Glass ^35 
 Book 
 
 "R cj(j 
 
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NATIONAL. 1NTEL.L.I€}EN€EII"EXTRA 
 WASHINGTON: TUESDAY, OCTOBER 9, 1832. 
 
 " A wil 's a feather, and a cliiet a rod ; 
 " An honest man's tlie noblest work of God." 
 ; If this sentiiiieiit ever htid application, surely 
 '^it is to tiie exposition whicli will be found in llie 
 following pages, from a Representative in Con- 
 gress from the State of Ohio, addressed to his 
 constituents. 
 
 Mr. RussiiLi., the writer of that exposition, is, 
 if ever sticli a thing was, an honest politician. 
 JNo zealot he — no hunter after spoils. The re- 
 cords of Congress maybe searched, in vain, for 
 the whole period of which we have had any know- 
 ledge of those who have served in either House, 
 in quest of a man more entitled to the confidence 
 <,)f his constituents, or of the public, than this 
 gentleman, for all the qualities which belong to 
 die character of an upright, intellig-ent, and in- 
 dependent yeoman. 
 
 We have read, with admiration and respect, 
 uiany of the disquisitions on public aft'airs, which 
 have of late been presented to the public from 
 a thousand able pens ; but we have read none 
 which earned home with it such complete con- 
 viction as this round unvarnished tale. 
 
 Mr. Russell was, as he states, a Jackson man, 
 cmd so remained, until satisfied, by evidence irre- 
 sistible, that he had been imposed upon by a 
 false estimate, as well of the morals of the party 
 as of the character of the Chief, whom he has 
 found indeed to be "a rod," with which, in its 
 dearest interests, the nation hath been chastised. 
 He has now had the firmness to declare to the 
 people, before whom he is a candidate for re- 
 election, the change which his sentiments have 
 undergone, and the why and the wherefore of 
 the change. He deserves, for this act of inde- 
 pendence and moral courage, a statue of gold 
 from his countrymen. He deserves it the more, 
 ?jecausc we are satisfied, from a knowledge of the 
 man, that he has, in this act of his, sought for no 
 ;eward but the approbation of his ''own con^ 
 -cience. 
 
 its plain and honest author, it is a candid straight- 
 forward, and undisguised exposition of the state 
 of the country, under the abominable misrule of 
 Gen. Jackson, and the unprincipled cabal with 
 which he is surrounded, and who alone share his 
 confidence, and by whom he is exclusively coun- 
 selled. Mr. Russell commenced his public ca- 
 reer in Congress as a Jacksonian, as he frankly 
 acknowledges, and supported Jackson and his 
 measures until he found that to follow him fur- 
 ther must result in the total abandonment of his 
 political principles. We ask the /c^o adhering 
 friends of the Hero in this quarter, to read this 
 address in the spirit ot candor in which it is writ- 
 ten, and make up their judgment accordingly; 
 and if it should not convince them of the propri- 
 ety of deserting a sinking cause, it will, at least, 
 induce them to review the measures of an admin- 
 istration which is distinguished for nothing so 
 much, as for its grasping usurpation and its ra- 
 pid strides towards absolute monarchy. Although 
 diis paper is addressed to the people of a particular 
 portion of our State, it may he profitably read by 
 others throughout our widely extended country. 
 
 Mr. RusselVs Address. 
 
 FUOM THE SCIOTO (omo) GAZETTE, EXTRA. 
 
 The Address which we publish below, is from 
 vhe pen of the Hon. William Russell, who re- 
 presents an adjoining district in Congress. Like 
 
 To tlu Electors of the 5th Congressional District. 
 
 In 1824 and 1828, I zealously supported the 
 claims of Gen. Jackson to the Presidency of the 
 United States. In this I honestly believed I was 
 laboring to promote the best interests of the conn- 
 try ; especially of the West. The opinions of 
 Gen. Jackson, as expressed in his letters to Mr. 
 Monroe, and votes in the Senate of the United 
 States, met my approbation. After his election 
 to the Presidency, I resolved to yield him my 
 most cordial support, to carry into eft'ect those 
 measures of reform, which the people had been 
 led to believe necessary for the peace, happiness, 
 and prosperity of the country. But, alas ! what 
 a change has three years produced ! Every opi- 
 nion and principle which the General so long and 
 frequently proclaimed, he has abandoned. Every 
 vote which he gave as Senator, he has vetoed by 
 his own acts. And as respects the reform, so 
 long and so loudly promised, who has been bene- 
 fitted t In what instance have the honor and the 
 interest of the country been promoted by it ? 
 What useless office has been abolished 1 What 
 salary reduced ] What has been done with the 
 supernumerary and useless clerks, which the 
 committee of retrenchment found in the different 
 oflices at Washington? I appeal to your judg- 
 ments, has there been a single promise fulfilled ? 
 No : the whole has evaporated into empty air ; 
 and we may discover that those proftssions wer<; 
 the work of designing demagogues, to deceive an 
 honest, confiding people, Having, as before stat- 
 
 

 , r 
 
 ed, tdkeii an active part iii the elevation of Gen. 
 Jackson, I felt an ardent desire for the lionor of 
 his adniuiistration. I'tU after the most dcldjerate 
 and earefnl scrntiny into his acts, I am rehic- 
 lantly but irresistibly forced to the conclusion, 
 that I must either abandon my |irinciples or aban- 
 don Gen. Jackson. And althouijii I feel the full 
 influence wliich the pride of opinion has upon 
 the human mind, yet when such an alternative is 
 presented, I cannot fur a moment hesitate in the 
 choice which du'y to my country requires at my 
 hands. Duty to myself, as well as a due respect 
 for many of my friends whom I hijihi}' esteem, 
 but who may difler from me in opinion, induces 
 me to assign the reasons v/hicli have deterjnined 
 me not to pursue the devious paths of improved 
 Jacksonism. 
 
 ll has long been my decided opinion, that the 
 service of the President of the United States ought 
 to be limited to a single term of four or six years, 
 'n this opinion I have been anii)ly sustained by 
 the repeated declarations of General Jackson, as 
 well as by that of the whole Jackson party ; a 
 party whose asseveration was, that, should the 
 General be elected, he would set the example, 
 and serve only for a single term. President Jack- 
 son, in his first message to Congress, makes use 
 of the following language : 
 
 " It woiil'.l seem a'.lvisa'ole to lir?.it the senices of the 
 Chief Magistrate to a single term of foiu- or six years." 
 
