G^a-r«'\te State, C\vvV). Wash'n-x^t-oji^D.C 
 
CONSPIRACY DISCLOSED!! 
 
 KANSAS AFFAIRS. 
 
 READ! READ!! READ!!! 
 
 Read the following proof from the speech of 
 Mr. Letcher, of the 2d of August, 1856, in the 
 House of Representatives, that a conspiracy was 
 entered into " immediately after the passage of 
 Ihe Kansas-Nebraska act" by the Black Repub- 
 lican members of Congress, to drive out pro- 
 slavery settlers from Kansas, which has resulted 
 in the recent scenes of violence and bloodshed 
 there. Let it be borne in mind that this proof 
 is extracted from the testimony of one of the 
 conspirators themselves, (Mr. Mace, of Indiana.) 
 It is proven, too, by the proceedings of the Emi- 
 grant Aid Societies' Convention, held at Buffalo, 
 lOth and 11th of July last, an account of which 
 may be found in an article from the New York 
 Journal of Commerce, on page 3, and in several 
 other articles which follow it, all tending to prove 
 this and other base purposes of the co'nspirators. 
 
 The proceedings r<;.ferred to show very clearly 
 that those misguided men actually contemplated 
 civil tear in Kansas. Otherwise what did they 
 want with "a hundred thousand dollars a 
 MONTH," which one of their resolutions calls for? 
 Gerrit Smith, who took part in the proceedings, 
 was frank enough to express in words what the 
 resolution left to be understood, and, therefore, 
 subscribed "fifteen hundred dollars a month, 
 DURING THE WAR." Morc rcccnt developments 
 explain the mystery of the.se words. General 
 Lane's army was soon after collected at Chicago, 
 and marched into Kansas, through Iowa and 
 Nebraska Territory. And scarcely had they 
 reached their destination, than we-find them, and 
 others, attacking and capturing the village of 
 Franklin, breaking up a pro-slavery settlement 
 •n Washington creek, dispersing a colony of 
 
 Georgians on the Ossawattomie, attacking and 
 capturing Colonel Titus's house, near Lecomp- 
 ton, and doing various other things in viola- 
 tion of the Constitution. In short, they went 
 to work as if determined to provoke somebody 
 to fight them, and they have, at length, suc- 
 ceeded. One of their " reverend" aiders and 
 abettors. Rev. Mr. Nute, of Lawrence, Kansas, 
 says, in a letter to the Springfield (Massachu- 
 setts) Republican, dated August 23, 1856: 
 
 " VVe are having war in earnest— four fights within the 
 last hve days, mail of ii'hich the free Stale men were tlie 
 assailants and tlieviclors." 
 
 If it be asked— What was the object of getting 
 up a war in Kansas .>— it is answered, to help 
 elect Fremont. For, the greater the disturbance 
 in Kansas, the more clear would be the apparent 
 "villainy" of repealing the Missouri compro- 
 mise. This seems to have been the theory of 
 the Black Republicans from the first; and, there- 
 fore, they early began to show the cloven foot. 
 Here is what Mr. Letcher says: 
 
 When the Kansas territorial bill was under 
 consideration here, the editorial leader of the 
 present revolutionary party who wields the power 
 in this House— none other than Mr. Greeley, of 
 the New York Tribune— proclaimed that he would 
 rather see this Capitol '< blaze by the tdrch of the 
 incendiary," than that the Kansas bill should 
 become a law. 
 
 The following is an extract from one of hirf 
 many incendiary articles on this subject: 
 
 " VVe urge, therefore, unbending determination on the 
 part of the northern members hostile to this intolerable 
 outrage, and demand of them, in behalf of peace, in behalf 
 of freedom, in behalf of justice and humanity, resistanea 
 to Uie last. B.etter that confusion should ensue— better that 
 discord should reign in the national councils— ic«cr tha 
 Congress should break up in wild disordt-r-^ay, hi-lter that 
 the Capitol itsclj should bla^e by thctorch of the incendiary, 
 or fall and bury alliLs inmates beneath its crumbling ruins, 
 
he could spare for such things, and felt that he 
 was now called upon to contribute means to arm 
 men and send them out to fight. He continued 
 to urge at length the necessity for bold action. 
 He quoted from speeches of Mr. Atchison, and 
 Mr. Rives of Virginia, to prove that the South 
 had declared they would never give up Kansas 
 until they were forced to give up slavery. He 
 had also better authority for this, and one which 
 none in this convention would dispute. He had 
 a letter from their own candidate for the Presi- 
 dency, Colonel Fremont, who declared the same 
 thing. Mr. Smith continued to speak of the ag- 
 gressions of the South, and said he only hoped to 
 hear of a collhlon al Topeka ; that he only desired 
 to hear of a collision with the Federal troops, and 
 that northern men had fallen, and then he icould hear 
 of northern States arraying themselves against the 
 Federal Government; and would that be the end? 
 Jfo ! Mssowi ivould be the next battle-field, and 
 then slavery would be driven to the wall. Her 
 strength is only apparent; it consists half in 
 northern cowards and doughfaces. It has been 
 brave and rampant only because the North has 
 Hed before it. It will run when the North faces 
 it. He believed the time had come to use physical 
 force. If the convention thought, with Governor 
 Reeder, that such was not the fact, with all re- 
 spect, he could have no sympathy with it. 
 
 Governor Reeder replied* that he was not in 
 favor of waiting because they had not received 
 wrongs enough, but thought it right to wait until 
 they could strike an effective blow. If it remained 
 with him to use the power of the Government, he 
 would not have waited thus long, but the oppress- 
 ors, before this, tvould have been converted into 
 heaps of dead men on the fields of Missouri; but lie 
 was willing to wait till to-morrow, or two to- 
 morrows. Whenon the trail of the enemy, against 
 whom he had a deadly hate, he would follow him 
 with cat-like tread, and would not strike until he 
 could strike him dead. He was, therefore, will- 
 ing to wait until they had the power he^would 
 thus have used. He did not wish *to give the 
 South notice of their intentions by marching 
 armed men into the Territory. The dragoons 
 couldgo in as voters, or to cultivate the soil, and strike 
 when the right time arrived. When the right time 
 came to strike, he wanted the South to have the 
 first notice of the blow in the blow itself. The 
 free-State party take the ground that they will 
 exhaust all peaceful remedies; and that done, 
 they will resist to the death, and pile the soil the 
 Constitution no longer protects with heaps of 
 their oppressors. 
 
 Gerrit Smith thoughtif this chain of reasoning 
 were correct, then the convention should sit with 
 closed doors and not pass resolutions to raise one 
 hundred thousand dollars a month. The South 
 would be'silly if they did not know this money 
 was to be raised for the purpose of doing some- 
 thing with it. 
 
 Near the close of the proceedings a collection 
 was taken up. 
 
 Gerrit Smith contributed FIFTEEN HUN- 
 DRED DOLLARS A MONTH DURING 
 THE WAR— filling up a check on the State 
 bank of Albany for the first installment. 
 
 Mr. Whitman, of Kansas Territory, moved 
 that a fund of :j<i25,000 be raised, to be loaned in 
 sums not exceeding $200 to settlers in Kansas, 
 to enable them to secure their preemption claims 
 at once. 
 
 Governor Reeder entirely approved of the sug- 
 gestion for loaning money to settlers to enable 
 them to pay for land, but thought that it would 
 answer the purpose to recommend the subject to 
 the notice of capitalists in various cities, who 
 would find such investments profitable ones. 
 He moved an amendment to that effect, which 
 was carried. 
 
 Governor Reeder read to the convention the 
 report from Kansas of the dispersion of the Ter- 
 ritorial Legislature by Colonel Sumner, and re- 
 marked, at the close, that he was sorry that the 
 Legislature had not waited till driven out at the 
 point of the bayonet. [Cheers.] 
 
 Mr. L. R. Noble asked how many troops _ 
 there were, belonging to the United States, in " 
 Kansas ? 
 
 Governor Reeder said, about six hundred. 
 
 Mr. Noble. And how many in the entire 
 Army of the United Siltes? 
 
 Governor Reeder. I believe fifteen thousand. 
 
 Mr. Noble. I learn from a friend near me that 
 they can't send more than ten thousand men into 
 Kansas; and so, I say, let us go on. 
 
 Gerrit Smith desired to see^lhe contributions 
 continued. 
 
 A delegate said he would give one hundred 
 men who did not fear the devil; and, like Crom- 
 well, would praise God, and keep their powder 
 dry. 
 
 Gerrit Smith thought funds were wanted first, 
 and hoped to see the collections go on. 
 
 No other subscriptions, however, were re- 
 ceived. 
 
 [From the Washington Union.] 
 Tlie Uase Conspiracy Confessed. 
 
 'V\^ give below a most remarkable exposition 
 of the insidious designs of the Black Republicans, 
 taken from the Detroit Free Press.' It confirms, 
 beyond all question, the charge which again and 
 again we have made, that the hue and cry about 
 Kansas was a miserable electioneering hypocrisy, 
 invented and kept alive by a set of dishonest dem- 
 agogues, who seek, by sectional agitation and ex- 
 citement, so to intlame and poison the public mind 
 as to Ifeecure the election of their automaton candi- 
 date, John C. Fremont. This exposure deserves 
 to be published in every honest journal in the land, 
 as it should be read by every honest-minded voter, 
 for it gives the only true explanation of the thou- 
 sand and one raw-head-and-bloody-bones outrages 
 which have been hawked over the length and 
 breadth of the land. It contains evidence which 
 should convince every honest man of the desper- 
 ate recklessness of the Black Republican party, 
 of its utter want of every principle of honesty, 
 patriotism, or truth; that they are not only will- 
 ing, but actually have, with deliberation and pre- 
 meditation, instigated, paid,' and equipped a set 
 of lawless marauders to invade the Territory of 
 Kansas with fire and sword; to burn, pillage, 
 and murder, if need be, and all for the mere pur- 
 pose of raising a disturbance sufficient to procure 
 the election of John C. Fremont. 
 
 On Saturday we published the following tele- 
 graphic dispatch, dated St. Louis, Septembers: 
 
 " Private advices from Kansas state tliat, on Tuesdah 
 last, every free-State man was driven from Leavenworty 
 at the point of tlie bayonet, and all their properly destroyed 
 or confiscated. Mr. Phillips, the correspondent of the New 
 York Tribune, and his brother, we?e killed. The house of 
 the former, and the store of Uie latter, were burucd. it W 
 
strid Mr. Phillips fired from his house and killed two pro- 
 slavery men. Forty sufferers arrived here to-day entirely 
 destitute. Fuller particulars to-morrow." 
 
 The same dispatch appeared in the New York 
 Tribune of Saturday, which paper of that day- 
 says in its editorial columns: 
 
 " Our correspondent at St. Louis appears to he under the 
 impression that the Mr. Phillips who, with his brother, has 
 been shot, is the special Kansas correspondent of the Trib- 
 une, whose death has long been an avowed object anion" 
 the Missouri ruffians. This, however, is a mistake. Our 
 Mr. Phillips recently left the Territory for a brief visit to 
 the States, and on the day of the battle he was in this city. 
 He is now returning, and will soon be at his post a^ain in 
 Kansas." , 
 
 He was in this city on Friday, and came into 
 Qur office, mistaking it for one of the Black Re- 
 publican newspaper offices. He introduced him- 
 self as the Kansas correspondent of the New 
 York Tribune, on his return to the Territory. 
 Without dispelling his illusion, we asked him 
 " if U was probable such a row could be got up 
 in Kansas as would subserve the Republican 
 cause, and aid the election of Fremont.'" He 
 said, " Yes, that is the intention, and I think we 
 shall succeed; our plans are well laid, and can 
 scarcely fail. We are determined that the icar 
 shall last until JsTovember, of whatever cost. I shall 
 be in Kansas in ten days, and I have instructions 
 in my pocket for Colonel Lane." We asked him 
 some other questions, which he answered with 
 singular frankness, disclosing a conspiracy of the 
 Black Republican leaders regarding Kansas more 
 heinous and villainous, we verily believe, than 
 any conspiracy ever before hatched. When we 
 informed him that he had entered the wrong pew 
 —that he was in the office of a Democratic, and 
 not of a Black Republican paper— that he had 
 been addressing a Buchanan, and not a Fremont 
 man— he was struck dumb with amazement, from 
 which he did not instantly recover. When he 
 did recover, he muttered something inaudibly, 
 and incontinently fled. 
 
 The information thus obtained assures us pos- 
 itively of things we have not at any time doubted. 
 It assures us that there have been but few diffi- 
 culties in Kansas that were not the result of plans 
 deliberately laid by Black Republican confeder- 
 ates, and deliberately executed by the agents of 
 these confederates; and it assures us tlfat pro- 
 vision has been made of men and money by which 
 Kansas will, if it be possible, be kept in the most 
 terrible state of turmoil during this month and 
 the next, for the sole purpose of exasperating the 
 northern mind and affecting the presidential elec- 
 tion. 
 
 We have no language to express abhorrence of 
 the plotrevealed. Isitnotabominable, atrocious, 
 hellish.' Could pirates be guilty of anything 
 worse? Could devils concoct a more damnable 
 scheme .' Civil war is instigated, innocent blood 
 IS shed— all in pursuance ot' caucus arrangement 
 —to influence the pending political contest! and 
 such creatures as this Phillips are employed by 
 the New York Tribune to chronicle the deeds of 
 death actually committed, and to manufiicture 
 "outrages "having no foundation in point of fact ! 
 When will the people see this Kansas business 
 in Its true light.' 
 
 [From the Union.] 
 
 A Challenge Accepted. 
 
 " A more truly patriotic body of men never assembled in 
 tliis_coimtry than the convenUon which nominated John C. 
 
 Fremont and William L. Dayton ; and when the Union de- 
 clares that some of its prominent ^ctors were men who had 
 been boldest in avowing disunion sentiments, it makes a 
 most unwarrantable and reckless statement. We challenge 
 the Union to designate a prominent actor in that conven- 
 tion, or even one member of it, however huinhle, who has 
 avowed disunion sentiments. It cannot do it. The charge 
 is utterly false."— Genera? jTames Watson JFebb. ' 
 
 We pass over the assertion that the Philadel- 
 phia convention was a " patriotic body of men" 
 as one of those patent falsehoods which need no 
 answer. General Webb was a prominent actor 
 in that convention, and would hardly fail to 
 trumpet his own patriotism. But the gallant joa- 
 triot challenges u^ to designate one member of the 
 convention who has avowed disunion sentiments. 
 As Nathan said unto David, so say we unto Gen- 
 eral Webb— Thou art the man! Read what you 
 said in the Philadelphia convention, General 
 Webb, amidst the loud cheers of the delegates: 
 "They ask us to give them a nomination which, when 
 put fairly before the people, will unite public sentimenf, 
 and, through the ballot-box, will restrain and repel this pro- 
 slavery extension, and this aggression of the slaveocracy. 
 What else are they doing.' They tell you that they are 
 wdlnig to abide by the ballot-box, and willing to make that 
 the last appeal. Jfwc fail there, what theni rVewilldrivc 
 it b ack, sword in hand, and, so help me God ! believing that 
 to be rizht, I am with tlicm. [Loud cheers, and crfes of 
 'Good!']" 
 
 A Traitor to His God and Conntry. 
 
 The New York Tribune highly eulogizes the 
 eloquence and patriotism of Mr. Burlingame. 
 Will the Tribune publish the following extract 
 from a speech recently delivered by its favorite? 
 
 " THE TLMES DEMAND AND WE MUST HAVE AN 
 ANTI-SLAVERr CONSTITUTION, AN ANTI-SLA- 
 VER 5f BIBLE, AND AN ANTI-SLAVEUy GOD." 
 
 [From the Union.] 
 Tlie Voice of the People on Treason in Con- 
 gress and Treason in Kansas. 
 
 The veteran patriot. Genera! Cass, declared, in 
 his place in the Senate, that he " regarded this as 
 the most solemn crisis that had ever occurred in 
 the history of this country; and he hoped the 
 people would awake to a sense of the dangers to 
 which they were exposed from the spirit of sec- 
 tionalism that now controls the other House of 
 Congress before it should be too late." 
 
 At once the people are awakened to a sense of 
 the dangers which threaten. Already are they 
 beginning to vent their indignation upon the au- 
 thors of these perils. From every quarter of the 
 land the presses are teeming with denunciations of 
 the legislative treason. With one accord, and 
 almost without exception, the papers throughout 
 the country recognize a concert of action, cordial 
 cooperation, between the Black Rcpublicansinthe 
 House of Representatives and the Black Repub- 
 licans- in Kansas. They have a common aim, 
 and work to a common end. ^ 
 
 Under the headof " The Republican Neros," 
 the Providence Post says: * 
 
 " It is said tiiat Nero fiddled while Rome was burnine. 
 The Republican Neros at Washington have already outdone 
 the Nero of old. They not only laugh when revolution 
 '""• iniarchy are threatened, but they invite them to come. 
 (They court their presence as co-lahorersfor Fi imont ! They 
 refuse to vote a dollar to the Army of the United States, 
 now more than ever needed on the frontiers, unless the 
 appropriation can be coupled with a virtual repeal of the 
 criminal laws in Kansas. They thus plainly say to the 
 country, that unless they can open Kansas to every species 
 of outlawry, and expose its peaceable citizens to the rav- 
 
ages of the plunder! iigganss who have gone, and are going, 
 there from the North and the South— unless the incendia- 
 ry's torch can light up their villages, and the murderer's 
 rifle can proclaim its work to tlie inhabitants of the prai- 
 ries — unless cut-throats can stalk unmolested, and iiioffens- 
 iye women and children can welter in their own innocent 
 blood — unless, in short, the devilish appetite for outrage 
 which they have themselves created can be gratified v> the 
 veiy full, and civil war, with its ten thousand horrors, can 
 be spread over the country— one arirr, at least, of the iia- 
 lional defense shall be stricjsen down !" 
 
