ifumjnmir/wo/i/sam, - W a &.L0^ K^O [P[E i^ f^ THE LIFE WILLIAM PENN; WITH SELECTIONS CORRESPONDENCE AND AUTOBIOGRAPHY SAMUEL Msf^JANNEY " The humble, meek, merciful, just, pious, and devout soula are everywhere of one religion, and when Death has taken oflf the mask, they will know one another, though the diverse liveries they wear here make them strangers." — Penn's Maximt. FOURTH EDITION, REVISED. WITH COMPLETE IMDEX. PHILADELPHIA: FRIENDS' BOOK ASSOCIATION, 706 Arch Street. 1876. ri5 2, .2. Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1851, by SAMUEL M. JANNEY, tn the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States, for the Eastern District of Yir 'inig. 8TERE0TTPED BY U JOHNSON & CO. PHILA^.H J>HIA. Gift Mrs. Ada Spinks Aug. 16 1934 TO PHINEAS JANNEY, OF ALEXANDRIA, VA. THE GUARDIAN OF MY YOUTH: AS A TRIBUTE OF GRATITUDE AND AFFECTION, IS INSCEIBED BY HIS NEPHEW, a M. JANNEY. PREFACE. On offering to the Public another biography of William Penn, a few words concerning its design, and the facilities enjoyed in its preparation, may not be inappropriate. Without intending to derogate from the labours of others, I may be permitted to say, that through the kindness of friends, I have obtained access to original materials, which have enabled me to furnish a more full and accurate account of the Founder of Penn- sylvania than has hitherto been given to the world. When this work was commenced, I was not apprized that an English author was engaged on the same subject, nor did his book appear in this country until T had accomplished my task, with the exception of a single chapter. After perusing W. Hep worth Dixon's " Historical Biography" of Penn, recently published, I have come to the conclusion that there is yet room for another life of the great Philanthropist. It will be perceived by the reader, that our plans are essentially different. He, with a great mass of materials before him, has inserted but four of Penn's letters. These, with short passages or single sentences from inedited letters, com- prise the whole that he gives us from a voluminous and interesting correspondence. In the memoirs of illustrious persons, and especially 6 PREFACE. of those who, like Penn, were good writers, I prefer their own language to that of their biographers ; and have, therefore, introduced full copies, or copious ex- tracts, from about one hundred and forty of his letters, as well as nearly the whole of his autobiography, called " An Apology for Himself." In another respect our views are dissimilar. He brings prominently forward the political character of Penn ; representing him as the disciple of Algernon Sidney, kee]3ing in the back-ground his religious ser- vices, and not duly appreciating the merits of his co-labourers, the primitive Friends. In describing the Founder of Pennsylvania, I have endeavoured to give due weight to his enlightened policy as a legislator, but I trace that policy to his religious principles, and attribute far more influence to the ministry of George Fox than to the counsels of Algernon Sidney. When Penn himself speaks of Fox as " a strong-man, a new and heavenly-minded man, a divine and a naturalist, «ind all of God Almighty's making," can we hesitate to ascribe to that great teacher an important influence over the mind of his disciple ? So far as relates to Penn's connection with the affairs of Pennsylvania, this work will be found more comprehensive than any other history of his life. The '' Logan Correspondence," from which large selections are given, forms, of itself, a history of the colony from the date of Penn's last visit to the time of his death. To Charles B. Trego, Secretary of the American Philosophical Society at Philadelphia, and to Doctor Isaac Parrish, Sidney Y. Smith, and Horatio Gates Jones, Jr., Members of the Historical Society of Penn- sylvania, I feel bound to offer my acknowledgments for their courtesy in giving me free access to the original MSS. deposited in the archives of those insti- PREFACE. tutions. To Alfred Cope of Philadelphia, I owe the privilege of examining his MSS. relating to Pennsyl- vania, copied from the State Paper Office, London. Nor can I forbear to express my obligations to my friends, George M. Justice of Philadelphia, and S. S. Randall of Albany. To the former, I am indebtea for his co-operation in my researches, and for the use of the " Penn Papers" in his possession ; to the latter, for the first suggestion of this work, and efficient aid in its revision. While engaged in the preparation of this volume, I have derived both instruction and enjoyment, from studying the character and writings of Penn ; and when, in its progress, I came to the period of his death, my mind was overspread with sadness, as though I had lost a personal friend : this feeling, however, was succeeded by the consoling reflection, that he still lives, having " passed from works to rewards," and that his memory will long survive in the hearts of mankind. S. M. JANNEY. Loudoun County, Va., llih month 22, 1851. PREFACE TO SECOND EDITION. The first edition of this work having been quickly exhausted, and general approbation expressed with its execution ; I have revised it with care, and now offer a stereotyped edition, which I trust is somewhat improved, though no essential changes have been made. Some persons, whom I highly respect, feeling a deep interest in the character of Penn, have desired me to insert a few pas- sages from his doctrinal writings; but, being aware of the difficulty that attends a clear understanding of extracts when separated from their context, I have been under the necessity of declining most of these requests. One, however, will be found in Chapter III. page 54 ; and a paper called "Gospel Truths," which has been selected on ac- count of its brevity and comprehensiveness, has been inserted in the Appendix. But those who wish to understand the doc- trinal views of Penn should read his own instructive writings. I have endeavoured to present his character in that aspect which, to me, is most interesting — as a man of deep devotional feelings, singleness of purpose, and practical righteousness. These qualities I esteem as the better part of religion, and those who possess them, whatever may be their creeds, will receive from the great Head of the Church the joyful welcome, " Come, ye blessed of my Father, inherit the kingdom prepared for you from the foundation of the world." S. M. Janney. Spbingdale, Loudoun Co., Ya. 4.h m©. 1852. LIST OF AUTHORITIES CONSULTED IN THE COMPOSITION OF THIS WORK. 1. Penn's MSS. Letters in the archives of the American Philo- sophical Society at Philadelphia. 2. Penn and Logan, MSS. Correspondence, in do. do. 3. Original MSS. and Letters in the archives of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 4. Penn papers in the hands of Geo. M. Justice, Philadelphia. 5. Pemberton MSS., being letters of Penn to Harrison. 6 MSS. copies in the hands of Alfred Cope, Philadelphia, from twenty documents relating to Pennsylvania, in the State Paper Office, London. 7. Records of Certificates, &c., Philadelphia Monthly Meeting, 1684 to 1758. 8. Memoirs of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, in 8 half vols. 9. Memorials of Sir William Penn, by Granville Penn. 10. Works of William Penn, with his Life prefixed. 11. Clarkson's Memoir of William Penn, with Forster's vindication prefixed. 12. Life of William Penn, by Enoch Lewis, in Friends' Library. 13. Life of William Penn, by George E. Ellis, in Sparks's American Biography. 14. Colonial Records of Pennsylvania, 3 vols. 15. Smith's Laws of Pennsylvania. 16. Proud's History of Pennsylvania. 17. Gordon's History of Pennsylvania. 18. Ebeling's History of Pennsylvania. 19. Smith's History of Pennsylvania in Hazard's Register. 20. Hazard's Register. 21. Hazard's Annals of Pennsylvania. 22. Watson's Annals of Philadelphia. 9 10 LIST OF AUTHORITIES. 23. Pennsylvania Historical Collections, by Sherman Day. 24. Account of Pennsylvania and West New Jersey, by Gabriel Thomas, 1698. 25. Thomas Story's Journal. 26. John Richardson's Journal. 27. Thomas Ellwood's Journal. 28. George Fox's Journal. 29. Pepys's Diary. 80. Burnet's History of his Own Times. 31. Historical Review, (Franklin.) 32. Original Settlements on the Delaware, by B. Ferris. 33. Life of Algernon Sidney. 34. Friends' Book of Memorials. 35. Sewell's History of Quakers. 36. Gough's do. do. 37. Smith's History of New Jersey. 38. New Jersey Historical Collections. 39. Bancroft's History of the United States. 40. Life of William Kiffin, by Joseph Ivenney. 41. "The Friend," Philadelphia, 24 vols. 42. Friends' Weekly Intelligencer. 43. Dixon's Life of Penn.* * Dixon's work was not published until this volume was nearly ready for the press. I have therefore introduced in the form of notes all that I deemed of importance to be extracted from it TABLE OF CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. His birth and parentage — Education — Expelled from Oxford for non- conformity — Sent to France — Returns and enters Lincoln's Inn — Goes to Ireland — Assists in quelling a mutiny — Prospect of a cap- taincy — Correspondence with his father — Hears Thomas Loe a second time — Convinced of Friends' principles — Imprisoned — Released and returns to England — His father's displeasure — His expulsion from home. (1644-07.) Page 21 CHAPTER II. Penn's connection with the Society of Friends — Rise of the Society — Early life of George Fox — His ministry and sufferings — Summary of the principles of Friends. (1667.) Page 37 CHAPTER III. Anecdote of his sword — Dress of Friends — He becomes a preacher and an author — His tract called " Truth Exalted" — Controversy with Vin- cent — Tract called "Sandy Foundation Shaken" — His imprisonment in the Tower — Writes "No Cross, no Crown" — Letter to Lord Arling- ton — Tract called "Innocency with her Open Face" — His liberation from the Tower — A fragment of his autobiography. (1 668-9. )....Pa^e 50 CHAPTER IV. He visits Thomas Loe on his death-bed — Goes to Ireland on his father's business — A fragment of his autobiography — Conventicle Act — Suf- ferings of Friends — William Penn and William Mead taken at a meeting and committed to Newgate — Their trial at the Old Bailey. (1669-70.) Page 62 CHAPTER V. Sickness of Admiral Penn — Release of William Penn from prison — Interview with his father — Dying expressions of the Admiral — Hia death and epitaph — William Penn's controversy with Ives — Letter 12 TABLE OF CONTENTS. to the Vice-Chancellor of Oxford — Publishes his "Caveat against Popery" — Is arrested at meeting — His examination before Sir J. Robinson — Imprisonment in Newgate — Description of that prison — His tract on "Liberty of Conscience." (1670-1.) Page 83 CHAPTER VI. His marriage — Travels as a minister — Declaration of indulgence issued by Charles II. — Eflect of it on dissenters — Controversial tracts — Penn's Christian Quaker — Public discussion with Thomas Hicks and others — Letter from William Penn to George Fox — Letter of Dr. Henry Moore — Controversy with John Perrot — Letter to Friends in Maryland. (1672-3.) Page 96 CHAPTER VII. Declaration of Indulgence revoked — Persecution renewed — William Penn's Letter to Justices of Middlesex — Extract from his autobiogra- phy — His "Treatise on Oaths" — On "England's present Interest" — " The Cry of the Oppressed" — Dispute and correspondence with Baxter. (1673-5.) Page 107 CHAPTER VIII. William Penn arbitrates between Byllinge and Fenwick — His letter to Fenwick — Becomes a trustee for Byllinge in the sale and settlement of West New Jersey — Civil and religious liberty established there — Land purchased of the Indians — Efforts to prevent the sale of rum to the Indians — Speech of an Indian king — Progress of the colony. (1675-7.) Page 117 CHAPTER IX. Journey to Holland and' Germany — Visits Rotterdam, Haerlem, Am- sterdam — Letter to King of Poland — Visits Princess Elizabeth of the Rhine, Crisheim, Frankfort, Duysburgh — Attempts to visit the Count- ess of Flachensteyn and Burch — Rudely treated by the Graef — Re- turns to Amsterdam — Visits the Somerdykes — Goes to Embden, Her- werden, Wesel, Amsterdam, Rotterdam — Passage to England — Letter from the Princess Elizabeth. (1677.) Pog^ 125 CHAPTER X. Persecution of Dissenters — William Penn petitions Parliament — His speeches before a Committee of the House of Commons — the Popish plot — Consternation of the people — Penn's Epistle to Friends — His address to Protestants. (1678-9.) Page 13T TABLE OF COiN TENTS. 18 CHAPTER XI. William Penn becomes interested in political affairs — Contests between Whigs and Tories — He sides with the Whigs — His tract on the elec- tion of Parliament — Accompanies Algernon Sidney to the hustings — Letters to Sidney — Dissolution of Parliament and new election — "One Project for the Good of England" — Motives which influenced Penn — His independence and patriotism. (1G79-80.) Page 150 CHAPTER XII. William Penn applies to Charles II. for lands in America — Obtains a grant of Pennsylvania — Letter to R. Turner — Terms of the Royal Charter — Letter to the inhabitants of Pennsylvania — Sends out Mark- ham as deputy — Arrival of INIarkham — Boundaries — Penn issues de- scription of the colony and proposals for settlement — Letter to R. Turner and others. (1680-1.) Page 163 CHAPTER XIII. William Penn's position and views — Conditions of settlement in his pro- vince — Letter to J. Harrison — To R. Turner — From J. Claypole — William Penn refuses to sell monopoly of Indian trade — Three com- missioners sent to Pennsylvania — Their instructions — Arrival of two ships with colonists — William Penn's religious labours — Tract called "Examination of Liberty Spiritual" — Letter to Friends of Bristol — To R. Vickers— Death of his mother. (1081-2.) Page 173 CHAPTER XIV. Penn's frame of government — Compared with that of Locke — Preface to his constitution — Code of laws — Free Society of Traders — Slaves for a term of years — Letters to Emperor of Canada and to the Indians — Deeds from Duke of York — Letter of William Penn to his wife and children — Embarks for America — Letter to S. Crisp. (1682.). ..Payc 184 CHAPTER XV. His arrival at New Castle — Reception and speech — Landing at Chester — Goes to Philadelphia — Reception — Changes the names of the streets- Lots on the Delaware— Boundaries of the city — Journey to Nev York— "Great Treaty" with the Indians. (1082.) Page 204 B 14 TABLE OF CONTENTS. CHAPTER XVI. Assembly meets at Chester — Constitution and laws passed — William Penn goes to Maryland to meet Lord Baltimore — V^isits Friends' meetings — Letter to a friend — Letter to one who had censured him — Letter to Lord Culpepper — Letter to Lord Hyde — Assembly meets in Philadelphia — New charter — William Penn meets Lord Baltimore at New Castle — Treaty with Indians for land — Indian walk — Trial for coining false money — Trial for witchcraft — Letter to CoL Henry Sidney. (1682-3.) Page 220 CHAPTER XVII. Early history of Pennsylvania — Rapid improvement — Character of the colonists — Their labours in building and planting — William Penn's interest in their progress — Meetings of Friends — Anecdotes of the early settlers — Richard Townsend's testimony — William Penn's jour- ney to the interior of Pennsylvania — His account of the country and the Indians, in a letter to the Free Society of Traders. (1683.)...Pa^e 233 CHAPTER XVIII. Lord Baltimore's demand — His aggressive measure — History of the controversy with him — Early settlements on the Delaware by the Dutch and Swedes — William Penn's letter to Duke of York — Nego- tiation with New Jersey — William Penn's letter to Friends in Penn- sylvania — Sufferings of Friends in England — Reasons for William Penn's return there — Commissions the Provincial Council to act in his stead — Commissions judges — Population of Pennsylvania and In- dian tribes — Letter from S. Crisp — Letter of William Penn to inha- bitants of Pennsylvania — His arrival in England — Letter to J. Harri- son — Fragment of his autobiography, (1684.) Page^ 249 CHAPTER XIX. Death of Charles 11. — Letter of William Penn concerning it — Acces- sion of James 11. — He openly professes the Roman Catholic Religion — Influence of the priests and imprudence of the king — His regard for William Penn — The king professes tolerant principles, and pro- mises to protect the Church of England — Friends' petition for relief — 1400 of their members in prison — William Penn uses his influence for liberty of conscience — Takes lodgings at Kensington — Letter to J. Hjirrison — Monmouth's insurrection quelled — Cruelties of Jef- freys- -Executions — Letter of William Penn to J. H. — Protestants persecuted in France — William Penn's position and services at court — Intercedes for J. Locke — Unpopularity of the king — William Penn TABLE OF CONTENTS. 15 shares the odium — Tract called " Fiction Found Out" — Correspond- ence with Tillotson — The Boundary qiiestion — Order in Council relating to it — AflFairs in Pennsylvania — William Penn's Letters. (1G85.) rage 2G3 CHAPTER XX. Tract called ** Persuasive to Moderation" — King pardons all imprisoned for religion — Thirteen hundred Friends released — The informers dis- couraged — Letters to Harrison — William Penn Travels to Holland and Germany — Mission to Prince of Orange — Burnet — Scotch Re- fugees — William Penn's aid to them — He appoints five commissioners to govern in Pennsylvania — His instructions to them — Gordon's stric- tures on these instructions, answered — Doctor Franklin's Historical Review — Quitrents considered — William Penn's letter to his commis- sioners of government. (1686-7.) Page 279 CHAPTER XXI. Declaration of Indulgence and removal of tests — An unpopular mea- sure — William Penn opposed to its being based on the dispensing power of the king — Course of the Dissenters — Address of Friends, and Wil- liam Penn's speech to the king — His tract called "Good Advice to the Church of England" — His letters to J. Harrison — His desire to return to Pennsylvania — His religious labours in England — King's progress — William Penn's intercourse with the king — Interesting me- moirs of C. Lawton, concerning William Penn. (1687.) Page 294 CHAPTER XXII. Vindication of William Penn from the charges of T. B. Macaulay. (1687-8.) Page 308 CHAPTER XXIII. William Penn visits Whitehall with G. Latey — Clergy required to read the Declaration of Indulgence — Bishops sent to the Tower — Their trial and acquittal — William Penn opposed to their commitment, but shares the odium of it — Elegant letter of W. Popple, and William Penn's answer — Landing of the Prince of Orange — Well received b-^ the nation — Irresolution of the king — He is forsaken by his own children — Withdraws to France — William and Mary proclaimed — Effect of the revolution on William Penn. (1688.) Page 335 16 TABLE OF CONTENTS. CHAPTER XXIV. Progress of the colony — Letter of William Penn about the caves of Philadelphia — An Indian alarm — C. Pusey and others visit the old chief — T. Lloyd wishes to retire from office- -Letter of William Penn to him — Appointment of Gov. Blackwell — William Penn examined before the king and council — Required to give bail — Letter to Friends in Pennsylvania — Letter to Lord Shrewsbury — William Penn is cleared — Act of toleration — William Penn determines to return to Pennsyl- vania — Gov. Blackwell resigns — T. Lloyd again in office — William Penn's letters to council — Directs a public school to be instituted in Philadelphia. (1688-9.) Fage 349 CHAPTER XXV. William Penn arrested — His manly and candid defence — Required to give bail — Is cleared, and makes preparations to go to Pennsylva- nia — Proclamation for his arrest— He is imprisoned — Death of George Fox — William Penn accused by Fuller — Another order for his arrest — He goes into retirement — Writes an epistle general to Friends — Letter to Lord Romney— Letter to T. Lloyd. (1690-1.) Page 359 CHAPTER XXVI. Dissensions between the province and territories — Members of coun- cil from the latter withdraw — William Penn reluctantly consents to their separation — Markham made governor of the territories — Letter of William Penn — Religious controversy with George Keith — His separation and disownment — He is prosecuted and fined — Goes to England and becomes an Episcopal minister — Letter of William Penn to R. Turner, about Keith's views — William Penn's government super- seded by the appointment of Fletcher — His troubles increased by his wife's illness — Letters of William Penn to Friends and to Lord Ro- chester. (1692-3.) Page 371 CHAPTER XXVII. 'Just measures" relating to Friends' discipline and women's meet- ings — " Key" concerning Friends' doctrines — " Essay towards the present and future peace of Europe" — "Fruits of Solitude" — The preface to it — William Penn cleared by King William — Letter on the occasion to T. Lloyd and others — Death of his wife — Her character — ■ His memorial concerning her — Letter to R. Turner. (1692-3. ).../'a^e 382 TABLE OF CONTENTS. 17 CHAPTER XXVIII. Col. Fletcher's administration — Requisition for men and money — The Assembly assert their privileges, but grant a money bill — The go- vernment restored to William Penn — He appoints W. Markham his deputy — Death of Thomas Lloyd — His character and services — Mark- ham's administration — The Assembly's povpers enlarged — Letter to Secretary Blathwayte — To Friends in Pennsylvania — Peace and pros- perity of the colony — William Penn writes " Rise and Progress of the People called Quakers" — Address to House of Commons — Travels in the ministry — Present at a public discussion — Marries his second •wife — Death of his oldest son — His memorial. (1693-G.) Page. 390 CHAPTER XXIX. •'Primitive Christianity Revived" — "More Work for George Keith" — Interview with Peter, Czar of Muscovy — Letter to the Czar — Lasting impression produced on the Czar — "A Caution concerning the Bill against Blasphemy" — Letter to his agents in Pennsylvania — Reli- gious visit to Ireland — Half-year meeting at Dublin — Great crowds attend to hear Penn — Controversy with Plympton — " Gospel Truths" — William Penn's horse seized under an Act against Papists — His clemency towards the offenders — T. Story's account of William Penn's eminent services in the ministry — Interview with a bishop — William Penn's return home — Writes "A Defence of Gospel Truths" — T. Story embarks for America — His parting interview with William Penn — William Penn prepares for a voyage to America — Letter of Advice to his children — Farewell sermon — Letters to Friends in Eng- land— He embarks. (1696-9.) Page 405 CHAPTER XXX. William Penn lands at Chester — Sad accident to a young man — Wil- liam Penn's charity — He lands at Philadelphia — Yellow fever in that city — Letter of J. Logan to William Penn, Jr. — Notice of J. Logan — Col. Quarry and David Lloyd — Residence in Philadelphia — His em- ployments — Meeting of assembly — Speech to the council — A new charter desired — Laws proposed concerning marriages of negroes, and selling rum to Indians — Col. Quarry's charges against D. Lloyd — D. Lloyd excluded from council — His enmity to William Penn — Old charter given up — Speech on the occasion. (1699-1700.) Page 417 CHAPTER XXXI. Pennsbury Manor and Mansion — Furniture — William Penn's mode of travelling — Horses, carriages, barge — Anecdote of Rebecca Wood — Fairs and Indian canticoes — Letter of J. Norris — Anecdote of H. Penn — Letters of William Penn and his wife— Note of D. Logans B* 2 18 TABLE OF CONTEJS^TS. Letters of J. Logan — T. Story — William Penn visits a Yearly Meeting in Md. — Visits Indians at Conestoga — Rural occupations — Slaves formerly owned by him — Extracts from his letters — Rise of the Tes- timony of Friends against slavery — William Penn's elForts to improve their condition — Minute of Philadelphia monthly meeting — William Penn liberates his slaves. (1700-1.) Page 427 CHAPTER XXXII. Assembly meets at New Castle — Speech of William Penn — Dissensions between province and territories — Grant of £2000 by assembly — Laws passed — Riot in East Jersey, and letter of Penn — Treaties with Indians — Depredations of pirates — Precautions of the government — Assembly meets at Philadelphia — Requisitions of the king for money to build a fort — Perplexity of the assembly — They decline to comply — Design of British government to annex the proprietary govern- ments to the crown — Penn determines to return to England — His reluctance to go — Letter to J. Logan — Meeting of the Indians at Pennsbury — Assembly meets — Governor's speech — Assembly's an- swer — Indians eome to take leave of Penn — His speech to them — New constitution — Last meeting of Penn in Philadelphia — City charter granted — Appoints A. Hamilton deputy-governor — Petition of J. Norris and D. Lloyd — Penn's reply — Letter of instructions to James Logan. (1700-L) Page 439 CHAPTER XXXIII. Logan correspond enoe — Penn's arrival in England — His solicitude alx)«t his son William — Death of the king — Accession of Queen Anne — Address of Friends — Letters to Logan — Pecuniary difficulties — Col. Quarry in England — Church party in Pennsylvania — Their disafFec- tion to the proprietary — Gov. Hamilton's attempt to raise a militia — Letters of Penn. (1701-2.) Page 454 CHAPTER XXXIY. tenn takes lodgings at Kensington — Writes " More Fruits of Solitude" — Letter to Logan — George Fox's lot — Servants from R. Janney — Governor Hamilton's administration — His death — Kindness of Penn to his family — Colonel Quarry's machinations — Difficulty about oaths — Lord Cornbury and the church party — Letters of Logan and Penn. (1702-3.) Page 462 CHAPTER XXXV. William Penn, Jr., arrives in Pennsylvania — Visited by the Indians — Penn's letter to Logan — Col. Quarry — Oaths and affirmations — Lo gan's letter to Penn — S. Bonas imprisoned — Governor Evans's mea- sures — ^William Pean^ Jr.*s, affray with the watch — Renounces Qua- TABLE OF CONTENTS. ]9 kerism — Returns to England — Evans disputes with assembly — D. Lloyd's artifices — Pretended remonstrance of assembly — Letters of Penn and Logan. (1703-4.) Page 4''C CHAPTER XXXVI. W. Aubi'ey, son-in-law of William Penn — William Penn, Jr. ofi'ers for Parliament — Letters of William Penn to J. Logan — To Friends in England — To R. Mompesson — Letter of Logan concerning charter of government — Note of D. Logan — William Penn's answer to D. Lloyd's allegations about charter, &c. — Meeting of assembly — Go- vernor Evans's speech — Assembly's answer — They claim the quit- rents for support of government — Governor Evans complains of W. Biles — Assembly dismissed — Poverty of the colony at this time — Losses by privateers — AVilliam Penn to J. Logan about the "Wool Act" in England — Logan to Penn — Improving prospects of the colony — William Penn to J. L. about surrender — Boundary line and cost of colony — J. L. to W. P. — Harmony in the government — W. P. to J. L. about selling the government — Answer of J. L. (1705-6.) Page 489 CHAPTER XXXVII. Misconduct of Gov. Evans — False alarm caused by him — Letter to Lo- gan — Governor Evans loses public confidence — Conduct of Friends during the false alarm — The governor calls the assembly — Proposes military defences — Their answer — The governor levies a «%x called •'Powder ]\Ioney" — Richard Hill and others pass his ft t at New Castle — The governor foiled in his exactions — Reaction in the public mind — D. Lloyd again speaker of the assembly — Altercation between the assembly and governor about judiciary bill — Assembly impeach Logan — Characters of Logan and Lloyd — Charges against Logan, and his answer — Assembly's remonstrance to William Penn, about Evans and Logan — William Penn censures Evans — Determines to remove him — Letter to Logan, announcing the appointment of an- other deputy-governor. (1700-7.) Page 502 CHAPTER XXXVIII. Penn's pecuniary embarrassments — Treachery of his steward — The Fords claim Pennsylvania — Letters of Penn and Logan about Ford's accounts — Suit in Chancery — Penn's friends ofPer a composition of the claim — Difficulty interposed by D. Lloyd's accusation — I. Norris's certificate about the spurious remonstrance of 1704 — Letter of Penn — Letter of I. Norris about Penn's arrest and imprisonment for debt — Ford's claim settled — Penn released from the Fleet prison. (1706-8.) Page 513 20 TABLE OF CONTENTS, CHAPTER XXXIX. Letter of William Penn recommending Governor Gookin — Rumour about a silver-mine — Address of asseuibly to Governor Gookin — His answer — Logan censured by assembly— r-He demands a trial, which they evade — Requisition of the queen for men and money — Assembly's answer — Another remonstrance against Logan — He pre- fers charges against D. Lloyd — The assembly pass an order to im- prison Logan — The governor protects him — He embarks for England — Logan's acquittal in England — An entirely new assembly elected — Harmony restored — J. Norris's letters — William Penn's expostula- tory letter to people of Pennsylvania — The assembly grant £2000 for the queen's use — Act to prevent the importation of negroes — An- nulled by the crown. (1709-12.) Page 524 CHAPTER XL. Penn travels as a minister — His health declines — Composes a preface to J. Bank's journal — Contracts for the sale of his government — His letter to the council — Letter to Logan — Severe illness — Last let- ter to Logan — Second attack of his disease — Letters from Hannah Penn — William Penn's intellect impaired by disease — His health gra- dually declines — Hannah Penn's management of colonial affairs — Her correspondence with- Logan — Death of William Penn — Address and present of the Indians t» Hannah Penn — William Penn's will — Death of William Penn, Jr., of Hannah Penn, of James Logan. (1709-18.) Page 535 CHAPTER XLI. The holy experiment — Its objects and results — State of society in Pennsylvania during the life of the founder Page 550 CHAPTER XLII. Personal appearance and character Page 564 APPENDIX. List of Parssengers who embarked on board the ship "Welcome," in the year 1G82 Page 573 Gospel Truths Page 575 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. CHAPTER I. His birth and parentage — Education — Expelled from Oxford for non- conformity — Sent to France — Returns and enters Lincoln's Inn — Goes to Ireland — Assists in quelling a mutiny — Prospect of a captaincy — Correspondence with his father — Hears Thomas Loe a second time — ■ Convinced of Friends' principles — Imprisoned — Released and returns to England — His father's displeasure — His expulsion from home. 1644-67. It is the purpose of this work to narrate the life and deli- neate the character of William Penn ; a man alike distinguished for his moral qualities and mental endowments ; his sufferings and his success ; his labours as an author, a gospel minister, and a Christian legislator ; who, having wisely improved the talents intrusted to him, has left his impress upon the world, and bequeathed to posterity an example that will not soon be forgotten. His father is known in history as Yice-Admiral Sir William Penn, a distinguished commander in the British Navy during the wars of the Commonwealth and in the reign of Charles II., who conferred on him the honour of knighthood, as a reward for his services,* Sir William Penn married early in life Margaret, the daugli ter of John Jasper, of Rotterdam, by whom he left two sons — * Memorials of Sir William Penn, by Granville Penu. ii. 233. 21 22 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. che younger of whom survived him only three years — and one daughter.* William, the elder son, who is the subject of this work, was born in the parish called St. Catherine's, near the Tower of London, on the 14th day of October, (then the 8th month,) A. D. 1644.t Admiral Penn being possessed of an ample estate, and de- sirous that his son William should become distinguished in the world, determined to give him a liberal education. At an early age he was sent to a free grammar-school at Chigwell, in Essex, which was near Wanstead, one of the country-seats of his father. Here he gave evidence of promising talents, and received some of those serious impressions by means of which his youth was preserved in purity, and pious desires were awakened in his mind. It was here, while in his eleventh year, that he experienced the enlightening influence of divine grace ; and the good seed being sown in the soil of a sincere and willing heart, was not lost, but in after years produced a rich harvest of spiritual enjoyment and usefulness. It is related by one of his biographers,! that being alone in his chamber, " he was suddenly surprised with an inward comfort, and, as he thought, an external glory in the room, which gave rise to reli- gious emotions, during which he had the strongest convictions of the being of a God, and that the soul of man was capable of enjoying communion with him." He believed also '' that the seal of Divinity had been put upon him at this moment, or that he had been awakened or called to a holy life." When we consider how great is the influence exerted by powerful emo- tions, and how much our impressions, even of external objects, are modified by the state of the mind, it is not surprising that a youth of his age, while under strong religious convictions, * Memorials of Sir William Penn, by Granville Penn. f Penn's Life, prefixed to his Select Works. In Penn's time the rear be- gan with the 25^A of March, which, among the Friends, was then called the first month, April the second month, and so on. October, as its name im- plies, was then the 8th month. In this work the old style is retained. X Clarkson's Life of Penn. EDUCATION — HEARS THOMAS LOE. 23 should suppose he beheld an external glory shining around him; for the ligltt that shone in his own spiritual nature was "above the brightness of the sun." In the year 1656, Admiral Penn removed with his family to Ireland, where he possessed valuable estates ;* and "VYilliam, being then about twelve years of age, diligently pursued his studies at home, under the direction of a private tutor. At the a^e of fifteen he went to Oxford, and was entered as a student at Christ Church College. Here he advanced rapidly in learn- ing, and cultivated the acquaintance of those students who were most distinguished for talents and virtue, while at intervals he engaged in manly sports and athletic exercises, in which he took great delight. f Among his comrades at this time was John Locke, afterward distinguished for his Essay on the Human Understanding. While Penn was at Oxford, the Duke of Gloucester, brother of Charles II., died of the small-pox. He was much beloved by the king, and was a favourite with the nation on account of his amiable character. Many poetic effusions were written by the students in com- memoration of this mournful event, and among the rest, Wil- liam Penn produced an elegy written in Latin verse, which affords evidence of his genius and acquirements. J About this time, he attended a meeting of the religious Society of Friends, who were then, in derision, called Quakers. Thomas Loe, who had formerly belonged to the University of Oxford, preached on this occasion, and his discourse made a deep impression on the mind of Penn, who began to perceive that the simplicity and purity of the Christian religion were lost sight of by most of its professors, while their attention was occupied by a round of lifeless ceremonies. His early religious impressions were revived, and earnest desires were experienced for a "closer walk with God." While in this frame of mind, he found that some of his fellow-students were, like himself, dissatisfied with the esta * Memorials of Sir Wiliiam Penn. f Clarkson's Life of Penn. X Ibitl. 24 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. blished form of worship. They concluded to withdraw from it, and they held among themselves meetings for Divine wor- ship, in which they were engaged in preaching and prayer. This conduct gave offence to the heads of the college, who fined them for non-conformity; but Penn and his associates, l,elieving themselves bound by a sense of duty to continue their meetings and to absent themselves from the established church, were finally expelled from the college.* After his return home, his exemplary conduct and serious deportment evinced the change that had been wrought in his feelings. He withdrew from the society of the gay and frivo- lous, and sought the company of the pious and sedate. His father saw with grief this change in his manners, and began to fear that all the prospects of worldly honour he had cherished for him would be blasted. Being himself a man of the world, he could not enter into the feelings of his son, nor appreciate that noble devotion of soul which enabled him to contemn the perishing things of time, and to fix his affections upon those heavenly treasures — those pure principles of right- eousness — which are the gift of God and will endure for ever. Having tried persuasion and threats without turning him from his purpose, the Admiral at length resorted to blows ; and these being alike ineffectual, he gave way to a transport of rage, and drove him from his house. f In this trying situation William evinced that patience and fortitude which distinguished him through life. His father soon began to relent ; for although hasty in his temper, he was natu- rally a man of kind feelings, and his wife, who was an excel- lent woman, interceded for her son, and obtained his forgiveness and recall. His father now adopted another expedient to dissipate this * See Gough's History of Quakers, ii. 213. The account given by Clark- son, that William Penn and Robert Spencer " tore the surplices over the heads" of the students, must be founded in mistake ; for it appears from a letter of Penn, written in 1683 to Spencer, then Earl of Sunderland, that they first became acquainted in France, about 1663. + Gough ii. 214. Select Works of Penn ; Proud's History of Pennsylvania. HE IS SENT TO FRANCE. 25 Berious turn of mind -svlilch he so much deprecated. He sent him to France in company with some persons of rank, Avho ■were about to make the tour of Europe. He resided first in Paris, and then went to Saumur, where he remained some months in the years 1662-63, in order to enjoy the conversa- tion and instruction of the learned Moses Amyrault, who was a Protestant minister of the Calvinistic persuasion, professor of divinity in Saumur, and at this time in the highest estimation of any divine in France.* While residing here he read the works of the early Christian Avriters, paid some attention to other theological studies, and applied himself to the acquisition of the French language, in which he became a proficient. On leaving Saumur, he directed his course toward Italy; but on reaching Turin he received a letter from his father recalling him home, in order to take charge of his affairs during the Admiral's absence at sea. William Penn, while in France, from whence he returned in the year 1664, is said to have acquired that polish of man- ners for which the French have long been distinguished. He is described by Pepys as "a most modish person, grown quite a fine gentleman;" and it may reasonably be inferred that he had also worn ofi", by association with the gay world, a portion of that serious demeanour which had so much displeased his father, for we find that he was received with great satisfaction. An incident occurred during his residence at Paris, which gives an interesting view of his character at this period. He was waylaid in the street, at night, by a person armed with a sword, who attacked him for an alleged affront. Penn, who was armed, as was then the custom, defended himself with skill, and disarmed his antagonist; but when he had him completely at his mercy, he showed his magnanimity by allow- ing him to depart without injury. In one of his works, written after he became a Friend,! he alludes to this incident to show "what envy, quarrels, and mischief have happened among private persons upon their conceit that they have not been respected * Clarkson. f No Cross qo Crown. r 26 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. according to their degree of quality among men, with hat, knee, or title. Suppose he had killed me, (for he made several passes at me,) or that I, in mj defence, had killed him, I ask any man of understanding or conscience, if the whole round of cere- mony were worth the life of a man, considering the dignity of his nature and the importance of his life with respect to God his Creator, himself, and the benefit of civil society?" Soon after his return from France, he became, at his father's suggestion, a student at Lincoln's Inn, in order to acquire a knowledge of the laws of England. In the spring of 1665, the British fleet put to sea under the command of the Duke of York, assisted by the nautical skill of Sir William Penn, who occupied the next post under him. The younger Penn, then about twenty-one years of age, accom- panied his father for a few days, and was sent to the king with despatches, as appears by the following letters: "From Harwich, 23d April, 1665. * Honoured Father : — " We could not arrive here sooner than this day, about twelve of the clock, by reason of the continued cross winds, and, as I thought, foul weather. I pray God, after all the foul weather and dangers you are exposed to, and shall be, that you come home as secure. And I bless God, my heart does not in any way fail, but firmly believe that if God has called you out to battle, he will cover your head in that smoky day. And, as I never knew what a father was till I had wisdom enough to prize him, so I can safely say, that now, of all times, your concerns are most dear to me. It's hard, mean time, to lose both a father and a friend, &c. u ^y p „ "Navy Office, 6th May, 1665. " At my arrival at Harwich, (which was about one of the clock on the Sabbath day, and where I stayed till three,) I took post for London, and was at London the next morning by almost daylight. I hasted to White- hall, wher^, not finding the king up, I presented myself to my Lord of Arlington and Colonel Ashburnham. *' At his majesty's knocking, he was informed there was an express from the Duke ; at which, earnestly skipping out of his bed, he came only in his gown and slippers; who, when he saw me, said, * Oh ! is't you ? how is Sir William?' RELIGIOUS EXERCISE. 27 '* lie asked how you did at three several times. He was glad to hear /our message about Ka. [?] After interrogating me above half an hour, he bid me go about your business and mine too. As to the Duchess, lie was pleased to ask several questions, and so dismissed me. "I delivered all the letters given me. My mother was to see my Lady Lawson, and she was here. "I pray God be with you, and be your armour in the day of contro- versy ! May that power be your salvation, for his name's sake. And so will he wish and pray, that is with all true veneration, honoured father, "Your obedient son and servant, "WILLIAM PENN."* After this short trial of naval life, he returned again to his legal studies, until the ravages of the plague in London induced him to quit the city, and probably revived the religious im- pressions of his early years. His mind now underwent a great conflict of religious exercise. The seeds of piety sown in his heart during youth, although at times repressed by the influence of the gay world around him, continued to gro"*r in secret, being nourished by the dews . of heaven, — the holy influences of Divine grace, — by which he was drawn into silent meditation, and inward prayer. His natural disposition being lively and social, his accomplishments such as to render his society attractive, and his father's influ- ence being exerted to the utmost to lead him in the path of worldly glory, where all his prospects were bright and dazzling ; we may readily conceive he was exposed to temptations unusu- ally great, and that the ordeal through which he was passing, must have been severe in the extreme. Early in the spring of 1666, his father, perceiving that he was growing more serious in his deportment, concluded to send him to Ireland, where the Duke of Ormond, then Lord Lieutenant, presided over a court of great gayety and splendour. Being furnished with a letter from the Admiral to Sir Geo. Lane, the Secretary of the Lord Lieutenant, he was received with the utmost kindness at the vice-regal court, where the Duke of Ormond's regard for his father procured him many * Mem. Sir William Tenn. ii. 318. 28 LIFE OF WILLIAM PEXN. distinguished acquaintances, to whom he highly recommended himself bj his own personal qualities.* During his residence there a mutiny took place among the soldiers in the garrison of Carrickfergus, and being a young man of high spirit, and acquainted with the use of arms, he joined the forces under the Lord of Arran, (second son of the Duke of Ormond,) and evinced so much energy and valour in quelling the mutiny, that the Duke wished to make him cap- tain of the foot-company attached to his father's government of the fort of Kinsale. His cousin, Captain (afterward Sir) Richard Booth, who commanded the frigate Dartmouth on the Irish coast, thus wrote to Sir William Penn, under date the 19th of July, 1666 : "Right Honourable: — " Since my last from Holyhead I have been to Carrickfergus, where the soldiers mutinied, and was there commanded by his grace to remain till the castle was reduced, which was done by the Lord of Arran, and four companies of the R regiment; an account whereof I presume your honour has long since had from my cousin William, who was pleased to accompany his lordship in that action, to his no small reputation." The following letter from William to his father, wi'itten the same month, gives some further particulars of this transaction, and shows his willingness to accept the military distinction that the Duke wished to confer upon him: "Honourable Sir: — "When I was at Carrickfergus with my Lord Arran, Sir George Lane, in my Lord Dunagle's house, called me aside and told me the character my Lord Arran had pleased to give his father, obliged him to write you a letter on my behalf, which was to surrender your government and fort. My Lord Lieutenant himself, before a very great company, was pleased to call me to him, and asked whether you had not done it, and why? I answered thut you had once intended it, and that his lordship had pro- mised to favour his request. To assure you of my lord's design, I saw the letter under his own hand, but am to seek whether Sir George Lane sent \i T no, which I am to ask of yourself; my Lord Lieutenant telling me * Memorials of Sir William Penn, ii. 572, PROPOSED FOR A CAPTAINCY. 29 sometimes he wondered you never answered his letter. I excused it by the remoteness of your present residence from London. If there be any under-dealing, 'tis the secretary's fault, not my lord's. " However, sir, I humbly conceive it may be necessary you take notice of my lord's kindness in a letter by the very first, since he has asked whether you had writ me any thing in reference to it. "I beseech your answer to this, as also, if you please, an acknowledg- ment to my Lord Lieutenant and Lord Arran's great and daily kindness, I wish, sir, you may have respite from your troubles, and some refresh- ments from your continual toils, (we supposing the fleet to be near out.) I am, sir, your most obedient son, W. PENN. "Dublin, 4th July, 1666." THE DUKE OF ORMOND TO SIR WILLIAM PENN. " Sir: — Remembering that formerly you made a motion for the giving up your company of foot here to your son, and observing his forwardness on the occasion of his repressing the late mutiny among the soldiers in this garrison, I have thought fit to let you know that I am willing to place the command of that company in him, and desire you to send a resignation to that purpose, and so I remain your afiectionate servant, "ORMOND. *♦ Carrickfergus, 29th May, 1666." THE ADMIRAL S ANSWER TO HIS SON. "July 17th, 1666. Son William:— "I have received two or three letters from you since I wrote any to "^ n. Besides my former advice I can say nothing but advise to sobriety u- 1 all those things that will speak you a Christian and a gentleman, which prudence may make to have the best consistency. As to the tender made by his grace the Lord Lieutenant concerning the fort at Kinsale, I wish your youthful desires mayn't outrun your discretion. His grace may, for a time, dispense with my absence — yours he will not, for so he told me. God bless, direct, and protect you.* " Your very afi'ectionate father, W. PENN." From this correspondence it is evident that William had suffered the gay circle by which he was surrounded, so far to obliterate his former serious impressions, that he began to fix * Memorials of Sir William Penn, by Granville Penn. C* ♦0 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. his affections upon worldly glorj, and was even desirous of obtaining the distinction of a military post, with the flattering title of Captain Penn. But happily for himself and for the world, the Admiral's pertinacious adherence to the captaincy frustrated the ambitious aspirations of his son, who was des- tined, by Divine Providence, to a far nobler post, and a wider field of service. About this time was painted the only portrait of William Penn ever taken from life. A copy of this portrait was pre- sented by Granville Penn, of Stoke Pogis, to the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, and from it was taken the engraving which accompanies this work. It will be observed that he is dressed in the military costume usually appropriated to the high- born cavalier, which was well adapted to express the rank he held in society, as well as the hopes he then cherished of martial distinction. The features are rather full and beautifully moulded, the countenance combines energy and sweetness happily blend ed, and we read in that calm and earnest expression the index of a mind formed for high designs and noble achievements. Sir William Penn, being occupied with his naval command, intrusted to his son the management of his estates in Ireland, which lay in the county of Cork. This business he conducted with such ability as to give entire satisfaction, and the Admi- ral hoped that his son, being now far removed from his English acquaintances, and fully occupied with business, would soon forget the serious impressions which stood so much in the way of his worldly advancement. But here Divine Providence again interposed to call him to that sphere of life in which he was destined to accomplish so great a work. Being at Cork on business, he heard that Thomas Loe, the instrument of his religious impressions at Oxford, was to attend a meeting of the Friends in that city. His affection for this eminent minister would not allow him to leave the city without seeing him ; he therefore attended the meeting. After an interval of silence, Thomas Loe arose and com- menced his discourse with these words, "There is a faith EARLY RELIGIOUS IMPRESSIONS. which overcomes the world, and there is a faith which is overcome by the world." On this theme he enlarged in so remarkable and impressive a manner, that every word went home to the feelings of AVilliam, whose inward conflicts were, doubtless, depicted by the speaker, and attributed to their true cause, the opposition of his natural inclinations and desires to the secret touches of Divine grace and love, by which he had been called to renounce the glory of the world, and to devote himself to a higher and holier life. The result was, that his feelings were deeply moved, his convictions of religious duty were revived, and he became a constant attendant at the meetings of Friends. Many years afterward, when relating an interview he had with some pious persons, he alluded t@ his religious exercises in early life, saying,* "I let them know how and when the Lord first appeared unto me, which was about the twelfth year of my age, anno 1656 ; and how, at times, betwixt that and the fifteenth, the Lord visited me, and the divine impressions he gave me of himself ; of my persecution at Oxford, and how the Lord sustained me in the midst of that hellish darkness and debauchery ; of my being banished the college ; the bitter usage I underwent when I retm^ned to my father, whipping, beating, and turning out of doors in 1662. Of the Lord's dealings with me in France, and in the time of the great plague in London ; in fine, the deep sense he gave me of the vanity of this world, of the irreligiousness of the religious of it ; then, of my mournful and bitter cries to him that he would show me his own way of life and salvation, and my resolution to follow him, whatever reproaches or sufierings should attend me, and that with great reverence and brokenness of spirit. How, after all this, the glory of the world overtook me, and I was even ready to give up myself unto it, seeing as yet no such thing as the primitive spirit and church on the earth ; and being ready to faint con- cerning my hope of the restitution of all things.*' " It was at this time that the Lord visited me with a certain sound and * See his Journey into Holland and Germany. 32 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. testimony of his Eternal Word, through one of those the worhi calls Quakers, namely, Thomas Loe. I related to them the bitter mockings and scornings that fell upon me, the displea- ure of my parents, the invectiveness and cruelty of the priests, the strangeness of all my companions; what a sign and wonder they made of me, but, above all, that great cross of resisting and watching against mine own inward vain affections and thoughts." William Penn, being now drawn into close fellowship with the Friends, was soon made to experience some of the perse- cutions then so liberally inflicted upon that unoffending people. Being at a meeting in Cork in the autumn of 1667, he was, with others, apprehended and carried before the Mayor, who, observing his dress to be different from that of the Friends, offered to set him at liberty, on his giving bond for his good behaviour ; which refusing, he was, with eighteen others, com- mitted to prison.* While in prison he wrote the following letter : — " To THE Earl of Orrery, Lord President of Munster. *' The occasion may seem as strange as my cause is just, but your lord- ship will no less express your charity in the one than your justice in the other. " Religion, which is at once my crime and mine innocence, makes me a prisoner to a mayor's malice, but mine own free-man ; for being in the assembly of the people called Quakers, there came several constables, backed with soldiers, rudely and arbitrarily requiring every man's ap- pearance before the mayor, and amongst others violently haled me with them: upon my coming before him, he charged me for being present at a tumultuous and riotous assembly; and unless I would give bond for my good behaviour, who challenge the world to accuse me justly with the contrary, he would commit me. I asked for his authority; for I humbly conceive, without an act of Parliament, or an act of State, it might be justly termed too much officiousness : his answer was, ' a procLamation in the year 1660, and new instructions to revive that dead and antiquated ■jrder.' I leave your lordship to judge if that proclamation relates to fhis concernment, that only was designed to suppress * Fifth-monarchy' killing spirits, and since the King's Lord Lieutenant and yourself being * Penn's Life, prefixed to his Select Works. APPEAL TO THE EARL OF ORREPtY. 38 fully persuaded the intention of those called Quakers by their meetings, was really the service of God, have therefore manifested a repeal by a long continuance of freedom, I hope your lordship will not now begin an unusual severity, by indulging so much malice in one, whose actions savour ill with his nearest neighbours, but that there may be a speedy releasement to all for attending their honest callings; with the enjoy- ment of their families, and not to be longer separated from both. "And though to dissent from a national system imposed by authority renders men heretics ; yet I dare believe your lordship is better read in reason and theology, than to subscribe a maxin? so vulgar and untrue; for imagining most visible constitutions of religious government suited to the nature and genius of a civil empire, it cannot be esteemed heresy, but to scare a multitude from such inquiries as may create divisions, fatal to a civil policy, and therefore, at worst, deserves only the name of Disturbers. "But I presume, my Lord, the acquaintance you have had with other countries must needs have furnished you with this infallible observation: that diversities of faith and worship contribute not to the disturbance of any place, where moral uniformity is barely requisite to preserve the peace. It is not long since you were a good solicitor for the liberty I now crave, and concluded no way so effectual to improve or advantage this country, as to dispense with freedom in things relating to conscience; and I suppose were it riotous or tumultuary, as by some vainly imagined, your lordship's inclination, as well as duty, would entertain a very re- mote opinion. My humble supplication, therefore, to you is, that so malicious and injurious a practice to innocent Englishmen may not receive any countenance or encouragement from your lordship, for as it is contrary to the practice elsewhere, and a bad argument to invite English hither, so, with submission, will it not resemble that clemency and English spirit that hath hitherto made you honourable. " If in this case I may have used too great liberty, it is my subject, nor shall I doubt your pardon, since, by your authority, I expect a favour, which never will be used unworthy an honest man, and "Your Lordship's faithful, &c., "W. P." In this letter may be seen the germ of a noble principle, more fully developed in his subsequent works; it was his first essay in behalf of universal toleration, — the beginning of that long series of efforts, which, after more than twenty years of arduous conflict, were crowned with success. His request, so far as related to himself, was granted by the 34 LIFE OF WILLIAM PEXX. Earl, who gave an order for his immediate release.* This imprisonment, so far from cooling his zeal, only tended to bring him into closer union with the Friends, whose principles became more and more dear to him, so that he became willing to bear the reproach and contumely which in that age were everywhere cast upon them, as upon the primitive Christians, by a misjudging world. The report that he had become a "Quaker" was soon con- veyed to his father, * who was induced to recall him, an order which he promptly obeyed by returning home. At first the Admiral perceived nothing peculiar in his dress or manners, but his seriousness and religious deportment con- tinuing to increase, and especially the usual ceremony of taking off the hat being omitted, his father became uneasy and re- quired an explanation. The scene which ensued was deeply painful to both parties, for the son avowed his religious princi- ples, and respectfully declined to renounce them, as he con- ceived that his duty to God was paramount to all other obliga- tions ; but he evinced his desire of manifesting his obedience to his father, and his affection for him, in every thing that did not conflict with his convictions of religious duty. The Admiral, on the other hand, having set his heart on advancing his son to a high station of wealth and honour, could not endure to see him forego the dazzling prize that appeared to be within his reach ; and to unite himself to the despised Quakers seemed to be nothing less than an act of madness. He made use of every argument, he even condescended to entreat and implore ; but all to no purpose ; his son stood firm to his principles. Finding he could not prevail, the Admiral desired that William would at least conform so far to his wishes as to take off his hat in the presence of the King, the Duke of York, and himself. William asked time to consider of this request, and his father, supposing he wished to consult some of the Friends upon it, was highly flispleased; but William, having assured him that he would * Life of Pcnn, prefixed to his works UNCOVERING OF THE HEAD. 35 consult none of them, retired to his chamber and sought for Divine aid in fiisting and prayer.* It may be thought by some that this compliance required but a small concession, and ought to have been made by a dutiful son in deference to the judgment of a parent. But it must be borne in mind that William was now more than twenty-three years of age, and that he had, after mature deliberation, adopted the views of the Friends, among whom nothing which had the least relation to religious duty was deemed trivial or unimportant. They considered the uncover- ing of the head an act of reverence or of worship, that was due to none but Deity. In their public ministry, and in vocal prayer, they uncovered their heads, agreeably to the apostolic injunction, but they could not pay the same mark of homage to a mortal like themselves. Although this refusal, especially in courts of justice, sub- jected them to great abuse, and even to fine and imprisonment, they persevered in adhering to their convictions of duty until their constancy gained them an exemption from the general usage, and perhaps has been one means of diminishing a prac- tice which was then considered indispensable. In addition to their objections to this custom, as an act of homage improper to be ofiered to a human being, they believed that it was very generally adopted without sincerity. Like the expression, "Your humble servant," which gene- rally accompanied the hat honoui', — it was, in fashionable life, ofiered to all equals or superiors, when, in most cases, there was no corresponding feeling of reverence or humility enter- tained by those who made the profession. The primitive Friends felt it their duty to bear an uncompromising testimony against this custom, as well as all others which had been adopted for the purpose of flattering human pride. When AVilliam had retired from his father's presence to reflect upon the subject of his request, his mind became deeply impressed with the danger of compromising his principles, even in the * Life of Penn, prefixed to his Select Works, and Gough's History of Q. LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. smallest particular, for innovation, once begun, induces weak- ness, and there is no place where we can so safely take our stand as on the high ground of religious principle. He felt that this ground was impregnable, and that the man who adheres firmly to the line of duty, although he may suffer persecution, will always possess a heartfelt assurance of Divine approbation that will sustain him in every trial. In their next interview, therefore, he apprized his father firmly, but with expressions of duty and affection, that he could not comply with his request. The Admiral could restrain his anger no longer ; he had ex- hausted every expedient ; his hopes for his son were all frus- trated, and he again indignantly expelled him from his house.* Having been educated in affluence, and accustomed to the luxuries of life, his situation must have been painful and em- barrassing. Destitute of pecuniary resources, and without a trade or profession to obtain a livelihood, he was for a time dependent upon the hospitality of his friends, until his mother, true to the promptings of maternal love, found means secretly to send him relief. Here let us pause and contemplate the change which, in the brief space of a few months, had come over this young and devoted servant of the cross. While at the vice-regal court of the Duke of Ormond, he had been a conspicuous and favoured guest ; strikingly handsome in his person, polished, and even courtly in his manners, distinguished for the sprightliness of his wit and the depth of his erudition ; but more than all, admired for the prowess he displayed in his first and only martial en- gagement ; he seemed on the high road to worldly honour, and no post beneath the crown was too high to be the object of his hopes. But now he turns his back upon the world, associates himself with a despised and persecuted sect, becomes the subject of sarcastic remark among his former companions ; and even his father spurns him from his presence. In this extremity one * Goiio-li's Ilist. ii. 217. RESTORED TO II IS FATIIEll's HOUSE. 37 lieart still remains faithful to him. She wlio had cherished him in the weakness of his infancy, now clings to him in the season of his adversity; thus manifesting the constancy and disinterestedness of a mother's love, the strongest, if not the brightest, link in the chain of human aifections. At length his father, softened, perhaps, by the entreaties of his wife, so far relented as to allow him to obtain subsistence at home, though he gave him no open countenance. It is sup- posed that the Admiral, notwithstanding his displeasure, ex- erted his influence for the release of his son, whenever he was imprisoned on account of his religious profession ; for though a man of high temper, and accustomed to the exercise of stern discipline, he possessed kind feelings and strong attachments. It was the greatest among all the crosses and trials that Wil- liam was called upon to bear at this period of his life, that he was cut off from kindly intercourse with a parent whom he tenderly loved ; but he firmly adhered to the course he had chosen, counting nothing too dear to be sacrificed for the love of the gospel, and knowing that "he that putteth his hand to the plough and looketh back, is not worthy of the kingdom of heaven." CHAPTER 11. Ponn's connection with the Society of Friends — Rise of the Society — Early life of George Fox — Ilis ministry and sufferings — Summary of the principles of Friends. 1G67. Among all the changes incident to man in this stage of ex- istence, none are so important as those which influence his religious character. He may accjuire wealth, or he may lose it; he may attain to the highest earthly honours, or be subjected 38 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. to the deepest humiliation, yet none of these things necessarily affect his permanent happiness. It is far otherwise with the growth of his religious principles : if these are suffered to languish and decay, no outward circum- stances can make him happy, or enable him to fulfil the great end of his being : but if, on the contrary, these are nourished by obedience to the teachings of divine grace, the animal na- ture is brought into subjection to the spiritual; there is a continual development of his moral powers and benevolent affections ; and his happiness, being no longer dependent on time and sense, is fixed upon a basis that must endure for ever. William Penn had been for some years subjected to trials, whichj under the blessing of divine goodness, were made in- strumental to his religious progress. Having renounced the amusements of fashionable life and the honours of the world, he became a constant attendant on the meetings of Friends. As his connection with this society, and the prominent part he took as a religious writer and minister of the gospel, had a most important influence on his character and conduct through life, it ^ems proper to refer briefly to the rise and progress, up to this period, of the people with whom he was thus associated. It was during that troubled period in English history when Charles the First was contending with his Parliament, and the whole nation was agitated and convulsed by the force of new ideas of civil and religious liberty, that George Fox, a young man of blameless life, and of obscure but upright and pious parentage, felt himself impelled by the strongest convictions of duty to withdraw, for a time, from the companionship of men, in order to seek for light and strength in religious contemplation. He had been placed with a shoemaker, but his master was also engaged in the keeping of sheep, and George, during part of his minority, was employed as a shepherd, a business pecu- liarly suited to his quiet and contemplative spirit, as well as a "fit emblem of his future service in the church of Christ."* In his nineteenth year, being on business at a fair, he was * Fox's Journal, and William Penn's Rise and Progress of Quakers. EXPERIENCE OF GEORGE FOX. 89 induced by two jorofessors of religion to join them in drinking some beer ; but when they had drunk a glass apiece, the con- versation of his companions becoming distasteful to hin^, as being in his view inconsistent with their religious profession, he paid his reckoning and left them. This incident was the means of awakening more fully his religious consciousness. He saw that the professors of reli- gion were too generally resting in a lifeless form of outward observances. He could not sleep for the distress that preyed upon his mind; but through the night "he walked up and down," and "sometimes prayed and cried to the Lord." It was then that a language was impressed upon his mind as from on high: "Thou seest how young people go together into vanity, and old people into the earth ; thou must forsake all, young and old, keep out of all, and be as a stranger unto all." This was in the year 1643. The same year in which Hamp- den died on the field of battle, fighting for civil liberty, was George Fox, the champion of religious liberty, called into a warfare whose weapons are not carnal, and whose victories are not stained with blood. The adversaries he was called to en- counter were those which are common to human nature ; for although he had led a life of remarkable purity, he found within himself a conflict between the powers of light and of darkness, he was assailed by strong temptations, and the ene- mies of his soul rose like a flood to overwhelm him. It was then "he saw how Christ was tempted," and was led to believe that, through the power of Christ revealed in his soul, he also should be enabled to overcome. During some years he continued in this state of deep proba- tion, being at times almost reduced to despair, but at intervals relieved and comforted by gleams of heavenly joy that made all his troubles seem as nothing for Christ's sake. In his deep distress, he sought for instruction from the teachers and professors of religion, but the priests could not speak to his condition. Those who were accounted the most ex]oerienced in divine things could aftbrd him eo relief, and he was led to 40 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. the only physician who can heal our spiritual maladies, " Christ Jesus, the true shepherd and bishop of souls." As he w^as going into Coventry in the year 1646, he was led to reflect upon the proposition that " all Christians are believers, both Protestants and Papists." It was made clear to his under- standing " that if all Avere believers, then would all be born of God, and passed from death to life, and that none were true believers but such ; and though others said they were believers, yet they were not." At another time, as he was walking in the fields, it was ''opened to him," that "being bred at Oxford or Cambridge was not enough to qualify men to be ministers of Christ;" and he wondered at it, for such was then the common belief. Thus his mind was gradually opened by the influence of divine grace to understand the Scriptures of truth, and the mysteries of the heavenly kingdom, which are "hidden from the wise and prudent, and revealed unto babes." He had been educated in the established church, but after these convictions he began to regard the priests less favourably and to look more toward the dissenters. Among these he found some Avhose minds had been brought under the influence of religious truth ; but as he had forsaken the priests, so he found he must also leave the dissenting preachers, for none of them could afford relief to his soul, which was hungering for spiritual food. It was then a voice was addressed to his mental ear, saying, " There is one, even Christ Jesus, that can speak to thy condition." His heart leaped for joy, his desires increased for communion with God, his spiritual perceptions became more clear, and he found that ".the path of the just is as the shining light, that shineth more and more unto the perfect day." Thus he grew in the knowledge of divine things, " without the help of any man, book, or writing." For although he diligently read the sacred Scriptures, and had read them from his youth, yet ne understood them not, save as "he who hath the key did open." At this time there was in England a class of Christian pro- fessors, who, having become dissatisfied with the established clmrch, and with the various sects of dissenters, had withdrawn NOTICES OF GEORGE FOX. 41 themselves from all others and lived in retirement. Sometimes thcj met for mutual edification, or sat together in silence; hence they were called Seekers. Am.ong these persons, George Fox met with some whose spirits were kindred with his own, for they relied much upon tlie inward operation of the Holy Spirit; and when he declared lu them the result of his own experience, that '^ Jesus Christ teaches his people himself," by the immediate revelation of his grace in the soul, they were ready to receive his testimony. This divine power, by which salvation is wrought in man, he usually designated by the expressive scriptural terms, " the true light that lighteth every man that cometh into the world. (John i. 9.) lie sometimes referred to the same holy power as the blood of Christ, which is the saints' drink, (John vi. bb,) for, according to the Scriptures, the blood is the life, (Gen. ix. 4,) and the life is the light of men." (John i. 4.) In the year 1G48, he attended a great meeting of professors, among whom was Captain Amor Stoddard. They were dis- coursing of the blood of Christ, Avhen George Fox felt con- strained to cry out, " Do ye not see the blood of Christ? see it in your hearts, to sprinkle your hearts and consciences from dead works to serve the living God." This startled the pro- fessors who would have the blood only without them, and not in them; but Captain Stoddard said, "Let the youth speak; hear the youth speak," when he saw they were disposed to bear him down with many words.* At this time it was common in England for large numbers of different persuasions to meet together for the purpose of discussinfj; relio;ious doctrines, for reliszion was then the en- grossing topic of the day, in which all classes took part. Such a meeting being held at Leicester, wherein Presbyterians, Inde- pendents, Baptists, and Episcopalians were concerned, George Fox attended and listened to their discussions. At length a woman asked a question from the first epistle of Peter, " What that birth was, viz. a being born again of incor- ■* George Fox's Jouinal, i. p. 18. D* 42 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. ruptible seed, by the word of God, that liveth and abideth for ever?" The priest said to her, " I permit not a Avoman to speak in the church," though he had before given liberty to any to speak. This brought George Fox to his feet, who stepped up and asked the priest, "Dost thou call this place a church? or dost thou call this mixed multitude a church V But instead of answering him, the priest asked what a church was ? to which George replied, " The church is the pillar and ground of truth, made up of living stones, living members, a spiritual household, of which Christ is the head ; but he is not the head of a mixed mul- titude, or of an old house made up of lime, stones, and wood." This set them all on fire ; the priest came down from his pulpit, the others out of their pews, and the discussion was broken up. At this time George Fox went from place to place, visiting fairs, markets, and other places of public resort, as well as the meetings of religious professors, and many were convinced by his ministry, which was so diiferent from the doctrines held forth by others, that multitudes flocked to hear him. He was still, at times, assailed by strong temptations. One morning as he sat by the fire a suggestion of atheism arose in his mind, accompanied by an impression that "all things come by nature," "the elements and the stars came over him," the heavens were clouded, and darkness shrouded his mind. As he sat still, waiting for light, a living hope arose within him, and a true voice said, " There is a living God, who made all things." Immediately the cloud was dispelled, the temptation vanished away, and his heart was filled with joy and praise. Soon after this, he met with some persons who, having yielded to a similar temptation, denied the existence of a Deity, and he was enabled, from his own experience, to speak to their condi- tion and convince them there is a living God. Several con- gregations of Friends being now gathered through his ministry, they were accustomed to meet together for divine worship, waiting upon God in silence, to watch and pray for the influ- ence of his Spirit, or to minister to each other, as divine grace might be afforded. NOTICES OF GEORGE FOX. 43 As George Fox attended to the impressions of duty, his prospects of religious service were enlarged, and he saw that God had called him to a great work among men, to lead many "from darkness to light, and from the power of Satan unto God." Having in himself experienced the saving power of divine truth, he rejoiced that the Lord had called him forth to preach the same glad tidings to others, directing them to that inward principle of light and life, by obedience to which man is restored to the image of God in which he was created. This divine power, in his judgment, saves not only from the punish- ment due to sin, but from the dominion of evil in the heart, so that a state o^ perfection or freedom from sin might be known on this side the grave. But of all the professors of religion he conversed with, none would admit that man can be restored, in this life, to the state of purity in which Adam was before the fall, much less could they bear to be told that a measure of the same power and spirit that guided the prophets and apostles, may now be experienced by the faithful, though it is certain that none can truly understand their writings without the in- fluence of the same Spirit by which they were dictated.* Although this doctrine met with much opposition from the professors of religion, there was, in the plain and unflattering address of George Fox a cause of ofi'ence that rendered him still more obnoxious to opprobrium and abuse. When sent forth on his mission of love to preach the gospel in its ancient simplicity, he felt himself restrained from giving to his fellow- men the usual tokens of reverence, which, having originated in human vanity and pride, were, in his view, calculated to nourish the same pernicious passions. He could not "put off the hat" to any man, how exalted soever his station or rank ; he durst not use vain compliments or titles, and in speaking to a single person he was required to adhere to the ancient scriptural language thee and tliou. These deviations from popular manners, although small matters in the eye of human reason, were, by the persecution they occasioned, * George Fox's Journal, i. p. 27. 44 LIFE OF WILLIAM TENN. shown to be important to the progress of truth, for the love of worldly honour had taken deep hold of the public mind, not excepting the ministers and professors of religion, who "re- ceived honour one of another, and sought not the honour that Cometh from God only." In proportion as the meetings of Friends increased, the oppo- sition to them and their doctrines became more violent, and it was not long before the secular arm was resorted to by the priests and their followers, for their suppression. On one occa- sion George Fox, feeling himself bound to visit the parish house of worship in Nottingham, heard the minister take for his text these words of the Apostle, 2 Pet. i. 19: "We have also a more sure word of prophecy, whereunto ye do well that ye take heed, as unto a light that shineth in a dark place, until the day dawn and the day-star arise in. your hearts." This text the preacher attempted to expound by saying, that the Scriptures were the "more sure word of prophecy, by which all doctrines, religions, and opinions were to be tried." George Fox felt constrained to declare to the congregation, that the Apostle did not here allude to the Scriptures, but to the Holy Spirit, which Christ has said shall lead his disciples into all truth, whereas the Jews who had the Scriptures, did not understand them, because they resisted the Holy Spirit. For speaking thus, he was cast into a loathsome prison; but the word spoken had taken effect in the hearts of the people, and among those con- vinced were the head-sheriff and his family, who sent for him to visit them, and when he arrived, they met him with the salutation, "Salvation is come to our house." Being now lodged at the sheriff's house, he had great meet- ings there, and many were convinced of the doctrines he taught ; but the mayor and magistrates, being incensed against him, took him from thence and sent him back to the common prison, where he remained a considerable time. When released from prison, he continued to travel, preach- ing the gospel wherever he came, and multitudes flocked to hear him ; but often he was assailed and beaten by rude people, and sometimes denied food and lodging at inns and private fox's successful efforts. 45 houses, altlioiigli he offered to pay for them, so that he was forced to spend the night m the fields, making his bed on the heath, or taking shelter under the stacks of hay. But none of these things daunted him : his frequent impri- sonments, — his arduous labours, — the denunciations of the priests, — and the abuse of the populace, were all encountered with cheerful resignation, for the love of God that overflowed his soul was more than a recompense for all. He saw that there was a great work to be done ; the " fields were white already to harvest," and the desire of his heart was fulfilled in many other labourers being called to assist in "gathering fruit unto life eternal." Among those who were convinced of the doctrines he taught, many became powerful ministers of the gospel, and were made willing to suffer reproach, imprisonment, and death, for the word of the Lord and the testimony of Jesus. Nor was the ministry confined to men, for, as in the primitive church, so now in the revival of the gospel spirit, women were called and qualified to declare to others what " their eyes had seen and their hands had handled of the word of life." Thus was planted, through suffering and reproach, a religious society whose doctrines struck at the root of despotism, both in church and state. Luther did much when he appealed to the Scriptures to in- validate the traditions and expose the abuses of the Papal power ; but George Fox did more when he appealed to the voice of God in the soul, which alone can open the Scriptures, and, even without their aid, can rend the vail woven by tradi- tion, deliver from the bondage of corruption, and introduce its followers into the glorious liberty of the sons of God. "The rise of the people called Quakers," says an eloquent historian,* " is one of the memorable events in the history of man. It marks the moment when intellectual freedom was claimed unconditionally by the people as an inalienable birth- right. To the masses in that age, all reflection on politics and * Bancroft. 46 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. morals presented itself under a theological form. The Quaker doctrine is philosophy summoned from the cloister, the college, and the saloon, and planted among the most despised of the people. The mind of George Fox had the highest systematic sagacity, and his doctrine, developed and rendered illustrious by Barclay and Penn, was distinguished by its simplicity and unity. The Quaker has but one word, the inner lights the voice of God in the soul. That light is a reality, and therefore in its freedom, the highest revelation of truth, it is kindred with the Spirit of God, and therefore merits dominion as the guide to virtue ; it shines in every man's breast, and there- fore joins the whole human race in the unity of equal rights. Intellectual freedom, the supremacy of mind, universal en- franchisement, — these three points include the whole of Qua- kerism, as far as it belongs to civil history."* From the first rise of the society to the year 1668, when William Penn appeared as a minister among them, was about twenty years. During this period their religious principles be- came developed, and this sketch of their rise and progress may be closed by a brief summary of their prominent doctrines and testimonies. It has already been shown, in relating the experience of George Fox, that the great fundamental principle of Friends is the immediate teaching of the Holy Spirit, — "the law of the Spirit of Life in Christ Jesus, which makes free from the law of sin and death." This divine principle is universally given to the human race, — " it lights every man that comes into the world," but many "love darkness rather than light, because their deeds are evil," "and they will not come to the light, lest their deeds should be reproved." This light is not the natural conscience, nor the natural reason of man, but it is the Divine power that quickens the ;;onscience and gives spiritual perception. The mental faculty by which we perceive the light of Divine Truth is improved by exercise and impaired by abuse ; but the light itself does not ^ Bancroft's United States, ii. p. 337. SUMMARY OF FRIENDS' PRINCIPLES. 47 change, for God is one and the same, yesterday, to-day, and for ever. From the application of this fundamental doctrine, sprang their peculiar mode of worshipping God m silence. If "we are not sufficient of ourselves to think any thing, (that is good,) but our sufficiency is of God," it follows, that all true worship must floAV from the influence of his Spirit,— no sacrifice is ac- ceptable but that which he commands,— no prayer availing but that which he inspires,— for "we know not what we should pray for as we ought, but the Spirit itself maketh intercession for us." As we have not this Divine gift at our command, we must wait for it in silence; "and as every one is thus gathered, and so met together inwardly in their spirits, as well as outwardly in their persons, there the secret power and virtue of life is known to refresh the soul, and the pure motions and breathings of God's Spirit are felt to arise, from which, as words of decla- ration, prayers, or praises flow, the acceptable worship is known which edifies the church, and is well pleasing to God."* There are diversities of gifts in the church, but all from the same Spirit; some are called to the ministry of the gospel, some to the administration of discipline,— others to visiting the sick, comforting the afflicted, or instructing the youth. To every one some talent is committed, and the usefulness and happiness of each individual depend upon his filling the measure of his duty. No outward instruction or human learning can qualify for the gospel ministry,— none are fitted for this office unless called of God and qualified by his grace, and they who are thus called and qualified should administer freely what they have freely received, without fee or reward from man. No rites or ceremonies are enjoined in the church of Christ; the Baptism which saves is "not the putting away of the filth of the flesh, but the answer of a good conscience toward God," the bread and wine of the kingdom are that spiritual food which comes down from God and gives life to the soul. * Barclay's Apol., 3-32. 