 In his second message, he again urges the pro- 
 priety of placing restrictions upon the re-ebgibili- 
 ty of the President. In connexion with the fore- 
 going amendment to the constitution. Gen. Jack- 
 son urged another, which lie and Ins friends con- 
 (iidered to be of great importance. In his address 
 to the Legislature of Tennessee, he says: 
 
 " With a view to sustain more eRVctnally in practice 
 the axiom which diviiies die three great classes of power 
 into inde])enjeiit cons'iiulional ciiecks, I woidd impose 
 a piovisioii rendering any member o'' Congress ineligible 
 ti> oflice under the General Government, during the term 
 fur which he was elected, and for two years thereafter, 
 e.xcept in cascs of judicial office." 
 
 If these amendments are made, he goes on to 
 show — 
 
 " That members, instead of being withdrawn from le- 
 gislating on the great interests of tlie nation, through 
 prospects of Execmive patronage, would he more l;be. 
 i;illy confided in by their constituents ; while their vigi- 
 lance would be less inu rrupted by party feelings and 
 party excitements, calculations from intrigue or manage- 
 ment would fail," &c, 
 
 Again, he says — 
 
 " lUit if this change in the constitution should not be 
 obtained, and important appnintments continue to de- 
 volve u])on tiie representatives in Uongress, it requires 
 no d^-ptli of thought to be convinced, that corruption will 
 become the order oi the day." 
 
 In conclusion, he remarks — 
 
 " That it is due tc) myself to practise upon the maxims 
 recommended lo others, and hence feel constrained to re- 
 lire from a situation where temptations may exist and sus- 
 picions arise, of tl\e exercise of an influence tending to 
 my own aggrandizement." 
 
 2 .'R^^ 
 
 After reading the above beautiful theory from 
 the pen of Andretv Jackson, I confess it was with 
 deep regret that I witnessed the practical com- 
 ment made upon it by President Jackson, v. ho 
 has appointed more members of Congress to of- 
 fice than any of his predecessors, his full belief 
 in its corrupting influence to the contrary not- 
 withstanding. Call you this practising upon the 
 doctrine you preach to others ? 
 
 On the subject of the re-eligibility of the Presi- 
 dent he has been equally inconsistent. Beforeall 
 the people of the United States had rend his mes- 
 sage of December, 1830, we find him franking a 
 letter written by his private Secretary, to a dis- 
 tinguished Senator of the State of Pennsylvania, 
 lo obtain a nomination from the Legislature of 
 that State. Is this bis practice upon his own max- 
 im, that he would neither seek nor avoid officel 
 
 That part of the second message which relates 
 to tlip. >-ft-eligibility of the President w.-'S' referred 
 to a committee of seven gentlemen, (Mr. Ri'Duf- 
 fie, chairman,) six of whom were, I believe, the 
 ])olitical friends of the President. This commit- 
 tee reported an amendment to the Constitution, in 
 accordance with the expressed views of the Presi- 
 dent. But some unseen power prevented its be- 
 ing acted upon; and the official paper abused iMr. 
 r^i'Daffle, (as an enemy to the Presiden',) for in- 
 troducing !i measure that would prevent himfron. 
 serving a second tcym. 
 
 The Jackson party complained loudly, (and 
 perhaps justly,) that officers under the Govern- 
 ment of the United States prostituted their official 
 influence in order to operate upon State elections. 
 3u strongly lind tlic impropriety of this course 
 been impressed upon the public mind, that Gene- 
 ral Jackson takes special notice of it in his inau- 
 gural address, as follows: 
 
 "The recent demonstrations of public sentiment in- 
 scril)es on the list of exc culite duties, in cliaracters too 
 legible to be overloolced.the task of reform, abuses which 
 have brought the patronage of the Federal Government 
 into conflict vvidi the freedom of cieclions, and the coun- 
 teraction of those causes which have disturbed the riglit 
 ful course of appointments, and I'.ave placed or continued 
 power in unfaithful or incompetent hands." 
 
 Now what has been the practice under the above 
 precept. Let the fuUov/ing circular from the Com- 
 missioner of the General Land Office, speak: 
 
 "Silt:— I send you ihe second number of the Extra 
 Globe.' It ii one dollar for thirty numbers. As it is of 
 the greatest importance in the npproach'.ng contest for 
 the Presidency, tliat this pnper should be circulated aiul 
 read in every neighborhood in Oliio, can you procure five 
 or ten subscribers to it in your vicinity? If you can, and 
 do, you may transmit the money to me, and I will see the 
 papers forwarded to such persons and post offices as you 
 shall direct. Tlie back numbers v/dl be sent." 
 
 Compare attentively the two following letters 
 from Amos Kendall, Fourth Auditor: 
 
 Makcu 24th, 1829. 
 