 After giving an account of the Ivansas wing 
 of the party of disunionists, the same paper 
 says: 
 
 "Take the facts here narrated in connection with the 
 action of the House of Representatives, and is it not plain 
 that the purpose of the Kepublicans is to involve the 
 
 WHOLE fOUNTRV IN CIVIL WAR, AKTER TVISG THE HANDS 
 
 OP THE Federal Government .'" 
 
 The Dayton Empire says: 
 
 "• The Bloody Work of AuoiiTioNisM and Disunion- 
 ism Commenced.— From the telegraphic dispatches in our 
 paper to-day, ourreaders will learn that the work of murder 
 :uid outrage, of civil war and treason, has been commenced 
 by Lane and his Abolition mercenaries and hirelings in 
 Kansas. They are making war against the United States, 
 rescuing prisoners from the hands of the United States au- 
 thorities, burning the dwellings of peaceable citizens, and 
 butchering those who lift a voice or a finger to stay them in 
 their treasonable, incendiarj', and bloody work. 
 
 " But the stain of outrage, and the blood of murdered 
 citizens, does not rest alone upon the villain Lane and the 
 wretches he commands ; it is upon the men who, Iw their 
 money, have collected and sent his force into Kansas, and 
 upon the men wTlo, by their sympathies and advice, have 
 sustained his treason and rebellion." 
 
 Speaking of the Kansas news, the Springfield 
 Argus says: 
 
 " And from the generality and e.ttent of the organization 
 ot' the Black Republican forces, it seems clear that they 
 have been organized on the assurance of their friends in 
 Congress that the Army bill should be defeated, and that 
 The signal for them to begin hostilities w.ls the adjournment 
 of Congress, after having tied the hands of the Ext-culive 
 so as to render liiin powerless to suppress insurreption ami 
 prevent bloodsiied. It is, thcrefoie, clear as day that the 
 Kepublicans meant to inaugurate civil war, and that the 
 attack on the opposite party was concerted at Washinston, 
 ijy the Black Republican majority in Congress. The defeat 
 ■of the Army bill was necessary to the success of their plans 
 of insurrection. The Black Republican House! did its i)art 
 by defeating the bill, and immediately its partisans in Kan- 
 sas lighted the flame of war. That their ultimate design is 
 :o involve the whole Union in a bloody fratricidal conflict 
 seems to be the only conclusion which can be drawn from 
 llieiracts." ****** 
 
 "Thus the traitors have already unmasked their desper- 
 ate designs. After this iris idle to deny that their aim is 
 to bring about a forcible disruption of the Union. The 
 nation is in danger from their fratricidal hands ! Let every 
 patriot come to the rescue !" 
 
 The Ohio Statesman, after reviewing the posi- 
 tion of the disunionists, says: 
 
 •' A factious and treasonable, though accidental majority 
 in the House of Jlepresentatives, seem resolved to continue 
 the civil war in Kansas, and to strike down tlie Army, that 
 tlie President shall not hav(! power to suppress that violence. 
 Rather than sufTer political <lefeat, they would spread the 
 •devastation of civil war all over the northern and southern 
 States. If the leaders of Black Republicanism could rally 
 men enough from the North, they would preeipiwte upon 
 the South the sansuinary horrors of forcible abolition in the 
 States. To that issue this party is rapidly tending by its 
 •ivery step. Remember, gentlemen, there are two parties 
 To that game, long before your hordes of deluded fanatics 
 can reach the southc^rn border. 
 
 ■' We hope yet that the bloodshed in Kansas shall at 
 once cease. 'IMiere is a constitutional and legal mode for 
 solving all issues eonsistmitly with peace and order. We 
 will go to any li>nu'th for that purpose. But, if nothing else 
 will do, if this Fremont party is bent on revolution and dis- 
 nnion, now that they foresee their certain doom in Novem- 
 ber, even so let them come. The Union will find friends 
 m the North, though the contest come in that shape. We 
 speak for the national Democracv of the North, and we 
 know the men. Let the Black KFpublicans, in the I^ou.se 
 of Representatives or out of it, look well to the ground on 
 which they stand." 
 
 This is strong language, but it is the only lan- 
 guage which the cour.se of the fanatics justifies. 
 We will only add one more extract from the 
 Brooklyn Gazette: 
 
 "The Abolition Partt at Work— Blood Flowing 
 IN Kansas. — For some weeks past there has been peace in 
 Kansas. No disturbance occurred, and the demon of dis- 
 cord seemed to have vacated the Territory. AH at once 
 the country is startled by repeated and wholesale murders, 
 and this time, at least, there is no attempt made to disguise 
 the fact that the murders were cold, unprovoked assassina- 
 tions, and are all the work of the ' holy rifle' disciples of 
 abolition." *** ***** 
 
 "These doings are incited, approved, and sanctioned by 
 the whole FrC-raontBlacJi Itepublican party, and by its ma- 
 jority ill the House of Representatives. Tliey have armed 
 and equipped Colonel Lane and his reckless gang, given 
 them their orders to rob, burn, and assassinate, and now 
 tie up the hands of the Government, th.^t it may be unable 
 to arrest the free-State marauders or protect their victims. 
 Their presses unanimously approve their recent outrages 
 in Kansas, and encourage the House to persist in refusing 
 to pass the appropriation for the Army, so that these pred- 
 atory bands may continue their depredations unmolested." 
 
 [From the Union.] 
 BlacU Republican Hypocrisy. 
 
 The Black Republican journals and orators, 
 dreading the consequences of their late attempt 
 at revolution, fearing lest the indignation of the 
 people may sweep them down in its wrath, ar« 
 resorting to every possible means to divert public 
 attention from their heinous filot. The cry of 
 " free Kansas" is again raised with redoubled en- 
 ergy. The " murdered nnartyrs in the holy cause 
 of freedom" grow like Falstalf's men in Kendall 
 Greci'i, at every enumeration. But they have 
 played the game of blood too often, and magni- 
 j fiod the truth too much, to deceive any longer an 
 I honest and intelligent people. Besides, we do not 
 ; intend they shall skulk from the responsibilities 
 of tlieir atrocious schemes of revolution, civil 
 war, and disunion. It is needless for them to 
 assert that their representatives only desired the 
 repeal of the " Draconian laws of Kansas." The 
 statement is false; they know it, and the country 
 knows it. The indisputable evidence is upon 
 record, that each and every one of , them voted against 
 taking np the Senate bill tchich contained a clause 
 repealing the obnoxious laws of Kansas. We have 
 [ already laid the whole bill before our readers; 
 I nevertheless, we reinsert the repealing clause: 
 "That, inasmuch as the Constitution of the United States 
 and the organic act of said Territory have secured to tire 
 'inhabitants thereof certain inalienable rights, of. which 
 they cannot be deprived by any legislative enactments, 
 j therefore no religious test shall ever be required as a qual- 
 I itication to any office or public trust; no law shall be in 
 I force or enforced in said Territory respecting an establish- 
 I mem of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof, 
 l^or abridging the freedom of speech or of the press, or of 
 j the right of the people peaceably to assemble and petition 
 j for the redress of grievances ; the right of the people to be 
 j secure in their persons, houses, andelVects, against unrea- 
 sonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no 
 j warrant shall issue but upon probable cause, supported by 
 oath or aflirmation, and particularly describing the place TO 
 be searched, and the person or things to be seized; nor shall 
 j the rights of the people to keep and bear arms be infringed. 
 No person shall be held to answer for a capital or otherwise 
 infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of 
 a grand jury ; nor shall any person be subject for the same 
 ofiense to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb, nor shall 
 be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against 
 himself, nor be deprived of lil'e, liberty, or proifcrty without 
 due process of law ; nor sliall private property be takenibr 
 public use without just compensation. In all criminal 
 prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy 
 and public trial by an impartial jury of the (iistrict wherein 
 the crime shall have been committed, which district shall 
 have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed 
 of the nature and cause of the accusation, to be confronted 
 with the witnesses against him, to have compulsory process 
 
of obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the assist- 
 ance of counsel for his defense. Xixc privilege of habeas 
 <:rirpus shall not be suspended unless wlien, in case of re- 
 bellion or invasion, the public safety may require it. In 
 suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall 
 exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be 
 preserved, and no fact tried by jury shall be otherwise re- 
 examined in any court of the United Slates than according 
 to the rules of comiiion law. Excessive bail shall not be 
 required,noroxcessivc fines imposed, norcruel and unusual 
 punishments inflicted. No lawsliail be made or have force 
 or elTect in said Territory which shall require a test oath or 
 oaths to support any act of Congress or other legislative 
 act as a qualification for any civil office or public trust, or 
 for any employment or profession, or to serve as a juror, or 
 vote at any election, or which shall impose any tax upon, 
 or condition to, the ffxereise of the riglit of suffrage by any 
 qualified voter, or which shall restrain or prohibit the free 
 discussion of any law or subject of legislation in the said 
 Territory, or tlie free expression of opiaion thereon by the 
 people of said Territory." 
 
 But this is only one among many of their acts 
 of hypocrisy and deception. Not only did they 
 refuse to take up this bill, with this clause re- 
 pealing the " Draconian code," thus giving their 
 official sanction to that code, but the false-hearted 
 hypocrites actually voted to establish slavery 
 IN THE Territory of Kansas — actually voted 
 FOR the fugitive SLAVE LAW, wliich they have 
 been abusing and denouncing, to the exhaustion 
 of their Billingsgate terms, which are by no 
 means few or delicate. 
 
 Here are the provisions for which every single 
 Black Republican in the House, except Mr. Letter, 
 of Ohio, voted: 
 
 " Provided, hotvever, That any person lawfully held to 
 service in said Territories shall not be discharged from such 
 service by such repeal and revival of said eighth section if 
 such person shall be permanently removed from such Ter- 
 ritory or Territories prior to the 1st day of January, 18.")8; 
 and any child or children born in eithei-of said Tterriiories, 
 of any female lawfully held to service, if in like manner 
 removed without said Territories before the expiration of 
 that date, shall not be, by reason of anything in this act, 
 emancipated from any service it might liave owed had this 
 aci never been passed. 
 
 " ^nd provided further, That any person lawfully held 
 to service in any other State or Territory of the United 
 States, and escaping into either the Territory of K.insas or 
 Nebraska, may be reclaimed and removed to the person or 
 place where such service is due, under any law of the 
 United States which shall be in force upon the subject." 
 
 We beg our readers to contrast the two pro- 
 visions. Read the one against which the Black 
 Republicans voted alongside of the one for which 
 they voted, which they voted through the House 
 aeer the heads of every national Democrat in that body; 
 then say who are the advocates of peace in Kan- 
 sas — who the advocates of the *' Draconian laws. " 
 
 But Mr. Leiter did not vote for the bill; and 
 why did he bolt from his whole party ? He has 
 answered that question for himself, and we give 
 him the benefit of his reply. It is as follows: 
 
 " We passed Dunn's bill for Kansas yesterday in a very 
 ctojectionablo manner. It has many good provisions, biit 
 extends the fui^itive slave law over Kuiisas and Nebraska, and 
 perpetuates slavery there until 18.')8, and mahes all children 
 horn therein up to that lime of slave iiiotlicrs slaves. This 
 was too much for me. ■ I have always said, and now repeat 
 my pledges, that I will never vote to rocoijnize slavery ; I 
 will never vote to make any human being a slave; I will 
 never vote to extend slavery one single foot ; I will never 
 vote for the fugitive slave law, or its e.vtension i)V(;r any free 
 tJJjrritory ; I therefore voted against Dunn's hill , HOtiT aV(Y 
 AND ALO.NE of all Our party." 
 
 We know that it is almost a hopeless task to 
 attempt to convince any Black Republican of the 
 falsehood and folly of the charges which the 
 leaders of that party arc daily manufacturing for 
 drculation; still, we think it well to keep flinging 
 the truth and the record in their faces, that the 
 people may not be deceived. We may give an 
 
 antidote, though we fear many of them are past 
 all cure. Many poor, deluded fanatics have re- 
 peated the falsehoods furnished them by their 
 masters — the Scwavds, Garrisons, Greeleys, et 
 ccbtera — until they really believe them. But the 
 people are neither blind nor corrupt, and to them 
 we appeal, offering the truth from the records as 
 our only argument. 
 
 We will remark, in conclusion, that we do not 
 believe that any one of the advocates of the pro- 
 viso for one moment thought that the President 
 had or hns the most distant intention to employ 
 the Army, in or out of Kansas, in enforcing any 
 unconstitutional laws, or otherwise using the mil- 
 itary force, except in the most legitimate and 
 justifiable manner, and for the maintenance of 
 peace and the just rights of all classes of citizens. 
 
 [From the New Vork Day Book.] 
 Blooclslied i]> ICnn.sa8. 
 
 It is the glory of our Democratic institutions 
 that, for eighty years — ever since their creation 
 — there has never been a capital conviction for 
 treason, or one drop of blood shed to sust.iin 
 them. While the wicked and rotten systems of 
 the Old World — the rule of classes, of kings, of 
 aristocrats, &c. — have armed one half of the pop- 
 ulation, and set them to cutting the throats of the 
 other half whenever they exhibited the slightest 
 desire for freedom, or to vindicate those rights of 
 manhood inherent in the very nature that God 
 himself gave them — while all Europe has often 
 been one vast battle-field, a very Golgotha of 
 blood, and crime and misery unutterable have 
 desolated the fair earth — we have enjoyed perfect 
 peace and boundless prosperity. Our Democratic 
 system, giving to every man his rights — his Nat- 
 ural rights — the rights that belong to his man- 
 hood — that are inherent — that, in short, are nat- 
 urally a part of himself, but which are denied or 
 stolen from him all over elsewhere, and thus, as in 
 England, left him only half a man, and often not 
 even as much as that — our system, thus natural 
 and truthful, hns worked out consequences the 
 most beneficent and glorious that have ever dawned 
 on the world's vision, or awakened the hopes of 
 its crushed and long-suffering millions. And at 
 no period in our history has there been such 
 boundless prosperity, such proud consciousness 
 of the national greatness, such high hopes of 
 future grandeur, and such universal hapjiiness, 
 as at this moment. But from the far West, on 
 the wings of the wind, comes the raven notes of* 
 discord and civil war; blood has been shed in 
 Kansas; there is a sjtain on the national banner; 
 the glorious old oriflamme of Democracy, which, 
 for eighty years, has waved so gently and peace- 
 fully over millions of contented freemen, is spotted 
 with the blood of brethren, and desecrated and 
 dishonored by treason. 
 
 Who are the traitors? Who are the vile and 
 miserable beings that thus dishonor the nation, 
 that thus disgrace the cause of Democracy, that 
 thus aim their felon blows at the life of the Union 
 and the bosoms of their brothers ? They should 
 be and they will be known. History will hand 
 them down to the latest posterity, and, though 
 personally utterly impotent and contemptible, 
 their names will be gibbeted by an immortality 
 of infamy. 
 
 Of the twenty or twenty-five millions of citi- 
 zens who compose this Rejiublic — this Union — 
 this grand Confederacy of freemen — there is not 
 
8 
 
 one single man whose rights or privileges, as 
 a man and citizen, are disturbed, or threatened, or 
 interfered with in any particular whatever, or 
 in the remotest possible degree Wliatever. This 
 is a truth — a fact — a demonstrable, unmistakable 
 fact — a fact which cannot be gainsayed or dis- 
 proved, or doubted; which no amount of Aboli- 
 tion falsehood or imposture can distort or dis- 
 guise a moment, when it is boldly and directly 
 thrust down their lying throats. What, then, is 
 the cause or pretense of the trouble in Kansas, 
 where no man's rights are outraged, where, as 
 an American citizen and freeman, he enjoys all 
 the rights of citizenship, all the Constitution 
 secures to him, all, in fact that nature and the 
 Almighty himself have given him? What, we 
 repeat, is the excuse or pretense for civil war in 
 Kansas? What impels men to shed the blood of 
 their brethren, or to risk their own lives — to raise 
 their parricidal hands against their country — to 
 disgrace their own Government, when not one 
 single right or privilege of citizenship is threat- 
 ened or interfered with in the remotest manner? 
 Well, there is a cause of pretense after all, and 
 though reason and common sense would never 
 even dream of such a thing — though patriotism 
 and the spirit of democracy would instantaneously 
 shrink from such a pretense — though nature and 
 the instincts of manhood should revolt with irre- 
 pressible and overwhelming disgust from such a 
 cause or excuse — nevertheless it exists, and it is 
 " nigger freedom !" 
 