48 LIFE OF WILLIAM PEXX. The Bible is the best of books, for all scripture "given by inspiration of God, is profitable for doctrine, for reproof, for correction, for instruction in righteousness, that the man of God may be perfect, thoroughly furnished unto all good works." But although the primitive Friends made use of the Bible to confirm their doctrines, they did not place it above the Spirit from whom it proceeded, nor did they give it the title of the word of Cfod; for this term is applied by the sacred writers to the manifestation of God in man; ''the word that was in the beginning with God, and was God:" ''the word of God that liveth and abideth for ever." Salvation is wrought in man by the power or Spirit of Christ, and it consists in being delivered from the guilt and dominion of sin. Sanctification is the work of God in man, and none are justi- fied any further than they are sanctified.* They who are sanctified by obedience to Divine grace are subjects of the kingdom of heaven, whatever may be their reli- gious opinions. The universal church of Christ consists of all the faithful ser- vants of God, of every age and country, who have been "born again of incorruptible seed;" and Jesus Christ, — "the first-born among many brethren," — is the head of this body, of which all are members who are united to him by the invisible and eter- nal bond of the Spirit. f In every congregation, they who have experienced the new birth form part of the visible church of Christ, whatever may be their creeds, or the ceremonies they perform or omit. There is no distinction of clergy or laity in the church; they are all brethren and sisters, having no master but Christ ; they are a "royal priesthood, a holy nation, a peculiar people," to offer up spiritual sacrifices acceptable to God by Jesu?? Christ. The testimonies of Friends, as well as their doctrines, distin- guished them from all other professors of religion. * George Fox's Works, iii. 450, Am. eel. 1831. f Barclay's Apol., Prop. x. g II. SUMM/RY OF TRTENDS' PRINCIPLE^!. 40 They declined to jiay tithes^ but patiently suffered the dis- training of their goods, whereby the amount taken from them for priests' wages was greatly enhanced, and sometimes proved ruinous to their estates. The establishment or endowment of a church by temporal authority, they considered not only a usurpation, but a direct violation of the order which had been established by the Divine Master, who, being the true "shepherd and bishop of souls," "putteth forth his own sheep and goeth before them." The Friends took no oaths, from a persuasion that Christ had forbidden them in his sermon on the mount. They main- tained that the Divine Power under which they were gathered, required and enabled them to speak the truth on all occasions, so as to render oaths unnecessary. War, and oppression of every kind, they considered contrary to the gospel of Christ, which speaks " peace on earth, good- will to men," and gains all its victories by meekness and love. They avoided all sports and pastimes that were calculated to nourish vain thoughts or inordinate desires, or to draw the mind away from religious contemplation. They felt it a duty to observe temperance and moderation in all things : they drank no healths, they abstained from luxury in the furniture of their houses, and in their dress and equipage ; they declined the use of all compliments and flatter- ing titles, and adhered to the singular pronoun in addressing a single person. They were industrious and prudent in business, and made it an invariable rule to ask no more for their wares than they intended to take. They believed that the assumption by the English clergy of an exclusive right to solemnize marriage was unauthorized, either by the Mosaic law, or the early practice of the Christian church ; and hence their marriages were solemnized in their own religious meetings, by the parties acknowledging the engagement, and signing a certificate in the presence of th»; congregation. OO LIFE OF WILLIAM PEXX. Their burials were performed without pomp or ceremony, and no habits of mourning were worn. Thej took care of their own poor, so that none of them be- came chargeable to the parish, and they assisted liberally in works of general charity. Although tolerant to all persuasions, and benevolent to all men, they were, by their peculiar habits, manners, and opi- nions, much restricted in their intercourse with the world: hence they associated chiefly with each other, and it became a common remark, " See how these Quakers love one another." CHAPTER III. Anecdote of his sword — Dress of Friends — He becomes a preach( ,nd an author — His tract called "Truth Exalted " — Controversy wito Vin- cent — Tract called " Sandy Foundation Shaken '' — His imprisonment in the Tower — Writes " No Cross no Crown " — Letter to Lord Arling- ton — Tract called "Innocency with her Open Face" — His liberation from the Tower — A fragment of his autobiography. 1668-9. When William Penn was convinced of the principles of Friends, and became a frequent attendant at their meetings, he did not immediately relinquish his gay apparel ; it is even said that he wore a sword, as was then customary among men of rank and fashion. Being one day in company with George Fox, he asked his advice concerning it, saying that he might, perhaps, appear singular among Friends, but his sword had once been the means of saving his life without injuring his antagonist, and moreover, that Christ has said, " He that hath no sword, let him sell his garment and buy one." George Fox answered, ''I advise thee to wear it as long as thou canst." Not long after this they met again, when William had no sword, and George said to him, "William, where is thy sword?" DRESS OF Fr.IEXDS. 51 " Oh I" said he, '^ I have taken thj advice ; I wore it as long as I could." This anecdote, derived from reliable tradition,* seems to be characteristic of the men and the times. It shows that the primitive Friends preferred that their proselytes should DC led by the principle of divine truth in their own minds, rather than follow the opinions of others without sufficient evidence. It must have been manifest to George Fox that his young friend, while expressing his uneasiness about the sword, was under the influence of religious impressions that would, if attended to, lead him, not only into purity of life, but likewise into that simplicity of apparel which becomes the self-denying disciples of Christ. It is worthy of remark, that no peculiar form of dress has ever been prescribed by the discipline of Friends. The first members of the Society wore the dress then common among serious and religious people in England ; it was much more simple than that worn in fashionable society ; and when, in the reign of Charles II., the nation became infected with that pas- sion for gaudy and extravagant apparel which distinguished his court, the Friends still adhered to their plain and simple costume, and thus became peculiar by refusing to follow the changeable fashions of the world. They maintained that the only proper objects of dress are decency and comfort, and that useless ornaments and gaudy apparel are inconsistent with the Christian profession. We are not informed of the precise date at which Penn be- came a member of the Society of Friends, but it was probably in the year 1667 ; and in the following year, being the 24th of his age, he felt himself called to the gospel ministry. One of his early biographersf speaks of his qualifications for this service as being of a high order, and we may conclude * Related to me by I. P. of Montgomery County, Pa., who had it from James Simpson. T. Elhvood yrore a sword when he first began to attend Friends' mectiDg See his Life. f Life of Penn, prefixed to his Works. 52 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. from those of his discourses which were taken down by a steno- grapher and are still extant, that his matter was rich in in- struction, and his diction pure* and forcible, without any attempt at ornament or display. He soon became eminent as a minister and a writer of reli- gious works. Many of his publications were of a controversial nature, a species of writing which, though needful at times for the correction of errors and the advancement of truth, is seldom interesting or edifying to succeeding generations, especially when tinctured with party zeal, or imbued with the prejudices of the age. He was, perhaps, as clear of these faults as any writer of his day ; and if the impartial reader of his works shall find, in his controversial writings, some expressions more harsh than should be expected from his enlarged views and liberal feelings, it must be remembered that all men are liable to be influenced by the spirit of the age in which they live. Having, in the preceding chapter, given a summary of the principles of Friends, it is not necessary to enter minutely into an examination of these voluminous writings ; those, however, most remarkable for their merit, or for the influence they had on the events of his life, may, not inappropriately, be noticed. His first publication, issued in 1668, bears the title of " Truth Exalted;" being a call to the professors of religion of every name to cease from a dependence upon outward observances or confessions of faith, and to seek for salvation where alone it may be known, by obedience to the law of God written in the heart. The same year a circumstance occurred which led to a con- troversy attended with important consequences. Two persons belonging to the congregation of Thomas Vin- cent, at Spitalfields, visited a Friends' meeting, where they were convinced of the doctrines they heard, which induced them to withdraw from the meetings of their former pastor. This produced in the mind of the latter a violent animosity to Friends, of whom he spoke in the harshest terms, saying they held most erroneous and damnable doctrines, and William Penn he publicly stigmatized as a Jesuit. Vincent's unfairness. 53 This coming to the cars of Penn, he and George Whitehead, an eminent minister among the Friends, demanded an oppor- tunity to clear themselves and the society before the same con- gregation where the slanders had been uttered. After some demur, Vincent appointed a day and hour for them to meet, but he called his own congregation together an hour earlier, so as to pre-occupy the house. When Penn and Whitehead arrived and heard Vincent proclaiming that the Quakers held damnable doctrines, one of them demanded that they should be hoard in their own defence; but Vincent proposed that Ae should question them, which was agreed to by the congregation who were mostly his followers. He then queried whether Friends "owned one aodhead suh- sistinrj in three distinct and separate persons,'' and objection being made to this doctrine, he attempted to prove it by the following syllogism, which may serve as a specimen of the mode of argument employed in that age of religious controversy. "There are three that bear record in heaven: the Father, the Word, and the Holy Ghost, and these three are one. ^ ''These are either three manifestations, three operations, three substances, or three something else besides subsistences. "But they are not three manifestations, three operations, three substances, nor three any thing else besides subsistences. "Ergo, three subsistences." George Whitehead utterly rejected the terms, as not found in Scripture, nor deducible from the place he instanced; where- fore he desired an explanation of the terms, "inasmuch as God does not choose to wrap up his truths in heathenish meta- physics, but in plain language."* On the weakness of their syllogism being exposed, and the expression ''three distinct and separate persons' being objected to as not found m the Scriptures, the audience attempted to put down the Friends, and prevent their defence by hisses, opprobrious epithets, and other rude behaviour. Vincent, aifecting to be shocked witJi the doctrines of the Friends, fell suddenly to prayer, m which ^ See TV-n\- 3ele':t V.'orks. Sandy Foundation S1k»1 Court. — Call Richard Read, give him his oath. Read, being sworn, was asked. What do you know concerning the pri- soners at the bar ? Read. — My Lord, I went to Gracious Street, where I found a great crowd of people, and I heard Mr. Penn preach to them, and I saw Capt. Mead speaking to Lieutenant Cook, but what he said I could not tell. Mead.— What did Wm. Penn say ? Read. — There was such a great noise, that I could not tell what he said. Mead. — Jury, observe this evidence : he saith he heard him preach, and yet saith he doth not know what he said. Jury, take notice, he swears now a clean contrary thing to what he swore before the Mayor, when we were committed: for now he swears that he saAv me in Gracious Street, and yet he swore before the Mayor, when I was committed, that he did not see me there. I appeal to the Mayor himself, if this be not true. But no answer was given. Court. — What number do you think might be there? Read. — About four or five hundred. HIS TRIAL. 71 Ponn. — I desire to know of him what day it was? Read. — The 14th day of August, Penn. — Did he speak to me, or let me know he was theie; for I am very sure I never saw him. Clerk. — Crier, call into the court. Court. — Give him his oath. . — My Lord, I saw a great number of people, and Mr. Penn, I suppose, was speaking ; I saw him make a motion with his hands, and heard some noise, but could not understand what he said ; but for Capt. Mead, I did not see him there. Reed. — "What say you, Mr. Mead ? Were you there ? Mead. — It is a maxim in your own law, nemo teneturaccusareseipsum, which, if it be not true Latin, I am sure that it is true English, that no man is bound to accuse himself. And why dost thou offer to ensnare me with such a question ? Doth not this show thy malice ? Is this like unto a judge, that ought to be counsel for the prisoner at the bar? Reed. — Sir, hold your tongue, I did not go about to ensnare you. Penn. — I desire we may come more close to the point, and that silence be commanded in the court. Crier. — yes, all manner of persons keep silence, upon pain of impri- sonment, — silence in the court. Penn. — We confess ourselves to be so far from recanting, or declining to vindicate tlie assemblage of ourselves to preach, pray, or worship the Eternal, Holy, Just God, that we declare to all the world, that we do be- lieve it to be our indispensable duty to meet incessantly upon so good an account ; nor shall all the powers upon earth be able to divert us from reverencing and adoring our God, who made us. Brown. — You are not here for worshipping God, but for breaking the law; you do yourselves a great deal of wrong in going on in that dis- course. Penn. — I affirm I have broken no law, nor am I guilty of the indict- ment that is laid to my charge: and to the end the bench, the jury, and myself, with those that hear us, may have a more direct understanding of this procedure, I desire you would let me know by what law it is you prosecute me, and upon what law yx3u ground my indictment. Reed. — Upon the common law. Penn. — What is that common law ? Reed. — You must not think that I am able to run up so many years, and over so many adjudged cases, which we call common law, to answer your curiosity. Penn.— This answer, I am sure, is very short of my question; for if it be common, it should not be so hard to produce. Reed. — Sir, will you plead to your indictment ? Penn. — Shall I plead to an indictment that hath no foundation in law? 72 LIFE OF WILLIAM PEXX. If it contain that law you say I have broken, why should you decline to produce that law, since it will be impossible for the jury to determine or agree to bring in their verdict, who hath not the law produced, by which they should measure the truth of this indictment, and the guilt or con- trary of my fact. Reed. — You are a saucy fellow ; speak to the indictment. Penn. — I say it is my place to speak to matter of law. I am arraigned a prisoner; my liberty, which is next to life itself, is now concerned; you are many mouths and ears against me, and if I must not be allowed to make the best of my case, it is hard: I say again, unless jou show me and the people the law you ground your indictment upon, I shall take it for granted your proceedings are merely arbitrary. Obser. — (At this time several upon the bench urged hard upon the prisoner, to bear him down.) Reed. — The question is, whether you are guilty of this indictment? Penn. — The question is not whether I am guilty of this indictment, but whether this indictment be legal. It is too general and imperfect an answer, to say it is the common law, unless we knew both where and what it is ; for where there is no law, there is no transgression, and that law which is not in being, is so far from being common, that it is no law at all. Reed. — You are an impertinent fellow ; will you teach the Court what law is ? It's lex non scripta, that which many have studied thirty or forty years to know, and would you have me tell you in a moment ? Penn. — Certainly, if the common law be so hard to be understood, it's far from being very common ; but if the Lord Cook in his Institutes be of any consideration, he tells us that common law is common right ; and that common right is the great charter privileges, confirmed 9 Hen. III. 29 ; 25 Edw. I. 1 ; 2 Edw. III. 8 ; Cook's Insts. 2, p. 56. Reed. — Sir, you are a troublesome fellow, and it is not for the honour of the court to suffer you to go on. Penn. — I have asked but one question, and you have not answered me; though the rights and privileges of every Englishman be concerned in it. Reed. — If I should suffer you to ask questions till to-morrow morning, you would be never the wiser. Penn. — That's according as the answers are. Reed. — Sir, we must not stand to hear you talk all night. Penn. — I design no affront to the court, but to be heard in my just plea ; and I may plainly tell you, that if you will deny me the oyer uf that law which you suggest I have broken, you do at once deny me an acknowledged right, and evidence to the world your resolution to sacrifice the privileges of Englishmen to your sinister and arbitrary designs. Reed. — Take him away ; my Lord, if you take not some course with this nestilent fellow, to stop his mouth, we shall not be able to do an;^ thing to-night. niS TRIAL. 78 Mayor. — Take him away, take him away! turn him into the Bale-dock. Penn. — These are but so many vain exclamations; is this justice or true judg;ment? Must I, therefore, be taken away because I plead for the fundamental laws of England? However, this I leave upon your consciences, who are of the jury, (and my sole judges,) that if these an- cient fundamental laws, which relate to liberty and property, (and are nf)t limited to particular persuasions in matters of religion,) must not be indispensably maintained and observed, -who can say he hath a right to the coat npcm his back? Certainly, our liberties are openly to be in- vaded; our wives to be ravished ; our children slaved; our families ruined; and our estates led away in triumph by every sturdy beggar and mali- cious informer, but our (pretended) forfeits for conscience' sake; the Lord of heaven and earth will be judge between us in this matter. Reed. — Be silent there. Penn. — I am not to be silent in a case wherein I am so much concerned ; and not only myself, but many ten thousand families besides. Obser. — They having rudely haled him in the Bale-dock, Wra. Mead they left in the court, who spake as foUoweth : Mead. — You men of the jury, here I do now stand to answer to an in- dictment against me, which is a bundle of stuff full of lies and falsehoods ; for therein I am accused, that I met, vi et armis, illicite and tumultuouse. Time was when I had freedom to use a carnal weapon, and then I thought I feared no man ; but now I fear the living God, and dare not make use thereof, nor hurt any man ; nor do I know I demeaned myself as a tumul- tuous person. I say I am a peaceable man, therefore it is a very proper question what Wm. Penn demanded in this case, an oyer of the law on which our indictment is grounded. Reed. — I have made answer to that already. Mead, turning his face to the jury, said. You men of the jury, who are my judges, if the Recorder will not tell you what makes a riot, a rout, or an unlawful assembly. Cook (he that once they called the Lord Cook) tells us what makes a riot, a rout, and an unlawful assembly, — a riot is, when three or more are met together to beat a man, or to enter forcibly into another man's land, to cut down his grass, his wood, or break down his pales. Obser. — Here the Recorder interrupted him, and said, I thank you, sir, that you will tell me what the law is? — scornfully pulling off his hat. Mead. — Thou mayst put on thy hat, I have never a fee for thee now. Brown. — He talks at random, one while an Independent, another while some other religion, and now a Quaker, and next a Papist. Mead. — Turpe est doctori cum culpa redarguit ipsum. Mayor. — You deserve to have your tongue cut out. . Reed. — If you discourse on this manner, I shall take occasion against you. Q 74 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. Mead. — Thou didst promise me I should have fair liberty to be heard. Why may I not have the privileges of an Englishman ? I am an English- man, and you might be ashamed of this dealing. Kecd. — I look upon you to be an enemy to the laws of England, which ought to be observed and kept, nor are you worthy of such privileges as others have. Mead. — The Lord is judge between me and thee in this matter. Obser. — Upon which they took him away into the Bale-dock, and the Recorder proceeded to give the jury their charge, as folio weth : Reed. — You have heard what the indictment is ; it is for preaching to the people, and drawing a tumultuous company after them ; and Mr. Penn was speaking. If they should not be disturbed, you see they will go on ; there are three or four witnesses that have proved this, that he did preach there, that Mr. Mead did allow of it ; after this you have heard, by sub- stantial witnesses, what is said against them. Now we are upon the matter of fact, which you are to keep to and observe as what hath been fully sworn, at your peril. Obser. — The prisoners were put out of the court into the Bale-dock, and the charge given to the jury in their absence, at which Wm. Penn, with a very raised voice, it being a considerable distance from the bench, spake, Penn. — I appeal to the jury, who are my judges, and this great assem- bly, whether the proceedings of the court are not most arbitrary, and void of all law, in ojffering to give the jury their charge in the absence of the prisoners ; I say it is directly opposite to, and destructive of the un- doubted right of every English prisoner, as Cook in the 2 Inst. 29, on the chapter of Magna Charta, speaks. Obser. — The Recorder, being thus unexpectedly lashed for his extra- judicial procedure, said, with an enraged smile, Reed. — Why ye are present, you do hear : do you not ? Penn. — No thanks to the court, that commanded me into the Bale-dock ; and you of the jury take notice, that I have not been heard, neither can you legally depart the court, before I have been fully heard, having at least ten or twelve material points to offer, in order to invalidate their indictment. Reed. — Pull that fellow down ; pull him down. Mead. — Are these according to the rights and privileges of English- men, that we should not be heard, but turned into the Bale-dock for making our defence, and the jury to have their charge given them in our absence? I say these are barbarous and unjust proceedings. Reed. — Take them away into the hole ; to hear them talk all night, as they would, I think doth not become the honour of the court ; and I think you, (i. e. the jury,) yourselves, would be tired out, and not have patience to hear them. Obser. — The jury were commanded up to agree upon their verdict, the prisoners remaining in the stinking hole ; after an hour and half's time, HIS TRIAL. 75 eight c;ime down agreed, but four remained above ; the court sent an officer for them, and they accordingly came down. The bench used many unworthy threats to the four that dissented; And the Recorder, addressing himself to Bushell, said, Sir, you are the cause of this dis- turbance, and manifestly show yourself an al^ettor of faction. I shall set a mark upon you, sir. J. Robinson. — Mr. Bushell, I have known you near this fourteen years: you have thrust yourself upon this jury, because you think there is some service for you ; I tell you, you deserve to be indicted more than any man that hath been brought to the bar this day. Bushell. — No, Sir John, there were threescore before me, and I would willingly have got off, but could not. Bludw. — I said, when I saw Mr. Bushell, what I see is come to pass ; for I knew he would never yield. Mr. Bushell, we know what you are. Mayor. — Sirrah, you are an impudent fellow, I will put a mark upon you. Obser. — They used much menacing language, and behaved themselves very imperiously to the jury, as persons not more void of justice than sober education. After this barbarous usage, they sent them to consider of bringing in their verdict, and after some considerable time, they re- turned to the court. Silence was called for, and the jury called by their names. Clerk. — Are you agreed upon your verdict? Jury. — Yes. Who shall speak for you ? Jury. — Our foreman. Clerk. — Look upon the prisoners at the bar. How say you ? Is Wm. Penn guilty of the matter whereof he stands indicted, in manner and form, or not guilty ? Foreman. — Guilty of speaking in Gracious Street. Court.— Is that all? Foreman. — That is all I have in commission. Reed. — You had as good say nothing. Mayor. — Was it not an unlawful assembly ? You mean, he was speak- ing to a tumult of people there ? Foreman. — My Lord, this was all I had in commission. Obser. — Here some of the jury seemed to buckle to the question of the court, upon which Bushell, Hammond, and some others, opposed them- selves, and said, they allowed of no such word as an unlawful assembly in their verdict; at which the Recorder, Mayor, Robinson, and Bludworth took great occasion to vilify them, with most opprobrious language ; and this verdict not serving their turns, the Recorder expressed himself thus: Reed. — The law of England will not allow you to depart, till you have given in your verdict. Jury. — We have given in our verdict, and we can give in no o^Jier. 76 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. Reed. — Gentlemen, you have not given your verdict, and you had as good say nothing ; therefore go and consider it once more, that we may make an end of this troublesome business. Jury. — We desire we may have pen, ink, and paper. Obser. — The court adjourns for half an hour ; which, being expired, tho court returns, and the jury not long after. The prisoners were brought to the bar, and the jurors' names called over. Clerk. — Are you agreed of your verdict ? Jury. — Yes. Clerk. — Who shall speak for you ? Jury. — Our foreman. Clerk. — What say you ? Look upon the prisoners. Is Wm. Penn guilty in manner and form, as he stands indicted, or not guilty? Foreman. — Here is our verdict ; holding forth a piece of paper to the clerk of the peace, which follows : We, the jurors, hereafter named, do find Wm. Penn to be guilty of speaking or preaching to an assembly, met together in Gracious Street, the 14th of August last, 1670, and that Mr. Mead is not guilty of the said indictment. Foreman, Thomas Yeer, Henry Michel, John Baily, Edw. Bushell, John Brightman, Wm. Lever, John Hammond, Chas. Milson, Jas. Damask, Henry Henly, Gregory Walklet, Wm. Plumstead. Obser. — This both Mayor and Recorder resented at so high a rate, that they exceeded the bounds of all reason and civility. Mayor. — What, will you be led by such a silly fellow as Bushell, an impudent, canting fellow? I warrant you, you shall come no more upon juries in haste. You are a foreman indeed, (addressing himself to the foreman,) I thought you had understood your place better. Reed. — Gentlemen, you shall not be dismist till we have a verdict the court will accept ; and you shall be locked up without meat, drink, fire, and tobacco. You shall not think thus to abuse the court; we will have a verdict, by the help of God, or you shall starve for it. Penn. — My jury, who are my judges, ought not to be' thus menaced; their verdict should be free, and not compelled ; the bench ought to wait upon them, but not forestall them ; I do desire that justice may be done me, and that the arbitrary resolves of the bench may not be made the measure of my jury's verdict. Reed. — Stop that prating fellow's mouth, or put him out of the court. Mayor. — You have heard that he preached ; that he gathered a com- pany of tumultuous people ; and that they do not only disobey the mar- tial power, but the civil also. Penn. — It is a great mistake, we did not make the tumult, but they that interrupted us. The jury cannot be so ignorant as to think that we ins TRIAL. 77 met there with a design to disturb the civil peace, since (Ist) we were by force of arms kept out of our lawful house, and met as near it in the street as the soldiers would give us leave; and (2d) because it was no new thing, (nor with the circumstances exprest in the indictment, but what was usual and customary with us,) 'tis very well known that we are a peaceable people, and cannot offer violence to any man. Obser. — The court being ready to break up, and willing to huddle the prisoners to their jail, and the jury to their chamber, Penn spake as follows : Penn. — The agreement of twelve men is a verdict in law, and such a one being given by the jury, I require the clerk of the peace to record it, as he will answer at his peril. And if the jury bring in another verdict contrary to this, I affirm they are perjured men in law ; (and looking upon the jury, said:) You are Englishmen, mind your privilege; give not away your right. Bushell, &c. — Nor will we ever do it. Obser. — One of the jurymen pleaded indisposition of body, and there- fore desired to be dismissed. Mayor. — You are as strong as any of them ; starve, then, and hold your principles. Eecd. — Gentlemen, you must be content with your hard fate ; let your patience overcome it ; for the court is resolved to have a verdict, and that before you can be dismist. Jury. — We are agreed, we are agreed, we are agreed. Obser. — The court swore several persons to keep the jury all night, without meat, drink, fire, or any other accommodation. Crier. — yes, &c. Obser. — The court adjourned till seven of the clock next morning, (being the 4th inst., vulgarly called Sunday,) at which time the prisoners were brought to the bar, the court sat, and the jury called in to bring in their verdict. Crier. — yes, &c. Silence in the court, upon pain of imprisonment. The jury's names called over. Clerk. — Are you agreed upon your verdict? Jury. — Yes. Clerk. — Who shall speak for you ? Jury. — Our foreman. Clerk. — What say you? look upon the prisoners at the bar. Is William Penn guilty of the matter whereof he stands indicted, in manner and form as aforesaid, or not guilty ? Foreman. — William Penn is guilty of speaking in Gracious Street. Mayor. — To an unlawful assembly ? Bushell. — No, my lord, we give no other verdict than what we ga-^-e last night ; we have no other verdict to give. G* 7.^ LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 1 Mayor. — You are a factious fellow : I'll take a course with you. Bludw. — I kuew Mr. Bushell would not yield. Bushell. — Sir Thomas, I have done according to my conscience. Mayor. — That conscience of yours would cut my throat. Bushell. — No, my lord, it never shall. Mayor. — But I will cut yours as soon as I can. Reed. — He has inspired the jury ; he has the spirit of divination ; me- thinks I feel him ; I will have a positive verdict, or you shall starve for it. Penn. — I desire to ask the Recorder one question : Do you allow of the verdict given of William Mead ? Reed. — It cannot be a verdict, because you are indicted for a conspiracy ; and one being found not guilty, and not the other, it could not be a verdict. Penn. — If not guilty be not a verdict, then you make of the jury and Magna Charta but a mere nose of wax. Mead. — How ? Is not guilty no verdict ? Reed. — No, 'tis no verdict. Penn. — I affirm that the consent of a jury is a verdict in law ; and if William Mead be not guilty, it consequently follows that I am clear, since you have indicted us of a conspiracy, and I could not possibly conspire alone. Obser. — There were many passages which could not be taken which passed between the jury and the court. The jury went up again, having received a fresh charge from the bench, if possible to extort an unjust verdict. Crier. — yes, &c. Silence in the court. Court. — Call over the jury: which was done. Clerk. — What say you ? Is William Penn guilty of the matter whereof he stands indicted, in manner and form aforesaid, or not guilty ? Foreman. — Guilty of speaking in Gracious Street. Reed. — What is this to the purpose ? I say I will have a verdict. And speaking to E. Bushell, said, You are a factious fellow ; I will set a mark upon you ; and whilst I have any thing to do in the city, I will have an eye upon you. Mayor. — Have you no more wit than to be led by such a pitiful fellow? I will cut his nose. Penn. — It is intolerable that my jury should be thus menaced; is this according to the fundamental law? Are not they my proper judges by the Great Charter of England ? What hope is there of ever having jus- tice done when juries are threatened and their verdict rejected? I am concerned to speak, and grieved to see such arbitrary proceedings. Did not the Lieutenant of the Tower render one of them worse than a felon? And do you not plainly seem to condemn such for factious fellows who answer not your ends ? Unhappy are those juries, who are threatened to be fined, and starved, and ruined, if they give not in their verdict con- trary to their consciences. UIS TRIAL. 79 Reed. — My Lord, you must take a course with that same fellow. Mayor. — Stop his mouth ; jailer, bring fetters, and stake him to the ground. Penn. — Do your pleasure : I matter not your fetters. Reed. — Till now I never understood the reason of the policy and pru- dence of the Spaniards, in suffering the Inquisition among them ; and certainly it will never be well with us till something like the Spanish Inquisition be in England. Obser. — The jury being required to go together to find another verdict, and steadf^istly refusing it, (saying they could give no other verdict than what was already given,) the Recorder, in great passion, was running off the bench, with these words in his mouth : I protest I will sit here no longer to hear these things. At which the Mayor calling. Stay, stay, he returned, and directed himself unto the jury, and spake as foUoweth : Reed. — Gentlemen, we shall not be at this pass always with you. You will find the next session of Parliament there will be a law made that those that will not conform shall not have the protection of the law. Mr. Lee, draw up another verdict that they may bring it in special. Lee. — I cannot tell how to do it. Jury. — We ought not to be returned, having all agreed, and set our hands to the verdict. Reed. — Your verdict is nothing ; you play upon the court ; I say you shall go together and bring in another verdict, or you shall starve; and I will have you carted about the city, as in Edward the Third's time Foreman. — We have given in our verdict and all agree to it, and if we give in another, it will be a force upon us to save our lives. Mayor. — Take them up. OflScer. — My Lord, they will not go up. Obser. — The Mayor spoke to the Sheriff, and he came off his seat, and said : Sher. — Come, gentlemen, you must go up ; you see I am commanded to make you go. Obser. — Upon whichthe jury went up, and several were sworn to keep them without any accommodation, as aforesaid, till they brought in their verdict. Crier. — yes, &c. The court adjourns till to-morrow morning at seven of the clock. Obser. — The prisoners were remanded to Newgate, where they remained till next morning, and then were brought into court, which being sat, they proceeded as followeth : Crier. — yes, &c. Silence in court upon pain of imprisonment. Clerk. — Set William Penn and William Mead to the bar. Gentlemen of the jury, answer to your names: Thomas Veer, Edw. Bushell, J^hn Hammond, Henry Ilenly, Henry Michel, John Brightman, Chas. Wilson, 80 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. Gregory Walklet, John Bailj, Wm. Lever, James Damask, Wm. Plum stead, are you all agreed of your verdict ? Jury. — Yes. Clerk. — Who shall speak for you ? Jury. — Our foreman. Clerk. — Look upon the prisoners : What say you, is William Penn guilty of the matter whereof he stands indicted, in manner and form, &o., or not guilty? Foreman. — You have there read in writing already our verdict, and our hands subscribed. Obser. — The Clerk had the paper, but was stopped by the Recorder from reading it ; and he commanded to ask for a positive verdict. Foreman. — If you will not accept of it, I desire to have it back again. Court. — That paper was no verdict, and there shall be no advantage taken against you by it. Clerk. — How say you ? Is William Penn guilty, &c., or not guilty ? Foreman. — Not guilty. Clerk. — How say you ? Is William Mead guilty, &c., or not guilty ? Foreman. — Not guilty. Clerk. — Then harken to your verdict : you say that William Penn is not guilty in manner and form as he stands indicted; you say that Wil- liam Mead is not guilty in manner and form as he stands indicted, and 80 you say all. Jury. — Yes, we do so. Obser. — The bench being unsatisfied with the verdict, commanded that every person should distinctly answer to their names, and give in their verdict, which they unanimously did, in saying. Not guilty, to the great satisfaction of the assembly. Reed. — I am sorry, gentlemen, you have followed your own judgments and opinions rather than the good and wholesome advice which was given you. God keep my life out of your hands ; but for this the court fines Tou forty marks a man, and imprisonment till paid ; at which Penn stept forward towards the bench, and said : Penn, — I demand my liberty, being freed by the jury. Mayor. — No, you are in for your fines. Penn. — Fines for what? Mayor. — For contempt of the court. Penn. — I ask if it be according to the fundamental laws of England, that any Englishman should be fined or amerced but by the judgment of his peers or jury ? since it expressly contradicts the fourteenth and twenty- ninth chapter of the Great Charter of England, which says, No freeman ought to be amerced, but by the oath of good and lawful men of the vicinage Reed. — Take him away, take him away, take him out of the court. HIS TRIAL. 81 Penn. — I can never urge the fundamental laws of England but you cry, Take him away, take him away ; but 'tis no wonder since the Spanish Inquisition hath so great a place in the Recorder's heart. (Jud Almighty, who is just, will judge you for all these things. Obser. — They haled the prisoners to the Bale-dock, and from thence sent them to Newgate for the non-payment of their fines : and so were their jury. While in Newgate prison William wrote the following affec- tionate letters to his father, who was then in a declining state of health. WILLIAM PENN TO HIS FATHER. 5th, 7th, (Sept.) 1670. •* Dear Father, " Because I cannot come, I write. These are to let thee know that this morning about seven we were remanded to the sessions. The jury, after two nights and two days being locked up, came down and offered their former verdict, but that being refused as not so positive, they ex- plained themselves in answering, not guilty, upon which the bench were amazed, and the whole court so satisfied, that they made a kind of hymn, but that the Mayor, Recorder Robinson, &c., might add to their malice, they fined us to the number of about twelve of us, for not pulling off our hats, and kept us prisoners for the money. An injurious trifle which will blow over, or we shall bring it to the common pleas, because it was against law, and not by a jury sessed. " How great a dissatisfaction three of their actions have begot, may very reasonably be conjectured from the bare mention of them. 1st That the jury was about six times rejected in their verdict; and besides, vain, fruitless, illegal menaces, were kept two days and two nights with- out bed, tobacco, provisions, &c. 2d. That a session should be held on first-day, (the design we know.) 3d. That the jury, the only judges by law, should be fined 40 marks each, and to be prisoners till they have paid it, and that without any jury to pass upon them. However, their verdict is accepted for us, because they did not dare deny it. "This is the substance. The circumstances I shall personally relate, if the Lord will. I am more concerned at thy distemper, and the pains that attend it, than at my own mere imprisonment, which Avorks fcr thn |)est I am, dear father, thy obedient son, " WM. PENN."* * Friend, vii. p. 59. 82 LIFE OF WILLIAM PEXN. 1 WILLIAM PENN TO HIS FATHER. "Newgate, 6, 7th, 1670. " D^AK Father : — I desire thee not to be troubled at my present con- finement,. I could scarce suffer on a better account, nor by a worse hand, and the will of God be done. It is more grievous and uneasy to me that thou shouldst be so heavily exercised, God Almighty knows, than any living worldly concernment. I am clear by the jury, and they in my place— they aa*e resolved to lay until they get out by law ; and they, every six hours, demand their freedom by advice of counsel. • They have so overshot themselves,* that the generality of people much detest them. I intreat thee not to purchase my liberty. They will repent them of their proceedings. I am now a prisoner notoriously against law. I desire the Lord God, in fervent prayer, to strengthen and Bupport thee, and anchor thy mind in the thoughts of the immutable blessed state^ which is over all perishing concerns. '^'^I am,, dear father, thy obedient son, '' WILLIAM PENN.'^t WILLIAM PENN TO HIS FATHER. "Newgate, 7th Sept., 1670, *' Dear Father : — To say I am truly grieved to hear of thy present illness, are words that might be spared, because I am confident they are better believed. "If God in his holy will did see it meet that I should be freed, I could heartily embrace it ; yet considering I cannot be free, but upon such terms as strengthening their ai-bitrary and base proceedings, I shall rather choose to suffer any hardship. " I am persuaded some clearer way will suddenly be found out to ob- tain my liberty, which is no way so desirable to me, as on the account of being with thee. I am not without hopes that the Lord will sanctify the endeavours of thy physician unto a cure,^ and then much of my worldly solicitude will be at an end. My present restraint is so far from being humor, that I would rather perish than release myself by so indirect a course as to satiate their revengeful, avaricious appetites. The advantage of such a freedom would fall very short of the trouble of accepting it. " Solace thy mind in the thoughts of better things, dear father. Let not this wicked world disturb thy mind, and whatever shall come to pass, 1 hope in all conditions to approve myself thy obedient son, " WILLIAM PENN."t * The Cour* f Friend, vol. vii., p. 59. J Friend, vi. 179. AOATX RKT.EASKl) FllOM PRISON. 33 CHAPTER Y. Sickness of Admiral Penn— Eelease of William Penn from prison— In- ., terview with his father— Dying expressions of the Admiral— Ilis death and epitaph— William Penn's controversy with Ives— Letter to the Yioe-Chancellor of Oxford— Publishes his " Caveat against Popery"— Is arrested at meeting— His examination before Sir J. Robinson— Im- prisonment in Newgate— Description of that prison— His tract on " Liberty of Conscience." 1670-1. The life of Admiral Penn w^as now drawing to its close. His constitution had been impaired by hard service, changes of climate, and anxiety ; and for some months he had been confined to his bed by sickness. As the mists of time began to roll away, and the light of eternity to dawn upon his mind, he found, that in his eager pursuit of worldly glory, he had only been pursuing shadows, while the substantial enjoyments that flow from a soul united to God had long been hidden from him. His heart now yearned toward his son, who was still in prison for his faithful adherence to religious duty. In order to obtain his release, he sent the money privately to pay his fine and that of his companion in bonds. The meeting between the father and son must have been deeply mo\ang to both ; and their sentiments, which were once so wide asunder, had been brought into near agreement by the change that had taken place in the father's mind. The more he saw of his son, the more he esteemed him for his sincerity, his uniform kindness, and his entire devotion to his sense of duty. He could not but acknowledge, that in renounc- ing the honours of the world and assuming the cross, William had chosen that better part which could not be taken from him. He was sensible that, while the persecuting laws remained in force, his son would be exposed to many suiferings : and he sent 84 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENX. one of his friends to the Duke of York with his dying request, that he would endeavour to protect him, and use his influence with the King on his behalf. The answer was encourag- ing ; both the King and the Duke promising to comply with his request. Sensible of his approaching end, he addressed his son in these words : " Son William, I am weary of the world ! I would not live over my days again if I could command them with a wish ; for the snares of life are greater than the fears of death. This troubles me, that I have offended a gracious God. " The thought of that has followed me to this day. Oh ! have a care of sin ! It is that which is the sting both of life and death. Three things I commend to you : " First. Let nothing in this world tempt you to wrong your conscience ; so you will keep peace at home, which will be a feast to you in the day of trouble. " Secondly. Whatever you design to do, lay it justly and time it seasonably, for that gives security and despatch. " Lastly. Be not troubled at disappointments, for if they may be recovered, do it ; if they cannot, trouble is vain. If you could not have helped it, be content ; there is often peace and profit in submitting to Providence : for afflictions make wise. If you could have helped it, let not your trouble exceed in- struction for another time. " These rules will carry you with firmness and comfort through this inconstant world." At another time he inveighed against the profaneness and impiety of the age, and expressed his apprehensions that divine judgments would fall upon England on account of the wicked- ness of her nobility and gentry. Just before he died, looking with composure at his son, he said : " Son William, if you and your friends keep to your plain way of preaching, and to your plain way of living, you will make an end of the priests to the end of the world. Bury me by my mother. Live in love. Shun all manner of evil, and I pray God to bless you all, and he will bless you."* * No Cross no Crown, ch. xxi., 2(1 ed. 1681. DECEASE OF ADMIRAL PEXX. 85 Thus died Admiral Penn, a man Avho had been satiated with worldly honours, whose greatest disappointment in the meridian of his career was the religious disposition of his son, and whose highest consolation in the evening of his day was to behold that same son walking in the path of self-denial, and dedicating his heart to the service of God. The following inscription on the monument erected to his memory, in the city of Bristol, gives a succinct account of his rapid promotions and brilliant career : " To the just memory of Sir AYilliam Penn, Knight and sometimes General, born at Bristol, Anno 1621, son of Cap- tain Giles Penn, several years consul for the English in the Mediterranean, of the Penns of Penslodge, in the County of Wilts, and those x'enns of Penn in the County of Bucks, and by his mother from the Gilberts in the County of Somerset, originally from Yorkshire ; addicted from his youth to mari- time affjiirs. He ^vas made Captain at the years of 21, Rear- Admiral of Ireland at 23, Vice-Admiral of Ireland at 25, Admiral to the Straights at 29, Vice-Admiral of England at 31, and General in the first Dutch war at 32. Whence re- turning Anno 1655, he was Parliamentman for the town of W^eymouth ; 1660, made Commissioner of the Admiralty and navy, Governor of the town and fort of Kingsail, Vice-Admi- ral of Munster, and a member of that Provincial Council ; and Anno 1664 was chosen Great Captain Commander under his Royal Highness in that signal and most evidently success- ful fight against the Dutch fleet. Thus he took leave of the sea, his old element, but continued still his other employs till 1669, at what time, through bodily infirmities contracted by the care and fatigue of public affairs, he withdrew, prepared and made for his end ; and with a gentle and even gale, in much peace, arrived and anchored in his last and best port, at Wan- stead, in the County of Essex, the 16th of September, 1670, being then but 49 and 4 months old. '' To his name and memory his surviving lady hath erected this remembrance." At his Tatlior's dcath^ William Penn came into the possession II 86 LIFE OF WILLIAxM PEN2T. of an ample e&tate, affording an annual income of about fifteen hundred pounds. This enabled him to contribute liberally to charitable purposes, and there is abundant evidence to show that, throughout life, he made use of his wealth for the benefit of others, rather than to promote his own ease or indulgence. About this time he again appeared before the public in de- fence . of his principles. A dissenting preacher by the name of Ives, in a discourse from the pulpit, had cast injurious reflections upon the society of Friends, and upon Penn in particular. Being thus unjustly assailed, he demanded of Ives an oppor- tunity to clear himself of the charges, and a time was fixed for a public controversy at a meeting to be held at West Wycomb. At the time appointed, Jeremy Ives (a brother of the assail- ant) appeared on behalf of his sect, and Penn was in readiness to meet him. According to the rules of controversy then in use, the assail- ant was to speak first ; accordingly, Ives proceeded with a string of syllogisms which he had brought ready prepared ; and when he had exhausted his stock, he came down and left the house with a few of his followers, but the greater part remained to hear Penn's refutation ; which was satisfactory to most of the company. Ives, being mortified to find that many of the com- pany remained to hear his opponent, returned and expressed his disapprobation of their conduct, which only tended to in- crease their disgust.* Soon after this controversy Penn visited Oxford, where find- ing that many of his brethren in religious profession had been cruelly persecuted, through the instigation of the Vice-Chan- cellor of the University, he addressed that officer a letter of severe reproof and expostulation. f The measures pursued by this high functionary to ensnare and punish the dissenters were of the most treacheroils and disgraceful kind. He employed an unprincipled man to go among the Friends, Baptists, and other non-conformists, pre- tending to be of their communion; and when he had induced ■^ F.llwood's Life, p. 13L f Penu's Life, prefixed to his works, ix. WRITES A TRACT AGAINST POPERT. 87 them in conversation to express themselves incautiously, he would accuse them of treasonable language, and have them prosecuted.* There was no class of men so much disliked by the lieads of universities and the higher ranks of the clergy as the Friends, for their doctrines struck at the very root of the hierarchy, then so powerful in Great Britain. It had been the policy of the clergy and heads of colleges to inculcate the opmion among the people, that none but those who had received a collegiate education, and a regular ordina- tion by a bishop, were authorized to preach the gospel ; hence, they stigmatized the Independents, the Baptists, and some other dissenters, as dangerous schismatics; but the Friends ■were still more obnoxious to their censure, for they denied the absolute necessity of human learning to qualify a minister of the gospel ; maintaining that a gift from on high was sufficient, and, moreover, that this gift, being received freely, should be exercised without fee or reward from man. In the year 1670, Penn wrote and published a tract, called, "A Seasonable Caveat against Popery," being an answer to a pamphlet entitled, "An Explanation of the Roman Catholic Belief." In this tract he treats of the Roman Catholic doctrines relative to the Scriptures, the Trinity, prayer to saints and angels, justification by merits, the eucharist, prayers in Latin, and for the dead, &c. ; showing that for many of their princi- ples and practices, there is no authority in the Scriptures, nor in the example of the primitive church. But although he thought it his duty to caution the public against the inroads of Catholic doctrines, yet he declares, in his introductory re- marks, that nothing is further from his purpose than "in- censing the civil magistrate against them, (were such a thing possible,) for he was himself a friend to an universal tolera- tion of faith and worship." Notwithstanding this tract and many other passages in his writings, showing his strong oppo- sition to Papal doctrines, he was frequently accused of being a Catholic, and even a Jesuit ; so much were his enemies strait- ened to find cause of accusation against him. * Gough's History, ii. 344. EllwoocVs Life, 132. LIFE OF WILLIv^M PEXX. In the latter part of this year, being at a meeting in Wheeler Street, a sergeant, with soldiers, came and waited at the door until he stood up to preach, when the sergeant came in, pulled him down from his place, and taking him into the street, deli- vered him to a constable and his assistant, who took him to the Tower. Here he was kept, and a message sent to Sir John Robinson, Lieutenant of the Tower, by whose order he had been arrested. In the evening the lieutenant, in company with Sir Samuel Starling, Sir John Sheldon, and others, came to the Tower and proceeded to an examination, of which the following account has been given by an eye-witness : Sir John Robinson. — What is this person's name?* Constable. — Mr. Penn, sir. J. K. — Is your name Penn ? W. P. — Dost thou not know me ? Ilast thou forgot me ? J. R. — I do not know you : I do not desire to know such as you are. W. P. — If not, why didst thou send for me hither? J, R. — Is that your name, sir ? W. P. — Yes, yes, my name is Penn ; thou knowest it is. I am not ashamed of my name. J. R. — Constable, where did you find him ? Oonst. — At Wheeler Street, iat a meeting, speaking to the people. J. R. — You mean he was speaking to an unlawful assembly ? Const, — I do not knoAV indeed, sir ; he M^as there and he was speaking. J. Pv. — Give them their oaths. W. P. — Hold, do not swear the man ; there is no need of it: I freely acknowledge I was at Wheeler Street, and that I spake to an assembly of people there. J. R., and several others. — lie confesses it. W. P.^I do so, I am not ashamed of my testimony. J. R. — No matter, give them their oaths.f Mr. Penn, you know the law better than I can tell you, and you know these things are contrary to the law. W. P. — If thou believest me to be better known in the law than thy- self, hear me, for I know no law I have transgressed. All laws are to be considered strictly and literally, or more explanatorily and lenitively. In the first sense, the execution of many laws may be extrema injuria, the * The mittimus was already made, and his name put in. ■j- They were sworn to answer such questions as should be asked, upon which they gave the evidence before given bj the constable. Ills EXAMINATION. 89 greatest wrong; in the latter, wisdom and moderation. I would have thee make that part thy choice. Now, whereas, I am probably to be tried by the late act against con- venticles, I conceive it doth not reach me. J. R. — No, sir, I shall not proceed upon that law. W. P. — What then ? I am sure that law was intended for the standard on these occasions. J. R. — The Oxford Act of six months. W. P. — That, of all laws, cannot concern me, for first, I was never in orders, neither episcopally nor classically, and one of them is intended by the preamble of the act. J. R. — No, no, any that speak in unlawful assemblies, and you spoke in an unlawful assembly. W. P. — Two things are to be considered. First, that the words "such as speak in any unlawful assemblies," alter the case much ; for such is relative of the preamble, and cannot concern prisoners in any other quali- fication than under some ordination or mark of priesthood. I am per- suaded thou knowest I am no such person ; I was never ordained, nor have I any particular charge or stipend, that may entitle me to such a function, and, therefore, I am wholly unconcerned in the word " such." Secondly, an unlawful assembly is too general a word ; the act doth not define to us what is meant by an unlawful assembly. J. R. — But other acts do. "VV. P. — That is not to the purpose, for that may be an unlawful assem- bly in one act that may, by circumstances, not be so adjudged in another; and it is hard that you will not stick to some one act or law, but, to accom- plish your ends, borrow a piece out of one act to supply the defects of another, and of a difierent nature from it. J. R. — Will you swear? will you take the oath that the act requires of you ? W. P. — This is not to the purpose. J. R. — Read him the oath. THE OATH. I, AV. P., do swear, that it is not lawful, upon any pretence whatsoever, to take arms against the king, and that I do abhor that traitorous position of taking arms, by liis authority, against his person, or against those that nre commis?sionated by him, in pursuance of such commissions, and that I will not at any time endeavour any alteration of government, either iu church or state. J. R.— Will you take it? W. P.— What need I take an oatli not to do that it is my faith not to do, so far as concerns the king? 90 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. Lieut. Price. — Then swear it. W. P. — The oath, in that respect, is ah-eady answered to all intents and purposes, for if I cannot fight against aii}'^ man, (much less against the king,) what need I take an oath not to do it? Should I swear not to do what is already against my conscience to do ? J. R. — You will not take the oath then ? W. P. — What if I refuse the oath, not because of the matter contained in it, (which only can criminate in the sense of the act,) but of scrupling any oath? Shall I, therefore, be committed to prison? This is most unequal. It was Siboutji ghting, the oath and act were df'signed, and not taking of oaths: therefore, the denying to swear when there is a denial to fight or plot, is no equitable ground for commitment. J. R. — Do you refuse to swear ? W. P. — Yes, and that upon better grounds than those for which thou wouldst have me swear, if thou wilt please to hear me. J. R. — I am sorry you should put me upon this severity; it is no plea- sant work to me. AY. P. — These are but words ; it is manifest this is a prepense malice ; thou hast several times laid the meetings for me, and this day in par- ticular. , J. R. — No, I profess I could not tell you would be there. A? W. P. — Thine own corporal told me, that you had intelligence at the J) Tower, that I would be at Wheels Street to-day, almost as soon "asTI knew it myself. It is disingenuous and partial : I never give thee occasion for such unkindness. J. R. — I knew no such thing ; but if I had, I confess I should have sent for you. W. P. — That might have been spared, I do heartily believe it. J. R. — I vow, Mr. Penn, I am sorry for you ; you are an ingenious gentleman, all the world must allow you, and do allow you that, and you have a plentiful estate. Why^ should you render yourself unhappy by associating with such a simple people? W. P. — I confess I have made it my choice to relinquish the company of those that are ingeniously wicked, to converse with those that are more honestly simple. J. R. — I wish you wiser. W. P. — And I wish thee better. J. R. — You have been as bad as other folks. W. P. — When, and where ? I chai-gc thee to tell the company to my face. J. R. — Abroad, and at home too. J . Sir John Sheldon (as is supposed). — No, no, Sir John, that is too much,\y '^--^^T_(or words to tliat purpose.) - ^ ^V^. P. — I make this bold challpn^e to all men, women, and children HIS EXAMINATION. 91 upon earth, justly to accuse mo of ever having seen me drunk, heard mo swear, utter a curse, or speak one obscene word, (much less that I ever made it my practice.) I speak this to God's glory, that has ever pre- served me from the power of those pollutions, and that from a child begat an hatred in me towards them. But there is nothing more common than, when men are of a more severe life than ordinary, for loose persons to com- fort themselves with the conceit, "that they were once as they are," as if there were no collateral, or oblique line of the compass, or globe, men may be said to come from, to the arctic pole ; but directly and imme- diately from the antarctic. Thy words shall be thy burden, and I trample thy slander as dirt under my feet. J. R. — Well, Mr. Penn, I have no ill-will towards you ; your father was my friend, and I have a great deal of kindness for you. AV. P. — But thou hast an ill way of expressing it. You are grown too high to consider the plea of those you call your forefathers, for liberty of conscience against the Papists, Cranmer, Latimer, Ridley, Bradford, &.Q,. It was then plea good enough, " My conscience won't let me go to mass," and " My conscience wills that I should have an English Testa- ment." But that single plea for separation, then reasonable, is now by you that pretend to succeed them, adjudged unreasonable and factious. I say, since the only just cause of the first revolt from Rome was a dis- satisfaction in point of conscience, you cannot reasonably persecute others Avho have right to the same plea, and allow that to be warrantable. J. R. — But you do nothing but stir up the people to sedition : and there was one of your friends that told me you preached sedition, and meddled with the government. W. P. — "We have the unhappiness to be misrepresented, and I am not the least concerned therein. Bring me the man that will dare to justify this accusation to my face, and if I am not able to make it appear that it is both my practice and all my friends' to instil principles of peace and moderation, (and only war against spiritual wickedness, that all men maybe brought to fear God and work righteousness,) I shall contentedly undergo the severest punishment all your laws can expose me to. As for the King, I make this offer, that if any living can make it appear, directly or indirectly, from the time I have been called a Quaker, (sin«;e from thence you date me seditious,) I have contrived or acted any thing injurious to his person, or the English government, I shall submi«: my person to your utmost cruelties, and esteem them all but a due recom- pense. It is hard that I, being innocent, should be reputed guilty ; but the will of God be done. I accept of bad report as well as good. J. R. — Well, I must send you to Newgate for six months ; and when tliey are expired you will come out. AY. P.~Is that all? Thou well knowcst a larger imprisonment ha>* not 92 . LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. daunted me. I accept it at the hand of the Lord, and am contented to suffer his will. Alas! you mistake your interest: you will miss your aim ; this is not the way to compass your ends. J. R. — You bring yourself into trouble ; you will be the heading of parties, and drawing people after you. W. P. — Thou mistakest ; there is no such way as this to render men remarkable. You are angry that I am considerable ; and yet you take the very way to make me so, by making this bustle and stir about one peaceable person. J. R. — I Avish your adhering to these things do not convert you to some- thing at last. W. P. — I would have thee and all other men to know that I scorn that religion which is not worth suffering for, and able to sustain those that are afflicted for it ; mine is, and whatever may be my lot for my constant profession of it, I am no ways careful, but resigned to answer the will of God, by the loss of goods, liberty, and life itself. When you have all, you can have no more ; and then, perhaps, you will be contented, and by that you will be better informed of our innocency. Thy religion per- secutes, and mine forgives; and I desire my God to forgive you all that are concerned in my commitment, and I leave you all in perfect charity, Avishing your everlasting salvation. J. R, — Send a corporal with a file of musqueteers along with him. W. P. — No, no, send thy lacquey; I know the way to NcAvgate. This being the second time, within three months, that Penn had been committed to Newgate, it may not be uninteresting to the reader to inquire what was then the condition of that celebrated prison, and the general character of its inmates ? At that period the attention of the British nation had not been awakened to the condition of her prisons ; the philan- thropy of Howard had not yet been employed " to survey the mansions of sorrow and pain," nor had the angelic spirit of Elizabeth Fry yet visited those gloomy cells, to instruct the ignorant, and call the degraded to penitence and prayer. Thomas Ellwood, a contemporary of Penn, who had himself been immured in the same prison, describes Newgate as the loathsome and pestilential abode of misery and crime. For refusing to SAvear, he and many other Friends were com- niittea and thrust into the " common side," which, he says, '4s generally accounted, and really is, the worst part of that prison- not so much from the place as the people, it being usually, stocked [ NEWGATE PRISOX. 98 witli the veriest rogues and meanest sort of felons and pick- pockets, -who, not being able to pay chamber rent on the mas- ter's side, are thrust in there."* "When we came there," says Ellwood, "we found that side of the prison very full of Friends, who were prisoners there before, (as, indeed, were at that time all other parts of that prison, and most of the other prisons about town,) and our addition caused a great throng on that side ; notwithstanding which, we were kindly welcomed by our friends whom we found there, and kindly entertained by them, as well as their condition would admit, until we could get in our own accommodations, and provide for ourselves. " We had the liberty of the hall, (which is on the first story over the gate, and which in the daytime is common to all the prisoners on that side, felons as well as others, to walk in, and to beg out of,) and we had also the liberty of some other rooms over the hall to walk or to work in a-days ; but in the night we all lodged in one room, which was large and round, having in the middle of it a great pillar of oaken timber, which bore up the chapel that is over it. To this pillar Ave fastened our ham- mocks at the one end, and to the opposite wall on the other end, quite round the room, and in three degrees or three stories high, one over the other ; so that they who lay in the upper and middle row of hammocks were obliged to go to bed first, because they were to climb up to the higher by getting into the lower ; and under the lower rank of hammocks, by the wall sides, were laid beds upon the floor, in which the sick and such weak persons as could not get into the hammocks lay ; and, in- deed, though the room was large and pretty airy, jot the breath and steam that came from so many bodies of different ages, condi- tions, and constitutions, packed up so close together, was enough to cause sickness amongst us, and I believe did so, for there were many sick, and some very weak. Though we were not long there, yet in that time one of our fellow-prisoners, who lay in one of those pallet-beds, died. "A coroner's inquest being held over the body of tlie d©» ^ Elhvood's Life, p. 90-94. 94 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENX, ceased, one of the jury insisted upon being shown the roo-- where he had died ; this was granted by the keeper with great reluctance, and when the jury came to the door, the foreman who led them, lifting up his hands, said, Lord bless me, what a sight is here ? I did not think there had been so much cruelty in the hearts of Englishmen, to use Englishmen in this manner i We need not now question, (said he to the rest of the jury,) how this man came by his death : we may rather wonder that they are not all dead, for this place is enough to breed an infection among them."* From a letter of Penn, addressed to the sheriff of London during his imprisonment at Newgate, it may be mferred that he and his friends had hired lodgings in another part of the prison, but owing to the ill treatment they received from the jailers, they determined to go into the common jail, among the felons, rather than submit to their extortions and abuse. In the conclusion of his letter, he says, " We are not willing to be bondsmen at our own cost, not for the value of the house rent and other additional expenses, but for our testimony against the insulting menaces and extortions of some of the jailers, who would cast us into the common, stinking jail ! and there- fore are resolved to undergo that severity, "f How intense must have been the intolerance and bigotry of that age, when a man of Penn's refined feelings, accomplished manners, and amiable deportment, could be thus cast into a noisome prison among felons and vagabonds, merely because he asserted the right to worship God according to his own con- victions of duty ! During the six months of his imprisonment, he found useful employment for his pen, and wrote several religious tracts, the most important of which is entitled, " The Great Cause of Liberty of Conscience once more briefly Debated and Defended by the Authority of Reason, Scripture, and Antiquity." This work evinces ability and erudition, as well as the most enlarged Christian charity. ♦• Ellwood's Life. f Life of Penn, prefixed to his works. REMONSTRANCE TO PARLIAMENT. 91 It is not deemed necessary here to analyze its contents ; for although much needed at the time of its publication, none of its positions would be controverted now. We should, however, bear in mind that this and other writings of Penn, having the same object, exerted a powerful influence in preparing the public mind for that change of policy in regard to toleration which he afterward had the happiness to see adopted by the British government. While in Newgate he learned that the government was about to enact further laws to enforce the Conventicle Act, and in- crease its severity. This drew from him a respectful but spirited remonstrance, addressed " To the High Court of Par- liament," in which, after stating the great sufi'erings already endured by dissenters, and especially "by the poor, the widows, and the fatherless," he proceeds to state some of the principles of Friends in relation to civil government. First. That "they owned civil government as God's ordi- nance, for the punishment of evil-doers and the praise of them that do well," and though they could not comply with those laws which prohibited them from worshiping God according to their consciences; believing it to be His alone prerogative to preside in matters of faith and worship; "yet they were ready to yield obedience to every ordinance relating to human affairs." Secondly. They deny and renounce, as horrible impiety, all plots and conspiracies. Thirdly. That in all revolutions they had demeaned them- selves peaceably, notwithstanding the numerous provocations they had received. Fourthly. That it was their fixed resolution to continue the same, and where they could not actually/ obey, they would 'patiently suffer. And finally, he desired, if these reasons were not satisfac tory, that Parliament would grant them a hearing, as they had "many reasons to offer against such severe proceedings." When the time of his imprisonment had expired, he was set at liberty, and he then resumed his religious labours ; passed 96 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. over into Holland, and visited some parts of Germany. In order to preach the gospel; but no particular account of this visit appears to have been preserved. CHAPTER VI. His marriage-Trayels as a minister-Declaration of indulgence issued bj Charles II.-Effect of it on dissenters-Controversial tracts-Penn'8 Christian Quaker-Public discussion with Thomas Hicks and others- Letter from AVilliam Penn to George Fox-Letter of Dr. Henry Moore —Controversy with John Perrot— Letter to Friends in Maryland. 1672-73. After his return fi^om his first religious visit on the conti- nent, Penn, then in his twenty-eighth year, entered into the married state. The object of his choice was Gulielma Maria Sprmgett, daughter of Sir William Springett, formerly of Dar- ling in Sussex, who, during the civil wars, lost his life at Arua Qel castle. His widow was afterward married to Isaac Pen- nington, and they having embraced the doctrine of Friends, Gulielma, while under their care, was convinced of the same principles, and also became a member. She was not only beau- tiful in person, but was esteemed a woman of extraordinary merit and great sweetness of temper. Penn considered it ''a match of Providence's making," and says, ''she loved him with ■- deep and upright love, choosing him before all her many a suitors."* Soon after their marriage, they went to live at Hickmans- worth, in Hertfordshire. Being now settled in the most agree- able manner, with a wife for whom he always cherished the most ^ender affection, and in possession of an ample estate, which must have claimed a considerable share of his attention, we jet * See his Letter to his Childr DECLARATION OF INDULGENCE. 97 do not find liim desistino; from his religious labours or takinir up his rest in temporal enjoyments. In the summer of 1672, he took a journey to visit the meet- ings of Friends in the counties of Kent, Sussex, and Surrey ; during which, his own memorandums furnish an evidence of great industry in his ministerial labours. In the space of three weeks, he and his companion attended meetings at twenty-one different places, in which he was enabled to labour in the work of the ministry with satisfaction and success. After speaking of their last meeting on that journey as being a season of divine consolation and refreshment, he concludes with this acknowledgment: "And thus hath the Lord been with us in all our travels for his truth, and with his blessings of peace are we returned, which is a reward beyond all worldly treasure."* In this year (1672) Charles II. issued a ''declaration of in- dulgence," by which the penal laws against non-conformists were suspended. This act, which appears in itself commenda- ble, was far from being satisfactory to the nation, on account of the great extension of the king's prerogative implied in it; for he expressly stated in his proclamation, that it was granted '•'■by virtue of Ms supreme authority hi ecclesiastical matters^'" and it was generally believed that his object was to favour the Papists, to whose communion he was supposed to be secretly attached. As the king's declaration granted to dissenters no more than they believed to be their natural and indefeasible right, they were, generally, not backward in accepting its provisions, although disposed to protest against this arbitrary and danger- ous exercise of power, by which the monarch undertook to set aside the laws of the realm without the concurrence of Par- liament. The Friends now began to enjoy a short respite from persecu- tion, and upward of four hundred who were in prison for non- conformity were immediately restored to their families. But this season of toleration Avas the means of exciting among some * Life, prefixed to his works. 98 LIFE OF WILLIAM PEXX. of the dissenting ministers a greater disposition to attack the Society of Friends than they had hitherto manifested. While the penal laws to enforce uniformity and suppress conventicles were so barbarously executed, certain sects among the dissent- ers exercised what they called "Christian prudence," in hold- ing their meetings but seldom, or at such times and places as would be least suspected. By this means the Friends were exposed to bear the brunt of the persecution, for they would not abandon their meetings, and when their meeting-houses were pulled down, they met upon the ruins ; even the children among them assembled to keep up the meetings after their parents were sent to prison. This fidelity and perseverance had a wonderful effect in spreading their principles ; for a religion which could arm its votaries with such fortitude and self-sacrificing zeal, must, it was thought, be founded in sincerity and truth. Hence, many persons from among the other dissenting societies were induced to come among them and embrace their principles.* The mi- nisters, finding their flocks deserting them, as soon as the sun- shine of toleration brought them out from their hiding-places, took up their pens to controvert, and in many cases to mis- represent, the principles of the society. To answer these attacks, afforded Penn much employment during the first year of his residence at Rickmansworth. As most of the tracts written at this time refer to publications and circumstances now almost forgotten, it seems scarcely ne- cessary to refer to them, further than to remark, that his answers were written with ability, and were thought to be serviceable to the cause of truth. On sending one of his tracts to Justice Fleming, Deputy Lieutenant in Westmoreland, Penn wrote him a letter, in which, after acknowledging a kindness the Justice had done to his wife some years before, he remarks, ''I know of no religion that destroys courtesy and kindness, which, rightly understood, are great indications of true men, if not of good Christians. "f In the year 1673. accompanied by his wife and George * Gough, ii. 368. f Life, prefixed to bis works. C0XTI10VEI13Y WITH HICKS. 99 Whitehead, an eminent minister of the society, he visited the western part of England. At Bristol, during the great fair, they were joined by George Fox, who had just returned from America, whither he had gone on a religious mission. Great meetings were held in Bristol, and many were convinced of the principles of Friends. About this time, Thomas Hicks, a dissenting preacher, wrote a pamphlet called "A Dialogue between a Christian and a Quaker," in which he misrepresented the principles of Friends, by putting such silly and unsound expressions into the mouth of his pretended Quaker, that they were easily confuted; yet it was written w^ith so much art, as to make the public believe it was the report of a dialogue with a real Friend. Penn, in order to counteract its effect, wrote the first part of his '' Chris- tian Quaker, and his Divine Testimony Vindicated," in w^hich he treats of ''the light of Christ within, the great principle of God in man, the root and spring of divine life and knowledge in the soul, that by which salvation is effected for man, and w^hich is the characteristic of the people called Quakers ; their faith and testimony to the world." In this able and excellent work, he maintains the universality of divine grace, and its sufficiency for man's salvation, which he proves conclusively from the Scriptures; and corroborates by the testimony of many among the Gentiles, who were enlightened by it, and who "held and practised high sanctity of life."* It was not long, before Hicks published a second part of his dialogue between a Quaker and a Christian, and then a thii'd part, all in the same strain of misrepresentation. Penn answered these in two books, the first, entitled "Reason against Railing," the other, "The Counterfeit Christian De- tected," in which he exposed the perversions of Hicks, and explained the principles of Friends. But some members of the society were not disposed to let the matter end here. They thought Hicks had taken an un- fair advantage, by palming off upon the public a counterfeit * Select Works, folio, 223. 237. 100 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. Quaker, and they appealed to his own society to give them an opportunity to clear their profession of the odium cast upon it. This was at length agreed to, and they named a time for a meeting to be held at their meeting-house in London; but the Friends objected to the time proposed, as Penn and Whitehead were at a distance on a religious journey, and could not attend. The others persisted in holding the meeting at that time, and there being a great attendance on their side and but very few Friends, Hicks was declared to be acquitted by a majority of voices. On the return of Penn and Whitehead, they protested against this unfair proceeding, and with much difficulty got another meeting appointed at the same place. When the parties met, Thomas Ellwood read the charges against Hicks, but his parti- sans, instead of allowing those charges to be investigated, com- menced an attack on the doctrines of Friends, as stated in Penn's Christian Quaker. A long debate ensued, in which the principal speakers on the part of Hicks were Jeremy Ives, William Kiffin, Thomas Hicks, Thomas Plant, and Robert Ferguson; and on the part of the Friends, George Whitehead, Stephen Crisp, William Penn, and George Keith. A sketch of this debate is preserved in Sewell's History of Friends. It was attended by several thousand people, and continued till night without coming to any decision.* One of the points at issue related to the per- son of Christ, as may be seen by the following fragment of a letter from William Penn to George Fox, inserted in Clarkson's Life of Penn : — " Thy fatherly love," says he, " and tender care, I do with all gentle- ness and true respect, receive ; but thou shalt understand the occasion of our answer, wherein we stated that, 'the holy manhood was a member of the Christ of God.' The question was, ' if the manhood were a part of Christ?' To this, we must either have answered nothing, or only a Scrip- ture, or in the terms of the question, Avhich we did. "If we had answered nothing, we had gratified the enemy, stumbled the moderate, and grieved friends. , ; * Sewell, il. 216. CONTROVERSY WITH HICKS. 101 *' If a Scripture, it had been no way satisfactory ; fur the question, they would have said, was not about the text, but about the understanding of it; and thej" would have charged us with so wresting it to a mystical sense, as to shut out the person that appeared in the flesh ; so that if we hfid answered them in any of those Scriptures, they would have asked, in all probability, what man do you mean ? the spiritual and heavenly man? the new creature or creation? or that outward man, that was out- wardly born of the Virgin in Palestine, and was there outwardly cruci- fied ? If we had said no, we had been lost. That they would have put a mystical construction on our words, if we had not answered them plainly, that is, by what we understood by the Scripture rather than by the Scripture itself, I have cause to believe, because the same person that proposed the question thus expounded, after the meeting, our belief in Christ, * that he was born of a virgin, that is, of a virgin-nature and spirit ; crucified, that is, slain by sin in us ; rose, that is, rose up to rule us, and the like,' — making the people believe that we denied that person that outwardly appeared to be the true Christ. " Further, if we had answered in the terms of the question, we had txaken Christ into parts, whereas I cried twice to them, ' Christ is not to be divided into parts.' But they still pressed the question, six thousand people, I believe, being present, and many of them were desirous of an answer. Upon this, Friends consented that it should be ansAvered them, 'that the manhood was a part of Christ.' But I feared the word part, and chose rather to say, that we believed the holy manhood to be a mem- ber of the Christ of God, and my reasons for so doing were these : first, what needed we to grant more than was asked ? Friends only desired to have us grant that the manhood was a part of Christ, in order to over- throw T. Hicks's attempts to prove us no Christians ; and that was of so great moment in that solemn and great assembly as tongue cannot utter Secondly, since we were willing to go no further in our confessions thttti they asked at our hands, this was my reason for rejecting the word part for MEMBER, to wit : that a body may be taken into members without a breach of union, but not into parts. A member divides not; parts di- vide. Christ is called the head, that is, the most noble member, the Church the body, and particulars are styled members of that body. Now, calling these members, divides them not into parts. Thirdly, I did not say it was BUT a member, and I often repeated that it Avas of axd belonging to Christ, and in my confession at the close I said, that we believed in Christ; both as he was the man Jesus, and God over all> blessed for EVER. And, I am sure that Paul divides him more than we did, (Rom. ix. 5,) since he makes a distinction between Christ as God, and Christ as man. Now if that hold, the one was not completely Christ without the other, as said these Baptists. Therefore, G. K. said, that he was most excellently called so as God, less excellently as man, and least excellpntl? I* 102 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. as to his body. "VVe might truly say then, that the body was a member, OR BELONGING TO THE TRUE Christ ; and if Ave had said more, we had gone too far, as I have learned. But, blessed be the Lord, I have not sought to comprehend or imagine ; but as I am furnished upon the occasion, so it goes. I value the invisible touches and feelings of heavenly virtue and life beyond it all, nor am I delighted with these matters : but, dear George, I confess I never heard any Friend speak so fully as to Christ's manhood as thyself. I think so much in print, in our name as a people, would re- move much prejudice, and the contest would come more to power against power, than words against words ; only we must remember, that Christ is said to have been in the wilderness, and to have brought the people out of Egypt. If so, then he was Christ before he was born of the Virgin, and the Apostles say that Christ is God, and that all things were made by him ; though doubtless the great ■and glorious appearance might, by way of eminency, most properly deserve and require that title. As for those gross terms of human flesh and human blood, I never spoke or wrote them since I knew the Lord's truth. And this I must needs say, we have been as poor, tossed sheep, up and down, much abused, vilified and belied ; but over all God is raising the strong horn of his salvation ; and he has magnified his name in all these bustles and stirs ; and truth has manifestly gotten ground, and in no one thing more than our plain confessions of Christ ; so much had the devil roosted and nestled himself in them under their misapprehensions of our words in that particular; and if any weakness attended the phrasing of it, I hope and believe the simplicity in which it was delivered will hide it from the evil watcher." (Here the first sheet of the letter ends, the second being lost.) Some time previous to the discussion with Hicks, an Inde- pendent preacher, named John Faldo, had written a book entitled, " Quakerism no Christianity." Faldo now republished his work, and called together a council of divines, who accompanied it by a commendatory preface, prepared by their joint labours. An answer to this enlarged edition was prepared by Penn, under the title, '' A just rebuke to one and twenty learned and reverend divines." This production coming into the hands of Dr. Henry Moore, a learned and pious member of the esta- blished church, he wrote a letter to Penn, in which he ex- presses himself thus : — " Indeed, meeting with the little pamphlet of yours, newly come out, wherein some twenty and odd learned and reverend divines arc concerned, I CONTRCVERSY WITU PERROT. 