U- craft war, 636-7 ; the Lusitania, 637; America goes in, 640; Germany gains in 1917, 640-1 ; Russian collapse, 643 ; German offensive of 1918, 646-7 ; Amer- ican soldiers, 647-8; Allied offensive, 648-9 ; collapse of Teutonic powers, 649-50 ; Armistice, 650 ; cost, 651-2, 666. Worms (vormz). Diet of, 331; map after 442. Yalu (yji'lii). Battle of, 610. Young, Arthur, 408. Young Italy, 489. Ypres (e'pr), map facing 350. Zone of the Straits, 658. Zurich (zii'riK), 334; map facing 336. Zwingli (zwing'li), 334, 335.