 Briaish aristocrats, hopeless of all other modes 
 or means for breaking up the Ameiican Union, 
 and with it the destruction of democratic institu- 
 tions, long since turned their attention to, and 
 li^ed their hopes on, the negro element in our 
 midst. Their writers were set to work to prop- 
 agate the notion that the negro was a man like 
 ourselves, except in his color, and consequently j 
 that the social subordination of the negro was 
 slavery, immoral and monstrous; and British 
 statesmen brought the vast power of their Gov- 
 ernment — indeed, the whole- combined power of 
 European monarchism — to carry out the theories 
 of their writers, and force the whites, Indians, 
 and negroes of this continent to a common level. 
 Except Cuba, they have destroyed, neccssarilti 
 destroyed, the civilization of the whole of tropical 
 Arnerica, which their policy contemplates as the 
 future of avast negro barbarism, to be wielded 
 when the time comes for the fuin of south<;rn 
 • society, and the consequent destruction of Amer- 
 ican democracy; all, however, disguised under 
 the pretense of " philanthropy," and termed the 
 *' abdlition of slavery." But while devoting so 
 much time and money to this devil's work in the 
 tropics, they did not neglect other means essen- 
 tial to final success, and British agents and tools 
 have been at work for twenty years in forming a 
 party in our midst that would cooperate with 
 them in their infamous designs against the Amer- 
 ican Union, or, as their dupes and tools say, that 
 would assist them in the "abolition of slavery." 
 Wc do not mean to charge Colonel Fremont, 
 or the great body of his supporters, with unfaith- 
 fulness to our institutions. JIc has given the best 
 possible evidence of patriotism and love of coun- 
 try that a man can give; and no one has a right 
 to charge masses of men with treason. But that 
 a certain and active portion of his supporters — 
 those whom Sumner, Giddings, «fcc., lead and 
 represent — are traitors, British traitors, double- 
 
 dyed, and the meanest and most contemptible of 
 all possible traitors, or of all the traitors .ever 
 known on the face of the earth, we do not doubt 
 for a moment. They are debauched and de* 
 moralized, and denationalized by their British 
 and negro affiliations. They have read British 
 books, and imbibed British opinions, British feel- 
 ings, and even British prejudices; and if they 
 were to openly and honestly avow their real sen- 
 timents, they would say — as indeed not a few of 
 them do say — that they would rejoice in accept- 
 ing British institutions, if they could thus get rid 
 of "slavery;" or, in other words, they would go 
 for artificial distinctions among white men, in 
 order to affiliate or equalize with negroes. They 
 are the authors and getters up of the " civil war 
 in Kansas; and though themselves cowards — for 
 an Abolitionist, as Colonel Brooks says, ia per se, 
 and in the nature and necessities of things, a 
 coward — they strive with all their might to mis- 
 lead others, and induce them to shed the blood 
 of those they hate, with all the bitter malignancy 
 of a British monarchist, but have not manhood 
 enough themselves to face the consequences of 
 their mean vindictiveness. These are the men, 
 and this the cause of the Kansas troubles. They 
 are the dupes and tools of the enemies of our 
 institutions — the miserable toadies and flunkies 
 of British aristocrats — the emasculated and un- 
 manned " friends of freedom," or of free nigger- 
 ism; and when the delusion of the hour passes 
 away, and the northern masses comjirehend this 
 matter, the object and end of these Kansas trou- 
 bles, and understand how such poltroons and 
 traitors as Sumner and Burlingame, and their 
 vile associates, have betrayed and insulted them — 
 have sought to embroil tnem in a civil war with 
 their brethren — to shed the blood of their southern 
 brothers — to dishonor the nation, and for such a 
 " cause," for nigger freedom — to bring about a 
 hideous and revolting equality with negroes — 
 when, we repeat, the time comes, and these 
 things arc truly understood, the " friends of free- 
 dom" will be lynched as promptly and remorse- 
 lessly at the North as they now would be at the 
 South, should they venture their dishonored and 
 cowardly carcases within its borders. 
 
 [From the VVasliiii!;ton Union.] 
 I8 there Danger? 
 
 We are aware that, among a large mass of the 
 good and patriotic citizens of our land, there is a 
 stfong belief in the eternal stability of our noble 
 institutions — in the indestructibility of our be- 
 loved Union. The noblest and the basest motives 
 — the extremes of patriotism and treason — com- 
 bine to strengthen this belief. Those who love 
 the Union, who desire to see its blessings per- 
 petuated to all time, cherish the belief that it will 
 be so — that it is too deeply planted in the affec- 
 tions of the people for any human power to de- 
 stroy it. On the other hand, they who loathe 
 and abhor, who spurn and spit upon, the Union, 
 are in like manner zealous for the spread of this 
 overweening confidence in its stability.' They 
 would lull to rest the watchful jealousy of all 
 honest and patriotic people, that they may the 
 more eflfectively and securely work out their 
 treason. They hope to deceive the people, whom 
 they know they cannot corrupt. Time and again 
 have we warned the people of the treasonable 
 designs of these mad fanatics; and many there 
 are — good, sober-minded men — who have been 
 
9 
 
 aroused to a consciousness of the danger which 
 is almost upon us; yet there are many who meet 
 aJl apfieals to their patriotism, all exhortations to 
 their vigilance, with the constant cry of Peace! 
 Peace! when each day and hour brings new 
 proof that there is no peace; that unless the peo- 
 ple rise up in their might and majesty to drive 
 back the tide of fanaucism and disunion — to 
 scourge it from out tlrc borders of our land— there 
 can never more be peace. 
 
 Let it not be a reason and a reliance that, be- 
 cause we have escaped more than once, when 
 Uie wisest of our statesmen and the sternest of 
 our patriots believed we were on the verge of a 
 dissolution, that we shall escape now. Those 
 who would thus delude themselves should remem- 
 ber that we were saved then only by the might- ' 
 iest efforts of those great and good men. They ' 
 should likewise remember that one by one these ' 
 giant patriots have paid the great debt of nature, | 
 until scarce one is left to raise a protecting arm ! 
 ai-ound the Constitution; and, more than all, they ' 
 should remember that the few who remain of that ! 
 venerable band, with sad foreboding and earnest 
 supplications, are warning their countrymen of 
 the fate which must inevitably come upon our 
 Union, unless the people arouse themselves to its 
 defense. 
 
 Let 'our old men turn back their recollections to 
 early times, when a dissolution of the Union was 
 first agitated, and when it was considered trea- 
 son. The danger and the crime were so revolt- 
 ing that the instigators spoke of it in whispers, 
 juid scarcely dared to trust their own thoughts. 
 Let them look back to the war of 1812, when 
 political and sectional intolerance essayed its dis- 
 loyalty to the Union, and how sternly it was 
 rebuked by the insulted majesty of the people. 
 Let them remember when the subject of disunion 
 first invaded the Halls of Congress as a debatable i 
 idea, and how like treason it was treated. Let' 
 them trace how insidiously it gained a foothold ! 
 as a political element, and emboldened partisans 
 to repudiute the idea that crime attached to it. ' 
 Let tliem see how far we have departed from the 
 virtue and patriotism of our fathers, by turnino- 
 away from their pure example like procligal sons^. 
 Let them see how rank the growth of treason is 
 throughout the land, and the boldness with which 
 that name is blotted out, and its principles claimed 
 and practiced as virtues. Let not the people shut 
 Uieir eyes to the fact that a great sectional party is 
 struggling for the Presidency, and using every 
 measure that can provoke sectional prejudices, 
 aad endanger the integrity of the Union. Let 
 them not blink the fact, that this party avows 
 that it IS better that the " Union should slide " 
 than that their distinctive principles should not 
 triumph. Let them not forget that it has struck 
 from our national banner fifteen of its glorious 
 and consecrated stars. Let them look to the rev- 
 olutionary and disorganizing course of this party 
 during the last regular session of Congress, and 
 the called session. Let them mark how perse- 
 veringly they nrovoko civil war, and make it a I 
 stalking-horse 'over fields of blood, in pursuit of i 
 party power. 
 
 When we contemplate all these overt acts or 
 disloyalty to the Union, how can any unpreju- i 
 diced mind arrive at the conclusion the Union is t 
 safe and beyond the reach of treason > j 
 
 Shall we refuse to heed the rise and fall of na- 
 tooiis, and take no lessons from their teaching .>| 
 
 Republics, in the hands of the people, were of 
 the number, with no better fate than despotisn^s. 
 Our waning patriotism aad growing licentious- 
 ness give no encouragement to our faith or 
 strength to our hopes that we shall be blessed 
 with long life and abundant prosperity. 
 
 Why is it that the monarchies and despotisms 
 of the Old World are at this hour chuckling at 
 our discord, and felicitating their iron grasp on 
 civil and religious liberty, that our Union is shak- 
 ing to its foundation ? The London Times is ex- 
 ultant; and the London Chronicle speaks thus: 
 I ••■ We should be sorry to see Mr. Cuchanfiii elected, be- 
 , cause he is in ^avarorpre^servillg the obnoxious institutions 
 as ttioy exist, and the unity of the States. There is no safety 
 for European monarchical government if the progressive 
 spirit of the democracy of the United States is allowed to 
 succeed. Elect Fremont, and the first blow to the separa- 
 tion oj the United States U effected!" ' 
 
 ,The Paris Moniteur, the official organ of the 
 Emperor, says: 
 
 '' Our sympathies are entirely with Colonel Fremont . 
 If e hope to see no extemion of the Democratic jirinciples m 
 the United Stales. It is dangerous to Earoaean Govern- 
 ments." 
 
 These Governments are watching us with 
 sleepless vigilance, and they know our condition 
 minutely and thoroughly. They .see our danger ; 
 and if they can move a finger to provoke it, it 
 will be done. 
 
 In conclusion, we ask the country to wake up 
 to its true condition, and save the rich heritage of 
 our fathers from the dangers that environ it, and 
 be not cheated by those who cry Peace ! Peace ! 
 when there is no peace. 
 
 [From the Union.] 
 
 Tha Black Ucpublicans intend to Dissolve the 
 
 Union. 
 
 When we see a man. strike at his fellow-man 
 with a knife, we take the action to be proof of 
 the intention to murder, and reject the denial of 
 the offender. If we discover the felon who is 
 applying the torch to his neighbor's dwelling, 
 though the fire may die out, or be extinguished 
 by the hand of a better man, we accuse the per- 
 petrator of being an incendiary, and would not 
 take the excuse, if he were to make it, that he 
 was only trying an experiment to see whether his 
 matches were good, and that he intended at the 
 right time to put out the fire himself.- But we 
 would not believe kirn. , 
 
 The truth is a conviction of the mind which is 
 compulsory. There is no pretense ; no affectation ; 
 there IS nothing artificial about it, and the mind 
 is satisfied by demonstration, and but one con- 
 clusion can follow. Therefore xve do not believe the 
 excuse of the felon taken in the act. In other words, 
 the truth prevails, and it is mighty, simply because 
 Its moral power cannot be resisted. This is the 
 law which our Creator has implanted in the hu- 
 man mind. When we apply these rules to the 
 conduct of the Black Republican party, our con- 
 clusions will be no less certain, and our judgment 
 will be equally just. 
 
 With this programme, let us see how they will 
 abide the test of summing up. 
 
 In the very initiative of this canvass for -the 
 Presidency they drew a sectional line, and did 
 not seem even to be disturbed by the first emoUon 
 of a desire to pass beyond its limits. Tlicir ear- 
 liest allies were among the wildest Abolitionists, 
 who affected to despise and denounce the Bible, 
 and not less to spurn the Union of these States, 
 
10 
 
 and to proclaim its early dissolution. To add to 
 t'iis, their favorite young leader, Mr. Banks, 
 be^an the campaign with a very significant an- 
 nouAcement in the imperative mood — " Let the 
 Union slide." He now holds the highest office 
 which, since that time, has been within their gift. 
 His power with them, from that hour, has never 
 lessened, bat has been increased, and at this 
 moment he iv' the iriaster spirit of their combi,- 
 nation. 
 
 Between him and the other young and ardent 
 Catilines of their secret councils, and between ' 
 them and an old a»d arch-lraitor from the Dem- ; 
 ocratic ranks, who once edited its organ, the 
 project was conceived of planning & sectional 
 party which should not be offended by the intro- 
 duction of a single national element. By being 
 made exclusive, it was believed that it would be 
 of easier control, and would be susceptible of a 
 more intense excitement and concentration. The 
 plot once matured, tliey looked out for some wild, I 
 reckless, and daring adventurer, around whom I 
 there might be just mystery enough to inflame | 
 curiosity, and a notoriety sufficient to have made 
 his name familiar. It was r.ot material to them 
 whether he should be the equal of iNIungo Park, 
 or that he should have the profound philosophy ! 
 of Humboldt. It would be enou^'h that they ! 
 could swear him to be the rival of both, and I 
 as having some graces for speculation, cither in 
 politics, religion, morals, or finance, of which 
 ihey could not clann an equal knowledge and as 
 high a reputation. But in him must be found at j 
 least one single feature, which should be like and ' 
 peculiar to their sworn affiliation. The machia- 
 vselian teacher in politics, who deserted the Dem- 1 
 ocrats because they would no longer patronize him, | 
 and whose experience and dexterity fitted him for I 
 the task of a prime coutiselor, might supply the j 
 ways and means for that. The pupil was, there- [ 
 fore, early advised of the importance of being put 
 into communication with the rebellious and dis- 
 organizing spirits of Kansas; and beUeving him- 1 
 self to be a hopeful aspirant for becoming a Chief j 
 ^Magistrate, he soon found occasion to express 
 in a formal letter to the bogus Governor Robin- 1 
 son, of Kansas, his deep sympathies for the work ; 
 of abolition and disunion, which was then pro- 
 gressing in that ill-fated Territory, under the 
 Christian and generous auspices of the Emigrant 
 Aid Society of Massachusetts. Such was the 
 process of preparation, and John C. Fremont 
 becaiTie a fit candidate for the Black Republican 
 nomination. In sketching this brief notice of the 
 preparation which that party was making to 
 wiold, if possible, successfully, the knife against 
 a brother, and for using the torch to destroy a 
 neighbor, we must not forget the episode which 
 was enacted in the progress of the scene. The 
 name of John McLean, a justice of the Supreme 
 Court of the United States, was brought forward 
 by some personal friends for the favor and con- 
 jidcnce of the Black Republicans. But, unhap- 
 pily, the letter which he wrote scaled his fate, in 
 that he expressed his devotion to the Union, and 
 intimated something which seemed to be intended 
 tq moan that a just administration of the affairs 
 of the Government should be carefully guarded. 
 His doom was fixed. His name, if not actually 
 spurned from the Black Republican convention, 
 . was rejected in a manner which evinced the dis- 
 gust of the leaders, and their impatience of any 
 delay at proceeding to the consummation of their 
 
 I projects. His youthful rival, a citizen of New 
 I York or California, as he might elect, was nom- 
 1 inated as their candidate for President. A citizen 
 j of New Jersey was placed on the ticket for 4he 
 \ Vice Presidency. After this achievement, it was 
 not long until thcjlag of sixteen stars was hoisted 
 j as an emblem of the party. With this flag, and 
 the battle-cry of that other youthful and talented 
 leader — " Let the Union slide" — the party have 
 1 entered the contest before the whole American 
 people, but only seeking the votes of the northern 
 States. At the very next step we find the same 
 party, in one solid mass, in the House of Repre- 
 sentatives, refusing the annual supplies for the 
 , support of the Army. We have heretofore ex- 
 j plained the consequences of this act to be the 
 virtual disbanding of the troops, the disorganiza- 
 I tion of the Government, civil war, and the final 
 I dissolution of the Union. They have proceeded 
 I in a regular gradation of acts, beginning at an 
 I early day, to prepare everything, to have each 
 ! man placed in a suitable position, in which he 
 was to play his part, and having the party thor- 
 ougly drilled for the final accomplishment of their 
 j conspiracy. 
 
 j The full development of that conspiracy has 
 now been inade. 
 
 The proof is as clear as that he who strike* 
 
 ! with his knife at his fellow-man intends murder — 
 
 I as clear as that he who applies the torch to his 
 
 ; neighbor's dwelling is an incendiaiy. The truth 
 
 ' stands out before us in illuminated letters; the 
 
 conviction upon the mind is resistless; and before 
 
 the great American people we arraign the Black 
 
 Republican party of being guilty of conspiracy 
 
 against the Union, and designing to accomplish 
 
 their wicked purposes byinvolving the North and 
 
 the South in civil war. 
 
 We have rapidly traced the conception and 
 progress of their plot, and, with this indictment 
 against them, we appeal to the patriotic men of 
 An\erica — especially do we appeal to our northern 
 brethren, who have the power to strangle these 
 ambitious conspirators before they shall have 
 attained such gigantic proportions as shall be be- 
 yond their strength. We ask our northern coun- 
 trymen whether they are willing that a dissolu- 
 tion of this Union shall take place ? Will you 
 cast your votes for a party who will bathe the 
 banner of their country in the blood of its citi- 
 zens ? Are you prepared for the fire to be applied 
 to the dwelling of one single family, or the sword 
 to be plunged into the breast of a solitary citizen ? 
 Robbery, too, will riot in wanton cruelty through- 
 out the land, and all the calamities of which you 
 have heard and read, that have befallen other 
 nations, will come upon us. It is with mad am- 
 I bition like this that other countries have been 
 destroyed; and you, who are the most blessed 
 1 and prosperous people on the earth, can, if you 
 i will, save yourselves. It is with you of the 
 North to say, shall this be done ? Remember 
 your kindred are everywhere over this broad 
 land. The man of Maine can rise up and say 
 my brother and his children dwell in the far 
 South; and he of the South can likewise claim 
 i that his father and his mother, and a host of his 
 kindred, are in the North. Shall this war amongst 
 brethren come upon ua, and be worse than pesti- 
 lence or famine ? 
 
 We are fully aware of the responsibility of our 
 position, and we do not make this appeal lightly. 
 We see and know the danger by which we we 
 
11 
 
 ■surrounded; and, knowing it, we feel it our duty 
 to declare it, to warn our countrymen, to appeal 
 to ttiem as men, as brothers, and as patriots; and 
 if our brethren of the North are true to their own 
 interests, to the affections of their hearts, to the 
 ties which bind them to country and to kindred, 
 with one great effort they will hurl to the dust 
 the conspirators who now, with their ambitious 
 projects, threaten the dissolution of this Union. 
 
 [From the New York Day Book.] 
 The Democratic Position. 
 
 There never was a Presidential canvass where 
 the Democratic position was so distinct and pos- 
 \trve as at the present time, and yet, strange 
 enough, there never has been a canvass where 
 the real issue involved was so misrepresented and 
 so misunderstood. The position is non-inteiTen- 
 tion — that Congress shall not intervene or meddle 
 with so-called sla%'ery. That is all— exactly all 
 — the whole question, and it would seem so plain, 
 and so reasonable, and so just to " North" and 
 ■" South," and all classes and conditions of our 
 people, that not one single citizen should be or 
 would be opposed to it. 
 