103 I had the curiosity to buy and read it ; and though I wish there were no occasion for these controversies and contests betwixt those who have left the church of Rome ; yet I found such a taste both of wit and seriousness in that pamplilet, and the argument it was about so weighty, that I was resolved to buy all of JohuFaldo's and all of yours touching thatsu}»ject; but before that little pamphlet, I never met with any of your writings. As to your other two books against John Faldo, whatever passages there be that may not be agreeable to my sentiments, you will easily perceive of what nature they are, by perusing my remarks upon G. K.'s immediate revelation. But there are sundry passages in those two books of yours nobly Christian, and for which I have no small kindness and esteem for you, they being testimonies of that which I cannot but highly prize wherever I find it."* Hitherto the controversial writings of Penn had been in defence of his principles, when attacked by persons of other religious societies ; now, he was about to be engaged in a con- troversy rendered more painful by the delusions of some who w^ere of his own communion. The doctrine, which Friends have ever considered the cor- ner-stone of their religious edifice, is the immediate teachinq of the Holy Spirit, which they believe is given to all, but more especially to those who have experienced the new birth, being their bond of union with Christ, the head of the church. But in every age there have been some who, for want of dwelling in humility, watchfulness, and prayer, have suffered their heated imaginations to lead them into extravagant opinions and dis- orderly behaviour. Such an one, in the primitive church, is described by the apostle Paul, as " intruding into those things which he hath not seen, vainly puffed up in his fleshly mind," and not remaining in subordination to the head, which is Christ. Among the early Friends, there were a number of persons thus led away, whose defection gave much uneasiness to those who were esteemed as fathers in the church. One of these fanatics, named John Perrot, attained some notoriety by his sufferings at Rome. Having gone to that city with another Friend by the namo of John Luff, (or Love,) they declaimed with such boldness * Clarkson's Life of Peuu. J 04 LIFE OF AVILLIAM PEXX. against the idolatry and corruption prevailing there, that they were arrested and put in prison. LufF was confined in the prison of the Inquisition, where he died, not without strong suspicion that he came to his end hy violent means. Perrot was immured in a hospital for the insane, which perhaps was a place not altogether inappropriate to the state of his mind. From Rome, he wrote to his friends in the apostolic style, signing himself "John," without the surname, and adding by way of P. S., '' Send this forward, and read my lij-e in your rtieetiyigs.''^ After much effort on the part of his friends he was liberated, and, returning to England, he began to manifest opposition to the practice which prevailed among Friends, of taking off the hat in the time of public vocal prayer, saying, that unless they had an immediate inward motion to take off their hats, they need not do it, and he, professing to have no such evidence, refused to comply. This was considered, by the prominent members of the so- ciety, a species of disorder that could not be overlooked, for one of the reasons they had always assigned for not taking off their hats in the presence of rulers and magistrates was, that this is an act of homage due only to the Almighty, and to be paid Him by the congregation in time of public prayer, as well as by the minister while engaged in preaching the gospel. For this mode of manifesting reverence for the Divine majesty, they adduced the authority of the apostle Paul, (1 Cor. xi. 4,) and the practice of the primitive church. Perrot, being unwilling to comply with the judgment of the society, was, after many admonitions, disowned ; and subse- quently, being placed in an office under government, he wore a sword, and became a rigid exacter of oaths. Some time after his expulsion, a pamphlet, attributed to him, was pub- lished anonymously, called "The Spirit of the Hat." This 1 wrought out a reply from Penn, with the singular title, " The Spirit of Alexander the Coppersmith lately revived, and now justly rebuked." Perrot followed up his attack upon the * Sewell's Hist. i. 358. Ellwood's Life, 110. FRIENDS IX MMIYLAXD. IQo order and discipline of tlie society, by anotlicr pamphlet, enti- tled, " Tyranny and Hypocrisy detected," which ^Yas answered by Penn in a publication called, " Judas and the Jews com- bined against Christ and his followers."* This controversy is important in the history of the society of Friends, from the principles involved in it. They were from their first rise a people strongly attached to religious and civil liberty, and some of them were disposed to view with jealousy every restraint imposed by the discipline which George Fox and other experienced minds proposed for their govern- ment. It is, therefore, not surprising that some of them should have been led astray by the high professions and plausible reasoning of John Perrot. Penn maintained that there is, and must be, a judgment in the church when assembled, which is superior to the judgment of individuals, for the Spirit of God does not lead into confu- sion, but into order, harmony, and love. At this time the Friends in Maryland being subjected to some sufferings or disabilities on account of their scruples in regard to taking oaths, Penn interposed his influence with Lord Baltimore, the proprietary, and with the attorney-general of the colony, to procure an order for their exemption. It ap- pears that the previous year, (1672,) a Yearly Meeting of Friends was held at West River, in jMaryland. Hence we may conclude that the number of Friends who had then settled in the colony must have been considerable, which may be attributed to the wise and tolerant policy pursued by the pro- prietary. To Sir George Calvert, the founder of Maryland, must be aw^arded the merit of having been one of the first legislators who had the wisdom to embrace, and the fidelity to carry out in practice, the great doctrine of religious toleration. Although a member of the Catholic church, which in Europe had shown the most unrelenting hostility to heretics, he gave to all religious persuasions a free toleration, and to all believers in Christianity he extended equal privileges in the civil go vernment. * Clarkson, p. 00 106 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. It is probable that a legal provision for the exemption of those who were scrupulous about taking oaths, had not been thought of at the foundation of the colony ; but it may be in- ferred, from the following extract, from William Penn's letter to Friends in Maryland, that his request on their behalf was granted. Dear Friends : — It fell to my lot to manage your concerns with the attorney-general of the colony and the Lord Baltimore about oaths ; I obtained to George Fox's paper the answer endorsed on the back. Now my advice to you is to represent to them, First. — That oaths have arisen from corruptions ; that falseness, dis- trust, and jealousies brought them into the world, as say Polybius, Gro- tius, Bishop Gawden, and others, and God having redeemed you to truth- speaking, the cause is taken away, viz. falsehood, and therefore the effect by way of remedy, to wit, oaths should cease. Secondly. — Christ expressly forbids swearing ; inasmuch as he doth not only prohibit vain SAvearing, which was already forbidden under the law, but that swearing which the law allowed. Thirdly. — That it is not only our sense ; Polycarpus, Ponticus, Blan- dina, Basilides, primitive martyrs, were of this mind ; and Justin Mar- tyr, Cyprian, Origen, Lactantius, Clemens Alexandrinus,Basilius Mag- nus, Chrysostom, Theophylact, Oecumenius, Chromatius, Euthymius, (Fathers,) so read the text, not to mention anyof the Protestant martyrs. Therefore should they be tender. Fourthly. — There is no injury done to the plantation to take your words ; if any, to you that suffer the same penalty for a lie, which is only due to PERJURY ; and which the law, without your consent, does not inflict ; your caution and pledge for honesty is as large as he that swears, for as truth- speaking fulfils the law, so equal punishment with perjured persons satis- fies it. Lastly. — That your coming thither as to a sanctuary, makes it reason- able that they should not drive you thence for mere conscience, so well grounded and confirmed by Scripture, reason, and authorities. Let your yea and nay be all. The Lord Baltimore mentioned something about your allowing some ssmall matter for not performing martial matters. In that be wise, de- liberate, and passive ; only if they press too hard, interpose. 1 suppose they will be moderate in that and all other cases relating to you, at least I was told and assured so. I have no more, but the truth prospers in meetings and out of them : our adversaries fall before us, and the sober people of these three nations are open to hear, and ready both to think and speak well of the way of the DECLARATION OF INDULGENCE KEVOKED. 107 Lord. I sent you one of Edward Burrough's books, and two small ones of my own, as a token of my love, which accept. So the Lord God of eternal strength preserve us all, living, fresh, zealous, and wise in that which is pure of Himself, which he hath shed abroad in our hearts, to his eternal praise and our everlasting comfort. Amen, saith my soul. "Your friend and brother in the truth and cause of Christ Jesus, tho Light of the world. Anno, 1673.' "W. PENN. CHAPTER YII. Declaration of Indulgence revoked — Persecution renewed — William Penn'? Letter to Justices of Middlesex — Extract from his autobiography — His " Treatise on Oaths" — On " England's Present Interest" — " The Cry of the Oppressed" — Dispute and correspondence with Baxter. 1673-75. In the year 1673, Charles II. was induced bj his necessities to yield to the wishes of Parliament, and to revoke the Decla- ration of Indulgence issued the previous year. The nation at that time was under great apprehensions of papal encroachments from the suspected predilection of the king, and the open preference shown by his brother, the Duke of York, for the Catholic religion. It was generally believed that the solicitude professed by the monarch to protect Protestant dissenters from the operation of the penal laws was, in part at least, assumed for the purpose of protecting the Catholics who were permitted by the Declara- tion the exercise of their religious worship in private houses. The Friends were much relieved by the indulgence granted by the king, but they knew it was not to be relied on as a per- manent measure, and in common with other Protestant dis- senters, they desired that liberty of conscience sliould bo secured by act of Parliament, instead of the dispensing power of the king, which was considered a dangerous exercise of 108 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. prerogative. The dissenters having seconded the views of the Established Church in opposing the king's Declaration of In- dulgence, the House of Commons became disposed to favour them, and passed a bill for the relief of Protestant non-con- formists, but it met with opposition and delay in the House of Peers.* The delay of this measure and the withdrawal of the king's indulgence gave an opportunity for bigoted and ma- licious persons to revive the persecutions against Friends under the Conventicle Act, and in many places they were subjected to great sufferings by fines, imprisonment, and personal abuse. f Some of the justices of Middlesex having sent the constables to break up a meeting where William Penn was present, he wrote them a letter of remonstrance, in which, after showing that their conduct was not such as he expected from them, but unneighbourly and unjust, he proceeds to argue that this per- secution was not only contrary to the wishes of the king, who was the head of their church, but of the Parliament also, for it had voted indulgence to the king's Protestant subjects, and intended to ratify the same more firmly. He says, "We came not to our liberties and properties by the Protestant religion ; their date rises higher. Why then should a non-conformity to it deprive us of them. The nature of body and soul, earth and heaven, this world and that to come, differs. There can be no reason to persecute any man in this world about any thing that belongs to the next. Who art thou (saith the Holy Scripture) that judgeth another man's servant? He must stand or fall to his master, the great God. Let tares and wheat grow together till the great harvest. To call for fire from heaven was no part of Christ's religion, though the re- proved zeal of some of his disciples. His sword is spiritual, like his kingdom. Be pleased to remember that faith is the gift of ( jod : and what is not of faith, is sin. We must either be hypo- crites in doing what we believe in our consciences we ought not to do, or forbearing what we are fully persuaded we ought to do. Either give us better faith, or leave us with such as we have^ * Hume's Hist. E. iv. 2G6. Gough's Hist. ii. 375. f Gough, ii. 892. APPLIES TO Tin-: Drxi- OF YORK. 109 for it seems unreasonable in you to disturb us for this that wo have, and yet be unable to give us any other."* These cogent arguments against persecution were unanswera- ble, but in most cases unavailing ; for bigotry does not stop to rea- son, and prejudice is too often deaf to the appeals of humanity. The same spirit of persecution was manifested in other coun- ties, and Penn wrote to the king for protection, but his appeal was in vain; for Charles II., though opposed to persecution, was too much engrossed with his pleasures to attend to such cases, and was, moreover, at this time, embarrassed by the state of his finances and the measures of Parliament. The Oath of Allegiance was wrested from its intended pur- pose in order to persecute the Friends. The magistrates or judges when they had no evidence to convict them, would often tender them this oath, knowing that they could not swear, and then for a refusal to take it would commit them to prison, and even subject them to the penalties of a premunire, under which George Fox was kept in prison nearly fourteen months. In order to obtain his release, Penn made application to the Duke of York, who evinced a lively interest in his favour. The following account of this interview is extracted from ''Penn's Autograph Apology for Himself."t "The third time I came to court was in '73, ha\'ing not fre- quented it for five years. The business that drew me thither was the imprisonment of that servant of God, my worthy friend George Fox, in Worcester Castle ; the cause, worshipping God after another manner than that of the Church of England ; and lest it should prove too feeble a tie to hold him, the Justices of the Peace that had laid his commitment officiously tendered him the oaths of allegiance and supremacy, not that he should take them, but because they were pretty sure he would not take them, as a supplemental snare to gratify their humour, and accomplish their design against him. Tliis ending in a prosmunire, and finding no applications in the country were likely to succeed for his deliverance out of the hands of some very angry, obstinate persons, it was resolved amongst us at * Life, prefixe.l to his works. f Mem. P. H. S. vol. iii. p i'- P- --^^ K tlO LIFE OF WILLIAM PENX. London to remove liim by habeas corpus to the King's Bench, and try what we could do at the court to procure his discharge. "It fell to my lot to go on this errand, in which solicitation William Mead accompanied me. The person we first addressed ourselves to was the Earl of Middlesex, now also Dorsat, who advised us to make our application to the Duke of York as most powerful with the king, and that if he would receive us, that nobody would be more zealous to perform what he under- took, adding that he would speak to him, and that Fleetwood Shepherd should introduce us. " The time being fixt, we found that gentleman as was agreed, and went with him to the Duke's palace, where he en- deavoured our admission by the means of the Duchess' Secre- tary ; but the house being very full of people and the Duke of business, the said Secretary could neither procure our nor his own admission; but Colonel Aston, of the bed-chamber, then in waiting, and my old acquaintance and friend, (yet I had not seen him in some years before,) looking hard at me, thinking he should know me, asked me in the drawing-room, first my name, and then my business, and upon understanding both, he presently gave us the favour we waited for, of speaking with the Duke, who came immediately out of his closet to us. "After something I said as an introduction to the business, I delivered him our request. He perused it, and then told us * That he was against all persecution for the sake of religion. That it was true he had in his younger time been warm, espe- cially when he thought people made it a pretence to disturb government, but that he had seen and considered things better, and he was for doing to others as he would have others do unto him; and he thought it would be happy for the world if all were of that mind; for he was sure,' he said, 'that no man was willing to be persecuted himself for his own conscience.' He added that 'he looked upon us as a quiet, industrious peo- ple, and though he was not of our judgment, yet he liked our good lives,' with much more to the same purpose, promising he would speak to his brother, and doubted not but that the king's counsel vrould have orders in our friend's favour. LETTER TO GEORGE EOX. HI "I ami my companion spoke as occasion offered, to recom- mend both our business and our character, but the less because he prevented us in the manner I have expressed. "When he had done upon this affair, he was pleased to tako a very particular notice of me, both for the relation my father had had to his service in the navy, and the care he had promised him to show in my regard upon all occasions. " That he wondered I had not been with him, and that whenever I had any business thither, he would order that f should have access ; after which he withdrew, and we returned. " This was my first visit to the court after five years' retire- ment ; and this the success of it, and the first time I had spoken with him since '65. That it should be grateful to me was no wonder ; and, perhaps, that with some was the begin- ning of my faults at court, but what impression it made upon my companion, and the expressions he used to declare it, can- not well escape the memory of F. Shepherd, to whom, in the garden, he presently related what had past, and his own extra- ordinary satisfaction, both in that and the duke." The following letter to George Fox was written soon after the interview above related : " Dear George Fox : — Thy dear and tender love in thy last letter 1 received, and for thy business thus : A great lord, a man of noble mind, did as good as put himself in a loving way to get thy liberty. lie pre- vailed with the King for a pardon, but that we rejected. Then he prest fur a more noble release, that better answered truth. lie prevailed, an h;ui cle had pUet.\'' At tU'? Brill, they x«rx?r^ met by Friends fi\>!n Rotteniam . who aovvmjv;u\ietl them in a boat to that eity» and on the mor- i\>w» being the first day i>( the week, they had two meetings at B, Farley's house, whither rtjssorted a great co\u^>any of people, ** vSon\e of them being of the most eonsidei-able of that city,'' among whom the gxvsp I wa« pre^iched with etfieieney andsuece^s. The foUowiug day they "s[>ent in visiting Friends, from house to house," all their visits being **piwious meetings: " and the thirti day, in eom|vany with CixH>rge Fox and two others, AVilliam Penn took [va«sagx> in a Kvat for Leyden and Uaerlem. At tiie latter place they had a satisfi^ctory meetii^g, and then pt\>cetHied to Amsteniam, where x«ras held a gx^neral n\eeting fe - the Friends of that country. In this meetitig they had gixxl sev xi<» : 0^>rgx? Fox especially being instrumental in handing forth s:\1r.lary advices concerning the establishment of church disci pniu\ for the presom^.tion of jrood order, and proniotinir \nirit\ of life. Finding lotiors hero from the Fnouds of DauiXiO, com- plaining of their grievous sufferings on account of religio!\. William Pemi deemed it his duty to addresss, in their name^ a letter to the King of Poland, stating the n^Hgious principles of Friends, representing the severity of their treatment, and showing tlie im|>oUcy as well as injustice of [versecution. In this letter, he reminds the king of a noble saying of ono of his ancestors, Stephen, King of Poland, ** I am king of meiu not of consciencos, — king of Knlies, not of souls." Taking leave of Gt>orge Fox, he left Amsterdam, and ac> tN^m^vanicti by Robert l>arolay and B. Furley, proceeded to Her» wcnien, wheT» the Princess EliaaWth Palatine held her ci>urt. As llus princess was a corresfwudent of Penn, and through Ids ministry and that of otlier Friends, was brought to acknow- l&d^ tlic trutli of their doctrines, a brief sketch of her life and Tin: l'IiINCi:SS KMZAlJHTir. 1^7 character, may not be inappropriate. She was a (hiuf^'litcr of Frederick v., the Elector Palatine, and of Elizabeth, daugliter of James I. of England, who held their court at the castle of lleidel- burg. It was situated on an eminence near a town of the same name, on the south side of the Necker, ten leagues above its conflu- ence with the Rhine. The town was celebrated for its flourishing university, and the castle for its strength and picturesque beauty. The Elector Palatine had a numerous family, amono- whom were, Charles Louis, who succeeded to his father's dignity; Prince Rupert, well known in the history of England; and tlie Princess Sophia, who married Ernest Augustus, Elector of Hano- ver, from which union sprang the present royal family of Eng- land. The Princess Elizabeth, the eldest daughter of Frederick and Elizabeth, was born in 1618. When she was about a year old her father was elected King of Bohemia, and with his wife removed to Prague, the capital of that kingdom, where they w^ere crowned with great pomp and enthusiasm. He bewimu the leader of the Protestant league, called "the Evangelical Union," but his reign was of short duration, being opposed by Ferdinand II. the Catholic Emperor of Germany, and the Duke of Bavaria, whose forces gained a great victory over the Bo- hemians, in the immediate vicinity of their capital. Within one year from his accession to the throne, Frederick and his queen were compelled to flee for their lives, and not only was Bohemia wrested from him, but his enemies conquered and devastated his hereditary dominions. Being forced to seek an asylum in Holland, they w^ere kindly received by the Prince of Orange, and provided with a residence at the Hague. It was here that the young Princess Elizabeth pursued her studies, and laid the foundation of those literary attainments for which she became so distinguished. She was endowed with great natural abilities, and being in early life subjected to the discipline of affliction, her attention was turned to the cultiva- tion of her mind and the fulfilment of her religious duties. When she attained her sixteenth year, her uncle, Charles II. of England, endeavoured to negotiate a marriage between her and Ladislaus, the young King of Poland, but there was one insupe 128 LIFE or WILLIAM PENX. rable difficulty in the way. Poland was a Catholic kingdom, and the king would not be permitted to marry any but a Catholic princess. As Charles was at heart a Papist, he would willingly have seen his niece embrace the same faith, but his efforts were in vain ; for although the negotiations were protracted for two years, Elizabeth continued firm in rejecting a crown which could only be obtained by the renunciation of her Protestant principles. In her twenty-third year, she was introduced to the celebrated philosopher Rene Descartes, then residing in Holland, of whom she became a zealous disciple. She went to his residence at Eyndegeest, near Leyden, to receive instructions from him, and so great was her proficiency in metaphysical studies, that he dedicated to her his Principia Philosophise, declaring that "she was the miracle of northern Europe." By the treaty of Westphalia, in 1655, Charles Louis, the son of Frederick V., Prince Palatine, was restored to a part of his father's dominions. When the Princess Elizabeth of the Rhine was first visited by Penn, in 1671, she was the ruler of a small territory in Westphalia, her residence being at Herwerden or Herforden, in the county of Ravensberg. Here she governed with great wisdom and clemency, devoting herself to the welfare of her subjects, and "choosing a single life as the freest from care, and best suited to study and meditation." "Though she kept no sumptuous table in her own court, she spread the tables of the poor in their solitary cells, breaking bread to virtuous pilgrims, according to their want and her ability. Abstemious in herself, and in apparel void of all vain ornaments."* On the arrival of Penn and Barclay, in 1677, they apprized the princess of their intention to visit her, to which she replied, "she was glad they were come, and should be ready to receive them the next morning about the seventh hour." They went accordingly, and were received "with a more than ordinary expression of kindness." She was attended by her friend, the Countess de Homes, and the interview, though cordial, was serious and impressive, partaking of the character of a religious * Penn's "No Cross no Crown," seco7id edition, published in 1682; Life of Pescartes, and "The Friend." INTERVIEW WITH THE PRINCESS. 120 meeting. She requested thein to stay and dine with her, but they respectfully declined, asking the privilege of another inter- view, which she appointed to take place at two in the afternoon. At the time appointed they returned to the palace, where the princess and countess, with several others, were assembled to meet them. " It was at this meeting." says the journal, " that the Lord in a more eminent manner began to appear. The eternal word showed itself a hammer at that day ; yea, ' sharper than a two-edged sword, divicfmg asunder between the soul and the spirit — the joints and the marrow.' Thus continued the meeting till about the seventh hour ; which done, witli hearts and souls filled with holy thanksgivings to the Lord for his abundant mercy and goodness to us, we departed to our lodging." The next morning, at the suggestion of the countess, a meet- ing was held at the palace, " for the more inferior servants of the house, who would have been bashful to have presented them- selves before the princess." "At this meeting," continues the journal, " the same blessed power that had appeared to visit them of high, appeared also to visit them of low degree. ' Virtue went forth of Jesus that day,' and the life of our God was shed abroad among us, as a sweet savour, for which their souls bowed before the Lord and confessed to our testimon3^" At tAvelve they withdrew to their inn, and in the afternoon re- turned, when the princess and countess reminded William Ponn of a promise made in one of his letters, to give them an account of his first convincement, and of the troubles and consolations he had experienced in his religious course. After some pause ho began his narrative, but before he had half done, supper was an- nounced, which the princess insisted they must eat with her. After supper they returned to the princess's chamber, when he resumed his narrative, which continued till ten at night, and was listened to " with earnest attention." The following day, being the first of the week, they had a morning meeting in their chani- ber at the inn, and at two in the afternoon they had another meeting at the palace, which was attended by several citizens of the town, as well as the family of the princess. In this meet- ing the power of Divine grace was eminently manifested, and at (J 130 LIFE OF WILLIAM PE^'N. its close, the princess, taking William Ponn by the liand, en- deavoured to express "the sense she had of the power and pre- sence of God ;" bnt she conld not proceed, and turning aside, she sobbed aloud, saying, "I cannot speak to you — my heart is full." She pressed them to visit her again on their return out of Germany, and they took their leave of her and the countess, "praying that they might be kept from the evil of this world." On leaving Herwerden, Robert Barclay returned to Amster- dam, and William Penn, George Keith, and B. Furley continued their journey toward Frankfort, where they had several meet- ings with religious people, both Calvinists and Lutherans, who received them gladly, and acknowledged "the truth of their tes- timony." They next proceeded to Crisheim, where they found, to their great joy, "a meeting of tender, fiiithful people, but the inspector of the Calvinists had enjoined the vaught, or chief officer, not to suifer any preaching to be among them." This order being disregarded by the Friends, they had " a good meet- ing, from the 10th to the 3d hour," and the "vaught himself stood at the door behind the barn, where he could hear and not be seen, who went to the priest, and told him, that it was his work, if they were heretics, to discover them to be such ; but for his part, he had heard nothing but Avhat was good, and he would not meddle with them." Leaving the "little handful" of Friends at Crisheim, they went on their way, conversing with serious people whom they met, and distributing religious books, printed in the Dutch and Ger- man lancruac^es. Havinsr come asjain to Frankfort, they held another meeting with the same persons who had so kindly re- ceived them before ; to whom they " recommended a silejit meet- ing^ that they might grow //if a a holy silence unto themselves; that the mouth that calls God father, that is not of his oirn hirthj may be stopped, and all images confounded, that they might hear the soft voice of Jesus to instruct them, and receive his sweet life to feed them, and build them up." Passing through ^lentz, which he describes as a dark, super- stitious place, Penn and his companions came to Duysburgh, in the dominions of the Elector of Brandenburg, '- in and near which, ADVENTURE AT Mi;rjfi:r:f. i.n t]\i-y liud \}(:(-u hii'onuoA, there were a i.ur.'j. ^♦•f-Ki: Jlr;re he delivered a letter of introduction to Doctor - a civilian, of whom he made inquiry concerning the Countcfwof FalchenHteyn and JJriicli, a young perHon of extraordinary piet v. Tlie doctor informed them that they would probably find her tfiat day Cheing the firnt of the week) at the miniiiter's hoiii*c in Mulheim, wliich in opposite her father's castle; but they muHt be careful, for her sake as well as their own, not to make tliemHelveH public, as she was severely treated by her father, on account of her religiouH inclinationn. They haHtened toward Mulheim, but being on foot, and the distance six miles, they found it could not be reached till the meeting would be over, when she would return to the castle. On the road they met with Henry Smith, a schoolmaster, by wliom they sent her a message, with a letter of intro^luction from Doctor Mastricht, and in the course of an hour, received for answer, that " she would be glad to meet them, but she krjcw not where, unless they would go to the minister's house at Mulheim, whither, if she could, she would come to them ; but that a strict hand was held over her by her father." Ah they advanced toward the town, being obliged to pa.s9 near her futher'.s castle, it so happened that he came out to walk, and observing that they were strangers, he sent one of his attendants to inquire, *' who and from whence they were, and whither tliey went?" He then called them to him, and asked the same questions, to which they answered, "that they were Englishmen, come from Holland, and going no further in those parts than his own town of Mulheim." One of his gentlemen in attendance said, " Why don't you pull ofT" your hats ? Is it respectful to stand covered in the presence of the sovereign of the country ?" The Friends replied, " It ia our practice in the presence of our prince, who is a great king, ?jnd we uncover not our heads to any, but in our duty to Almighty God." Upon which the Graef called them Quakers. saying, "We have no need of Quakers here ; get out of my do- minions ; you shall not go to my town." They answered, "that they were an innocent people, who feared God and had goood- will to all men, and would have n()n(; suffer for a truly Hob«T and conj»ci- entious dissent on any hand. And I humbly bog leave to add, that those methods against persons so qualified do not seem to me to be convincing, or, indeed, adequate to the reason of mankind; but this I submit to your consideration. To conclude ; I hope we shall be held excused of the men of that (the Roman Catholic) profession, in giving this distinguisliing declaration, since it is not with design to expose them, but, first, to pay that regard we owe to the inquiry of this Committee, and, in the next place, to relieve ourselves from the daily spoil and ruin which now at tend and threaten many hundreds of fiimilies, by the execution of laws which, we humbly conceive, were never made again>^t us." This address was received with marked attention. Notwithstanding his candid avowal, that he was opposed to all persecution, even against the Papists, whose doctrines and practices he totally condemned, they could not but respect his noble independence and tolerant spirit. Such sentiments, though cherished, perhaps, in the breasts of the wise and good, were seldom heard, in that day, except from the mouths of tlic Friends ; for so great was the excitement, and so bitter the hos- tility in England against the Roman Catholics, that few per- sons had the courage openly to advocate tlie doctrine of uni- versal toleration. Beincr admitted to a second hearin;:^ before the committee, William Penn addressed them in the following language : "The candid hearing our sufferings have received from you, and tho fair and easy entertainment you have given us, oblige me to add whatever can increase your satisfaction about us. I hope you do not Udieve 1 would tell you a he. I am sure I should choose an ill time and place lo tell it in; but, I thank God, it is too late in the day for that. There are some here who have known me formerly. I believe they will say I wm never that man ; and it would be hard if, after a voluntary neglect of the advantages of this world, I should sit down in my retirement short of Common truth. " Excuse the length of my introduction ; it is for this I make it. I was bred a Protestant, and that strictly, too. I lost nothing by time or study 140 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. For years, reading, travel, and observations, made tbe religion of my education the religion of my judgment. My alteration hath brought none to that belief; and though the posture I am in may seem strange to you, yet I am conscientious ; and, till you know me better, I hope your charity will call it rather my unhappiness than my crime. I do tell you again, and here solemnly declare, in the presence of Almighty God, and before you all, that the profession I now make, and the society I now adhere to, have been so far from altering that Protestant judgment I had, that I am not conscious to myself of having receded from an iota of any one princi- ple maintained by those first Protestants and Reformers of Germany, and our own martyrs at home, against the See of Rome. On the contrary, I do, with great truth, assure you, that we are of the same negative faith with the ancient Protestant church ; and, upon occasion, shall be ready, by God's assistance, to make it appear that we are of the same belief, as to the most fundamental, positive articles of her creed, too : and there- fore it is we think it hard, that though we deny in common with her those doctrines of Rome, so zealously protested against, (from whence the name Protestants,) yet that we should be so unhappy as to sufier, and that with extreme severity, by those very laws on purpose made against the maintainers of those doctrines which we do so deny. We choose no suffering ; for God knows what we have already suffered, and how many sufficient and trading families are reduced to great poverty by it. We think ourselves an useful people ; we are sure we are a peaceable people : yet, if we must still suffer, let us not suffer as Popish Recusants, but as Protestant Dissenters. " But I would obviate another objection, and that none of the least that hath been made against us, namely, that we are enemies to government in general, and particularly disaffected to that which we live under. I think it not amiss, but very seasonable, yea, my duty, now to declare to you, and this I do with good conscience, in the sight of Almighty God, first, that we believe government to be God's ordinance ; and, next, that this present government is established by the providence of God and the law of the land, and that it is our Christian duty readily to obey it in all its just laws, and wherein we cannot comply through tenderness of con- science, in all such cases not to revile or conspire against the government, but, with Christian humility and patience, tire out all mistakes about us, and wait the better information of those who, we believe, do as unde- servedly as severely treat us ; and I know not what greater security can be given by any people, or how any government can be easier from the subjects of it. " I shall conclude with this, that we are so far from esteeming it hard ur ill that this house hath put us upon this discrimination, that, on the contrary, we value it, as we ought to do, a high favour, and cannot choose, but see, and humbly acknowledge God's providence therein, that TITUS OATLS, Till-: IMPOSTOR. 141 you should give us tliis fair occasion to dlsclmrgo oursolves of a burden we have, not with more patience than injustice, suffered but too many years under. And I hope our conversation shall always manifenl the grateful resentment of our minds for the justice and civility of this op- portunity ; and so I pray God direct you." The House of Commons, being convinced that the unwillin;;- ness of Friends to take the oath arose from religious scruple?*, and satisfied that they were well affected toward the govern- ment, agreed to insert a clause in the bill for their relief; but after it had passed the Commons and gone to the House of Lords, it was lost by a sudden prorogation of Parliament. In the summer of this year, (1678,) the nation was thrown into a ferment, by the disclosure of a pretended Popish plot, invented by a wretched impostor, named Titus Gates. This abandoned creature testified, to the council of state, that he had been connected with the Jesuits, and had fallen under their suspicion for revealing their conspiracy, which was nothing less than a plan to murder the king, and bring the whole nation under subjection to the Roman See. He said, the great fire of London, another at St. Margaret's Hill, and a third at South- wark, had all been the work of the Jesuits, who intended to burn all the chief cities in England. This improbable fiction, being adapted to the popular preju- dices, and encouraged by interested partisans, produced an un- exampled degree of excitement and alarm. Even the Parlia- ment was so far deluded or carried away by the popular feeling, as to ordain a solemn fast, and appoint a form of prayer to be used, relating to the plot. They heard the evidence of Gates, which, though contradictory and absurd in itself, was so well supported by their own prejudices and passions, that they ex- pressed by a%ote their full belief in the conspiracy, and recom- mended the informer to the favour of the king. Many Catholics were charged with being parties or accessories to the plot, and though doubtless innocent of the crime, they were condemne;*., almost without evidence, and suffered an ignominious death The king, although incredulous as to the plot, found he could not resist the whirlwind of passion that was sweeping over the 142 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENX. nation, and durst not oppose the popular will by the exercise of his pardoning power. The Friends had long been exposed to grievous sufferings by means of the penal laws intended for the papists; but now those laws, being enforced with unusual rigour, fell with in- creased severity upon those non-conformists who could not take the oaths of allegiance and supremacy. William Penn, having often been charged with being a Jesuit, was peculiarly exposed to popular prejudice and suspicion: but at this period of general alarm, his mind was stayed by an unwavering confi- dence in the arm of Divine Power, and he wrote an excellent epistle of advice to his brethren in religious profession. He warns them of the trouble that is coming on the nation, and the danger that will attend all those who partake of a worldly spirit, and rely upon the arm of flesh. He says to them, "Be ye disencumbered of the world, and discharged from its cares. Fly, as for your lives, from the snares therein, and get you into your watch-tower, the name of the Lord, which is not a mere literal name, but a living spiritual power, a strong tower indeed, an invincible fortress, where dwell ye with Him who speaketh peace to his children, and ordains quietness to them that trust in him." In the following year, (1679,) the troubles of the nation still continuing, he wrote an "Address to Protestants of all Persua- sions," more especially the magistracy and clergy, for the pro- motion of virtue and charity. This is an able work, and was thought so well adapted to promote the public good, that a second edition was published a few years afterward, when the nation became more quiet and composed. The first part of the book treats of various offences against the laws of morality, which were then alarmingly pre- valent in England ; for the licentiousness of the court had cor- rupted many in the higher ranks, and the infection of vice and impiety appeared to be spreading among the people. On this account the author expostulates with them, and asks them to turn their attention to the state of their own hearts, and DT repentance and reformation turn away the judgments HIS ADDRESS TO PROTESTANTS. 14:^, of God, uhlch Imve in all ages been dlrectcl :i..r,;nists with persecut- ing Protestants, if Protestants themselves will persecute Protestant*, be- cause of some different apprehensions about religion, since that were to deny an infallible jurisdiction over conscience in the pope, and aflMuming it to themselves, which in England we call hating the traitor, hut lovinj^ the treason. And indeed it is scandalous, that they, whose ancestors laboured under so much difficulty for a reformation, should not allow others the liberty to reform themselves. For if the principles of the first reformers be denied, the cause must be given up against all the Protest- ants in the world: for this they went upon the tradition of the Scripture before the tradition of the church, and conviction before authority. It was not enough then to say you must believe so, or you must not dothu<<, there was conviction in the case or no compliance given, so that Popery (concisely speaking) is obedience without conviction, and Protestancy is obedience upon conviction, but in this case it seems authority supersede*! conviction, and people were banished for not altering their belief or act- ing against their consciences, when no man can believe against this Ijeliof, nor yet practise contrary to it unless he will be an hypocrite. " If it is impossible for any one to give another faith, it must l>e unrea- sonable in him to punish him for want of faith : it is the gift of God, who alone can enlighten us al)out Divine things. Nor did our meek Saviour leave such an example to his disciples, who strictly forbade them to exer- cise dominion over one another, at least as Christians, as men «»f religion, which comes to the point in hand. He also told us that his kingdom wm not of this world, and gave that as a reason why h*^ could not use such an unsuitable means as worldly power to set it up. This unworldly way of speaking is so little understood by his pretended followers, that ihoy will easily leave him to pursue their passions and gratify their intorost. " This gross apprehension of the nature of Christ's kingdom may wHl be an occasion of their mistake about the means of promoting it, else U were not credible that men should think clubs, prisons, and banishmcnl the proper mediums of enlightening the understanding. " To be short, great prince, God and Caesar divide the man ; faith and Avoijhip b.Icn^' t'^G..d, ci.il obedience and tribute to C.T<=ar. I:-, the 150 LIFE OF WILLIAM PEXX, first, with Prince William of Orange, (thy great ancestor,) indulge these poor, inoffensive people — it is Christian, it is Protestant, it is human, for religion improves and not ruins nature ; Christ came to save, to implant meekness, love, and forbearance in the natures of men ; and remember that the heathens themselves had that notion of goodness, they alvrays gave it precedency to power ; first Optimus, then Maximus, and Antonius, and other of their emperors, forbade that Christians should be persecuted for the cause of their religion, if they maintained a civil obedience to the lavs'S. Nor does variety of opinion hinder arts or ruin traffic, of which the countries under thy government are a demonstration against the clamours of superstition. Thus, Caesar giving God his due, if the people shall refuse to Cassar that which belongs to Caesar, to wit, tribute and civil obedience, let the law be executed with so much the more severity, by how much their pretences to goodness exceed those of other men. " I shall conclude, great prince, with this humble request, that it would please thee to command the drost of those parts to suffer these dissenting inhabitants of Crevelt, now exiled, to return quietly to their habitations, and that if nothing appear against them but what relates to faith and worship, so liberally allowed in the seven provinces under thy command, they may enjoy the liberty of that, their native country, and the protec- tion of its civil government, that the great God, who is King of kings and Lord of lords, may bless and prosper thy affairs as he did those of thy predecessors, who took the same course I have here recommended to thee."* CHAPTER XL William Penn becomes interested in political affairs — Contests between Whigs and Tories — He sides with the Whigs — His tract on the elec- tion of Parliament — Accompanies Algernon Sidney to the hustingvS — Letters to Sidney — Dissolution of Parliament and new election — "One Project for the Good of England" — Motives which influenced Penn — His independence and patriotism. 1679—80. In the year 1679, William Penn became so deeply interested in the political affairs of the kingdom, as to employ his pen and his personal influence in an election for members of Parliament. It had not been usual for members of the society of Friends * Penn papers in the possession of G. 'SI. Justice, Philadelphia. SYMPATHIZES WITH TIIK WIIK;??. 151 to take an lU'tive part in the choice of tlicir rulers; «omc of them did not even exercise the elective franchise,* ami '' y were precluded by their religious principles from holding any office under the government which required the administration of an oath, or gave the least countenance to the practice of war. The king having issued writs for the election of a new Par- liament in the early part of this year, a contest ensued between the court and country parties, which, for the deep interest it excited, was then almost without a parallel in British history. There was in the minds of a great part of the nation a pro- found disgust with the measures pursued by the king ano»ed to that borough, or already was, and till he was suro of the cntrarr, it * Clarkson, ch. iv. 156 LriE OF WILLIAM PEXN. would not be decent for him to appear. Of that thou canst best inform him. That day you come to Bramber, Sir John Fagg will meet you both ; and that night you may lie atWiston, and then, when thou pleasest, with us at Worminghurst. Sir John Temple has that opinion of thy good reasons to persuade, as well as quality to influence the electors, that, with what is and will be done, the business will prosper; which, with my true good wishes that it may be so, is all at present from thy true friend, " WILLIAM PENN. " Sir John Fagg salutes thee." From this letter it appears that the interest of Sir John Pel- ham was expected to be exerted in favour of Algernon Sidney ; but he was engaged bj the ministry to sustain Algernon's younger brother Henry, who belonged to the court party. The polls closed with a double return. Algernon thought himself elected, and claimed his seat, but on the meeting of Parliament his election was declared void.* Soon after the election of this Parliament, Penn issued an- other publication, intended to allay persecution, and promote the prosperity of the kingdom; it bears the title of "One Project for the Good of England; that is, our civil union is our civil safety." This work was dedicated to the Parliament, and ably main- tains the position that the civil interests of all Protestants, whether dissenters or members of the Established Church, are the same. They can unite in denying the supremacy of the pope, and of all other foreign potentates. " The civil interests of English Protestants being thus the same, and their religious interest too, so far as concerns a negative to the usurpation and error of Rome, I do humbly ask," he says, " if it be the interest of the government to expose those to misery that have no other interest than the government ? Or if it be just or equal that the weaker should be prosecuted by the more-powerful Protestants ?" He proceeds to show that nothing can be better calculated to build up the church of Rome, and enable her to regain her ascendency in England, than for Protestants of different per- suasions to weaken and destroy one another. The commercial and manufacturing interests of the kingdom ^' Life of A. Sidnev, hy G. Van Snntvoord. HIS POLITICAL TRACTS. T.-J were also impaired by persecution, for it wastoil the osi..i.-. -.^A deranged the business of industrious citizens. Having hbown the many evils resultincr from the penal laws enacted to secure uniformity in religion, and tlic ill success that must always attend them, he then brings forward his "Project for the j^ood of Eng- land," which is a new test in the form of a declaration to b6 subscribed without an oath. This declaration contains an ac- knowledgment of King Charles the Second, as lawful king of the realm, and denies the authority of the Pope or See of Komo to depose him or absolve his subjects from their allegiance. It denies the claim of the pope to be Christ's vicar, disclaims the doctrines of purgatory and transubstantiation, and declares the worship of the Catholic church to be superstitious and i«lola- trous. This tract, as well as that which immediately pro- ceded it, was issued without the author's name, and with the signature of Philanglus. In estimating the character and principles of Penn, these po- litical tracts, and the part he took in favour of the election of Algernon Sidney, are worthy of especial attention. They show most conclusively that he was not only opposed to the papal predilections of the king, but deeply interested in pro- moting the success of the Whigs, and especially of the patriotic Sidney, a republican in principle, who was more feared and hated by the court than almost any other man in the kingdom. Yet in the face of all this evidence, his enemies of that e sup- posed that the king considered him as a partisan of the court, for his political writings, as well as the course he pursucil at the hustings in Guilford, had identified him with the Wliigs. There is another point in which the professors of religion, and especially ministers of the gospel, should closely examine tlieni- selves, before they venture to follow the example of I*enn, — the share he took in obtaining votes, and speaking at the hustings to promote the election of Algernon Sidney. It can- not be denied that the political arena, both in England and America, is a most unfavourable field for the growth of religioun principles. Men of all parties who mingle in the strife gene- rally attendant on elections are too much in the habit of u-' - means, to promote the success of their candidates, which art- consistent w^ith Christian principles. And, moreover, the very excitement which prevails at such times is unfavourable to that quiet contemplative spirit which peculiarly l)ecomes the station of those "who minister about holy things." In considering the course that Penn pursued in the at Guilford, justice to his memory reciuires that we shouhl 1 in mind the motives that prompted him, and the very important objects he had in view. He says, in one of his letters to Sidney, "Thou, as thy friends, had a conscientious regard for England, and to be put aside for such base ways is really a suffering for righteousness." " Thou hast embarked thyself with them that seek, and love and choose the best things, and numl>-r i> n-t weight with thee." It was, therefore, with a view to promote the hightvst i» terests of his country, and the progress of religious liberty, that he departed from the line of conduct generally adopted by his brethren in religious profession. eu'c:: :i ' f.ii 160 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. William Penn head for some years previous to tins time been concerned as a trustee in the management of West New Jer- sey, which continued to prosper, and to attract toward its shores a constant stream of emigration ; but in the year 1680, much dissatisfaction was excited among the colonists by the exaction of a duty on imports and exports, imposed by the Governor of New York, and collected at the Hoarkills, a town at the capes of the Delaware, since called Lewistown. This duty being considered an onerous and illegal exaction, the trustees complained to the Duke of York, then proprietary of the province of New York, who referred the consideration of it to commissioners to examine the subject, and report to him. The argument submitted by the trustees on behalf of the colony is remarkable for its ability, and some of the views it exhibits, as well as the diction in which they are conveyed, bear evident marks of William Penn's style of thought and expression.* After showing that the duke had granted to Berkley, and that he had transferred to the trustees of Byllinge, his title, not only to the soil, but to the government of West New Jersey, for which they had paid a valuable consideration, and that in the conveyance the powers of government were expressly granted^ he proceeds to prove that the power of taxation claimed by the duke's agents was a flagrant violation of English liberty. " To give up this," he says, (the power of making laws,) "is to change the government, to sell, or rather resign, ourselves to the will of another : and that for nothing. For under favour we buy nothing of the duke, if not the right of an undisturbed colonizing, and that as Englishmen, with no diminution, but expectation of some increase, of those freedoms and privileges enjoyed in our own country ; for the soil is none of his, 'tis the natives', by the jus gentium, by the laws of nations, and it would be an ill argument to convert to Christianity, to expel instead of purchasing them out of those countries. *' If then the country be theirs, it is not the duke's, he can- * See Smith's Hist. N. Jersey, p. 117 to 156. REMONSTRANCE AGAINST UNJUST TAXATION. 161 not sell it ; tlion wh;it have wc bought ? Wc arc yet unanswcrcil on this point, and desire you to do it with all due regard to the great honour and justice of the duke. If it be not the right of colonizing, then which way have we our bargain, that pay au ar- bitrary custom, neither known to the laws of England nor the settled constitution of New York, and those otlier plantations? " This very tax, of five per cent., is a thing not to be found in the duke's conveyances; but an after business, a very sur- prise to the planter ! and such an one as, could they have fore- seen, they would have sooner taken up in any other plantation in America. Customs, in all governments in the world, are laid upon trade, but this upon planting is unprecedented. Had we brought commodities to these parts to sell, made profit out of them, and returned to the advantage of traders, there had been some colour or pretence for this exaction ; but to require and force a custom from persons for coming to their property, their owm terra-firma, their habitations, in short, for coming home, is without a parallel ; this is paying custom, not for trading, but landing ; not for merchandising, but planting ; in very deed, for hazarding ; for there we go, carry over our families and estates, and adventure botli for the improvement of a wilderness, and we are not only told we must pay here- after out of our gains and improvements, but must pay out of our poor stock and principal, (put into goods,) five pounds in the hundred, and not as they are there worth, but as they here cost, and this for coming to plant ; so that the plain English of the tragedy is this : we twice buy this moiety of New Jer- sey, first of Lord Berkley, and next of the natives, and what for? the better to mortgage ourselves and posterity to the duke's governors, and give them a title to our persons and estates, that never had any before. But pray consider, can there be a house without a bottom, or a plantation ^"-'^^'^ * people ? if not, can there be a custom before a trade ? Be sides, there is no end of this power, for since we are, by thu. precedent, assessed without any law, and thereby excluded our Eno-lish ri-ht of common assent to taxes, what security have we "of anv^thin.cr we possess ? we can call nothing our own, but 0* 11 162 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. are tenants at will, not only for the soil, but for all our per- sonal estates ; we endure penury and the sweat of our brows to improve them, at our own hazard only. This is to trans- plant not from good to better, but from good to bad ; this sort of conduct has destroyed governments, but never raised one to true greatness, nor ever will in the duke's territories, whilst there are so many countries equally as good, in soil and air, surrounded with greater freedom and security." This remonstrance was so effectual, that the commissioners reported favourably, and the duty was remitted. In the following year, Penn became interested in the property and government of East New Jersey, of which Elizabethtown was the capital. Sir George Carteret, the former proprietary of this province, having died, it was sold under his will to pay his debts, and Penn became the purchaser, on behalf of himself and eleven other persons. The twelve proprietaries soon after admitted twelve others into copartnership with them, and to these twenty-four proprie- taries the Duke of York made a fresh grant of East New Jer- sey, bearing date the 14th of March, 1682 : they instituted a government, called the Council of Proprietors, whose meetings were held twice in the year, at Perth Amboy . All the proprie- taries, except two, were members of the society of Eriends, and in the year 1683, Robert Barclay, of Urie, in Scotland, a noted member and writer of the society, was made Governor of East New Jersey for life, and Thomas Rudyard, of the same society, residing in the colony, was Deputy Governor. West New Jersey having become quite populous, Edward Byllinge was chosen Governor by the proprietaries in England, and he commissioned Samuel Jennings, a minister in the society of Friends, to act as Deputy Governor. These two provinces. East and West New Jersey, continued in a prosperous state for many years ; but much inconvenience having arisen from the large number of proprietaries, they agreed to surrender the go- vernment to the British crown, which was done in the reign of Queen Anne, by an instrument dated the 15th of April, 1702. APPLIES FOR LANDS IN AMERICA. 1G3 CHAPTER XII. William Penn applies to Charles II. for lands in America — Obtains a grant of Pennsylvania — Letter to R. Turner — Terms of the Royal Charter — Letter to the inhabitants of Pennsylvania — Sends out Mark- ham as deputy — Arrival of Markham — Boundaries — Penn issues de- scription of the colony and proposals for settlement — Letter to R. Turner and others. 1680-81. William Penn, having been for many years actively and successfully engaged in the colonization of New Jersey, became well informed concerning the extent and resources of the ad- joining territories; and thus his thoughts were turned toward that great enterprise of founding a colony on the western bank of the Delaware, which has proved to be the crowning achieve- ment of his useful and eventful life. He inherited from his father a claim on the British government for money advanced and services rendered to the amount of sixteen thousand pounds, and in the year 1680 petitioned Charles 11. to grant him, in lieu of this sum, a tract of country in America, lying north of Maryland, "bounded on the east by the Delaware river, on the west limited as Maryland, and northward to extend as far as plantable."* The object of this enterprise was not only to provide a peace- ful home for the persecuted members of his own society, but to afford an asylum for the good and oppressed of every nation, and to found an empire where the pure and peaceable princi- jles of Christianity might be carried out in practice. The petition being referred to the "Committee of the Privy Council for the Affairs of Trade and Plantations," they notified the agent of Lord Baltimore, and Sir John Werdcn, agent of the Duke of York, in order that they might report whether the * Hazard's An.. 475. .16-i LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. proposed grant would be consistent with the boundaries of Ma- ryland and New York.* At a subsequent meeting of the com- mittee, a letter was produced from Sir John Werden, objecting to Penn's request, on the ground that "the territory west of the Delaware was an appendage to the government of New York, being known by the name of Delaware Colony, or more particularly. New Castle Colony, and planted promiscuously by Swedes, Finlanders, Dutch, and English." At the same time a letter from the agent of Lord Baltimore was read, de- siring, if the grant should be made to Penn, that "it might be expressed to be lands north of the Susquehanna fort, which is the boundary of Maryland northward." When the opposition on the part of the Duke of York's agent became known to Penn, he had an interview with the duke, and succeeded in removing his objections ; after which a second letter was addressed by Sir J. Werden to the secretary, in which he says, " His royal highness commands me to let you know, in order to your informing their lordships of it, that he is very willing Mr. Penn's request may meet with success."t The petition being referred, by the Lords of Trade, to the attorney-general Sir Wm. Jones, he reported that " it did not appear to intrench upon the boundaries of Lord Baltimore's province nor those of New York, so that the tract of land de- sired by Mr. Penn seems to be undisposed of by his majesty ; except the imaginary lines of New England patents, which are bounded westwardly by the main ocean, should give them a real, though impracticable right, to all those vast territories." At a meeting of the committee, January 25, 1681, the bounda- ries of the proposed patent to Penn, settled by Lord Chief Jus- tice North, with the alterations of Sir John Werden, were read and approved. From these proceedings it appears that great care was taken to adjust the boundaries of the proposed pro- vince, so as not to intrench upon former patents ; nevertheless, we shall find that the line between the territories of Penn and Lord Baltimore was, for a long period, a subject of contro- versy, attended with much annoyance and heavy expense. * Hazard's An., 475. flbid. 480. LETTER TO IIOULIIT TURN;:R. 10 >i) At one of the meetings of the committee a pa|»or was rca«l from the Bishop of London, desirinn; that Perm " be obligc0 aero.*. " For those that can't pay their passage, let me know their names, num- ber and ages ; they must pay double rent to them that help them over. But this know, that this rent is never to be raised, and thoy are to enjoy it for ever. For the acre, it is the common statute acre by our law al- lowed. "So, dear James, thou mayst let me hear of theo, and how things incline. I shall persuade none, 'tis a good country, with a good conscience it will do well. I am satisfied in it, and leave it with the Lord, and in the love and fellowship of the truth I end, in love to thy fiimily and honest friends, thy friend and brother, ^^ •'*• * '"^ -^• " P. S. I here sign thee an authority to sell to any ar>out thee that will buy. A ship goes with commissioners suddonly, in five weeks, to lay out the first and best land to the first adventurers. If any deal, let me know. 176 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. I clear the King's and Indian's title, the purchasers pay the scrivener and surveyor. I sign the deeds at Thos. Rudyard's, when I know who and what. W. P."* Another letter of William Penn, dated September 4th, '81, to Robert Turner, then in Ireland, speaks of his refusing an advan- tageous offer for a monopoly of the Indian trade. t He says, ••I have lately been in the West of England, and had a pros- perous journey in the Lord's service. At my return found thine to me. The most material is about the quit-rent, &c. Philip (Ford) will be large to thee upon it. I am content to sell it to a beaver's skin, which is about a crown value at ten years' pur- chase. I did refuse a great temptation last second-day, which was .£6000, and pay the Indians for six shares, and make the purchasers a company, to have wholly to itself the Indian trade from South to North, between Susquehanna and Delaware rivers, paying me 2 J per cent, acknowledgment or rent; but as the Lord gave it me over all and great opposition, and that I never had my mind so exercised to the Lord about any outward sub- stance, I w^ould not abuse His love, 7ior act unworthy of his 'providence, and so defile what came to me clean. No; let the Lord guide me by his wisdom, and preserve me to honour his name and serve His truth and people, that an example and standard may be set up to the nations ; there may be room there, though none here." This statement is corroborated by a letter dated 10th of 7th month (Sept.) 1681, written by James Claypole, who became largely interested in the colony. He says, " Wm. Penn does not intend starting for Pennsylvania till next spring, and then it is likely there will be many people ready to go from England, Scotland, and Ireland. He is offered great things ; £6000 for a monopoly in trade, which he refused, and for islands and par- ticular places, great sums of money, but he designs to do thin^;- ■ equally between all parties, and I believe truly does aim more sit justice and righteousness, and spreading of truth, than at his own particular gain. I tried him about the proposals to take * Copied from Pemberton's MSS. f Mem. Penna. Hist. Soc. vol. i. pai't i. 104. Hazard's Annals, 521. INSTRUCTIONS TO COMMISSIONERS. 17 £100 for 5000 acres, and abate tlie quit-rent, which 1m- i.-.u^-.l, intending to do equal by all. If thou will be conccrnc• »■•' ^- "^ key-side, without boating or lighterage." " It would be well if the river coming into that creek l)o nav.-;iMio at least for boats up into the country." * * ♦ 3. " Such a place being found out, lay out ton thousand a ous to it, in the best manner you can, as the bounds and . liberties of the said town." 4. " Every share of five thousand acres shall have one hut.dn- 1 aonw of land out of that ten thousand." * * * 5. " That no more land be surveyed till this be first fixetl .in-. '^"- r-J| pie upon it, which is best both for comfort, safety, and trafBe.'* 6. " If it shall happen that the most convenient place for a pr«»* ««^ be already taken up, in greater quantity of land than is consistent with * Hazard's An., 522, from Claypole's Letter Book- 12 178 LIFE OF AVILLIAM PEXX. the town plot, and that land not already improved, you must use your utmost skill to persuade them to part with so much as will be necessary, that so good a design be not spoiled. That is, where they have ten acres by the water-side, to abate five, and to take five more backward, and so proportionally." * * * "Be impartially just, and courteous to all, that is both pleasing to the Lord and wise in itself.'^ 7 and 8. " If you gain your point in this respect, (of which be very careful,) fall to dividing as before, according to shares, then subdivide," &c. * * ^ 9. " Be tender of ofiending the Indians, and hearken by honest spies, if you can hear that anybody inveigles them not to sell, or to stand off, and raise the value upon you. You cannot want those that will inform you ; but to soften them to me, and the people, let them know that you are come to sit down lovingly among them. Let my letter and conditions, with my purchasers about just dealing with them, be read in their tongue, that they may see we have their good in our eye, equal with our own interest, and after reading my letter and the said conditions, then pre- sent their kings with what I send them, and make a friendship and league with them, according to those conditions, which carefully observe, and get them to comply with. Be grave ; they love not to be smiled on." 10. " From time to time, in my name, and for my use, buy land of them, where any justly pretend, for they will sell one another's if you be not careful ; that so, such as buy and come after these adventurers, may have land ready, but by no means sell any land till I come." * ^ ^ 11. "Let no islands be disposed of to anybody, till I come." 12. " Be sure to settle the figure of the town, so as that the streets hereafter may be uniform down to the water from the country bounds ; let the place of the storehouses be on the middle of the key, which will yet serve for market and state-houses too. This may be ordered when I come, only let the houses be built on a line, or upon a line as much as may be." 13. " Pitch upon the very middle of the plat, where the town or line of houses is to be laid or run, facing the harbour and great river, for the situation of my house, and let it be, not the tenth part of the town as the conditions say, viz., that out of every hundred thousand acres, shall be reserved to me ten, but I shall be contented with less than a thirtieth part, to wit, three hundred acres, whereas several will have two, by pur- chasing two shares, that is, ten thousand acres, and it may be fitting for aae to exceed a little." 14. " The distance of each house from the creek or harbour should be, in my judgment, a measured quarter of a mile, at least two hundred paces, because of building hereafter streets downward to the harbour." 15. " Let every house be placed, if the person pleases, in the middle LETTER TO THE INDIANS. 179 of its plat, as to" the breadth-way of it, that so there may be grotind on each side for gardens or orchards, or finlds, that it mmj U a ffrtm country town, which will never be burnt and always wholesome." • • • Lastly. "Be sure to keep the conditions hereunto affixed, and tm thai no vice or evil conversation go uncomplained of or unpunighod in anr, that God be not provoked to wrath against the country." • • • ' "WM. PKW. a * * * 30th of September, 1C81." The wisdom evinced in these instructions, with regard to the location and plan of the "great town" intended to be built on the Delaware, is very remarkable. IIow much it is to be re- gretted that liis design of " a green country town, that woul«l never be burnt, and always be wholesome," was not more fully realized. The letter to the Indians sent by the commissioners, and re- ferred to in the instructions, was as follows:* "London, 18th of 8th mo., 1681. " My Friends : — There is one great God and power that hath made the world and all things therein, to whom you, and I, and all i>oople owe their being and well-being, and to whom you and I must one day gir© an account for all that we have done in the world. " This great God has written his law in our hearts, by which we are taught and commanded to love, and to help, and to do good to one an- other. Now this great God hath been pleased to make me conc<»^n^d in your part of the world ; and the king of the country where I lite hath given me a great province therein ; but I desire to enjoy it with your love and consent, that we may always live together as !.• .iud friends ; else what would the great God do to us, who hati. :»ut to devour and destroy one another, but) to live 8orly and kurliy to- gether in the world ? Now, I would have you well obserro, that I am rery sensible of the unkindness and injustice which have boon to,> much ex- ercised toward you by the people of these parts of the world, who hava sought themselves to make great advantages by you. rather than to ba examples of justice and goodness unto you. This I hear hath U»o a matter of trouble to you, and caused great grudgmg and aiumo.,tiea. sometimes to the shedding of blood, which hath made tho tn-at God anrj. But I am not such a man, as is well known in my own country. IharegrtiM love and regard toward you, and desire to win and gam v.ur lure ana friendship by a kind, just, and peaceable life ; and the pc.>pl.- I ^d •« of the same mind, and shall in all things behave them«.lves accordingly. * Clarkson's Life of Penn, 1C6. H.iiard-s .\d. 532. 180 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN". and if in any thing any shall offend you or your people, you shall have a full and speedy satisfaction for the same, by an equal number of just men on both sides, that by no means you may have just occasion of being offended against them. " I shall shortly come to see you myself, at which time we may more largely and freely confer and discourse of these matters. In the mean time I have sent my commissioners to treat with you about land and a firm league of peace. Let me desire you to be kind to them and to the people, and receive the presents and tokens which I have sent you, aa a testimony of my good will to you, and of my resolution to live justly, peaceably, and friendly with you. I am, your loving friend, " WILLIAM PENN.^* The commissioners took passage in one of the two ships which sailed for the colony in the autumn of this year. One of these ships was called the John and Sarah of London, Capt. Henry Smith, which was the first that arrived with emi- grants after the cession to Penn. The other was the Bristol Factor, Roger Drew, master, which sailed from the city of Bristol, and arrived at Upland (now called Chester) on the 11th of December, when the passengers, seeing some houses, went ashore, and the river freezing over that night, they remained there all winter.* It is stated by the historians Proud, Gordon, and Clarkson, that another ship with passengers, the Amity of London, Capt. Dimon, sailed near the same time, and being blown off the coast, did not arrive till spring ; but it appears from the let- ters of James Claypole, quoted in Hazard's Annals, that "she did not leave England till April of the next year."t Although the emigrants arrived at an inclement season, they probably experienced but little inconvenience, most of them being well provided with stores, and the colonists, already there, treating them with kindness and hospitality. The popu- lation of the province, exclusive of Indians, was, at this time, about two thousand souls, consisting mostly of Swedes and English, whose habitations were scattered along the western bank of the Delaware. There were six houses erected for public worship ; three of * Hazard's An. f Ibid. 537 and 557. WILKINSON AM) SToKV's PAUTV. ]^\ them by the SAvedes ; one at ChrLstina, one at W .» Southwark,) and one at Tcnecum ; and three l.v ti,. i .. li: one at Chester, anotlier at Shackamaxon, (now Kcnaington,) and another at the Falls of the Dehnvaro.* Notwithstanding the engagements of Penn, while dii«pt the government be ever so good, they will endeavour to warp and spoil it to their tuni. " I know some say. Let us have good laws, and no matter for the men that execute them. But let them consider, that though g.HKl laws d.> well good men do better: for good laws may want good men, and Iv* a»-.Iisb*Nl or evarlcd by ill men; but good men will never want good latr?, nor *nr 188 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN, fer ill ones. 'Tis true, good laws have some awe upon ill ministers, but that is where these have not power to escape or abolish them, and where the people are generally wise and good ; but a loose and depraved people (which is to the question) love laws and an administration like themselves. That, therefore, which makes a good constitution must keep it, namely, men of wisdom and virtue, qualities that, because they descend not with worldly inheritances, must be carefully propagated by a virtuous educa- tion of youth, for which after ages will owe more to the care and prudence of founders and the successive magistracy, than to their parents for their private patrimonies. " These considerations of the weight of government, and the nice and various opinions about it, made it uneasy to me to think of publishing the ensuing Frame and Conditional Laws, foreseeing both the censures they will meet with from men of different humours and engagements, and the occasion they may give of discourse beyond my design. "But next to the power of necessity, which is a solicitor that will take no denial, this induced me to a compliance, that we have, with reverence to God and good conscience to men, to the best of our skill contrived and composed the frame and laws of this government to the great end of all government, viz. to support power in reverence with the people, and to secure the people from the abuse of power, that they may be free by their just obedience, and the magistrates honourable for their just administra- tion ; for liberty without obedience is confusion, and obedience without liberty is slavery. "To carry this evenness is partly owing to the constitution, and partly to the magistracy ; where either of these fail, government will be subject to convulsions ; but where both are wanting, it must be totally subverted ; then where both meet, the government is like to endure, which I humbly pray and hope God will please to make the lot of this of Pennsylvania. Amen. WILLIAM PENN." The frame or constitution consisted of twenty-four articles, and the following are some of the most important provisions. The government to consist of the governor and freemen of the province, in form of a Provincial Council and General Assem- bly, by whom all laws shall be made, courts erected, officers chosen, and public affairs transacted. The freemen to choose by ballot, at the first election, seventy-two persons for a Pro- vincial Council, one-third of them to serve three years, one- third two years, and one-third one year ; and at every succeed- ing annual election, to choose t^venty-four persons to serve three years, so that one-third should go out every year, and FRAME (il- (ii.VKHNMKNT. Ig9 the body always remain sevenly-two in nmnbtT. Two-ihir.U of the council to constitute a quorum for the enactment of laws, establishment of courts, &c. ; but in cases of less mo- ment, twenty-four to constitute a quorum. In this council, the governor or his deputy to preside, and have a treble vote. All bills were to be prepared by the governor and council, and <' published thirty days before the meeting of the assembly in order to the passing of them into laws, or rejecting them, a^^ the assembly shall see meet." The governor and council to have the inspection and management of the public tre.-usury, to sec the laws faithfully executed, to act as a court of appeals, to erect and order all public schools, and encourage useful sciences and laudable inventions. The general assembly to consist of not exceeding two hundred persons, to be chosen annually by ballot, to meet at the capital of the province, and during eight days they may confer with each other, and if any of them see meet, with a committee of the council to be appointed for tliat purpose, in order that they may propose any alterations or amendments to the promulgated bills, and on the ninth day of their meeting, the bills being read to them by the clerk of the council, and the occasion or motives of them explained by the governor or bis deputy, the assembly "shall give their affirmation or negative, which to them seemeth best." For the better establishnifut of the government, and to the end that there may be a universal satisfaction in laying the fundamentals thereof, the general assembly shall or may for the first year consist of all the free- men of the province. In order that the government might be speedily settled, William Penn was to appoint the first judges, treasurers, sheriffs, &c., but then- successors were to be cbown by the governor and council. This frame of government was followed by a code of laws, forty in number, agreed upon in England, and intended to bo altered and amended by an assembly in rennsylvania, as wa« done the following year. These laws described the qualifica- tions of freemen entitled to vote or to be elected, which included not only land-holders, but "every inhabitant, artificer, or other resident, that pays scot and lot to the government." 190 LIFE OF WILLIAM PEXX. No taxes were to be collected but by law ; in the courts, all persons might appear in their own way, and plead their own cause ; all trials were to be by jury ; no oaths to be required ; all fines to be moderate ; all prisons to be work-houses ; all mar- riages to be published before solemnized, and to be solemnized by the parties taking one another as husband and wife, before witnesses, signing a certificate of the same and having it re- corded. The estates of felons were liable to make satisfaction to the family wronged to twice the value, and in default of such payment being made, the felons to be bondsmen in the work- house until the party injured be satisfied. All children of the age of twelve years to be taught some useful trade. Slander- ers to be punished as enemies of the public peace. Members of the council and assembly, and all judges, to be sucli as profess faith in Jesus Christ, and are not convicted of "unsober or dishonest conversation." All persons who con- fess one Almighty God to be the creator, upholder, and ruler of the world, and hold themselves obliged to live peaceably and justly in civil society, shall in no ways be molested on account of their persuasion or practice in matters of faith and worship, nor be compelled to frequent or maintain any religious worship or ministry whatever. According to the good example of the primitive Christians, and for the ease of the creation, every first day of the week, called the Lord's day, people shall ab- stain from their common daily labour, that they may the better dispose themselves to worship God, according to their under- standings. All offences against God, such as swearing, cursing, lying, profane talking, drunkenness, &c. ; all felonies, murders, duels, &c. ; and all stage-plays, cards, dice, and gambling, to be severely punished, according to the appointment of the governor and freemen, in provincial council and general assembly. This code of laws was enacted and signed in England by the governor and freemen, the 6th of May, 1682. This frame of government was afterward modified as to form, hut its distinctive principles are still found in the constitution of Pennsylvania, and have exercised a salutary influence on the legislation of other States, as well as in the formation of HIS I'KNAI, (DDK. 191 the Federal Union. The great principle of religioua liberty had before been proclaimed in Rhode Island and in Maryland; it was reserved for Penn only to give it a clearer exprejM>ion and wider field of action. The privilege allowed to every man, of worshipping God according to the dictates of hia own conscience, is not placed on the ground of humane toleration, but established as an inherent riglit. In his penal code, the founder of Pennsylvania waa also far in advance of his age. Although ])y the charter his 1 subject to repeal, when not consistent with the laws ot 1 ^ he ventured to abolish, almost entirely, her sanguinary code, reserving the penalty of death for wilful murder only. It must be admitted, that even in this case capital punishment was con- trary to the principles of Friends ; but perhaps the change they eJ0fected was as great as their dependent condition would allow. Penn " looked upon reformation as the great end of retributive justice." "In pursuance of this idea, he exempted from the infliction of death about 200 offences, which were capit:..';;.- punished by the English law."