 "Tlie interest of the cotmlry demands tliat the -Itli Au 
 ditor's office shall be filled with men of business and not 
 with babbling politici:ins. Partisan feelings shall not en- 
 ttr here, ifl can keep them out. To others belong the 
 
whole business of electlv.iecnnff- To me ati<l my clerks 
 
 other (Itilies are ass^-ne.l. Them I sliuU eiKle;>v..r ;o ^m- 
 
 clurire in the spirit nf reform.which hns miide G^-n. J;ick- 
 
 son I'resiilent. V.iin I iti:iv be, iiroul I an, tn;it thel're- 
 
 f-siOenl luisirivcn me r.nnpportuiiitv to aid him ni proving 
 
 VP that r>fonri is not an empty soimJ. and is not to app.y 
 
 •i-nv ri-U' loa clnnije (if men. Ilencefortl), assuhionsly i\c- 
 
 ■* vou-d tomyonicialdmics, I sliall k-sve my enemies and 
 
 ■^liis, to their freedom of speech and the press, restuig- my 
 
 - claims to public confidei\ce on my acts. 
 
 "Very ri.-sr)eclfnl!v, your frienil, fci-. 
 ^, , " " AMOS Hr-NOALL. 
 
 ^«'ToI. Mus-non." 
 
 SECO;-D LliTTliU. 
 
 WisnixGTON^, Aiiril 28, 1832. 
 " Deaii Siii:— I take llie libtrty to enclose you certain 
 proposals vvliich speak fiir themselves. T!lc people need 
 only correct inic)iniition,and t!ie propose 1 paper wdl ffive 
 
 1 
 
 it on the c'leapest ter.ns. It is intended to reacli every 
 iieig-hhorlniod in ll-.e Uri^on, and it ispecnliarly desu'able 
 that it s'.ionhl be circuhited Ihroiitc'i a'i Kentucky. It wdl 
 r.-nderesxentini service in all your ele':tions. Will yon 
 take tlie trnnhle,t'(:r the sake of onr g.iod cause, to raise a 
 subscription in your quarter, and makea speedy reluru of 
 lames and money. Tiie time for action is at hand. 
 
 " The President is well, and in exxellint spirits. I do 
 not doubt that (be people, whom be lias so honestly serv- 
 ed, will triumpbanlly sust.ain him. 
 
 " With ijreat respect, yry.us trulv, 
 
 "AMOS KEND.\LL." 
 
 Notice. rf.tJcf, the e.xpi'cs^ioii in the iibove let- 
 ter, ' for the suke of our gob(;l cattse.' What 
 cause? Not the cause of the peoph^, or of t!ie 
 cntiiiliy, but, in plain E\!ghsh, the cause of the 
 Office 'Holders. 
 
 Look, fellow citizeiKS, at the quantity of. elec- 
 tioneering tntittcr funiished by public ofi'ioers at 
 Vi'ashitigtoii, and distributed free of postage tiii- 
 dcrtiieir frank. If ihe correction of :d)ii.scs tvhich 
 brought the patronage of the Federal' Government 
 into coniliet v/itli Ihe freedom of elections has 
 taken place, wliat ineaus the last letter uf A. 
 Kendalll And \v!iat does it m^an that so many 
 Post Masters and other Federal officers are ap- 
 pointed inenib/TS of electioiioeriiig coniraittees'? 
 For what purpose do certain presses furni>-h so 
 many veto messages and papei's free of cost."" For 
 what purpose did a certaiti Federal officer from 
 Kentucky, who htis a salary of about §1900, 
 conic into Oliio and makestninp speeeiies in fa- 
 vor of theadinii!istratipn,and thereby come in con- 
 (lictwith the freedotn^foiu- elections'? Believe me, 
 fellow citizen.'!, when I tell you, that all this was 
 in accordance with ti combined movement of the 
 office holder.^ to retain their places. Let me now 
 ask, has the hand of reform fout-.d them our, and 
 have they been indii^natitly hurled from office as 
 unfaithful or ineompetent men? 
 
 O n the day of Gen. Jackson's inauguration, 
 on.; of his devoted followers in Ohio, exclaimed 
 in the following language: 
 
 " In tile ai'ministr.iliun of the presentChief Magistrate, 
 we look for a refor n in tbe subordinate offices in llie ex- 
 ecuiive Departments, viz : Departments of State, of 
 War, Ticasu'y, a;;d N'avy. The business of tiieir sta- 
 tions must take tlie piace of electtoneeriiii^ travelling. 
 I'bere wiil be fewer Ministers I'lcnipolentiaries made. 
 
 and fewer changes of Ministers as an excuse for oulfiU, 
 and no infits or constructive journics piid; no Indian mis- 
 sions made for and justified as a compliment to a favorite 
 pel for alle!,'ed faitlilnlnes'i, with 7,000 dollars of tlie na- 
 tion's money in six months, as li.is been in tlie expiring 
 adiiiinistratfon of tbe coalition. We pmdiv anticipate a 
 savintf of some 20,000 cr 30,000 dollars in tlie cor.tin- 
 gencies of eacli or'most of the cabinet departments, and 
 of some 1000 or 2000 in the continprencies of t'le Audi- 
 tors of public accounts. President .hickson has no occa- 
 sion for patronage to m.ake him popular, as he does not 
 desire a re-election, or if he doer, can have it williout 
 eH'ort on liis part— there will be no occasion for election- 
 eering contingent money to be placed at tlie command of 
 tiiese officers. All these improvements, and many more, 
 we have good reason to expect, :s they constituted a 
 jiart of tbe o!>jecl of tlie sufl'iages of tbe people in desii;- 
 nating Andrew Jackson to the ofiice of their Chief M.i- 
 gistrate." 
 