 The Democratic idea necessarily leads to this 
 position. Democracy is equality — not a forced 
 or factitious equality, or an equality brought 
 about by legal enactments, or that assumes to 
 compel the wise and foolish, the moral and im- 
 moral, the good and the bad, to stand together on 
 a common level, but that leaves all men perfectly 
 free to ascend or to descend in the social scale 
 just as they please, or just as their industry, cul- 
 tivation, moral worth, or usefulness to their fel- 
 lows merit. It assumes that all men are naturally 
 equal, and therefore entitled to equal rights as 
 well as equally responsible for the due perform- 
 ance of common duties; and with unbounded 
 confidence in the intelligence and virtue of the 
 people, the Democratic party holds tkat govern- 
 ment the best which governs the least. Or, in other 
 words, it trusts to the individual man rather than 
 the machine called the Government, and always 
 labors to enlarge the sphere of action to the 
 former, and to circumscribe it in the case of the 
 latter. Thus, from the beginning of the national 
 existence, or from the day of its organization, 
 the Democracy have labored to reform and sim- 
 plify the machinery of government in the 'States, 
 and in respect to national politics, have strictly 
 eonstrued the Federal Constitution and confined 
 the Federal power to the few objects designed by 
 its founders. That the Federal Government has 
 no right whatever to legislate on the subject of 
 so-called slavery in the national Territories, ex- 
 cept to protect the rights of property that may 
 attach or be involved in that subject, would seem 
 to be so self-evident and unmistakable, that no 
 one would have the folly or the audacity to dis- 
 pute it, nor indeed would any one assume such 
 an absurd position, if it were not for the wide- 
 spread ignorance and misconception which pre- 
 vail. 
 
 The Constitution defines, with perfect exact- 
 ness, the extent of the Federal power in respect 
 to " slavery." It provides for the indirect rep- 
 resentation of the negro, or «' slave" population, 
 and the restoration of " fugacious" or abscond- 
 ing "slaves." That is all; and in everything 
 else touching this negro, or "slave" population, 
 CoBgress or the Federal Government is as wholly 
 
 j and completely disconnected as it is with the serf- 
 ; dom of Russia or the industrial slavery of Eng- 
 : land. 
 
 I And aside from the constitutional question, or 
 when the subject is contemplated from a merely 
 moral view, there is something absolutely infa- 
 mous in the assumption of a northern party to 
 exclude the " South "from the common territory. 
 The federation of Status is accidentally composed 
 of two great sections with seemingly widely 
 separated and opposing social systems, though 
 in point of fact there is no conflict or contradTc- 
 tion whatever. The "South" has an inferior 
 race, which demands, of course, a corresponding 
 social adaptation. The " North," with a homo- 
 geneous population, presents, on the surface of 
 things, quite a different aspect, of course. But 
 while this external appearance varies so widely, 
 there is no conflict whatever; and if a Republi- 
 can, or Abolitionist, or Traitor, or British tool, 
 or whatever he should be called in reahty, were 
 to live a thousand years, and had the intellectual 
 power of a Webster, he could give no one single 
 sound reason for excluding so-called " slavery" 
 from the national Territories. 
 
 If the " South" were to assume to exclude the 
 " North" from the Territories, it would bethought 
 a great a.bsurdity, but it would be less absurd, 
 and infinitely less unjust than this assumption 
 I of the " North," or of a party at the " North," 
 to exclude the "South." The latter mainly 
 acquired the Territorie.s. It was the Jefl'ersons, 
 and Monroes, and Tylers, and Polks of the South 
 that acquired these Territories, and directly in the 
 teeth of the very party and very men at the North 
 who now claim the right to monopolize them. If 
 the South were to combine together and say, " we 
 , think our system of society, composed of supe- 
 rior and inferior races, organized on the basis of 
 j their natural relations, the best adapted to human 
 I well-being— that it, and it alone, has thus far, at 
 least, secured the liberty and practical equality of 
 our own race, while it has worked out an equally 
 relative good in the inferior race, and, therefore 
 as we mainly acquired the national Territories, 
 we shall insist on extendilig our beneficent social 
 system, and northern men coming into the Terri- 
 tory, must bring negro servants with them, or we 
 will exclude them;" if, we repeat, the South were 
 to talk thus, it would be, however absurd it may 
 seem, infinitely less unjust than that which the 
 Sewards and Sumners assume to do in this matter. 
 But the " South" assumes no such position. It 
 does not wish to exclude from the national Ter- 
 ritories any portion of the northern people. It is 
 willing that even those who opposed their acqui- 
 sition shall enjoy them, and be protected in them 
 in all their rights as American citizens. 
 
 It does not ask Congress to give it any especial 
 or additional right in the Territories. It demands 
 only "hands ofT" — that the Constitution be 
 strictly construed — that the common Govern- 
 ment— its own Government — the very Govern- 
 ment that its own sons created, or mainly created, 
 shall not be converted into an engine of oppres- 
 sion, or wielded to exclude southern men from 
 Territories which they themselves acquired. 
 
 The northern Democracy, who have always 
 acted harmoniously and kindly with their south- 
 ern brethren, are, of course, anxious and willin* 
 to stand by the South— to admit claims so jasl 
 and moderate— to rely upon *strict construction 
 of the Federal Consutution— to confine the Fed- 
 
12 
 
 erel Government within its well-defined limits — 
 to keep it from interfering with the subject of 
 " slavery" — in short, to prevent those who op- 
 posed the acquisition of the Territories from 
 excluding any portion of the people who may 
 desire to settle in tliem. That is the position of 
 the Democratic party — a position of simple non- 
 intervention — and it would seem so plain and un- 
 mistakable, that no one would have the hardihood 
 to deny it, or the folly to try to controvert it. 
 
 But back of all this is another question, or 
 rather another difficulty. It is admitted at the 
 North that so-called " slavery," or the social re- 
 lations of southern society, is wrong, immoral, 
 unnatural — in short, slavery; and thus the whole 
 question is given up at the start, and the vile 
 creatures who, consciously or unconsciously, are 
 doing the work of British aristocrats and Euro- 
 pean monarchists, the Giddings, Sumners, Hales, 
 &c., and assume to exclude the " South" frorTi 
 Kansas, appear to the northern people honest and 
 patriotic citizens, who desire to save the Terri- 
 tories from an admitted evil. If the vail that now 
 blinds the North were lifted, and the people could 
 see this thing as it really is, or if means were 
 taken to enlighten the northern mind on the sub- 
 ject of " slavery >" the Burlingames and Greeleys 
 would be lyncned by the very crowds that now 
 so clamorously cheer them as patriots and 
 " friends of freedom." And whatever the imme- 
 diate resultof the present misconception and de- 
 lusion of the North, the time will come when not 
 one single man within its broad limits will ac- 
 knowledge himself such a fool, or such a knave, 
 or such a contemptible tool of the enemies of 
 democracy, as to assume to exclude any portion 
 of our people from the common territory, or to 
 deny the perfect soundness and truthfulness of 
 the Democratic position of non-intervention. 
 
 Black Republican Convention. 
 
 The following are some of the sentiments of 
 tlte members of the Black Republican Abolition 
 Convention that nominated Fremont: 
 
 JOHN p. HALE 
 
 was there, the Abolition carfdidate for President 
 against Scott and Pierce, in 1852. What is his 
 record? On the 7th of February, 1850, he pre- 
 sented, insisted upon, and, along with Chase 
 and Seward alone, voted to receive, refer, and 
 consider a petition demanding of Congress " an 
 immediate dissolution of the Union," because a 
 union with slaveholders is violative of divine law 
 and human rights. On the 23d of March, 1848, 
 he presented a batch of eighty petitions at once, 
 demanding the same thing. 
 
 SALMO>f p. CHASE. 
 
 vras there by letter, and originally a candidate — 
 afterwards a zealous supporter of Fremont for 
 nomination. For his record, let the columns of 
 tlie Dayton Journal, last fall, answer. He is an 
 original old-line Abolitionist, in favor of negro suf- 
 frage and negro equality; opposed to constitutional 
 provisions for the rendition of fugitive slaves; in 
 ' favor of excluding ail slaveholders from office; 
 believes that slavery in the Stales would not con- 
 tinue a year after the accession of the anti-sla- 
 very party to power; and thinks that it ought to 
 be abolished by the constitutional power of Con- 
 gress and tlie State Legislatures. 
 
 WILLIAM H. SEWARD 
 
 was there, first as a candidate, and afterwards as 
 one of Fremont's warmest supporters. Indeed, 
 it is well known that toChase, Seward, and Gree- 
 ley, Fremont is mainly indebted for his nomina- 
 tion; they defeated McLean. "When Henry 
 Wilson mentioned the name of Seward," says 
 the correspondent of the Pittsburg Gazette, *' the 
 whole convention arose to its feet, gave the Sen- 
 ator three times three, and he would have been 
 nominated for President by acclamation." And 
 no\\«hcar him on sectional parties: 
 
 "Slavery is not, and never can be, perpetual. It will be 
 overthrown either peacefully and lawfully under this Con- 
 stitution, or it will work the subversion of the Constitution 
 together with its own overthrow. The House of Kepre- 
 sentatives is already yours ; it always must be wlien you 
 choose to have it. The Senate of the United States*ls 
 equally within your power, if you will only worli persist- 
 ently for two years. Notwithstanding all the wrong that 
 has been done, not another slave State can now come into 
 the Union. Make only one year's constant decisive eflbrt, 
 and you can determine what State shall be admitted. 
 
 " It is written in the Constitution of tlie United Stales 
 that five slaves shall count equal to three freemen, as a 
 basis of representation ; and it is written, also, in violation « 
 of tlie Divine law, that we shall surrender the fugitive 
 slave. You blush not at these things, because they are as 
 famili.ar as household words." * * * * 
 
 " There is a higher law than the Constitution which regu- 
 lates our authority over the domain." * * "It(slavery1 
 can and must be abolished, and you and I must do it." * 
 * * " Correct your own error, that.slaverj' has constitu- 
 tional guarantees which may not be released, and ought 
 not to be relinquished." * * " You will soon bring the 
 parlies of the country into an effective aggression upon sla- 
 very." 
 
 BENJAMIN F. WADE 
 
 is a supporter of Fremont, and a leader of the 
 party. Hear him: 
 
 " He thought there was but one issue before the people, 
 and that was the question of American slavery. lie said 
 the Whig party is not only dead, but stinks. It shows 
 signs occasionally of convulsive spasms, as is sometimes 
 exhibited in the dead snake's tail, after tlie Jiead and body 
 have been buried. 
 
 " There is really no union now between the North and 
 South ; and he believed no two nations upon the earth en- 
 tertain feelings of more bitter rancor towards each other 
 than these two nations of the Republic. The only salva- 
 tion of the Union, therefore, was to be founded in divesting 
 it entirely from all taint of slavery." 
 
 NATHANIEL P. BANKS, 
 
 the *' Union-slider" Speaker of the Abolition 
 House of Representatives, is a leader of the Fre- 
 mont party, and was withdrawn from the candi- 
 dacy of the Know Nothing Seceders' Convention 
 to make way for Fremont. Hear him: 
 
 " Allhougli I am not one of that class of men who eir 
 for the perpetuation of the Union, thouijh I am willing, in 
 a certain state of circumstances, to let it ' slide,' I have no 
 fear for its perpetuation. But let me say that, if the chief 
 object of the people of this country is to maintain and prop- 
 agate chattel property in man, in other words, human sla- 
 very, this Union cannot and ought not to stand." 
 
 HORACE MANN 
 
 is a supporter of Fremont. Hear him: 
 
 " In conclusion, I have only to add that such is my solemn 
 and abiding conviction of the character of jlavery, thai, 
 under a full sense of my responsibility to my country ami 
 my God, I deliberately say, belter disunion — better civil or 
 servile war — better anything that CJod in his providence 
 shall send — than an e.vtcnsion of the bonds of slavery." 
 
 HENRY WILSbN 
 
 is a leader of the Fremont party, and was pres- 
 ent, and spoke at the Philadelphia convention, 
 where he was received with unbounded applause. 
 Hear him: 
 " Let us remember that more than three millions of 
 I bondsmen, groaning under nameless woes, demand that 
 
13 
 
 wo sliall reprove each other, and that we labor for their 
 deliverance." ******** 
 
 " I tell you here to-night, that the agitation of this ques- 
 tion of human slavery \vill continue wliile the foot of a 
 silave presses the soil of the American Republic." 
 
 CHARLES SUMNER, 
 
 the "illustrious sorehead" of Massachusetts, is 
 a leader and a martyr of the Fremont party: his 
 blood is to be the .seed of the party. Hear him: 
 "The good citizen, as he reads the requirements of this 
 act — the fvigilive slave law — is filled with horror." * * 
 * * "Here the path of duty is clear. I am bound to 
 disobey this act " ******** 
 '■ Sir, I will not dishonor this home of the piJRrims, and of 
 the Revolution, by admitting— nay, I cannot believe— that 
 tills bill will be executed here." 
 
 RUFtJS P. SPAULDING 
 
 was a member and leader of the convention. Hear 
 him: 
 
 •• In the case of the alternative being presented of the 
 emitinuance of slavery or a dissolution of the Union, I ain 
 lor dissolution, and I care not how quick it comes." 
 HOX. ERASTUS HOPKINS, 
 
 of Massachusetts, was a member of the conven- 
 • lion. Hear him: 
 
 •• If peaceful means fail us. and we are driven to the last 
 extremity where ballots are useless, then we'll make bullets 
 eflecUve. [Tremendous applause." ] 
 
 GEXERAL JAMES WATSON WEBB 
 
 was a leader in the convention. Hear him in 
 a speech on the floor: 
 
 •• On the action of this convention depends the fate of 
 the country ; if the Republicans fall at the balloi-box, we 
 will be forced to drive back the slaveocracy with lire and 
 swo*d. [Cheers."] 
 
 Wlint the Iieaders say !— SenUnieiits, Opinions, 
 and Declarations of tlie Republican or Abo- 
 lition Party. 
 
 The old Abolitionists, who, twenty-five years 
 ago, were unable to utter their disunion senti- 
 ments, even in Boston, without endangering 
 theirnecks, as did Garrison when he was dragged 
 from Faneuil Hall, with his neck haltered, are 
 liie sub-soil or back-bone of this party which 
 supports Fremont. But they manage to keep a 
 little ahead, and avow their purposes rather more 
 boldly than do the political demagogues and the 
 masses they lead, and whom their treasonable 
 and fanatical sentiments have aroused to their 
 present alarming position. Hear what Wendell 
 Phillips, one of their number, said in his remarks 
 on the 4th of July, 1856: 
 
 " No man, Mr. Chairman, has a right to be 
 surprised at the present state of things. It is 
 just what we have attempted to bring about; my 
 friend Swasy was telling us this morning what 
 slavery has done. She has stolen Texas, crushed 
 Kansas, usurped the Government, left the presi- 
 dential chair empty. What has she done .' She 
 has done just exactly what ire have been tempting her 
 to do — that is, she has developed herself. The 
 .slave power had always the same power, and the 
 same wish; it is the anti-slavcnj enterprise that has 
 developed that xvish into an act. It is just ichat we 
 expected, exactly. The forces, at last, are ranged 
 face to face. Our friends have not turned to the 
 bright side of the matter to-day; but there is merit 
 in the Republican party, It*is this: It is the 
 
 FIRST. SECTIONAL PARTY EVi;R ORGANIZED IN THIS 
 COUNTRY. It DOES NOT KNOW ITS OWN FACE, AND 
 IT CALLS ITSELF NATIONAL; BUT IT IS NOT NA- 
 TIONAL, IT IS SECTIONAL. It IS THE NoRTH 
 ARRAYED AGAINST THE SoUTH. Henry WilsOH 
 
 said to me: ' M'e must get every one of the noi'thern 
 States in order to elect Fremont.' Even in imag- 
 ination he did not count upon a single southern 
 State. It %cas a distinct recognition of the fact that 
 the Rep\iblican party is a party oftheJ\''orth, pledged 
 AGAINST THE SouTH. Tlicodorc Parker wanted 
 to know once where disunion would begin. I 
 will tell him: just where that party divides. That 
 is a norther7i party against the southern. I do not 
 call it an anti-slavery party; it has not risen to 
 that yet. It is a noi-thern party against the southern. 
 They made the first little breach. The first crack 
 in tlie iceberg is visible; you will hear itgo,with 
 a crack, through to the center. Its first distinct 
 recognition was Banks's election. He was elected 
 by northern men, not a man from the South 
 I voting for him. That is the value of that party. I 
 hail it as a sign — a great gain. I did not hope to 
 see it for ten years; it has come unexpectedly 
 early." 
 
 ABOLITION IN THE STATES. 
 
 "Admit that .SBOLITIO.Y IX THE STATES 
 is what all men OUGHT to strive for, and it is 
 clear to our mind that a large majority is not pre- 
 pared for this; and the PILICTlC^iL question is 
 this: Shall we politically attempt what will cer- 
 I tainly involve us in DEFEAT and FAILURE? 
 or shall we rather attempt wliat a majority are 
 \RIPE for, and thus beyond consequent TRI- 
 ! UMPH,invhe THATm^ionty to go FURTHER? 
 Shall we insist on having ALL the pos.sible eggs 
 now, or shall we be content to await their AP- 
 PEARAi.\'CE day by day.' The latter seems to us 
 I the only rational, sensible course. We care not 
 ! how F.4S 7' Messrs. Birney&Co. may ripen public 
 I sentiment ifi the North for emancipation; we will 
 \.HD THEM TO THE BEST OF OUR ABIL- 
 ITY, but will not refuse good now, when in our 
 reach, out of deference to that which is as yet 
 unattainable. Mr. Birney's ' ultimatum' may be 
 just what he sees fit; we have not proposed to 
 MODIFY or meddle with it. We only ask that 
 he shall not interdict or prevent the doing good 
 AT GATE, merely because he would like to do 
 MORE GOOD — 4S JVE SHALL ALSO, WHEX- 
 EVERIT SHALL BECOME PRACTICABLE." 
 — Horace Greeley, in the Xeio York Tribune. 
 
 BRITISH BAYONETS. 
 
 "I look forward to the day when there shall 
 be a servile insurrection in the South — when the 
 black man,arnned with British bayonets, andlled 
 on by British officers, shall assert his freedom, 
 and wage a war of extermination against his 
 master — when the torch of the incendiary shall 
 liirht up the towns and cities of the South, and 
 blot out the last vestige of slavery; and thouglr I 
 may not mock at their calamity, nor laugh when 
 their fear cometh, yet I will hail it as the dawn 
 of a political millennium." — Joshua R. Giddings. 
 
 A COLLISION HOPED FOR. 
 