* The sentiment expressed :u his laws, that every prison should be a work-house, and the humane regulations established for jails, gave rise to a new mode of punitive justice, the penitentiary system, -" uV.h Pennsylvania has taken the lead. A mild code of laws vigorously executed is the true policy of nations ; for it is not the severity, but the certainty of pu- nishment, that deters from the commission of crime. It w justly observed by Penn, that " they weakly err, who think there is no other use of government than correction, which u the coarsest part of it." To provide the means of a good edu- cation for every child, and to see that all are taught some good trade or profession, would do more for the promotion of peace and happiness, than all the machinery of courts and prisons There was one great defect in the constitution of rennsyl- vania, which was beyond the power of Penn to avoid or rcme; y. He held the province as a fief from the crown : he wns a * J. R. Tyson's address on the 200th anniversary ct tnc r.:r;. ^ ^^ 192 LIFE OF WILLIAM PKXX. * dal sovereign, acting as the executive of a democracy; and V these two elements were found incompatible. His sweetness of temper and weight of character enabled him while in the province to maintain the balance of power, but in his absence no deputy could be found to supply his place ; and to this cause may be attributed many of the dissensions that afterward arose. When we take into view, that his constitution was then un- paralleled for its excellence, and that he ever showed a will- ingness to alter it in accordance with the wants and capacities of the people, we shall find few, if any other, legislators in an- cient or modern times, who so richly merit the gratitude of posterity. To use the language of a modern observer,* "In ^ the early constitutions of Pennsylvania are to be found the distinct annunciation of every great principle ; the germ, if not the development, of every valuable improvement in govern- ment or legislation, which have been introduced into the poli- *" tical systems of more modern epochs." While drafting the constitution and laws for his colony, Penn (Consulted not only those concerned with him in the enterprise, but other enlightened minds, as appears by the following letter : TO ALGERNON SIDNEY. ''13th October, 1681. " There are many things make a man's life uneasy in the world, which are great abates to the pleasure of living, but scarcely one equal to that of the unkindness or injustice of friends. " I have been asked by several, since I came last to town, if Col. Sidney and I were fallen out, and when I denied it, and laughed at it, they told me I was mistaken, and to convince me, stated that he had used me very ill to several persons, if not companies, saying, I had a good country, but the basest laws in the world, not to be endured or lived under, and that the Turk was not more absolute than I. This made me remember the discourse we had together, at my house, about me drawing constitutions, not as proposals, but as if fixed to the hand. And that as my act, to which the rest were to comply if they would be concerned with me. But withal, I could not but call to mind, that the objections were presently complied with, both by raj verbal denial of all such constructions as the icords might h^.ar, as if they were imjyosed and not yet free for debate. And, also, that I ^ T. I. Wharton: see Watson's Annals, i, 314. LETTER TO ALOEllXOX .SID.VEV. 103 look my pen, and iramaUalcly aUered the (mns, so iw tl.ov corro.^fH.nad (and truly, I thought more properly) with thy ohjoction and ^onno. L>n this thou didst draAV a draft, as to the frame of povcrnmont, Ravo it m* to read, and we discourst it with a considerable argument; it wa« aftcnrard called for back by thee to finish and polish; and 1 8u»pcnded proceeding* in the business ever since, (that being to be done after other mattcrt,) instead of any further conference about it. " I meet with this sort of language in the mouths of several ; I shall n»l believe it; 'twere not well in me to an enemy, less so to a friend ; but if it be true, I shall be sorry wo ever were so well acf|uaintod, or that I hare given so much occasion to them that hate us, to laugh at me for more true friendship and steady kindness than I have been guilty of to any man I know living. It becomes not my pretensions to the things of another life to be much in pain about the uncertainties of this ; but be it as it will, I am yet worth a line; and I would pray one of the truth of the fact, for th^ injury it hath done me already is nothing to the trouble it will give me if I have deserved it; and if I have not, of losing a friend upon a oiistakv; not that I meanly creep for a friendship that is denied mo; I were until for it then. I can be but where I was before, not less in myself no.* mj own peace, which a steady virtue will make a sufficient comfort and sanc- tuary. Thy real friend, "WM. PE\X."» * In Dixon's Life of Penn, page 183, he says, " Ponn resolved, nt the in- stance of Sidney, to secure an essentially democratic basis for his scheme of government, and allow the minor details to be filled in as time, events, and the public good, should render them necessary." -Again, on p«gc \M, be says, the constitution "had been drawn up with great cure by Penn acl Sidney together," * * "So intricate and continuous was this mutual aid, that it is quite impossible to separate the exact share of one legislator from that of the other." The only authority he cites for these seutimentJ is the above letter of Penn to Sidney. (13th Oct. '81.) which, I think, will scarcely warrant the inferences he draws from it. Penn did, undoubtedly, consult his friend, Algernon Sidney, as well as many others, and after mak- ing "a verbal denial of all such constructions" as Sidney had put upon his lan- guage, he took his pen and " altered the terms" of his draft. It appears thai Sidney drew a draft which he took home to finish, but there is no evidence, in the letter, that Penn made any use of it. Dixon seems anxious to give credit to Sidney, but he says nothing of U»o«e sagacious but less eminent men, who were concerned with Penn in the en- terprise, and undoubtedly assisted in framing his constitution and lawa. In Professor Ebeling's History of Pennsylvania, translated by P. 8. D« ponceau, he says, "It is even certain, that some parts of this plan [of gor'lj were adopted by him, at the urgent request of the Friends, vno madt U »t^ dition of their taking a part in the settlement of the province - >■< ham's letter, in rhahners, p. 0;".0. 194 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. A short time previous to the signing of the constitution and code of laws for Pennsylvania, the proprietary liad granted a charter for a company, to be called '^ the Free Society of Traders." They purchased 20,000 acres of land, and he granted them ex- tensive privileges and jurisdiction within their own territory, to be erected into a manor. They published, in the spring of this year, in London, their articles of settlement, with a description of the advantages they offered to subscribers, in which they say, "It is a very unusual society, for it is an absolute free one, and in a free country ; a society without oppression, wherein all may be concerned that will, and yet have the same liberty of private traffic as though there were no society at all ; so that this society is calculated to promote the public good, and to encourage the private." "This union of traffic prevents emulation, for every one is interested in every one's prosperity, and the profit must be greater and surer, and navigation, manufactures, and arts better encouraged than by force of private and divided stocks." Two of the most remarkable provisions in their constitution relate to black servants and Indians, viz. "Black servants to be free at fourteen years end, on giving to the society two-thirds of what they can produce on land allotted to them by the society, with stock and tools ; if they agree not to this, to be servants till they do." "Society to assist Indians settling in towns, with advice and artificers." Penn was a member of this company, and "besides his subscription, which was considerable, he gave them the quitrents on all their land."* This society appears to have been founded on nearly the same principles with some modern associations, projected with the design of giving to individual efforts the advantage of concerted action, of excluding the rivalry of adverse interests, and causing benevolence and traffic to walk hand in hand. It does not ap- pear to have answered the expectations of its founders, and it would be interesting to inquire into the causes of its failure, w^hich probably arose from the difficulty of finding suitable agents ♦0 carry out its purposes, and from the keen competition of pri- * Claypole's letter, in Hazard's Annul?, i. p. 580. LETTER TO THE EMPEROR OP CANADA vate enterprise, which is generally conducted with more economy and sagacity than the affairs of large corporations. The provision in relation to black servants is remarkable, m one of the earliest instances in which the laudable purp^isc of manumission, after a term of servitude, was secured bv law; for in that day, some of the most enlightened minds did not perceive the wrong done to the African race by holding them in bondage, nor the great evil inflicted on the colonists by introducing the system of slavery. James Claypole, in writing this year to a friend in Pennsylvania, says, "we calculate there will go thither from hence, above one thousand Friends, this year, then William Penn and his family goes." "I have a great drawing on my mind to remove with my family thither, so that I am given up, if the Lord clears my way, to be gone next spring. Advi.sc me in thy next, what I might have two negroes fur ^ that might be fit for cutting down trees, building, ploughing, or any sort of labour that is required in the first planting of a country."* In another letter, dated July 24th, 1682, he says, *'I have 100 acres where our capital city is to be, upon the river near Schuyl- kill and Peter Cook, there I intend to plant and build my first house."t From this it would appear, that the conuni.". I recommend the UM^ful parts of mathematics, as building houses or ships, measuring, ftunrej- ing, dialling, navigation; but agriculture is especially in my eye: let my children be husbandmen and housewives ; it is industriou.», healthy, Ij»»- nest, and of good example: like Abraham and the holy aucienti*, who pleased God, and obtained a good report. This leads to (insider the works of God and nature, of things that are good, and diverts the miud from being taken up with the vain arts and inventions of a luxuriuu4 world. It is commendable in the princes of Germany and the Duties of that empire that they have all their children instructed in some useful occupation. Rather keep an ingenious person in tlie house to teach them than send them to schools, too many evil impressions being commonly received there. Be sure to observe their genius, and do not cross it a« to learning: let them not dwell too long on one thing: but let their change be agreeable, and all their diversions have some little bodiljr labour in them. When grown big, have most care f«»r them : for then there are more snares both within and without. When marriageable, see that they have worthy persons in their eye, of gi;\I.. o^g punish the transgressor. Keep upon the square, for C.oq m^ .«»• therefore do your duty, and be sure you .00 with your own «T«i\n4 hear with your own ears. Entertain no lurcheni, chor .h no in- formers for gain or revenge; use no tricks; fly to no dcricw to «,p. port or cover injustice; but let your heart* bo upright before the UrtJ. trusting in him above the contrivances of men, and nunc Mhall b.^ abl« ui hurt or supplant. " Oh ! the Lord is a strong God, and ho can do whataocvor he pIcaiM-,; and though men consider it not, it is the Lord that rules and overrulr*' in the kingdoms of men, and he builds up and pulls down. I. your fatlier, am the man that can say, ' He that trusta in the Lord shall oot be confounded. But God, in due time, will make hia eDcmios be at peace with him.' "If you thus behave yourselves, and so Wconio a terror to evil doer* and a praise to them that do well, God, my God, will lie with vou in wi»- dom and a sound mind, and make you blessed instrumfi.ta in his band for the settlement of some of those desolate parUj of the world, which my soul desires above all worldly honours and riches, both for jou that go and you tliat stay ; you that govern and you that are governed ; tlial in the end you may be gathered with me to the rest of God. " Finally, my children, love one another with a true, endeared lore, and your dear relations on both sides, and take care to preserve tender affection in your children to each other, often marrying witiiin them- selves, 80 as it be without the bounds forbidden in God's laws, that so they may not, like the forgetting, unnatural world, grow out of kindred and as cold as strangers ; but, as becomes a truly natural and Christian stock, you, and yours after you, may live in the pure and fervent lore of God towards one another, as becometh brethren in the spiritual and na- tural relation. " So, my God, that hath blessed me with his alaindunt mercies, U-th of this and the other and better life, be with you all, guide you by his coun- sel, bless you, and bring you to his eternal glory ! that you may shine, mr dear children, in the firmament of God's power with tJie blessed spirit* of the just — that celestial family — praising and admiring him, tl»e G«hJ and Father of it, for ever. For there is no God like unto him ; the God of Abraham, of Isaac, and of Jacob, the God of the Prophets, lh« Apos- tles and Martyrs of Jesus, in whom I live for ever. " So farewell to my thrice dearly beloved wife and children !— Your., as God pleaseth, in that which no waters can quench, no time fur>rvt, not distance wear away, but remains for ever, ^\ ILLLVM PLNN. "Worminghurst, fourth of sixth month. 1G82." He embarked at Deal, in company with about 100 paawngers, mostly Friends from Sussex, vhere his house at Worminghum 204 LIFE OF VriLLIAM PENI^-. was seated. On tlie SOtli of August, (then the 6th month,) he ficldressed, from the Downs, "a salutation to all faithful Friends in England," and near the time of his departure, he wrote as follows to his friend Stephen Crisp, an eminent minister of the gospel : — " Dear Stephen Crisp: — My dear and lasting love in the Lord's ever- lasting truth reaches to thee, with w^hom is my fellovrship in the Gospel of Peace, that is more dear and precious to my soul than all the trea- sures and pleasures of this world ; for, when a few years are passed, we shall all go the way whence we shall never return ; and that we may un- v/eariedly serve the Lord in our day and place, and, in the end, enjoy a portion with the blessed that are at rest, is the breathing of my soul ! *' Stephen ! we know one another, and I need not say much to thee ; but this I will say, thy parting dwells with me, or rather thy love at my yjarting. How innocent, how tender, how like the little child that has no guile ! The Lord will bless that ground, (Pennsylvania.) I have also a loiter fi-om thee, vrhich comforted me ; for many are my trials, yet not more than my supplies from my Heavenly Father, whose glory I seek, and the i-enown of his blessed name. And truly, Stephen, there is work enough, and here is room to work in. Surely God will come in for a share in this planting-Avork, and that leaven shall leaven the lump in time. I do not believe the Lord's providence had run this way towards me, but that he has an heavenly end and service in it ; so with him I leave all, and myself and thee, and his dear people, and blessed name on earth. " God Almighty, immortal and eternal, be with us, that in the body and out of the body we may be his for ever ! — I am, in the ancient dear fellowship, thy faithful friend and brother, WILLIAM PENN." CHAPTER XY. flis arrival at New Castle — Reception and speech — Landing at Chester — Goes to Philadelphia — Reception — Changes the names of the streets — Lots on the Delaware — Boundaries of the city — Journey to New York — " Great Treaty" with the Indians. 1682. Aft er having been at sea about two months, which was then considered a "prosperous passage," William Penn and his AKRIVErf AT NEW CASTEE. friends in the sliip Welcome arrived within the capes it the Delaware. During the passage, the small-pox made its appearance with great virulence, and occasioned much distress. One of the passengers, in giving an account of the voyage, says, ''the good conversation of William Penn was very advantageous to all the company." "His singular care was manifested in contributing to the ne- cessities of many who were sick of the small- jjox then on board, of which about thirty died." During the passage, they had "many good meetings on board."* From a letter of Penn to the Board of Trade in England, it has been generally supposed that he landed at New Castle on the 24th of October, (then the 8th month,) which has been cele- brated as an anniversary, but he probably alluded to his arrival within the capes, for it appears by an official record in New Castle, that he arrived before that town on the 27th of October, 1682. On the following day he produced his deeds from the Duke of York and received possession of the town and county adjoining, which was signified by "the delivery of turf, and twig, and water, and soyle of the river Delaware. "f He was joyfully welcomed by the inhabitants, whom he called together at the court-house, when "he made a speech to the old magistrates, in wliicli he explained to them the desi^jn of his coming, the nature and end of government, and of that more particularly which he came to establish."]: • He next renewed the magistrates' commissions, and received from them and some of the otiier inhabitants, written pletlgrs of fidelity and obedience. This act has been considered by some as a stretch of power, inasmuch as the deeds from the Duke of York did not, like the charter for the province of Pennsylvania, in express te^n^ endow him with political authority. But there can be no doubt it was understood he was to be the governor of the territory on * Testimony of Richard TownsenJ; Proud's Ilistorj of PcnMjrlrania. i. 228. t Hazard's Annnls, -396. t Clarkson. 206 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. behalf of the duke, to whom he was to pay, as stated in tho deeds, a moiety of all the rents and profits. The next day, being the 29th, he was at Upland, (Chester,) whence he addressed a summons to the justices and some of the inhabitants of the territory adjoining New Castle, to meet him in that town on the 2d of November, where he intended to hold a court.* At the time appointed, his first court was held at New Castle, "when the governor presided, there being "present Capt. Wm. Markham, Mayor Thos. Holme, Wm. Haigh, John Simcock, Thos. Brazie, of the Council; John Moll, John De Hads, Wm. Simpill, Arnoldus de la Grange, John Cann, justices. "f Go- vernor Penn made a speech to the justices and inhabitants pre- sent, stating that he had called this court chiefly "to settle their lands and possessions, and he therefore desired them to bring in to the next court to be held at New Castle, all their patents, surveys, grants, and claims, in order that he might confirm, not only those who had a sufficient title, but also, those who yet wanted a title, so far forth as equity, justice, and reason could require." He requested the magistrates to look over their town-plots, and see what vacant room may be found therein, for the accommodation of new settlers. He desired if any had requests or petitions to present to him, that they might now do it for an answer at the next court day; and, finally, as for want of an assembly, there were not yet sufficient laws provided for the country, he directed them to follow the laws of his royal highness, provided for the province of New York, so far as they were consistent with the laws of England. He assured the inhabitants that they should enjoy the same privileges with those of the province of Pennsylvania, and that for the future they should be governed by such laws as they themselves, by their representatives, should consent to, for which purpose he would call an assembly as soon as conveniently might be. A few days after this, William Markham, on behalf of the governor, received possession of the lower counties on Delaware Bay, conveyed by the Duke of York's second deed of feoffment. * Hazard's Annals. 599. t Hazard's Annals, 600. GOES TO PHILADELPHIA. 207 Oil Penn's arrival at Upland, he chaiiired its name, u thuD related by Clarkson: "This was a memorable event, and to bo distinguished by some marked circumstance. He determined, therefore, to change the name of the phice. Turning round to his friend Pearson, one of his own society, who had accompa- nied him in the ship Welcome, he said, ' Providence has brought us here safe. Thou hast been the companion of my peril*. What wilt thou that I should call this place V Pearson said, * Chester,' in remembrance of the city from whence he came. William Penn replied that it should be called Chester, and that when he divided the land into counties, one of them sliould be called by the same name."* Tradition relates that from Chester to Philadelphia he went with some of his friends in an open boat or barge, and we can readily imagine how delighted he must have been, while pass- ing up the noble Delaware, beholding its banks shaded with majestic forests clad in all the variegated foliage of autumn, it« surface covered with wild fowl, and every thing around in. 213 "His favourite mode of travelling wns l.y water; he kept a barge furnished ^vith a s.iil, and manned hy a boatswain, a cockswain, and six oarsmen."* His mansion at Pennsbury Manor was tlien being built ; it was near the Friends' settlement at the Falls, and oppo.sit6 Bordentown. On his return from New York he would tako these settlements in his way, and from Pennsbury he would go to Shackamaxon in his usual manner by water. If on bis re- turn from New York he went first to Chester, then the seat of his government, he would nevertheless go in his barge to the place of treaty, for the roads at that time were few and difficult. Let us now, from the facts ascertained, and the circumatancoa reported by historians, endeavour to picture the scene, when the founder of Pennsylvania met in council the Indian chiefs surrounded by their tribes. It is near the close of November, — the lofty forest trees on the banks of the Delaware have shed their summer attire, the ground is strewed with leaves, and the council fire burns brightly, fanned by the autumnal breeze. Under the wide-branching elm tl.o Indian tribes are assembled, but all unarnuMl, for no warlike weapon is allow^ed to disturb the scene. In front are the cliicf-s with their counsellors and aged men on either hand. Behind them, in the form of a half moon, sit the young men, anc made stronger and stronger, and he kept bright and clean, without rust or spot, between our chibh-en and chiblrcn'H child- ren, while the creeks and rivers run, and while the «un, mnnn. and stars endure." The elm tree at Kensington, under which the i...»,> ».,, ratified, called the Treaty Tree, was blown down in ISIO. It was 24 feet in girth, and believed to be about 280 yrarn old. A part of the trunk was sent to the Penn family in Knglaml, and of the remainder, many small articles of furniture were made, which are preserved as precious relics. On the site of tho treaty a small monument has been erected by the Penn Society at Philadelphia, with appropriate inscriptions, nnd a "c'^ort of the great elm is now" vigorously growing there. The legislature of Pennsylvania, at its session m i-i.-, .ip. propriated $5000 for the purchase of the treaty ground, and the Historical Society of Pennsylvania has recently appointed a committee to aid in carrying this purpose into effect. Having given all the particulars, noAV extant, concerning tliis celebrated transaction, the inquiry presents itself, Why shouhl this treaty have inspired so much interest as to make " its fame co-extensive with the civilized world?" In all the North American colonies treaties were made with the Indians, and, doubtless, some of them were observed in good faith. It was not unusual to purchase their lands ; the Swedes had made such purchases on the banks of the Delaware long before the arrival of Penn. The pre-eminent importance of the "great treaty" consists in this, — it was the first time William Penn had met the Indian chiefs in council, to make with them the finn league of friendship, which was never violated ; and gave n!»c to a kindly intercourse between the Friends and the aborigines, that continues to this day. It was like laying the comer-stone of a great edifice, whose enduring strength and beautiful pro- portions have called forth the admirnti.>n of succeeding ages. The whole conduct of Penn toward the Indians was founde.1 in justice and love : he not only paid thcui f-r their landS: but 218 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. he employed every means in his power to promote their happi- ness and moral improvement. The Indians, on their part, treated the colonists in the most hospitable manner, supplying them frequently with venison, beans, and maize, and refusing compensation. For William Penn they felt, and often expressed, the utmost confidence and esteem. So great was the reverence inspired by his virtues, that his *name was embalmed in their affections, and handed down to successive generations. Heckewelder, in his history of the Indian nations, speaks of the care they took, by means of strings or belts of wampum, to preserve the memory of their treaties, and especially those they made with William Penn. He says, " They frequently assembled together in the woods, in some shady spot, as nearly as possible similar to those where they used to meet their brother Miquon^ and there lay all his words and speeches, with those of his de- scendants, on a blanket or clean piece of bark, and with great satisfaction go successively over the whole. This practice, which I have repeatedly witnessed, continued until the year 1780, when the disturbances which took place put an end to it, probably for ever."* At a treaty held at Easton, in Pennsylvania, with the Indians, in 1756, in Governor Morris's administration, Teedyuscung, the Delaware chief, spoke as follows : " Brother Onas and the people of Pennsylvania, we rejoice to hear from you, that you are willing to renew the old good understanding, and that you call to mind the first treaties of friendship made by Onas, our great friend, deceased, with our forefathers, when himself and his people first came over here."t The name of Onas was given to William Penn by the Iroquois, whom the proprietary, and generally the English colonial governments, supported in their claim of superiority over the other Indian tribes; it seems that the Delawares adopted the name, at least in their public speeches ; among * Memoirs Hist. Soc. of Fa., vol. ill. partii. 148. •f Proud's Hist. Pa. i. 214. III? INFLUENCE OVER THE INIHANS. 219 themselves they called liim, in their own language, Mitjuon. Both these words signify a quill or pcu.* It is certain that no other man ever uttaiiicd ro great an in- fluence over their minds ; and tlie affectionate intercounw be- tween them and the inhabitants of Pennsylvania, which con- tinued as long as the principles of the first colonists prewTTCMl their ascendency, is the most beautiful exemplification afforde^l by history, that the peaceable doctrines of Christ ar

4)th the wh*t, and how, to the honourable board.' " To this his uncle, and chancellor, returned, that to wnvinc* me bM father's grant was not by degrees, he had more of Virginia given him. but being planted, and the grant intending only land not planted, or pos- sessed, but of savage nations, he left it out, that it might nut f<»rf»-ii th« rest: of which the Lord Baltimore takes no notice, in his narrative, thai I remember. But, by that answer, he can pretend nothing to iPelattsirr; which was at, and before, the passing of that patent, lH)UKht and plantM by the Dutch; and so could not be given. But, if it were, it wius forf.-tted, for not reducing it, during twenty years, under the Bngltjih 8ov»»r«'igntT, of which he held it; but was at last reduced by the king, uihI tl,. r.r r.. his, to give as he pleaseth. " Perceiving that my pressing the king's letter was uneii--. . .'.-.. I had determined myself to dispose him with utmost softn'- : i / i compliance, I waived that of the two degrees, and pressed the admeii^ure- ment only, the next part of the letter. For though it were two degree* and a half from Watkins' Point to forty degrees, yet let it be measured at sixty miles to a degree, and I would begin at forty degrees, fall m it would. My design was, that every degree being seventy miles, I 9ht>uM get all that was over sixty, the proportion intended the I/ird Baltimorr, by the grant, and computation of a degree, at that time of the day. " Thus he had enjoyed the full favour intended him, and I had gained a door of great importance to the peopling and improving of his nmj.'>ty'i» province. But he this also rejected."* ^ilthough this effort of Penn to obtain an adjustment of the boundaries was unsuccessful, he was entertained with much courtesy and hospitality by Lord Baltimore, and after the con- ference, he spent some days in visiting the meetings of Friends in Maryland. On the 29th of the same month he returned to Chester, where he wrote to a friend as follows :— " I bless the Lord I am very well, and much satisfied with my pl»o« and portion ; yet busy enough, having much to do to please all, and yet to have an eye to those that are not here to please themselves. " I have been at New York, Long Island, East Jersey, and Maryland, in which I have had good and eminent service for the Lord. * Proud'8 Hist., P. i. 268. 224 ^^^^^ ^^ WILLIAM PENN. ** I am now casting the country into townships for large lots of land. I have held an assembly, in which many good laws are passed. "VVe could not stay safely till the spring for a government. I have annexed the territories lately obtained to the province, and passed a general natu- ralization for strangers ; which hath much pleased the people. As to out- ward things, we are satisfied ; the land good, the air clear and SAveet, the springs plentiful, and provision good and easy to come at ; an innumerable quantity of wild fowl and fish : in fine, here is what an Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob would be well contented with ; and service enough for God, for the fields are here white for harvest. 0, how sweet is the quiet of these parts, freed from the anxious and troublesome solicitations, hurries, and perplexities of woeful Europe !" * * * "Blessed be the Lord, that of 23 ships none miscarried, only two or three had the small-pox, else healthy and swift passages generally, such as have not been known ; some but twenty-eight days, and few longer than six weeks. Blessed be God for it, who is good to us and follows us with his abundant kindness ; my soul fervently breathes, that in his heavenly guiding wisdom we may be kept, that we may serve him in our day, and la}^ down our heads in peace.'' It is probable that Penn remained in Chester, then the seat of his government, during the latter part of the winter of 1682-3. There are several of his letters extant, written at this time. One of them was addressed to a friend who had unduly reflected upon him, viz. :* "My old Friend : — I could speak largely of God's dealings with me in getting this thing: what an inward exercise of faith and patience it cost me, in passing. The travail was mine, as well as the debt and cost; through the envy of many, both professors, false friends, and profane; my God hath given it me, in the face of the world ; and it is to hold it in true judgment, as a reward of my sufferings: and that is seen here, what- ever some despisers may say or think. " The place God hath given me ; and I never felt judgment for the I ower I kept, but trouble for what I parted with. "It is more than a worldly title or patent, that hath cloathed me in this place. Keep thy place. I am in mine. I am not sitting down in a greatness which I have denied. I am day and night spending my life, my time, my money, and am not sixpence enriched by this greatness, (costs in getting, settling, transportation, and maintenance now, in a public manner, but at my own charge, duly considered,) to say nothing of my hazard, and the distance I am from a considerable estate, and, which is more, from my dear wife and poor children. * Proud. LETTER TO LORD CULPEPPER. "Well! the Lord is a God of righteous judp;mont. Had I ii . : ..^;.| greatness, I had stayed at home, whore the difforonce between what I am here and what was oifered, and I could have been there in power and wealth, is as wide as the places are. — No: I came for the lAird'n nake; and, therefore, have I stood to this day, well, and diligent, and »urcp«uiful: blessed be his power! Nor shall I trouble niysolf to tell tluH) wh.ii I am to the people of this place, in travails, watchings, spondingn, and to mj servants every way freely, not like a selfish man. I have manv witneaM*. To conclude : It is now in Friends' hands. Through my travail, faith, and patience, it came. If Friends here keep to Uod iu the justice, mercy, equity, and fear of the Lord, their enemies will be their footstool; ifnott their heirs, and my heirs too, will lose all, and desolation will f.»llow. But, blessed be the Lord, we are well, and live in the dear love of God, and the fellowship of his tender heavenly Spirit ; and our faith ih fur our- selves and one another, that the Lord will be with us a King and Coun> sellor for ever. Thy ancient, though grieved friend, •'WILLIAM I'KW.* " Chester, 5th of 12th mo., 1682." Another of his letters of same date is addressed to Lord Cul pepper. This nobleman was one of the proprietors of Virginia, under a charter of Charles II. to him and Lord Arlington, and he had just arrived as the governor of that colonv. In this letter Penn sajs : — "I am mightily taken with this part of the world: here is a great deal of nature, which is to be preferred to base art, and methinks that simpli- city with enough, is gold to lacker, compared with European cunning. " I like it so well, that a plentiful estate, and a great aoquaiutanco on the other side, have no charms to remove; my f\imily being once fixed with me, and if no other thing occur, I am like to be an adopted Ama- rican. "Our province thrives with people, our next increase will be the fnuv of their labour. Time, the maturer of things below, will give lh« best account of this country. Our heads are dull, what fineness transplanta. tion will give, I know not; but our hearts are good and .)ur hands strong. "I hear thou intendest a progress into Maryland this summer. If thia place deserve a share of it, all that I can command shaU bid U.ee wcU come. * The expression in this letter, ^' had I sought greatne,, I had ttnytA^ home:' probably alludes to the intention of King Charles H. to r«.»e Sir William Penn to a peerage, under the title of Lord Weymouth, wh.ch wM frustrated by his son and heir becoming a Friend. Sec Memorials of Sir W. Tenn, by Granville Penn, vol. ii. p. oiM. 15 226 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. '* I am, thou knowest, an unceremonious man, but I profess myself a man of Christian decency, and besides, a relation by my wife, whose great grandmother was thy great aunt. With all sincerity, &c. " WILLIAM PENN."* A third letter written at this time was addressed to " the Lord Hyde." This was Laurence Hyde, second son of the Earl of Clarendon, afterward Earl of Rochester. He occupied high offices under Charles, James, and Queen Anne ; was es- teemed an adroit courtier, but a sincere and honourable man, and seems always to have been the friend of Penn.f TO THE LORD HYDE. •* My noble Friend: — I humbly take this opportunity, by a gentleman of Virginia, Colonel Hill, (recommended in an interest he hath in this province, to my favour, by the Lord Culpepper,) to pay my sincere re- spects, beseeching God to remember and retaliate to thee and thine the many favours I am indebted to thee. I thank God, I am very well, and the province thrives. I hope the crown will sensibly receive honour, and credit, and profit by it. But, humanly speaking, it will much depend upon the benign influence of thy power and goodness ; and there I humbly leave it, as thence, in a great measure, (I must say,) I originally fetcht it. " In my last, per a Maryland conveyance, I sent a letter with one in it to the duke. I did therein enclose a natural boundary for the tract of land he so often pleased to promise a patent for, and which it is so much his own interest to quicken Sir J. Warden in, who I hear is too Spanish, and as he told me they call him in Spain, Don Juan del Ablo, for my agent can hardly make him understand the duke's commands, without a more powerful interpreter. The draught of the bounds is in my agent's hands. I most humbly pray thy favour in its despatch. The planters must resort to those two counties. The quitrent is a penny per acre, formerly little more than a farthing per acre. I have ordered two manors for the duke, of ten thousand acres apiece, and intend two more. " Their value, besides the quitrent, will be great in a few years. " I shall add only, that my good wishes are most sincere and fervent for thy true prosperity, as becomes one that by all gratitude is bound to approve himself, &c. W. P. " Pray let Pennsylvania furnish the king, the duke, and thyself, with beavers and otters for hats and muffs. I have sent some of each accord- ingly,— " 'Tis the heart, not the gift that gives acceptance. — Vale. "Chester, the 5th of the 12th mo., 1682." * Mem. Penna. Hist. So. iv. i. 173, and Penn papers in the possession of 0..M. Justice. t I^^<^- CHARTER AMENDED. On the 10th of the first month, (March,) 1«;> , , Provincial Council at Philadelphia, and the Assembly two dmyt afterward. The council consisted of three mn:' " m etch of the six counties, and the assemhly of nine in. ■ .ine«ch county, agreeably to "the act of settlement," pawed at the hist session; but some doubts having arisen about the conMito- tionality of this mode of reducing the number of representativct, a member of the assembly moved, ** that the governor may b« desired that this alteration may not hinder the peoj.le from the benefit of the charter." The governor answered that, "ther might amend, alter, or add for the public good, and that he was ready to settle such foundations as might be fur their hap- piness and the good of their posteritv, according !<» th^ T"''»-r« vested in him." On the 20th, "the governor and council desired a coufcrence about the charter, and then, the question being asked by the governor, whether they would have the old churter or a new one ? they unanimously desired there might be a new one, with the amendment put into a law which is past."* The next day Griffith Jones and Thomas Fitzwater came with a written mes- sage from the House of Assembly, expressing " the thankful acknowledgments of the house to the governor, for his kind speech to them yesterday, and gratefully embracing his offers, proposing what they desired might be inserted in the charter."t A joint committee of the two houses was appointed to draft a new charter, which being done, it was read in council, the members of assembly being present ; and after some debate it was agreed to and signed by the governor, to whom the old charter was returned, with "the hearty thanks of the whole house." The second charter embraced the same prineiples as iIr- Ui.-i, and much of it was in the same language ; the number of dele- gates from each county was reduced to three for the councd, and six for the assembly, with the privilege of each house temg enlarged with the increase of inhabitants. * Minutes of Council, i. 7. Proud, i. 239. Colonial Bee L «. f Gordons Hist. Ta., 81. 228 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. The governor's treble vote was abolished, but the privilege of originating bills was still confined to the governor and coun- cil, who were required to publish the proposed bills before the meeting of the assembly. This feature was well adapted to the circumstances of an infant colony, as it saved much time in legislation, but it was subsequently changed, with the consent of the proprietary, by giving to the assembly, at their request, power to originate all legislative measures. By one of the acts passed at this time, provision was made for the appointment, at every county court, of three peace- makers, in the nature of common arbitrators, to hear and de- termine all differences between individuals. In grateful acknowledgment of the governor's services, and in consideration of his expenses in establishing the colony, the assembly granted him an impost upon certain imports and ex- ports ; but he, with a generosity which he had afterward cause to repent, declined to avail himself of it for the present. After an harmonious session of twenty-one days, the assembly adjourned, having, in this brief time, not only amended the charter, and enacted many new laws, but revised and confirmed the whole civil and criminal code. A few weeks after the adjournment of the assembly, Penn was engaged in making a treaty with the Indians for the pur- chase of land, as stated in the following extract from his letter to " The Lords of the Committee of Plantations, in London :" " In the month called May, Lord Baltimore sent three gentlemen to let me know he would meet me at the head of the Bay of Chesapeake : I •was then in treaty with the kings of the natives for h\nd ; hut three days after we met ten miles from New Castle, which is thirty from the bay. " I invited him to the town, where, having entertained him as well aa the town could afford on so little notice, and finding him only desirous of speaking with me privately, I pressed that we might, at our distinct lodgings, sit severally with our councils, and treat by way of written memorials, which would prevent the mistakes or abuses that may follow from ill designs or ill memory ; but he avoided it, saying, ' He was not well, and the weather sultry, and would return with what speed he could, reserving any other treaty to another season.' Thus we parted at that time. I had been before told by divers, that the said Baltimore had Issued forth a proclamation to invite people by lower prices and greater CURIOUS TREATY STIPULATION" quantities of land, t.^ plant in the lower countien; i„ „:.:. „ ,,. goodness had interested me, as an inseimrablo Wnofit u. thi« til vince. I was not willing to believe it ; an-l l)oinj; in haMr. I to ask him. But I had not been lonp returnod bcfcirp two Ic'tt- from two judges of the county courts, that Hu.-h a pr-K-lainn-. abroad, that the people too hearken to it, but yet prayed nir dir I bade them keep their ground and not fear, for the kingwould b« ju(lg«."» On his return from New Castle, his negotiation with the In- dians was probably renewed, there being two deed:* on record for land purchased of them about this time. The first, dated June 23d, 1683, between William IVnn and King'* T^itmiHtn and Metameqiian, conveys their land near Ne.^^hemanah [Neshs- miny] creek, and thence to Pennapecka [Pennypack.]t The other, which bears date the 14th of July following, is for laDd« lying between the Schuylkill and Chester Rivers. J In one of the purchases of hind made from the Indians, it was stipulated that it should extend " as far back as a man could walk in three days." Tradition relates that William Penn himself, with several of his friends and a number of In- dian chiefs, "began to walk out this land at the mouth of the Neshaminy, and walked up the Delaware ; that in one day and a half, they got to a spruce tree near the mouth of Baker's Creek, when William concluding this would include as much land as he would want at present, a line was run and marked from the spruce tree to Neshaminy, and the remainder left to be walked out when it should be wanted for settlement." " It is said they walked leisurely, after the Indian manner, sitting down sometimes to smoke their pipes, to eat biscuit and cheese, and drink a bottle of wine. It is certain they arrived at the spruce tree in a day and a half, the whole distance rather less than thirty miles." The remainder of the line was not run till the 20th of September, 1733, when the Governor of Pennsyl- vania employed three of the fastest walkers that could be found, one of whom, Edward Marshall, walked in a day and a half the astonishing distance of eighty-six miles. The name of Wd- liam Penn has, by some persons, been unjustly coupled iiiih this disgraceful transaction, which did not take place till many * Proud, i. 271. t Watson's An. i. 143. X ^I*^'" ^'^ Hi«t,Soc. Ui. IL IW U 230 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. years after his death. The Indians felt themselves much ag- grieved by this unfair admeasurement of their lands ; it was the cause of the first dissatisfaction between them and the peo- ple of Pennsylvania ; and it is remarkable, that the first murder committed by them in the province, seventy-two years after the landing of Penn, was on this very ground, which had been taken from them by fraud.* During the year 1683, the Provincial Council held its meet- ings in Philadelphia : it was convened very frequently, and the minutes show that William Penn always presided. Among its judicial proceedings, only two cases are of suffi- cient interest to be cited. One was the trial of Charles Picker- ing and others, for coining " Spanish bitts and Boston money," alloyed with too large a proportion of copper. They were found guilty, and Pickering, being the principal in the fraud, was sen- tenced by the court to make full satisfaction, in good and cur- rent money, to every person that should, within a month, bring in any of this base and counterfeit coin, which was to be called in by proclamation, and the money brought in, melted down, and given to him. He was fined £40 toward building a court- house, and required to find security for his '^ good abearance.'* His accomplices having confessed their guilt, one of them was fined XI 0, and the other, a servant, was sentenced to sit an hour in the stocks. The other case was a trial for tvitchcraft, the only one on the records. This appears to have originated among the Swedes, who probably brought with them from their native land some of the Scandinavian superstitions. The persons accused were Margaret Mattson and Yeshro Hendrickson. Lacy Cock acted as interpreter between them and the governor. The following is a sample of the evidence : " Henry Dry street, attested, saith he was told, twenty years ago, that the prisoner at the bar was a witch, and that several cows were bewitched by her." *' An- naky Coolin, attested, saith that her husband took the heart of a- calf that had died, as they thought, by witchcraft, and boiled *See, in Hazard's Reg. vi. 209, a communication from John Watson, of Buckingham, to the Am. Phil. Soc. at Phil. A TRIAL FOR WITCHCRAFT. 231 It, whereupon the prisoner at llio h-Av came in an.l Mkcf fricndj'hip are h»»i% truth, and constancy, and from the time it pleased thee to receive mine, it hath not wandered in any one respect, but I still love and honour lhc«, and would be glad I could be of any service to thee ; at this distance, to be sure, I cannot, but neither can distance wear out th*- irapre««ioD« a long and kind acquaintance hath made upon my mind. *"Tis with this familiar talk I begin to entertain thee, though a jjreai man, now in government, and long deserving to have been so in thyself, nor shall I ask any excuse for this freedom with a person whose good nature will not be offended, and whose good sense loveth little ceremony in writing. " I writ from sea a begging letter, for a few fruit trees of the I^nrd Sunderland's gardener's raising out of his rare collection, that hy giving them a better climate, we may share with you the pleasure of excellent fruit, the success of which I hear nothing of. "I have been here about nine months, and have hail my health. I thank God, very well ; I find the country wholesome ; land, air, and water p^hI : divers good sorts of wood and fruits that grow wild, of which plum-. peaches, and grapes are three ; also, cedar, cyprus, chestnut, and black walnut and poplar, with five sorts of oak, black and white. Spani.h-re.| and swamp oak, the most durable of all, the leaf like the English willun. "We have laid out a town a mile long and two miles deep. On Mcb fiidc of the town runs a navigable river, the least as broad a. th.> Thame* at Woolwich, the other about a mile over. I think we have near aboat eighty houses built, and about three hundred farms settled round Ibj, town. I fancy it already pleasauter than the Weald of Kent, -ur .ml * Colonial Rec. i. 41- 232 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. being clearer, and the country not much closer ; a coach might be driven twenty miles end-ways. "We have had fifty sail of ships and small vessels, since the last sum- mer, in our river, which shows a good beginning. And though I hope God will prosper our honest care and industry, yet a friend at court is a good thing, and I flatter myself to believe I shall never want one while thou art there. " Wherefore give me leave to recommend the bearer, my agent and kinsman, Captain William Markham, to thy faroiir and power. I hear the Lord Sunderland is Secretary of State again ; I also remember his kind promises, and the mighty influences thou deservedly hast upon him ; pray use it in my afiair, that not only I and my family, but the province may owe a singular acknowledgment to thy kindness. " That in which I so earnestly solicit thy assistance, he will better communicate than I can write it ; and I would not make my letter trou- blesome. " The business is just, and honourable, and prudent for the croAvn to hear me in, and that I hope will make it easy to my noble friends to favour me. I have written to the Lord Sunderland about it, for it belongs to his station, and since no man can better welcome it to him than thy- self, let me throw myself upon thee, and beg both thy introduction of him and countenance of the business to the Lord. God will reward thee, and we here shall rest the debtors of thy goodness with much thankfulness. " I have only to ask pardon for a poor present I send, of the growth of our country. Remember that the offerings of old were valued by the hearts of them that made them • which gives me assurance it will be accepted. "I hear little news, and am not very careful of it; but a line of thy health, and success of thy affairs, will be very pleasant ; nobody interest- ing himself with more affection and sincerity in thy prosperity than, my worthy friend. Thy very faithful friend, "WILLIAM PENN.* "Philadelphia, the 24th of the 5th month, (July,) 1683. " I know not if your brothers are on so good terms or alliance with me, that I may remember myself to them. — Vale. "For Colonel Henry Sidney, in Leichesterfield." * Mem. Hist. Soc. of Pa. EARLY UISTORY OF PEXXSYLVANM. •) i-^ CHAPTER XVI I. Early history of Pennsylvania— Rapi.l in.pruvemcnt— Cbarmct«r of Um colonists— Their labours in bnildinpj and planting— William Penn'i interest in their progress— Meetings ..f Friends— A noodoto* of U».- • . ' •• settlers— Richard Townsend's testimony— William IVnn'» joun the interior of Pennsylvania— His acrf.unt of the country and ihc In- dians, in a letter to the Free Society of Traders. 1683. In tracing the progress of nations, as well as individiulA, who have attained to greatness and renown, we love to go back to their earliest history ; and Avhilc we observe the drveloproent of character resulting from their trials and struggles, we can excuse the mistakes of inexperience, and rejoice in the triuroplia of genius and perseverance. The origin of European nations, as well as the most re- nowned empires of antiquity, is involved in obscurity, and blended with fable ; but from the foundation of the American colonies, we have the advantage of contemporary records, wliich, as time advances, become more and more precious, for every fact and incident, however trivial, of those primitive times, possesses an interest to the philosophic inquirer. The early history of Pennsylvania has peculiar attractions for the moralist and the student of political economy. The entire absence of military defences, the long period of unintt-r- rui)ted peace, the freedom and liberality of her institutions, the patriarchal simplicity of manners united with moral refine- ment, and the unexampled rapidity of her growth, arc featurrH that cannot be found, so happily blended, in the history of any other people. In the year of Penn's arrival, and during the two years neit succeeding, ships with emigrants arrived from London, Bristol, Ireland, Wales, Cheshire, Lancashire, Holland, Germany, Ac. to the number of fifty sail.* * Proud's Hist. Pa. i. 219. C* 234 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. The colonists, in their native hind, had been mostly husband- men, tradesmen, and mechanies ; among them -were some good scholars, but generally their education was limited, and their manners were simple, hearty, and unceremonious. Many of them had good estates, and were well provided with all the com- forts that could be had in a new country. Some brought with them the frames of houses ready to be set up, others built cabins of logs, and covered them with clap-boards. Huts covered with bark and tm-f were constructed, to shelter them while building their houses ; and excavations made in the bank of the Dela- ware at Philadelphia, called caves, served for temporary dwell- ings for the poorer class. Penn manifested great interest in the progress of the infant city ; his personal attention and cordial manners afforded en- couragement to the builders, and, it is said, he furnished a plan for the construction of their dwellings, which combined economy with comfort. A large proportion of the colonists being members of the society of Friends, who had come with the view of enjoying religious liberty, their first care was to establish meetings for worship and discipline. In a letter from Friends in Pennsyl- vania to their brethren in Great Britain, dated 17th of 1st month, (March,) 16S3, they gave the following account of their meetings : — " In Pennsylvania, there is one at Falls, one at the governor's house, [Pennsbury,] one at Colchester River, all in the county of Bucks : one at Tawcony, one at Philadelphia, both in that county: one at Darby, at John Blunston's, one at Chester, one at Ridley, at J. Simcock's, and one at "\Vm. "Ruse's, at Chichester, in Cheshire. [?] There be three monthly meetings of men and vromen, for truth's service : in the county of Ches- ter one, in the county of Philadelphia another, and in the county of Bucks another. And [we] intend a yearly meeting in the third montli next. Here our care is, as it was in our native land, that we may serve the Lord's truth and people. * * * * And for our outward condi- tion as men, blessed be God, we are satisfied ; the countries are good — the land, the water, the air — room enough for many thousands to live plentifully, and the back lands much the best : good increase of labour, all sorts of grain, promising sufficient, and by reason of many giving themselves to husbandrv, there is like to be great fruitfulness in some LETTER TO FIUEND.S IX OUKAT UIUTAIN. •f time. But they that come upon a mere outward a^^ccuni munt w..rk be able to maintain [themsolves]. Fowl, fish, and vonitw.i. arr idmufui, and of pork and beef is no want, considering that about two tlKiuaat)4 people came into this river last year. " Dear friends and brethren, we have no cause to murmur, oar lot i« fallen, every way, in a goodly place, and the love of God i§, and KTowin^. among us, and we are a family at peace within ouruelvea, and Uulr grrai is our joy therefor." * * * * Signed by William Penn, S. Jennings, Christ. Taylor, Jm. IlarriMm, and others.* In addition to the moans of subsistence mcntiuncl in tli.- f-.-.-- going letter, " the wild pigeons came in such nuinher.H, th.it •:..• air was sometimes darkened by their flight ; and flying low, those that had no other means to take them, sometinu-s xupjilifd themselves by throwing at them as they flew, and sallin;: u|> what they could not eat, they served them for bread and me»l in one. They were thus supplied, at times, for the first tw'» or three years, by which time they had raised suflicient out of the ground by their own labour ; those settlers had, at thid time, neither horses nor plough, but tilled the ground with hoe?*. The natives were remarkably kind to them, in supplying ihfui with such provisions as they could spare, and were otherwi.Ho serviceable in many respects." "John Chapman having settled in the woods, the farthest hacV. of any English inhabitants, found the Indians very kind to his family, m well as to the other settlers that came after him, often supplying them with corn and other provisions, which here, as in other placoj*. were many times very scarce, and hard to be procured. In one of those marc* times. Chapman's eldest daughter, Mara, supplied his family by an uu- expected incident. Being near Xashamony creek, she heard an un.i.in- mon noise, like the bleating of something in distress, and g..in« forwar I to see the occasion, found a large buck on which a wolf had just l^^f.-r.. seized, and it having got from him, had fled for safety into the crw-k. just under a high bank, and being somewhat hurt, but in a prcatrr fright, it stood still till she alighted, took the halter fr..m the boa^t ^hM rode, and with a stick put it over his horns, and secure and fat, wm serviceable to the family. Abraham and Joseph Chapman, bemg then boys, about nine or ten years old, one evening going to hunt thnr c-attlc. came across an Indian in the woods, who tohl them to p» b«.k -r tl>oy * MSS. Am. Phil. Sec. at Philadelphia. .236 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. would be lost ; in a little time, taking his advice, they went back, but it was within night before they got home, where they found the Indian, who, careful lest they should have lost themselves, had repaired thither in the night to see. And their parents, about that time, going to the yearly meeting, and leaving a young family at home, the Indians would come every day to see that nothing was amiss among them. Such, in many instances, was the treatment of the natives of the country, in the original settlement of it.''* A further account of their mode of living and the progress of the colony is given in a letter of Richard Townsend, who came from England in the same ship with William Penn : — " At our arrival," he says, " we found it a wilderness ; the chief in- habitants were Indians, and some Swedes, who received us in a friendly manner ; and although there was a great number of us, the good hand of Providence was seen in a particular manner, in that provisions were found for us by the Swedes and Indians at very reasonable rates, as well as brought from divers other parts, that were inhabited before " Our first concern was to keep up and maintain our religious wor- ship, and in order thereto, we had several meetings in the houses of the inhabitants ; and one boarded meeting-house was set up, where the city was to be, (near the Delaware ;) and as we had nothing but love and good-will in our hearts, one to another, we had very comfortable meet- ings from time to time, and after our meeting was over, we assisted each other in building little houses for our shelter *' After some time I set up a mill, on Chester creek, which I brought, ready framed, with me from London, which served for grinding of corn and sawing of boards, and was of great use to us. Besides, I, with Joshua Tittery, made a net, and caught great quantities of fish, which supplied ourselves and many others ; so that notwithstanding it was thought near three thousand persons came in the first year, we were so providentially provided for, that we could buy a deer for about tAvo shillings, and a large turkey for about one shilling, and Indian corn for about two shil- lings and sixpence per bushel. And as our worthy proprietor treated the Indians with extraordinary humanity, they became very civil and loving to us, and brought in abundance of venison. As in other coun- tries the Indians were exasperated by hard treatment, which hath been the foundation of much bloodshed, the contrary treatment here hath pro- duced their love and afiection. "About a year after our arrival, there came in about twenty families from High and Low Germany, of religious, good people, and settled about six miles from Philadelphia, and called the place Germantown. The country continually increasing, people began to spread themselves * Smith's Hist, Pa. in Hazard's Reg. Proud's Hist. Pa. RICHARD TOWNSEND's LETTER. JJ7 furtlier back. And also a place called North W'nlos wiw w*(tIod by m«ny of the ancient Britons, an honest inolinfd pooplo, although th^T hAut « mile from thence, where I set up a house and a corn-mill, which wm« Aery useful to the country for several miles round. But thero not » ■ • plenty of horses, people generally brought their com on their I i . ^ many miles. I remember one man had a bull so gentle that he u-ul \-< bring his corn on him instead of a horse. " Being now settled about six or seven miles from Philame time, of which I found the want. I remember I was once supplied by a particular instance of Providence, in the following manner : being io my meadow, mowing grass, a young deer came and Iwjked on me : I went on mowing for some time, and he still continued to look U|X)n me ; upon which I laid down my scythe and went towards him : when I came pretty near, he ran off a small circuit ; I went to my work again ; be continued looking on me, so that at several times I left work to go towards him, but he still kept at a little distance ; at last going towards him, and he, looking upon me, did not mind his steps, but ran forcibly against the body of a great tree and stunned himself, so that he fell; >ipon which I ran forward, and getting upon him, held him by the legis ind a great struggle we had, until I had tired him out ; being then in a manner lifeless, I took him by the legs, threw him on my shoulders, and carried him about a quarter of a mile to my house ; he grew more alive, and struggled hard before I got home ; but with much ado I secured him, and got disengaged from my load by a nelghlx)ur, who, hnp|>ening to be at ray house, killed him for me. The carcas.> proved very si-rvice- a))le to my family. I could relate several other acts of Providence of this kind, but omit them for brevity. " As people began to spread and improve their lamh, the country ht^ came more fruitful, so that those which came in after us were plentifully supplied, and with what we abounded began a small trade abn.a*!; and as Philadelphia increased, vessels wore built, and many emploved. B^.th country and trade have been wonderfully increasing to this day ; so thai from a wilderness, the Lord, by his good hand of providence, hath made it a fruitful field; on which to look back and observe all the steps, would ex- ceed my present purpose ; yet being now in the eighty-fourth year of my age, and having been in this country near forty-six years, and my memory pretty clear concerning the rise anvl progress of the province. I can do no less than return praises to the Almighty, when I look back, and consider 238 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. his bountiful hand, not only in temporals, but in the great increase of our meetings, wherein he hath many times manifested his great loving kind- ness, in reaching to, and convincing many of the principles of Iruth; and those that were already convinced, and continued faithful, were not only blessed with plenty of the fruits of the earth, but also with the dew of heaven. I am engaged in my spirit to supplicate the continuance thereof to the present rising generation ; that as they increase, so Truth may increase in their hearts ; that as God hath blessed their parents, the same blessing may remain on their offspring, to the end of time ; that it may be 60, is the hearty desire and prayer of *' Their ancient and loving friend, RICHARD TOWNSEND."* In the spring or summer of 1683, William Penn made a ■journey to the interior of his province, during which, he made himself more fully acquainted with its surface, soil, and natural productions, and visited the Indians in their wigwams, with whom he learned to converse in their own language. The result of his observations is communicated in the following interesting letter to the Free Society of Traders : — " My kind Friends: — The kindness of yours by the ship Thomas and Ann, doth much oblige me; for by it I perceive the interest you take in my health and reputation, and in the prosperous beginning of this pro- vince, which you are so kind as to think may much depend upon them. In return of which I have sent you a long letter, and yet containing as brief an account of myself and the affairs of this province as I have been able to make. " In the first place, I take notice of the news you sent me, whereby I find some persons have had so little wit, and so much malice, as to report my death; and, to mend the matter, dead a Je-niii too. One might have reasonably hoped that this distance, like death, would have been a pro- tection against spite and envy ; and indeed absence, being a kind of death, ought alike to secure the name of the absent as of the dead, because they are equally unable as such to defend themselves ; but they who intend mischief do not use to follow good rules to effect it. However, to the great sorrow and shame of the inventors, I am still alive and no Jesuit; and, I thank God, very well. And without injustice to the authors of this, I may venture to infer, that they who wulfully and falsely report would have been glad had it been so. But I perceive many frivolous and idle stories have been invented since my departure from England, which per- haps at this time are no more alive than I am dead. " But if I have been unkindly used by some I left behind me, I found love and respect enough where I came ; an universal kind welcome, every * Smith's Hist. Pa. and Proud's Hist. LETTER TO COMPANY OF FREE TRADERS. sort in their way. Fcr hero are some of several nation., m w^Um .11, er, judgments: nor wore tho natives wantinjz; in thin; fur th«ir queens, and great men, both visited and pre»cnl«-d i...'- t.. »)...., ! ... , , suitable returns. "For the province, the general condition of it Ihk- ;m i u - . "1. The country itself, its soil, air, water, soasonw. and |.r i.i . . -h natural and artificial, are not to be despised. The land oni • sorts of earth, as sand, yellow and bhu-k, poor and ri.-h ; aU<. loamy and dusty ; and in some places a fast, fat earth, like Uiai of our b«l vales in England, especially by inland brooks and rivers : (iud in hi* wU- dom having ordered it so, that the advantages of the country are dirided ; the back lands being generally three to one richer than thow. that lie by navigable rivers. We have much of another soil, and that is a black hazel mould upon a stony or rocky bottom. "2. The air is sweet and clear, and the heavens serene, like the aooth parts of France, rarely overcast ; and as the woods come by numbera of people to be more cleared, that itself will refine. "3. The waters are generally good ; for the rivers and brooks have mo«tij gravel and stony bottoms, and in numbers hardly credible. We have also mineral waters, which operate in the same manner with tboM of Barnet and North Hall, not two miles from Philadelphia. "4. For the seasons of the year, having by God's goodness now lired over the coldest and hottest that the oldest liver in the province can re- member, I can say something to an English understanding. *' First of the fall, for then I came in. I found it from the twentT-f«»urth of October to the beginning of December, as we have it usually in Enj^- land in September, or rather like an English mild spring. From Docem- ber to the beginning of the month called March, we haserve, that the winds here, as there, are more inconstant, spring and fall, upon that turn of nature, than in summer or winter. From thenc* to this present month, August, which endeth the summer, commonly speaking, we have had extraordinary heats, yet mitigated sometimes by cool breezes. The wind that ruleth the summer season is the south-west ; but spring, fiill, and winter, it is rare to want the north-western seven days together. And Avhatever mists, fogs, or vapours foul the heavens by easterly or southerly winds, in two hours time are ])lown away: the one is followed by the other; a remedy that seems to have a peculiar providence 240 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. in it to the inhabitants, the multitude of trees yet standing being liable to retain mists and vapours, and yet not one quarter so thick as I expected. "5. The natural produce of the country, of vegetables, is trees, fruits, plants, flowers. The trees of most note are the black vralnut, cedar, cypress, chestnut, poplar, gum-wood, hickory, sassafras, ash, beech, and oak of divers sort, as red, white, and black ; Spanish chestnut, and swamp, the most durable of all ; of all which there is plenty for the use of man. " The fruits I find in the woods are the white and black mulberry, chestnut, walnut, plums, strawberries, cranben-ies, hurtleberries, and grapes of divers sorts. The great red grape, now ripe, called by igno- rance the fox-grape, because of the relish it hath with unskilful palates, is in itself an extraordinary grape ; and by art, doubtless, may be culti- vated to an excellent wine, if not so sweet, yet little inferior to the Fron- tiniac, as it is not much unlike it in taste, ruddiness set aside; which, in such things, as well as mankind, differs the case much. There is a white kind of muscadel, and a little black grape, like the cluster grape of Eng- land, not yet so ripe as the other ; but, they tell me, when ripe, sweeter, and that they only want skilful vinerons to make good use of them. I intend to venture on it with my Frenchman this season, who shows some knowledge in those things. Here are also peaches very good, and in great quantities, not an Indian plantation without them ; but whether naturally here at first I know not. However, one may have them by bushels for little. They make a pleasant drink, and I think not inferior to any peach you have in England, except the true Newington. It is disputable with me, whether it be best to fall to fining the fruits of the country, especially the grape, by the care and skill of art, or send for foreign stems and sets already good and approved. It seems most rea- sonable to believe, that not only a thing groweth best where it naturally grows, but will hardly be equalled by another species of the same kind, that doth not naturally grow there. But to solve the doubt, I intend, if God give me life, to try both, and hope the consequence will be as good wine as any European countries of the same latitude do yield. " 6. The artificial produce of the country is wheat, barley,* oats, rye, peas, beans, squashes, pumkins, water melons, musk-melons, and all herbs and roots that our gardens in England usually bring forth. "7. Of living creatures, fish, fowl, and the beasts of the wood, here are divers sorts, some for food and profit, and some for profit only : for fe'- '' as well as profit, the elk, as big as a small ox ; deer, bigger than ours ; beaver, raccoon, rabbits, squirrels ; and some eat young bear and com- mend it. Of fowl of the land there is the turkey, (forty and fifty pounds weight,) which is very great, pheasants, heath-birds, pigeons, and par- * Edward Jones had for one grain of English barley seventy stalks and ears of barley ; and it is common for one bushel sown to reap forty, often fifty, and sometimes sixty. Three pecks of wheat sow an acre here. LETTER TO COMPANY OF FREE TRADERS. 211 tridges in abundance. Of the water, the swan, roow. (white and Kr«T ) brands, ducks, teal, also the snipe and curloe, and that in Rr««t numb*^ • but the duck and teal excel, nor so good have I ever eau.n in other coqd! tries. Of lish there is the sturgeon, herring, rock, shad, caiVheiMl, the^V head, eel, smelt, perch, roach; and in inland rivers tnmt, ii«>m« naj mimon above the Falls. Of shell-tish, we have oystern, cral.t., r.H'kl*>^ ooodw, and muscles; some oysters six inches lonjr, and one sort of anVU^ m Ut as the stewing oysters: thoy make a rich broth. The croaturmi for pro6l onlj' by skin or fur, and which are natural to these part**, are ih« wiW cat, panther, otter, wolf, fox, tisher, minx, musk-rat; and of the wat^. the whale for oil, of which we have a giK)d store ; and two companie* of whalers, whose boats are built, will soon begin tlieir work, which haih the appearance of considerable improvement; to say nothing of our rea. sonable hopes of good cod in the bay. "8. We have no want of horses, and some are very good and Rhapolj enough. Two ships have been freighted to Barbadoes, with hornca and pipe-staves, since my coming in. Here is also plenty of cow-cat t!.- i.ti.i some sheep. The people plough mostly with oxen. " 9. There are divers plants, which not only the Indians t»dl w. lut ww have had occasion to prove, by swellings, Ijurnings, and cuts, that th^y are of great virtue, suddenly curing the patient ; and for smell, 1 hare observed several, especially one, the wild myrtlr*, the other I know not what to call, but they are most fragrant. "10. The woods are adorned with lovely flowers for colour, grmtncaa, figure, and variety. I have seen the gardens of London best stored with that sort of beauty, but think they may be improved by our vntodn. I have sent a few to a person of quality this year for a trial. Thus much of the country: next, of the natives or aborigines. "11. The natives I shall consider in their persons, language, manners, religion, and government, with my sense of their original. For their per- sons, they are generally tall, straight, well built, and of singular proper^ tion ; they tread strong and clever, and mostly walk with a lofty chin. Of complexion black, but by design, as the gipsies in England. Thoj grease themselves with bear's fat clarified ; and using no defence against sun and weather, their skins must needs be swarthy. Thoir eye is litllo and black, not unlike a straight-looked Jew. The thick lip and flat nose, Ro frequent with the East Indians and blacks, are not common to them ; for I have seen as comely European-like faces among them, of both soxea, as on your side the sea ; and truly an Italian complexion hath not much more of the white; and the noses of several of them have as much of Uie Roman. " 12. Their language is lofty, yet narrow; but, like the H.d.rew in ftigni fication, full. Like short-hand in writing, one word serveth in the plac« of three, and the rest are supplied by the understan.ling of the hearer, imperfect in their tenses, wanting in their moods, participles, adv^'jU, '^ .r 16 i:42 LIFE or WILLIAM PENN. conjunctions, interjections. I have made it my business to understand it, that I might not want an interpreter on any occasion ; and I must say that I know not a language spoken in Europe, that hath words of more sweetness or greatness, in accent and emphasis, than theirs: for instance, Octocockon, Rancocas, Oricton, Shak, Marian, Poquesian, all which are names of places, and have grandeur in them. Of words of sweetness, anna is mother ; issimus, a brother ; neteap, friend ; usqueoret, very good ; payie, bread ; metsa, eat ; matia, no ; haita, to have ; pai/o, to come ; Sepas- sju, Passijon, the names of places; Tamane, Secane, Menanse, Secatareus, are the names of persons. If one ask them for any thing they have not, they will answer, matta ne haita, which, to translate, is, ' Not I have,' instead of, ' I have not.' "13. Of their customs and manners there is much to be said. I will begin with the children. So soon as they are born they wash them in water, and while very young, and in cold weather to choose, they plunge them in the rivers to harden and embolden them. Having wrapt them in a clout, they lay them on a strait thin board a little more than the length and breadth of the child, and swaddle it fast upon the board to make it straight ; wherefore all Indians have flat heads ; and thus they carry them at their backs. The children will go very young, at nine months commonly. They wear only a small clout round their waist till they are big. If boys, they go a-fishing till ripe for the woods, which is about fifteen. Then they hunt; and, having given some proofs of their manhood by a good return of skins, they may marry ; else it is a shame to think of a wife. The girls stay with their mothers, and help to hoe the ground, plant corn, and carry burthens ; and they do well to use I hem to that, while young, which they must do when they are old ; for the wives are the true servants of the husbands : otherwise the men are very affectionate to them. "14. When the young women are fit for marriage, they wear some- thing upon their heads for an advertisement, but so as their faces are hardly to be seen but when they please. The age they marry at, if women, is about thirteen and fourteen ; if men, seventeen and eighteen. They are rarely older. "15. Their houses are mats or barks of trees, set on poles in the fashion of an English barn, but out of the power of the winds, for they are hardly higher than a man. They lie on reeds or grass. In travel they lodge in the Avoods about a great fire, with the mantle of duffils they wear by day wrapt about them, and a few boughs stuck round them. "Id. Their diet is maize or Indian corn divers ways prepared, some- times roasted in the ashes, sometimes beaten and boiled with water, which they call homine. They also make cakes not unpleasant to eat. They have likewise several sorts of beans and peas that are good nourishment : and the woods and rivers are their larder. " 17. If any European comes to see them, or calls for lodgings at their LETTER TO COMPANY OF FKKK TRADKR?. 24% -.use or wigwam, thej give him tl... l,ost place and fin.t rnt. If ih*.y come to visit us, they salute us with an Hah, which \n iw much m to mj 'Good be to you!' and set them duwn, which is montlr on th*. grmin'dl close to their heels, their legs upright: it may be they wponk not % wrml. but observe all passages. If you give them any thing to n\t or drink*. well, for they will not ask ; and, be it littlo or much, if it l,o with kin-C ness, they are well pleased: else they go away sullen, but wit n • "18. They are great concealers of their f»\vn rosentincntM. brou- I believe, by the revenge that hath been practised nv solved their business, the king ordered one of them to 8j)oak to mc. II« stood up, came to me, and in the name of the king salutod mo, then trw»k me by the hand, and told me that he was ordered by his king U) nj^nk to me, and that noAV it was not he but the king who spuke, bccau!«e what he should say was the king's mind. He first prayed me to cxcu.ie thoni. that they had not complied with me the last time. He feared there might U some fault in the interpreter, being neither Indian nor English. Beside*. it was the Indian custom to deliberate and take up much time in council before they resolved ; and that, if the young people and owners of the land had been as ready as he, I had not met with so much delay. Having tlniH jitroduced his matter, he fell to the bounds of the land thoy had ngrin-*! t.» iispose of, and the price; w^hich now is little and doar, that which wnuM have bought twenty miles not buying now two. During the time that this person spoke, not a man of them was observed to whisper or smile — the old grave, the young reverent, in their deportment. They speak little, but fervently, and with elegance. I have never seen more natural sagacity, considering them without the help (I was going to say the sjMjil) of tradi- tion: and he will deserve the name of wise who outwits them in any treaty about a thing they understand. "When the purchase was agreed, great promises passed between us of kindness and good neighbourho«jd, and that the English and Indians must live in love as long as the sun gave light : which done, another made a speech to the Indians, in the name of all the sachamakers or kings ; first, to tell them what was done ; next, to charge and command them to love the Christians, and particularly to live in i>caco with mc and the people under my government ; that many governors hail been in the river ; but that no governor had come himself to live and slay here before: and having now such an one, who had treated theuj wrll, they should never do him or his any wrong; at every sentence of which they shouted, and said Amen in their way. •• 24. The justice the^y have is pecuniary. In ease ».f any wrong or evii fact, be it murder itself, they atone by feasts and presents of tlieir wam- pum, which is proportioned to the quality of the offence or person iu- iured, or of the sex they are of. For, in case they kill a woman, they p.ny double; and the reason they render is, .'that she breedeth children, which m'^n cannot do/ It is rare that they fall out if sober; and if dri«nk they forir-vo, sa--in;i, 'It was the drink, and not the man. th:it al ti«-d th m ' 246 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. "25. We have agreed, that in all differences between us, six of each side shall end the matter. Do not abuse them, but Ic^- them have justice, arid you win them. The worst is, that they are the worse for the Chris- tians, who have propagated their vices, and yielded them tradition for ill and not for good things. But as low an ebb as these people are at, and as inglorious as their own condition looks, the Christians have not outlived their sight with all their pretensions to an higher manifestation. What good then might not a good people graft, where there is so distinct a know- ledge left between good and evil ? I beseech God to incline the hearts of all that come into these parts to outlive the knowledge of the natives by a fixt obedience to their greater knowledge of the will of God ; for it were miser- able indeed for us to fall under the just censure of the poor Indian con- science, while we make profession of things so far transcending. *' 26. For their original, I am ready to believe them of the Jewish race, I mean of the stock of the ten tribes, and that for the following reasons : first, they were to go to a land not planted nor known, which to be sure Asia and Africa were, if not Europe ; and He who intended that extraor- dinary judgment upon them might make the passage not uneasy to them, as it is not impossible in itself, from the easternmost parts of Asia to the westernmost of America."'^ In the next place, I find them of the like coun- tenance, and their children of so lively resemblance, that a man would think himself in Duke's Place or Berry Street, in London, when he seeth them. But this is not all : they agree in rites ; they reckon by moons ; they offer their first fruits ; they have a kind of feast of tabernacles ; they are said to lay their altar upon twelve stones ; their mourning a year ; cus- toms of women ; with many other things that do not now occur. So much for the natives. Next, the old planters will be considered in this relation, before I come to our colony and the concerns of it. "27. The first planters in these parts were the Dutch, and soon after them the Swedes and Finns. The Dutch applied themselves to trafiic, the Swedes and Finns to husbandry. There were some disputes between them for some years ; the Dutch looking upon them as intruders upon their purchase and possession, which was finally ended in the surrender made l)y John Rizeing, the Swedish governor, to Peter Stuyvesant, governor for the States of Holland, anno 1G55. "28. The Dutch inhabit mostly those parts of the province that lie upon or near the bay, and the Swedes the freshes of the river Delaware. There is no need of giving any description of them, who are better kno\\n there than here ; but they are a plain, strong, industrious people, yet have made no great progress in culture, or propagation of fruit-trees; as if Ihey desired rather to have enough than plenty or traffic. But I presume the Indians made them the more careless by furnishing them with the means of profit, to wit, skins and furs for rum and such strong liquors. They * This bold conjecture, though thought ridiculous at the time, has since Icon verified by the discoveries of Captain Cook and later navigators. LETTER TO COMPANY OF FREE TRADKK^. •>!? kindly received me as well as the English, ntIio wore few l^ef^.r^ ih. r-„j.i. concerned with me came among them. I muHt n^n cnmmcnd xMr respect to aathority, and kind behaviour to the KnjrliHh. Th<»t • degenerate from the old friendship between Ix.th kinplnm*. A« • people proper and strong of body, so thoy have lino cliildrfn. anM- tlement we have made ; in which I will be as short as I can ; fi>r I fear, and not without reason, that I have tried your patiem-e with thin long story. The country lieth bounded on the east by the river and fxiT »f Delaware and Eastern Sea. It hath the advantage of many crwks, »»r rivers rather, that run into the main river or bay, some navipible fur p^mt ships, some for small craft. Those of most eminency are Christina, Br»n- dywine, Skilpot, and Sculkil, any one of which has room to lay up the royal navy of England, there being from four to eight fathom water. "31. The lesser creeks or rivers, yet convenient for shmps and ketrhe« of good burthen, are Lewis, Mespillion, Cedar, Dover, Cranbr»tle, Kent, and Sussex, containing about four thousand souls. Two general a.««»eni- blies have been held, and with such concord and despatch that they nat but three weeks, and at least seventy laws were passed without one diajM^nt in any material thing. But of this more hereafter, being yet raw and new in our gear. However, I cannot forget their singular respect to me in thin inftmcy of things, who, by their own private expenses, so ejirly c«n»ider*Nl mine for the public, as to present me with an impost upn certain p«hU imported and exported, which, after my acknowledgment of their aff.-c- tion, I did as freely remit to the province and the traders to it. And for the well-government of the said counties, courts of justice are e«tablii.he.i in every county, with proper officers, as justices, sheriffs, clerks, consta- bles ; which courts are held every two months. But, to prevent lawfuit.