 You will ask, have these hopes been fulfilled? 
 I answer. No!* Ha.s-the number of Ministers been 
 reduced? No! An increase was asked or! Well, 
 then, say you, there have not been so many chan- 
 ges of ministers. I believe there have been more 
 chaiisjcs. Well, boast you that we have had no 
 
 Administration, the 
 §23,205,523 
 
 23,101,794 
 
 • In 1823, tlie last year of tiie Ide 
 receipts from ihe cu.-toms amounted to 
 
 Tile aver.ige annual receipts fiom the 
 same source in the years 1829, '30, and 
 "31, are 
 
 nifierence, 1«3,729 
 
 Although tliis comparison siinws rather a decrease of 
 revenue, vet for its r.olleciion there has been agreat in- 
 crease of olHcers. In Maicli, 1329, tlie numher of Cus- 
 ton House ofiicers was I16r. Iliere are at tliis lime 1509 
 
 Increase In three years 342. Header, call you tliis re 
 
 trenchment and reform" 
 
 Kxpemli/ures in Ihi: Exp.cu'icc Btpurtmenta. 
 In 1829, 
 1330, 
 1S31, 
 
 5534,829 58 
 .143,234 90 
 539,330 83 
 
 Exprnd.'lurcs in Ihe same Dfpurtmcnln. 
 
 In 1826, «488, 164 17 
 
 1827, 509.801 33 
 
 182S, 559,136 41 
 
 51,637,395 31 
 
 Excess of the present over the 
 miiiistration, 
 
 ad- 
 
 1,551,101 91 
 
 ;■ 83,293 40 
 
 Compare the expenditures of the tliree first years of the 
 present with tbe three la-.t years of tbe late administra- 
 lion, under tlie head of foreign 
 Kxoeiiditures in 1829, 
 
 intercourse. 
 
 1830, 
 1831, 
 
 $179,597 07 
 294,067 27 
 298,699 95 
 
 Kxper.dilures in 1826, 
 1827. 
 1828, 
 
 5232,719 88 
 257,923 42 
 198,473 24 
 
 772,364 29 
 
 689,115 74 
 583,248 55 
 
 Excess of the present over 
 ni.stiation 
 
 the last admi- 
 
 ■['be amount asked for by tbe Executive and appropri- 
 ated tbe present year, for foreign Intercourse is 297,900 
 dollars. 
 
constructive jouriiies noriiifits to miiiislers to puy 
 for? If we have not paid for constructive jour- 
 iiies, we have paid for the constructive residence 
 of a minister in one country, wiiile he was resid- 
 ing in anotlier. Mr. John Randolph was ap- 
 ])oiuted Minister to Russia, where he remained 
 only ten days, and then went to Engh\nd, where 
 lie actually resided ahout one year, although by 
 construction he was the resident Minister in Rus- 
 sia duriiig the wliole period. Fortius construc- 
 tive service, Master John received 0000 dollars 
 outfit, 9000 dollars salary, and 4500 infit; mak- 
 ing 'iijoOO dollars lor one year. This i.s pretty 
 strong construction, I take it. 
 
 In the early part of 1S28, a committee was ap- 
 pointed, called the Committee of Retrenchment, 
 •whose duty it was, to inquire what reductions 
 could he made in the niniibers and salaries of the 
 officers and clerks, in the State, War, Treasury, 
 Navy, and Post Office Departments, and to exam- 
 ine the several contingent funds of each. 
 
 Read with attention the following'extracls from 
 their report. 
 
 They began their report by saying, that thev 
 had addressed " a letter to each of the Heads of 
 ' the Executive Departments, calling for informa- 
 ' tion as to the reductions that might be made, 
 ' v.'itliout injury to the public service, in the num- 
 ' ber and salaries of the clerks and officers in their 
 ' respective departments, and the contingent ex- 
 ' pcnses of the same;" from all of whom they re- 
 ceived answers stating, " that neither the luim- 
 ' ber nor salaries of the clerks and officers in 
 ' their respective offices, can be diminished with 
 ' safety to the public interest." 
 
 The committee, not satisfied with these an- 
 swers, proceeded to say, it was impossible for the 
 committee to ascertain by their own examination, 
 the facts necessary to enable them to proposeany 
 specific reduction of the number of clerks in the 
 several offices; and that without the cordial aid of 
 the Executive, no eftective scheme of retrench- 
 ment could he instituted; but that they had ob- 
 tained information enough to satisfy them that 
 " by a judicious system of reform, instituted bv 
 ' the Executive officers themselves, at least one- 
 ' third of the present number of clerks in the de- 
 ' partments might be reduced with safety to the 
 ' public interest. .We believe, (says the commit- 
 ' tee,) that there are in fact a corps of invalid pen- 
 ' sioners attached to some of these offices, and 
 ' just in i)roportion to their increasing disability 
 'to discharge their duties, is an increased neces- 
 ' sity for the appointment of new clerks. We al- 
 ' so think that by a new distribution of office 
 ' hours, there would be an addition of at least one 
 ' third of the amount of labor actually pcri'orm- 
 'ed, which in itself, would involve a reduction of 
 ' one-third of the number of clerks employed." 
 You will observe that if the views of the commit- 
 tee had been carried into eft'ect by the promised 
 reform, it would have reduced one-half the num- 
 
 ber of clerks in the Executive Departments. The 
 committee go on to recommend sundiy improve- 
 ments, and amongst them them the abolition of 
 the Second Comptroller's office,and that of one of 
 the Auditors. All this reform was to be accom- 
 plished under General Jackson. Has it been 
 done? No, not one particle of it! One week be- 
 fore Gen. Jackson came into office, Mr. Hamil- 
 ton, Chairman of the Committee of Retrench- 
 ment, oft'ered the following resolution: 
 
 " liesoha!, Tliat lliis ilmise li.".sa liglit lo expect tlut 
 the Executive will submit to Congress ;it its next session, 
 a coniprehensive scheme iif retrenchment, which shall 
 extend to the lopping off of all useless offices, and of i^c- 
 curing; a more eficclive accountability in those v\hich are 
 retained." 
 