 " Political action is just now our greatest evil — 
 our greatest danger. We are looking after bal- 
 lots, when our eyes should be fixed on bayonets. 
 We are counting votes when we should be mus- 
 tering armed men. We are looking after the in- 
 terests of civil rulers, when we should be seek- 
 ing after military rulers. 1 only hope, sir, to hear 
 
14 
 
 that there has been a collision at Topeka. I only- 
 want to hear that there has been a collision be- 
 tween the free-State men and the Federal troops, 
 and that northern men have fallen; and then will 
 soon follow the gratifying intelligence that the 
 northern States have arrayed themselves against 
 the Federal Government in Kansas. And will 
 that be the end ? No ! Missouri will be the bat- 
 tle-field, and then slavery will be driven to the 
 •wa\]."—Gerrit Smith, at Buffalo, who has recmtly 
 written a letter in favor of Fremont. 
 
 ABOLITION PREDICTIONS. 
 
 "Among the many predictions which they 
 have uttered, or rather the many statements they 
 have made, as to what must come to pass, the 
 one which five or six years ago seemed the wild- 1 
 est, was the necessary division of the nation ' 
 into two parts— the northern and the southern— I 
 of which the principles should be slavery and 
 anti-slavery. Five years ago, what seemed more 
 unlikely than that the nation should be divided I 
 into strictly sectional parties as it is now .? But i 
 the lines are now drawn and the hosts are en- 
 camped over against each other. The attempt 
 to keep up a delusive alliance with natural ene- 
 mies has been abandoned. The Abolitionists have 
 been telling these things in the ears of the peo- 
 ple for a quarter of a century. They have had 
 a double part in what has come to pass, both by 
 preparing the minds of the people of the, North, 
 and by compelling the people of the South to the 
 very atrocities which have startled the North into 
 attention. Nothing but the madness which ushers 
 m destruction, and the pride that goeth before a 
 fall, on the part of the slaveholders, could have 
 roused the sluggish North from its comfortable 
 dreams of wealth, and made it put itself into a 
 position of resistance. The North is in a state 
 o{ excitement, temporary, perhaps, but real for 
 the time, and the widening lines of division be- 
 tween the North and the South are growing deep 
 and distinct. It is long since this paper took the 
 ground that the first thing, though by no means 
 tlie only thing needful, was the formation of sec- \ 
 tional parties— of parties distinctly northern and 
 southern, and, of necessity, slavery and anti-sla- 
 very. We rejoice that our eyes behold the day 
 of that beginning of the end. The position is 
 everything. It is the attitude that is expressive 
 and encouraging. It is the entire separation of 
 the party from all southern alliance, and from all 
 possibility of slaveholding help, that gives' it its 
 encouraging aspect, and makes it, with all its 
 short-comings, a thing to thank God for. "—Mtv 
 York ^nti-Slavery Standard, July 21s<, supported 
 by Biitisli funds. 
 
 APPEAL TO ABOLITIONISTS. 
 
 "Now here, in this 1856, is a party, with a 
 fair chance of electing its candidates, so far anti- 
 slavery that it cannot expect a vote in any slave 
 State, except as the result of a virtual anti-slavery 
 revolution in such State. It makes no bid for a 
 southern vole. To be sure, it does not present a 
 radical Abolition platform, going beyond the Con- I 
 stitution, and perhaps not an Abolitionist for a 
 candidate, but a man whose antecedents do show ' 
 that he may safely be trusted to defend every inch ! 
 of free soil for free men. These facts are such as 
 have not existed in any previous presidential [ 
 contest, and they impose upon wise and good I 
 men, such as we l)elieve the radical Abolitionists 
 to be, a new duty. It is, to take hold and do all I 
 
 I they can to elect Fremont and Dayton."— Bos/on 
 I Chronicle, the Fremont organ of Boston. 
 
 j GEMS FROM GARRISON. 
 
 I " The whole nation has sympathized with the 
 ) loss of the Pacific. It is sad to think of the loss 
 of lives, but I would rather have a Pacific go 
 I down every day than what transpires every day 
 in one of the southern States of our Union. "-- 
 Garrison. 
 
 " The Christ of America is a slave-holding, a 
 slave-dealing, and a slave-hunting Christ, and we 
 will not have such a Christ to reign over us. We 
 
 have a tremendous power to grapple with." 
 
 Garrison. 
 
 " While the Tribune has a large circulation, 
 remember the odds in regard to the northern 
 press. Nine tenths of them are against slavery 
 agitation. The majority are unfriendly to a gen- 
 eral attack upon the slave power. — Garrison. 
 
 "I am for dissolving the Union, and letting 
 slavery go. We have no Union with slavery. 
 We cannot worship at the same shrine, or believe 
 in the same God. We are opposed to slavery, 
 and they are hostile to freedom. The slaveholders 
 are assassins, without law." — Garrison. 
 
 "This Union is a lie. The American Union 
 is an imposture, a covenant with death, and an 
 I agreement with hell." * « # * # 
 j "I am for its overthrow!" * * * " Up 
 with the flag of disunion, that we may have a free 
 and glorious Republic of our own; and when the 
 hour shall come, the hour will have arrived that 
 shall witness the overthrow of slavery." Wil- 
 liam Lloyd Garrison. 
 
 SPITTING UPON WASHINGTON. 
 
 " Remembering he was a slaveholder, he could 
 spit upon Washington. [Hisses and applause.] 
 The hissers, lie said, were slaveholders in spirit, 
 and everyone of them would enslave him if they 
 had the courage to do it. So near th FaneueU 
 Hall and Bunker Hill, was he not permitted to 
 say that that scoundrel, George Washington, 
 had enslaved his fellow-men ?"—C. L Remond, 
 Black Republican orator at Faneuil Hall. 
 
 GETTING RID OF FREEDOM. 
 
 I " The events of the last few years and months 
 and days have taught us the lessons of centuries. 
 I do not see how a barbarous community and a 
 civilized community can constitute one State. I 
 think we must get rid of slavery, or we must get 
 rid of freedom."— i2. JV. Emerson, at Concord. 
 
 IMMEDIATE SEPARATION. 
 
 " Cannot a convention of wise and prudent 
 men from the free States be had, to take into con- 
 sideration the propriety of their immediate sep- 
 aration from the slave-breeding and slave-whip- 
 ping Slates."— Pronunciamiento from Dissolution 
 Hill, in the J^Tew Haven Palladium, and in the 
 Courier. 
 
 "I have no doubt that the free and slave States 
 oiight to separate."— J. S. Pike, of the JVeic York 
 Iribune, 
 
 ' ' We earnestly request Congress, at its present 
 session, to take such initiatory measures for the 
 speedy, peaceable, and equitable dissolution of 
 the existing Union, as the exigencies of the case 
 may require."— £/«cfc Republican petition to Con- 
 gress. 
 
 away with the union. 
 "I love the Union«-and the time has cortie 
 when we must declare we love freedom be««r 
 
15 
 
 than the Union."— £ar-Lieufenon« Governor Ford, 
 of Ohio. 
 
 " The Union is not worth supporting, in con- 
 nection with the South." — Horace Greeley. 
 
 THE DEATH STRUGGLE. 
 
 Thus he (Rev. Dr. Kirk) only pointed to the 
 thunder-cloud that hung over us. " God," said 
 he, " may avert it. Man cannot avert it. Coax- 
 ing, compromise, letting alone, are all too late. 
 Mr. Brooks is nothing in this matter. Mr. 
 Douglas is nothing in this matter. The doctrine 
 that a negro is not a man, and the doctrine that 
 the negro is a man, have now come to the death 
 struggle, and the nation will heave with every 
 convulsive struggle of the contest. Neither will 
 yield until a continent has been swept with the 
 deluge of civil war." — Traveler's Report of Rev. 
 Dr. Kirk's Speech. 
 
 GENERAL DESTRUCTION. 
 
 " Resolved, That — God helping us — we will live 
 and labor not only for the prevention of slavery 
 upon the soil of Kansas, but also for its destruc- 
 tion from the length and breadth of the land. 
 
 " Resolved, That the Union was established to 
 secure the liberties.of American citiaens. When 
 it fails to do that, our only voice can be — let the 
 Union be dissolved."— Lowell Resolutions. 
 
 REVOLUTIONIZE THE GOVERNMENT. 
 
 " It is the duty of the North, in case they fail 
 in electing a President and a Congress that will 
 restore freedom to Kansas, to revolutionize the 
 Go\ernment."— Resolution of a Black Republican 
 MeeHiig in Wisconsin. 
 
 [From the Cincinnati Enquirer.] 
 Is Uie Black RepubUcan Party Sectional? 
 
 Extract of a speech of Hon. George W. Julian, 
 of Indiana, at a Fremont meeting at Greenville, 
 Darke county, Ohio, Wednesday evening, Sep- 
 tember 10, 1856: 
 
 " It is no use to deny it any longer, our Republican party 
 is a sectional party, because the South has forced us into 
 it. Tlie stampers of this old-line, horse-stealing Democ- 
 racy, not having the fear of God before their eyes, charge 
 as with being sectional. / tell you we are a sectional party. 
 It is not alone a tiglit between the North and the South, h 
 is a fight between freedom and slavery— between Goj and 
 the Devil— between heaven and hell." [Loud applause.] 
 
 The Hon. George W. Julian, who made the 
 above frank admission, is one of the most distin- 
 guished and prominent Black Republicans in the 
 United States. He was the candidate of the Abo- 
 litionists for Vice President, with John P. Hale 
 for President, in 1852, and is now the principal 
 Fremont orator in Indiana. His testimony, there- 
 fore, is not likely to be gainsayed or repudiated by 
 his own partisans, some of whom have hitherto 
 denied, in the face of the most overwhelming and 
 patent proof of its truth, that the Fremont Abo- 
 lition organization was sectional. Yes, they have 
 denied it, although their party has no existence 
 south of a geogttophical line; although in their 
 noRiinating convention only one (the northern) i 
 section of the Confederacy was represented; and 
 although their platform tenders a sectional issue 
 upon sectional grounds. They have denied it, 
 although their political appeals are all made to 
 the North, and are filled with the most bitter and 
 scurrilous attacks upon, the South, to awaken a 
 prejudice against which their principal element i 
 of strength lies. | 
 
 Mr. Julian knows them to be facts, and, with ! 
 
 more honesty than many of his co-laborers in the 
 cause of disunion, confesses it. 
 
 The Rev. Theodore Parker, too, another prom- 
 inent Fremont orator, was also frank when, at a 
 Black Republican meeting in New York, a few 
 months ago, he thus expressed himself in regard 
 to the sectional character of the Black Republican 
 organization. Parker, according to the report in 
 the New York Tribune, the great oracle of the 
 " freedom shriekers," said: 
 
 " But rather than one more fugitive slave should be sent 
 hack, I woiUd let the Union be broken into fragments no larger 
 than the space upon which this building stands ; and then I 
 would place myself upon a little piece of free-soil which 
 was not contaminated with my brother's blood. But it 
 seems to me that the dissolution of the Union is unneces- 
 sary. Let us see what we can do without disturbing it. 
 The free States can choose for their ofticers men who are 
 men— men made by Nature, and not by Nature's journey- 
 men. Then let New York pass a personal liberty bill, re- 
 fusing to give up a fugitive slave, and that every slave shall 
 be free when he steps tipon our soil ; then to pass a law to 
 punish kidnappers by imprisonment in our State prison; then 
 punish those who are in the American slave trade the sam« 
 as you do those in the African slave trade. 
 
 " All this they could do in Albany without violating the 
 Constitution, for you are a sovereign State and have a right 
 to interpret the Constitution for yourselves. Then, in a 
 national point of view, repeal all fugitive slave bills. Then 
 abolish slavery in the District of Columbia and all the Ter- 
 ritories. Abolish the entire slave trade and makcit piracy. 
 Then make slaveholding incapacitate a man from holding any 
 office. Then reconstruct the United States judiciarj- ; they 
 need not remove the jiidge from office, but remove the office 
 from the man. Then, in their places, I would take honest 
 men who love God and love men, and then the Constitution 
 would no longer be a pro-slavery document. There are 
 things in that document that are bad things, which I would 
 tread under my feet. But there are other thinss which are 
 noble, and they preponderate. Then, at last, Itvould decree 
 a day, fixed and certain, when each State should abolish sla- 
 very, and, if they did not do it, the government should take 
 possession of them and form a republican Government. In 
 theriext six months, we can place a Republican man in the 
 presidential chair, and, if that is accomplished, freedom will 
 triumph." 
 
 Fellow-citizens, those of you that approve of 
 the above programme will vote the Black Repub- 
 lican ticket. 
 
 Fremont and bis IVegro Supporters. 
 
 Rev. Mr. Anderson, a negro of the darkest 
 hue, is canvassing Indiana for Fremont. He 
 made a speech at Rising Sun on Sunday of last 
 week. He first sung a song, and then com- 
 menced as follows: 
 
 " I have been making Fremont speeches, and this is the 
 fourth one I have made to-day. I am for Fremont, free 
 speech, free soil, free negroes, and free white men when 
 they behave themselves." 
 
 The Columbus (Ohio) Statesman saya that two 
 colored men, named Jenkins and Langston, are 
 stumping the State for Fremont. 
 
 The Boston Bee, a Fremont paper, reports a 
 meeting of the cplored citizens of Boston, who 
 passed the following: 
 
 "Resolved, That we, the colored citizens of Boston, wiM 
 support, with our voices and votes, John C. Fremont, of 
 California, as President of the United States, and WOliani 
 L. Dayton, of New Jersey, as Vice President." 
 
 A Fr(!mont meeting held a few nights ago ia 
 Marlborough, Chester county, Pennsylvania, 
 was addressed by a negro ! 
 
 At the last session of the Ohio Legislature, Mr. 
 Cadwell, a member from Ashtabula, who is now 
 one of Fremont's leading supporters in that sec- 
 tion, spoke as follows: 
 
 " I thank God that the time has come in Ohio when it ia 
 no longer a disgrace to avow Uie soutimcnt that t^« negro 
 
16 
 
 is the while man''s equal and entitled to the same political 
 and social privileges." 
 
 It will be seen by this that the Black Republi- 
 cans advocate not' only the political equality of 
 the negro with the white man, but also the social 
 equality ! 
 
 Tlie (Question of Superiority Settled. 
 
 It would appear, by the following paragraph 
 from the Martinsville Monitor, that the Black 
 Republicans of Indiana have settled in their minds 
 the question as to the relative superiority of the 
 black and white races, which, after long study, 
 Mr. Union-sliding Banks was unable to decide 
 upon. The incident related occurred at a Fre- 
 mont barbecue in Morgan county: 
 
 " The most chanictfristic part of the whole aftair oc- 
 (nirred at the table. A mechanic, who had hitherto heen a 
 Btrong Fr^mcint man, was on the ground with his wife and 
 child. At a given word, he attempted to cross the rope to ! 
 the tal)le, hut was met by one of the marshals, and told to 
 stand back and give room for the ladies. He stepped back, ' 
 as he was told, when seven or eight women, ' as black as 
 THE ACE OF spades,' advanced before him to the table, and '• 
 ate with the rest of the Fremont ladies and gentlemen. 
 This was too much for him. lie tore the Fremont badge j 
 from his breast, and swore that although he was a poor j 
 mechanic, he was yet a little better than a negro. He said t 
 that if he and his wife were to bo thrust back from a Fre- 
 mont barbecue, to give place to negroes, he no longer was I 
 a Fremont man, and immediately stamped the Fremont j 
 badge-under his feet, and declared his intention to vote for ! 
 Buchanan. We are informed that four or five others did j 
 likewise. It is said that not less than twenty negroes ate i 
 at tiic first table." I 
 
 Coal-Black Republicans. 
 
 The " colored Republicans" held a mass meet- 
 ing in Warren county, Ohio, on the 19th ultimo, 
 and in 'the procession formed on the occasion i 
 there were three hundred negroes ! 
 
 [From the Providence (Rhode Island) Post.] 
 The I'olitical Fritsts! 
 
 Every city, and almost every large town, in 
 New England , has its political priests. They are 
 men who love distinction, and who cannot obtain 
 it by preaching the Gospel. So they join hands 
 with infidels and spiritualists, and feed their flocks 
 with denunciations of Democracy, and abuse of 
 the Government, to which they are indebted, 
 more than to their own good behavior, for pro- 
 tection. With remarkable unanimity they are 
 fighting men. They want to see civil war, and 
 are therafore loud in their praises of Sharpe's 
 rifles and bowie-knives. We will give specimens 
 of the religion of this class of them. 
 
 In the Pittsburg convention, afew months ago, 
 the Rev. Mr. Brewster said: 
 
 " He, for one, was in favor of using fire-arms, and fighting 
 for freedom in Kansas." 
 
 The Rev. Mr. Chandler said: 
 
 " He believed that Sharpe's rifles were the best peace- 
 makers ; there was no danger too many of them would be 
 introduced into Kansas." 
 
 The Rev. Mr. Lovejoy said: 
 <' He was willing to go cilhrr as a captain or private. He 
 would use yiuirpo's rifles, awAfire with good aim." 
 
 In the North Church, soon after, the Rev. 
 Henry Ward Beecher said: 
 
 " I hold it to he an everlasting disgrace to shoot at a man 
 and not hit Rim .'"' 
 
 The Rev. Theodoru Parker said lately, in his 
 own church; 
 
 " He thought the people should rise at once in their 
 might, and, by such a revolution as was never before heard 
 of, sweep the myrmidons of a corrupt oligarchy from j)Ov:m 
 hy the strong arm of physical violence." 
 
 At a Kansas meeting, recently held in Boston, 
 the Rev. H. James, of Worcester, said: 
 
 "There had been plenty of meetings and resolutions in 
 favor of freedom. The best way would he to ram the reso- 
 lution down with powJcr, and ball upon Ihc top of il. For 
 his part, he was ready to suffer, to go into the jaws of mar- 
 tyrdom, to save Kansas and his country. He knew not but 
 that before this question was settled the country might roll 
 I in blood ; but he was ready to enter the breach." 
 
 Elder Landon, of the Methodist Episcopal 
 Church, said in Montrose, Susquehanna county. 
 Pennsylvania, at a Fremont meeting, on the 20th 
 ultimo: " Let the Constitution of the United States 
 be torn into shreds, trampled underfoot, and trust tu 
 God for a belter one." 
 