^ there are three peacemakers chosen by every county court, in the nature of common arbitrators, to hear and end differences l)etweon man and man. And spring and fall there is an orphans' court in each county, to in»p«rt and regulate the affairs of orphans and widows. "32. Philadelphia: the expectation of those who are concerned »a thii 248 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. province is at last laid out, to the great content of those here who are any ways interested therein. The situation is a neck of land, and lieth between two navigable rivers, Delaware and Sculkill, whereby it hath two fronta upon the water, each a mile, and two from river to river. Delaware is a glorious river ; but the Sculkill, being an hundred miles boatable above the falls, and its course north-east toward the fountain of Susquehannah, (that tends to the heart of the province, and both sides our own,) it is like to be a great part of the settlement of this age. I say little of the town itself, because a platform will be shown you by my agent, in which thosio who are purchasers of me, will hnd their names and interests. But this I will say, for the good providence of God, that of all the many places I have seen in the world, I remember not one better seated ; so that it seems to me to have been appointed for a town, whether we regard the rivers, or the conveniency of the coves, docks, and springs, the loftiness and soundness of the land, and the air, held by the people of those parts to be very good. It is advanced within less than a year, to about fourscore houses and cot- tages, such as they are, where merchants and handicrafts are following their vocations as fast as they can ; while the countrymen are close at their farms. Some of them got a little winter corn in the ground last season ; and the generality have had a handsome summer-crop, and are preparing for their winter corn. They reaped their barley this year, in the month called May, the wheat in the month following ; so that there is time in these parts for another crop of divers things before the winter season. We are daily in hopes of shipping to aiid to our number ; for, blessed be God! here is both room and accommodation for them: the stories of our necessity being either the fear of our friends, or the scarecrows of om- enemies ; for the greatest hardship we have sufiered hath been salt meat, which, by fowl in winter and fish in summer, together with some poultry, lamb, mutton, veal, and plenty of venison, the best part of the year, hath been made very passable. I bless God I am fully satisfied with the coun- try and entertainment I got in it ; for I find that particular content, which hath always attended me, where God in his providence hath made it my place and service to reside. You cannot imagine my station can be at present free of more than ordinary business ; and, as such, I may say it is a troublesome work. But the method things are putting in will facili- tate the charge, and give an easier motion to the administration of afiairs. However, as it is some men's duty to plough, some to sow, some to water, and some to reap, so it is the wisdom as well as the duty of a man to yield to the mind of providence, and cheerfully as well as carefully embrace and follow the guidance of it. "33. For your particular concern I might entirely refer you to the let- ters of the president of the society ; but this I will venture to say, your provincial settlement, both within and without the town, for situation and soil, are without exception. Your city lot is a whole street, and one side ^f a stTP^t, from river to river, containing near one hundred acre? not LETTER TO COMPANY OF FRKK TRAI.jr^ 'l^ easily valued; which is, besides your tour hundmi a.r.-^ „, „.- •,. liberties, part of your twenty thousand ooroH in the cnunlry. Your \*. ■ nery hath plenty of bark. The saw-mill for timWr nnd' tl the glass-house are so conveniently jmstod for \vat«'r-carrift;»»- for a dock, and the whalery for a souii.l and fniitful bank, n Lewis by it to help your people, that by (tnd's blc!*f«inj» thf .i" society will naturally grow in their reputation and profit. I am •an* I have not turned my back upon any offer that tended to itii prfM{)rnM . and though I am ill at projects, I have sometimes put in for a nlmr^ with her officers to countenance and advance her interest. You am n' informed what is fit for you further to do. Whatsoever tendu to tl. motion of wine and to the manufacture of linen in thene part*. I rAiin..t but wish you to promote ; and the French pe<»plc aro mo«i likrly in U.th respects to answer that design. To th;it end I would odvinc yoa U> i»«»nd for some thousands of plants out of France, with some able vincrx^n*. and people of the other vocation. But because I believe you hare been entertained with this and some other profitable subject.^ by yonr pr< ' ' Nicholas Moore, 1 shall add no more, but to assure you that I am I; inclined to advance your just iuterc.>nn's letter to Duke of Y'ork—Xegt.tiation with New Jersey— William Penn's letter to Friends in Pu.— Sufferinu-* "f Friends in Englan.l— lleasons for Williani P.'un's return th.T. missions the Provincial Council to act in his stead— Coini. iudges— Population of Pa. and Inlinn tril)es— Letter from S. Cn^p— Letter of William Peon to inha])itants of Pa.-His arrival in Kn.'lxnd —Letter to J. Harrison— Fragment of his autobiography. 1084. The controversy Avith Lord Baltimore concerning boundaries was the greatest, if not the only, source of disfiuictude to ^^ll- liam Penn, during the first two years of l>is administration. To * Proud's Hist Pa. i. 2o. 250 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENX. obtain an amicable adjustment of the matter in dispute, He bad made two efforts, which being unsuccessful, there was no alter- native but to refer the whole subject to the legal tribunals in England. In the mean time, Lord Baltimore sent an agent to make a formal demand of all the country south of the fortieth degree of north latitude, .both in the province of Pennsylvania and the territories annexed; and this not being acceded to, a party from Maryland, under the command of Col. George Tal- bott, in the spring of 1684, came and made forcibly entry on several plantations in the lower counties. Upon this, the go- vernor and council at Philadelphia sent a copy of Penn's answer to Lord Baltimore's demand, showing the grounds of their re- fusal, and at the same time took legal measures to reinstate the persons who had been dispossessed, and, if necessary, to have the invaders prosecuted according to law. This controversy embraced interests of great importance to William Penn, and as he has been unjustly censured, by some writers, for the course he pursued, it appears requisite to examine the grounds of his claim, and that of Lord Baltimore, to the ter- ritory in dispute. It has been stated in a preceding chapter, that on Penn's application to the king for the grant of his province, the agents of Lord Baltimore and of the Duke of York, proprietaries of the adjoining territories, were consulted, and great care was taken to prevent any encroachment on their domains. The patent for Maryland, called for the fortieth degree of north latitude for its northern boundary, which is described as lying on the Bay of Delaware^ but owing to the imperfec- tion of instruments, or the unskilfulness of those who took the observations, there was an error in the latitude assigned to the boundaries of all the colonies, from North Carolina to Connec- ticut. This error was not discovered till after the date of Penn's patent, but it appears from a letter of Sir John Werden, agent of the Duke of York, that very little reliance was placed on the latitude,* and twelve miles north of New Castle was named in the charter as the southern boundary of Pennsylvania, which was * Hazard's Annals, CONrilOVERSY WITH LORD BALTIMORK. ^ I supposed to be in the beginning of the fortieth .h-jr. . latitude. It was intended that Lord Baltimore's patent ^ho^la r, two degrees of latitude, and at that time a degree wa.n ^ - puted at sixty miles. It was also intended that Penn'a bound.- ries should include three degrees of latitude, a« expre»»ecf<>re him. " Since my last, by which I gave the duke to understand that the I>«rJ Baltimore had sent agents to offer terms to the people, to draw them from their obedience of this government, where his royal hi;^hneM bad placed them, and that without having any special order fur the name, it hath pleased that lord to commissionate Colonel George Tulbot to come, ivith armed men, within five miles of New Castle town, there upon a spot of ground belonging to one Ogle, that came with Captain Carr, to reduce that place by force, erected a fort of the bodies of trees, raised a breaal- work, and palisaded the same, and settled armed men therein. The president of that town and county, together with the sheriff and ditcre magistrates and inhabitants of the same, went to the said f<»rt. demanded of Colonel George Talbot the reason of such actions, being a warlike in- vasion of the right of his majesty's subjects, never in his pussoKMun. He answered them, after having bid them stand off, (presenting guns and muskets at their breasts,) that he had the Lord Baltimore's commiwion Uv what he did. The president being an old experienced man, adviwHl him to depart, and take heed how he ol)eyed such commands ae theiie were, since acting in such a way of hostility against the right of hie majesty's subjects not in rebellion, and not by his commission, might cort him and his lord dear in the issue. He still refused. up..n which proclap mations were made in the king's name, that they should d.-part. hut he. with some more, would not depart but in the name of I^.rd Baltimore, refusing to go in the king's name : and there the garrison is kept, the commander and soldiers threatening to fire upon and kill all 8uch aa shall endeavour to demolish the block-house, and say they have txittm commands so to do from that lord. " How far these practices will please the king or duke, .s not fit for me to say ; but if not mistaken. I shall be able to make evident by law, W ^54 LIFE OF WILLIAM PEXN. he hath almost cancelled his allegiance to the king herein, and exposed himself to his mercy for all he hath in the world. " I hear he is gone for England, and was so just as to invite me, by a letter in March, delivered in the end of April, informing me that towards the end of March, he intended for England. This was contrived that he might get the start of me, that making an interest before I arrived, he might block up my way, and carry the point. But such arts will never do, where there is no matter to work upon, which I am abundantly satis- fied they will not, they cannot find in the duke, with whom I know he hath great reason to ingratiate his cause and malconduct, if he could. " I am following him as fast as I can, though Colonel Talbot, since his departure, threatened to turn such out by violence, as would not submit to him, and drive their stock for arrears : believing that the worse the better, I mean, the more illegal and disrespectful he and his agents are to his majesty and royal highness, and humble and patient I am, they will the more favour my so much abused interest. " I add no more, but to pray that a perfect stop be put to all his pro- ceedings till I come, who hope to show myself the king's dutiful, and (in reference to his American empire) not unuseful subject, as well as the duke's most faithful friend, to serve him to my power, " WILLIAM PENN.* ''Philadelphia, the 8th of the 4th month, (June,) 1684." In the spring of this year Gov. Penn sent his friend, Robert Turner, on an embassy to New Jersey, in order to negotiate with the general assembly of that province, for the passage of laws to reclaim fugitives from justice, and to lay an impost on ^' strong spirits and liquors." This method of raising a revenue, he says, "seemeth the most insensible of any to supply the wants of our governments, for the rich and the drunkard will be most concerned in it." A bill was prepared for such a law in Pennsylvania, but without similar legislation in the adjoin- ing province it would have been ineffectual. During this time, Penn was engaged, not only in administer- ing the civil affairs of the colony, but in assisting the Friends to improve their system of church government, and to organize their meetings for discipline.! The following letter, written this year, was addressed to the members of his own religious society in Pennsylvania, viz : * Mem. Hist. Soc. Pa. iv. i. 178. And Penn papers in possession of G. M. Justice. f Clarkson, 151. li:ttkk t(. tiik friends. "Dear Friends: * ^ * It is upon me. and i.,> . the God of truth and righteousness, to communicati* to^ynu a of counsel and advice. God hath brought u. hithor.'and w, aiJT^ among the hvmg. He hath a >york for us to do her*., ihou,fh th^ mmTi and envious will not believe us. 01 that wo mar Ik. faithful u> tU measure of grace received, that the evil-mindod nmv h* di^pjioiniM. Friends, keep in the sense of that which firHt visite*! vou and k^p* to^ and He that was with you to bless you in your native country, will U Avith you and bless you and yours, and make you a bl.-*.inK' to themtbal you are come among, who know him not, in this wild.TnwMi, aljio. TU earth is the Lord's, and his presence fills it, and his power upholds it, and it is a precious thing to enjoy and use it in the sense and fMtling of the same ; truly this honour have all the saints, to whom he will p?« it for a quiet habitation. Have a care of cumber, and the lore and cmr« of the world. It is the temptation that lieth nearest to thoee who mn f^ deemed from looseness, or not addicted to it. The nwHin. the figv* of the changeable world, is under the foot of the true woman, whoM aoed we ought to approve ourselves — God hath ordained it for a footstuol, and we must not make a throne of it, nor doth it become them who wek heavenly places in Christ Jesus. Show forth a blessed example, for the Lord's sake : and truly blessed is that man and woman who, in the in- visible power, rule their affections about the visible things, and who uim the world as true travellers and pilgrims, whose home is not hnn* lir'low ; such do not extort, grind, or oppress thoir neighbours in their dealing", but are content with moderate gain, looking to the blessing that follows; knowing right well, that they who overvalue and overcare, fall into dirers snares and sorrows, that hurt and pierce the sours peace. And in like manner, dear friends, have a care of looseness, for it bocomoth us to b« watchful, and to gird up the loins of our minds, and be soljor and hope to the end. Are we from under outward sufllV*rings and trials that we once knew, and that carry an humiliation witii them uik.u th.' spirit* of people? Let us be more circumspect, that we forget not the l^ord nor his tender mercies toward us I for he is God, and he can find us out, and trouble, and vex, and plague the disobedient and earelowi here, as well as in other lands. Be zealous therefore for the Lord, for 'he is a jealous God,' and especially over those that have Ijotrothcil themselves unto him by the profession of his holy truth ! yea, he will l)0 avenged of the hy- pocrite and rebellious, but the obedient he will bless, which my »oul prayeth you may be, that so I may never have an oeca-sion to exercise any other power than that of love and brotherly kindness. And. dear friends, remember who it was that said to his children and followers, ' Ye are brethren,' and have a care of naturalness in the profession of the truth. To be without natural affection to one another in the truth, is a mark of apostasy ! Wherefore, love one another, and help, and assist, and comfort one another. This was the new and living command 256 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. ment of our blessed Lord and Master, which, if you keep, then can you not fall out, backbite, slander, go to law, or hate one another, in the sight of the world, and that for the things that perish ! verily, if any do these things, the wrath of God will overtake them. " 0, friends, let us call to mind the day that hath dawned upon us, and what manner of persons we ought to be. " Besides, you know that the eyes of the inhabitants of the lands, and those of neighbouring countries, yea, the people of remote regions, are upon us and our doings : how we live, how we rule, and how we obey ; and joy would it be to some to see us halt, hear evil tidings of our pro- ceedings, as it would be a heavy and an unspeakable grief to those that wish well to our Zion. Friends, God requireth great watchfulness from you, especially elders and teachers in the church of Christ, that they watch over their own and other families, that whatever appears in any contrary to the testimony and mind of Truth, may be brought to judgment and disowned, thai the camp of the Lord may be kept clean of the uncircum- cised who resist the Spirit. " My friends, remember that the Lord hath brought you upon the stage, he hath now tried you with liberty, yea, and with power too ; he hath now put precious opportunities into your hands : have a care of a perverse spirit, and do not provoke the Lord by doing those things by which the inhabitants of the land grieved his Spirit, that were before you : but sanctify God, the living -God, in your hearts, that his blessings may fall and rest as the dew of heaven upon you and your offspring I then shall it be seen by the nations, that there is no enchantment against Jacob, nor divination against Israel, but your tents shall he goodly, and your dwellings glorious ; which is the daily humble supplication of my soul to my God and your God, and to my Father and your Father ; who am with unfeigned love, in that lasting relation, " Your tender, faithful friend and brother, WILLIAM PENN." While the colonists of Pennsylvania were busily and happily engaged in clearing their grounds, erecting their habitations and houses for worship, establishing meetings, and enjoying all the blessings of civil and religious liberty ; their sympathies were awakened by the sufferings of their brethren in Great Britain, who were subjected to the severest persecution. The laws against non-conformists continued to be enforced with rigour, persons who met peaceably for the performance of divine worship were prosecuted as rioters, their meetings were broken up by armed troops, and many hundreds of men and sy^omen, separated from their families, were confined in noisome rop.LATiox OF Tin: puoviNrK. 257 prisons, where some hud romaincl f..r years, anU uthcn wm released only by deatli. The feelings of William Penn, always alive to the 8uffmnjr» of others, were deeply moved at hearinir those roportn. An th« Duke of York had always been his friend, and waa then sup. posed to have great influence with the kinp, he had reason to believe that his personal influence and exertions, mi|»ht be in- strumental to mitigate the sufl'erings of his friends. The controversy respecting the boundaries of Pennsylvtni* and Maryland was soon to be brounrht before *'the Lonls of the Committee of Trade and riantutions." Lord Baltimore had already gone over to urge his claim; it was, therefore, highly important that Penn should be present to protect his own interests and those of the province. In addition to these considerations, we may reasonably conclude, that his desire to join his family, from which he had now been separated nearlj two years, was not least among the motives that determined him to return to England. As the time of his departure drew nigh, there were many im- portant arrangements to be made, in order to secure the pros- perity of the colony during his absence ; these he proceeded to accomplish with his usual activity and diligence. One of the first was, to improve and secure the friendly intercourse, so happily begun, with the Indians. For this purpose, he had fre- quent conferences with them. It is stated by Oldmixon, a con- temporary historian, that "he laid out some thousands of pounds to instruct, support, and oblige them." "There are," he says, "ten Indian nations within the limits of his province, and the number of souls of these barbarians is computed at about six thousand. The number of inhabitants of Swedish or Dutch ex traction maybe about three thousand souls." He "made a league of amity with nineteen Indian nations, between them and all the English in America ; he established good laws, and saw his capital so well inhabited, that there were then near 300 houses and 2500 souls in it, besides twenty other townships."' * Oldmixon, quoted by Proud, i. 287, and Clarkson.lol. W» 17 258 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. The whole white population of his dominions, at this time, "was "about seven thousand."* Before he left the province, he was called upon to settle a question of some interest to the citizens of Philadelphia, in rela- tion to the front lots near the river Delaware. He had reserved the river bank for the common use of all, and to promote the health of the city. Those who owned lots adjoining this bank, claimed the right to build vaults or stores on it, opposite their property, but he decided that they had no more right to do so than those who held lots further back. They might build stairs or construct wharves at the termination of the streets, but the bank was intended for a common exchange or public walk. At this time the ketch Endeavour arrived from England with letters and passengers. She brought Penn a letter from his old friend, Stephen Crisp, from which the following extracts are taken, viz: " Dear William : — I have had a great exercise of spirit concerning thee, which none knows but the Lord ; for my spirit has been much bowed into thy concern, and difficulty of thy present circumstances ; and I have had a sense of the various spirits, and intricate cares, and multi- plicity of affairs, and these of various kinds, which daily attend thee, enough to drink up thy spirit, and tire thy soul ; and which, if it be not kept to the inexhaustible fountain, may be dried up. And this I must tell thee, which also thou knowest, that the highest capacity of natural wit and parts will not and cannot perform what thou hast to do, viz. to propagate and advance the interest and profit of the government and plantations, and at the same time to give the interest of truth, and testi- mony of the holy name of God, its due preference in all things : for to make the wilderness sing forth the praise of God, is a skill beyond the wisdom of this world. It is greatly in man's power to make a wilder- ness into fruitful fields, according to the common course of God's provi- dence, who gives wisdom and strength to be industrious ; but then, how he who is the Creator may have his due honour and service thereby, is (mly taught by his spirit, in them who singly wait upon him. " There is a wisdom in government that hath respect to its own pre- servation, by setting up what is profitable to it, and suppressing what may be a detriment ; and this is the image of the true wisdom ; but the nuhstance is the birth that is heavenly, which reigns in the Father's kingdom till all is subdued, and then gives it up to him whose it is. * Clarkson, 152. LETTER TO THOMAS LLOYD, ETC. There is a power on earth, that is of God. by which pnn.. . tice, thi^ is the image, and there is a power whi.-h in ho^vr, the Prince of Peace, the Lord of Lords, doth r.-i^n in an '. kingdom, and this is the substance By this p<,wor in i; ,; Avickedness in high phioes brought down ; 'ho that in the tn.o .|rl^.tr » this power, can do great things for (lod's elory, and shall hmre hi. r» ward, and shall be a judge of the tribos ; and whoiooror qIm pn-Umd to judgment, will seek themselves: beware of them; the Umm m«> m- rih)us."* ^ Governor Penn, having determined to embark in the En- deavor, commissioned the provincial council to act in his - ' of which Thomas Llojd was president, to whom he inn the keeping of the Great Seal. Nicholas Moore, Wm. Welch, Wm. Wood, Robt. Turner, and John Ecklv, were comrai}»«»ionM as provincial judges for two years; his cousin, Colonel Mark- ham was secretary, and James Harrison his steward had charge of his house and manor at Pennsbury. Having completed his arrangements, he embarked the 12th of the 6th month (August,) greatly to the regret of the whole country, for he had, by his uniform justice and kindne«k«», en- deared himself to all. From on board the vessel he wrote the following letter: " To Thomas Lloyd, J. Clatpole, J. Simcotk, C. Taylor, and J. Ilmti- sox, to be communicated in meetings in Pennsylvania and the t^rrit'V ries thereunto belonging, among Friends, " My love and my life is to you, and with you, and no water can quench it, nor distance wear it out, or bring it to an end. I have been with you, cared over you, and served you with unfeigned love ; and you arc bolovrd of me, and near to me beyond utterance. I ])loss you in the nam<» and power of the Lord, and may God bless you with his right»N.u)»n»^s5. yctic*\ and plenty, all the land over ! that you would eye him in all, thn>ugh all, and above all the labour of your hands, and let it be your first car« how you may glorify him in your undertakings ; for to a blessed end ar« you brought hither ; and if you sec and keep but in the senw of that providence, your coming, staying, and improving, will be sanctified: but if any forget him, and call not upon his name in tri^h, ho will pour out his plagues upon them, and they shall know who it is that judgoth the children of men. " 0, you are now come to a quiet land ; provoke not the Lord to trou- ble it! And now that liberty and authority are with y.m and in yur * Crisp's Works, 385. 260 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. hands, let the government be upon His shoulders in all your spirits, that you may rule for him under whom the princes of this world will one day esteem it their honour to govern and serve in their places. I cannot but say, when these things come mightily upon my mind, as the apostle said of old, 'What manner of persons ought we to be in all godly con- versation?' Truly the name and honour of the Lord are deeply con- cerned in you as to the discharge of yourselves in your present station, many eyes being upon you ; and remember that, as we have been belied about disowning the true religion, so, of all government, to behold us exemplary and Christian in the use of it will not only stop our enemies, but minister conviction to many on that account prejudiced. that you may see and know that service, and do it for the Lord in this your day I " And thou, Philadelphia, the virgin settlement of this province, named before thou wert born, what love, what care, what service, and what tra- vail has there been to bring thee forth and preserve thee from such as would abuse and defile thee! " that thou mayest be kept from the evil that would overwhelm thee : that, faithful to the God of thy mercies, in the life of righteousness, thou mayest be preserved to the end ! My soul prays to God for thee, that thou mayest stand in the day of trial, that thy children may be blessed of the Lord, and thy people saved by his power. My love to thee has been great, and the remembrance of thee affects my heart and mine eye. The God of eternal strength keep and preserve thee to his glory and thy peace ! " So, dear friends, my love again salutes you all, wishing that grace, mercy, and peace, with all temporal blessings, may abound richly amongst 3^ou! so says, so prays your friend and lover in the truth, "WILLIAM PENN.'' After a passage of about seven weeks, he landed within seven miles of his own residence. His arrival is announced in the following letter to his steward at Pennsbury : " Worminghurst, 7th 8th, '84. " Dear James Harrison : — My dear love salutes thee and thine, my family and friends thereaway, the presence of the Lord be with you. Last sixth day, being the 3d inst., I got safe to my family, and found them well to my joy in the Lord. " Phil. Lemain has, most carelessly, left behind the York papers that Thomas Lloyd brought, and should have come as the ground and very strength of my coming : so that I am now here with my fingers in my mouth. He would not have done me a worse injury, nor balked a greater service, if he had had the bribe of £1000 to do it. Wherefore let him be quickened to send them by the first ship that ccmes out of Maryland or Yirginia. EXTRACT FROM "APOLOGY FOR IIIMSK! F Z' ^'] " Let Thomas Lloyd step to York and got fronh affidriN .t. men that can swear the Dutch possewsion of rivrr nn.l \,ix\ timore's patent, in the governor's prosonco, and under ih.- Drovince. " By East come wine and strong boor ; lot the l>eor lie mA,\ for m much profit as is reasonable, and some of the wine. Some in:»v i- v..., . . me, especially sack and such like, to be hotter for ago. "There are seeds for Ralph, [the gardener,] value h.-r.' t. nr \ and odd money. By an Irish ship comos value 150 pound* in pni\ butter, cheese, beer, shoes, &c. * ♦ ♦ ♦ " My love to Friends of your meeting, to those of Philndolphia and C'h.^- ter, especially J. Simcock, C. Taylor, T. Lloyd, T. Jannoy. T. II "W. Clayton, W. Yardly ; Friends of the othor sido, [Jorsoy.] and J 1 hurst. Let Ralph follow his garden, and get the yards fonccd in, and doors to them. Expect ncAvs and further directions by the next nhip. Shipt come out of Maryland and Virginia the 10th, 11th, and 12th month*. Quicken T.Lloyd and P. Lemain as aforesaid. Farowoll in tho Invo of fifxi. " Thy true friend, WILLIAM PENN. ** I have sent some walnuts for Ralph to set, and othor no^^da of our own that are rare and good." Soon after his arrival in England he waited on the king and Duke of York, as related in the following extract from frag- ments of an autobiography, called an "Apology for Himself.'"* " I arrived from America the 6th of October, '84, at Wonder, in Su»- sex, being within seven miles of my own house : whence, after »«»nie days of refreshment, I went to wait upon the king and duke, then lioth at New Market, who received me very graciously, as diod for his intrr^, a upon the trial of a true liberty of conscience, he w.uld find [ill i advantage of the crown than any private man or panicuUr |mrt CHAPTER XIX. Death of Charles II.— Letter of William Penn concerning i( of James IL— He openly prufesses.the Roman Catholic rrligioo—Ind*- ence of the priests and imprudence of the king— Ilia regard fur WiJ. liam Penn — The King professes tolerant principles, and prvmiM* te protect the Church of England — Friends' petition for rvlief^l400 of their members in prison — William Penn uses his influent-** f»»r lihmy of conscience — Takes lodgings at Kensington — L«Mtor to. I. IIarruK>n— Monmouth's insurrection quelled — Cruelties of Jetfrevs — KxecuiiutM — Letter of William Penn to J. II, — Protestants perstvutod in France William Penn's position and services at Court — Intercediuui — Trart called "Fiction Found Out" — Correspondence with Tillotjwn — Tin* Boundary question — Order in Council relating to it — Affairs ia Penit- sylvania — William Penn's Letters. 1685. In the winter of 1684-5, Kin^ Charles II. died of an apearoably. He was well on first-day night,— being the first of Februarv. (soHralled:) •hcmX «gkl 264 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. next morning, as he sat down to shave, his head tvritched both -ways, or sides, and he gave a shriek, and fell as dead, and so remained some hours ; they opportunely blooded and cupped him, and plied his head with red-hot frying pans. He returned, (revived,) and continued till sixth day noon, but mostly in great tortures. He seemed very penitent, asking pardon of all, even the poorest subject he had wronged ; prayed for pardon, and to be delivered out of the world — the duke appearing mighty humble and sorrowful. * * * He was an able man for a divided and troubled kingdom. The present king was proclaimed about three o'clock that day. A proclamation followed, with the king's speech, to maintain the church and state as established, to keep property and use clemency. Tonnage and poundage, with the excise, are revived de bene esse, till the parlia- ment meet. One is now choosing. The people of Westminster just gone by to choose. It sits the 19th of the 3d month next. In Scotland one next month. Severities continue still, but some ease to us faintly pro- mised. . Be careful that no indecent speeches pass against the govern- ment, for the king, going with his queen publicly to mass at Whitehall, gives occasion. He declared he concealed himself to obey his brother, and that now he would be above-board ; which we like the better on many accounts. I was with him, and told him so ; but, withal, hoped we should come in for a share. He smiled, and said he desired not that peaceable people should be disturbed for their religion. And till his coronation, the 23d, when he and his consort are together to be crowned, no hopes of release ; and, till the parliament, no hopes of any fixed liberty. My business, I would hope, is better. The late king, the Pa- pists will have, died a Roman Catholic ; for he refused (after his usual way of evading uneasy things, with unpreparedness first, and then weak- ness,) the Church of England's communion. Bishop Ken, of Wells, press- ing him, that it would be to his comfort and that of his people, to see he died of that religion he had made profession of when living ; but it would not do. And once, all but the duke. Earl of Bath, and Lord Fe- versham, were turned out ; and one Huddlestone, a Romish priest, was seen about that time near the chamber. This is most of our news. The popish lords and gentry go to Whitehall to mass daily; and the tower, or royal chapel, is crammed by vying with the Protestant lords and gentry. The late king's children, even by the Duchess of Portsmouth, go thither. " Our king stands more upon his terms, than the other, with France : and though he has not his brother's abilities, he has great discipline and industry. Alas ! the world is running over to you : and great quanti- ties together is to put the sale of lands out of my own hands, ^ after I *This alludes to large purchases made hy speculafors at first prices, which prevented the proprietary from deriving any advantage from the enhanced Value of lands ACCESSION OF JA.MK have spent what I got by my own on tho puhlic noT\\<^, f.,r i worse in my estate than at first : I can «ay it hof.,r«» th*» Urd: 1 only the comfort of having approved mysVlf a faithful Mrw»H, ^my understanding and ability ; an. u» take hence the late Kin;; Charles tin; Second, and to piT»rrT«» t)i4<* p*^c^ ably to succeed : we, thy subjects, heartily desire that the QWcr of all good and perfect gifts, may please to endue thee with wi»U<>m and xxmrry in the use of thy great power, to his glory, the king's honour. ans, from dukea and duchesses to the meanest of that way. Many [pomons] and much wealth will visit your parts. Be wise, weighty, and strict against looseness. Believe me it is an ertracrdtnary * Pemberton'9 MSS. t *^*- X« 270 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. day such as has not been since generations ago. Read this to fveighty Friends and magistrates, in private, and gird up your loins and serve the Lord in this juncture. No matter in what part they settle in our country, let not temjwral interest sway, on my land or on theirs that have bought of me ; no matter, the j)ublic will [gain] in a while by their establishment."* It is worthy of note how careful he was that his friends in America should act with prudence in that ''■extraordinary day^"" advising his steward to read his letter to "weighty Friends and magistrates, in private." There is abundant evidence to show that Penn, at this time, though on intimate terms with his sovereign, abstained as much as possible from entering into the measures or imbibing the spirit of either of the great political parties then contending for power ; his objects in frequenting the court were, to obtain justice for his province in the boun- dary question ; to plead the cause of the innocent and suffering of all religious persuasions; to extend the hand of mercy to those who fell under the displeasure of the government ; and to advise the king to those measures of clemency and moderation, which would have established his throne. f One of the first persons whom he endeavoured to serve, by the use of his influence at coui't, was his old friend and fellow stu- dent, John Locke, then an exile in Holland on account of his *' opposition to Popery and arbitrary power." The king au- thorized him to inform Locke, that he should be pardoned : but rhe blameless philosopher replied, after expressing his sense of his friend's kindness, that "he had no occasion for a pardon when he had not been guilty of any crime. "J The following passage, from Gerard Croese, shows the stand- ing of Penn with the king, and the manner in which he used his influence. "William Penn was greatly in favour with the king— the Quaker's sole patron at court — on whom the hateful eyes of his enemies were intent. The king loved him as a singular and entire friend, and imparted to him many of his secrets and counsels. He often honoured him with his com- * Pemberton's MSS. f See Lawton's Memoir, quoted in chap. xxi. \ Clarkson. "FICTION FOUND OUT." 'j; I pany in private, discoursing with him of various affair., mudlhl^Mi.^ one, but many hours together, and delaying to hear Uio b^t ..f Ii». p^„ who at the same time were waiting for an audioncn.. One of xh^ U.^it envious, and impatient of delay, and taking it a. nn affn-ni UiM» th«> ..iK*r more regarded than himself, adventured to tuk.» tho fnHHlon t.. majesty, that when he mot with IVnn h.. th.mght liulo nf hi« i. The king made no other reply, than that 1\mu> ri/.niyf t.iJkni j miaif^, and he heard him wilUnybj. P.Min, being so highly fasuurrd. aff|ain4 thereby a number of friends. Those also who formerly kurw htm, -hua they had any favour to ask at court, came to, courtril, and fntn>atc4 Pmm to promote their several requests, Penn refu(»ed none of hin frtea^ aoj reasonable office he could do for thom, but was read? u> norre th«m all, but more especially the (^lakl!rs, and these wherever tlieir rrltgioo wm concerned. It is usually thought, when you do mo one favour r««dilj. you thereby encourage me to expoct a second. Thua lh<'y ran to P«mi without intermission, as their only pillar and f*upj>ort, who alwaja e^ ressed and received them cheerfully, and effected their bujiincM by hit influence and eloquence. Hence his house and gates wcro dailv lhnMi|p4 by a numerous train of clients and suppliants, desiring him U> prvMBl their addresses to his majesty. There were sometimes ih^re /iro kmmd rtd and more. When the carrying on of these affairs re<■ i tlte following correspondence, viz : — WILLIAM TEXN TO DR. TILL0T80N. " WoRTHV Friend : — Beino; often told tliat Dr. Tillotnon »h' me, and so report me, a papist, I think a Jesuit, and U>in(j . ! I take the liberty to ask thee, if any such rottoction f.dl from th*»«? If it did, I am sorry one I esteemed ever the first of his ro\)o nhouM so un- deservedly stain me, for so I call it ; and, if the story be falno, I am mtrrr they should so al)use Dr. Tillotson as well an myself, without a cauM*. f add no more, but that I abhor two principles in religion, and pity th«««e that own them. The first is obedience upon anthoriti/ wH/uint omrirti.'n, and the other Ihe destroyimj tlieni that differ from me fur (,'ifi'» aak<. Surh a religion is without judgment, thoujrli not without ti'i^th. I'nion i«« h^«t, if right ; else charity : and, as Hooker said, the tim« will como wh«'n a few words spoken with meekness, humility, and love, shall bo moro a- able, and the manner of it very kind ; therefore, in answer to it, be piMMd to take the following account : — " The last time you did me the favour to sec me at my h according to the freedom I always use where I profess an> : acquaint you with something I had heard of a correspondi-ncc you ^ui with some at Rome, and particularly with some of the Jesuits therr. At which you seemed a little surprised ; and after some p»noral dis^-ourM about it, you said you would call on me some other timo. and sfxmk furtbw of it. Since that time I never saw you, but by accidi-nt and in passar*. where I thought you always declined mo, pnrti.-ularly at ^ - ^^ Jones's chamber, which was the last time. I think. I saw you : occasion I took notice to him of your strangeness to me. and t. . > -J thought might be the reason of it, and that I was sorry for it. \- had a particular esteem of your parts and temper. The laaie, I 16 beli«Tf, 274 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. I have said to some others, but to whom I do not so particularly remem- ber. Since your going to Pennsylvania, I never thought more of it, till lately, being in some company, one of them pressed me to declare v^hether I had not heard something of you which had satisfied me that you were a Papist ? I answered. No ; by no means. I told him what I had heard, and what I said to you, and of the strangeness that ensued upon it ; but that this never went further with me than to make me suspect there was more in that report which I heard than I was at first willing to believe ; and that, if any made more of it, I should look upon them as very inju- rious both to Mr. Penn and myself. " This is the truth of that matter ; and whenever you will please to satisfy me that my suspicion of the truth of that report I had heard was groundless, I will heartily beg your pardon for it. I do fully concur with you ill the abhorrence of the two principles you mention, and in your approbation of that excellent saying of Mr. Hooker, for which I shall rfver highly esteem him. I have endeavoured to make it one of the go- cerning principles of my life, never to abate any thing of humanity or charity to any man for his difierence from me in opinion, and particu- larly to those of your persuasion, as several of them have had experi- ence, I have been ready upon all occasions to do them all offices of kindness, being truly sorry to see them so hardly used ; and though I thought them mistaken, yet in the main I believed them to be very ho- nest. I thank you for your letter, and have a just esteem of the Chris- tian temper of it, and rest your faithful friend, JO. TILLOTSON '' WILLIAM PENN TO DR. TILLOTSON. ""Worthy Friend— Having a much less opinion of my own memory than of Dr. Tillotson's truth, I will allow the fact, though not the jea- lousy : for, besides that I cannot look strange where I am well used, I have ever treated the name of Dr. Tillotson with another regard. I might be grave, and full of my own business. I was also then disappointed by the doctor's ; but my nature is not harsh, my education less, and my principle least of all. It was the opinion I have had of the doctor's mo- deration, simplicity, and integrity, rather than his parts or post, that always made me set a value upon his friendship, of which, perhaps, I am better judge, leaving the latter to men of deeper talents. I blame him nothing, but leave it to his better thoughts, if in my afiair his jealousy was not too nimble for his charity. If he can believe me, I should hardly f>revail with myself to endure the same thought of Dr. Tillotson on the like occasion, and less to speak of it. For the Roman correspondence 1 v\dll freely come to confession : I have not only no such thing with any Jesuit at Rome, (though Protestants may have without offence,) but I hold none with any Jesuit, priest, or regular in the world of that communion. And that the doctor may see what a novice I am in that business, I know not CORRESPOKUENti: UITII M;. TILLOT; one anywhere. And yet whon all this is »iud, I am .. •■ , w,..«-n not a Roman. I have bowels for mankind, and dan. duI droj n\km% what I crave for myself, I mean lil)crty for the cxorci»o of mi thinking faith, piety, and providence, a better Bocurity than f that, if truth cannot prevail with her own woap.inj«, all othfTn t< "Now, though I am not obligtMJ to this dcn-nce, ond tJiai it temporizing now to make it, yet, that Dr. Till»»t»<.n mnt »»•.•' I. value his good opinion, and dare own the trutli and mvM'lf ai ... let him be confident I am no Roman Cath the best church authority in the world ; and yet I rufuH© nui u» beli«To the porter, though I cannot leave the sense t<» his discretion ; and wbcn I should, if he offends agaiust those plain methods of und«'n«tandinj» ii*Mi hath made us know things by, and which arc inseparable fn-in uj». I a)u«t beg his pardon, as I do the doctor's, for this length, u|>on the aMurancn he has given me of his doing the like upon lictter iufonuation ; which that he may fully have, I recommend him to my * Addrctuj to l^n^testaota,' from p. 133 to the end, and to the first four chapters of my * No CroM, no Crown,' to say nothing of our iiiost tinccremoniou^ and unttorljly iray of worship, and their pompous cult ; where at this time I shall b-are the business, with all due and sensible acknowledgments to ihv friendly temper, and assurance of the sincere wishes and re.«*pecta of thy ftfliBO> tionate, real friend, WILLIAM PKXX. " Charing-Cross, the 29th of llth month, IG^f)." WILLIAM PENN TO DR. TILLOTSON. Chiiring-Cross, 27th of 2d montb, 168C. "Worthy Friexd — This should have been a visit ; but, being of opinion that Dr. Tillotson is yet a deV)tor to mo in this way, I chose to protoka him to another letter by this, before I made him one; for though howaa very just and obliging when I last saw him, yet, certainly, no expr<*»ioo. however kindly spoken, will so easily and effectually purge me from tht unjust imputation some people cast upon me in his name a« hi» own letter will do. The need of this ho will better see when he haa read the en- closed, which, coming to hand since my last, is, I presume, enough to justify this address, if I had no former pretensions. And. therefore. I cannot be so wanting to myself, as not to press him to a letter in myjurt defence, nor so uncharitable to him as to think he should not franklj write what he has said, when it is to right a man's reputation and dia- base the too credulous world. For to me it seems fn»m a private friend- ship to become a moral duty to the public, which, with a pen«on of »> great morality, must give success to the reasonable dosire of thy rery real friend. WILLIAM PKNN" >^76 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. DR. TILLOTSON TO WILLIAM PENN. April 29th, 1686. " Sir — I am very sorry that the suspicion I had entertained concerning you, of which I gave you the true account in my former letter, hath occa- sioned so much trouble and inconvenience to you : and I do now declare, with great joy, that I am fully satisfied that there was no just ground for that suspicion, and, therefore, do heartily beg your pardon for it. And ever since you were pleased to give me that satisfaction, I have taken all occasions to vindicate you in this matter ; and shall be ready to do it to the person that sent you the enclosed, whenever he will please to come to me. I am very much in the country, but will seek the first opportunity to visit you at Charing-Cross, and renew our acquaintance, in which I took great pleasure.— I rest your faithful friend, JO. TILLOTSON." During Penn's residence at Kensington, he continued to press the settlement of the boundary question, but met with many delays. On the 2d of 8th month, [Oct.] he wrote to James Harrison, "Baltimore and I have had one hearing, and next week expect another. In that which we had, all went well on our side, he had time to examine our Holland proofs." These were, doubtless, the evidence of the territories having been in the possession of the Dutch. On the 25th of the same month, he wrote again; that "after a full hearing before the lords of the Committee of Trade and Plantations with the Lord Balti- more, he was cast, and the lands in dispute adjudged to be none of his right and not within his patent."* By an order of Council, dated 13th of November, '85, it ap- pears that, " the substance of the said lords' report was, that the said lands intended to be granted by the Lord Baltimore's patent were only cultivated and inhabited by savages, and that the part then in dispute, was inhabited and planted by Christians, at and before the date of the Lord Baltimore's patent, as it had been ever since to that time, and continued as a distinct colony from that of Maryland, so that the lords offered it as their opinion, that for avoiding further difference, the tract of land lying between the River and Bay of Delaware, and the Eastern Sea, on one side, and Chesapeake Bay on the other, be divided into two eaual parts by a line from the latitude of Cape Henlopen * Pemberton's MSS. MASON AND DIXON's US?.. to tlie fortieth degree of north latitude, (thf* j^rtutli t.- , Pennsylvania, by charter,) and that one-half thn- sylvania and Maryland, notwithstanding the many efforts ma«j*» by Penu for its adjustment, continued in dispute tluring th« remainder of his life, and was not finally settled k ' ' v»^r 1762, when it was run by "two ingenious maii Mt, ' Charles Mason and Jeremiah Dixon, who came out from Eng- land for that purpose; and hence it is called Mason and Dixon't Line.f "While Penn was engaged in obtaining an adji«tment of boand- aries, and pleading the cause of religious liberty in V his friends in Pennsylvania were pushing forward their . , ments in building and planting, and performing their noviii»ie in legislation. The increase of population continued m ^ the colony was peaceful and prosperous, but some •! ensued, and they felt the want of the proprietary's prcjwncc ; vol were too unmindful of his expenses abroad. In a letter to Jamc« Harrison, dated 30th of 5th month, (July,) 'H.'), he say*, " 1 b*»« had two letters more with three bills of exchange. I «ra Borrr the public is so unmindful of me as not to prevent bill- that am come on their errand, and had rather have l''^' sand pounds than have stirred from PennsylvanU. The re- proaches that I hear daily of the conduct of thing*, bear. Uni upon my spirit too. " The Lord order things for his glory. Jam««, wnd no nior. bills, for I have enough to do to keep all even here, :•■ of returning with my family : that can't be [done] wi: :. '• charge.''^: In a letter, near the same date, to Thomas Uoj^ John Simcock, Chr. Taylor, J. Harrison, and Robert Tomer, h. 3ays, "I am sorry at heart for your animosities. Cannot »ore friendly and private courses be taken, to set matters nghl in i. - rroud's Hist. ra. i. 293. f Ibi"l '• -1 ' ' Prmbcrto.', M^i* 278 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. infant province, whose steps are numbered and watched ? For the love of God, me, and the poor country, be not so govern- mentish, so noisy and open in your dissatisfactions; some folks love huntmg in government itself." '' It is an abominable thing to have three warrants for one purchase; 'tis oppression that my soul loathes ; I do hereby require it, that P. L. be called to an account for requests and warrants^ &c., for town lot, liberty lotj and the rest of the purchase : why not one warrant for all , at least for liberty lot and the remainder f This is true ana right oppression, besides several things set down that are not in law nor in my regulations." About the same time, he received from the general assembly of Pennsylvania the following letter : viz. " Most Excellent Governor : — AVe, the freemen of the province of Pennsylvania and territories, do, with unfeigned love to your person and government, with all due respect acquaint you, that we have, this last day of our session, passed all such bills as we judged meet to pass into laws, and impeached Nicholas Moore, a member of the Assembly, of ten articles, containing divers high crimes and misdemeanours, and, in the presence of the President and Provincial Council, made very clear proof of the said articles. "We have had the person of Patrick Robinson under restraint for divers insolencies and affronts to the Assembly ; — but there was a right and good understanding betwixt the President, Council, and Assembly, and a happy and friendly farewell. " Dear and honoured Sir, the honour of God, the love of your person, and the preservation of the peace and welfare of the government, were, we hope, the only centre to which all our actions did tend. And, although the wisdom of the Assembly thought fit to humble that aspiring and cor- rupt minister of state, Nicholas Moore, yet to you, dear Sir, and to the happy success of your affairs, our hearts are open, and our hands ready at all times to subscribe ourselves, in the name of ourselves and all the freemen we represent, your obedient and faithful freemen, "JOHN WHITE, Speaker. " P. S. — Honoured Sir : — We know your wisdom and goodness will make a candid construction of all our actions, and that it shall be out of the power of malicious tongues to separate betwixt our governor and his freemen, who extremely long for your presence, and speedy arrival of vour person." Judge Moore was President of the Free Society of Traders, and was charged with "violence, partiality, and negligence," in HIS TRACT, "persuasive TO MODERATION. a case in which that society was intercHteci. Hv refuM.l to in- swer to the impeachment, and was suspen . valuable treatise entitled, "A Persuasive ." M-d.-rntmn. In the opening paragraph he says: - Moder.fon. the.uhjr,-t of this discourse, is, in plainer English, liberty of com"'"* «» church dissenters; a cause I have, with all hum.hty. ""•''^^ to plead against the prejudices of the times.' " IW con«.«.ce I understand the apprehension and persuas.on » m.n h- ol W. « Gordon's Hist. Pa., and Colonial Record,. t Pro.d L »• *» 280 LIFE OF WILLIAM PEXN. duty to God ; by liberty of conscience, I mean a free and open profession and exercise of that duty, especially in worship." "But I always premise this duty to keep within the bounds of morality, and that it be neither frantic nor mischievous, but a good subject, a good child, a good servant in all the affairs of life ; as exact to yield to Caesar the things that are Caesar's, as jealous of withholding from God the things that are God's. In brief, he that acknowledges the civil government under which he lives, and that maintains no principle hurtful to his neigh- bour in his civil property." The great benefits of religious liberty in promoting the hap- piness of the people and securing the safety of the state are ably stated in this vfork, and illustrated by numerous examples from the history of ancient and modern times. He thus refers to the success that had attended this policy in the dominions of the Prince of Orange : — " Holland, that bog of the world, neither sea nor dry land, now the rival of the tallest monarchs, not by conquests, marriage, or accession of royal blood, the usual way to empire, but by her own superlative clemency and industry, for the one was the effect of the other ; she cherished her people whatsoever were their opinions^ as the reasonable stock of the country, the heads and hands of her trade and wealth, and making them easy on the main point, their conscience, she became great by them ; this made her fill up with people, and they filled her with riches and strength." In allusion to the happy effects of the Declaration of Indul- gence issued by Charles II., during the brief period of its con- tinuance, he says, "All dissenters seemed then united in their affection to the government, and followed their affairs without fear or distraction. But when the loss of that indulgence made them uncertain, and that uneasy, their persons and estates being again exposed to pay the reckoning of their dissent, no doubt but every party shifted then as they could. Most grew selfish, at least jealous, fearing one should make bargains apart or exclusive of the other. *' This was the fatal part dissenters acted to their common i*uin : and I take this partiality to have had too great a share in THIRTEEN HUNDREI) KniKND.^ n ru: v-rr. our late animosities, which, by iVosh m. .urnt- swelled to a mighty deluge, such an erne an ha; our former civil concord and unity. And panion me if 1 My I cannot see that those waters are like to a».Huav'' ' " ' ' branch of indulgence be some way or other \ waves will still cover the earth, anfal pro. pie to set a quiet foot upon. And, to pursue the ulleporr. what was the ark itself, but tlie most ample an«l lively etnbWm of toleration? A kind of natural teuij)h' of indulgence, in wbicb we find two of every living creature dwelling together."' Soon after the publication of this treatise, the king i«uic. I despoiled of their goods by greedy informers. This UMng repre- sented to the king, he directed that the judges and v should discountenance the informers and i-nt a s- r depredations. In the spring of this year, Penn wrote to his U ■- Harrison as follows :— " For my coming over (to IVu:. ... cheer up the people; I press what I can, hut the great under- * -It was a great consolation at their ensuing Annual Me^UnR in U^ to have the company of many valuable Fricn.ls. who5« fac- had aol U^ seen there for many years, having been immured in pn.oa, •^^•'*'^ tuelve or Hfeen years and upn-anU, for no crim« but en-l.-vroonng lo k.^ good consdence towards Gud/'-Gough-. Hist- Quaker.. Bock r. cb. W Y« 282 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. takings that crowd me, and to raise money to get away, hinders me yet, but my heart is with you, and my soul and love is after you. The Lord keep us here in this dark day. Be wise, close, respectful to superiors. The king has discharged all Friends by a general pardon, and is courteous to us, though as to the Church of England things seem pinching. Several Roman Catholics get much into places in the army, navy, and court." " My 'Persuasive works much among all sorts, and is divers spoken of. I have been thrice taken at meetings, but got oif, blessed be the Lord."* About this time he took a journey into Holland and Ger- many, in order to visit the meetings of Friends there, and preach the gospel among them. The king, being acquainted with his intention, intrusted him with a commission to William, Prince of Orange, in order to obtain his concurrence in a general toleration of religious faith and worship and the removal of tests. This prince, having married Mary, the eldest daughter of James II., who was at this time considered the heir presumptive of the crown of Eng- land, his approbation was considered essential to the success and permanence of the proposed measures. Penn accordingly waited on William, who, in several inter- views, expressed himself in favour of toleration, so far as it regarded faith and worship, but he was opposed to the removal of the tests which excluded the dissenters from parliament, f At the Hague, he met with Burnet the historian, who was a favourite at that court. He also was opposed to the abolition of the tests, and Penn's arguments in favour of entire religious liberty, being distasteful to him, produced a prejudice on his part, which is manifest in the allusions he makes to Penn in his "History of his own Times." While at the Hague, Penn met wdth a number of English and Scotch refugees, who had left their country on account of religious dissent or political offences. To some of these he afterward rendered important services, as will appear by the * rembertou's MSS. f Clarkson, 173. THE SCOTCH REFUGEES IN HOLLAND. 283 following extract from a work of the Earl of Buchan, entitled, "The Lives of Fletcher, of Saltoun, and Thompson." "In the year 1G86, when the business of the test was in agitation, "William Penn was employed at the Court of Holland to reconcile tlic stadtholder to the views of his father-in-law. Penn became acquainted with most of the Scotch fugitives, and, among the rest, with Sir Robert Stuart, of Coltness, and his brother James, who wrote the famous 'An- swer to Fagcl ;* and finding that the violence of their zeal reached little further than the enjoyment of their religious liberty, on his return to London he advised the measure of an indemnity and recall to the perse- cuted Presbyterians who had not been engaged in treasonable acts of op- position to the civil government. Sir Robert availed himself of this indemnity to return to his own country ; but found his estate, and only means of subsistence, in the possession of the Earl of Arran, afterwards Duke of Hamilton. Soon after his coming to London he met Penn, who congratulated him on his being just about to feel experimentally the pleasure so beautifully expressed by Horace of the mihi me reddentis agdli. Coltness sighed, and said, * Ah ! Mr. Penn, Arran has got my estate, and I fear my situation is about to be now worse than ever.' * What dost thou say ?' says Penn, * thou surprisest and grievest me ex- ceedingly. Come to my house to-morrow, and I will set matters to right for thee.' "Penn went immediately to Arran. 'What is this, friend James,' said he to him, ' that I hear of thee ? Thou hast taken possession of Coltness's estate. Thou knowest that it is not thiiie.' — ' That estate,' says Arran, ' I paid a great price for. I received no other reward for my expensive and troublesome embassy in France except this estate ; and I am certainly much out of pocket by the bargain.' " 'All very well, friend James,' said the Quaker ; 'but of this assure thyself, that if thou dost not give me this moment an order on thy cham- berlain for two hundred pounds to Coltness, to carry him down to his native country, and a hundred a year to subsist on till matters are ad- justed, I will make it as many thousands out of thy way with the king.' Arran instantly complied, and Penn sent for Sir Robert and gave him the security. After the revolution, Sir Robert, with the rest, had full restitution of his estate ; and Arran was obliged to account for all the rents he had received, against which this payment only was allowed to be stated. This authentic particular I received from my illustrious uncle, the late Sir James Stuart Uenham, ftither of the present worthy member for Clydesdale." From the Hague, Penn proceeded to Amsterdam on his reli- gious mission, where he met with William Sewell, a learned 284 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENX. man, who afterward wrote the " History of the Rise and Pro- gress of the People called Quakers." Sewell was then engaged in translating into Dutch Penn's "Account of the Province of Pennsylvania," and his "No Cross no Crown." An intimacy sprang up between them ; and a correspondence in Latin, commenced before this inter- view, was afterward continued, which furnished some of the materials used by Clarkson in his Life of Penn.* From Am- sterdam he continued his travels into Germany, where he was engaged in the work of the ministry ; but we have no account of his labours, except some allusions to them in letters to his friends, from which it appears that he was blessed with the evidence of Divine favour. The large expenditures of the proprietary in planting his province of Pennsylvania, the frequent drafts made upon him by his steward at Pennsbury Manor, together with the expenses of living at Kensington, and travelling abroad, now began to press heavily upon him, and the income of his estates in England and Ireland were found insufficient to meet the demands. His province being prosperous, he had reason to expect supplies from thence from sales of land and quit-rents, but in a letter to Thomas Lloyd, he complains that of five hundred pounds per annum of quit-rents then accruing, he could not get one penny. His letters written at this time to his steward, account for his continued stay in England, when his presence was so much needed and desired in the colony. FROM W. PENN TO J. HARRISON. "London, 23d 7th mo. 1686. " Dear J. Harrison : — * -^ * I have five letters from thee and several bills, that I found at my arrival from Holland. For my coming, what with the delays we have had at council, where New England business and Jamaica has lain these three years and but now ended : and what with the fresh packets, one after another from your side, that Baltimore complies not with the king's order ; I cannot come this fall ; for to leave that unfinished I came for, and so to return by his obstinacy when wife and faaiily are there, will not be advisable. Wherefore I think to see an end of that before I go. Besides that, the country think not upon my sup- ply, and I resolve never to act the governor and keep anotlier family and * Clarkscn, 175. LETTERS TO JAMES HARRISON. 285 oapacity upon my private estate. If my table, cellar, and stable may be provided for, with a barge and yacht or sloop for the service of governor or government, I may try to get hence, for in the sight of God, I can sav , I am five thousand pounds and more behindhand, more than I ever re- ceived or saw^ for land in that province ; and to be so baffled by the mer- chants is discouraging, and not to be put up. Now I desire thee to draw no more upon me for one penny. Two hundred pounds came in East, as much by Jos. Massey, some by Fanner's ship, I suppose, and now more meat and other things from Ireland, and there is abijve five hundred a year in quit-rents and a small family, and a good farm for corn and stock, so that I beseech thee not to draw any more. * * * If I can- not be supplied, I resolve to turn over a new leaf. There is nothing my soul breathes more for in this world, next my dear family's life, than that I may see poor Pennsylvania again, and my wife is given up [to go], but I cannot force my way hence, and see nothing done on that side in- viting. ^Tis not that I will not come whatever they do there, but not the sooner to be sure. I refer thee to the passengers for news. The king [is] kind to me and Friends, and meetings open again. I have had a blessed service in Holland and Germany, and many incline with me. * * * My dear wife is well and salutes thee and thy honest wife. Give my dear love to T. J., P. P., and "VV. Y. and wives."* "10th of 8th mo., 1686. " This is my third by this ship, as things rise in my mind, for I have much on my hands for others as well as myself ; yea, I can say that for one hour I have served myself, I have served the public a day." " Worminghurst, 28th of 11th mo., 1686. *' Dear James Harrison : — The salutation of unfeigned love in the truth, which is felt to be a preserver of them that love it and keep in it, is unto thee and thy honest, careful wife, the children, and God's true friends in that country especially. I wish you the heavenly increase of life more than I am able to utter. " Know that after my journey into Holland and Germany, in which God blessed me with his glorious presence and power, I have visited the northern parts [of England], both going to my sister's into Cleaveland, and in the circuit I took in my return. Friends in Derbyshire, Nottingham- shire, Yorkshire, Westmoreland, Lancashire, Cheshire, Stafibrdshire, and Warwickshire, generally I visited, and blessed enjoyment wo had togethei. " To come to thy particular notice, I had a meeting at II. Baly's, at Man- chester, at J. Alcock's, the other house being too little, and there we were forced to stand in his court-yard, and the house was almost full besides. A mighty concourse everywhere — one thousand Friends at a meeting. I * Thomas Janney, Phineas Pemberton, and William Yardley, residents of Bucks county, and intimate friends of William Peun. 286 LIFE OF WILLIAM PEXX. was at Thos. Janney's sisters — all well. I saw many whose relations are with you ; another ship-load is like to go from Liverpool this summer. " Much love to J. Simcock, Thos. Janney, William Yardley, and thy- self especially." ^ * * « Being come home, I found thine from Philadelphia of the 3d of 8th month past, by which I am both gladdened and troubled. " Glad that three such honest friends, whom I love in my heart, are in that station of service, as your being the provincial judges. I know also that you are men of a good understanding, and friends to me and my honest interest, but I could have wished you easier and better work. * * " Next I am sorry at heart that my letters to the council are so slightly regarded." * ^ * " I have with a religious mind consecrated my pains in a prudent frame [of government] , but I see it is not valued, understood, or kept to, 80 that the charter is over and over again forfeited if I would take advan- tage of it. Nay, I hear my name is really not mentioned in public acis of state, nor the king's, which is of dangerous consequence to the persons and things they have transacted, since they have no power but what is derived from me, as mine is from the king. " Next, I do desire thee to let no more mention be made of the supply, though 'tis a debt, since a plain contract in the face of authority for a supply. I will sell my shirt off my back, before I will trouble them any more. I shall keep the power and privileges I have left to the pitch, and recover the rest as their misbehaviour shall forfeit them back into my hands ; for I see I am to let them know, that 'tis yet in my power to make them need me, as much as I do their supply : though the disappointment of me in that, with above £1000 bills I paid since my return, have kept me from Pennsylvania above all other things, and yet may do. Nor will I ever come into that province with my family to spend my private estate, ' to fill up and discharge a public station, and so add more wrongs to my children. This is no anger, though I am grieved, but a cool and resolved thought. [As] for my private matters ; first, I did entreat thee to have no more bills, though every season some come. I have sent goods in East, in Massey, and in some others, [ships,] paid divers bills, have la.^a rents, am not there to eat them, — sent beef twice lately, (enough for my small family,) and some money, and you have your own husbandry, a great stock : so that I hope thou wilt forbear to draw besides. * * * " I hear by R. Ingels thou takest great care and pains about my hus- bandry. I believe it, and expected as much of thee, knowing thou art ar. upright man. Methinks you should be able to feed yourselves of the plantation, with all but meat, and some part of the rent will answer that. There is now for city lots, and new and old renters, about £500 arrears." * * * '• I writ, that regard should be had to Andrew Dore about the vine- yard. I know it is a charge, but if wiue can be made, that I have such APPOINTS FIVE COMMISSIONERS FOR PENNSYLVANIA. 287 a proof, it will be worth the province thousands the yt'ar ; for many Frenchmen are disheartened [from coming to Pennsylvania] by the Carolinians, as not being hot enough. " In seven years there would be hundreds of vineyards if the experi- ment take ; and I understand, by P. Lloyd and D. More, that he produced ripe grapes the 28th of the 5th month, [0. S.July,] '8G ; that the shoots were but 15 or 16 months planted. 'Tis an high character of the country, and And. Dore says that J. Simcock and T. Lloyd said, he deserved the place, paying only an acknowledgment in wine to me. * * * " J recommend to thee, for the gardens and improvements of the lands, that ashes and soot are excellent for the ground, grass, and corn. Soot may be gotten at Philadelphia, I suppose, for the fetching. I suppose it should be sowed pretty thick for corn ; in spring, not so thick. It's best for low lands, and such as are moist. Let me desire thee to lay down as much as thou canst with English grass, and plough up new Indian Jields, and after a crop or two they may be laid down so too ; for that feeds sheep, and that feeds the ground, as well as they feed and clothe us. * * * Thy true friend, WM. PENX.'^ From the tenor of these letters it is evident the proprietary was much dissatisfied with the members of the provincial coun- cil to whom he had intrusted the executive power in his absence. Doubtless he had cause for dissatisfaction ; but there is reason to believe that the reports which reached him of disorders pre- vailing in the province were much exaggerated through enmity to him and to the society of Friends.* The effect of such rumours in England was to prevent emigra- tion, and to impair the credit of the proprietary government. His letters to the council were neglected and unanswered, hig requests to have copies of the laws sent to him were disregarded, and his exhortations to promote harmony among the oflficers of his government were ineffectual ; hence he came to the conclu- sion to change the form of the executive, and he accordingly appointed five commissioners, any three of whom were autho- rized to act in his behalf. *' William Penn, Proprietor and Governor — *' To my trusty and well-beloved friends, Thomas Lloyd, Nicholas Moore, James Claypole, Robert Turner, and John Eckley, or any three of them, in Philadelphia: — " Trusty and well-beloved ! I heartily salute you. Lest any should * Gordon, 87. 288 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. scruple the termination of President Lloyd's commission with his place in the Provincial Council, and to the end that there may be a more con- stant residence of the honorary and governing part of the government, for the keeping all things in good order, I have sent a fresh commission of deputation to you, making any three of you a quorum, to act in the execution of the laws, enacting, disannulling, or varying of laws, as if I myself were there present ; reserving to myself the confirmation of what is done, and my peculiar royalties and advantages. " First : You are to oblige the Provincial Council to their charter-attend- ance, or to take such a council as you think convenient to advise and assist you in the business of the public ; for I will no more endure their most slothful and dishonourable attendance, but dissolve the frame with- out any more ado. Let them look to it, if further occasion be given. " Secondly : That you keep to the dignity of your station, both in Council and out, but especially that you suffer no disorder in the Coun- cil, nor the Council and Assembly, nor either of them, to intrench upon the powers and privileges remaining yet in me. " Thirdly : That you admit not any parleys or open conferences be- tween the Provincial Council and Assembly ; but let one, with your ap- probation, propose, and let the other consent or dissent, according to the charter. "Fourthly: That you curiously inspect the past proceedings of both, and let me know in what they have broken the bounds or obligations of the charter. *' Fifthly : That you, this very next Assembly General, declare my abrogation of all that has been done since my absence ; and so of all the laws but the fundamentals ; and that you immediately dismiss the As- sembly and call it again ; and pass such of them afresh, with such alter- ations as you and they shall see meet ; and this to avoid a greater incon- veniency, which I foresee, and formerly communicated to Thomas Lloyd. " Sixthly : Inspect the qualifications of members in Council and As sembly, and see they be according to charter ; and especially of those that have the administration of justice ; and whatever you do, let the point of the laws be turned against impiety, and your severe brow be upon all the troublesome and vexatious, more especially trifling appealers. " You shall shortly have a limitation from the king, though you have power, with the Council and Assembly, to fix the matter and manner of appeals, as much as to do any justice, or prevent any disorder in the province at all. " Seventhly : That, till then, I have sent you a proclamation to that effect, according to the powers of ordinance making, as declared in my letters patent, which you may expose as you please. •' Eighthly: Be most just, as in the sight of the all-seeing, all-searching God ; and, before you let your spirits into an affair, retire to Him, (who is not far away from any of you, and by whom kings reign and princes Gordon's strictures answered. 289 decree justice,) that he may give you a good understanding and govern- ment of yourselves in the management thereof ; which is that which truly crowns public actions, and dignifies those that perform them. You shall hear further from me by C. King. The ship is ready to sail : so I shall only admonish you in general, that, next to the preservation of virtue, you have a tender regard to peace and my privileges, in which enact from time to time. Love, forgive, help, and serve one another ; and let the people learn by your example, as well as by your power, the happy life of concord. So, commending you to God's grace and keeping, I bid you heartily farewell. " Given at Worminghurst, in old England, the first of the twelfth month, 1G8G." The foregoing instructions have been commented on with some asperity in Gordon's History of Pennsylvania. "His in- structions," says that author, "present a new view of his esti- mate of the proprietary power. His frame of government, though unquestionably a contract between himself and his people, he held to be the gift of his special grace, revocable at his pleasure, when he believed its conditions were broken ; and the laws enacted with the consent of his deputies, void at his discretion." "These pretensions, so hostile to liberty, prostrating at once the constitution and laws, were borrowed from the dispensing power claimed by the king, and by him so fatally and liberally exercised."* In reply to these strictures, the following considerations are oifered : — 1. There is no evidence that Penn held his frame of govern- ment to be the "gift of his special grace." He probably re- garded it as a contract, which being broken by one party was no longer binding on the other. When its provisions were disregarded by the council and assembly, it seems unreason- able that the proprietary should be bound by it, especially if his interest and that of the province were likely to suffer through the forfeiture of the royal 2')citent. 2d. This view of the subject was not new to the colony, nor confined to the proprietary, for at the opening of the first coun • oil and general assembly, at Philadelphia, the number of dele- * Gordon's Hist. 90. 2 19 290 tlTE OF WILLIAM PENN. gates returned being less than the constitution required, " a member moved that the governor may be desired that this alteration may not hinder the people from the benefit of this charter;" and so great were their apprehensions of forfeiting their privileges, that they desired of the governor a new charter, with a reduction in the number of delegates, which he readily granted, and received in return, " the hearty thanks of the whole house." From this it is evident they then thought the charter might be forfeited by noncompliance with its provisions. 3d. The proprietary believed that the charter had been for- feited, by the general assembly enacting laws without publica- tion, omitting his name and that of the king, and neglecting to send copies of them to England, to be laid before the privy council for approval. His instructions for abrogating the laws and having them re-enacted, were intended " to avoid a greater inconveniency, which he had communicated to Thomas Lloyd." We are left to conjecture what was this great inconveniency, but we may infer that it was the apprehended displeasure of the king, or the forfeiture of the royal patent. Finally. It is evident that Penn never did take advantage of any infraction of the charter, but, on the contrary, granted further privileges to the people, as will be shown in the course of this work. The unwarranted strictures in Gordon's History of Pennsyl- vania, may be traced to the Historical Review, an unfair and acrimonious publication, attributed to Dr. Franklin, but dis- owned by him. The following extracts from an able paper pre- sented by J. R. Tyson to the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, will set this matter in its true light. " The Historical Review asserts that, in 1686, he ordered the withdrawal of the charter by his commissioners ; this is repeated by Chalmers and Bel- knap, and after them, Mr. Gordon, departing a little from the current in which they had so unresistingly glided, produces the charge, that Penn, presuming it to be the ofi*spring of his special favour, supposed that he had the power of revocation. But these accusations are without the slightest evidence, except that which brings proof of unpardonable negligence and inattention INSTRUCTIONS TO THE COMMISSIONERS. 291 on the part of the accusers. It is certain Penn imputed to the provincial council repeated infringements of the charter, which amounted, in his estimation, to a forfeiture, if he chose to avail himself of the advantage. The correctness of this view is too obvious to require the aid of legal principles. A convention, the stipulations of which have been violated by one party, must surely be void or not, at the discretion of the other."* The letters of Penn, already quoted, show that his quitrents were not paid, or at least, that no remittances reached him from this source. Some of the colonists, doubtless, were prevented from paying them punctually by the scarcity of money, and the unavoidable privations incident to a new colony, while others openly refused to pay them, affecting to consider this claim of the proprietary an onerous exaction. Among others, Joshua Carpenter, who was among the rich of the province, suffered dis- tress to be made, and stood suit by advice of his counsel, David Lloyd.f It will be remembered by the reader, that the original terms of sale for land in Pennsylvania were, forty shillings in money and an annual quitrent of one shilling for every hundred acres. In his account of the province, published in 1681, soon after he received the royal patent, he thus refers to the subject: "And for the quitrent one English shilling, or the value of it, yearly, for a hundred acres, which such as will, may now, or hereafter, buy off to an inconsiderable matter ; but as I hold by a small rent of the king, so must all hold of me by a small rent, for their own security." In some cases this quitrent appears to have been bought off or relinquished.^ Now it is evident that the quitrent of one shilling, reserved in most of the deeds, was a part of the original price of the land, intended to reimburse the proprietary for his expenditures in purchasing and planting the colony. If it were not so, those among the colonists who bought off the rent by an additional * Mem. Hist. Soc. Pa., vol. ii. part ii. 140. f Logan MSS., and Gordon's Hist, note ii. X I have now before me an old patent of William Penn, dated March 2l9t, 1681, for a tract of 250 acres, in which the rent is reduced to ''one peppfr- corn only." 292 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. payment, would not have received their lands on as good terms as others. Nor was this mode of selling lands unexampled in the other colonies, for Oldmixon, in his history of Carolina, says, "every planter pays one penny an acre quitrent, unless he buys it off." The claim subsequently set up by the assembly, in the year 1708, that the quitrents were reserved to pay the expenses of government, had no foundation in fact. Indeed the very first assembly that met in Philadelphia, passed an act allowing Wil- liam Penn an impost on exports and imports, which was, doubt- less, intended to defray his expenses in the government, but he generously declined receiving it at that time, and it was repealed in his absence. There was, however, a small duty on foreign wines and spirits granted him the following year, "but this miserable pittance was slowly and partially collected."* The appointment of commissioners to fulfil the executive functions in the province, seems to have been attended with a happy effect. "Their administration was prudent, steady and efficient, "f Nothing further, of note, occurs in the history of the province in the two succeeding years, during which the colonists con- tinued to enjoy the blessings of domestic tranquillity. The affectionate concern of the proprietary for the welfare of his province, is evinced by the following letter to his com- missioners, superscribed, ** To my trusty and well-beloved friends, Thomas Lloyd, Robert Turner, James Claypole, Johx Simcock, and Joiix Eccles, Philadelphia. " I salute you all with unfeigned love ; and in Christ Jesus, wish you health and happiness. My last is by the same hand, this being sent to the Downs after him, upon the receipt of Thomas Lloyd's and William JNIarkham's letters. I am heartily sorry that I had no letter from the guvernment, indeed, I have hardly had one at all ; and [as] for private letters, though from public persons, I regard them but little : I mean, as to taking of my public measures by ; for I find such contradiction as well as diversity, that I believe I may say, I am one of the unhappiest proprietaries with one of the best people. If this had not been com- plained of in mine, by Ed. Blackfain, I should have been less moved at this visible incomplacency and neglect. * J. R. Tyson's " Examination. " -j- Gordon's Hist. Pa. INSTRUCTIONS TO THE COMMISSIONERS. 29 i " Had the government signed, I mean those that are the most eminent in authority, by consent of the rest, it had given me some ease and satis- faction ; but as it is, 'tis controversy rather than government, which stands, and lives, and prospers in unity ; at least of the governing part; whatever be their affections; for men may agree in duty, that dislike one another's natural tempers. I shall henceforth, therefore, expect letters from the government recounting the affairs of it, that they may be authoritative to me; and as many private ones of love and friendship as you please beside, for that I also rejoice in ; and any particular advices that may inform me, as to the public, or remedy what may be amiss, or ameliorate what is in itself well, will also be very acceptable to mo. " Now I have said this, I cannot but condole the loss of some standards in the province, honest men, and of good understandings in their kind. The Lord avert his judgments, and constrain all by his visitations, to amend, be it in conversation, or be it in peace, concord, and charity. They that live near to God, will live far from themselves ; and from the sense they have of his nearness and majesty, have a low opinion of them- selves ; and out of that low and humble frame of spirit, it is that true charity grows, the most excellent way. Ah ! what shall I say ? There can be no union, no comfortable society without it ! Oh ! that the people of my province and parts annexed, felt this gracious quality abounding in them. My work would soon be done, and their praise and my joy unspeakably abound to us. Wherefore, in the name and fear of God, let all old scores be forgotten as well as forgiven. Shut out the remem- brance of them, and preach this doctrine to the people in my name, yea, in the king's name, and His that is greater and above all, namely, God Almighty's name. I am sorry that Thomas Lloyd, my esteemed friend, covets a quietus, that is young and active and ingenious, for from such it is that I expect help, and such will not sow, I hope, in vain ; but since 'tis his desire, I do hereby signify his dismiss from the trouble he has borne, (for some time of rest and ease at least,) and do nominate to be commissionated in my name, under the great seal, till further order, Samuel Carpenter, who, I hope, will accept and industriously serve that station; else Thomas Ellis, who has an office that requires his attendance. Having one in my eye that may see you shortly, as a man richly quali- fied for that station. " Robert Turner of course has the chair for the first mouth after the receipt of this, and the rest alternatively, monthly ; if you find that con- venient, as I believe it will be most easy ; else let the senior counsellor have it always. " I have only to recommend to you the due execution of the divers good laws among you, impartially, and diligently ; not neglecting the orders, from hence sent, especially for peace and concord. Government is not to make, but to do, and despatch business ; in which few words, and a quiet but brisk execution does best. "Wherefore consider well what is Z* 294 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. just or fit, the one in law, the other in prudence, (where you have room to use it,) pursue in all cases, and no matter what any say or object. I write to you about my quitrents ; I am forced to pay bills here, for the sup- port of my family when there, while I have four or five hundred pounds per annum, in quitrents there. You may remember the vote of council to pay my charges in this expedition. I could draw a large bill upon the provincial council in that regard — I am sure I need it — but have for- borne ; though it is none of the endearingest considerations, that I have not had the present of a skin or pound of tobacco, since I came over : though they are like to have most advantage by it, and promised so much. " Pray prevent people withdrawing from us what you can. They can- not mend themselves, and they that go will find it so in a while, for I believe God has blessed that poor place ; and the reason of my stay here, and the service I am, and have been, to the conscientious, shall be rewarded on my solitary province. Remember me to the people ! and let them know my heart's desires toward them, and shall embrace the first opportunity to make my abode with them. "Once more let me hear from you, and have a copy of the laws, as my other letter directs, and you shall soon hear from me to your content. And so I bid you heartily farewell. "Given at Holland House, this 27th of the 10th mo. (December,) 1687."