 Has this been done'? I answer not yet — the first 
 step has not been taken. Compare this resolution 
 with the extract from the inaugural address, and 
 then compare both with what follows, and I am 
 sijre you will agree with me, that oil this flourish 
 vas only to gull and deceive. 
 
 Atthe first session of Congress, after Gen. Jack- 
 son came into power, Mr. Wicklift'e, who was at 
 the head of the Committee of Retrenchment, call- 
 ed tipon^the Heads of the difterent departments, 
 to know how many and what offices might be 
 dispensed with, and what expenses could be cur- 
 tailed. Some of tlieni I think did not deign to 
 give him an answer. Mr. Van Buren, however, 
 did, m his letter datedMarch the 4th 1830. He 
 says, 
 
 " As to tlie first branch of enquir/, my opinion is, tha} 
 there can be no rcdnciion in the number of officers at 
 this time employed in tiie deparlment, without dctrinient 
 to the public intertsi." 
 
 It was not enough that Mr. Van Buren refus- 
 ed to diminish the number of clerks in the de- 
 partment of State; but he went farther, in Ins 
 letter to the chairman of the committee on foreign 
 relations, dated January the 29th, 1830. Ho 
 says, ' I beg leave also to enclose for the consi- 
 deration of the committee the project of a law au- 
 thorizing the appointment of an assistant Secreta- 
 ry of State." 
 
 The Hon. W. T. Barry, Post Master Genera, 
 in a letter dated January 13th, 1830, addressed to 
 R. M. Johnson, of the Committee on Post Offi- 
 ces and Post Floads, requests the appointment of 
 an additional assistant Post Master General, 
 and ten new clerks. In the Treasury Department 
 no reduction was made either in the number or 
 salary of the oflirers; hut, on the contrary, on the 
 29th May, 1830, a bill passed the House of Re- 
 presentatives, (and became a law,) creating the 
 office of Solicitor of the Treasury, with a salary 
 of 3,500 dollars a year. The foregoing was ail 
 that we heard about the comprehensive scheme of 
 retrenchment. What a comment upon the doc- 
 trine of retrenchment and reform! 
 
 In 1824, and 1S2S, 1 believed Gen. Jackson 
 to be a real friend to the internal improvement' of 
 the Western countrv. and bv that means and that 
 
only we could hope to obtain a reasonable share 
 in the public expenditnre. But in this I have been 
 disappointed. The President does not appear to 
 have any goverjiinij principle upon this subject, 
 but is guided liy the whim or caprice of the mo- 
 ment, as will appear by the following cases. — 
 While a Senator, he voted money to aid a joint 
 stock company to construct the Chesapeake and 
 Delaware Canal, sixteeji miles in length. This 
 undertaking was liable to every objection brought 
 against the Maysville road which he vetoed. I 
 believe he voted in favor of the Louisville Canal, 
 nnd withheld, at the close of the session of 1830, 
 a bill to complete that work — a work of the deep- 
 est interest to the whole West. It is vain to say 
 ■ lie was under stronger obligations to consult the 
 general good in the one station than in the other. 
 In these cases his obligations were of equal ex- 
 tent. At the hist session, a bill for the improve- 
 ment of rivers, bays, nnd roads, was passed and 
 approved. In this bill there was an item for the 
 improvement of the Cumberland river. On his 
 being charged with inconsistency for approving 
 this bill, the Globe assured the jiublic, that the 
 President would cause the expenditnre to be made 
 below tlie city of Nashville ; thai, as that city 
 was a port of entry, it would he constitutional to 
 improve the river up to that point. Of course we 
 are left to infer that it would be unconstitutional 
 to improve the river above to enable the inhabi- 
 tants to come down to the port of entry. Another 
 bill of precisely a similar character was witliheld 
 at the close of the session. 
 
 The Jackson Convention which met at Colum- 
 bus, Jan.Slh, IS28, declared it to be a base slander 
 to charge Gen. Jackson with being unfriendly to 
 internal improvements. 
 
 A meeting of the friends of Gen. Jackson, at 
 Zanesville, Nov. 28th, 1837, adopted the follow- 
 ing resolutions : 
 
 " liesolver/, 'rliat we view will) astonishment and re- 
 gret, llie repeated asserlions and acts of desig-ning politi- 
 ciaiis to delude tlie people into a belief, tlial Gen. Jack- 
 son is opposed to the encourai^jernent and prolcclion of 
 domestic niannfactures and internal improvement. 
 
 " BesulveJ, Tli;;!, as Western citizens fiiemlly to tlie 
 American System, to domestic manufactures, and internal 
 improvement, we recommmd all true friends to mami. 
 factnres and internal improvement to support the election 
 of Genei;d Andic-.v Jacksun," &,c. 
 
 I have uniformly sustained those great leading 
 principles on which Gen. Jackson was supported 
 in Ohio previous to 18-28, as my votes will shew. 
 Ifthe General and many of his friends have aban- 
 doned them, pray reader, icfio is the turncoat, I, 
 or they? 
 