 Rev. Mr. Tibbits, of Belfast, Maine, prays 
 that " God will turn President Pierce from the 
 error of his v/ays; but, if he cannot do that, that 
 he will take him out of the world !" 
 
 Rev. A. T. Foss, of Nev/ Hampshire, who i.<« 
 now stumping in Ohio against Buchanan, says: 
 " I have great hopes of the* overthrow of the 
 Union. Light is spreading fast, and the Union 
 cannot bear the light." 
 
 Rev. Henry Ward Beecher says: 
 
 " The only hope of the slave is over the ruins of thi« 
 Government and of the American Church. The di.ssolu 
 tion of the Union is the abolition of slavery. The Consti- 
 tution has been the fountain and father of our troubles.'" 
 " Sharpe's rifles are better than Bibles." 
 
 Much more of the same treasonable sort we 
 might quote, and perlnaps may quote, as we find 
 room for it hereafter. This, however, will show 
 the religious mood of these political preacher,s. 
 
 But our readers should not get the impression 
 that the priests are now dabbling in politics for 
 the first time. In the time of Jefferson, the same 
 class of hypocrites were quite as deep in the po- 
 litical mires as they now are; and during the war 
 of 1812, they fairly foamad at the mouth with 
 pious indignation. We will give a few sentences 
 from some of the most pati-iotic of their sermons: 
 
 April 7, 1814, the Rev. Elijah Parish, D. D., 
 of Byfield, said: 
 
 " How will the supporters of this aiUi- Christian warfart: 
 endure their sentence— endure their own reflections— fn- 
 durc the fire that forever burns — the worm that never dies 
 — the hosannahs of Heaven — WHILE THK S.MOKK 
 OF 'J'HEIK TORMENTS ASCENDS FOREVER AMi 
 EVER." 
 
 The Rev. David Osgood, pastor of the church 
 at Medford, in a discourse delivered June 27. 
 1812, said: 
 
 " If, at the command of weak or wicked rulers, they un 
 dcrtake an unjust war, each man who volunteers his «er- 
 viecs in such a cause, or loans his money for its support, or 
 by his conversation, his writings, or any other mode of 
 influence, encourages its prosecution, that man is an ac- 
 complice in the wickedness, loads his conscience with the 
 blackest crimes, brings the guilt of blood upon his soul, 
 and, IN TIIIO SIGHT OF GOD AND HIS LAW. IS A 
 MURDERER." 
 
 The Rev. I. S. J. Gardner, of Boston, in a dis- 
 course delivered July 23, 1812, said: 
 
 '' It is a war une.rampled in the history of the world; wan- 
 tonly proclaimed on the most frivolous and groundless pre- 
 tenses, against a nation from whose friendship we might 
 derive the most signal advantages, and from whose hostility 
 we have reason to dread the most tremendous losses." 
 
 And again, in the same sermon: 
 
 "The UNION HAS BEEN LONG SINCE VIRTU- 
 ALLY DlSSOLVI'l); AND IT IS FULL TIME THAT 
 THIS PART OF THE DISUNITED STATJBS SHOULD 
 TAKE CAK£ OF ITSELF." 
 
17 
 
 This will show that political preaching is noth- ' 
 ing new. And we may add, that it is nothing to , 
 be" frightened at. The American Union and the I 
 Democratic party have survived it, and will sur- ! 
 vive it, while there is a spark of patriotism in tiie ^ 
 breasts of the American people. But of political \ 
 
 E reaching and political preachers, how can we j 
 etter speak than in the language of that greatest 
 of English statesmen and modern philosophers, j 
 Edmund Burke } The following are his words: ■ 
 
 " Politics and tlie pulpit are terms that have little agree- j 
 meat. No sound ought to he heard in the churcli but the 
 voice of healini; charity. The cause of civil liberty and [ 
 civil government gains as little as that of religion by the l 
 . confusion of duties. Those wluxiuit their proper character | 
 to assume what does not belong to them, are, for the greater j 
 part, ignorant both of the character they leave and the : 
 character they assume.. AVholly unacquainted with the [ 
 world, in which they are so fond of meddling, and inexperi- 
 enced in all its alfairs, on which they pronounce with so 
 much contidence, tliey know nothing of polities but the 
 passion they excite. Surely the church is a place where 
 one day's truce ought to be allowed to the dissensions and 
 animosities of mankind." 
 
 [From the Union.] 
 A Perversion of Religious Associations. 
 
 In the extract which follows, from the Daily 
 Jacksonian, our readers will see to what lengths 
 the political enemies of our institutions are going 
 in their blind fury for tl^e conquest of the South, 
 and the overthrow of the equal rights of the States. 
 Is there a Christian in the land, free from reli- 
 gious fanaticism, who will approve the conversion 
 of the American Missionary Association from 
 religious to political purposes ? Is there a patriot, 
 North or South, who will not consider it as one 
 of the most dangerous signs of the times .' Ought 
 it not to work a forfeiture of the public confidence 
 in that association .' Can an impartial and just 
 man say no.' 
 
 " Church Collections for Fremont. — The 
 following is the copy of a circular sent by the 
 American Missionary Association to the churches 
 throughout the country. The object is evidently 
 to get up special collections for the purpose of 
 prosecuting the sectional crusade now going on 
 against our beleaguered Constitution. This is 
 a pretty business, truly, for the "American Mis- 
 sionary Association" to be engaged in, and a 
 pretty business for the churches of the land to 
 be engaged in. How ifiournfuliy shameful, that 
 everything hallowed, sacred, and of good report, 
 in Church and State, should thus be prostituted 
 and dragged through the dung-heap of sectional 
 Abolitionism, and all to elevate a set of men, 
 and inaugurate a set of principles that milst end 
 in the destruction of a righteous Church and a 
 well-ordered and prosperous State! 
 
 " The Democracy and national patriots of all 
 parties had best beware in time, and not wait su- 
 
 Einely until they hear the cry, " The Philistines 
 e upon thee !" It will then be too late. They 
 must be met before their plans are matured. It 
 will readily occur to the mind of the reader, that 
 a very large sum could be, and doul)tless has 
 been, rau^-d to carry on this fearful crusacfe. 
 Nothiing can be more plain than the fact that this 
 money is collected through the agency of the 
 Missionary Society to swell the Fremont Re-| 
 publican electioneering fund. Is it not mon- 
 strous .' Everything is to be turned into this filthy j 
 conduit, under the pretense of "preparing the\ 
 multitudes for the struggle for freedom to xchich the 
 
 nation is noic called." Oh, horrid and wicked 
 deception and delusion ! 
 
 " The nation now enjoys the rich blessings of 
 
 freedom. It is to plunge us into the horrors of 
 
 civil commotion that can only end in despotism: 
 
 "Rooms of Americ.vn Missionary Association, 
 
 "48 Beekman street, N. Y., July 15, 1856. 
 
 "Dear Sir: As an earnest friend of our cause, 
 no argument with you is necessary to prove that 
 the work of the American Missionary Associa- 
 tion is indispensable. Its pure Christian and ref- 
 ormatory objects commend it; its strong liberty 
 principles and its opposition to slavery in the Church , 
 in the Stale, and in connection with missionary 
 and other operations, have made it peculiar, and 
 have enlisted thousands in its support. 
 
 " It has been greatly owned and blessed of God 
 in connection with the labors of its. missionaries 
 abroad and at home. In addition to what it has 
 done for the evangelization of the heathen, it has 
 done an important icork in enlightening, correcting, 
 and stimulating the public mind, in regard to the sin 
 and multiplied evils of slavery, and in preparing 
 multitudes for the struggle for freedom to 
 WHICH THE NATION IS NOW CALLED. 
 Its home missionaries, who are mostly in the 
 northwestern States and Territories, have been 
 instrumental for the conversion of very many 
 souls to God, and area most efficient moral force 
 for freedom. Those who are in the slave States and 
 in Kansas are struggling with slavery and preach- 
 ing against it as a sin against God and destructive 
 alike to the individual and the community. Not 
 one of all the laborers now in the field can be dis- 
 pensed with; hut their number shouldbe increased. 
 
 " ..it this moment, tvhen all true hearts are alive to 
 
 the ENORMITIES OF THE SLAVERY POWER, AND FOR 
 THE DELIVERANCE OF KaNSAS FROM ITS RULE OF 
 
 FEROCITY— an(Z when SPECIAL EFFORTS are 
 necessarily made to meet the exigency — we are sorrv 
 to be compelled to ask a SPECIAL OFFERING 
 to carry us through with the responsibilities of 
 this fiscal year, (closing 31st August, proximo,) 
 and without which the necessities of our mission- 
 aries cannot be supplied. 
 
 " We are constrained to ask the parties receiv- 
 ing this circular to aid us, so far as they can, by 
 their donations, and by securing contribtitions from 
 individuals, or by collections in congregations or 
 Sabbath schools; and hope that even in churches 
 and places of moderate means enough may be se- 
 cured ('^30) to constitute some individual a life 
 member of the association. The Lord loveth a 
 cheerful giver, and blesseth all who are workers 
 together with him to speed his glorious cause. 
 
 " May we not, dear sir, rely upon your hearty 
 cooperation and efiorts in this time of our great 
 NEED? Contributions should be forwarded to 
 Lewis Tappan, in money, or in checks or drafts 
 payable to his order as treasurer, as early as pes-* 
 sible, and before the-lst of September next. 
 
 " Very respectfully, yours, &c., 
 
 "GEO. WHIPPLE,- 
 " S. S. JOCELYN, 
 " Corresponding Secretaries," 
 
 [From the Union.] 
 
 Air. Fremont makes a Confession — He must 
 
 secure tlie Votes of all. 
 
 With one single exception, and in that excep- 
 tion no expression of opinion was given, not tne 
 slightest allusion has ever been made in these 
 
18 
 
 columns to the religious faith or sentiments of] 
 the Black Republican candidate for the Presi- I 
 Jency. The only qualifications for the office of 
 President called for by the Constitution are age 
 and nativity, and the Democratic party have 
 earnestly, steadfastly, and successfully opposed I 
 the efforts of bigots and proscriptionists toestab- ! 
 lish tests wholly foreign to the spirit of our peo- 1 
 pie and their free institutions. It is not for us to i 
 question the right of Colonel Fremont to place ', 
 himself in communion with either the Catholic I 
 or the Protestant Church; for we would be rec- ' 
 reant to our duty, and false to the principles of, 
 our party, if our opposition to him was influenced : 
 in the most remote degree by a knowledge of his j 
 religious convictions. 
 
 We make these remarks in order that our j 
 position may not be mistaken, or our motives j 
 misconstrued, in giving place to the subjoined] 
 extraordinary statement, which we find in a late 
 number of the New York Commercial Adver- \ 
 tiser. The statement was made at a public meet- 
 ing recently held at Staten Island, by Mr. B. F. [ 
 Cook, and is in the following words, as reported ! 
 in the Advertiser: j 
 
 "Mr. B. F. Cook made some interesting and 
 important statements respecting an interview he ' 
 had with Colonel Fremont on the subject of his 
 alleged Romanism. It was in substance this: 
 Some friends having desired to enlist the speaker 
 in the cause of so-called republicanism, he ex- , 
 pressed a desire to have all doubts removedon i 
 this mooted question, hut said that nothing short \ 
 of an assurance from Colonel Fremont's own lips j 
 would satisfy him. An interview was arranged 
 for. The object of the' visit being understood by 
 the Colonel, he avowed himself ready to answer 
 any question proposed. Mr. Cook proposed the 
 following, and received to each the answer an- 
 nexed: 'Were you married by a Roman Cath- 
 olic priest?' ' I toas' — the Colonel's lip quiver- 1 
 ingas he spoke. Did you at the time believe 
 in, or profess to believe in, the Roman Cath- 
 olic religion 'f' ' I did not. ' * Have you before or 
 since, or at any time, pi-ofessed the Catholic reli- 
 gion?' 'I have not.' Here Mr. Cook bowed to 
 signify that he had no more questions to ask. i 
 Colonel Fremont then volunteered some remarks 
 to the following eflect: That while in California 
 he attended no church; and that he occupied his 
 Sundays in reading and writing, and in attending 
 to such matters of business as he thought of im- 
 porlance. Mr. Fremont further said: "' I am fre- 
 quently interrogated by all parties on this sub- ' 
 ject. I presume the delegation now waiting for 
 me up stairs wish to interrogate me on this point. 
 When they do, I shall put the most favorable 
 construction on the matter that I can. I wish to 
 offertd none, but to secure the votes of all. Only 
 this very morning, I have a letter from Maine, 
 Baying that unless I make a personal denial of 
 Romanism , and that if I am or have been a Roman 
 Catholic, that State will be lost to the Republic- 
 ans; and another letter from Indiana, telling jne 
 that if I will authorize my friends there to say 
 I am a Roman Catholic, they can secure me a 
 large German and Irish vote. I have to frame' 
 my replies so as to secure the votes of all. There 
 is now a deiiulation waiting for me, whose errand 
 I doubt not is the same. It is best to say as little 
 about this matter as possible, and we must man- 
 age the thing as well as we can, so as to get the 
 votes of both sides.' Here the interview termin- 
 
 ated. Mr. Cook's statement was listened to 
 with profound interest." 
 
 The character and standing of Mr. Cook are 
 thus spoken of by the Advertiser: 
 
 " We give elsewhere in to-day's Commercial, 
 an interesting account of an interview with Col- 
 onel Fremont, on the subject of his alleged Papal 
 tendencies, by a gentleman well known as a 
 wholesale stationer in this city, and a resident at 
 Factoryville, Staten Island. No one who knows 
 the narrator will question the entire veracity and 
 moderation of his statement. We have been for 
 some time cognizant of all the circumstances of 
 the interview, and of the causes also that led to 
 it." 
 
 After reading the above statement of Mr. Cook, 
 the conclusion is irresistible that Mr. Fremont's 
 religion, if he has any, sits as lightly upon him as 
 his political principles. To the Protestants of 
 Maine he says: " Place no credit in the stories 
 that are circulated in regard to my religious faith. 
 I am no Catholic, never have been and never will 
 be." To the Catholics of Indianahe says: "How 
 can you refuse to vote for me? Am I not of your 
 religious faith?" To the indifferent in religious 
 matters he says: " Keep quiet; say nothing. / 
 am a Protestant icitli the Protestants, and a Catholic 
 ivith the Catholics — all things unto all men. I must 
 so shape my conduct and answers as to secure the votes 
 of all!" 
 
 The school of ethics in which Mr. Fremont has 
 been taught, is not the school which has sent forth 
 pure patriots and genuine Christians; and although 
 he is now able to turn his double face with re- 
 markable dexterity — first to one religious locality 
 and then to another — he must, in the end, awaken 
 a feeling of honest indignation in the breast of 
 every sincere Christian, whether of tlie Catholic 
 or Protestant faith. 
 
 [From the Union.] 
 
 IIo-»v Fremont Proposes to get tlie Votes of 
 
 Botli Sides. 
 
 A few days ago we transferred to our columns, 
 from the New York Commercial Advertiser, Mr. 
 B. F. Cook's account of an interview between 
 himself and Mr. Fremont in relation to the reli- 
 gious views entertained by the latter. It will be 
 recollected that in the course of the interview, 
 Mr. F. said — we quote from Mr. Cook's state- 
 ment: • 
 
 " I have to frame my replies so as to secure th« 
 votes of all. It is best to say as little aliout this mat- 
 ter as possible; and ice must manage the thing as well 
 as v;e can, so as to get the votes of both sides." 
 
 The disclosures of Mr. Cook have so shocked 
 the moral and religious sense of the community 
 in which they were made public, that the Black 
 Republican organs have iioen compelled to notice 
 them, not as the mean and shabby fabrications of 
 a corrupt and excited politician anxious to make 
 capital for his party at all hazards, but as tlw 
 statement of a gentleman of unblemi.shed private 
 character — a bigot in rtligion, it is true, but whos« 
 bigotry does not render him insensilile to the obli- 
 gations of truth and honor. Most of thi^e organs 
 attempt to extricate their presidential candidate 
 from the disgraceful predicament in which he is 
 placed by indirectly asserting that Mr. Cook has 
 betrayed confidence, and that he can be viewed 
 by the public in no other light than that of a spy. 
 The New York Courier and Enquirer, however, 
 with its accustomed swagger and bravado, adopts 
 
19 
 
 another line of defense. It attempts to discredit 
 Mr. Cook's statement by the unsupported con- 
 tradiction of unnamed witnesses, and boldly de- 
 dares that, unless the statement takes the form 
 of an affidavit, it will excite no other feeling in 
 the public mind than that of contempt and dis- ; 
 belief. 1 
 
 Contrary to the expectations, and certainly 
 contrary to the wishes of the Courier, J\Ir. Cook 
 has made the callcd-f or affidavit. It is plain, ex- 
 plicit, and is apparently free from that spirit of j 
 eixaggeration which is apt to influence too many j 
 who assume the office £jnd responsibilities of a ; 
 narrator. | 
 
 The affidavit starts out with the substance of 
 a conversation which took place between Mr. ; 
 Cook and a Mr. Potter a few weeks ago. Mr. 
 Cook likes Mr. Fremont very well in the main, 
 and would vote for him if he was satisfied that 
 he was not a Catholic. His friend Potter as- 1 
 Bures him that Fremont is not a Catholic, and to \ 
 convince him of the con-ectness of his assurance, 
 agrees to take him (Cook) to Fremont's house, 
 where he can be satisfied byword of mouth, and 
 without the intervention of a second party. The ! 
 two start for the residence of Mr. Fremont, and j 
 not the least interesting part of the affidavit is the i 
 detailed account of the trials and disappointments 
 to which both were subjected before they were i 
 finally admitted to an audience with the Black 
 Republican candidate for the Presidency. For : 
 the benefit of those who contemplate a pilgrim- 
 a-ge to " No. 56 Ninth street. New York, "it may 
 not be out of place here to state — we quote from 
 the affidavit — that the "second Washington" 
 has given orders to his servants to assure all 
 common visitors that " he is out of town, and 
 will not return for three weeks," although he 
 has been for some time, and is now, in the com- 
 fortable occupancy of his elegantly-furnished 
 mansion in the street and city already desig- 
 nated. 
 