* CHAPTER XXI. Declaration of indulgence and removal of tests — An unpopular measure — William Penn opposed to its being based on the dispensing power of the king — Course of the dissenters — Address of Friends, and William Penn's speech to the king — His tract called "Good Advice to the Church of England" — His letters to J. Harrison — His desire to return to Pennsylvania — His religious labours in England — King's progress — William Penn's intercourse with the king — Interesting memoirs of C, Lawton, concerning William Penn. 1687. In the spring of 1687, James II. issued a declaration of gene- ral indulgence to all religious dissenters, not only suspending the laws against non-conformity, but dispensing with the tests, which had hitherto excluded fi'om seats in Parliament and offices under government, all except members of the established church. * Mem. Hist. Soc. of Pa. vol. iv. part i. KING James's declaration of indulgence. 295 This measure, though apparently intended for a good purpose, was received with great distrust by the nation, from the pre- vailing opinion that the king's intention was, not so much to protect Protestant dissenters, as to favour the members of his own communion, and eventually to pave the way for re-esta- blishing the Roman Catholic religion. The declaration was rendered still more objectionable, by being based expressly on the dispensing power, in virtue of which the king claimed the right to suspend the acts of Parliament. This dangerous power had formerly been an unquestioned prerogative of the crown ; but as the principles of civil libertj'- advanced among the people, its exercise was, in most cases, forbidden by public opinion. The late king had, more than once, suspended acts of Parliament, without giving much um- brage,* but in two memorable instances, when he attempted, by this means, to favour the dissenters, the jealousy of the hierarchy was excited, and he was obliged to retract. Since that time the sufferings of the non-conformists, and the arguments of Penn and others, had so far influenced public sentiment, that a mere toleration of Protestant dissenters, without the removal of the tests, would not have met with serious opposition. The declaration for liberty of conscience, thus issued by the king, has been attributed, in part, to the influence of William Penn, and, doubtless, he rejoiced in the apparent triumph of a principle which it had been the main purpose of his life to pro- mote. But although he approved of the object, he did not sanction the means, for there is good contemporary evidence to show that he was opposed "to putting out the king's declaration on so unpopular a prerogative, "f Although many of the Protestant dissenters disapproved of the king's assumption of the dispensing power, yet, as he ex- pressed his belief in the concurrence of Parliament, and they had long suffered under the rod of persecution, they willingly accepted the relief afforded, which they deemed no more than their natural right, and addresses expressive of their gratitude were sent up to the throne. :|: " Hume' is Hist, f Lawton's Memoir, quoted in this chap. X Ciough,iii. \d)\}. 296 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. Among others, the Society of Friends, having suffered long and severely, felt bound to express their acknowledgments to the king : accordingly their yearly meeting adopted an address, and appointed William Penn, with others, to present it. On being admitted, with his associates, to the king's presence, he made the following speech : *' May it please the king : — It was the saying of our blessed Lord to the captious Jews, in the case of tribute, ' Render to Ceesar the things that are Ceesar's, and to God the things that are God's/ As this dis- tinction ought to be observed by all men in the conduct of their lives, so the king has given us an illustrious example, in his own person, that ex- cites us to it: for while he was a subject he gave Csesar his tribute, and now he is Csesar he gives God his due, namely, the sovereignty over con- sciences. It were a great shame then, for any Englishman that professes Christianity, not to give God his due. By this grace he has relieved his distressed subjects from their cruel sufferings, and raised to himself a new and lasting empire, by adding their affection to their duty. And we pray God to continue the king in this noble resolution ; for he is now upon a principle that has good-nature, Christianity, and the good of civil society on its side — a security to him beyond the little arts of govern- ment. " I would not that any should think that we came here with design to fill the ' Gazette' with our thanks ; but, as our sufferings would have moved stones to compassion, so we should be harder if we were not moved to gratitude. " Now, since the king's mercy and goodness have reached to us through- out the kingdom of England and principality of Wales, our general as- sembly from all those parts, met at London about our church affairs, has appointed us to wait upon the king with our humble thanks, and me to deliver them ; Avhich I do, by this address, with all the affection and re- spect of a dutiful subject." After these introductory remarks, the address was read, as follows : — *' To King James the Second over England, &c., the humble and grate- ful acknowledgment of his peaceable subjects, called Quakers, in this kingdom. " We cannot but bless and praise the name of Almighty God, who hath the hearts of princes in his hand, that he hath inclined the king to hear the cries of his suffering subjects for conscience' sake; and we rejoice that, instead of troubling him with complaints of our sufferings, he has given us so eminent an occasion to present him with our thanks. And fcince it hath pleased the king, out of his great compassion, thus to cciu- GOOD ADVICE." 297 miserate our afflicted condition, which hath so particularly appeared by his gracious proclamation and warrants last year, whereby twelve hun- dred persons were released from their severe imprisonments, and many others from spoil and ruin in their estates and properties, and by Lis princely speech in council and Christian declaration for liberty of con- science, in which he doth not only express his aversion to all force upon conscience, and grant all his dissenting subjects an ample liberty to wor- ship God in the way they are persuaded is most agreeable to his will, but gives them his kingly word the same shall continue during his reign: We do, as our friends of this city have already done, render the king our humble. Christian, and thankful acknowledgments, not only in behalf of ourselves, but with respect to our friends throughout England and Wales ; and pray God, with all our hearts, to bless and preserve thee, king, and those under thee, in so good a work. And, as we can assure the king, it is well accepted in the several counties from which we came, so we hope the good effects thereof for the peace, trade, and prosperity of the kingdom will produce such a concurrence from the Parliament as may secure it to our posterity in after times ; and, while we live, it shall be our endeavour, through God's grace, to demean ourselves, as in con- science to God and duty to the king we are obliged, his peaceable, loving, and faithful subjects. '^ THE king's answer. " Gentlemen, I thank you heartily for your address. Some of you know (I am sure you do, Mr. Penn,) that it was always my principle, that consciences ought not to be forced, and that all men ought to have the liberty of their consciences. And what I have promised in my de- claration I will continue to perform so long as I live. And I hope, be- fore I die, to settle it, so that after ages shall have no reason to alter it." Some persons have censured the Friends and other dissenters for their addresses on this occasion, because the act tliat called them forth was considered a dangerous exercise of the rojal prerogative. But it will be observed, that the Friends were careful in their address to intimate the necessity of "concur- rence from the Parliament," in order to render the measure per- manent. Penn was so far from considering this a final settlement of the question, that he continued to write and publish arguments in favour of the completion, bj the Parliament, of that which the king had begun. Such was the purpose of a work he issued, anonymousl}^ this year, entitled, "Good Advice to tht* Church of England, Koman Catholic, and Protestant Dissenter, 298 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. in whicli it is endeavoured to be made appear, that it is their duty, principle, and interest, to abolish the penal laws and tests." In this treatise, after advancing many cogent arguments to establish the position assumed in the title, and to expose the absurdity, as well as impiety, of persecution for religion, he says in his concluding section: "Shall I speak within our own knowledge, and that without oflfence ? There have been ruined since the late king's restoration ahoye fifteen thousand families, and more than five thousand persons died under bonds, for matters of mere conscience to God. But who hath laid it to heart?" About this time he issued another publication, having the same object: it was a tract entitled, "The Great and Popular Objection Against the Repeal of the Penal Laws, Briefly Stated and Considered." From his letters to James Harrison, written this year, the follovfing extracts are taken: viz.* "A blessed general meeting we had, the Lord good among us, many of thy old friends at it." " As yet I cannot get clear, for besides that I am not in my private affairs fit to move for a stay, as that I intend when I come there ; I am engaged in the public business of the nation, and Friends and others in au- thority would have me see the establishment of the liberty, that I was a small instrument to begin in this land. The Lord has given me great entrance and interest with the king, though not so much as 'tis said, and I confess I should rejoice to see poor England fixt, the penal laws repealed, that are now suspended, and if it goes well with England it cannot go ill with Pennsyl- vania. Perhaps thou wilt hear more from some passengers, but this I say, no temporal honour %r profit can tempt me to decline poor Pennsylvania, as unkindly used as I am, and no poor slave in Turkey desires more earnestly, I believe, for deliverance, than I do to be with you ; wherefore be contented awhile, and God in his time will bring us together." "8th of 7th month, '87. I am straitened, being just come home from the king's progress through Berkshire, Gloucestor- * Pemberton's MSS. EXTRACT FROM LAWTON'S MEMOIR. 299 Bliire, Worcestershire, Shropshire, Cheshire, Staffordshire, War- wickshire, Oxfordshire, Hampshire, and so home. I liad two meetings on a first day at Chester, in the Tennis court, where were about a thousand people, while the king was there." From Clarkson's account of this journey, it appears to have been undertaken on a religious account, but the king being on a tour through some of the same counties, they occasionally met, and he attended meetings held by Penn at Chester and some other places. At Bristol his meetings were attended by a great concourse of people; and at Chew, in Somersetshire, he held one in the open air, under a tree, there being no building sufficient to contain the crowds in attendance. As the intercourse of William Penn with King James has been a subject of much animadversion, it may be proper to introduce here an extract from Lawton's Memoir, concerning him ; which was communicated to the Historical Society of Pennsylvania by Granville Penn, and published in their Memoirs, vol. iii. part ii. The author of this interesting paper, was "a person of con- siderable weight in his day, and moving in the highest political circles."* Charlewood Lawton was agent of Pennsylvania in 1701, during William Penn's second residence in America, and his name is found among the documents relating to Pennsylvania in the State Paper Office, London. f "I had the happiness," he says, "to converse frequently, and as inwardly as if we had been brothers, with Mr. Penn, almost thirty years before his death ; and during all that time I con- stantly discovered in him an inexhaustible spring of benevolence toward all his fellow creatures, without any narrow or stingy regard to either civil or religftus parties. And yet this best natured man, was, whilst living, daily persecuted with ground- less slanders, and since his death, his good name is not free from malicious attacks. If only little people had of late handed about calumnies against him, I should have disregarded such reports ; but I have very often met with men of figure, as well among the laity as clergy, who still, as it were, delight to spread * G. Penn. f Catalogue, Mem. Hist. Soc. Pa. iv. ii. 305 to 308. 300 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. opprobrious falsehoods concerning him. This usage hath often provoked me to defend him in conversation, both in his lifetime and since his decease, and is the motive which extorts from me the publication of some few transactions, w^hich I intended should have remained secret till my own death." After this introduction, C. Lawton relates how he first became acquainted with William Penn, while travelling in the Kensington coach, and that having himself got into trouble by his connection with Monmouth's rebellion, he was obliged to keep concealed till the general pardon was published by the king. He then went with his family to live near Windsor, but did not meet with William Penn until he received an invitation, through a friend^ to call on him, which was " the summer that the declaration for liberty of conscience was published." He then proceeds with his narrative as follows : *' Upon this advice and encouragement I went, the next morning, to Mr. Penn, who received me most courteously, and engaged me to dine vrith him that day. But going with him in his chariot to Windsor, and he calling upon one Mr. Popple, (since the revolution, secretary, as his son now is, to the Lords of Trade and Plantations,) Mr. Popple, who Mr. Penn was then bringing out of trouble, pressed Mr. Penn to dine with him, which Mr. Penn refused to do unless Mr. Popple could engage me to dine with him also. " Though that was the first time I ever spoke to Mr. Popple, I had heard of him at Bordeaux, where he merchandised, as a man of good, both acquired and natural, parts, of an excellent temper, and therefore I soon agreed to the proposal ; and Mr. Penn, going to the French ambas> sador's to solicit Mr. Popple's business, he appointed me to meet him upon the terrace walk in the castle, which I did accordingly. " As we came from Eaton to Windsor, I freel}', amongst other things, lold Mr. Penn, that though I was for liberty of conscience, I thought the king ill-advised to put out his declitation of indulgence upon the dis- pensing power ; to which Mr. Penn made no answer then, but many years after, (upon what occasion I shall tell more at large before I have done, ) I came to know the reason of his silence, which was because Mr, Penn had been himself against putting it ovt upon so unpopular a prerogative. " But to return to our meeting upon the terrace. When he had walked a little while, and talked of common things, Mr. Penn said to me, 'Friend Lawton, I would not have taken so much pains to have found thee out, if I had not an inclination for thee ; and they say, I have some interest with the king, and, therefore, prithee, tell me how I can employ it for EXTRACT FROM LAWTON'S MEMOIR. 301 tliy good ;' to -which I, fearing to be drawn into some things I might not like, replied, * Sir, my ill state of health confines me (as indeed it did) to a country life ; and though my fortune is small, I am contented with it.' And so we began to talk of different things, such as the fine prospect of the terrace walk, &c. But after a while it came into my mind that I would ask him to get Aaron Smith pardoned, and thereby hear his thoughts about political mercy, which, God knows, few who have inte- rest in princes, either understand the wisdom or benefit of, or even in- cline to when they are in prosperity, and think they shall always remain in play, though Mr. Penn, as will appear more fully hereafter, did, to the greatest degree imaginable, and, therefore, upon my asking to get Aaron Smith pardoned, he, without hesitation, promised me he would do it if he could. I thanked him for his promise, for though I had not seen Aaron for some years, I then* thought him (though I was neither of hia religion, nor agreed with many of his notions in politics) a brave fellow. Immediately after this we closed with Mr. Barrillon (the then French ambassador) and the late Duke of Montague, who were walking together on the terrace, and after two or three turns, Mr. Penn and I went to dine with Mr. Popple at his lodgings in Windsor. " After dinner, as we were drinking a glass of wine, jNIr. Penn, turn- ing to him, told Mr. Popple that he had brought him such a man as he had never met with before. 'I have just now asked him how I might do something for himself, and he hath desired me to get pardon for another man.' And so Mr. Penn repeated at length what had passed between us upon the terrace walk, and then turning to me, he said, ' Though I will, at thy request, get, if I can, Aaron Smith's pardon, yet I desire thou wilt think of something 'wherein I can do a kindness for thyself.' " Upon that, I said I could tell him how he might prolong my life. Mr. Penn replied, * I am no physician, but prithee tell me what thou meanest? And so I told him Jack Trenchard (for so we state whigs used to call him) who was afterwards secretary of state, was abroad, and if he could get him leave to come home with safety and honour, the drinking now and then a bottle with Jack Trenchard would make me so cheerful, that it would prolong my life. " To this Mr. Penn smilingly answered, ' To show thee I will not deny thee any thing thou canst reasonably ask, I promise thee I will get him too a pardon, if I can ;' and after this we chatted half an hour, and so parted. " In three weeks or a month he got Aaron Smith's pardon ; and pre- * " I have since hnd reason enough to change my mind ; for, besides his other faults, Aaron took, after the revolution, a great deal of pains to ruiu both Mr. Penn and me, and stuck not at telling the grossest falsehoods to my Lord Romney, (then secretary of state.) in order to doit.' 2 A 302 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. vailing with my Lord Jeifrejs (then lord chancellor) to join with him, they in a short time obtained Mr. Trenchard's. " Though the engaging to use his endeavours to get pardons for two men, obnoxious as they were both then reckoned, and that at the request and first motion of a man so little known to him as I was, may convince any unprejudiced person how compassionate Mr. Penn was in his na- ture ; yet I will, as a further proof, give an account of the third conver- sation I had with him. '* lie going to London, I soon followed him, and found out Aaron Smith, who was then purchasing his pardon, by giving all that he was worth in the world, as he himself told me, to the man v/ho was to procure it. I advised Mr. Smith to break off that treaty, and told him I was come up in order to get it for nothing. He said that was impossible. I then told him it was by Mr. Penn. Aaron replied, several friends of his had pretended to have an interest with Mr. Penn, and had undertaken to serve him that way, but that all their promises had come to nothing. Upon this I repeated to Mr. Smith what had passed between Mr. Penn and me about him, and protested if Mr. Penn broke his word with me, I would immediately break off the friendship I had so lately begun to con- tract with him ; and withal desired Mr. Smith to come to me the next day to settle such a petition as Mr. Penn should deliver to the king. " He came accordingly to my lodgings the next day, and we spent a great many hours in forming the petition, resolving it should neither be too sneaking nor too saucy. However, we left it harsh and unmannerly enough, as will appear presently. After the petition was settled, Mr. Smith wrote a civil letter to Mr. Penn, and inclosed the petition in it ; and the next day I carried both to Holland House. When I came thither, Mr. Penn was from home, and I took a walk in the garden, whither Mr. Penn came to me as soon as he returned, and his first salutation was, " Friend Lawton, I am glad to see thee, but I have ill news to tell thee, for I mentioned thy friend Aaron Smith's pardon this morning to the king, and he was never so angry with me in his life. He was ready to turn me out of his closet, and said, ' Six such men would put his three kingdoms in a flame.' Upon this I told him I was sorry for it, because I had brought him a letter with a petition to the king enclosed in it ; but now it was not worth while to give him either. He answered, however, • Give me them, for I don't yet despair ; there are mollia tempora fandi, and I will take an opportunity when the king is in a very good humour.' So I gave him the letter, and he read both that and the petition ; and when he had done, he told me he would not present the petition, * for,' faid he, 'the king may not like so much sturdiness, but Aaron's letter to nie is very civil, and I will read that to the king. I believe thou comest to town to look after me. Don't stay to hurt thy health. If I can do it, it shall be done as well in thy absence as if thou wast here ;' which he EXTRACT FROM LAWTON'S MEMOIR. 303 accordingly perft)rmed in about three weeks or a month, when I was in the country. " AVhen this was over, we went to the rest of the company, and so to dinner ; after which, he and I, and a gentleman, who hath since, at a certain time, made a great figure in our politics, fell into a debate con- cerning AYhatever was necessary to be done to quiet the nation ; and what measures ought to be taken to make people willing to establish by law an impartial liberty of conscience. I proposed, as one step, issuing out such a general pardon as should bring over all the outlaws from Holland. "Sir. Penn seconded me so roundly and warmly, that I am confident it was as much his as my own opinion ; and that, though I first started it then, it was his thoughts before. The third person, though then, and still an eminent whig, strenuously opposed us. What secret reasons he had for doing so, I can't tell, but what he gave us with a great deal of warmth, seemed to me very weak, and I have since thought (because he soon went to the Prince of Orange) that it is possible he artfully in- tended to obstruct so popular a measure as that would have been. But whatever was his design is not much to my present purpose, and all I desire may be observed from this my third conversation with Mr. Penn, is the good-natured care Mr. Penn took bi/ dropping it, not to provoke the king by Aaron's petition, and the strong inclination Mr. Penn wisely and honestly had for real acts of indemnity. "And here I will confess this, his behaviour confirmed me in so good an opinion of Mr. Penn, that I thenceforward frequented his company, and talked freely with him upon any subject; and after we had been together two or three times more, he proposed to carry me to the king in his closet. I agreed to go, and he got the audience appointed ; and, as we went, Mr. Penn encouraged and advised me to speak boldly. I fol- lowed his instructions, and amongst other things, when I was speaking concerning liberty of conscience, I told the king that, though I was sure my charity was as catholic as he thought his fiiith, yet I could not con- tribute towards settling the liberty of conscience he was pursuing, unless the Church of England was, at the same time, made secure of being the national religion, and the civil liberties of my country were also secured; to which the king calmly answered, ' I assure you I have no design upon either.' " When I came away, Mr. Penn commended me for speaking my mind 80 plainly; and told me, I need not have blushed, which he said he ob- served me sometimes to do, and particularly when I compared my catholic charity to the king's faith. •' Soon after this, Mr. Penn went into Yorkshire, and during his ab- sence, that justly suspicious and ofiensive measure of regulating corpo- rations was resolved on. At this I was excessively alarmed, and there- fore went, with a design to take my leave of him, to meet Mr. Penn at his lodgings at Kensington, the day I was told he would return. He did 804 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. return at the time he had set, and after common civilities, and being by nature very passionate, and then very young, I fell into a vehement de- clamation against regulations. Mr. Penn let me spend my fury, and after it was over, told me he did not know what I meant, but desired me to tell him coolly what had so disturbed me. I then talked over the mat- ter with more temper, and when I had done, he assured me that was the first time he had ever heard any thing of it ; 'for,' said he, 'I have been in Yorkshire to visit my brother and sister Lowther, and that I might enjoy their company with greater satisfaction, I took care to prevent anybody's writing to me any thing relating to public affairs ; but now I have one thing to desire of thee. What thou hast said, hath made im- pression upon me, and I entreat thee to send me thy thoughts by the penny-post, without setting thy name to thy letter, but prithee write with as much vehemence as thou spokest at first : for that warmth will make them enter more into my mind.' This request, I must confess, con- vinced me that he had no hand in setting on foot that measure ; and I complied with him, but little imagined what use he intended to make of that letter. That, and several other anonymous letters which he, by ho- nest artifice, from time to time got from me, he showed to the king, but never would let his majesty know who wrote them ; but Mr. Penn having brought me to the king, his majesty sometimes talked to me. The ge- nerality of what the king at any time said to me, and what I answered, I shall reserve to be inserted in my memoirs ; but one thing I will, be- cause it brings in Mr. Penn's, mention now. The last time I ever spoke to his majesty in England, which was about a twelvemonth before he went away, the king, when I objected against the measures which he was betrayed into, and proved afterwards his ruin, and which I then told him highly provoked the Church of England, seemed to lay great stress upon, and place his security in the Church of England's belief of passive obedience. Upon this I replied, that I could not imagine that his ma- jesty ought to venture much upon an expectation that they would live up to that doctrine ; for, said I, perhaps it is but a great compliment in the mouths of most men. It is like telling a lady that she is an angel, and a goddess, when we intend to use her like a woman. I think my- self as firm a believer as any body that that Episcopacy which is called tne Church of England, established by law, is the best of all religions , and yet I never intended to believe (since I could form any belief) pas- sive obedience ; and I am sure there is a multitude who never go out of conscience, whatever they may do out of curiosity, to, or ever so much as once communicate with, any other congregation, who are of my sen- timents. But, continued I, for argument sake, I will grant as much as your majesty can desire, and that is, that the greatest part of the Church of England do sincerely believe resistance, upon any pretence whatever, is unlawful : but now I have allowed this, give me leave to asK your majesty, whether the same men don't believe drunkenness and EXTRACT FROM LAWTON's MEMOIR. 30i common swearing to be sins? and don't you, nevertheless, find many of them to drink very hard and swear very often? These last, sir, are in- disputed crimes, disavowed by all Christians, as well as by them; how then can you be certain, or expect that the same men will live up, when provoked, to a disputed principle, when they so often commit faults which Christians of all denominations agree to be sins? Upon this the king smilingly told me, I was not enough of the Church of England to know how far their loyalty would carry them : and so I made my bow and went away. As soon as I saw Mr. Penn I told him, as I always did, what had passed between the king and me, but Mr. Penn had been, in the interval, with the king, and so he began, as he had a great talent that way, to rally me very facetiously upon my bluntness; and when he had made himself merry with me as long as he thought fit, Mr. Penn told me the king liked me for my sincerity, and I would have thee (said he) think of tone place. The king hath a mind that thou shouldst-be in tomn>ission of tho peace, and a member of the next parliament, and a corporation will be found where some honest gentleman will bring th(e in. To all which I replied, as to a place, I had given him formerly my an- swer upon the terrace walk. As to being a justice of peace, he knew there were great misunderstandings between me and some of the prin- cipal officers of the forest, and I was resolved, as far as I could, to protect (which indeed he helped me to do) the poor people, inhabitants of it, and that, therefore, I could not consent that I should be liable to have forest business brought before me ; and lastly, as to being a member of parlia- ment, I told him I should be glad, if a regulated parliament did any good, but, by the help of God, I would never make one amongst them. After this, finding my obstinacy created no coldness in Mr. Penn, I kept on my friendship with him; but from that time I industriously avoided coming in the king's way, in any place where he might single me out to speak to me upon business; for I was apprehensive lest I should have been too indecent, if the king had spoken to me, and seconded the mes- sage which he had sent by Mr. Penn. The king, however, had fron. time to time my thoughts in the many invective anonymous letters whi.'h, with so good a design, Mr. Penn drew from me upon every occasion ; and, about this juncture, Mr. Penn himself gave the greatest proofs us well of his integrity as good-nature ; for he was not only helping every man he could out of his troubles, he was not only busy in getting parti- cular pardons, but daily pressing for a real general one. And further, finding himself oppressed, as I may call it, by the opposition others made to the honest and universal measures which he would have propagated, and set on foot, and in order likewise to hinder all the mischief others were doing, he solicited many of the state whigs to come in to his as sistance, and carried several of them to the king. " Amongst those state whigs there were some who, instead of helping Mr. Penn, vilelv complied with every thing, whilst the unfortunate King 2A* 20 806 LIFE or WILLIAM PEXX. James had any likelihood to keep his crown ; bvit as soon as they thought the design of the Prince of Orange would be successful, they turned as violently against that misled prince, who they had then ever helped to mislead. "I forbear to blot my paper with the names of such wicked miscreants; but I will take this opportunity to do justice to three men, very great after the revolution, to whom Mr. Penn applied. And those three were Lord Somers, Secretary Trenchard, and my Lord Chief Justice Treby. "As for that most universal, and most finished man that ever was bred to the law, (I mean of those who perfectly understood, which Bacon did not, the profession,) my Lord Somers, he, from a natural shyness, refused to go to the king, though he was, by Mr. Penn, offered from his majesty to be made solicitor-general, before it was ever proposed to Sir William Williams, and consequently before the bishops' trial. But Mr. Secretary Trenchard, upon a letter which Mr. Penn desired me to write, and whereof I have (lodged amongst my papers, which are the materials of my memoirs,) a copy, as well as his original answer, came over from Holland, and behaved himself perfectly like a man of honour ; for with- out laying aside the good manners he was master of, or telling the least h»yllable of past times, or what he knew before his arrival, he fairly and frankly told the king wherein he thought he mistook his own interest; and yet he did it in so handsome a manner, that, upon his gentlemanlike behaviour, Mr. Penn prevailed with the king to resolve to make him (had not the revolution come on) what he was afterwards, Lord Chief Justice of Chester. "My Lord Chief Justice Treby also deserves the utmost commenda- tion ; for he went to the king, and amongst other things, told his majesty that he was confident that he himself was, and he believed many other whigs were, misrepresented as enemies to the prerogative, whereas, he and they were sensible, the prerogative, discreetly used, was necessary for the protection of the subject ; and yet he said, as willing as he was to serve the king, and as much as he was for liberty of conscience, he could not join in the methods by which it was then attempted to be introduced. "What he so honourably said, was not only told me by Mr. Penn, but several years after, when my Lord Chief Justice Treby permitted me to have a good deal of intimacy with him, by my lord chief justice himself. "And one thing more I will, with great satisfaction, say of the two last mentioned persons, which is, that I never knew that either of them did, after the revolution, in their respective offices, but one thing which any impartial man can say so much as bordered upon severity towards the nonjurors. On the contrary, they both, upon my application, helped several out of their troubles, as likewise my Lord Somers did Dr. Turner, the deprived Bishop of Ely; Dr. Hicks, the deprived Dean of Worcester; ond many more upon my speaking and writing to him. ** I am sensible I may be thought to have gone out of my way ; but EXTRACT FROM LAWTON'S MEMOIR. 307 my inclination to rescue the memories of three so great men (who ho- noured Mr. Penn and me, though they knew we differed from thom in one great point, with their particular friendship, till the time of their deaths,) from the unjust imputations of some warm writers, who have, without regard to truth, charged them, in pamphlets, with cruelty, hath occa- sioned this digression. "I return to Mr. Penn, who, the summer before the revolution, desired me to board him and his family, at my house near Windsor, I never did any thing of that nature, either before or since, except once, for a few months, to conceal, under feigned names, two children, at the request of their Protestant mother, from a father-in-law, who was a Roman Catholic, and would have brought the children up in his religion. But Mr. Penn having done so many good-natured things upon my proposing them, and I having room enough to spare, I prevailed with my wife to let him, and his lady^ and part of his family, to be with us most part of that summer, and he would not be with us unless he paid for his board. Whilst Mr. Penn was so much with me in the country, and I so much with him in London, I had an opportunity, unsought for by me, of observing the be- haviour of several, both dissenters and state whigs ; but not delighting to expose the deformities of the minds of men, any more than I do their bodily defects, I shall be silent concerning them. ****** "But before I go further, I must set down Mr. Penn's own behaviour that summer, in relation to the bishops who were sent to the Tower. He was not only against their commitment, but the day the Prince of Wales was born, he went to the king, and pressed him exceedingly to set them at liberty, and to order, in council, a general pardon to be issued out, as soon as it could pass the seals. He pressed, most heartily, to have both done, and told his majesty, that on that happy day, everybody ought to rejoice, which they would do, if the bishops were let out; and it was ge- nerally known such a pardon would soon be proclaimed. Mr. Penn hoped the occasion would have made him succeed in both proposals ; and I sup- pose all men must own, it was unhappy for the king that he did not fol- low Mr. Penn's advice. But there were about the king some villanoua knaves, and others who were as visionary fools— I can't help calling them so— who sat themselves against every wise measure that was laid before that unfortunate prince, either by Mr. Penn or anybody else ; and they overpersuaded the king not to lay hold of so good an opportunity to r^ gain the affections of multitudes of his people, who were justly startled and much provoked by seeing the right reverend fathers of the church illegally committed to prison. "The ^ame knaves and fools had afterwards too much success in pre- vailing with the king to lay aside a measure which might vei-y probably have kept the crown upon his head, even after the Prince of Orange wa. landed; which was to make the state whigs arbitragers between thekm? and that prince." 308 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. CHAPTER XXII. Vindication of William Penn from the charges of T. B. Macaulay. 1687-8. Having traced the progress of William Penn from the morn- ing to the meridian of life, we have seen him pursuing a uniform course of disinterested virtue. At Oxford, dedicating his youth- ful heart to the service of God ; in France, turning aside from the fascinations of the gay metropolis to pursue his religious studies at Saumur ; in Ireland, embracing the faith of a per- secuted sect, and renouncing the honours of the world ; in the Tower of London and Newgate prison, patiently suffering for his devotion to duty ; in Pennsylvania, laying the foundations of a great State on the principles of justice and philanthropy ; and, lastly, at the palace of his sovereign, a confidential friend, using his influence solely for the promotion of individual and national happiness. Is it credible that the tongue of calumny should have dared to detract from the merits of such a man ? We have seen that in his own age he was persecuted and defamed ; but the mists then engendered by prejudice and passion, have long since passed away ; the clear light of historic truth has shed around his name an imperishable glory, and men of all creeds and of every clime have delighted to do him honour. Can the award of history, thus deliberately pronounced, be reversed ? Is it possible, that after the lapse of a hundred and fifty years, a new light should dawn upon the world, and show us that we have been mistaken in the character of one whose name has long been regarded "as a synonyme for probity and philanthropy?" The attempt has been made ; and by no ordinary hand has the shaft been directed. Thomas Babington Macaulay, one of the most brilliant and popular of British essayists, but not the most accm'ate among w. — :'y/i :y.'i's-M^Byf:\:vA'r.~j/ /^^^-^^z VINDICATION FROM CHARGES OF MACAULAY. 300 her historians, has brought grave charges against the moral character of William Penn, which have been read by the public with astonishment and regret. Like the heathen priests, who adorned with garlands the victim intended for sacrifice, this author, in his work called " The History of England," intro- duces the name of Penn with high-sounding praise, but con- cludes his panegyric with ominous hints and base insinuations. " To speak the whole truth concerning Penn," he says, " i? a task which requires some courage : for he is rather a mythical than a historical per- son. Rival nations and hostile sects have agreed in canonizing him. England is proud of his name. A great commonwealth beyond the Atlantic regards him with a reverence similar to that which the Athe- nians felt for Theseus, and the Romans for Quirinus. The respectable society of which he was a member honours him as an apostle. By pious men of other persuasions he is generally regarded as a bright pattern of Christian virtue. Meanwhile, admirers of a very different sort have sounded his praises. The French philosophers of the eighteenth century pardoned what they regarded as his superstitious fancies in consideration of his contempt for priests, and of his cosmopolitan benevolence, impar- tially extended to all races and to all creeds. His name has thus become, throughout all civilized countries, a synonyme for probity and philan- thropy. "Nor is this high reputation altogether unmerited. Penn was without doubt a man of eminent virtues. He had a strong sense of religious duty, and a fervent desire to promote the happiness of mankind. On one or two points of high importance he had notions more correct than were in his day common, even among men of enlarged minds ; and as the proprietor and legislator of a province, which, being almost uninhabited when it came into his possession, afforded a clear field for moral experiments, he had the rare good fortune of being able to carry his theories into practice without any compromise, and yet without any shock to existing institu- tions. He will always be mentioned with honour as the founder of a colony who did not, in his dealings with a savage people, abuse the strength derived from civilization, and as a lawgiver, who, in an age of persecution, made religious liberty the corner-stone of a polity. But his writings and his life furnish abundant proofs that he was not a man of strong sense. He had no skill in reading the characters of others. His confidence in persons less virtuous than himself led him into great errors and misfortunes. His enthusiasm for one great principle sometimes im- pelled him to violate other great principles Avhich he ought to have held sacred. Nor was his integrity altogether proof against the temptations to which it was exposed in that splendid and pollto, but deeply corrupted 810 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. society, with which he now mingled. The whole court was in a ferment with intrigues of gallantry and intrigues of ambition. The traffic in honours, places, and pardons was incessant. It was natural that a man who was daily seen at the palace, and who was known to have free access to majesty, should be frequently importuned to use his influence for pur- poses which a rigid morality must condemn. The integrity of Penn had stood firm against obloquy and persecution. But now, attacked by royal smiles, by female blandishments, by the insinuating eloquence and deli- cate flattery of veteran diplomatists and courtiers, his resolution began to give way. Titles and phrases, against which he had often borne his testimony, dropped occasionally from his lips and his pen. It would bo well if he had been guilty of nothing worse than such compliances with the fashions of the world. Unhappily it cannot be concealed that he bore a chief part in some transactions condemned, not merely by the rigid code of'the society to which he belonged, but by the general sense of all honest men. He afterward solemnly protested that his hands were pure from illicit gain, and that he never received any gratuity from those whom he had obliged, though he might easily, while his influence at court lasted, have made a hundred and twenty thousand pounds. To this assertion full credit is due. But bribes may be offered to vanity as well as to cu- pidity, and it is impossible to deny that Penn was cajoled into bearing a part in some unjustifiable transactions, of which others enjoyed the profits." This is, certainly, a most extraordinary passage. The cha- racter it portrays, though incongruous, if not impossible, has evidently employed the most sedulous care of the artist. Let us endeavour to study the proportions of the figure he has so elaborately drawn. In the same paragraph we are told " he was, without doubt, a man ol eminent virtues," but, "he bore a chief part in some transactions, condemned, not merely by the rigid code of the society to which he belonged, but by the general sense of all honest men.'' He "had a strong sense of reUgioas diity^ and a fervent desire to promote the happiness of mankind;" but, *' his integrity was not altogether proof against the temptations to which it was exposed in that splendid and polite, but deeply corrupted society with which he now mingled;" and "he was cajoled into bearing a part in some unjustifiable transactions, of w^hich others enjoyed the profits." " On one or two points of high importance he had notions VINDICATION FROM CHARGES OF MACAULAY. 311 more correct than were, in his day common, even among men of enlarged minds, and he had the rare good fortune of being able to carry Ids theories into practice without any compro- mise,'' Yet, "he was not a man of strong sense." To reconcile these palpable contradictions, will require more than the ingenuity and eloquence even of Thomas Babington Macaulay. In the paragraph above quoted, and the pages immediately ensuing, he gives no instances of those alleged " unjustifiable transactions," but in turning over the leaves of his book, we find that wherever the name of Penn is introduced, it appears to be with the determined purpose of depreciating his merits. The first direct charge against the character of Penn, is in- troduced in the latter part of the fifth chapter, where, after speaking of the large profits obtained by Mary of Modena, the Queen of James II., for a cargo of convicts sentenced to trans- portation for being engaged in Monmouth's rebellion, he says : "The maids of honour, imitating her unprincely greediness and un- womanly crueltj^ exacted £1000 from Roger Hoare, a merchant of Bridge- water, who had contributed to the military chest of the rebel army. But the prey on which they pounced most eagerly, was one which it might have been thought that even the most ungentle natures would have spared. "Already some of the girls who had presented the standard to Mon- mouth at Taunton had cruelly expiated their offence. ***** Most of the young ladies who had walked in the procession were still alive. Some of them were under ten years of age. All had acted under the orders of their schoolmistress, without knowing that they had com- mitted a crime. The queen's maids of honour asked the royal permission to wring money out of the parents of the poor children, and the permis- sion was granted. "An order was sent down to Taunton that all these little girls should be seized and imprisoned. Sir Francis Ware, of Ilestercombe, the Tory member for Bridgewater, was requested to undertake the office of exact- ing the ransom. He was charged to declare in strong language, that tho maids of honour would not endure delay, that they were determined to prosecute to outlawry, unless a reasonable sum were forthcoming, and that by a reasonable sum was meant seven thousand pounds. Ware ex- cused himself from taking any part in a transaction so scandalous. The maids of honour then requested AVm. Penn to act for them; and Penn accepted the commission. Yet it should seem that a little of the pertina- 312 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. cious scrupulosity which he had often shown about taking off his hat, would not have been altogether out of place on this occasion. " He probably silenced the remonstrances of his conscience by repeat- ing to himself that none of the money which he extorted would go into his own pocket ; that if he refused to be the agent of the ladies, they would find agents less humane ; that by complying he should increase his influence at the court; and that his influence at the court had already enabled him and niight still enable him to render great services to his oppressed brethren. The maids of honour were at last forced to content themselves with less than a third part of what they had demanded."* The glaring injustice of this charge has been demonstrated in the masterly treatise of Wm. E. Forster, published in Eng- land as a preface to a late edition of Clarkson's Life of Penn. He says, " The only one of the authorities Mr. Macaulay quotes in reference to this case, in which there is any allusion to Penn, is the fol- lowing letter from the Earl of Sunderland, the then Home Secretary, a copy of which is in the State Paper Office : — "Whitehall, Feb. 13th, 1685-6. " Mr. Penne — Her Majesty's Maids of Honour having acquainted me that they designe to employ you and Mr. Walden in making a composition with the Relations of the Maids of Taunton for the high Misdemeanor they have been guilty of, I do at their request hereby let you know that her Majesty has been pleased to give their fines to the said Maids of Honour, and, therefore, recommend it to Mr. AYalden and you to make the most advantageous composition you can in their behalfe. " I am, Sir, your humble servant, Sunderland, P."t *' This letter, to which no reply can be found either in the State Paper Office or elsewhere, is the sole proof upon which the charge is grounded: there exists no collateral evidence whatever confirming its receipt by Penn, much less his acceptance of its commission : it is not even certain * Macaulay's Hist, of Eng. f State Paper Office. Letter Book, 1679-1688. Domestic Various, No. 629, page 324. In Dixon's Life of Penn is the following note: " In transcribing this letter from the State Papers, Mr. Forster writes ' her' [instead of his] majesty, a mistake which gives an erroneous countenance to Mr. Macaulay's ' scandal against Queen Maria.' " p. 342. Dixon having carefully examined the Sunderland letter book in the State Paper Office, and the Registers of the Privy Council, asserts positively that this letter was not addressed to William Penn, but in all probability, to George Penne. VIXDICATIOX FROM CIIARr.ES OF MACAULAY. 313 that it was addresHed to hin\. The ad(h-ess in the State Paper Office is not 'William Penn, Esq.,' nor William Penn at all^but plain Mr. Penne, and, therefore, it is quite possible that it was intended for a certain 'George Penne,' who it appears was instrumental in effecting the release from slavery of a Mr. Azariah Pinney, a gentleman of Bettescouibe, near Crewkerne in Somersetshire, whose sentence of death had been commuted to transportation."* It is truly surprising that an author, making any pretensions to historical accuracy, should have founded, on such slight evi- dence, a grave accusation against the character of one so dis- tinguished for piety and virtue. Even if Sunderland's letter had been addressed to Wiliiani Penn, it would have furnished no proof that he accepted the proposed agency; but when we observe tnat the name is spelt diiferently from that of the founder of Pennsylvania, with whom the secretary had long been ac- quainted, and held frequent intercourse, there remains not a shadow of doubt that it was intended for some other person. George Penne having been engaged in a similar service, we may reasonably conclude that it was he whom the maids of honour " designed to employ." There is, however, no evidence that he accepted the commission; but, on the contrary, it ap- pears by the testimony of Oldmixon, "a contemporary, almost an eyewitness," that the negotiation was effected through an- other agency. In his history of this transaction, he says : " The court was so unmerciful, that they excepted the poor girls of Taunton, who gave Monmouth colours, out of their pretended pardon, and every one of them was forced to pay as much money as would have been a good portion to each, for particular pardons. This money, and a great deal more, was said to be for the maids of honour, trJiose agent. Brent, the Popish laicj/ev, had an under agent, one Crane of Bridgeu-ater, and 'tis supposed that both of them paid themselves very bountifully out of the money which was raised by this means, some instances of whii-ii are within my knoAvledge."t This passage is sufficient of itself to exonerate William Penn from all connection with the transaction, and it is remarkable * See Robert's Life of Monmouth, (vol. ii. p. 243,) whose authority i? family letters in the possession of Mr. Pinuf^y's descendants, f Oldmii^on, vol. ii. p. 708, qii jted by Fol•i^tcr. 2B S14 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN, that such conclusive evidence should have been overlooked by Macaulay; for in. his account of Monmouth's insurrection, he frequently cites Oldmixon as authority, who, he says in a note, was then a boy living very near the scene of these events.* When we consider how small is the number of historical per- sonages, whose characters may be studied as models of un- blemished virtue, we cannot without painful emotions witness this unwarrantable attempt to snatch from its place, where it has stood for a century and a half, one of the most honoured names of English and American history — "One of the few, the immortal names That were not born to die." In the same history, a few pages subsequent to the charge just mentioned, we find the following passage : — " William Penn for whom exhibitions which humane men generally avoid seem to have had a strong attraction, hastened from Cheapside, where he had seen Cornish hanged, to Tyburn, in order to see Eliza,- beth Gaunt burned. He afterward related, that when she calmly disposed the straw about her in such a manner as to shorten her sufferings, all the bystanders burst into tears, "f In reading this passage the inquiry arises, who were these bystanders ? Were they the hardened populace who generally attend executions at Tyburn ? Were they persons drawn thither by an idle curiosity to gloat on the dying agonies of a fellow creature ? NO : they were the friends of the sufferers ; who regarded them, not as malefactors, but as martyrs in the cause of civil and religious liberty. Cornish was a merchant in high standing, a staunch whig, but a cautious man, and believed to be innocent of the political offence imputed to him. Elizabeth Gaunt was a pious woman, noted for her charitable * Macaulay's Hist, vol. i. chap. v. In Dixon's Life of Penn, additional light is thrown upon this subject. He says George Penne was a pardon-broker; "he was actively engaged in the Taunton afiFair, and among other feats, as I am able to state on the authority of a family cash-book still preserved, he obtained £65 from Nathaniel Pinney as the ransom of his brother Azariah Pinney, one of the transported rebels." t Macaulay, Hist. VINDICATION FROM CHARGES OF MACAULAV. 315 deeds ; her only ofifence was harbouring the man who afterward appeared as a witness against her. It is reasonable to suppose that when sucli persons were con- demned to die, the abhorrence of all good men would be called forth, and many would attend, as in the case of the early mar- tyrs, to manifest their sympathy with the sufferers, and to "witness their constancy in death. But it is highly probable that Penn had an additional motive in view, a motive that does honour to his character, which is thus stated by Clarkson : — "If I were allowed to conjecture," he says, " I should say that he consented to witness the scenes in question with a view to good, with a view of being able to make an impression on the king by his own relation of things, that he might induce him to with- hold his sanction at a future time to such unjust determinations of the law ; and in this conjecture, I am in some degree borne out by a passage in Bishop Burnet's 'History of his own Times,' for when he, the historian, in a conversation with William Penn, on the subject of Cornish's execution, said that Cornish asserted his innocence with great vehemence, and complained with acri- mony of the methods taken to destroy him, and that from these circumstances it had been given out that he died in a fit of fury, William Penn replied, 'that there appeared nothing in Cornish's conduct at the place of execution, but a just indignation that innocence might very naturally give.' This was in some mea- sure a censure upon the king, who had confirmed that bloody sentence. But he went further: for, immediately after this, he observed to Burnet, that ' the king was much to be pitied, who was hurried into all this effusion of blood by Jeffreys's im- petuous and cruel temper;' and he added, 'that if the king's own inclinations had not been biased that way, and if his priests had not thought it the interest of their party to let that butcher loose, by whom so many men that were like to oppose them were put out of the way, it was not to be imagined that there would have been such a run of barbarous cruelty, and that in so many instances.' " If the narrative of Macaulay had been written for the sole purpose of undermining the character of Penn, he could ns to excite thy love, care, and concern for me and my suffering interest, in the country. I know thou hast better learned Christ and Cato, if I may so say, and wilt embrace such an op- portunity to choose to express thy friendship and sincerity ; nor is un- * Mem. H. S. Ta. iv. i. 194-5. t "^^oud, i. 348. 24 370 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. certainty and changeableness thy fault ; wherefore I will say no more, but desire that my afflictions may cease, if not cure, your animosities or discontents, within yourselves, if yet they have continued ; and that thou wilt both in government and to my commissioners of property, yield thy assistance all thou canst. By all this God may prepare me to he Jitter for future service even to you there. I ask the people forgiveness for my long stay ; but when I consider how much it has been my great loss, and for an ungrateful generation, it is punishment ! — It has been £20,000 to my damage in the country, and above 10,000 pounds here, and to the province, 500 families ; but the wise God that can do what he pleases, as well as see what is in man's heart, is able to requite all; and I am persuaded all shall yet work together for good in this very thing, if we can overlook all that stands in the way of our views, Godward, in public matters. See that all be done prudently and humbly, and keep down irreverence and looseness, and cherish industry and sobriety. The Lord God Almighty be with you, and amongst you, to his praise and your peace. Salute me to John Simcock, R. Turner, A. Cook, T. Janney, Ph. Pemberton, S. Richardson, W. Yardly, the Welch Friends and Ply- mouth Friends, indeed to all of them, '* Thou hast heard of our great loss of dear John Burnyeat, and Robert Lod2;es, one in Ireland, and t'other in England, in about the same week; and Robert Barclay, Th. Salthouse, and dearly beloved George rox,-since. lie died at Henry Goulney's, by Gracious-street meeting-house, where he preached his farewell the first day, and departed the third, at night, be- tweon nine and ten. I was with him ; he earnestly recommended to me las love to you all, and said, ' William, mind poor Friends in America ' He died triumphantly over death ; very easily foresaw his change ; he was buried on the sixth day ; — like a general meeting ; — 2000 people at his burial — Friends and others. I was never more public than that day ; I felt myself easy ; he was got into his inn, before the storm that is coming overtook him, and that night, very providentially, I escaped the messenger's hands. I shall add only, that Friends have had an extra- ordinary time this General Meeting, so that God supplied that visible loss with his glorious presence. R. Davis there, but not thy brother. In sincere love I bid thee, thy wife and family and friends, farewell. " Thy true friend, WILLIAM PENN." DISSENSIONS IN THE COLONY. 371 CHAPTER XXVI. Dissensions between the province and territories — Members of council from the latter withdraw — William Penn reluctantly consents to their separation — IMarkham made governor of the territories — Letter of Wil- liam Penn — Religious controversy with George Keith — His separation and disownment — He is prosecuted and fined — Goes to England and becomes an Episcopal minister — Letter of William Penn to R. Turner, about Keith's views — William Penn's government superseded by the appointment of Fletcher — Ilis troubles increased by his wife's illness — Letters of William Penn to Friends and to Lord Rochester. 1692-3. While the proprietary of Pennsylvania was compelled, by false accusations, to forego his cherished purpose of returning thither, as his permanent home, the affairs of his colony were suffering for want of his parental care. In order to promote the prosperity of the province and the three lower counties, called the territories, (now constituting the State of Delaware,) he had united them under one government, allowing the territories a suitable number of representatives in the council and general assembly, and, further to conciliate them, he had sometimes convened the assembly at New Castle. During his absence some jealousies had crept in between the members of the territories and those of the province; they were originally balanced in power, there being three counties in each, with an equal number of representatives ; but the province was large, its population was rapidly increasing, and it must have been manifest to all that the balance of power would soon preponderate in its favour. For this reason, probably, some of the inhabitants of the territories began to think they had distinct and even conflicting interests, which led to a misunderstanding. After the resignation of Governor Blackwell, the disagree ment between these parties continued to increase, and six mem- bers of council from the territories proceeded, in an illegal manner, to appoint and commission judges, without the concur 372 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. rence of the board, or of Thomas Lloyd, then- president. This illegal measure was protested against by the council in the latter part of the year 1690 ; but in the following year, the members for the territories proceeded to still greater extremes. It appears that Penn, in order to gratify the colonists, had given them the option of three different modes for the exercise of the executive power : that of the council, of five commission- ers, or of a deputy-governor. The province was in favour of a deputy-governor, and was satisfied with Thomas Lloyd, but the members of council from the territories drew up a protest, in 1691, stating that this " was to them the most grievous of any, on account of the choice of all officers being placed in a single person, and the expense or charge of his support," therefore they would not agree to it, but they would submit to the go- vernment of the council, though they would prefer the five commissioners. Much pains were taken to reconcile them, but without success. They withdrew from the council and returned home, after which Thomas Lloyd sent a deputation to New Castle to confer with them, and wrote them a letter promising that no part of the charge for his services should fall upon the territories unless by their voluntary offer. These efforts at reconciliation proving unavailing, the pro- prietary, with much reluctance, submitted to the separation, and commissioned Thomas Lloyd as governor of the province ; and William Markham, who appears to have gone with the seceders, was placed over the territories as their executive, " under cer- tain restrictions."* Penn was much grieved at these dissen- sions. Writing to a friend, in the summer of 1692, he says, " I left it to them to choose either the government of the coun- cil, or five commissioners, or a deputy : what could be ten- derer? Now I perceive, Thomas Lloyd is chosen by the three upper, but not by the three lower counties ; and sits down with this broken choice. This has grieved and wounded me and mine ; I fear the hazard of all ! Whatever the morals of the lower counties are, it was embraced as a mercy, that we got and united them to the province ; and a great charter ties * Proud, i. 357. RELIGIOUS CONTnOVERSY WITH GEORGE KKITR. 373 them. * * * * I desire thee to write to them, wliich they will mind more now than on the spot ; and lay their union upon them ; for else the governor of New York is like to have all, if he has it not already. The Lord forgive them their unspeak- able injury to me and mine. I have sent, six months ago, to J. Goodson a commission, if my letter prevails not, that was to unite them ; that Thomas Lloyd be governor above, and Capt. Markham below, under such and such restrictions," &c. *' I was going in the second month at farthest, all things preparing, as Friends of London know, when this trouble broke out upon me, in the eleventh ; and such have been my hardships, I could not get clear without snares, &c., so wait God's time, who has a hand in all this, and I believe, in the end, every way for good." His dissatisfaction with Thomas Lloyd for accepting a par- tial commission, was soon removed by a letter from the council, exculpating him entirely from being accessory to the separation, showing that instead of his being a gainer by the office of de- puty-governor, he had impaired his estate by his attention to public aflfairs ; that he was a lover and promoter of concord ; and that he "never accepted that commission but by the impor- tunity of his friends, or at the earnest request of the province." Although the proprietary had consented with great reluct- ance to this arrangement, it answered beyond his expectations in restoring harmony ; and as both parties were sensible that he had been grieved by their dissensions, they endeavoured to relieve his mind by a joint letter from the two deputy-governors and the members of council, expressive of their affection and of their earnest desire for his return to the province. About the time that these changes were effected in the pro- vince and territories, dissensions of a far more painful and ex- citing tendency sprang up among the colonists in relation to the religious doctrines of Friends. The dispute originated with George Keith, a prominent minister, and an author of several relif^ious works.* He was by birth a Scotchman, but had lived much in England, had travelled with Penn on the continent, and was employed for one year as the principal teacher in tiie ^■^^Gough's Hist, of Quakers, vol. iii. 2G 874 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. public school at Philadelphia. He possessed considerable lite- rary attainments, and being quick of apprehension and logical in argument, he had been regarded as an able champion for the faith he professed ; but, unhappily, he was too fond of disputa- tion, and finding his brethren in religious profession could not unite in all his theological views and nice distinctions, he be- came sour and censorious. He had been much respected, but now appeared ambitious of greater distinction as a leader in the society, proposing and urging new regulations in its dis- cipline, complaining that there was " too great a slackness therein," and accusing some of its most valued ministers of preaching ''''false doct?'ine," although it was thought they preached the same views he had formerly advocated in his writings. Another objection urged by him against some of the most influential members, was the part they took in the government of the province, alleging that by acting as magistrates and exe- cuting the penal laws against malefactors, they violated their principles. The last of these charges had reference principally to the course pursued in arresting a privateer, named Babbit, who took a sloop from the wharf at Philadelphia, proceeded down the river, and committed several robberies. A warrant being issued for his apprehension, Peter Boss, with some others, pursued him in a boat and took him and his crew without any warlike weapon. At length, George Keith having set up a separate meeting in Philadelphia, and being in the practice of defaming the cha- racters of Friends, the meeting of ministers disowned him, which act was confirmed by the yearly meetings of Burlington and London. He and Thos. Budd were presented by the grand jury of Philadelphia, for defaming Samuel Jennings, a pro- vincial judge, and being found guilty, were fined five pounds each. These fines, however, were never exacted.* The meetings set up by Keith and his adherents threatened to make a formidable schism in the society, but he having gone to England, joined the Episcopal church, was ordained by the * Smith's Hist, of Pa. ; Hazard's Reg. vol. vi. LETTER TO ROBERT TURNER. 876 Bishop of London, and returned to Pennsylvania as a clergyman in orders. This conduct so disgusted his followers, that many of them returned to the society, and the schism was finally healed. The dissensions that led to this separation being reported to Penn, during his retirement in London, contributed to increase the burden of his cares. One of his intimate friends, Robert Turner, a member of the council, and formerly one of the pro- \dncial judges, having joined the seceders, wrote him a letter on the subject, to which he returned an answer characteristic of his wisdom and charity, viz : — " London, 29th of 9th mo., '92. " Dear Robert Turner:* — My love in the Lord salutes thee and thine, and the Lord's people thereaway, and the inhabitants also : much wishing your preservation in this perilous day, both inwardly and outwardly. " Thine I have by T. H., and presented thine to G. W., &c., and as to the difference among Friends, my heart is bowed under it, chiefly on truth's account, for I never felt a thought of interest stir in several days after it came to me. But it has helped me into a fever that has attended me about five weeks, of which I am now, through mercy, better. I see this difference is more in spirit than in words or matter, an unbearing, untravailing frame [of mind,] for one another, not considering how much and how far they should have borne for his sake that has borne so much for us all. * -sfr * * * "My soul's travail is, in that which is of God and leads to Ilim, and keeps in Him ; that G. K. would, in the ancient meekness and tenderness in which he was right worthy to me, let fall his separate meeting, and that now they meet together as before, for I hope peace would follow. For as to believing in Christ's manhood, it is Friends' principle he is like unto us in all things, sin excepted, and thsit manhood isuot vanisht; though out of our sight, it is somewhere, and wherever it is, it must be in a glorified state, but what that state is, or where it is, or how to frame ideas of either in our minds, are intrusions or curiosities above what is written or convenient. Can we hope our manhood shall be glorified and deny his to be so, that made way with his, within the vail, for ours? lie is glorified for us, as our common head, and we shall, with him, bo glorified too, as his members, if we through patience and tribulation over- come also. "Wherefore, dear Robert, urge this on George ; but now when this is said, that Christ came in our nature, and has glorified it as an eternal temple to himself, yet he is to be known nearer (than so without us) and * The original of this letter is in the archives of the Am. Phil. Society at Philadelphia — some parts of it are almost illegible. 376 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENX. that is, in ns. TI;iis Paul knew him, and preached him as the riches of the glory of the Christian day, the mystei-y hid from ages and genera- tions and then revealed, ' Christ in them the hope of glory.' He makes it the character and discrimination of a Christian, 2 Cor. xiii. 5, and Christ taught himself that it was expedient he went, as outwardly, that he might send them that which would be better for them, and what was that but his own appearance in spirit, 'I will not leave you comfortless, 1 will come to you,^ and 'he that was with them should be in them,' John xiv. So that tho' the nature and transactions of Christ are re\ e- rently believed, and are more than historical, looking back to the begin- ning of the world and forward to the end of it ; yet the immediate object of our mind, and requisite and profitable exercise thereof, is the spiritual appearance of Christ in us, which is a step nearer to us than our natu- ral without us, because it is being in us ; this is what God has turned our minds unto, and what knowledge we had before we counted as dross comparatively. Here it was we came to know God aright, sensibly and virtuously to our souls ; and by obeying this manifestation we came to read Scripture edifyingly, and to our comfort, and to value aright God's love in all former dispensations, more especially that of his Son as the crown of them ; but then our religion stood, and must stand, as the liv- ing work of God in us, in our conformity to his will, death to self, en- tirely, as the passage to life, in him who is our life. This sweet, this blessed knowledge and fellowship is what we have been led to press and prefer as bringing things home, and the work to our own doors and houses, which is, to me, the glory and excellency of our dispensation ; so it is, I know, to the many thousands of Israel. "Oh let this still be our holy care, love, and business, and great shall be our reward, when the Re warder comes to judge the world. Thus much for these things. " Now, for government — what shall I say? "A day of temptation is coming over you as a just exercise from the Lord for your animosities and divisions, in which blessed are they that are clear and innocent. The Lord reach you with his love, and tender you, and bring you into that union I left you, both in civils and spirituals. You are threatened, I hear, with French Indians ; if it should prove true your union in civils might have covered Friends, that now stand in the province more exposed than before, because they only are in power, and so must have the part alone to act, both as to that, and also as to stand- ing upon their patent against the commission of the governor of New York, to be yours during the war and my absence. So that they that took It so ill, I ever employed any but Friends, may see it had been bet- ter they had been of another mind, for I expect a firm adherence to the patent. — my freehold and inheritance, and so intimate to them in autho- rity, as I did to S. J. &c., before, by the last ships. If upon your rea PKXX'S r.OVKflXMLNT 5 f PERSEDDD. ST7 8on8 against his executing of his conimi.ssion, he desist not, then draw up your exceptions discreetly and fully, and lay them before the Lords of the Plantations here, and Friends concerned in the province here, who will appear for the province, and if that don't do, Westminster Hall, and if that fail, the House of Lords will do us right. " But I hope my liberty may put an end to that. * * * * "Thy true friend, "WILLIAM PENN." About rd, and rela- tions too.' He said, 'Av, to be sure.' Being asked if he would have 404 LIFE or WILLIAM PENN. his ass's milk or eat any thing, he answered, ' No more outward food, but heavenly food is provided for me.' "His time drawing on apace, he said to me, 'My dear father, kiss me ! Thou art a dear father. I desire to prize it. How can I makt, thee amends V *' He also called his sister, and said to her, 'Poor child, come and kiss me!' between whom seemed a tender and long parting. I sent for his brother, that he might kiss him too, which he did. All were in tears about him. Turning his head to me, he said, softly, 'Dear father! hast thou no hope for me?' I answered, 'My dear child! I am afraid to hope, and I dare not despair, but am and have been resigned, though one of the hardest lessons I ever learned.' He paused awhile, and, with a iomposed frame of mind, he said, 'Come life, come death, I am resigned. Oh, the love of God overcomes my soul !' Feeling himself decline apace, and seeing him not able to bring up the matter that was in his throat, 8v»raebody fetched the doctor ; but, as soon as he came in, he said, ' Let my father speak to the doctor, and I'll go to sleep ;' which he did, and waked no more ; breathing his last on my breast, the tenth day of the second month, between the hours of nine and ten in the morning, 1696, in his one-and-twentieth year. " So ended the life of my dear child and eldest son, much of my com- fort and hope, and one of the most tender and dutiful, as well as inge- nious and virtuous youths I knew, if I may say so of my own dear child, in whom I lose all that any father could lose in a child, since he was capable of any thing that became a sober young man, my friend and companion, as well as most affectionate and dutiful child. "May this loss and end have its due weight and impression upon all his dear relations and friends, and upon those to whose hands this ac- count may come, for their remembrance, and preparation for their great and last change, and I have my end in making my dear child's thus fai public. WILLIAM PENN " 405 CHAPTER XXIX. " Primitive Christianity revived" — "More "Work for George Keith"— In terview with Peter, Czar of Muscovy — Letter to the Czar — Lasting im- / pression produced on the Czar — "A Caution concerning the Bill against Blasphemy" — Letter to his agents in Pennsylvania — Religious visit to Ireland — Half-year meeting at Dublin — Great crowds attend to hear Penn — Controversy with Plympton — "Gospel Truths" — William Penn's horse seized under an Act against Papists — His clemency towards the offenders — T. Story's account of William Penn's eminent services in the ministry — Interview with a bishop — William Penn's return home — Writes " A Defence of Gospel Truths" — T. Story embarks for Ame- rica — His parting interview with William Penn — William Penn pre- pares for a voyage to America — Letter of advice to his children — Farewell sermon — Letters to Friends in England — He embarks. 1696-99. It was the practice of William Penn, when prevented from going abroad by domestic afflictions, to improve the time by writing on religious subjects, and soon after the death of his eldest son, he produced a treatise entitled, " Primitive Chris- tianity Revived in the Faith and Practice of the People called Quakers." This work was intended to show that the principles of Friends are the same as those of the primitive church, and that the life and power of religion, when received in faith and obeyed without reserve, will produce thQ same fruits of holi- ness as in the morning of the gospel day. " At this time George Keith, who had been disowned by Friends for his contentious and disorderly behaviour, kept up a meeting, with some of his adherents, at Turner's Hall, where, under the name of religion, he fostered strife and debate, send- ing challenges to Friends to dispute with them, and making quotations from their books, such as he himself formerly could candidly interpret, and had successfully vindicated against other opposers."* To check his contentious spirit, Penn wrote a small work, consisting in part of quotations from Keith's owj- * Life prefixed to his works. 406 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. writings, in which the very objections he now raised werfe answered by himself. This tract was entitled, " More Work for George Keith." In the year 1697, Penn had an interview with the Czar of Muscovy, since celebrated in history as Peter the Great. This enterprising monarch, in order to inform himself concerning the arts and manufactures of nations more civilized than his own, spent some time in Holland and England, where he de- sired to remain incognito, and even wrought with his own hands as a ship-carpenter. While he was in London, Thomas Story and another Friend went to his residence with the intention of presenting him some religious books. He conversed w4th them through an interpreter, and among other questions he asked them, " Of what use can you be in any kingdom, seeing you will not bear arms or fight?" Thomas Story replied, " Many of us had borne arms in times past, but when it pleased God to reveal in our hearts the life and power of Jesus Christ, his Son, who is the Prince of Righteousness and Peace, whose commandment is love, we were then reconciled unto God, one unto another, unto our enemies, and to all men. And he that commanded us to love our enemies, hath left us no right to fight and destroy, but to convert them. He further explained that they were useful citizens, under any govern- ment, for their religious principles prohibited idleness ; and being engaged in husbandry, manufactures, and merchandising, they contributed to public prosperity. And, moreover, they felt bound to pay the taxes or assessments laid upon them by government, in conformity w4th the example of the Lord Jesus Christ, who wrought a miracle to pay a tax to the Roman em- peror. The Friends then presented to the Czar two copies of Barclay's Apology, in Latin, for which he wished to pay an equivalent, but they declined receiving it. It being ascertained that the Czar did not understand Latin, nor indeed any other language than Russian and German, Wil- liam Penn, accompanied by some other Friends, waited on him nt Ooptford, where he was at work, in order to present him with LETTER TO THE CZAR OF MUSCOVY. 40" some books, in German, explanatory of Friends' principles. Thej met with a cordial reception, and Pcnn being able to converse fluently in German, the interview was satisfactory on both sides. The Czar became so much interested in Friends, that he sometimes attended their meetings at Deptford, behaving as a private person, and being very social. Some time after these interviews, the following letter was Avritten : — \VILLIAM PENN TO THE CZAR OF MUSCOVY. " It wmmand themselves and their subjects, and to the people the grace to obey God and their kings. Know, great Czar, and take it with thee, :is one part of the collection of knowledge thou art making in this unex- ampled travel, that 'tis in this kingdom of England that God has visitef Christ. The second is from the "Men's Meeting of Friends in the City of Bristol," where he had been for some time residing. It expresses their great reluctance to part with him, and their high esteem for him " as a man, a good Friend, and. a true Christian." The third, being a full and beautiful expression of Christian fellowship, is here subjoined. From our Monthly Meeting held at Horsham, Old England, 14th of 6th mc, 1699. " To the churches of Christ in Pennsylvania, and to all the faithful Friends and brethren unto whom this may come. In the covenant of life and fellowship of the gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ, and in the unity of the one Eternal Spirit of our God, we dearly salute you; most earnestly desiriiig your everlasting prosperity in the blessed Truth. *' Now, dear friends and brethren, whereas our worthy friend and PENN LANDS AT CHESTER. 417 elder, William Penn, did acquaint our Monthly Men's Meeting with his intended voya,:;e into his province of Pennsylvania, and although we are right sensible that he needeth no letter of recommendation from us to pass into his own country, yet, at his request, and for the good order's sake that God hath established in his church and amongst his people, and for the sincere love we bear to our well-esteemed friend, we could do no less than give this small token of our unity and communion with him, as a testimony for him and his service in the church of Christ; wherein he hath been a worthy and blessed instrument in the hand of the Lord, both in his ministry and conversation, and hath always sought the pros- perity of the blessed truth, and peace and concord in the church of Christ ; and hath walked amongst us in all humility, godly sincerity and true brotherly love, to our great refreshment and comfort: who hath, with much labour and great travail, on all occasions endeavoured the defence of truth against its opposers, and the preservation of true unity and good order in the church of Christ. So, in the unity of the one Eternal Spirit, which is the bond of true peace, we take our leave of him, with earnest breathings and supplications to the great God, whom the winds and seas obey, that he would mercifully be pleased to go along with him, and conduct him by the angel of His divine presence, to his desired port, and preserve him to the end of his days ; and in the end, that he may receive an immortal crown, and be bound up in the bundle of life amongst them that have turned many to righteousness, who shine as the sun in the firmament of God's eternal power, for ever and ever, amen/' CHAPTER XXX. William Penn lands at Chester — Sad accident to a young man — William Penn's charity — He lands at Philadelphia — Yellow fever in tliat city — Letter of J. Logan to William Penn, Jr. — Xotice of J. Logan — Col. Quarry and David Lloyd — Residence in Philadelphia — His employ- ments — Meeting of assembh" — Speech to the council — A new charter desired — Laws proposed concerning marriages of negroes, and selling rum to Indians — Col. Quarry's charges against D. Lloyd — D. L. ex- cluded from council — His enmity to William Penn — Old charter given up — Speech on the occasion. 1699-1700. It was a joyful day to the inhabitants of Pennsylvania when the ship Canterbury was announced, bearing to their shores the illustrious founder of the colony ; who, after an absence 27 418 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. of fifteen years, had come with his family, intending to make it his permanent home. After a tedious voyage of more than three months, the ship arrived at Chester, on the 1st day of the 10th month, (Decem- ber, 0. S. 1699.) On the evening previous, William Penn came up in his barge to the house of Lydia Wade, near Ches- ter, where he arrived after dark ; and there, being met by his friend Thomas Story, they spent some time in social converse and lodged together.