 It was not enough that the friends of General 
 Jackson had to bear his own infirmities, but they 
 must swallow JMr. Van Buivn,wlio,by his instruc- 
 tions to Air. M'Lane, caused his country to be 
 humbled before a foreign monarch, by directing 
 him, Mr. M'Lane, to bring to the notice of that 
 raonarcli our party feuds and family quiurels, in 
 
 order to gain some petty advantages to his own 
 party. But this is not all: Gen. Jackson, as if to 
 shew his perfect contempt of the former opinions 
 of his whole party, is now laboring to give to the 
 country a successor in the person of i\!r. Van Bu- 
 ren.* He certainly cannot have forgotten bow 
 strongly the whole party opposed the succession 
 of executive pets, a few years ago. The duty of 
 the President is fathfully to execute the laws. To 
 the people it belongs to point out the President's 
 successor. 
 
 During the Presidential contest in 1824, what 
 relation did Mr. Van Buren and his Biicktails sus- 
 tain towards Gen. Jackson.'' I answer, that of 
 his most bitter revilers. But just before the con- 
 test of 18'28, he saw that it would be to his inter- 
 est to turn a somerset. Accordingly, he was found 
 in the Jackson ranks as soon as the contest was 
 over; and he and his friends bore off nearly all 
 the spoils of victory, while the true friends who 
 had borne the heat and burden of the day were 
 entirely neglected. 
 
 Gen. Jackson was charged with having justifi- 
 ed the violent and brutal attacks Made upon mem- 
 bers of Congress at the last session ; and when a 
 resolution was oftered in the House of Represent- 
 atives to authorize an inquiry into the truth of 
 the report, and proof was tendered, his friends, 
 forming the majority, rejected the resolution, and 
 refused the inquiry. Freedom of debate is a 
 constitutional privilege promised to every mem- 
 ber. The shield is thrown around him, not for 
 his own benefit, but for the public good, that he 
 may fearlessly inquire into the conduct of execu- 
 tive officers, and, if needful, expose corruption, 
 find it where he may. 
 
 To show the utter contempt in which General 
 Jackson holds the Senate of the United States, it 
 is only necessary to refer to one or two of his no- 
 minations. Mr. Gardiner was nominated as Re- 
 gister of the Land Olfice at Tiffin, in this State, 
 in 1839, and his nomination unaiiimonsly reject- 
 ed. At the next session, not one of the General's 
 friends was found to support him; yet the Presi- 
 dent gave him, in the Indian Department, a much 
 better office, that did not require the concurrence 
 of the Senate. I might name the case of Whar- 
 ton Rector, and others; but let one more suffice. 
 Mr. Gwin ^a clerk in the General Post Office) 
 was appointed, in 1831, to fill a vacancy which 
 occurred in a land oflice in the State of Missis- 
 sippi. During the last session of Congress, the 
 Senate refused to confirm his appointment, on 
 
 • The N.Y. Eveninfj Post of Sept. 1, says, "This !s 
 almost the first lime tliat the choice of a Vice President 
 has presented a qneslion of importance. We are now 
 called upini to compensate a nun, every way deserving, 
 for an unmerited mortificaiinn, and to secure a successor 
 to Gen. Jackson, in case that dealii or sickness unhappily 
 incapaciiates him for the duiies of his station, mIid may 
 carry on the plans he has hesnn." [.The man who wotdd 
 make the dis.-ovcry of « hat those plans are, would be a 
 public benelaclor.'and wimld deserve Will (;f his country.] 
 
6 
 
 the ground that they v^oulc! not send men from 
 one Stiile to fill offices in another, in ordinary 
 cases. Tiie President rc-noniinatod Ttlr. Guin, 
 and the Senate hiid it upon the table; and the Pre- 
 sident was advised, througli some of liis confi- 
 dential friends, that it would not again be taken 
 up. Since the adjuurnnieiit of Coni^ress, the Pre- 
 sident has re-appointed Mr. Gwm to the same 
 .office. Look, reader, at the Constitution, and 
 ask yourself if this vacancy has occurred during 
 the present recess of Congress. 
 
 During the first two years of Gen. Jackson's 
 administration, he did not hold Cabinet councils, 
 according to »he practice of all his predecessors. 
 
 During the last session of Congress, the official 
 paper at Washington labored most ardently to 
 prostrate the Supreme Court and both Houses of 
 Conjrress, in order to build up Executive influ- 
 ence. 
 
 Gen.Tackson sentCommissioiiers to fora- ;i com- 
 mercial treaty with the Sublime Porte, without the 
 advice and consent of the Senate. This is a case 
 somewhat like iMr. Adafus's Panama mission, as 
 he only said ministers would be ajinoiiiled. T!io 
 treaty has been made; and the annual amount 
 necessary for the support of a mission at that 
 Court is as follows: Salary of the Clmrije d'Af- 
 fairs, 4,500 dollars ; Dragoman, 3, .500 dollars; 
 coutiiigeut exijcnses, 35,01)0 : total, 43,000. The 
 item of 35,000 is inieiided princinaily for pre- 
 sents, or, in more homely but true language, tor 
 b/ibes, in order to I'etain tlie friendship of these 
 proud Mahometans. Commodore Porter, who is 
 Charge d'Aftaires at that Court, after a residence 
 of some months, writes to a friend that not otiu 
 American vessel had reached there during that 
 period. This is paying pretty dear for the whistle. 
 
 In a little more than three years. Gen. Jackson 
 has vetoed (or forbidden them passage) three, and 
 withheld at the close of the Session five impor- 
 tant bills, which had passed both Houses of Coiv 
 gress by respcctaide nsaj' rities ; being a greater 
 number, I believe, than all his predecessors liad 
 vetoed during the previous 40 years; a power 
 which, it is s-iid, the King of Great Britain has 
 not exercised for nearly or.e hundred years. Iliad 
 always been taught to believe, that, in a republic, 
 the majority ought to rule. Hence, I am not only 
 opposed to the frequent exercise of the veto pow- 
 er, but view its grant as one of (he greatest errors 
 in our system of Government. The people are 
 the fountain of all power; and, in my opniitni, are 
 the legitimate checks on^ improper legislation. 
 They can soon see, and feel too, the cflects of a 
 bad law, and will accordin^ily apply the remedy 
 which they hold in theirown hands. The Gover- 
 nor of Ohio has no negative power; and I believe 
 our laws are as pure and as wholesome as are the 
 laws of the neighboring States, where that power 
 is exercised. 
 