 We pass over Mr. Cook's amusing adventures 
 in search of Fremont and the truth, and come to 
 the pith of the affidavit. Mr. Cook puts the 
 question plainly and directly to Mr. Fremont in 
 regard to his religious belief. Mr. Fremont's re- 
 ply, as sworn to by Mr. Cook, was as follows: 
 
 " In reference to my marriage, all that I can say 
 is, that 1 have taken little interest in the tenets of 
 that Church, and know but little about them. But 
 myself and wife were married by a Catholic; and 
 I believe that there are many instances where 
 Protestants have been married by Catholic cler- 
 gymen." 
 
 " [He here mentioned a case, but I do not 
 remember the names.] 
 
 " Jn regard to my being a Catholic while in 
 C«iifornia, I can say that, while there, I. labored 
 excessively hard, and when Sunday came I was 
 very much fatigued, and did not feel like going 
 to church, although my wife did, when it was 
 convenient. But I generally stayed at home, and 
 spent my time in reading, writing, and attending 
 to such matters of business as I considered of 
 importance; and to my knowledge I was never 
 i'nside of any church while in Cahfornia. 
 
 '* He then said: ' I am often asked about my 
 being a Catholic by all parties, and even by Cath- 
 olic delegations; and I presume the one up stairs 
 now waiting for an interview with me wishes to 
 interrogate me on this same question. When they 
 do, I shall put the most favorable construction upon 
 
 the matter that I can, icishing to offend no one, but 
 secure the votes of all. It will not do to deny these 
 things too stoutly, for it is securing me very many 
 votes.'" 
 
 As we stated on a former occasion , we have no 
 desire to disturb Mr. Fremont in the enjoyment 
 of his religious opinions, whatever they may be; 
 but he and his supporters will yet find, to their 
 cost, that no jiublic man ever yet pandered with 
 impunity to opposing religious prejudices. In 
 hypocritically attempting " to secure the votes of 
 all," he may l^se the votes of both sides. 
 
 A yew Move. 
 
 It will be seen by the letter below, which we 
 clip from the Pennsylvanian, that, after all that 
 has been said and done, Fremont is a Catholic. 
 We are not surprised at any folly or deception 
 which may be adopted by the Fremont managers. 
 A set of men who could deliberately set to work 
 to usurp all the functions of the American Gov- 
 ernment, are neither too wise nor too conscien- 
 tious for any other scheme, however stupid or 
 corrupt. But here is the letter: 
 
 Abbottstown, Adams cou^jtt, Pa., 
 August 28, 1856. 
 
 Mr. Editor: There is a damnable secret cru- 
 sade going on against us here. Hired emissaries 
 are traveling throughout the country for the pur- 
 pose of converting the Catholic vote for Fremont. 
 These consummate iiypocrites are representing 
 themselves as Catholics, and Fremont as a Cath- 
 olic. No doubt they are paid for it. Watch 
 them, and take some course to ba^e them. 
 
 I will write again, as tlie mail is about leaving 
 and I must conclude. 
 
 Yours, D. S. P. 
 
 The direct evidence which satisfies many that 
 Mr. Fremont is now, or has been recently, a 
 Papist by denomination, is contained in the fol- 
 lowing letter of Mr. Sargent, well known as 
 Register of the Treasury, under Mr. Fillmore, 
 and in other public positions: 
 
 Letter from Hon. Knlhan Sargeiit* 
 
 Washington, .lugust 2, 1856. 
 
 Dear Sir: I have your note of the 28th July, 
 inquiring where Colonel William Russell, of Mis- 
 souri, resides or may be addressed, and asking 
 me what he has said, or will say, in reference to, 
 Colonel Fremont's religious o]nnions.'' 
 
 Colonel Russell's residence isat Harrisonville, 
 Cass county, Missouri; but I am informed he is 
 at present in Baltimore on a visit. 
 
 Colonel Russell is a man who will say what he 
 has said; and he has said to me that Colonel Fre- 
 mont was a Catholic when he was in California. 
 I spent an evening with Colonel Russell at 
 Browns ' Hotel two or three weeks ago , and know- 
 ing that he had been much with Colonel Fremont 
 in Californiii, and on very intimate terms with 
 him, I asked him if he knew anything of Coloneji 
 Fremont's religious views at that time. He re- 
 plied that he did; that he was with him a great 
 deal, and, in fact, might say that he had slept 
 under the same blanket with him for eight months. 
 I then asked him what Colonel Fremont was. He 
 replied, •' a Catholic." I asked him if he was 
 sure of this. "Perfectly," he said, and t|ieA 
 
20 
 
 added: "Colonel Fremont won't deny that he 
 was a Catholic; everybody there so underwood 
 it, and he made no secret of it." 
 
 ■ Further conversation occurred between us on 
 the subject, but this is the sum and substance of 
 it. I asked him if I might refer to this conversa- 
 tion, and use his name. He replied " certainly, 
 you are at liberty to do so." But he again said, 
 " Colonel Fremont will not deny that he was a 
 Catholic." 
 
 Colonel Russell, you may not be aware, was 
 Colonel Fremont's principal witndfes on his trial 
 before the court-martial.*^ Should Colonel Fre- 
 mont deny, over his own signature, that he was 
 a Catholic when in California, I presume Colonel 
 Russell will then speak for himself. 
 
 Colonel Russell is an old, ardent, personal , friend 
 of Henry Clay, with whose family his own is 
 connected, his daughter having married Mr. 
 Clay's grandson. | 
 
 I am, very truly, your obedient servant, 
 
 N. SARGENT, i 
 A. B. Ely, Esq. 
 
 [From the Union.] 
 The Preetloin of SpeecU and Debate, as Illus- 
 trated by Colonel Fremont. 
 
 Political partisans occasionally prefer charges 
 against their adversaries to divert scrutiny from 
 their own assailable points. Such strategy some- 
 times results in success, but often in defeat. The 
 partisans of the Fremont ticket have resorted to 
 charges and harsh epithets against their adversa- 
 ries upon a subject where their candidate is very 
 vulnerable. Tjiey have sought to turn the occur- 
 rence between Messrs Brooks and Sumner to 
 political account, on the untenable ground that 
 the Democratic party is responsible for the acts 
 of one who goes with them politically. If such 
 a position were maint^nable, all poliiical parties 
 might be crushed on account of the unjustifiable 
 acts of individuals in their respective ranks. On 
 the other hand, parties are justly and properly 
 held responsible for their selection of candidates 
 for high political positions for whom they solicit 
 votes. Let us apply these principles: Mr. Sum- 
 ner, in a speech delivered in the Senate, applied 
 epithets of disparagement and severity to the 
 State of South Carolina and Senator Butler, when 
 he was absent. Mr. Brooks, of the House, a 
 relative of the absent Senator, took offense at 
 these remarks concerning his State and relative, 
 sought out Mr. Sumner, and inflicted severe blows 
 upon him. In a court of justice, Mr. Brooks 
 admitted the illegality of his act, and made the 
 reparation required by the minister of justice, as 
 an atonement for the offense. All this was purely 
 a personal matter between the parties. Mr. Sum- 
 ner spoke upon his personal responsibility, and 
 Mr. Brooks resented it in his individual capacity. 
 Neither acted for, or represented, a political party. 
 If Mr. Sumner untruly described South Carolina, 
 her motives and acts, or the character, qualifica- 
 tions, and intentions of her Senator, it would be 
 unjust to hold Colonel Fremont responsible. If 
 Mr. Brooks acted illegally, violated the .sanctity 
 of the Senate Chamber, or sought wrongfully to 
 control the freedom of debate, it is equally unjust 
 to hold Mr. Buchanan, or the Democratic party, 
 accountable. On both sides they are personal 
 acts, for which the parties themselves are solely 
 responsible. Mr. Sumner .has never pretended 
 that his stricturen on Senator Butler and South 
 
 Carolina were occasioned by the fact that he sup- 
 ported Colonel Fremont, or that Mr. Butler 
 favored Mr. Buchanan, for the Presidency. 
 
 Mr. Brooks has never placed his vindication 
 upon the ground that he and Mr. Sumner differed 
 upoitpolitical subjects, but upon the alleged insult 
 to his State and relative. We appeal to the prin- 
 ciples of justice, which are implanted in the hearts 
 of all candid men, to say whether Fremont or 
 his party are responsible for the speech of Mr. 
 Sumner, or Mr. Buchanan or his party for the 
 acts of Mr. Brooks. We are confident that the 
 response will be, that, whether their acta are just- 
 ified or condemned, and whether they liave 
 acquired or lost reputation by wjiat they respect- 
 ively did, the whole is- personal, and that the 
 political parties to which they belong* should in 
 no way be prejudiced or benefited by the acts 
 referred to. 
 
 It cannot have been forgotten that on former 
 occasions caustic and severe remarks uttered in 
 debate have led to acts of violence, and sometimes 
 eventuating in death. The vituperation of John 
 Randolph induced Henry Clay to call him to the 
 field, where shots designed to take life were ex- 
 changed. Cilley's denunciation of the venality 
 of the New York Courier induced Webb to chal- 
 lenge him for words spoken in debate, and his 
 refusal- to admit that he was responsible to him 
 on that account led Graves, Webb's second, to 
 seek and take his life in a duel. Numerous other 
 duels and personal encounters have occurred, but 
 no one has heretofore attempted to hold presi- 
 dential candidates responsible for such acts of 
 third persons, where they have not actually ap- 
 proved of them or the principles wlvich occasioned 
 them. 
 
 It will be conceded that Mr. Buchanan is en- 
 tirely guiltless of all attempts at personal aggres- 
 sions, or disposition to participate in personal 
 strife, or engage in political abuse. A long life 
 of personal and professional kindness, and devo- 
 tion to those duties which attach man to his 
 brother man, are guarantees that he is no advo- 
 cate or supporter of personal violence as a remedy 
 for political error. He is known to be the per- 
 sonification of liberality of opinions, and distin- 
 guished for gentleness and courtesy — qualities 
 which appropriately accord with the genius and 
 policy of our institutions. He would sooner suf- 
 fer personal wrong than seek justice through the 
 agency of personal violence and wrong, "or by 
 means prohibited by law. 
 
 The "Republican" party having sought to 
 prejudice Mr. Buchanan on account of the acts 
 of Mr. Brooks, we desire to call the attention of 
 law-abiding men to acts of their candidate lum- 
 self, showing his belligerent propensities ana his 
 willingness to take human life for words which 
 he deemi:d offensive. Indisputable facts place 
 Colonel Fremont in a position which no friend 
 of peace and order can possibly justify. They 
 show that he demanded this privilege of shooting 
 at two men for words spoken, not intended to be 
 personally offensive. 
 
 On his trial before the court-martial who ad- 
 judged his dismissal from the service, he attempted 
 to prove that Colonel Mason said to him, "None 
 of your insolence, or I will put you in irons." 
 From this it is clearly inferrable that Frejpont 
 had used disrespectful language to a superior. 
 Nevertheless, for these words he challenged Colo- 
 I nel Mason to mortal combat, first requiring from 
 
n 
 
 his superior officer an apology by the following : 
 note: 
 
 •' ClCDAD DE LOS ANGELES, 
 
 ".flprilU, 1847. 
 " Sir: I have the honor to request, through my 
 friend, Major P. B. Reading, who will hand you 
 this note, that you apologize for the injurious 
 language applied to me this day. 
 
 •« Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 
 JOHN C. FREMONT, 
 " Lieutenant ColonelJIounted Riflemen. 
 "Colonel R. B. Mason, Colonel Dragoons, Ciudad 
 de los ^ingcles. ' ' 
 Colonel Mason replied as follows: 
 
 " Angeles, .^pril I4, 1847. 
 " Sir: I have just received your note of this 
 evening, and can only repeat in writing what I 
 stated to you verbally when we parted, viz: ' I 
 thought you intended to be so. You best know 
 whether you did or not.' Your not disavowing 
 it left me to infer that I was not mistaken ; with 
 that impression upon my mind, I can say noth- 
 ing until it be removed. 
 
 '* I am, respectfully, your obedient servant, 
 " R. B. MASON. 
 " Lieutenant Colonel J. C. Fremont, Mounted 
 Riflemen. ' ' 
 
 " ClUDAD DE LpS AnQELES, 
 
 " ^;)rin4, 1847. 
 " Sir: An apology having been declined, Ma- 
 jor Reading will arrange the necessary prelimina- 
 ries for a meeting requiring personal satisfaction. 
 '* Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 
 " JOHN C. FREMONT, 
 " Lieutenant Colonel Mounted Riflemen. 
 "ColonelR. B.Mason." 
 
 It will be observed that Colonel Mason thought 
 Fremont intended to be insolent to him, and that 
 he, neither orally or otherwise, denied that he so 
 intended. It is clear that if he had disavowed 
 the intention to be insolent and insult Colonel 
 Mason, the latter would have withdrawn his 
 remarks. Colonel Mason then wrote him as 
 follows: 
 
 " Angeles, ^pHl 15, 1847. 
 " Sir: With a view to the adjustment of my 
 private affairs, it is necessary that I return to 
 Monterey before I afford you the meeting you 
 desire. We shall probably meet there within a 
 few days of each ether. I will then, as soon as 
 circumstances will permit, arrange the necessary 
 preliminaries for a meeting. 
 
 " I am, respectfully, your obedient servant, 
 "R. B. MASON. 
 " Lieutenant Colonel Fremont, Mounted Rifle- 
 men." 
 
 " ClUBAD DE LOS AnGEI-ES, 
 
 " April 15, 1847. 
 " Sir: I am in the receipt of your letter of this 
 date, and, in reply, have the honor to state that 
 1 will hold myself in readiness for a meeting at 
 Monterey, at'such time as you may designate. 
 
 " I am, very respectfully, your obedient ser- 
 vant, 
 
 '« JOHN C. FREMONT, 
 *' Lieutenant Colonel Mounted Riflemen. 
 " Colonel R. B. Mason, First Dragoons." 
 
 " A day or two after these notes Colonel Mason 
 went to Monterey; after Mason arrived there, 
 
 General Kearny came down to Los Angeles, 
 and had a conversation with Lieutenant Colonel 
 Fremont on the subjeot of the duel, saying he 
 forbade it, and had left an order in Monterey 
 to that eflect. Fremont soon followed to Mon- 
 terey. On arriving there, Captain Tyler, an 
 intimate of Mason^, called on Lieutenant Col- 
 onel Fremont; said he did not come by direction 
 of Mason — that he had talked with him about it 
 — that Mason did not intend to insult him, &c. 
 Lieutenant Colonel Fremont paid no attention to 
 this — went to Mason's quarters — was invited to 
 sit down — did not — said he came to let Mason 
 see he was there — and walked out." 
 
 Colonel Fremont soon after, on the 4th of May, 
 1847, received orders from General Kearny, 
 directing him " to proceed no further in this 
 matter." % 
 
 Commodore Eiddle, of the Navy, remonstrated 
 in writing with Colonel Mason on the impro- 
 priety, considering the state of public affairs in 
 California, of officers engaging in duels; where- 
 upon the latter inclosed a copy of his letter, and 
 proposed to postpone the meeting to a more suit- 
 able occasion. Colonel Fremont replied: 
 
 " Monterey, May 22, 1847. 
 
 " Sir : I have the honor to acknowledge the 
 receipt, on yesterday, of your note of the 19th 
 instant, accompanied by a copy of a letter from 
 Commodore Biddle to yourself. The object of 
 your note appears to be to induce*ne to consent 
 to a further and indefinite postponement of a 
 meeting. If such be your desire, I am wiUing 
 to comply with it, trusting that you will apprise 
 me of the 'earliest moment at which the meeting 
 can take place consistently with your convenience 
 and sense of propriety. 
 
 " I am, respectfully, your obedient servant, 
 «'J. C. FREMONT. 
 
 " Colonel R. B. Mason, Monterey." 
 
 This correspondence and the above-quoted 
 statements are found in a speech of Colonel Ben- 
 ton, delivered in a secret session of the Senate, 
 and reported by him in the Appendix of the Con- 
 gressional Globe, in 1848, at pages 1001 and 1002. 
 
 The assumed cause of offense clearly implies 
 that Fremont insulted Mason, and it was so un- 
 derstood by the latter, while the former did not 
 disclaim the intention. The letters of Fremont 
 exhibit a disposition to take human life, not only 
 without any reasonable cause, but they display 
 a persistency of motive and purpose which indi- 
 cate characteristics of temper and disposition 
 which no law-loving and peaceable citizen can 
 approve. This is not the case of a single indi- 
 vidual of a party attempting to violate the law, 
 but that of the clioscn leader and candidate of a 
 party for the highest office to which man can be 
 elevated. 
 
 In selecting him for the Presidency, the " Re- 
 publican party impliedly approve of his seeking 
 the life of a fellow-man for words spoken under 
 I the irritation of supposed personal and undis- 
 1 claimed insult. Should this precedent be fol- 
 lowed, duels and murders would fill the country 
 with mourning and sorrow. Can those who sup- 
 port a candidate whose impulses lead him to 
 taking life for words spoken by one who had the 
 right to repel insolence and insult, consistently 
 reproach and denounce a whole party for the acts 
 of an individual? Is the desire to take human 
 life less abhorrent than unauthorized blows ? 
 
22 
 
 *" But this instance of Fremont's imperious, ex- 
 acting, and unrestrained jjas.sions is not a solitary 
 one. In 1850 his views of tlie freedom of sena- 
 torial debate were conspicuously and strikingly 
 exemplified. When the California land bill \vi\3 
 before the Senate, Mr. Fopte, a Senatorfrom Mis- 
 sissippi, made remarks which Fremont deemed 
 derogatory to him, and he pronounced them false. 
 The following account of the transaction was 
 given in a prominent newspaper at the time: 
 
 " Afterwards tliey met in the ante-chamber, 
 when Fremont struck Foote and brought blood. 
 They were immediately separated by Senator 
 Clarke. Subsequently Fremont addressed a note 
 to Foote, demanding a retraction of the language 
 used by him in debate, to be signed in the pres- 
 ence of witnesses, and a challenge note was left 
 if he refused. Mr. Foote declined to sign the 
 paper, but addressed a note in reply to Fremont, 
 disclaiming any intention of giving any personal 
 offense in the language used by him in debate." 
 