* The next day they went over Chester Creek in a boat, and, as the governor landed, some young men, contrary to the ex- press orders of the magistrates, fired a salute "with two small sea-pieces of cannon." On loading one of the guns a second time, one of the young men threw in a cartridge of powder before the piece was sponged, w^hich taking fire, his left hand and arm were shot in pieces. A surgeon being sent for from on board a ship lying at anchor before the town, he found it necessary to amputate the arm.f This untoward accident must have greatly marred the plea- sure of the governor's reception. So deeply was he interested for the sufierer, that he paid the expenses of the surgical aid, and continued to advance money for his relief and support, as appears by entries on the Proprietary Cash Book of various sums paid "for B. Bevan of Chester, who lost his arm." The last of these entries shows the sad termination of this affair ; It is on "April 20th, for his funeral charges."t After exchanging salutations with his friends in Chester, the governor again went on board, and the ship proceeded to Philadelphia, where he was greeted by the inhabitants with joy and respect. The city had lately been visited by that dread- ful epidemic the yellow fever, which carried off many of the inhabitants and spread a general gloom over the community. Thomas Story speaks of its effects in the following terms : *^In this distemper had died, six, seven, and sometimes eight a day, for several weeks ; there being few houses, if any, free * T. Story's Journal. f Ibid. X Mem. Hist. Soc. Ta. Fisher's Private Life of Penn. HIS RECEPTION AT PHILADELPHIA. 419 of the sickness. Great was the majesty and hand of the Lord ! great was the fear that fell upon all flesh ! I saw no lofty or airy countenance, nor heard any vain jesting to move men to laughter, nor witty repartee to move men to mirth ; nor extra- vagant feasting to excite the lusts and desires of the flesh above measure. But every face gathered paleness, and many hearts were humbled, and countenances fallen and sunk, as such that waited every moment to be summoned to the bar and numbered to the grave." While the disease was most prevalent, the time arrived for Friends to hold their yearly meeting, and some wished to post- pone it till a more healthy season ; but the sentiment prevailed that there was no authority in individuals or subordinate meet- ings to change the time; and advices were issued that "such only should attend as were concerned in the service of the meetings, because of the great infection and the incapacity of Friends and inns in town to lodge and entertain them." The meeting was held with great solemnity and power ; the fear of contagion being much taken away, and the consolations of the gospel abundantly experienced. It was remarked that " there was not one taken ill during the whole time of the meeting, either of those that came there on that account, or of the peo- ple of the town."* Before the landing of William Penn and his family, the fever had ceased, and nothing could be better adapted to dispel the gloom that remained, than the long-desired arrival of their beloved and venerated governor. The circumstances attending his reception in Philadelphia are related in a letter from James Logan to William Penn, Jr., then in England, who was the only surviving son of the founder by his first wife. In order that the reader may fully understand this interesting letter, a brief account of the writer, and of two characters mentioned in it. Col. Quarry and David Lloyd, appears to be requisite, more especially as they will be introduced frequently hereafter, in connection with the afi'airs of the province. James Logan was born at Lurgan, in Ireland, in 1674 ; his parents were from Scotland, where their valuable estates were 420 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. confiscated under a charge of participation in the conspiracy of the Earl of Gowrie. His talents must have been early de- veloped, for " he speaks of having attained a knowledge of Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, before he was thirteen years of age, and also that in his sixteenth year, having met with a book of Laybourn's on mathematics, he made himself master of that science without any instruction." His father, having gone to Bristol, was employed in teach- ing, where James, being his assistant in the school, continued to improve himself in the classics, and learned the French and Italian languages, as well as some Spanish. In the year 1698 he engaged in a trade between Dublin and Bristol ; but Wil- liam Penn having proposed to him to accompany him to Penn- sylvania as his secretary, he accepted the offer, and came over with him in the ship Canterbury in 1699. He was secretary of the province, commissioner of property, for some time president of the council, and afterwards chief justice of Pennsylvania. Notwithstanding his numerous employments, he found time to cultivate his taste for literature and science : he wrote some scientific works, corresponded with the literati of Europe, and received at his seat of Stenton all strangers of distinction who visited the province. He patronized men of genius and learning, and collected a valuable library, which he bequeathed to the Library Company of Philadelphia. He was educated as a Friend, and highly esteemed for his virtues ; but in one important point he differed from the so- ciety, being an advocate for military defences. His sagacity, prudence, and knowledge of business rendered him of great service to William Penn, to whom he was a wise counsellor and steadfast friend. Their voluminous correspondence is still preserved at Sten- ton, and a copy of it, transcribed by the late Deborah Logan,* with her interesting annotations, has been placed in the archives of the American Philosophical Society at Philadelphia. In personal appearance James Loganf was tall and well pro- * Widow of Dr. George Logan, who died at Stenton in 182L f Logan MSS. and Watson's Annals. COLONEL QUARRY — DAVID LLOYD. 421 portioned, with a graceful yet grave demeanour. His manner was dignified, yet kind and engaging. Col. Robert Quarry was for many years the determined op- ponent of the proprietary interest, and gave much annoyance to William Penn. He was a member of the church of England and Judge of the Admiralty, a court established by the British government in her American colonies, for the adjudication of maritime causes, and with the purpose of enforcing her navigation laws, which prohibited a direct trade with foreign countries. The official station of Col. Quarry, and that of John Moore, advo- cate in the same court, rendered them independent of the proprietary and of the colonial legislature, whose views and interests it was their study to thwart in every possible way, but especially by complaints and exaggerated reports, trans- mitted to the Board of Trade in London. Before the arrival of Penn, several of these injurious state- ments had been forwarded to the British government, charging the colonial authorities with harbouring pirates, and tolerating illicit trade, as well as complaining that oaths were not exacted in the courts, nor military defences provided for the colony. William Penn, by his influence with "the Lords of the Com- mittee of Trade and Plantations," had succeeded in baffling their designs, and now, being desirous to promote the harmony and welfare of the province, he felt inclined to overlook past offences and to cultivate friendly relations with all. David Lloyd was a Welshman by birth ; he had been a cap- tain in Cromwell's army, and was by profession a lawyer. He emigrated to Pennsylvania at an early date, and was commissioned by Penn as attorney-general for the pronnce, in the year 1686. He was a man of considerable abilities, and in private life bore a fair character, but in his public career he was a disturber that knew no peace himself, nor permitted any to others. Affecting to be the cliampion of popular rights he had great influence with the people, whose confidence he abused by leading many of them into factious opposition to the government,* and defeating some of the most salutary ,fj * Proud, Watson, and Log^a MSS. 422 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. measures proposed bj the proprietary. He was not mimical to the interests of Penn, until about the year 1700, when, as stated in the following letter, he took some offence, and became ever after his implacable adversary, although belonging to the same religious communion. JAMES LOGAN TO WILLIAM PENN, JR. " Philadelphia, 7 mo. 25th, 1700. *• The highest terms I could use would hardly give you an idea of the expectation and welcome that thy father received from the most of the honester party here : Friends generally concluded that after all their troubles and disappointments, this province novr scarce wanted anything more to render it completely happy. The faction that had long con- tended to overthrow the settled constitution of the government received an universal damp, yet endeavoured what mischief they could by speak- ing whispers, that the proprietary could not act as governor, without the king's approbation, and taking an oath as obliged by act of Parliament ; but that in a great measure soon blew over. Colonel Quarry, judge, and John Moore, advocate, of the Admiralty, the two ringleaders, went down to the water side among the crowd to receive the governor at his landing, who not seeming to regard the very submissive welcome they gave him, and taking notice of an old acquaintance that stood by them, expected nothing but almost as open hostility from the proprietary as they were at before with Col. Markham, especially having heard that copies of Col. Quarry's letters to the Admiralty at home against the governor were also brought over. " Directly from the wharf the governor went to his deputy's, paid him a «!hort formal visit, and from thence, with a crowd attending, to meet- ing, it being about three o'clock on first-day afternoon, where he spoke on a double account to the people, and praying, concluded it ; from thence to Edward Shippen's, where we lodged for about a month. " For two or three days the governor seemed to admire at Col. Quarry's distance, and perceiving that he was not like to come pay a civil visit as might be expected, sent me to him with an inviting compliment, with which he presently complied, and entered into a very familiar conversa- tion with the governor, who endeavoured to make it appear that he would treat all parties with equal civility and regard in this province, that were not directly injurious to him, confessed he believed there was occasion ^iven for the complaint that went home ; blamed the mal-administration uf affairs in some particulars, relative to the king, and resolved to have a hearing of the whole matter before himself and council. The two per- 8ons chiefly struck at by Quarry, was the lieutenant-governor and David Uoyd attorney-general ; a man very stiff in all his undertakings, of a SLATE-ROOF HOUSE. 423 sound judgment, and a good lawyer, but extremely pprtinacious and somewhat revengeful: he, at that time was one of the council, and those mighty wrongs that had been put on the king coming to be debated there, David resolutely defended all that had been done, and too highly opposed the governor's resolution of composing all by mildness and moderation, and reconciling all animosities by his own intervention, which he thought the only advisable expedient to put an end to those differences that had cost him so much trouble. This soon created some small misunderstanding, several of the most noted Friends were involved more or less in David's business, and, though troubled at his stiffness, yet wished him in the right, because the most active enemy and assiduous counsellor against the other party, who on all occasions would be glad, they thought, of their utter ruin. His obstinacy the governor could by no means brook ; he could not but think there was more deference and consideration due to his character and station ; the other knew not what it was to bend, he was engaged in the cause, and would stand or fall bj it, offering to plead it at Westminster Hall, but the governor, who was most sensible of the pulse of the court and affairs in general at home, knew this course would never take, and therefore was sometimes warm enough to inveigh highly against past proceedings, not sparing several in express words that were concerned in them, and laying open in large discourse what would be the consequence, if they took not some more effectual ways to satisfy superiors at home, who, perhaps, would be very well pleased with any occasion, by whatsoever hand administered, to wrench the government out of the proprietor's hands and throw it oU the king." " Friends' love to the governor was great and sincere ; they had long mourned for his absence and passionately desired his return. lie, they firmly believed, would compose all their difficulties and repair all that was amiss. It appears, from the foregoing letter, that the governor and his family, with his secretary, James Logan, went, on their ar- rival, to lodge at Edward Shippen's, where they remained about a month. Penn then took a house known as the slate-roof house, on Second street, between Chestnut and AValnut, at the south-east corner of Norris's alley.* Here was born, about two months after they landed, his son John, the only one of his chil- dren born in this country, and therefore called *'the American." The house is still standing, and though it presents a lowly ap- pearance in comparison with the stately mansions since erected * Watson's Annals. 424 LIFE OF WILLIAxM PENN. in its vicinity, it will ever be regarded with deep interest by the antiquarian. Who can look at this venerable building, humble and degraded as it now appears, without feeling the influence of cherished associations, which bring before the mind's eye the long-vanished images of former scenes, when the founder of Pennsylvania passed through these doors, entertained his friends in these apartments, or partook here, with his family, the com- forts and enjoyments of domestic life? From the Colonial Records, and the Journal of Thomas Story, we can trace th'e movements of Governor Penn during nearly the whole winter of 1699-1700. He landed at Chester on the 1st of 10th month, (December, 0. S.,) was probably at Phila- delphia tlie next day, returned to Chester on the 15th to attend the Quarter Sessions, was Avith Thomas Story at various religious meetings in Pennsylvania and New Jersey during the winter months, and during the same season attended twenty-two meet^ ings of the provincial council, besides meeting the assembly in the 11th month, (January,) to obtain the passage of an act against piracy and illicit trade — a law considered necessary, in order to clear the colony of the injurious and mischievous re- ports that had been transmitted to the British government. An election for members of council and assembly having taken place agreeably to the provisions of the charter, the coun- cil met in Philadelphia the 1st of the 2d month, (April,) 1700, and having individually subscribed a declaration of fidelity to the king and the proprietary, they were addressed by William Penn in the following speech: — * " Friends : — Though this be a colony of nineteen years' standing, and not inferior to any of its age and establishing, yet we have much to do to make a free constitution and the courts of justice therein. There are in it some laws which may be accounted obsolete, others hurtful, others impei'fect, that will need improvement ; and it will be requisite to make some new ones. We cannot go too slowly to make them, nor too fast to execute them when made, and that with diligence and discretion. A few well made, and duly executed, will better answer the ends of govern- ment than a great bulk unexecuted. You, friends, are the people's •jhoice and my council. You will see what laws are fit to be left out, * Colonial Records, i. 568, and Mem. H. S. Pa. ii. part ii. 187. ADDRESS TO THE COUNCIL. and what are fit to be made; and you, with me, are to prepare and pro- pose them : I say this the rather, because of a false notion some have got, that Itocause you are my council, therefore, you are not the people's representatives. The a])lest men have always been chosen to be of the council to prepare the laws, and the assembly are to consent to them. Though two bodies, yet are we but one power — the one prepares, the other consents. Friends, if in the constitution by charter there be any tiling that jars, alter it. If you want a law for this or that, prepare it ; I advise you not to trifle with government : I wish there were no need of any ; but since crimes prevail, government is made necessary by man's degeneracy. Government is not an end, but a means ; he who thinks it to be an end, aims at profit, to make a trade of it ; but he who thinks it to be a means, understands the true end of government. Friends, away with all parties, and look on yourselves, and on what is good for all as a body politic ; first as under the king and crown of England ; and next as under me by letters-patent from that crown. At the late election in Philadelphia, I was grieved to hear some make it a matter of religion. It is merely a humane and moral thing relating to society, trade, traffic, and public good; consisting in virtue and justice ; where these are main- tained, there is government indeed. Study peace and be at unity. Provide for the good of all ; and I desire to see mine no otherwise than in the public's prosperity. The last assembly made two laws against piracy and forbidden trade. I hear they have not sat easy on the books of some ; but I hope we having therein been careful, we shall have thanks for making them before we had orders so to do ; and after so many calum- nies and complaints we have been loaded with, I hope those two laws will, in some degree, wash us clean. What concerns myself I also leave it with you to consider. I have been now nineteen years your proprietor and governor, and have at my charge maintained my deputy, whereby I have much worsted myself and estate. I hope it will be no wonder to any here to hear me make this mention of it. Some say I come to get money and be gone, but perhaps they that say so, wish it so ; I hope I or mine shall be with you while I or they live. The disasters of my ab- sence have been mine as well as yours ; and, as I am used, shall make suitable returns. I have lately two packets from Whitehall, an origina' and a duplicate ; also one for my cousin Markham, and two from Secre- tary Vernon; and am commanded by the Lords Justices to make laws against piracy and unlawful trade. I am glad we have prevented their commands in doing it before they came." After the delivery of the governor's speech, a motion was made by a member of council, that they might have a new charter; the governor asked them '-whether tliey thought the old charter was living, dead, or asleep;" is it, said he, "vacated 2L* \20 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. by the act of settlement, or what state is it in ?" After some of the members had expressed their opinions that the fundamental principles of the old charter were still in force, the governor said: "The act of settlement served till I came; now I am come it cannot bind me against my own act, the charter, it being my grant, and the people my witness by their acceptance of it, and tho' some violence cannot be resisted, yet when the violence is taken off the charter returns, and how can it return but by writ?" He then resolved all the members of council into a grand committee, to meet in the afternoon "to read the charter and frame of government, to keep what is good, in either, to lay aside what is inconvenient and burdensome, and to add to both what may best suit the common good."* A^mong the measures proposed by the governor, was one "about the marriages of negroes," and another to prohibit the sale of rum to the Indians. These benevolent measures were agreed to by the council, but rejected by the assembly. At a meeting of council in the spring of 1700, Col. Robert Quarry brought a charge against David Lloyd for irreverent speeches and gestures, "against the broad seal of England and the king's picture,'" and being required to reduce his charges to writing, he deposed that "the said David Lloyd, at a country court where the marshal produced his letters-patent, with the broad seal of the high court of Admiralty attached, and the said patent having on the frontispiece his most sacred majesty's effigy stampt; the said David Lloyd, in a most inso- lent manner, taking the said commission in his hand and expos- ing it to the people said, ' What is this ? do you think to scare us with a great box (meaning the seal in a tin box) and a little baby V (meaning the picture or effigy as aforesaid.) ' 'Tis true,' said he, 'fine pictures please children, but we are not to be frightened at such a rate,' " &c. He further accused D. Lloyd of contempt of the court of Admiralty, in having advised the justices to force goods out of the king's warehouse in 1698. Col. Quarry, having produced his witnesses to prove his * Colonial Records, i. 570. PENNSBURY MANOR. 427 charges, the governor submitted to the vote of the council whether what was exhibited and proved against D. Lloyd, a member of that body, was sufficient ground to suspend him from sitting at the board. The members having answered in the affirmative, Joseph Growden was appointed to inform David Lloyd of his exclusion, until he should have his trial. Tliis pro- ceeding doubtless increased the enmity of David Lloyd toward the proprietary, and prompted him to acts of unceasing hostility. The assembly and council, not being able to agree upon the provisions of a new charter, and being dissatisfied with the old one, appointed a joint committee on the 7th of 4th month (June) to deliver it up to the proprietary, who accepted it at their hands, and made the following speech : — * " Friends : — Since you were dissatisfied with the charter you had, and that you could not agree among yourselves about a new one, I sliall be easy in ruling you by the king's letters patent and act of union, and shall in the ruling of you, consider my grant from the king and you that I am to rule, and shall from time to time endeavour to give you satisfac- tion. I advise you not to be easily displeased one with another; be slow to anger and swift to charity ; so I wii?h you all well to your homes." CHAPTER XXXL Pennsbury Manor and Mansion — Furniture — William Penn's Mode of Travelling — Horses, Carriage, Barge — Anecdote of Rebecca Wood — - Fairs and Indian Canticoes — Letter of J. Norris — Anecdote of II. Penn — Letters of William Penn and his Wife— Note of D. Logan — Letters of J. Logan— T. Story— William Penn Visits a Yearly Meet- ing in Md. — Visits Indians at Conestoga — Rural Occupations — Slaves formerly owned by him — Extracts from his Letters — Rise of the Tes- timony of Friends Against Slavery — William Penn's Efforts to Im- prove their Condition — Minute of Phila. Mo. Meeting— William Penn Liberates his Slaves. 1700-1. While perusing the lives of illustrious men, we are not con- tent to view them only in their public career, where their word3 and actions bear the impress of studied propriety ; but we lovO * Colonial Records, i. 688. 428 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. to follow them into the quiet retreats of private life, to s- them relaxing fi-om the cares of business, laying aside the re- straints of etiquette, and sustaining the more endearing domestic relations of the husband, the father, and the friend. With this purpose we will endeavour to follow William Penn and his family to Pennsbury Manor, his favourite place of residence, to which he removed in the spring or summer of the year 1700. This beautiful estate was situated in Bucks county, four miles above Bristol, on the river Delaware. It comprised upward of six thousand acres of fertile alluvial soil, mostly covered with majestic forests, and while in the possession of an Indian king, had borne the name of Sepassin.* It extended about two miles on the river Delaware, lying between Governor's Creek and Welcome Creek, the latter of which, making a bend, nearly enclosed it in the rear, at high water converting it into an island. This may account for the singular description given by Clark- son, who says, " it was a treble island, the Delaware running three times around it."t The mansion was built in 1682-3, and, with the other im- provements, cost X5000 — a large sum, when we take into view that money, in that day, was far less abundant than now, and consequently more valuable. The traveller who passes up the Delaware, looks with deep interest at this venerated spot, asso- ciated with some of the happiest days of the great philan- thropist. But scarcely any thing remains as it was in the days of the proprietary. The mansion is long since decayed and gone, a comfortable farm-house occupies its site, and a wooden building, much decayed, called the "Brew-house," is all that is left of William Penn's improvements, save a few old cherry- trees, said to have been planted by his own hand. Let us endeavour, with the materials that have been gathered by antiquarian researches, to delineate the scene as it was when * Logan MSS. f It is remarkable that Dixon, in liis Life of Penn, published since the above \vas -written, should have fallen into the same mistake. He says, "affluents from the great river bending no less than three several times around it," p. 295. PENNSBURY MANOR — FURNITURE. 42^ the founder of Pennsylvania retired hither from the cares of government, and engaged in the employments of rm-al life. " The principal mansion was about sixty feet in front, facing the river. It was two stories in height and of brick. Its ap- pearance was, it is said, stately, and it was entered by a hand- some porch and steps. On the first floor was a large hall, probably the whole length of the house, used on public occa,- sions for the meeting of the council and the entertainment of strangers and the Indians ; a little hall, and at least three par- lours, all wainscotted, and communicating by folding-doors. On the roof was a reservoir for water, to the leakage of which is attributed, in part, the ruin of the mansion. The out-houses, which were uniform and facing in a line with the house, were, 1st, a kitchen and larder ; 2d, a wash-house ; 3d, a house for brewing and baking ; and 4th, a stable for twelve horses ; all these, one story and a half high. " The mansion-house was seated on a moderate eminence. A broad walk through an avenue of poplars led to the river, descending from the upper terrace to the lower grounds by a flight of steps. The house was surrounded by gardens and laAvns, and the more distant woods were opened in vistas look- ing down the river and upward to the falls. These woods had been laid out in walks, at the proprietary's first visit, and the ])reservation of the trees is enjoined in several of his letters. " The proprietor sent out from England, walnuts, hawthorns, hazels, fruit-trees, and a great variety of the rarest seeds and roots ; while in this country (as we learn from his cash-book) he procured from Maryland several panniers of trees and shrubs, indigenous in that province, and he directed by his letters that tlie most beautiful wild-flowers should be transplanted into his gardens. On the whole, his directions indicate a love of nature and an elegance of taste which are very remarkable."* The furniture of the mansion was tasteful and substantial ; probably a medium between that of the English gentry and the * See J. F. Fisher's interesting discourse on the private life of William Penn, Mem. Hist. Soc. of Pa. iii. part ii., to which I am indebted for manj particulars. 430 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. Pennsylvania farmers. Two papers were obtained some yean- since, by J. F. Fisher, from John Penn, the grandson of thf founder, containing a list of the furniture at Pennsbury in 1701. The following particulars, extracted from it, may interest some readers.* " In the great hall was a long table, two forms, six chairs, a supply of pewter plates and dishes, wuth six vessels, called cis- terns, for holding water or beer. In the little hall, six leather chairs and five maps. In the best parlour, two tables, one couch, two large and four small cane chairs, four cushions of satin and three of green plush. In the second parlour, one great leather chair, probably used by the governor, one clock and a pair of brasses. The four chambers on the second floor were well supplied with beds, bedding, chairs, tables, &c. In three of them were suits of curtains, the first of satin, the second of camlet, and the third of striped linen. The garret chambers were furnished with four beds, and in one of the chambers were deposited three side-saddles and two pillions. In the closet were two silk blankets and two damask curtains for windows." Although pewter plates and dishes were used on common occasions, it appears that there was also "" a suit of Tunbridge- ware, besides blue and white china, some plate, and a large sup- ply of damask table-cloths and napkins. Mahogany was not then known, and the spider tables and high-backed chairs were of solid oak or of the darker walnut, "f These particulars may appear trivial to some readers, but they furnish a nearer view of the proprietor's homestead, and serve to fill up and complete the picture which we all wish to see of his domestic arrangements. The long tables and forms in the great hall were, doubtless, designed for the entertainment of his numerous guests on pub- lic occasions, among whom the Indians were not the least fre- quent. Tradition relates, that on one occasion, when he made a feast for his red brethren, a long table was spread for them in the avenue leading to the house, which was shaded by pop- * Watson's Annals, ii 106. f J. F, Fisher MODE OF TRAVELLING. 431 lars, and among the viands provided were one hundred turkeys, besides venison and other meats. The three side-saddles and two pillions warrant the inference that the female part of the family were accustomed to go abroad on horseback, which, on account of the badness of the roads was then the most pleasant travelling. The governor was fond of horses, and made frequent visits on horseback, to New York, to Maryland, or to the Susque- hanna. He very often visited the meetings of Friends in Pennsyl- vania and New Jersey, when we may reasonably suppose that his wife and daughter sometimes accompanied him on horse- back. On one of these visits, when going to Haverford, he overtook a little girl named Rebecca Wood, who was going afoot from Darby, to attend the same meeting ; " on coming up with her," says the traveller Sutcliflf, "he inquired where she was going, and being informed, he, with his usual good-nature, de- sired her to get up behind him ; and bringing his horse to a convenient place, she mounted, and so rode away upon the bare back. Being without shoes or stockings, her bare legs and feet hung dangling by the side of the governor's horse." This incident, although unimportant in itself, affords a pleas- ing evidence of that kindness and condescension which the governor manifested toward all classes of society. Although the proprietor's family generally travelled on horseback, he had a coach, which was probably used in the neighbourhood of Philadelphia ; a calash, in which he some- times drove about to the country meetings ; and a sedan chair, which Hannah Penn may have used while visiting in the city.* Another mode of travelling, and the one generally adopted between Pennsbury and the city, was the governor's barge, which was of considerable size, with a mast and, probably, six oars. This boat was an object of much interest to Penn, a taste probably imbibed from his father, the admiral. In one of his letters to James Harrison, he says, "But above all dead things^ my barge ; I hope nobody uses it on any account, and * J. F. Fisher. 432 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. that she is kept in a dry dock, or, at least, covered from the weather."* When passing in his barge between Philadelphia and Penns- bury, he frequently stopped at Burlington to see Governor Jennings, of New Jersey, who was also an eminent minister among Friends. "On one occasion, Jennings and some of his friends were enjoying their pipes, a practice which the gentlemanly Penn disliked. On hearing that Penn's barge was in sight, they put away their pipes, that their friend might not be annoyed, and endeavoured to conceal from him what they were about. He came upon them, however, somewhat suddenly, and pleasantly remarked that he was glad they had sufficient sense of propriety to be ashamed of the practice. Jennings, rarely at a loss for an answer, rejoined, that they were not ashamed, but desisted to avoid hurting a weak brother, "t Among the recreations of the governor and his family was the occasional attendance of "a fair, or an Indian cantico^' of both which his cash-book, kept by James Logan, gives evi- dence such as this : — "By my mistress at the fair, X2 Os. 8ii. By expenses given to Hannah Carpenter for a fairing, 8 shil- lings. By ditto to two children for comfits, per order. Is. 6t^. By the governor going to cantico, XI 18s. ^d.'' In his intercourse with the Indians, the governor is said to have shown his condescension, not only by partaking of their venison, hommony, and roasted acorns, but even by engaging in their athletic exercises — hopping and jumping with them, to their great delight. The esteem in which William Penn and his excellent wife were held by their neighbours may be seen from the following letter from Isaac Norris, a man of wealth and influence in the colony : — "The governor's ■wife and daughter are Avell ; then- little son is a lovely babe; his wife is a woman extremely well beloved here, exemplary in her station, and of an excellent spirit, which adds lustre to her character, and has a great place in the hearts of good people. The governor is our * Pemberton MSS •}■ New Jersey Hist. Collections, 91, penn's private life. 433 Pater Patrie, and his worth is no new thing to us ; we value him highly, and hope his life will be preserved till all things (now on the wheel) are settled here to his peace and comfort and the people's ease and quiet." The annotator of the Logan Papers* mentions a tradition, heard in her youth from an old woman of Bucks county, ''who went, when she was a girl, with a basket containing a rural present, to the proprietor's mansion, and saw his wife, a delicate, pretty woman, sitting beside the cradle of her infant." It is stated that there was a meeting regularly held at Pennsbury during the governor's residence there, and he had his family assembled three times a day for Divine worship. An anecdote is told, which illustrates his devotional spirit : — - "When he was visiting meetings in Pennsylvania, he lodged one night at Merion, where a boy, about twelve years old, son of the person at whose house he lodged, being a lad of curiosity, and not often seeing such great men, privately crept to the chamber, up a flight of steps on the outside of the building. On peeping through the latchet-hole, he was struck with awe in beholding this great man upon his knees by the bed- side and in henring what he said, for he could distinctly hear him in praj^er and thanksgiving that he was then provided for in the wilderness. "f During the residence of William Penn and his family at Pennsbury, he frequently wrote to James Logan concerning public business and domestic affairs. As these letters afford a glimpse of his household economy, and seem to bring us into nearer acquaintance with his private life, some extracts may not be uninteresting to the reader. On the 23d of 5th mo., ITOO, he writes to the secretary, that, because of an injury done his leg, he is unable to meet the council, and, therefore, desires that four of the council, with the collector, &c., come up to him by his barge, which be will send to Bui^lington. He adds, "Let the Indians come hither, and send in the boat more rum, and the match coats, and let the council ad- journ to this place." "Here will be victuals." Again, he writes, Tth 6th mo., 1700 : — "Pray, examine closely about those that fired on the Indians and frightened them by Daniel Pegg's ; it is of moment to us, and, if true, *• Deborah Logan. f SutcliflTs Travels. 0\T 2S 434 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. roguishly designed, I doubt not, and shall be severely punished. * * ' Fail not to send up a flitch of our bacon, and by all means chocolate, if to be had, and a cask of middlings flour from Samuel Carpenter's or J. Norris, and some coffee-berries, 4 pounds; some flat and some deep earthen pans for milk and baking, which Betty Webb can help thee to, and a cask of Indian meal. Search Lumbey's goods for an ordinary size side-saddle and pillion, and some coarse linen for towels."^ In the autumn of the same year, he met Governor Nichol- son at New York, on public business, as appears by his letter to James Logan. "New York, 1st 9br. 1700. " Give my love to Thomas Story, and tell him I hope he supplies my absence about the laws, [to be sent to England for the royal approba- tion,] what to alter or repeal, and do thou assist him therein. "(Jol. Nicholson has been very ill, and relapsed once or twice, and thereby our conferences have been retarded, which truly are of import- ance to the weal of America. " My dear love to Friends in general, and particularly tell Hannah Deleval that to be one of her witnesses [at her approaching nuptials with Capt. R,ichd. Hill] is not the least motive to hasten me. "Tell Thomas Story that Judge Guest salutes him, hut no lawyers 1 see id- besi."f From this concluding sentence we may infer that Judge Guest, who accompanied him to the conference, did not help forward the negotiations ; his legal abilities being employed, probably, in raising objections instead of removing them. Thomas Story, to whom the message was sent, was bred a lawyer, but had renounced the professsion on becoming a minister of the gospel. He was the intimate friend of the governor, who appointed him master of the rolls and keeper of the great seal. At some period during the year 1700, Penn paid a visit to Maryland, of which John Richardson, in his journal, gives the following account : — " We were," says he, " at a yearly meeting at Treddhaven, in Mary- land, upon the eastern shore, to which meeting for worship came AVilliam Penn, Lord Baltimore, and his lady, with their retinue ; but it was late when they came, and the strength and glory of the heavenly power of the Lord was going off from the meeting; so the lady was much disap- * Logan MSS. t I^id. RURAL OCCUPATIONS. 435 pointed, as T understand from William Penn, for she told him 'she did not want to hear him, and such as he, for he was a scholar and a wise man, and she did not question but he could preach ; but she wanted to hear some of our mechanics preach, as husbandmen, shoemakers, and suchlike rustics, for she thought they could not preach to any purpose/ William Penn told her, * some of these were rather the best preachers we had among us,' or near these words. I was a little in their company, and I thought the lady to be a notable, wise, and, withal, a courteously carriaged woman." In the spring of the ensuing year, he took a journey into the interior of his province, as appears from a letter of Isaac Nor- ris, who says, "I am just come home from Susquehanna, where I have been to meet the governor. We had a roundabout journey, having pretty w^ell traversed the wilderness. We lived nobly at the king's palace at Conostoga, from thence crossed it to the Schoolkil." We next find the proprietary at his country-seat, engaged in rural occupations, whence he writes to his secretary in the 6th month, 1701. *' Send us up for cider what barrels thou canst get in town, by the very first opportunity, I mean such as are sweet and have had cider in them — ■ they will be cheapest : also an empty pipe or two to put the mash of the apples in, being sawn asunder. " I here inclose this honest but weak man's paper. I think I have convinced him that I am one of the poorest men in the government, and that my sin has been neglect of myself, and not selfishness, and there- fore ought and must make the best of every thing. It seems he has much stony and mountainous land, and he thinks two bushels (of apples) per 100 acres an oppression. " I told him I must have but one weight and scale. He says ' but there are two, and some pay but one bushel by patents from the commission- ers under me.' I referred him to thee, and told him that I did believe thou wouldst be just and reasonable ; quiet him all thou canst, and hasten down again ; ask him what Joseph Grawder told him, and what the people below say ? tho' of little moment. I think we will send in a day or two for the casks. " S. Hall may help us to them cheaper. Vale. "AVILLIAxM PENN." (On the outside of this letter.) " He tells me of the hard circumstances of one James Davis, hear it." It appears from the Logan papers that the cleared Lnd at 436 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. Pennsbury manor, in the year 1701, did not exceed ten acres; consequently the labourers employed there must have been few. In the cash-book are mentioned John Sotcher, steward ; Hugh Sharp, gardener ; Robert Beekham, man-servant ; Mary Lofty, housekeeper ; Ann Nichols, cook ; Dorothy Mullers, a German maid ; and Dorcas, a coloured woman. It contains no evidence that he owned any slaves, though it may be inferred from his correspondence some time before that he had owned them. In a letter to James Harrison, under date 25th of 8th mo., 1685, he says, "I have sent a gardener by this ship, or he soon follows, with all requisites ; a man of recommended great skill — let him have what help he can, not less than two or three at any time ; he will cast things into a proper posture. He has his passage paid, X30 at 3 years, and 60 acres of land, and a month in the year to himself, not hin- dering my business ; and he is to train up two men and a boy in the art. It were better they were blacks, for then a man has them while they live." Again he writes under date, 4th of 10th month, '85. " The blacks of Capt. Allen I have as good as bought, so part not with them without my order." From these passages we may conclude, that like many others of the colonists, he fell into the practice of holding slaves. This was within a year after his return to England, from his first visit to Pennsylvania, at which time the subject had not claimed sufficient attention for the moral and social bearings of the system to be fully understood. Men whose characters were otherwise irreproachable, were induced, by the habits of thought then prevailing, and by the supposed convenience of slave-labour, to purchase the African captives brought to their shores ; thus entailing upon the descendants of the colourcl race a degrading bondage, and inflicting upon the country a severe injury, from which it has never yet recovered. George Fox was one of the first to obtain clearer views, and to inculcate a more humane treatment. As early as the year 1671, he advised the Friends of Barba- does to " train up their slaves in the fear of God, to cause their overseers to deal mildly and gently with them, and, after friends' testimony against slavery. 437 certain years of servitude, they should make them free." But the subject does not appear to have been agitated or discussed in this country, until the year 1688, when the German Friends from Kreisheim, settled about Germantown, in Pennsylvania, brought before the Yearly Meeting a paper " concerning the lawfulness and unlawfulness of buying and keeping negroes." The record states that "it was adjudged not to be so proper for this meeting to give a positive judgment in the case, it having so general a relation to many other parts, and there- fore, at present, they forbear it." In 1696 the subject was again taken up by the Yearly Meet- ing, and advice was issued to its members "that Friends be careful not to encourage the bringing in any more negroes ; and that such that have negroes be careful of them, bring them to meetings, have meetings with them in their families, and restrain them from loose and lewd living, as much as in them lies, and from rambling abroad on first-days or other times." About this time it is probable that the most exem- plary Friends began to emancipate their slaves, though an entire prohibition of slave-holding was not engrafted into the discipline of the society until eighty years afterwards, during all which time they were labouring to remove a poison intro- duced into the system in an unguarded hour, which, though sweet to the taste, proved to be bitter and destructive in its effects. It has already been shown from the colonial records, that William Penn, in the spring of 1700, brought before the provin- cial council, a law for regulating the marriages of negroes, which was approved by that body, but lost in the popular branch. It is stated that " he mourned over the state of the slaves, but his attempts to improve their condition by legal enactments were defeated in the house of Assembly."* His efforts were more successful in his own religious society, as will appear by the following minute of Philadelphia monthly meeting, made in the same year: — " Our dear friend and govei- * Brief statement of the rise and progress of the testimony of Frienda sgiiintt slarerv. 438 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. nor having laid before the meeting a concern that hath laid upon his mind for some time concerning the negroes and In- dians ; that Friends ought to be very careful in discharging a good conscience towards them in all respects, but more espe- cially for the good of their souls, and that they might, as fre- quent as may be, come to meeting on first-days ; upon con- sideration whereof, this meeting concludes to appoint a meet- ing for the negroes, to be kept once a month, &c., and that their masters give notice thereof in their own families, and be present with them at the said meetings as frequent as may be, &c." From this and other records, it is manifest that the first concern for their slaves, on the part of the Friends in that day, was to promote their spiritual good. They felt the vast responsibility they would incur by keeping them in ignorance and degradation, and as the hearts of their masters became interested in this good work, the avenues to their understand- ings and consciences were opened, the light of Divine truth broke in, and they were led to acknowledge that the captured Africans and their descendants, like all other human beings, have natural rights, which cannot be withheld from them without great injustice. William Penn was not accustomed to halt in carrying his principles into practice ; his eyes were now opened to the evils of slavery, and he liberated all the slaves in his possession. This fact is substantiated by a will he made in 1701, which is still extant, and contains this clause : — " I give to my blacks their freedom, as is under my hand already^ and to old Sam 100 acres, to be his children's after he and his wife are dead, for ever."* * When William Penn left America, in 1701, he wrote the will above men- tioned, and placed it in the hands of James Logan. It is now in the pos- session of Thomas Gilpin, of Philadelphia. There is reason to believe his intentions with regard to his slaves were not fully carried out by his secre- tary, as appears by the following letter from James Logan to Hannah Penn, dated 11th of 8d month, 1721, copied from his letter-book, in the possession of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. " The proprietor, in a will left with me, at his departure hence, gave all his negroes their freedom, but this u entirely private ; however, there are very few left. ♦' Sam died soon after your departure hence, and his brother James [this ASSEMBLY MEETS AT NEW CASTLE. 439 CHAPTER XXXII. Assembly meets at New Castle — Speech of AVilliam Penn — Dissensions between province and territories — Grant of £2000 by assembly — Laws passed — Riot in East Jersey, and letter of Penn — Treaties with In- dians — Depredations of pirates — Precautions of the government — As- sembly meets at Philadelphia — Requisitions of the king for money to build a fort — Perplexity of the assembly — They decline to comply — Design of British government to annex the proprietary governments to the crown — Penn determines to return to England — His reluctance to go — Letter to J. Logan — Meeting of the Indians at Pennsbury — As- sembly meets — Governor's speech — Assembly's answer — Indians come to take leave of Penn — His speech to them — New constitution — Last meeting of Penn in Philadelphia — City charter granted — Appoints A. Hamilton deputy-governor — Petition of J. Norris and D. Lloyd — Penn's reply — Letter of instructions to James Logan. 1700-1. In order to conciliate the inhabitants of the lower counties, and to preserve their union with the province, the proprietary name is not very distinct] very lately. Chevalier, by a written order from his master, had his liberty several years ago, so that there are none left but Sue, whom Letitia claims, or did claim, as given to her when she went to England, but how rightfully I know not. These things you can best discuss. *' There are besides, two old negroes quite worn, that remained of three which I received eighteen years ago of E. Gibbs's estate of New Castle co." If William Penn "died a slaveholder," it was not for want of having taken proper means to liberate his slaves. The will says they were " already free from under his hand." As he never was in America afterward, we may reasonably conclude that he had no knowledge of his secretary and commis- sioner of property having taken three negroes for debt about the year 1703. This inference is corroborated by the fact that his last will, by which his property descended, makes no reference to any property in slaves. It has been proved by the publications of Geo. M. Justice, in the Friends' Intelligencer, of Philadelphia, that the family of slaves mentioned in T. Matlack's letter, among the Historical Collections of Massachusetts, and cited by Bancroft in his History of the U. S., did not belong to William Penn, but to his son Thomas. Tliat the founder of Pennsylvania did at one time hold slaves, and, when he saw the evil, endeavoured, to the utmost of his power, to repair it, there can be no doubt. On this point, Dixon's Life of Penn is inaccurate, for want of documents to be found only in Philadelphia. 440 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. summoned the legislature to meet him at New Castle, in the autumn of 1700. The principal subjects that required their attention were stated in the following speech of Governor Penn, which ia a model of conciseness : "Friends : — The calling you at this time was upon urgent occasionii; you know we want a frame of government and a body of laws, without which society cannot subsist. I recommend to you the revisal of tke laws ; what to be continued, what to repeal, what to alter, what to ex- plain, and what new ones is requisite to make. Secondly, I recommead to you the settling of property. Thirdly, a supply for support of govern- ment ; and I recommend to you amity and concord among yourselves."* Unhappily, the last and most important of these recommend- ations was not attained ; there was no concord between the representatives of the province and those of the territories ; the jealousies of the latter continued to increase, and "being fomented by designing men, who led them to believe that the rapid growth of the province would soon place them at her discretion on joint legislation, they insisted upon having, at all times, an equal representation in the assembly. "f This un- reasonable proposal being unanimously rejected by the mem- bers from the province, an immediate separation was threat- ened, and prevented only by the prudent intervention of the governor, who suggested that no law affecting the particular interests of the territories should be enacted without the con- sent of two-thirds of their members, and a majority of those of the province. This difficulty was no sooner removed than another arose about the support of government. The neces- sity of a tax being levied was admitted by all, but the terri- tories refused to contribute in the same ratio with the province. The governor was again obliged to interpose ; and, through his mediation, the province agreed to pay fifteen hundred and seventy-five pounds, and the territories the residue of two thousand pounds, to be raised " for the proprietary and go- vernor." In Gordon's History of Pennsylvania, this appro- priation is spoken of as "a largess to the proprietary," but * Colouial Records, i. f Grordon, Hist. Pa. TREATY WITH SUSQUEHANNA INDIANS. 441 tliB terms of the bill show that it was "in order to a supply for the support of the government.'''^ During the remainder of the session, which continued six weeks, the governor and council were assiduously engaged in revising the laws, which were also considered and debated in the assembly, and many new statutes were enacted. The go- vernor then prorogued the assembly to the 1st of the 2d month (April) ensuing, but informed them he should not call them together so soon without a "verie emergent occasion." About this time, a riot, threatening serious consequences, occurred in East Jersey, and Penn, feeling a deep interest in the prosperity of the province, determined to lend his assist- ance in quelling it. Accordingly, he selected twelve of the most respectable members of his own society to accompany him, and they set out from Philadelphia for the scene of disorder, but on the way received intelligence that it had been settled. He, however, wrote a letter to his friends in that govern- ment, the purport of which is here inserted, to show the course he would pursue in such emergencies. " He tells his friends, that he 'had received the surprising news of tho nractices of some East Jersians, which were as unexpected to him as dis- honourable and licentious in them. It would be hard to find temper enough to balance extremes ; for he knew not what punishment those riotors did not deserve, and he had rather live alone than not have such people corrigible. Their leaders should be eyed, and some shq^ld be forced to declare them by the rigour of the law ; and those who were found to be such should bear the burthen of such sedition, which would be the best way to behead the body without danger. If lenitives would not do, coercives should be tried : but, though men would naturally bo- gin with the former, yet wisdom had often sanctioned the latter as reme- dies, which, however, were never to be adopted but with regret.' Further on in the letter he says, ' that by being an old, and not the least pre- tender to East Jersey, and a neighbour in his station, if he could yet be serviceable to compose or countenance a just prosecution of such rebel- lious practices, let an express reach him, and, God permitting, he would immediately take horse and go to them.' ''f In the spring of the year 1701, a treaty was made by the * Journal of Assembly, quoted by Clarkson and Colonial Records, i f Clarkson. 442 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. proprietary and some members of his council with the Susque- lianna Indians, for the preservation of peace and the confirma- tion of titles to land conveyed in former treaties. It appears that Penn, before his return to England in 1684, had taken measures to purchase the lands on the Susquehanna from the Five Nations, (Iroquois,) who claimed a right to them by conquest. These Indians resided principally in New York, and Go- vernor Penn, not being able, at that time, to visit them per- sonally, engaged Thomas Dongan, governor of New York, to purchase for him "all that tract of land lying on both sides of the river Susquehanna and the lakes adjacent, in or near the province of Pennsylvania." Governor Dongan, having made the purchase, conveyed the same to William Penn, by deed dated January 13, 1696, in consideration of XlOO sterling. The Susquehanna Indians did not recognise the right of the Five Nations to make this sale ; and, in order to satisfy their demands, Penn entered into a treaty with two of their chiefs, named Widnaph and Andaggy Innekquagh, whose deed, dated September 13th, 1700, conveys the same lands and confirms the bargain and sale made to Governor Dongan. But it appears there was still another chief claiming an in- terest in those lands, viz. Connoodaghoh, king of the Conos- toga or Minquay Indians. This sachem, in company with th% king of the Shawnese, the chief of the Ganawese, inhabit- ing at the head of the Potomac, the brother of the emperor or great king of the Onondagoes, Indian Harvey, their inter- preter, with others of their tribes to the number of forty, met Penn and his council in Philadelphia on the 23d of 2d month, (April,) 1701, and entered into a treaty of amity, in which they also confirmed the sale of the lands on the Susquehanna.* This treaty stipulates that as there had always been a good understanding between William Penn and his lieutenants, since his first arrival in the colony, and said Indians, so "they shall for ever hereafter be as one head and one heart, and live in true friendship and amity as one people." * Smith's L.IWS of Ta., Rupp's Hist, of Northumberland, &c., and Col. Rec. REQUISITION OF MONEY FOR BUILDING FORTS. 443 For the prevention of abuses that were too frequently put upon the Indians, it was agreed that no person should be al- lowed to trade with them but such as Penn and his successors should approve and furnish with a license under his hand and seal. At several meetings of the governor and council, the subject of the Indian trade was discussed, and it was resolved that a company be formed "who should take all measures to induce the Indians to a true value and esteem of the Christian reli- gion, by setting before them good examples of probity and candour, both in commerce and behaviour, and that care should be taken to have them duly instructed in the fundamentals of Christianity : it was further agreed that no rum should be sold to any but their chiefs, and in such quantities as the governor and council shall think fit, to be disposed of by the said chiefs to the Indians about them as they shall see cause."* At this time the people of the province and territories were under apprehensions of depredations being committed by pirates, who were said to be numerous on the coast ; and in order to guard againt them, a watchman was stationed at Cape Henlopen, near Lewes, in the county of Sussex, who was to give notice to the sheriff of the county when any suspected vessel entered the capes, and the sheriffs of the several counties were to send the information by express, till it should reach the governor at Philadelphia. In the sixth month, (August, 0. S.,) 1701, the governor con- vened the assembly, in order to lay before them a letter from the king, requiring a contribution of £350 sterling, toward erecting forts on the frontiers of New York. He made them a short speech expressive of his regret that he was obliged to call them together sooner than he intended, "but," he says, " the king's commands, by his letter to me now, have brought you hither at this time, which I now lay before you, and re- commend to your serious consideration, since, without it, it will be impossible to answer them."t This requisition, being for a warlike purpose, was extremciy * Colonial Records, ii. f Ibid. 444 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. repugnant to the feelings both of the governor and assembly. He felt compelled by his fealty to the king to lay the letter be- fore them, but in abstaining from expressing his own views he endeavoured to cast the responsibility on the representatives of the people. They were thrown into a state of painful em- barrassment ; if they refused the subsidy, they had reason to dread the displeasureof the British government,but most of the members being opposed to war, and representing a constituency who were chiefly Friends, they could not comply without a vio- lation of their religious principles. To relieve themselves from this dilemma, they sent two of their number to request of the governor a copy of his speech ; to which he replied that his speech was only the king's letter — whatever was spoken beside, was only to excuse their meeting at a time so little designed. The assembly soon after desired leave to wait upon the go- vernor, and being admitted, their speaker read their answer from minutes in his hand ; but the governor desired them to consider of it more fully, and put it in writing. They retired, and soon after sent another message to the governor, for his speech ; who directed the secretary to send them a copy of the minutes taken in council when the speech was made. This being done, was not satisfactory to the assembly, who wished it written more at large. But finally, after some days spent in this manner, they sent their answer in writing, declining to comply with the king's requisition, assigning as a reason, the taxes already levied, and the quitrents due. They stated, moreover, that the adjacent colonies had done nothing in tho matter, and therefore they postponed it to another session ; de- siring that the proprietary would represent their condition to the king, and assure him of their readiness to comply with his commands, " as far as their religious persuasions ivould per- mit.'' The members for the territories made a separate answer, alleging that the lower counties, though most exposed, were in a defenceless condition, being without arms or ammu- nition, and having neither militia nor oflScers appointed to com- mand them. They prayed, therefore, to be excused from *' contributing to forts abroad while the}^ were unable to build DETERMINES TO RETURN TO ENGLAND. 445 any for their own defence at home." This answer shows that the members from the territories were less imbued with the principles of Friends in relation to war than those of the pro- vince, and doubtless this was one cause of their frequent dis- agreements, for the pacific policy of Penn could only be carried into practice by persons thoroughly convinced of its feasibility. The governor having received the assembly's answer to the king's letter, dismissed it ; but little more than two weeks elapsed before he received information from England, which made it necessary to issue writs for the immediate election of another. He learned from the letters of his friends, that " strenuous endeavours were used by several united interests, to procure an act of Parliament for annexing to the crown the several pro- prietary governments, for which purpose a bill was then before the House of Lords, which had been twice read, and though not likely to pass that session, there was no hope of staving it off longer than the next, unless the proprietary would make his appearance in person, and answer the charges brought against his government by evil-minded persons." His friends in Eng- land urged the necessity of his coming, with as little delay as possible ; the welfare of the province as well as his own interest, seemed to require it, and he reluctantly consented to leave his adopted country to appear once more at his old post near the British court. His feelings on this occasion arc thus expressed in a familiar letter to his secretary, James Logan : — " Peiinsbury, 8th 7br. 1701. •' The necessity of my going makes it absolutely necessary for me to have a supply; and although I think a thousand pounds should be forth- with raised by Friends for me, at least to help me, yet, while land is high and valuable, I am willing to dispose of many good patches, that otherwise I should have chosen to have kept, as everybody's money. Who can I take that would go, that might be ministerial to me? " Caleb [Pusey,] if he could write well, has the best drudging sense, and would be observant. * ^ * Poor Phineas [Pemberton] is a dying man, and was not at the election, though he crept (as I may say) to meeting yesterday. I am grieved at it, for he has not his fellow, and without him this is a poor country indeed." " I cannot prevail on my wife to stay, still less Tishe : [Letitia :] I know not what to do ; Samuel Car- penter seems to excuse her in it. But to all that speak of it, say, I shall 2N 446 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. hare no need to stay, and a great interest to return." " All that I have to to dispose of in this world is here,* and that having no more gains by government to trust to for bread, I must come to sell, pay debts, and live ; and lay up for this posterity as well as that." " They may see that my inclinations run strongly to a country and proprietary life, which then I shall be at liberty to follow, together with her [his wife's] promise to return, whenever I am ready to return." *' I confess this one of the greatest arguments for some Friends of note going with us, to bring us back again; else they can do but little there, and their expense may bet- ter help me." ^ * * " I shall say no more, only let it be a measure fixed, that proprietor and freeholders can have but one interest, and that jealousies, as in Eng- land, are injurious. " The ass in the fable, and the dog likewise. "Vale. WM. PENN."t It IS evident by the tenor of this letter, that he contemplated but a short stay in England, as he wished to leave his family behind him ; but they being unwilling, he made preparations for removal without delay. About this time Governor Penn had a large assemblage of Indian guests at Pennsbury, who, having been informed of his proposed departure for England, came to take leave of him. A council was held in the governor's mansion, where they renewed their former covenants with many expressions of good-will and promises of continued fidelity. The Indians said, " they never first broke covenant with any people, for, as one of them said, and smote his hand upon his head three times, that they did not make them in their heads, but smiting his hand three times on his breast, said they made them there, in their hearts. "J Presents were made to them by the gover- nor, who spoke to them with much kindness, after which they withdrew to an open space near the house, where they kindled a fire, and around it performed their cantico, or dance, accom- panied with songs and shouts of triumph. A new assembly having been elected, met in Philadelphia, the 15th of the 7th month, (September,) 1701, when the gover- nor addressed them in a speech, expressing his regret that he * His estates in England and Ireland were settled on the children of bis first wife. f Logan, MSS. J J. Richardson's Journal. RELUCTANCE TO LEAVE PENNSYLVANIA. 447 was obliged to call them so frequently together, and stating the business which then required their attention on the eve of his departure for England. " I cannot think of such a voyage," he said, "without great reluctancy of mind, having promised myself the quietness of a wilderness, and that I might stay so long at least with you as to render everybody entirely easy and safe ; for my heart is among you, as well as my body, whatever some people may please to think, and no unkindness or disap- pointment shall, with submission to God's providence, ever be able to alter my love to the country, and resolution to return and settle my family and posterity in it ; but having reason to believe I can at this time best serve you and myself on thnt side of the w^ater, neither the rudeness of the season, nor tender circumstances of my family, can overrule my inclina- tion to undertake it. Think, therefore, since all men are mortal, of some suitable expedient and provision for your safety, as well in your privileges as property, and you wil find me ready to comply with whatever may render us happy, by a nearer union of our interest. Review again your laws, propose new ones that may better your circumstances, and what you do, do it quickly, remembering that the Parliament sits the end of next month, and that the sooner I am there the safer." * * * "I must recommend to your serious thoughts and care the king's letter to me, for the assistance of New York with 350 pounds sterling, as a frontier government, and, therefore, ex- posed to a much greater expense in proportion to other colo- nies ; which I called the last Assembly to take into their con- sideration, and they referred to this."* When the assembly had been five days in session, they re- quested a conference with the governor, which being granted, they informed him " that being incited by a petition of a number of the inhabitants of Philadelphia, they had drawn up an ad- dress requesting several things of the proprietary, some of which in themselves might look extravagant, yet they could do 110 less, considering the aforesaid petition. "f The address * Colonial Records, iL 31. t ^^'^^^- ^^' 448 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. consisted of twenty-one articles, some of which were truly " extravagant," being for concessions affecting his proprietary domains ; but the others, relative to the affairs of government, were less objectionable. After conferring with the council, the governor returned an answer, some extracts from which are here subjoined. To the first article, relating to the appointment of his suc- cessors, he replied, that he should appoint those in whom he could confide, and would give them sufiicient authority for the good of all concerned. In order to give entire satisfaction to the assembly, he offered to commission a deputy whom they should 7iominate. Several of the articles related to delays and abuses, alleged fo be practised by some of the ofiicers of the government, all which the governor desired should be rectified. lie granted them, at their request, the common use of some vacant land within the city limits, until inhabitants should pre- sent themselves to settle it ; and also, the free use of the river bank at the ejids of the streets on Delaware and Schuylkill ; but the islands near the city, which they wished reserved free for the supply of their "winter fodder," he declined to grant, as they wei-e, he said, " an independent property from the town Slid province." The members from the territories requested that lands in the lower counties might be disposed of at the old rent of a bushel of wheat to the hundred acres ; to which he replied, that it was unreasonable to limit him in that which was his own, and thus deprive him of the advantage which others derived from the rise of property, especially as he was "yet in disburse" for that long and expensive controversy with Lord Baltimore, promised to be defrayed, as appears by the minutes of council, by the public. They also requested that a thousand acres, formerly promised to the town of New Castle, should be laid out and patented, which he readily granted, saying " it was not his fault that it Lad not been done sooner." They desired, moreover, that " all the bay-marshes be laid out in p.ommon, except such as were already granted." To this GOOD-WILL TO INDL\NS. 449 he answered that he took it for "a high imposition," but was willing they should lie in common until otherwise disposed of, and he would grant them in reasonable proportions and upon reasonable terms to such as should engage to drain them. They requested that the owners of land might have liberty to purchase off their quitrents, as formerly promised. To this he replied, ^' If it should be my lot to lose a public support. I must depend upon my rents for a supply, and therefore must not easily part with them ; and many years are elapsed since I made that offer, that was not accepted."* While the assembly was in session, and the governor busily engaged in preparations for his departure, he was visited in Philadelphia by the sachems of the Susquehannah and Shaw- nese Indians, who, with some of their people, had come to take leave of him. He received them with his wonted cordiality, and informed them that " this was like to be his last interview with them, at least before his return ; that he had ever loved and been kind to them, and ever should continue so to be, not through interest or politic design, but out of real affection ; and he desired them, in his absence, to cultivate friendship with those he should leave behind in authority." He informed them that the assembly was now enacting a law, according to their desire, to prevent their being abused ^ by the selling of rum ; with which Orettyagh, one of the sachems, in the name of the rest, expressed great satisfaction, and desired that the law might be effectually executed. "The governor informed them that he had charged the members of council, and then also renewed the same charge, that they should, in all respects, be kind to them, and entertain them with all courtesy and de- monstrations of good-will, as he himself had ever done, which the mem- bers promised faithfully to observe ; and, making them some presents, they withdrew." t Although the time for the governor's departure drew nigh, and many important acts of legislation were required to secure the interests of the colony, the assembly made but little pro- gress. A bill being before the house confirmatory of the revenue * Colonial Records, 28-30. I" Il>iJ '1^'- 2N* 29 450 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. law passed at New Castle the previous year, the members from the lower counties protested against it, alleging that such a bill would lead to the inference that the laws passed at New Castle were not valid, because not enacted in the province of Pennsylvania, which would be a discouragement to the assem- bly meeting at New Castle hereafter. Finding their remon- strance ineffectual, they abruptly left the house, declaring their intention to return home. On laying their complaints before the governor, he appointed a conference with the assembly, during which he told them it was no small wound to him to think, that having, at the earnest desire of the lower counties, as well as the good-will of the upper, engaged in an undertaking which cost him at least £3000 to make them one, they should now endanger a rupture and divide themselves, after they had been recognised as one, not only by the king's commission to Governor Fletcher, but his letters-patent for his own restoration ; and therefore would not have any thing resolved on but what was considerate and weighty, lest it should look too unkind now at his departure, and carry a very ill report of them all to England. The lower county members saying they were great sufferers by the act of union, the governor told them they were free to break off, "but it must be upon amicable terms and a good understanding." After this conference, the assembly again proceeded to busi- ness. They had, some da3^s before, informed the governor that they could not comply with the king's requisition for a subsidy, alleging as an excuse their straitened circumstances ; and now they took into consideration the proprietary's offer for them to nominate a deputy governor, which they coyicluded to decline. They appointed two of their number to wait upon him with this information, thanking him for his good-will in leaving so much to their choice, and returning the charter of privileges, with some amendments.* The governor being about to go to Pennsbury for a few days, sent the assembly the following characteristic letter : — * Colonia.1 Piecords. NEW CONSTITUTION. 451 *' Friends : — Your union is what I desire, but your peace and accommo- dation of one another is what I must expect from you. The reputation of it is something, the reality much more ; and desire you to remember and observe what I say — yield in circumstantials to preserve essentials, and being safe in one another, you will always be so in esteem with me. Make me not sad, now I am going to leave you, since 'tis for you as well as for Your friend, proprietor, and governor, "WILLIAM PENN." On the governor's return from Pennsbury, he signed various laws passed by the assembly, as well as the charter of privi- leges, which had been read in that body, " and every part thereof approved, agreed to, and thankfully received."* This constitution was the last granted to the province and territories, and in some respects was even more liberal than those which preceded it. The principal change was in allow- ing the assembly to originate bills, and to sit on its own ad- journments. It made no provision for the election of a coun- cil, which was appointed by the governor, and prohibited from taking cognizance of any complaint relating to property, un- less appeals should be provided by law. In regard to civil and religious liberty, the new constitution was as comprehen- sive as the old one. By a supplementary article, the province and territories were allowed to dissolve their union at any time within three years, by giving due notice. The proprietary, by letters-patent, appointed a council of state, consisting of ten members, chiefly Friends, who were to advise and assist him, or his deputy, in the affairs of govern- ment, and in case of the deputy's absence or death, to exercise the executive functions. The following letter, written by Isaac Norris, the day before the charter was signed, shows that, notwithstanding the cares and perplexities attendant on his station as governor, Peni. still enjoyed that highest of all social comforts, religious com- munion with his friends. ''27th 8br. 1701. ** This comes by our proprietor and governor, Penn, who with his family are undertaking this hazardous voyage at too hard a season. ' * Colonial Eecords. 452 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. earnestly desire and pray for their preservation and safety : him we shall want. The unhappy misunderstandings in some, and unwarrantable op- position in others, hare been a block to our plenary comforts in him, and his own quiet ; but these things are externals only, our communion in the church sweetens all, and our inward waitings and worship [have] often been a general comfort and consolation; and in this I take a degree of satisfaction after all, that we part in love ; and some of his last [expres- sions] in our meeting yesterday, were, that 'he looked over all infirmities and outwards, and had an eye to the regions of spirit, wherein was our sweetest tye,' and in true love then he took his leave of us. His excel- lent wife, and she is beloved by all, (I believe I may say in its fullest extent,) so is her leaving us, heavy and of real sorrow to her friends; she has carried, under and through all, with a wonderful evenness, humility, and freedom ; her sweetness and goodness have become her character, and are indeed extraordinary. In short, we love her, and she deserves it,"* The ship being ready to sail, Penn convened the inhabitants of Philadelphia on the 29th of the 8th month, (October, 0. S.,) in order to take leave of them, and to present them, as an evidence of his good-will, a charter, or act of incorporation for the city. On the 30th he appointed Andrew Hamilton, formerly governor of East and West Jersey, to be his lieutenant-governor, and James Logan he made provincial secretary and clerk of the council. The ship having dropped down to New Castle, he was there presented with a petition from David Lloyd and Isaac Norris, executors of Thomas Lloyd, deceased, stating that the said Thomas Lloyd had served nine years as president or lieute- nant-governor of the province without any compensation from the public, whereby his estate was impaired and not sufficient to pay his debts, without selling his lands ; some of the lands he had bought were not located, and a bond he had given to the proprietary was still unpaid ; they prayed, therefore, that compensation should be made for his services, and other lands granted in lieu of 1000 acres on Indian River, taken from him by the Maryland claim. THE proprietary's ANSWER. " What I have not received I cannot pay. I am above all the money for lands I \iave sold, twenty thousand pounds sterling out of purse upon * Logan MSS. INSTRUCTIONS TO JAxMES LOGAN. 453 Pennsylvania, I most solemnly affirm, and what has been given me pays not my coming and expense since come, as is well known to those con- cerned in my affairs. But I heartily recommend it to the public to be considered. I acquit the bond as a token of my love and remembrance, and allow that the thousand acres may be granted elsewhere, in lieu of them upon Indian River ; and that land the bond relates to, in Welsh Tract, formerly laid out to him, but in right of Charles, I would have confirmed, as also, his land of Christopher Taylor, &c., in Bucks, as is desired. WILLIA3I PENN.* " To my Commissioners of Property." From on board the ship, he wrote to his secretary a letter of instructions, which is here subjoined : — WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. " I have left thee in uncommon trust, with a singular dependence on thy justice and care, which I expect thou wilt faithfully employ in ad- vancing my honest interest. " Use thy utmost endeavours, in the first place, to receive all that is due to me. Get in quitrents, sell land according to my instructions to my commissioners, look carefully after all fines, forfeitures, escheats, deodands, and strays, that shall belong to me as proprietor or chief go- vernor. Get in the taxes and Friends' subscriptions, and use thy utmost diligence in making remittances to me, with all my effects, by bills of exchange, tobacco, or other merchandise, or by any means that in the best of thy judgment, or the advice of my friends, skilled in those affairs, may be to my advantage — not only directly to London, but by the West Indies, or by any other prudent method whatever ; but take advice espe- cially of Edward Shippen and Samuel Carpenter, and others best expe- rienced in trade. " Thou may continue in the house I lived in till the year is up. Pay off all my notes and orders on thee, settle my accounts, discharge all my debts, honourably, but carefully ; make rent-rolls, draw up an estimate of my estate, and of what may be raised from it, which send over to me as speedily as . possible, for it may be of great use to me ; and of all things show thyself a careful and diligent agent, to justify my choice of thee for so great a trust. " Get my two mills finished ; make the most of them for my profit, but let not John Marsh put me to any great expense. " Cause all my province and territories to be resurveyed in the most frugal manner, with the assistance of my brother-in-law Edward Pening- ton, within the two years limited by the laAv, if possible, though that law ought not to be a bar upon me against doing it any other time. Carry very fair with my said brother-in-law, and prevail Avith him to be as ensy * Penn MSS. in possession of G. M. Justice. 454 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. as possible in that great work. I have spoken to him about it. Thou must make good to Col. Hamilton, deputy-governor, two hundred pounds per annum of your money, till such time as I procure an approbation for him, and afterwards three hundred pounds. Also to John Moore, as at- torney-general, thirty pounds a year, so long as he shall serve me faith- fully, (but he is too much in Quarry's interest.) When my cousin Par- miter comes, he must have forty pounds. But I hope the assembly will take these charges off my hands. Pray use all your endeavours to obtain it. Judge Guest expects an hundred a year from me. I would give him fifty. Make him as useful and easy as you can. I hope Col. Hamilton, to whom I have recommended him, will prevail on him. " Let not my cousin Durant want, but supply her with economy. " Write to me diligently, advising me of every thing relating to my interest, and send me affidavits about Quarry, John Corfoe, &c. " Send all the household goods up to Pennsbury, unless thou inclines to keep sufficient furniture for a chamber to thyself, (for which thou hast my leave,) and take care that nothing be damnified or lost. " Give my dear love to all my friends, who I desire may labour to soften angry spirits, and to reduce them to a sense of their duty ; and at thy return, give a small treat in my name to the gentlemen at Philadel- phia, for a beginning to a better understanding — for which I pray the Lord to incline their hearts. " For thy own services I shall allow thee what is just and reasonable, either by commissions or a salary. But my dependence is on thy care and honesty. Serve me faithfully, as thou expects a blessing from God, or my favour, and I shall support thee to my utmost as " Thy true friend, *« Ship Dalmahoy, 3d 9br. 1701. WILLIAM PENN."* CHAPTER XXXIII. Logan correspondence — Penn's arrival in England — His solicitude about his son William — Death of the king — Accession of Queen Anne — Ad- dress of Friends — Letters to Logan — Pecuniary difficulties — Col. Quarry in England — Church party in Pennsylvania: their disaffection to the proprietary — Gov. Hamilton's attempt to raise a militia — Letters of Penn. 1701-2. After the return of William Penn to England, lie maintained a constant correspondence with his secretary, James Logan. * Logan MSS. PENN'S arrival in ENGLAND. 