 It was not my intention in tliis address to sav 
 any thing reppecting tlie Bank of the United 
 
 States. There are pi wers assumed by the Pre- 
 sident in the veto message, which I humbly con- 
 ceive do not legitimately belong to him. Two or 
 three of these 1 intend "to notice: He says, "Had 
 the executive been called upon to furnish the pro- 
 ject of such an institution, the duty would have 
 been cheerfully performed." Reader, pause and 
 consider the import of the above sentence, and 
 ask yourself this question — By what law or con- 
 stitutional provision is it made the duty of the 
 Representatives of the People to ask tidviee from 
 the ^ixecutive'! and by what law or constitutional 
 provision is it made the duty of the President of 
 the United States to furnish Congress with the 
 project of such laws as he uould ajiprove and 
 sign 1 This language would be more becoming 
 ."it the court of some European monarch, than in 
 the Republic of t!ie United Slates. I presume 
 that the only law or custom which can be adduc- 
 ed, is one laleiy discovered by the editor of the 
 Globe, and which is as follows: 'that he. General 
 Jackson, was born to command; of course, we 
 were boni to obey. If you .-iduiit the above, you 
 admit the doctrine of the divine rigiit ; and over- 
 throw the republican doctrine that all men were 
 born equally free. 
 
 Gen. .Jackson, in his fiist message to Cone-ress, 
 December Sill, 1S39, makes use of the following 
 languase : 
 
 " Tlie c';;u-ter of the Bank off lie United States expires 
 in 1836, ami ils stiickhoklers will m(.it prob'ilily .ipplv for 
 :i renewiil of llietr privilejfes, in or«.lc-r lii uvu'ul tlie evilsi'e- 
 siiltr.ijjc from iireciptfuiicy in a meiisure i'lvolvinjj sucL> im. 
 poi-i;iiit [.rliici;;lt's and sucli ilei'p pt-ciiiii^iry interests. I 
 feel that [ c;iMiiot, injustice tii the parlies interested, tou 
 soon preset*- il lo llie deliberale consideration of tlie Le 
 gisl.dure and tlie People." 
 
 Compare the above with the following extract 
 from the veto message. When the bank had se- 
 ven years of its charter unexpired, he thougjit he 
 could not too soon present it, &e. but when its 
 term was reduced to four years, it was not now 
 necessary to renew it : but to the extract : 
 
 " As the charter had yet four years to run, and as a re- 
 newal v.-as not now nece/saiw to a snccessfnl proSLCiniiin 
 of its bnsinebs, it was to have been expected that th.a 
 Bank itself, conscious nf its purity, and prond "f ilscha- 
 :'acter, v.'onld have wididrawn ii3 application for the pre- 
 sent." 
 
 Again he says — 
 
 " Tlic Bank is professedly established as an ajjenl of 
 til ■ executive bvancl'.e-s of the Government, .and lis con- 
 stiuitionality is nuiintained on tliat ground. Neither upon 
 the pi'0|n-iely of present aclicni, nor upon the provisions 
 of th'sac.-t, was the Execiiive cinisiilted. It has isad no 
 opportunity lo say that it neither m eds nor wants an 
 asjentcloliied with sucli power.', ami la\ored by such ex- 
 emptions, 'i'hcre is noihint; in ils lepiiimate functions 
 wliich make it necessary or proper. Whatever interest 
 oi- inflnence, whethtr pu!«lic or private, has given biith 
 in this act it can'aot be found eitlier in the wiilies or ne- 
 cessities of the r.xeciitive Department." 
 
 Mr. McLane, Secretai-y of the Treasury, in his 
 report to Congress at the beginning nf last session, 
 pays — 
 
" Tlie indispensable necessity of such an institution, 
 for the res"! ition and preservation of a sonnd cinrency, 
 for the aid "(' commercial transaciinns p;enerally, and even 
 for the safety and utility of the local banks, is nut doubt' 
 ed, and as is believed, has been slieu'n, in tlie past expe- 
 rience of the Government, and in tlie general accommo- 
 dation and operation of lUe present bank. 
 
 " Tlie present instil ution may indeed be considered as 
 pecnllaily the ofl"sprin» of that necessity, sprin^jinij from 
 the inconveniences which followed the loss of the first 
 Bank of the United Slates, and the ev'ds and distresses in 
 cident to tire excessive, and in some instances, fraudu- 
 lent issues of the local banks durlni^ the w\r — the pro- 
 priety of continuing' it is to be considered, not more in re- 
 feivnce to the expediency of bai-.kingr peneridly, xlian in 
 regard to the actual state of thines, and to the multipli- 
 C'ty of Slate Banks already in existence, and which can 
 neither be displaced nor in any other maimer controlled, 
 in their issttes of paper by the ifieneral Government. This 
 is an evil not to be submitted to; and tlie r.nnedy at pre- 
 sent applied, wliile it preserves a sound currency for the 
 coiintrv at larpre, promotes the real interests of the local 
 banks, by giving' soundness to their paper." 
 
 It is not my province to reconcile tiiese discor- 
 dmit opinions of tlie Piesident and his Secretary. 
 The former says that tlie Executive neither needs 
 nor wants sucli an agent : the latter declares it 
 to be indispensable to carry on the fiscal concerns 
 of the Governtnent ; and permit me to say, that, 
 in ray opinion, Mr. BI'Lane understood the sub- 
 ject much better than the President. 
 