 The friends of the parties deemed Mr. Foote 's 
 note satisfoctory, ancl a card was published de- 
 claring the matter adjusted. It will be seen that 
 Fremont required an apology in writing, which, 
 if not given, a challenge, which was left, was to 
 become effective. It thus appears that Fremont 
 proposed, if the words used were not retracted, 
 to call a Senator to the field, with the view of 
 taking his life, or losing his own. Let this be 
 contrasted witll the case of blows given for a like 
 cause. If obedience to his demands was not 
 yielded, his intention was to sacrifice human life, 
 under circumstances which would render it mur- 
 der — and that, too, for words spoken in debate, 
 and not intended to be personal. Ought not this 
 act of Fremont to close the mouths of his sup- 
 porters in relation to the Brooks and Sumner 
 affair ? If they denounce the former, must they 
 not also denounce and condemn Fremont? Did 
 not Fremont, in the cases of Mason and Foote, 
 seek to commit the far greater crime, and in the 
 restraint of the liberty of speech and the freedom 
 of debate ? 
 
 But if the cases were parallel, it should be re- 
 membered that the one is merely a supporter of 
 tJie Democratic party, while the other has been 
 cliosen by the " Republicans" as the represent- 
 ative of their principles, with the hope of making 
 him the Chief Magistrate of the Confederacy. 
 Do his supporters approve his practice in these 
 cases, and do they expect to follow his prece- 
 dcjits? Do they wish them to prevail in our 
 community? If elected, would Fremont carry 
 OMt his own precedents in relation to the freedom 
 of speech and debate? Do he and his supporters 
 approve the pistol or rifle remedy for whatever 
 gives them offense? Are not our laws ample for 
 Die protection of character as well as property? 
 Do they desire men whose passions are aroused 
 to take the law into their own hands, and control 
 their fellow-men with deadly weapons ? Do they 
 wish to commit the destinies of our country to 
 one whose instincts or passions impel him to 
 seek the lives of those who speak otherwise than 
 respectfully of him ? 
 
 [From tlic Union.] 
 Why Colonel Fremont disobryed General 
 Keni-ny'ii orders, wlilrli occasioned hiii Trial 
 and Dismission from the ^tlilitary Service. 
 
 When Commodore Stockton arrived in Cali- 
 fornia, in July, 1846, and look command of the 
 
 land and naval forces of the United States there. 
 Brevet Captain Fremont plac^^d himself under 
 the Commodore's command, and accepted from 
 him the ofiice of major in the volunteer corps of 
 dragoons, and continued subject to his orders. 
 Before the completion of the conquest, General 
 Kearny arrived, and aided in that work. Com- 
 modore Stockton's orders emanated from the 
 naval, and General Kearny's from the military, 
 branch of the Government. In view of tlie ex- 
 tent of powers confided to each, and the difference 
 in their dates, a question of the right to the ex- 
 clusive command arose between the Commodore 
 and the General, and each insisted upon obedi- 
 ence of those in subordinate positions, including 
 Major Fremont. Instead of resorting to the 
 usual means of ascertaining which he ought to 
 obey. Colonel Fremont resorted to a new mode 
 of determination , that speaks volumes concerning 
 his ruling passion. General Kearny, on the 
 16th of .January, 1847, served a notice in writing, 
 requiring him to obey his orders. He replied in 
 writing, on the 17th, refusing so to do. On Col- 
 onel Fremont'strial, General Kearny, in narrating 
 this matter, testified as follows: 
 
 " On the day subsequent — namely, the 17th 
 day of January — Lieutenant Colonel Fremont 
 came to my quarters, and , in conversation , I asked 
 him if he had received the communication from 
 me of the previous day. He acknowledged tha 
 receipt of it; stated that he had written a reply, 
 and had left it with his clerk to copy. About this 
 time a person entered the room with a paper in 
 his hand, which Lieutenant Colonel Fremont 
 took, overlooked, and then used a pen on my 
 table to sign it — his clerk having told him his sig- 
 nature was wanting. Having signed the pape», 
 Colonel Fremont then handed it to me. It was 
 his letter to me of January 17. At my request 
 he took a seat at my table while 1 read it. Hav- 
 ing finished the reading of it, I told Colonel PYe- 
 mont iliat I was a much older man than himselt, 
 and that I was a much older soldier than himself; 
 that I had great regard for his wife, and greal 
 friendship for his father-in:law, Colonel Benton, 
 from whom I had received many acts of kindness^ 
 that these considerations induced me tovoluntee» 
 advice to him, and the advice was that he should 
 take that letter back and destroy it; that I was 
 willing to forget it. Colonel Fremont declined to 
 take it back, and told me that Commodore Stock- 
 ton would support him in the position taken in 
 that letter. I told him that Commodore Stock- 
 ton could not support him in disobeying the orders 
 of his su]>crior officer, and that, if he persisted in 
 it, he would unquestionably ruin himself. 
 
 " He told me that Commodore Stockton was 
 about to organize a civil government, and in- 
 tended to appoint him as Governor of the Ter- 
 ritory. I told him that Commodore Stockton 
 had no such authority — that authority having* 
 been conferred on me by the President of the 
 United States. He asked me (/' / xoould appoitU 
 him Governor. I told him I cxptcled shorlly to leaw 
 Califuvniafor Minsouri; that I had, previous to leav- 
 ing Santa Fe, asked for permission to do so, and wai 
 in hopes of receiving it; and that as soon as the coun- 
 try teas qvieted I should most probably organize a 
 civil government in California, and that I, at that 
 time, knew no objections to my appointing him as tht 
 Governor. He then stated to me that he would se« 
 Commodore Stockton, and THAT, UNLESS HB 
 APPOINTED HIM GOVERNOR AT ONCE, 
 
^0 
 
 HE WOULD NOT OBEY HIS ORDERS, 
 AND LEFT ME." (General S. W. Kearny's ; 
 evidence on Colonel Fremont's trial, Senate Doc- 
 aments 1847- '8, vol. 5, pp. 38, 39.) 
 
 Commodore Stockton did, by a commission ] 
 dated the day previous, (January 16, 1847,) ap- 
 point him Governor and commander-in-chief of 
 the conquered Territory, and he obeyed his or- ; 
 ders, and continued to refuse obedience to those | 
 of General Kearny. He was charged before the l 
 court-martial with " mutiny," " disobedience of 
 llie lawful command of his superior officer," and 
 " conduct to the prejudice of good order and mil- 
 itary discipline," and convicted upon each charge, 
 and sentenced to be " dismissed from the ser- 
 vice." President Polk disapproved the finding 
 (Ml the first charge, but approved of the last two. 
 
 The evidence of General Kearny, which is 
 wholly uncontl-adicted, clearly shows that the 
 sole question with Colonel Fremont was his'ap- 
 ix)intment to the office of Governor, which, after 
 having his eye upon his Mariposa purchase, and 
 other transactions in California, became an im- 
 portant matter to him personally. He expressly 
 declared that he would not obey Commodore 
 Stockton, ' ' unless he would appoint him Govern- 
 ov at once. " The inference is indisputable, that 
 if the Commodore did not do so, then he would 
 obey General Kearny, who had expressed awill- 
 ino-ness to appoint him at a future day, and as 
 soon as things became quiet, and before his depart- 
 ure for home. Had Commodore Stockton been 
 apprised of what passed between General Kearny 
 aiid Colonel Fremont, and the motives whicli 
 impelled the latter, he doubtless would have re- 
 fused him both the appointment and his confi- 
 dence. No one doubts that the Commodore 
 tliought himself right in what he insisted on, and 
 Lis high-toned and gallant spirit would have 
 slirunk from according anything to such selfish, 
 personal motives. The records of the military ; 
 and naval service do not show another instance | 
 of an officer's obedience being made dependent j 
 upon his appointment to a high office. Is there ! 
 a high-minded, honest man who can approve the j 
 motive of Colonel Fremont in this instance ? Will i 
 osie officer in the Army or Navy declare it to be j 
 honorable and proper? Can his politician parti- 
 aans do so without blushing .' 
 
 [From the Newark Eagle.] 
 
 AAtoundiug Developments ! — Colonel Fre- 
 
 mcnit's FlDancija Operations. 
 
 We find in the Washington Union the first 
 i.n«tallment of the report on Fremont's financial 
 operations in California, which was called for by 
 iie Senate. The Republican press might well 
 wince in advance at these astounding develop- 
 ments. We have not space to-day for any com- 
 ment, and we give a general outline of the facts 
 Slated, so far as we have received them. We 
 premise by saying, that the documents show that 
 the board of claims only allowed >^1 40,000 of the 
 claims set up by Fremont, or one stvenlh of the 
 whole amount, leaving some EIGHT HUN- 
 DRED THOUSAND DOLLARS STILL UN- 
 PAID, and which will never be paid until Fre- 
 mont is elected President. 
 
 Look at some of the items: The first item is a 
 daim for $24,750 for cattle said to have been taken 
 from one Valleio,for the use of the United States. 
 Fremont certifies, on honor, that the claim is 
 correct. It appears, from the items of the bill, 
 
 that Government was asked to pay for cattle to 
 'an extent which would furnish each man in Fre- 
 ! mont's detachment with an ox each day ! and 
 Fremont certifies, "on his honor," that the bill 
 ' was a correct one, and the supplies were used by 
 I his men ! The board of claims showed what they 
 ] thought of it by striking off $10,000 from the bill, 
 by a unanimous vote. 
 
 I Next we have a bill for $82,625 for this same 
 j Vallejo— horses at $100, saddles at $50, spurs at 
 ' $5, and so on. To this Fremont also certifies 
 I " upon honor." By a unanimous vote the board 
 struck off fifty thousand dollars from this bill. 
 
 Next we have a bill from Vallejo for $53,100 
 for horses, at $130 each, saddles at $100 each, 
 one rifle at two hundred dollars, pistols at one hun- 
 dred dollars each, and other charges in the same 
 j proportion. All these bills are formally made 
 j out as supplies furnished to Fremont, and Fre- 
 mont certifies on his honor that the bills are cor- 
 ! rect, and the goods charged at fair prices. The 
 'board again, by a unanimous vote, struck off 
 \forty-one thousand dollars from this bill. 
 
 -We have then another bill from Vallejo for 
 $14,010, for mules, coWs, &c. The board struck 
 off '<p9,975 from this. 
 
 This Vallejo seems to have been a pretty big 
 operator in Government supplies, and somebody 
 i must have expected to have made a large haul 
 j out of Uncle Sam. As Fremont did everything 
 I in his power to push the bills through, going to 
 I the length of certifying them " upon his honor,''' 
 ! some pretty ugly inferences are irresistible. 
 I But perhaps the most extraordinary of all is 
 I the next claim. William D. Phelps brings^ in a 
 bill for ten thousand dollars for ferrying Fremont 
 j and a detachment of men across the bay ! Fremont 
 I certifies that the bill is correct. Major Gillespie , 
 i of the marine corps, testifies that the ferriage 
 : was only seven miles; that no risk was run: 
 that the only object in crossing was to spike 
 some guns in a dismantled fort, which was en- 
 tirely unoccupied at the time. By a unanimous 
 i vote, the board declared that fifty dollars was an 
 ;; ample remuneration! and so allowed. And yet 
 
 I there is added to the claim a deliberate certificate 
 j! of Colonel Fremont that the bill for ten thousand 
 
 j dollars was right and just. 
 
 Ij The documents following these are substan- 
 !| tially the same we have before given as to money 
 j! borrowed by Fremont, the claim for which was 
 
 II allowed to the parties, as the money was un- 
 i doubtedly had of them, but the board rec9m- 
 '! mended that the same be charged to Fremont him- 
 \\self! , . ^ 
 
 The documents from which we obtain these 
 I; facts are official transcripts from the records of 
 i the Department, and are furnished by the Au- 
 J! ditor of the Treasury. It is impossible to /is 
 i' them down. With a man at the head of the Gov- 
 i! ernment who feeds his men at the rate of an ox 
 !' per day, pays one hundred dollars apiece for sad- 
 ■ dies, two hundred dollars for rifles, and ten thou- 
 j sand dollars for seven miles ferriage. Uncle Sam 
 J would not be long bothered with a surplus in 
 his Treasury. No wonder Webb and Bennetl 
 li " shriek for freedom," with such fat pickings in 
 i{ prospecU 
 
 Tbe Second 'Wasliington. 
 
 Some of the Black Republicans out West are 
 illustrating their banners with portraits of Fre- 
 mont, labeled " The Second Washington. " The 
 
24 
 
 points of resemblance between the first Wash- 
 ington and the "second," are thus set forth by 
 the Rochester Union: 
 
 " Washington never dogged a man fifom place 
 to place and endeavored to badger him into a 
 duel. 
 
 " Washington never challenged a man to mor- 
 tal combat. 
 
 " Washington never speculated in beef, to the 
 prejudice of his country. 
 
 " Washington never certified ' on honor' to the 
 correctness of a charge, and then had it cut down 
 by the auditing officer from ten thousand to fifty 
 dollars. 
 
 " Washington never accepted a nomination 
 from a party which proscribed foreigners and 
 Catholics as unworthy the name of American. 
 
 " Washington never encouraged the formation 
 of sectional parties." 
 
 Danii-l Webster 
 
 Said, in a speech delivered in 1850, in alluding to 
 the alienation of the North from the South: 
 
 ' "' This prejudice has been produced by the in- 
 cessant attrition of abolition doctrines, by abo- 
 lition presses, and by abolition lectures upon the 
 common mind. No drum-head, in the longest 
 day's march, was ever more incessantly beaten 
 than the feelings in certain parts of the North. 
 They have been beaten incessantly, every month, 
 and every day, and every hour, by the din and 
 roll and rub-a-dub of the abolition presses and 
 the abolition lectures, and that it is which has 
 created these prejudices." 
 
 [From the Union.] 
 A Word to the People. 
 
 In view of the angry and dangerous contro- 
 versy that is now agitating the country, we 
 would ask a thoughtful attention to the mosA re- 
 markable contrast between the character of the 
 men who framed our Government, and brought 
 it into successful operation, and those who are 
 now prosecuting every means of desperation to 
 sectionalize or subvert the Government. For 
 wisdom, virtue, and patiotism — for all the great 
 and glorious elements of character that dignify 
 and adorn human nature in its highest and purest 
 range — Washington and his compatriots hold 
 unequaled eminence. Through every trial of 
 Jong-suflering, danger, and discouragement, they 
 weift tl) rough a war of more than seven years, 
 and sealed with their blood the mighty triumph 
 of our independence. 
 
 This was the first step; the next was to form a 
 Government to carry out the great principles for 
 which they fought. 
 
 The same men sheathed the sword and took 
 up the pen in peaceful, solemn council, to frame 
 a Government for the people by the people. It 
 was a great task imposed upon wisdom and vir- 
 tue to conquer the conflicting interests and opin- 
 ions that were inseparable from the work. These 
 were to be reconciled and harmonized as neces- 
 
 sary to the consummation of the great end and 
 object. 
 
 They accomplished it, to their everlasting honor, 
 by cherishing a holy brotherhood, by subordin- 
 ating cverytiiing to the one great purpdse, and 
 by laying covenant, concessions, and coippro- 
 mises on the alter of their infant country. 
 
 The work was not yet fully accomplished . TRe 
 next and last step in this labor of love was to 
 bring this delicate and complex conception into 
 practical operation. , 
 
 The same pure master mind that led their 
 armies to victory, and counseled them in their 
 polity, was called to the civil administration of 
 the Government. History tells us how wisely he 
 directed all things, and how well the vast ma- 
 chinery fulfilled every hope and every expectation. 
 From his retirement at Mount Vernon he watched 
 and prayed for his beloved country until he re- 
 signed his eventful life. 
 
 His co-laborers, though less renowned, shared 
 his virtues and his immortality. Their great ex- 
 ample is before us, and, lamentable to say, it is 
 treated almost as a fable in this degenerate age. 
 The proof is broadcast throughout the land. We 
 have it in the guilty, criminal sectionalism that is 
 dividing our brotherhood and tearing our Union 
 asunder with unholy hands and for unrighteous 
 purposes. Patriotism is banished in the rui^n of 
 licentiousness; treason is stalking abroad un- 
 maslft-'d; fratricidal blood is staining the land; 
 fanaticism is strewing its baleful influence; the 
 pulpit is desecrating its divine office by embracing 
 the worst elements of political heresy; and these 
 combined powers are pulling down the pillars of 
 our great national temple, erected by Washing- 
 ton alid his associates. This is the sad spectacle 
 of the day ! » 
 
 If it should fall from its tottering base, who will 
 survive the ruin? Some historian will look over 
 the vast desolation, and will record the names of 
 the traitors who conceived the fatal conspiracy, 
 and the party that ruined the last home of civil 
 and religious liberty. 
 
 We have but a short time left us to cure this 
 impending calamity. We must not shut our 
 eyes to our true condition, but realize it by look- 
 ing at it, and tracing its consequences. 
 
 If we are capable of being true to ourselves, 
 and rightly coiViprehending our all-important in- 
 terests; if we have enough of virtue to choose 
 discreetly between the principles of the great 
 and good men that toiled for our rich inheritance, 
 and the base heresies that are supplanting them; 
 if we would have our Union permanent and our 
 Government prosperous, we must come promptly 
 to the conclusion that we have departed widely 
 from our duty, find that our only safety is in a 
 speedy return to the paths and example of those 
 who had virtue and patriotism beyond the reach 
 of faction and the tempiations of unholy ambi- 
 tion. 
 
 We are aware that the agitations that surround 
 us make this not an auspicious moment to pro- 
 claim danger. But duty constrains us to repeat 
 the warning that we have often given. 
 
 Published by the Granite State Club of Washington. 
 
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
 ^>.o