 The President and many of his friends aftect 
 to be deeply concerned, on account of the great 
 drain of money from this country to Europe, to 
 pay the bank dividends, amounting at six per cent 
 to §480,000. But not one tvord is said about the 
 thirty millions of dollars we have had to pay in 
 money, for the excessive importations of British 
 jrewgaws during tlie last year. Many of these 
 gentlemen would, if they could, prostrate our own 
 manufactures, and thereby make us hewers of 
 wood and drawers of water to England, to the 
 tune of an hundred millions a year. I call this 
 straining at a gnat and swallowing a camel. 
 
 From the most careful review of the measures 
 of the present administration, they are such as 1 
 cannot, as an honest man, approve. Many of 
 the cases which I have noted, are of the most ar- 
 bitrary kind ; and to my mind, prove that the 
 President and his flatterers wish to establish a 
 government of one man onh/. If it be the wish 
 of the people of the United States, that the exe- 
 cutive, judicial, and legislative power should be 
 vested in the hands of one man, they ought to 
 dismiss their judges and representatives to save 
 expense ; and while the President exercises the 
 power, let him also bear the whole respousibi- 
 l.ty. 
 
 Thus, fellow citizens, I have given you tiie rea- 
 sons why I will not again support Gen. Jackson 
 for the Presidency. In so doing I violate no 
 pledge given, either directly or indirectly, as a 
 citizen or as a representative. I only exercise 
 the right guarantied to every citizen — the free ex- 
 ercise of the right of suffrage. I presume that 
 there is not one of mv constituents who feels bound 
 
 to vote for me in all time to come, because he lias 
 done so in time past ; nor am 1 bound to vote for 
 Gen. Jackson in 1833, because I voted for him in 
 1824 and 1828. It is due to myself, however, to 
 state, that let the President be who he may, I will 
 yield ray most cordial support to his measures, so 
 far as they will promote the public good, and 
 shall with equal zeal oppose whatever I believe , 
 would be injurious. I shall never yield to the 
 Executive a servile obedience, not shall I engage 
 in a captious opposition. " Measures, and not 
 Men," shall be my motto. 1 view the represen- 
 tative as the servant of the people, and the guar- 
 dian of their rights, and not the servant of him 
 who may fill the chair of state. 
 
 I admired most of the leading principles avow- 
 ed by Gen. Jackson and his friends, previous to 
 the election in 1828. They are yet my princi- 
 ples. I have neither changed nor abandoned 
 them ; and as a proof of my consistency, I appeal 
 to every vote I have given in Congress for the five 
 last years, whenever these principles were brought 
 in question. Mr. Hainer has, in his address, 
 told us correctly, wiiat the Jackson principles 
 were in 1828. I wish he had told us what they 
 now are. I mean no reflection upon Mr. Hamer 
 when I say, that it would take a wiser man than 
 he to do this: fori assert, without fear of .suc- 
 cessful contradiction, that the General has vetoed, 
 by bis practice, eveiy leading principle avowed 
 by himself, or his friends, before the election of 
 1828. 
 
 I appeal to the sober and reflecting part of the 
 community. Are you satisfied with the acts of 
 the adniiiiistratiou ? (Numbers of you have told 
 me in private, you were not.) Do you believe 
 that the pledges given have been redeemed in a 
 single instance 1 Have the promises made, been 
 fulfilled 1 Have the number of offices been re- 
 duced, or useless offices abolished / In what in- 
 stance has there been a reduction of expenses in 
 the department immediately under the control of 
 Gen. Jackson ? If there has been in a single in- 
 stance, put your finger upon it. If none of these 
 things have been done, (and I affirm that they 
 have not,) no longer suffer personal attachment 
 to warp your judgments. Shew to the world 
 that you love your country more than General 
 Jackson. Remember that the welfare of that 
 country, and the very existence of her most ven- 
 erated and valuable institutions, are in your hands; 
 and posterity will hold you accountable for the 
 course you maj' take. Gen. Jackson says, in his 
 veto message, " Each public officer, who takes 
 an oath to support the Constitution, swears that 
 he will support it as he understands it." Exa- 
 mine this doctrine. Try to carry it into practice; 
 and see where it will lead you. I do not hesitate 
 to say, it will land you in the broad field of anar- 
 chy and confusion. 
 
 Had I consulted my own advancement, I would 
 have remained silent about these things. 1 would 
 
8 
 
 have done like some others, played the wiley po- 
 litician, and remained oii the strong side. But 
 for so doing, I sliould have despised myself ; and 
 I am sure a free people would have despised me 
 for it. And as I firmly believe that a continuance 
 of the present capricious and arbitrary adminis- 
 tration will bring ruin upon our beloved country, 
 no hope of future advancement, no prospect of 
 personal aggrandizement, or any other selfish 
 consideration whatever, could induce me to i-eturn 
 to you with a lie in my mouth, crying " All's 
 well!" when I believe that our country iaupoii the 
 verge nf a precipice. 
 
 Should you enquire whom I intend to support 
 
 for the Presidency, I can only say, that I do not 
 know. The gentleman that would bo my choice, 
 is not at this time before the public. Being, how- 
 ever, perfectly satisfied that no change can take 
 yjlace but what wdl be for the public good, 1 shall 
 therefore be governed by ciroiimstances, and shall 
 vote for the man that will be most likely to effect 
 my object — namely, the promotion of the peace» 
 happiness, and prosperity of our country. 
 Very respectfully, 
 
 I am, your obedient servant, 
 
 AVILLIAM RUSSELL. 
 
 WesUUnion, Sept. 2lst, 1832. 
 
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