455 Their letters relating both to public business and private affairs, were of the most confidential nature, and disclose the views and feelings of the writers in a manner far more interesting than could be done by any other pen. The correspondence having been carefully preserved, and a copy of it placed, by the late Deborah Logan, in the archives of the American Philosophical Society, at Philadelphia, will henceforth furnish the staple for the preparation of this work. Soon after Penn's arrival in England, he wrote to Logan, under date 4th of 11th month, (January,) 1701. In the postscript he says — " We had a swift passage, 26 days from the capos to soundings ; 30 to Portsmouth, with five of the last days clear for observation, before -we came to the channel. The captain very civil, and all the company. Tishe [Letitia] and Johnne, after the first five days, hearty and well, and Johnne exceeding cheerful all the way." •K- * * << Nothing yet done in my affairs, but my coming I do more and more see necessary on divers accounts, tho' a troublesome and costly journey : my son has been very serviceable, but costly. * * * In some respects I am not without go^d hopes of a tolerable conclusion, tlio' it will not be obtained without charge and pains. Those who seek the ruin of the proprietaries, they say, will renew their bill, but try the commons first this time. * * * I hope thy eye is upon the means to retrench expenses, and pray see the utmost at a leisure hour of poor Marshe's project, of navigating flats up ' Schoolkill and Susquehanna rivers,' above the falls, he assuring me that he could make the experi- ment for forty shillings ; be it fifty, or three pounds, it were a mighty advantage." Under the same date he wrote again : — *' My son [William] shall hasten ; possess him, go with him to Penns- bury, advise him, contract and recommend his acquaintance. No ram- bling to New York, nor mongrel correspondence. lie has promised fair. I know he will regard thee. But thou wilt see that I have purchased the mighiij supplies at a dear rate. God forgive those wretched people who have misused me so, and preserve my spirit over it. Pennsylvania has been a dear Pennsylvania to me all over, which few consider, and with mo lay to heart. Be discreet. He has wit, kept the top company, and must be handled with much love and wisdom ; and urging the weak- ness and folly of some behaviours, and the necessity of another conduct from interest and reputation, will go far. And get Samuel Carpenter, Edward Shippen, Isaac Norris, Phineas Pemberton, Thomas Masters, and such persons, to be soft, and kind, and teaching ; it will do wonders 4:56 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. -with him, and he is conquered that a\ ay. Pretends much to honour, and is but over-generous by half, and yet sharp enough to get to spend. He cannot well be put off. All this keep to thyself. Vale." It will be seen by the foregoing letter, that William Penn's only surviving son by his first wife, a young man of bright talents and accomplished manners, now began to give great solicitude to his father. When his parents removed to Pennsylvania, he, being married, remained in England, and during their stay fell into habits of dissipation and extravagance, which increased the burdens of his father, and eventually became the most severe of all his afflictions. He attributed this unhappy change in his son's de- portment, in some measure, to his absence from him, and in several instances speaks of it as one of the losses he sustained ])y his connection with Pennsylvania. Soon after his return to England, the bill for converting the proprietary into royal governments, which was before the House of Lords, was Avith- drawn or defeated; but those who uro^ed the measure did not entirely abandon it: they intended to introdu.:e it into the House of Commons, and all the vigilance and influence of the proprietaries were required to avert the blow or mitigate its force, by obtaining such privileges and immunities as would secure them and the people from the abuse of power. The disposition on the part of the British ministry to super- sede the proprietary governments had been increasing with the growth of the colonies, and although it may have been first induced by false or exaggerated reports, propagated by the enemies of the proprietaries, there is reason to believe that there were, among the statesmen of Great Britain, some who favoured the measure from a conviction that it would contribute to the safety of the colonies and the prosperity of the kingdom. They probably considered the proprietary power as a check upon the exercise of royal authority and an impediment 'to the efficiency of the colonial governments. In the spring of 1702, William III. died, after having made preparations for another war with France, which was declared and prosecuted under his suecessor. PECUNIARY DIFFICULTIES. 457 He was an able statesman and general, but ambitious of mili- tary glory, and so infatuated with the idea of preserving the balance of power in Europe, that he kept England embroiled in expensive continental wars, to the great increase of her debt and the detriment of public morals. He was a sincere friend of religious toleration, and one of his last acts was, to sign a bill in favour of the "Friends," allowing their solemn affirmation to be accepted, instead of an oath. He was succeeded by Queen Anne, the daughter of James II., and wife of Prince George of Denmark. This princess having, on her accession, publicly declared her intention to maintain the Act of Toleration in favour of religious dissenters, the yearly meeting of Friends in London adopted an address, expressive of their acknowledgments, which was presented to her by Wil- liam Penn, accompanied by a deputation of Friends. The queen received them very graciously, and after the ad- dress was read she returned the following answer : — " Mr. Penn, I am so well pleased that what I have said is to your sa- tisfaction, that you and your friends may be assured of my protection.''* Penn had not been long in England before he found himself much straitened in his pecuniary affairs, owing to the expenses attendant on his colonial business, and the allowance required for the maintenance of his son. The extracts which follow, from his correspondence with James Logan, describe his situation and prospects at this time. WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. "London, 21st of 4th mo., 1702. * * -x- * "Never had poor man my task, Avith neither men nor money to assist me. I therefore strictly charge thee that thou represent to Friends there, that I am distressed for want of supply ; that I am forced to borrow money, and add debts to debts, instead of paying them off; besides, my uncomfortable distance from my family, and the un- speakable fatigue and vexation of following attendance, draughts of an- swer, conferences, council's opinions, hearings, &c., with the charge that follows them, guineas melting, four, five, six a week, and sometnnes as many in a day. My wife hitherto has been maintained by her father, whence she is coming next week to "NVorminghurst on my daughter's ac- „^ * Gough's History of Quakers, iv. 7. 458 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. count, in likelihood to marry. I have been more sensibly touched fo« the honour of the country's administration than for myself." * * *' The scene is much changed since the death of the king. The church party advances upon the whig, and yet I find good friends, though severely against some people's v^alls. I have had the advice of some of the wisest and greatest men in England, that wish me well, about bar- gaining with the crown for my government. They all say, ' Stay awhile, be not hasty ;' yet some incline to a good bargain ; and to let Quarry be- gone, and change him to another province, if we can do no better. Perry and the Lords of Trade have talked of our being Friends. Pray, mind my directions in former letters, and make return with all speed, or I'm undone." * * * Again he writes thus : *' I must renew my pressing upon thee about returns, for I perceive by the votes of the day, the House of Commons have ordered the state of the plantations to be laid before them. And just now a lawyer sends me word he is offered to be feed against me by Col. Quarry, who is now come to do us all the mischief he can. Hasten over rents, &c., all thou canst, for many call upon me for old scores, thinking I have brought over all the world with me. The war is likely, and goods bear a price. Deer- skins and bear-skins, tobacco, good by itself and bad by itself, and then one sells the other. " The Jerseys' surrender is an ugly preface ; however, there is a higher hand to which I look. *' Let us do our duty, and leave the rest to God." ^ ^ % " The Lords of Trade have promised me to receive no complaints, with- out the party sending them give them to the party they are sent against, upon the spot, for their answers, in the nature of bill and answer in chancery, that nobody may be murdered in the dark. A great reforma- tion relief, and for which American governments owe me their good-will." JAMES LOGAN TO WILLIAM PENN. "Philadelphia, 29th 5th mo. 1702. " I have not much to advise of more than by the last post a packet arrived, with orders directed to thee, or the commander-in-chief of this place, to proclaim the war, which was accordingly done on the 6th day last, the 24th inst." "13th of Gthmo. (1702.) " The governor pushes forward a militia, but the church party, as they call themselves, leave no stone unturned to oppose it, for reasons I have before expressed. An approbation is much wanted, and makes the go- vernor very uneasy." The church party alluded to in the last extract, consisted of CHURCH PARTY IN PENNSYLVANIA. 459 certain members of the church of England, residing in Penn- sylvania, who were disaflfected to the proprietary government, and making use of every means in their power to bring it into discredit with the British ministry. Among the accusations made against Penn and his friends, one was that they left the province in a defenceless condition, w^ithout a militia or military stores. It appears, from Logan's letter, that the churchmen w^ere not willing to lose this cause of complaint, for when Governor Hamilton attempted to organize a militia, they were no less zealous than the Friends in opposing the measure, though on entirely different principles. The tolerant and liberal policy of Penn had attracted towards his colony adventurers of every class and denomination. All enjoyed equal political privileges, but in the first settlement, the Friends, being much the most numerous, were generally chosen to the legislature and other public stations. In a few years the influx of immigrants not of their persua- sion was so great, that the Friends began to lose their prepon- derance, and the frequent demands of the British government for aid to military purposes, rendered them less willing to serve in public stations. In 1702, the population of the province was nearly equally divided between Friends and others. In the third month of that year James Logan, in a letter to Penn, says, "Philadelphia town being above one-half of the inhabitants, two-thirds of those, I believe, are no Friends, which brings town and coun- try, as I judge, near upon a balance, the greater part of the country being Friends." The churchmen, being accustomed to exclusive privileges in the mother country, were not satisfied with the equality secured to them by the laws of the province, and being desirous that Pennsylvania should, like the Jerseys, be transferred to a royal government, they raised the cry of persecution. This complaint was so groundless and absurd, that Penn supposed they would readily sign a paper contradicting the report, and at his request Logan applied to the leading members for that purpose. 460 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. It appears, by the following extract from his letter to Penn, that they refused his request, and gave him a definition of per- secution which is probably without a parallel. " I can see no hopes," he says, " of getting any material subscription from those of the church against the report of persecution, they having consulted together on that head, and, as I am informed, concluded that not allowing their clergy here what they of right claim in England, and not suffering them to be superior, may justly bear that name." JAMES LOGAN TO WILLIAM PENN. "Philadelphia, 17th 7mo. 1702. " At New York they are suffering with a mortal distemper, much the same as what was here two years ago, which sweeps off great numbers ; 'tis such a visitation, they say, as that place never knew before, carrying off eight, ten, or twelve in a day. They are very unhealthy likewise a\ Boston this post informs us." ^ * ^ " We are sensible of thy great exigencies for want of sufficient supplier there, but I can see no better way to remedy it than those I am upon AVhen thy son arrives he will be a witness of our circumstances, and that I pretend nothing for the sake of excuse, but what we too feelingly ex- perience to be true. Wheat, that when thou left us was our best com- modity, goes now begging from door to door, and can rarely find a buyer. The cheapness of grain in England allowing provisions from thence at much easier rates than our country will yet afford it. So that very few vessels have gone out this fall, which used to be the busiest time, and even these were long before freighted, and that not fully. The merchants thus forbearing to buy, the country can get no money. Wheat they offer in piiy, but for that there is no vent, nor indeed are the merchants much better supplied. They buy goods of the vessel at 150 per cent., but how they will be paid none can foresee — unless corn rise in England or a peace (which is not likely) open to us the Spanish trade. "This province seems in danger of being brought to an ebb." * * " I cannot advise against a bargain with the crown, if to be had on good terms for thyself and the people. Friends here, at least the gene- rality of the best informed, think government at this time so ill fitted to their principles, that it renders them very indifferent in that point, further than that they earnestly desire thy success in vindicating the country's reputation, and that they may not fall a spoil to such base hands as now seek our ruin. Privileges, they believe, such as might be depended on tor a continuance both to thee and them, with a moderate governor, would set much more at ease, and give thee an happier life as proprietor only, than tnou hast yet had as governor ; besides, that it would exempt thee from the solicitude they are under, both from their own impotence and the malicious watchfulness of enemies." * * * LETTERS TO JAMES LOGAN. 461 ** I have spoken to those chiefly concerned in the iron mines, but they seem careless, having never had a meeting since thy departure. Their answer is, that they have not yet found any considerable vein/' WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. "24th of 12th month, 1702. * ■* "I never was so low and so reduced. For Ireland, my old prin- cipal verb, has hardly any money. England — severe to her — no trade but hither — and at England's mercy for prices (save butter and meat to Flan- ders and the West Indies) — that we must go and eat out half our rents or we cannot enjoy them. " I have great interest, as well as my son's settlement to deduct, with three or fuur per cent, tax here and twenty or twenty-six per cent, exchange from Ireland to England, to answer.* I therefore earnestly urge supplies, and by the best methods, and least hazardous." " I know thy abilit}-, I doubt not thy integrity, I desire thy application and health, and above all, thy growth in the feeling of the power of truth ; for that fits and helps us above all other things, even in business of this world — clearing our heads, quickening our spirits, and giving us faith and courage to perform. " I am sorry to find by thine, thou art so much oppressed in thy station, and wish I could make it lighter. If my son will apply himself to busi- ness, he may, by the authority of his relationship, &c., render the post easier to thee. I know the baseness of the temper of too many of the people thou hast to deal with, which calls for judgment and great temper, with some authority. This year the customs upon goods from Penn- sylvania amount to £8000. The year I arrived there, 1699, but to £1500, at the most. A good argument for me and the poor country. It has a greater regard here, and made the care of an officer, (as well as Virginia and ^Maryland,) at the custom-house. New York not the half of it. " But oh I that we had a fur trade instead of a tobacco one, and that thou didst do all that .is possible to master furs and skins for me; they bear more, especially such as thou sent me. " Had I but two or three chests of them, I could have sold them for almost what I would ; 16, aye, 20 shillings a skin, at this juncture." * It seems that part of the rents of his Irish estates were settled on his son William, and he had heavy interest to pay on borrowed money. 20* i62 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. CHAPTER XXXIY. Penn takes lodgings at Kensington — Writes " More Fruits of Solitude" — Letter to Logan — George Fox's lot — Servants from R. Janney — Go- vernor Hamilton's administration — His death — Kindness of Penn to his family — Colonel Quarry's machinations — Difficulty about oaths — Lord Cornbury and the church party — Letters of Logan and Penn. William Penn having occasion frequently to wait on the queen, to promote the interest of his province, took lodgings at Kensington, where he wrote "More Fruits of Solitude, being a Second Part of Reflections and Maxims relating to the Conduct of Human Life." "After which he removed to Knightbridge, over against Hyde Park Corner, where he resided for some years."* In the year 1703, he wrote a Preface to a work of D. Phillips, entitled " YindiciseVeritatis," being a defence of "Friends' Principles," and another to the writings of Charles Marshall, called "Zion's Travellers Comforted." The affairs of Pennsylvania, as well as his own private con- cerns, continued to be the principal subjects of his correspond- ence with James Logan. In the first of the letters here in- serted, allusion is made to a lot of ground given by William Penn to George Fox, as a token of his regard, which, it seems, had not yet been located, and the same property having been given by George Fox to the meetings of Friends, application was made to the proprietary to have it located in the city of Philadelphia. EXTRACTS FROM A DECAYED LETTER FROM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. Sent hy Roger Mompesson, " I am solicited about George Fox's gift — indeed, it was mine to him, and therefore must take the liberty to say, that for the request I a little admire at it. The most considerable of those who sign it, must knoTV it * Life prefixed to his works. LETTERS TO JAMES LOGAN. 4G3 was so. I shall willingly allow a field of twenty acres or twenty-five acres for Friends' use, out of liberty lands near any meeting ; but to allow it out of the city lots is what I will never do, unless I am upon the spot. 1 still remember the collops cut out of my own, and my son's and daugh- ter's concerns, in my former absence, and will sufi'cr none of those things to be acted again. I have not forgot lot N. N.,* where our meeting-house stands ; it was reserved for Tishe, who, as appears by the list, is without any High Street lot at all ; now that is gone. I know who urge these difficulties upon me ; but alas ! they are in the power of one greater than I am, to humble, distress, and bring them to reflection. "However, I will honour his name who honoured truth, above all men, (G.Fox,) and loved me— but in my own way and time. I will not be dictated to. I can satisfy thee I have writ to none any thing that can give them the least occasion against thee. "The gentleman who brings this (Judge Mompesson) is constituted Judge of the Admiralty of Pennsylvania, the Jerseys, and New York, and is yet willing to be my attorney-general to rectify matters in law, and to put you into better methods, in which respect he is thought by the judiciary here to be very able. Get him a sober, suitable house to diet in, as well as lodge. If you were together, 'twere to thy advantage in many respects. He is a moderate churchman, knows the world here, has been in two several Parliaments, and recorder of Southampton— only steps abroad to ease his fortune of some of his father's debts he was early unwarily engaged for. He is a favourite of Lord Cornbury's father, the Earl of Clarendon. "I have granted him a commission for chief justice, in case the people will lay hold of such an opportunity as no government in America ever had before of an English lawyer, and encourage him by a proper salary of at least £100, if not £150, per annum. "My son (having life) resolves to be with you per first opportunity; his wife, this day week, was delivered of a fine boy, which he calls William. So that now we are major, minor, and minimus. I bless the Lord mine are pretty well. Johnne lively. Tommy, a lovely, large child, and my grandson Springett a mere Saracen, his sister a beauty. * * * " I have sent some hats, one for Griffith Owen, and the other intended for Edward Shippen, which thou mayst take, with this just excuse, that the brim being too narrow for his age and height, I intend him one with a larger brim ; for as soon as. I saw it, I told the Friend who made it 1 thought it handsome, though I pinch here to be sure. If my son sends hounlls, as he has provided tAvo or three couple of choice ones for de-r, foxes, and wolves, pray let great care be taken of them. * N. N. means not numbered. The lot was at the south-west corner of Market and Second Streets, where Friends' meeting-house formerly stood. Granted bv Governor M.irkbam. i64 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. * * * "I add no more, but my good wishes, and leave all to the secret, wise ordering of my good God, and close. " Thy real friend, WILLIAM PENN." "2d Sept. (7th mo.) 1703. " Friends have again made application for G. Fox's gift, and I have proposed their acceptance of a lot in Front Street, and another in High Street, with their proportion of liberty land," [Fair Hill.] WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. London, 1st 2d mo., 1703. "I have writ at large, six sheets if not seven, and sent by R. Mompes- son, Esq., to which I refer thee. I here enclose Randall Janney's bond, for two of his best servants, one a carpenter, the other a husbandman ; that the outhouses may be perfected in part within, (at Pennsbury,) and a moderate stable built, for eight or ten horses, and a shelter for cattle and sheep near the barn, as formerly, to which I refer to J. Sotcher. Yaff is also gone in the room of one who can't go from weakness, and I have resolved after Jour years faithful service he shall be free. Yet I have left it with him to return, if he will, passage free in the Messenger, (which he will more than deserve in any ship.) Nay, I leave it to him to return from Deal if he will. Thou art not to allow R. Janney any thing for him ; that going into £20 for the other two; also he wants three of his comple- ment, and must have paid as much had he not gone ; besides, I have been otherwise kind to him. Yaff is an able planter and a good husbandman, and promises fair, and Samuel has but one year more to serve, as I think by my note, if he has served well. I hope Randall carries a hat for Edward Shippen, of a mayoral size. " See if the town would be so kind as to build me a pretty box like Ed- ward Shippen's, upon any of my lots in town, or purchase Griffith Owen's or T. Fairman's, or any near, healthy spot, as Wicaco or the like, for Pennsbury will hardly accommodate my son's family and mine, unless enlarged. Let what is there be kept up, but only substantial improve- ments to be now followed. " I should like fruit at the distance of forty or fifty feet, in fields as should neither hurt corn or grass. "Now is the time to make earnings in the islands, wherefore fail not to use the opportunity, and let me see some chests of furs by the Messenger, and if thou canst, a copy of the laws to lye by me." " Thy loving friend, WM. PENN." P. S. " My dear love to all Friends, and salutes to all that deserve it. Take care of my mills. Remember me to my family, and let them be kind to poor Lucy and the Dutchman." The servants alluded to in the foregoing letter appear to GOVERNOR Hamilton's administration. 465 liave been bound for a term of years : " Samuel," he says, "has but one year more to serve," and Yaif he was resolved should be free after ''four years of faithful service." There is no evidence tliat they were Africans, for the term servant was, and still is applied, in England, to all hired la- bourers. The administration of Gov. Hamilton was of short duration, and imbittered by dissensions between the representatives of the province and those of the territories, now composing the State of Delaware. The people of the territories declined to elect representatives to the assembly, at the time fixed by law, and writs being subsequently issued by the governor for an election, they chose delegates, who, when they arrived at the seat of government, refused to unite with the members from the province, claiming their privilege under the charter of dissolving the union. The governor having used every means in his power to re- concile their differences, was at last compelled to dismiss the assembly without the transaction of any business. This sepa- ration proved to be final. Gov. Hamilton died the 20th of 2d month, (April,) 1703, and his successor made a fruitless attempt to preserve the union, but the members from the province, who before, had been well affected toward it, then refused to unite with those from the territories, whose refractory conduct, for many years, had exhausted their forbearance. The death of Gov. Hamilton was lamented by Logan, who thought him well qualified for his office, but he was inimical to the proprietary government, as appears by the following letter : WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. " Worminghurst, 27th 6th mo. 1703. *' Now I am to tell thee that when I told the Lords of Trade, ccc, that Col. Hamilton was dead, Secretarj^ Blathvvayt answered me, 'Then there is dead the man who of all others has written against proprietary govern- ments with the most neatness and strength.' I replied, * And yet with what difficult}^, besides charge, did I obtain this enemy of my interest and friend to yours, to be my deputy-governor;' but his moderation about the 30 i6(j LIFE OF WILLIAM PEXX. affairs of New York, renewed a good opinion of him, and I believe had he lived, by the help of his friends here he had been favoured in his con- cern. But of this passage of Secretary Blathwayt, say nothing, unless under secrecy, to S. Carpenter, or S. Jennings or Francis Davenport, but those two may remember, at Governor Hamilton's house in Burlington, I told you this as my jealousy ; at least to Davenport and Gardner. I told it there, and elsewhere, to Samuel Jennings, more than once. I sup- pose he (Hamilton) wished to ingratiate himself against they became king's governments. But I could have as soon picked a pocket or denied my friend or name. Yet what shall wo say of this wretched world ! "However I am, with the aid of Counsellor West, endeavouring to serve his creditors and family about the post-office." The last sentence in the above letter, evinces that beautiful trait in Penn's character — forgiveness of injuries — so conspicu- ous in all his conduct. Although he believed that the late governor, while employed in his service, had been the secret enemy of his house, he exerted himself to benefit his family, and obtained the post-office for one of his sons.* On the death of Gov. Hamilton, the executive duties devolved upon the council, who soon found themselves involved in diffi- culty, through the machinations of Col. Quarry. He had obtained from the queen an order that all the executive and judicial officers of the province should take "the oath directed by the law of England, or the affirmation allowed by the said law to Quakers," ''as also, that all persons who in England are obliged and willing to take an oath in any public or judicial proceeding, be admitted so to do, by the proper officers and judges in Pennsylvania." He presented himself before the council armed with this order, which empowered him, John Moore and two others, to administer the oath. There being only two members of the council, i. e. Judge Guest and Capt. Finney, willing to take an oath, and the other members being dissatisfied with the form of the affirmation, they were in some perplexity, but after several conferences they agreed to comply with the order. Col. Quarry however, whose object was to throw odium upon the proprietary government, refused to Qualify them, unless they would all submit to the same form * Note to the Logan MSS. DIFFICULTY ABOUT OATHS. 4G7 of oath. He affected to consider the executive as a unit, tliough composed of five members, and would only administer the oath to the whole council ; nor could he and his colleagues " see that they had any power to administer an affirmation at all." The council refusing to comply, he withdrcAV, chuck- ling at the success of his manoeuvre. The collector of the queen's customs being authorized to ad- minister the oath or affirmation, was called upon to supply the place of Col. Quarry, which he at first declined, but at the pressing solicitation of some of the members of council, he complied, and the wheels of government again moved on. The mischief occasioned by this order of the queen did not, however, stop here. Many of the judges and magistrates, being Friends, were as scrupulous about administering an oath as taking it themselves. The laws of Pennsylvania did not require it, and a simple affirmation had been sufficient in all judicial pro- ceedino-s. Now they were required to administer oaths to all who were willing to take them, and rather than comply they would resign their offices ; which the church party, under the direction of Quarry and Moore, would gladly occupy. When information of these proceedings reached the proprie- tary, he was grieved that the members of council had not been more firm. In writing to them he said — "For your perplexities in government, metliinks you have brought it too much upon yourselves. For why should you obey any order obtained by the Lords of Trade, or otherwise, which is not according to patent nor law here, nor the laws of your own country, which are to govern you till repealed ; and none are but one. " I desire you to pluck up that English and Christian courage, not to suffer youselves to be thus treated and put upon. Let those factious fel- lows do their worst. Keep them in evidence and in qualifications, who give you this perplexity, and I will bear you out. If you will resign the laws, customs, and usages, instead of persisting till you see what becomes of the laws now with the attorney-general, I cannot help it; but a decent refusal were wisest. * * * "This should have gone three or four weeks ago, and did attempt it in vain, since the great storm, that has, besides lives seven or eight thousand, done' millions of damage to the kingdom ; the like not remembered by any man living with us." 468 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. After the proprietary government of ttie Jerseys was sur- rendered to the crown, Lord Cornbury was appointed governo by William III., which gave the church party in Pennsylvania great hopes of being able to effect the same change in that pro- vince. On the occasion of Cornbury's visit to Philadelphia, early in the reign of Queen Anne, he was received by the churchmen with great manifestations of regard. In a letter of Logan to Penn, dated 2d Sept. 1703, he says — "Col. Quarry, and the rest of the churchmen, congratulated him, and presented an address from the vestry of Philadelphia, who now consist, I think, of twenty-four, requesting his patronage to the church, and closing with a prayer that he would beseech the queen (as I am credibly in- formed) to extend his government over this province; and Col. Quarry, in his first congratulatory address, said, they hoped they also should be partakers of the happiness of Jersey, enjoyed under his government. "In answer to the vestry's address, he spoke what was proper from a churchman, to the main design of it, (for he was very good at extemporary speeches,) and to their last request, that it was their business, (meaning to address the queen, I suppose ;) but that when his mistress would be pleased to lay her commands on him, he would obey them with alacrity." A short time previous to the receipt of this information, Penn had written to Logan concerning a complaint that Cornbury himself had sent over, from which it appears that his lordship could lend a helping hand to his brother churchmen in dis- turbing the proprietary government. WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. " Worminghurst, 27th 6th mo. 1703. "A letter came from Lord Cornbury, 'your great friend,' importing a representation from the Church of England, with you, to him, complain- ing of a man's being lately sentenced to death by a jury of Quakers, not only not sworn, but not attested according to the act of Parliament in England. To which I answered I had heard nothing of it; and so soon as any advices came, should inform them of it. In the mean time it was not to be thought that a colony and constitution made by and for Quakers, would leave themselves and their lives and fortunes out of so essential a part of government as juries. That there and here, differed much, or we had never gone thither, with our lives and substance, to be so precarious in our security, as not to be capable of being jurymen. If the coming of others ihall overrule us, that av3 the originals, and made it a country, we are COMPLAINTS OF THE CHURCH PARTY. 469 anhap]\y indoed : though it is not to be thought we intended no easier or bettex" terms for ourselves, in going to America, than we left behind us. "As yet, this has aUayed the spirit of objectors. But of none of this have I word, which has been some concern to me. Pray let me hear oftener. I have not had one penny, consequently, toward my support, since the taking of the two ships 1 advised thee of, [captured by the French ;] and have lived in town ever since I came over, at no small ex- pense ; having not been three months of twenty that I have been in Eng- land absent from court, putting all the time together that I have been at this place and Bristol, from whence I came three weeks ago, and was there but about fourteen or sixteen days, on account of my wife, who this day month gave birth to a daughter, whom we call Hannah Margarita." But the complaints of the churchmen were not confined to the disuse of oaths, they thought the ordinances of their church were not sufficiently respected. In another letter of Penn he says— " I had a letter from the Lords of Trade, &c., upon occasion of one from Sir Thomas Lawrence, that vox et prasterea nihil, complaining of con- temptuous expressions used by Thomas Story, in public meetings in Mary- land — last general meeting — against baptism and the Lord's supper. A silly knight! Though I hope it comes of officious weakness, the talent of the gentleman, with some malice, rather than an unnecessary attack on the part of T. Story, or in irreverent terms. I never heeded it : only said, if that gentleman had sense enough for his office, he might have known that his tale was no part of it. And that the rudeness and perpe- tual clamour of George Keith, and the rest of the priests in those parts, in their pulpits, with public challenges besides, gave occasion for what passed. That he was a discreet and temperate man, and did not exceed in his retorts or returns. But 'tis children's play to provoke a combat, and then cry out that such a one beats them. I hoped they were not a committee of conscience nor religion; and that it showed the shallowness of the gentleman that played the busybody in it. "IIoAvever, let Griffith Owen mention this to Thomas, lest time fail me." The difficulty of governing the colony on the peaceable prin- ciples of Friends arose from her connection with the mother country, whose foreign wars she was compelled to espouse; and it was enhanced by the opposition of those among her own citi- zens who wished to provide for military defences. The secre- tary himself Avas not satisfied without some martial prepara- tions, as a^^nears by his letters to Penn. ■2P ^ 170 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. The pecuniary wants of the proprietary, together with the embarrassment he experienced from the agent of the British government and the disaffected among the colonists, induce(i him to think of selling his government, but retaining to him- self his landed estate in the colony, where he still hoped to pass the evening of his days. WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. "London, 6th 4th mo. 1703. •' My son is now in earnest to be with you by the Virginia fleet, which sails, by orders, the 10th of the 6th mo., (2 months hence,) and so thence up the bay, unless better conveniency offer more directly, as early as that. I am actually in treaty with the ministers for my government, and as soon as it bears you shall be informed of it. I believe it repents some that they began it, for now 'tis I that press it upon pretty good terms, as well f »r the people as self, in the judgment of the wisest and best of my friends ; but this shall never weaken my love to and residence in Pennsylvania, and so I command by will my posterity. You will have an increase of Friends among you to support the superiority, or balance at least, in the province. " So after I have done with the government, and called upon Ireland, if the Lord give me life, I purpose to fly to you as fast as I can. "Jos. Groves paid me the other day, fifty pounds, when I never wanted it more, a guinea being less to me a year since, than a crown is now ; therefore remember me by all opportunities." JAMES LOGAN TO WILLIAM PENN. <<2d September, 1703. V X x- "-Qy last post we have accounts from N. England that the French and Indians, joining to the eastward, have cut ofi" several settle- ments, and killed and carried away 150 persons, a sore, unexpected blow. The governor having, even this summer, made peace by a solemn treaty with those very savages who have been chiefly concerned in the mischief. They are at open war with them now, having proclaimed it at Boston about fifteen days ago. The French have likewise settled among the Five Nations not at peace with them, and have their emissaries everywhere ; those of Connecticut are also like to break with the English, as letters by the same l>(ist inform us. Indian Harry of Conostoga, is now here, and informs us of the great endeavours of the French, but I have not yet fully discoursed with him. ***** I -ivish thee could find more to say for oui lying so naked and defenceless. I always used the ]>ost argument I could, and when I pleaded that vre were a peaceable people, had wholh^ renounced war and the spirit of it, that were willing to commit ourselvxis to the pro- tection of God alone, in an assurance that the sword can neither be drawn LETTER TO THE PROVINCIAL COUNCIL. 471 ncr sheathed, but by his direction ; that the desolation made by it are the doeUxration of his wrath alone ; that the Christian dispensation is exclu- sively of peace on earth and good-will toward men ; and that those who will not use the sword, but by an entire resignation commit themselves to his all-powerful providence, shall never need it, but be safe under a more sure defence than any worldly arm. When I pleaded this, I really spoke my sentiments, but this will not answer in English government, nor the methods of this region. Their answer is, that should we lose our lives only, it would be little to the crown, seeing it is our doing, but others are involved with us, and should the enemy make themselves masters of the country, it would too sensibly touch England in the rest of her colonies. This must be weighed, but still I hope such measures may be taken, as will prevent these base men from becoming our masters. " But what shall we say? Almighty Providence seems to be preparing the most dreadful scenes throughout the world. Rage and fury appear to be commissioned to carry desolation through the earth, and few will be the doors, I doubt, it will not visit. The most secure may find their enemies — the most naked be protected." "Philadelphia, 8th 7th, 1703. "As I said in my large letter, the justices who are Friends, having yesterday gone off the bench and left the court, to-day it has been held by the others, J. Guest, C. Finney, E. Farmer, A. B., who administer oaths to all who can take them, fining those that will not, and the af- firmation to all others." WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. "London, 31st 10th mo. 1703. " Fear not my bargain with the crown, for it shall never be made without a security to the inhabitants according to the constitution and laws of the country, though my supplies to defend them come so costly and slowly to my support." WILLIAM PENN TO THE PROVINCIAL COUNCIL. " London, 31st 10th mo. 1703. " Esteemed Friends: — I heartily salute you, wishing you and yours true happiness. I perceive by divers letters, as well as that I received from most of you, the restless endeavours of a few malcontents to throw the government into confusion, that they may have the better excuse and pretence fur changing the government, and shifting it from the hands in which it now is : as for instance, that you are careless about the laws of trade and navigation, because you are not cruel and extortionate, where facts relating thereunto have happened through ignorance or undesigned omission, as in the case of poor Lumby, Kule, and Righton, to say nothing of the barbarous treatiaent of George Clay pole and Thomas Masters, for i72 LIFE OF WILLIAM PEXX. which Quarry and Moore deserve the aversion of all honest men, and I doubt not they will find it in due time. The next instance is their out- cry for want of a militia to defend them in time of danger, and then stre- nuously endeavour to defeat the means of obtaining and settling it. * * 3dly. After all their aggravations about trying for life, without an oath, they have discouraged the methods taken by my lieutenant-governor Hamilton, to the obstruction of justice, which might accommodate that matter, than M^hich hardly any thing can appear more disingenuous. 4thly. I was astonished at the address delivered by Quarry, in the name of the vestry of Philadelphia, to Lord Cornbury, at his last being there ; and I admire almost as much your extreme patience under so impudent an affront and injustice. I suppose it was out of respect to that noble lord, otherwise I think, had I been there, I should have made those gen- tlemen sensible of the smart of that power they have so often abused in your hands ; and for that reason, now, would have wrested out of them. But his answer, I confess, (as it comes from thence,) shows his prudence, and their folly; and, with the addition of what his father, the Earl of Clarendon, told me, the other day, upon my mentioning to him the unac- countableness of that passage in their address, as well as his great justice ; for, (says he,) I will never solicit the queen, or any one else, for that which is the property of another man. 5thly. I also understand that these open defiances to the government they have got their bread under, have excited many of my renters in the lower counties to refuse the pay- ment of my quitrents, an unhappiness to themselves, poor people ! at the long run. For I am determined to show them they are in the wrong, and forgive them when they have submitted to their old, kind, and abused landlord. But, perhaps, their leaders may have cause, one time or other, to wish they had not misled them from their duty and common justice. My present indisposition (which, they say, is the beginning of the gout) makes writing uneasy to me, or else you had had all this from my own hand. I shall conclude when I have said I expect from you that you will maintain my just rights and privileges, both in government and property, granted to me by King Charles II., under the great seal of England, and by James, Duke of York, his royal brother, and the constitution, laws, and customs, unitedly and universall}^ signed and established in that government long before the coming of those troubles of our race amongst us ; for you cannot think that I shall support them here, if you submit them there to the unjust, clamorous, and insolent practices of those no- torious enemies to our public peace. "I am your very loving friend, WILLIAM PENN." JR. 47y CHAPTER XXXV. William Penn, Jr., arrives in Pennsylvania — Visited by the Indians; Penn's letter to Logan — Col. Quarry — Oaths and affirmations — Lo- gan's letter to Penn — S. Banas imprisoned — Governor Evans's mea- sures — William Penn, Jr.'s, affray with the watch — Renounces Qua- kerism ; Returns to England — Evans disputes with assembly — P. Lloyd's artifices — Pretended remonstrance of assembly — Letters of Penn and Logan. » 1703-4. The intention of William Penn to send his son to the pro- vince was probably formed during his residence there, and was expressed in several of his letters soon after his return to Eng- land, but not accomplished until near the close of the year 1703. In one of his letters to Logan he expresses great soli- citude that wise measures and salutary counsels should be em- ployed to reclaim this unhappy son, who had fallen into habits calculated to destroy his o^vn peace and to imbittcr his father's declining years. " Take him," he says, " away to Psnnsljury, and there give him the true state of things, and weigh down his levities, as well as temper his resentments, and inform his understanding, since all depends upon it, as well for his future happiness as in measure the- poor country's." * * "Watch him, outwit hliU, and honestly overreach him, for his good. Fishings, little journeys, (as to see the Indians, &c.,) will divert him, and interest Friends to bear all they can, and melt towards him, at least civillv, if not religiously. He will confide in thee. If S. Carpenter, Richard Hill, and Isaac Norris could gain his confidence, and tender Griffith Owen— not the least likely, for he sees and feels— I should re- joice. Pennsylvania has cost me dearer in my poor child than all other considerations. The Lord pity and spare in his great mercy. I yet hope." William Penn, Jr., arrived in the province in the 12th month, 1703, [i. e. February, 1704.] He was accompanied by John Evans, who had been appointed by the proprietary as deputy- governor, with the queen's approbation. Evans was recom- mended, in a letter of Penn to James Logan, as " a young man, 2P* i''4 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. not above six and twenty, but sober and sensible ; the son," he sajs, "of an old friend that loved me not a little. He will be discreet, advisable, and especially by the best of our friends." renn was, however, deceived in him, for he proved to be an unsuitable companion for his son, and exceedingly indiscreet as a governor. The first impression made by both Evans and young Penn was favourable. Logan, with all his sagacity, was at fault, and expressed the most sanguine hopes of them both. Samuel Preston, in a letter written about the same time to Jonathan Dickerson, in Jamaica, mentions him in the following terms : — " Our young landlord, to say true, in my judgment, discovers himself his father's eldest son ; his person, his sweetness of temper, and elegance of speech, are no small demonstrations thereof. But I wish him more of his zeal.'' The Indians, hearing of his arrival, testified their respect for his father by repairing to Pennsbury to meet him, as appears by a letter of J. Logan, dated 14th of 1st mo., 1704. lie says, "Last week thy son, Judge Mompesson, and myself went to Pennsbury to meet 100 Indians, of which nine were kings ; Opewousi- unihook, the chief, with his neighbours, who came thither to congratu- late thy son's arrival, presenting the belts of wampum for a ratification of peace, and had returns accordingly. lie stayed there with the judge, awaiting Clement Plumstead's wedding with Sarah Ilighton, (formerly Biddle.") WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. " Loudon, 10th first month, 1703-4. " I hope ere now my son and lieutenant-governor are arrived. This comes by Edward Shippen, Jr., and N. Puckle, to whom I refer thee as to generals and common news, and the prints that come with them. " And in the first place, know that I received none from thee since I writ largely to thee, by way of Barbadoes and Antigua, and since, a shorter, to the council, and so to thee, by way of New England ; duplicates of which go now. And I hope and please myself to think you will be quickened to show yourselves men in that affair, to wit, of Quarry's and his few venomous adherents' proceedings against the government. For if you could longer endure those contempts, it would be, I take it, a betraying of the rights of the people, as well as of mine, and my poste- rity's. I have made good use of the defence thou sent me. The coun- cil's letter, and passages out of thine, much to the purpose ; and the very LETTERS TO JAMES LOGAN. lords commissioners themselves are come at last to dislike his busy and tur})ulent proceedings. And I hope for a letter next -week, (to send by this, or next opportunity, to New York, in twenty days' time,) from that board, to reprimand his behaviour ; having convinced them, by instances you gave me, of his disingenuous practices, as well as injurious ; as also that I have shown them that the counties he has seduced from their duty, are the only tobacco folks, and that the only enumerated commodity in our country ; as also, that the people of the territories, purged (by their address to the late king, anno 1G99-1700) the colony from Col. Quarry's imputations upon us about trade ; and who also, anno 1G84, did by their address to the king and duke (of York,) highly express their satisfaction in me, and their union with the upper counties, — and which was indeed their seeking, — returning their humble thanks to both, for sending them so kind a landlord and so good a governor. And, therefore, to Quarry's f,)ul practices, and the protection he brags there he has here, I owe that great defection those poor people have been led into of late. In short, I am now more likely to keep my government than ever, or to have some equivalent for it ; and take this from me, that if you do but the queen justice in her revenue, and discountenance illegal trade, and all own the administration their jurisdiction, so far as agrees with the attorney- general's opinion I sent you, you will not be molested hence, but pro- tected. This the ministry here assures me. " And I do require it of the lieutenant-governor, the council, and ma- gistrates, that they maintain to the utmost the powers of my grant, and the authority of the laws. And if Quarry, or any of his ungrateful gang, offer to invade or affront them, that they feel the smart of them. His being an officer in the revenue, shall not exempt him from correction, or support him in his seditious and factious practices with impunity. " I could almost send orders to have him prosecuted with the utmost rigour ; and if I find encouragement from the learned in the law, that it might be done to good purpose, I may think to do it. "I offered the lords commissioners, the other day, either that we might be bought out, or have liberty to buy out our turbulent churchmen, and they wished it were so ; the latter, they said. I desired them to forward it, and assured them I would find four amongst us that could and would do it. They are thoroughly apprized of your hardships, and so are greater persons, and Quarry will have a rebuke from that board by this opportunity, or by the New York convoy, as before noted. * ^ * " Salute me to all Friends as if named, the council, magistrates, offi cers, and inhabitants that behave discreetly. " With hearty good Avishes for thy true prosperity, and that wisdom may guide thee — that wisdom which is gentle and easy to be entreated (fur it comes from above, and will outlive all the false wisdom of the low and miserable world,) — being " Thv real friend WM PEXX." 476 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. FROM THE SAME TO THE SAME. "8th of 2d mo. 1704. * * * "I am grieved to think that you ever gave way to any other affirmation than that appointed by law in the province ; by which you have given away a most tender point, not easily recoverable. My re- gard to this queen is known almost to a partiality, but I shall never obey her letters (against laws) into which she may be drawn by interested persons, or those who would make their court by other men's costs. The bishop of London himself is under humiliations. However, use thy utmost wits to get intelligence of the motions of our enemies there, in their designs, and with correspondences they hold at New York, Vir- ginia, and Maryland ; and communicate them to me by the quickest and safest opportunities." This false step gave much trouble to Friends in the colony. Some years afterwards, their opponents carried a law for the English affirmation. Whereupon Penn again expressed his regret as follows : — " I do abhor the new affirmation, carried here and then there, by abso- lute faction, and, if I can, I will waive it. For I would rather Friends were never in power, so our old affirmation were confirmed for Friends and others scrupulous, and oaths for the rest: — unless a short way of Bond's penalty, for truth of what is said, were made practicable and ac- ceptable, as I have often thought it might be." JAMES LOGAN TO WILLIAM PENN. "Philadelphia, 25th 3d mo. 1704, 5th day. ** Honoured Governor: — I send this chiefly to let thee know that I am writing largely by the Virginia fleet, to be sent down on third day next by the Friends going to the Maryland meeting. * * * The provinces and territories are entirely disunited in pursuance of that unhappy char- ter, and the province now acting by themselves in assembly ; but what they will do, cannot yet be foreseen. Some hope for good, and some ex- pect but little. In the meantime, however, if thou hast an opportunity of making a good bargain for thyself and the many honest people that are still here, notwithstanding the endeavours of the spiteful or malcon tents, 'tis what I believe thy best friends will advise thee to. We are all well. Thy son and myself have taken William Clark's great house in Chestnut street.* Judge Mompesson will be with us, as I suppose, when here ; but he has lost all in his commission but New York, and Colonel Quarry is made surve^^or-general of all the main, and I believe the island, *Near the south-west coruer of Third street, afterwards the residence of Israel Pemberton. MILITIA FOR THE COLONY. 477 too. The governor acquits himself beyond what coulu possibly be ex- pected from his years ; is master of his temper to a great degree, which has been but too much tried by some of our humours. It will be a jus- tice due to him to get the queen's first commission to him. Judge Mom- pesson is certainly a man of consummate worth, but has not fallen into hands that know how to value him. I fear the assembly will give him no encouragement. He is of the council, and as he is of ability infi- nitely beyond the rest, so he has a willingness suitable to it. A militia is going forward with all vigour ; but our friends would not suffer the proclamation to be printed on their press. I shall not enter into parti- cular business here, referring it to the other opportunity, and conclude with all due respects. Thy faithful friend, JA]MES LOGAN." FROM THE SAME TO THE SAME. "Philadelphia, 26th 3d mo. 1704. * ^ ¥r "The governor acquits himself to the satisfaction of his and thy friends, and much better, I believe, than is desired by our ene- mies. There has not much passed that is very material, except that of the separation of the province and territories, all the steps to which will fully appear in the minutes and papers which accompany this." * * * " They have, this day, voted for raising a sum not less than a thousand pounds for public uses, but the methods not yet agreed on ; and, indeed, the country is so very poor, it will be very difficult, when laid, to make it answer in the collection. They design, I understand, presenting the queen with part of that £350— they say £200, and leave the rest to the territories ; but I hope otherwise, for to bring them so near us, in pro- portion, will be a disadvantage to us." * * ^ " The governor is settling a militia with all application. I send a copy of a proclamation, which the overseers of the press were not willing to tiave printed. There are three companies in this town, three in New Castle, two in Kent, and as many in Sussex. The captains of this place are G. Lowther, who had a commission under Colonel Hamilton ; George Roche, whom I mentioned per the Experiment, a stranger of great estate from Antigua ; and Captain Finney, who is also sheriff of the county." * * * «' The account of thy circumstances, and the exigencies I know thou must labour under there, with the difficulties I am oppressed with here, through the great decay of trade and poverty of the planters, from whom, chiefly, we receive our pay, makes my life so uncomfortable, that it is not worth the living. I'm ground on all sides. I know 'tis impossible to satisfy thee thus, and the condition of our affairs will not enable me to do better." WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. "London, II th of 5th mo. 1704 ♦ ♦ * *' Give no occasion to exceptions or reflections, and value 478 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. them not when made or thrown without a cause ; but command thy tem- per all that is possible in doing thy business ; for in Joseph Pike's case thou hast been hardly represented to him, and sorely is he provoked at thee, and displeased with me, of which more by another hand upon the spot. I know whence the arrow came ; 'tis provoking ; but this is the cross we are to bear to prove ourselves Christians indeed. Whatever thou dost, give no offence, ' be not high-minded, but fear.' I take the lesson to myself; we all need an hourly and daily remembrance of it." * * * "Be sure the very next assembly to let the laws pass with the queen's name, though under my seal, according to charter. The attorney-general making the want thereof an ugly objection against the confirming of them, though a good fee would go a great way to clear the scruple, if I had it to give him, for what with the decay of Ireland, half in half at present, and the loss of two ships, nothing coming in from the Islands and Carolina, with four shillings in the pound here, my son's part of the estate, and the interest money I have to pay; so that, with all these drawbacks, I live but from hand to mouth, and hardly that." * * * FROM THE SAME TO THE SAME. "22d5th mo. (1704.) * * -x- « J enclose a letter from Lord Clarendon to his son, your neighbouring governor, about Samuel Bownas, that if he is not at liberty, will, I hope, procure it. But I admire at his permissions, if not pro- ceedings, at this time of day, when the queen and ministry show so mo- derate a side towards Dissenters here ; and on complaint of this affair, would be very ready to reprimand such a different conduct. Send it to him by a discreet Friend, if needful." * * * Samuel Bownas was an eminent minister in the Society of Friends, who, being on a religious visit to America, was im- prisoned nearly a year on Long Island. He was preaching in the village of Hempstead, where he met with George Keith, who had before challenged him to a public dispute, which he declined. Keith was then on a mission as a minister of the Church of England, and manifested great enmity to "Friends," from whose communion he had been disowned. He had with him William Bradford, formerly printer in Phila- delphia, whom he sent to the religious meeting appointed by Samuel Bownas, in order to find matter of accusation against nim. When he stood up to speak, the reporter took out his pen, ink, and paper. The discourse was partly on the subjects of water baptism, and the Lord's supper, which Samuel en- fiOVERNOR EVAXS'S MEASURES. 479 deavourcd to show were of themselves insufficient for salvation. Bradford took such notes as would answer his purpose, and calling in another witness, he, with the assistance of Keith, drew up an affidavit, attested it before two justices, and had a warrant issued for his apprehension. The justices required him to give bail, which he refusing, they sent him to prison, where he lay three months before he was brought to trial. An indictment was then prepared, and sent to the grand jury, but they rejected it, at which the chief justice, John Bridges, was much incensed, and remanded Samuel Bownas to prison, where he lay nearly nine months more, when being again brought before the court, the grand jury refused to find a bill, and he was discharged. During his imprisonment he learned the trade of shoemaking, by which he maintained himself. In this ma- licious prosecution, Keith and his party were encouraged by Lord Cornbury, who was governor of New York as well as the Jerseys. He was a corrupt politician, and an arbitrary go- vernor, having silenced a number of Presbyterian preachers, and placed churchmen in their room.* Under his patronage the church party increased in numbers and influence, though probably not in vital religion. Logan, in one of his letters about this time, remarks : — " The clergy increase much this way. Burlington and Chester have their churches and ministers; and several more are building. God grant that a spirit of charity and kindness may be cultivated among us, in place of hatred and persecution.'' Soon after the arrival of Gov. Evans, he increased the number of members in the provincial council, by calling to the board Judge Mompesson, William Trent, Richard Hill, James Logan, and William Penn, Jr. The latter, in honour of his father, was seated next to the governor, but he seldom attended, being probably more intent upon pleasure than business. A few months after his arrival, Logan, in writing to his father, evinces an increasing solicitude on his account : — * Gough's Hist, of Quakers. 480 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. "Philadelphia, 14th 5th mo. 1704. "Honoured Governor: — " The governor [Evans] lodges at present at young Capt. Finney's, the sheriff of this county, but intends, if he can acquit himself of an engagement with Robert Ashton, to make one of our family in William Clark's house, in Chestnut street, which we were forced to take, the whole town not affording any suitable accommodation to thy son as a boarder, those that were able declining the trouble, and others not being fit to accept it. * * * I lie under a great hardship for want of a more full adjustment of matters in relation to his (Wm. Penn, Jr.) supplies here. Before he left England, he threw himself, he says, entirely upon thy generosity, and therefore resents it the more nearly, when I am not able to come up to his expectations, which tho' far from extravagant, are much above the limits set me. The directions given me can by no means satisfy him, nor answer what is thought suit- able to the presumptive heir of the province, upon his first appearance in it, even by the most reasonable. He expresses himself dutifully to thee, but notwithstanding it forces him on thoughts that render his visit of less service to him. It proves an hardship upon me between both, but I shall endeavour the best, tho' in so nice a point I do not expect the success of pleasing either." -h- * * Penn, in sending his son to Pennsylvania, placed great reliance on the prudence and good example of Logan, to whose care he recommended him. The secretary, though a young man him- self, fulfilled the trust with wisdom and fidelity, but unhappily, this degenerate scion of a noble stock was not be reclaimed. "Be as much as possible in his company," wrote the father, "and suiFer him not to be in any public-house after the allowed hours." The wisdom of this premonition was soon apparent; for young Penn and Gov. Evans, being late at night at a public- house in the city, got involved in a disgraceful affray with the watch. The grand jury, it seems, were so fully imbued with republi- can principles, that they paid no respect to hereditary rank, and presented the son of the founder, as though he had been of humbler lineage. The subject was brought before tlie council on information from the attorney-general, who stated that some gentlemen had received great abuses from the watch, " who were backed by W. PEXN, JK.'S AFFRAY WITH THE WATCH. 481 the mayor, recorder, and one alderman," that the peace had been broken, and the mayor and recorder being parties, the trial could not be brought into the city court, &c. Those officers, with Alderman Wilcox, being summoned before the council, made it appear that they were no otherwise concerned in it, than to assist in quelling the disturbance ; on which the case was dismissed. Tradition relates that young Penn, in the aifray, called for pistols, but the lights being extinguished, one of his antagonists gave him a hearty beating ;* and that Alderman Wilcox " availed himself of the darkness to fail in recognising the chief magis- trate, to whom he gave a severe drubbing, redoubling his blows upon him as a slanderer, when he disclosed his quality."f The governor was greatly chagrined at the result of this affray, and young Penn was so indignant that he soon after declared his intention of leaving the country. Isaac Norris thus notices the affair in a letter to a friend: "27th9br. 1704. " William Penn, Jr., is quite gone off from Friends. He being in com- pany with some extravagants, that beat the watch at Enoch Story's, was presented with them. Which unmannerly and disrespectful act, (as he takes it,) gives him great disgust, and seems a waited occasion. He talks of going home in the Jersey man-of-war next month. I wish things had been better, or he had never come.'' WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. " Bristol, 2d 8br. 1704. * * * " If my son proves very expensive I cannot bear it ; but must place to his account what he spends above moderation, while I lie loaded with debt and interest here : Else I shall pay dear for the advantage his going thither might entitle me to, since the subscribers and bondsmen cannot make ready pay, according to what he has received for his land there ; so excite his return or send for his family to him ; since I cannot come to him as soon as I wish. For if he bring not wherewith to pay his debts here, his creditors will fall foul upon him most certainly. * * * "I have done, when I tell thee to let my poor son know that if he be not a very good husband, I must sell there as well as here, and that all he spends is disabling me so far to clear myself of debt, and that he will pay for it at the long run. Do it in the friendliest manner, that he may co-operate with me to clear our encumbered estate and honours." * Watson i. 114. f Friend, xviii. No. 46. 2Q 31 482 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. The allowance of money received from Logan not being suf- ficient to meet the expenditures of this prodigal son, he sold his manor, called Williamstadt, to William Trent and Isaac Norris, for the sum of 850 pounds. It consisted of 7000 acres, and now constitutes Norristown township, Montgomery county. How much his conduct in Pennsylvania, and the disgrace attending it, contributed to augment his father's afflictions, may be judged by the ensuing correspondence. WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. "London, 16th of 11th mo. 1704. " I think I may say I have all thy letters, as well private as public, from my son, John Askew, &c. " A melancholy scene enough upon my poor child. Pennsylvania be- gan it by my absence here, and there it is accomplished, with expense, disappointment, ingratitude, and poverty. " The Lord uphold me, under these sharp and heavy burdens, with his free spirit. I should have been glad of an account of his expenses, and more of a rent-roll, if I must perish with gold in my view but not in my power. To have neither supplies nor a reason of credit here, is certainly a cruel circumstance. I want to know what I have to stand upon and help myself with. He [his son] is my greatest affliction, for his soul's and my country's and family's sake. * ^ "^ " Nor did thou send me word what my son sold his manor for, but after his arrival he drew a bill for <£10 to ride two hundred miles home, and which he performed in two days and a night. I met him by appoint- ment between this and Worminghurst ; we stayed but three hours to- gether. See how much more easily the bad Friends' treatment of him stumbled him from the blessed truth, than those he acknowledges to be good ones could prevail to keep him in possession of it, from the pre- vailing ground in himself, to what is levity, more than what is retired, circumspect, and virtuous. I have writ very copiously to thee, by several packets, two by E. Lane, a great enemy to Friends — a reviler — let kindness teach him his mistakes." * * * Soon after the arrival of Governor Evans, he summoned the members of the legislature, both for the province and territo- ries, to meet in Philadelphia ; and when they were assembled, he made a strenuous effort to reunite them in one body, but without success. DAVID LLOYD'S ARTIFICES. 483 Finding this impracticable, he was compelled to acquiesce in their holding separate assemblies ; that for the province meeting at Philadelphia, and the other, for the territories, at New Castle. The assembly of the province, by its unwillingness to enter into the proposed reunion, incurred the governor's displeasure, which, with the disputes that soon after arose concerning their ]U'ivileges, occasioned a misunderstanding and hostile feeling, that obstructed the business of legislation. Logan, who was less republican in his principles than Penn, attributed their dissensions to the too great indulgence of the proprietary, in granting them more political privileges than they were capable of enjoying. JAMES LOGAN TO WILLIAM PENN. "Phila. 14th 5th mo. 1704. * * * "This people think privileges their due, and all that can be grasped, their native right ; but when dispensed with too liberal a hand, as not restraining licentiousness, may produce their greatest unhappi- ness. Charters here are in danger of being made of fatal consequence, for some peoples' brains are as soon intoxicated with power as the natives are with their beloved liquor, and as little to be trusted with it. They think it their best policy to secure themselves in case of queen's government, but then, their privileges, could they obtain them, may prove as troublesome and opposite to the public good as now. A well- tempered mixture in government, is the happiest, the greatest liberty and property ; and commonwealth's men, invested with power, have been known to be the greatest tyrants." Col. Quarry, who was for some years so active in thwarting the measures of the proprietary government, had, since the in- fliction of a reprimand from the board of trade, become more respectful and submissive ; but there seemed to be no respite from trouble, for David Lloyd, the most designing demagogue • of that day, was rising into power, and beginning to exercise his baleful influence in the legislature. Isaac Norris, in a letter written some time afterward, says, " Things in Governor Evans' time ran to a great height be- tween him and the assembly. On his first arrival, and two years after, a niggardly and untoward temper seemed to reign in the assembly against the proprietor, and him, his lieutenant, 184 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. fomented and managed bj the arts of some that were either professed or secret enemies of the proprietor. All his manage- ment from the beginning was nicely scanned, and from thence [was] raked together every thing that could be thought of as a ma- terial for remonstrances and reproaches, dressed up in the most indecent manner. And this was made a pretence to give nothing toward the support of government, but starve the deputy." JAMES LOGAN TO WILLIAM PENN. " 3d 8br. 1704. * * * * -x- " David Lloyd being recorder of the city, and likely in all probability to be speaker of the next assembly, from his temper, so well known, there seems but little good to be anticipated. The gene- rality, however, are honestly and well inclined, and out of the assembly are very good men ; but when got together, I know not how, they are in- fatuated, and led by smooth stories. David himself makes as great a profession as any man, but we can see no good effects from it. " The part thou hast hitherto had to manage in the world, will not suffer thee with any honour utterly to desert this people ; and on the other side, I cannot see why thou should neglect thy own interest, while no more gratitude is shown thee. Were one man from among us, we might, perhaps, be happy, but he is truly a promoter of discord ; with the deepest artifice, under the smoothest language and pretences, yet cannot sometimes conceal his resentment of thy taking (as he calls it) his bread from him. This expression he has several times dropped, overlooking his politics through the heat of his indignation. In reflect- ing upon this subject, I cannot but pity the poor misled people, who really design honestly, but know not whom to trust for their directors ; they are so often told that things want to be mended, that at length they are persuaded it is the case, and not knowing how to set about it them- selves, believe that those who can discover the disease are the most ca- pable to direct the proper remedies : how ends may be gained thus, is easy to imagine. I have a tenderness in my own thoughts for the people, but cannot but abhor the appearance of baseness; I believe in the whole assembly there are not three men that wish ill to thee, and yet I can expect but little good from them. Thy friends in the council are disabled from serving thee with the country by their being" so, for they are looked on as ill here as the court party at home, by those that some reckon the honest men of the country. I am sorr}' we have lost this election, two or three good men that were in the last, as Samuel Richardson and Nicholas Wain, who is now pretty right, but especially my late landlord Isaac Norris, who was the chief man of sound sense and probity amongst them, and the greatest clog in their way. PRETENDED REXf)NSTRANCE OF ASSEMBLY. 485 " I have never been under a greater depression of thought than for these few months past. Thy estates here daily sinking by the country's impoverishment, with thy exigencies increasing, suffer me not to know what any of the comforts of life are." WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. " 1704. * * * "As diflRcult as my circumstances are, and as mean a prospect as thou givest me of any supply, yet that hardly troubles me equally to the weakness and worse (I fear) of some of our folks in refer- ence to your government matters. If, at a time when monarchs on this aide the world, who will yet for some ages give law to that, seem almost of a mind to get as much power in their hands as they can, the people think such a law as thine mentions can succeed here, they are distracted, if not worse, for to say truth, 'tis incongruous, and a mere bull in con- 8titution as the case stands. They will leave no government for me to dispose of, but take it upon themselves, and neither acquit me for a deputy-governor these twenty- three years at my cost, nor so much as settle a maintenance upon this gentleman. By no means let the present governor recommend himself to the queen or me, to succeed in the go- vernment at so preposterous a rate. Will they never be wise ? These assemblies held so unwisely, as well as so hazardously, will, in the end, subject the whole to laws made for them in Parliament. " I am sorry to have such a prospect of charges ; two houses and the governor's salary, my son's voyage, stay and return ; and no revenue nor Susquehanna money paid ; on which account I ventured my poor child so far from his wife and pretty children, and my own oversight. Pennsylvania, what hast thou not cost me ? Above £30,000 more than I ever got by it, two hazardous and most fatiguing voyages, my Straits and slavery here, and my child's soul almost; as I have formerly ex- pressed myself, but I must be short, — I shall be further loaded, instead of his coming being instrumental to relieve me. In short, I must sell all or be undone, and disgraced into the bargain." * * * JAMES LOGAN TO WILLIAM PENN. " Philadelphia, 27th 8th mo. 1704. "Honoured Governor: — Being yesterday returned from New York, I was surprised to hear of a letter sent from hence to England, directed to thee, signed by David Lloyd, speaker of the assembly, and in the name of the whole house. I heard the governor first mention it ; but the fol- lowing account is what I had from Is. Xorris, with whom alone of that assembl}' I have had an opportunity as yet to discourse. At the break- ing up of the last assembly, when the country members were eager lo be gone home, it was concluded by the house, and a minute made of it, that there should be an address to thee, upon some hearts then agreed upon; 2Q* 486 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. and because the whole house could not attend to it, it was committed to David Lloyd, J. Wilcox, Is. Norris, Jos. Wood, G. Jones, Anthony Mor- ris, Wm. Biles, and Samuel Richardson. But they, never meeting about it, Jos. Wilcox, (as Isaac tliinks,) drew it up, stuffing it with all the most scurrilous and scandalous reflections, and running upon a great many particulars, not before thought of, or once touched at, by the as- sembly. D. Lloyd contributed his assistance ; G. Jones and Jos. Wood were privy to it, and agreed to what was done ; but beside those, not one person saw it, that could be heard of, upon inquiry, except Samuel Ri- chardson, who, upon a cursory view of it, declared his dislike of it. "When they finished, David, without further communicating it to the persons concerned, signed it as speaker of the house on the first of October, (eighth month,) when the assembly, by charter, is dissolved, and, there- fore, he is no speaker at all. To warrant his signing, he produces an order for it in the minutes ; but that proves to be an interlineation in David's own hand, and in a difierent ink, inserted between the close of the paragraph and the adjournment. " The letter runs as if from the body of Friends, (in the house,) and even talks of money given thee by Friends, for thy assistance, when the authors of it are those four I have mentioned, viz. David Lloyd, whom scarce any man of sense believes to have any religion or principle, but that of his interest and revengp, — G. Jones, whose reputation has been very scandalous, was rejected by Friends, and is not yet received, — J. AVilcox, who has long entirely separated, — and Jos. Wood, who is pro- fessedly of the Church of England ; and that it — the remonstrance — may do the more execution, it is not only sent to thyself, but directed to such of London as they understood to be the most disafiected to thee, as W. Mead, &c., to be made use of as they shall see occasion. " A piece of unparalleled villany, and that needs no observation or remark to aggravate it. The letter, or letters, were delivered to Robert Barber, who went from hence in the brigantine, J. Guy, master, to New York. But, not liking the vessel, he talked there of returning home again, and not proceeding on the voyage ; which, if he does, 'tis possible he may bring back the letters, having had a strict charge to deliver them with his own hand. But if they should arrive, and come into any other hands than thy own, please give them a copy of this, and I will stand by it here upon the spot, if they think fit to transmit it. I wish I could have more time, but the post goes to day, and this will certainly be the last opportunity of writing by this vessel. "The generality of the assembly, who are acquainted with it, are much disturbed, but know not what course to take. He has such a faculty of leading them out of their depth ; and his accomplices in the house drown all others with their noise. Isaac Norris, two days ago, went with five or six more, who were members of that assembly, and LETTERS TO JAMES LOGAN. 487 being very sharp upon him for abusing them so, he told Isaac, he is now but a private man, and was not concerned in it — for he is left out last election. " The present assembly, after thirteen days' sitting, yesterday presented another bill for confirming and explaining the charter of privileges, con- taining all that was in the former, prepared for that purpose, with several large additions about elections. It is believed they will scarce do any thing but draw addresses and remonstrances ; unless the leading mem- bers should commit something against the rest so gross, that their eyes should be forcibly opened. " So that if thou canst bear to support all the heavy charges of govern- ment, both there and here, without any consideration, and suffer wounds from such ungrateful men to be repeated against thee, without redress- ing thyself, if in thy power, it will appear a patience something above human. "Thy friends are deeply grieved at these proceedings, and symprathize with thee. Nay, more, Jos. Growden declares his abhorrence of them, and their proceedings against thee. " That Almighty Being, who has always stood by thee, will, I hope, support thee over it all, for his own glory and thy happiness, is most heartily desired by thy dutiful and affectionate, " JAMES LOGAN." The spurious remonstrance fabricated by D. Lloyd and his party, was accompanied by a disingenuous letter, addressed to three prominent Friends in London, but they did not imme- diately reach their intended destination. The messenger by whom they were sent, being captured and taken into France, lost them, and a fellow-prisoner meeting with them, after they had been opened by the enemy, care- fully gathered them up and got leave to carry them to Eng- land, where he placed them in the hands of William Penn. But David Lloyd, as will hereafter appear, being determined to effect his malignant design, sent a duplicate to the same persons. WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN.* *' London, 16th of 11th mo. 1704. "Now for the government: depend upon it, I shall part speedily from it ; and had I not given that charter, and got but £400 per annum fixed for governor, and not made such good conditions for them, I had had twice as much as I am now likely to have. If I don't dissolve it, th3 * 'Friend," 1845. 488 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. queen will ; after all David Lloyd's craft and malice — despised for its craziness. " [As] for selling all,* if I can clear my encumbrances without it, I shall do so: if not, then province or territories must go. But, alas! I can neither sell nor borrow, till I know what I have, to do either. Pray, mind this, and let it not be said, that after five years 'f time, I knoAv not what I have to sell or mortgage, if I would do either. I heartily ac- knowledge to Governor Evans his quietness, good disposition, integrity, and courage. Had he passed those laws, J he had destroyed me, and himself, too. I shall support him, if he do right, in those methods he has taken. " Had I not orders to turn out David Lloyd from the lords justices ? and to prosecute and punish him, and send word Avhat punishment I in- flicted, and that part of it should be, that he were never after capable of any employ in the country? And does he endeavour my ruin for not obeying? * * * And did I not almost as much for , having orders to treat him sharply ? And has Griffith Jones forgot the boons I have made him many a day? If those illegitimate Quakers think their unworthy treatment no fault towards me, they may find I can, upon bet- ter terms, take their enemies by the hand, than they can take mine. And unless the honest will, by church discipline, or government, (whilst it is mine,) take these Korahs to task, and make them sensible of their baseness, I must and will do so. "In short, upon my knowledge of the conclusion of this winter's as- sembly, I shall take my last measures. When the prosperity that attends the country is talked of, and what they have done for me, or allowed my deputies, that have supported them against their neighbour's envy,§ and church attempts here, and there, [people] seem struck with admiration [wonder] ; and must either think me an ill man, or they an ungrateful people. That which I expected was £300 or £400 per annum for the governor, and to raise for other charges, as they saw occasion. And if they will not do this willingly, they may find they must give a great deal more, whether they please or not, [under a royal government.] I only, by my interest, have prevented a scheme drawn up to new model tJie colonies. I was told so by a duke, and a minister, too. For, indeed, if our folks had settled a reasonable revenue, I would have returned, to settle a queen's government and the people together, and laid my bones with them; for the country is as pleasant to me as ever. And if my * He now speaks of land; he had before spoken of selling his right of jurisdiction. •j- Logan had been secretary five years. t Laws curtailing the power of the proprietary, and extending that of the people beyond tlie charter, \ Lord Baltimore attempted to possess himself of part of Peiinsylvaiua. MARRIAGE OF HIS DAUGHTER LETITIA. 489 wife's mother should die, who is now very ill, I believe not only my wife and our young stock, but her father, too, would incline thither — who has been a treasure to Bristol, and given his whole time to the service of the poor; Friends first, (till they made eight per cent, of their money,) and next the city poor, by act of Parliament, where he has been kept in be- yond forms. He has so managed to their advantage, that the Bristol members [of Parliament] gave our Friends, and my father-in-law in par- ticular, an encomium much to their honour, in the House. •' Well, God Almighty forgive, reclaim, amend, and preserve us all. Amen \" CHAPTER XXXVI. W. Aubrey, son-in-law of William Penn — William Penn, Jr. offers for Parliament — Letters of William Penn to J. Logan — To Friends in England — To R. Mompesson — Letter of Logan concerning charter of government — Note of D. Logan — William Penn's answer to D. Lloyd's allegations about charter, &c. — Meeting of assembly — Governor Evans's speech — Assembly's answer — They claim the quitrents for support of government — Governor Evans complains of W. Biles — Assembly dis- missed — Poverty of the colony at this time — Losses by privateers — William Penn to J. Logan about the "Wool Act" in England — Logan to Penn — Improving prospects of the colony — William Penn to J. L. about surrender — Boundary line and cost of colony — J. L. to W. P. — Harmony in the government — W. P. to J. L. about selling the govern- ment — Answer of J. L, 1705-6. William Penn's daughter, Letitia, having married William Aubrey, a portion was assigned her, part of which was in Pennsylvania, under the care of James Logan. This match diminished the means without contributing to the satisfaction of the proprietary. Aubrey was a merchant, a keen, calculating man of business, and seems to have insisted rudely upon the payment of his .vife's portion fiister than the means of her father would allow. This, with the continual demands of his spendthrift son, Wil liam, increased the perplexities of the father, already borne down by the debts incurred for his province. In one of hia letters to Logan, speaking of his son Aubrey's aifairs, he says, 490 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. "in the mean time, both son and daughter clamour, she to quiet him that is a scraping man and will count interest for a guinea — this only to thyself ; so that I would have thee fill his attorney's hands as full as thou canst." The secretary found it difficult to satisfy his pressing demands, and describes him as ''one of the keenest men living." The younger Penn still continued to recede from the prmci- ples in which he had been educated ; he had so completely thrown off all regard for his father's profession, that he in- tended to enter the army or navy, and made an unsuccessful effort to obtain a seat in Parliament. The accumulated trials of the father are touchingly described in his correspondence with his secretary. WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. ''Hyde Park, 30th 2d mo. 1705. * * * "lean hardly be brought to turn my back entirely upon a place the Lord so specially brought to my hand, and has hitherto preserved against the proud swellings of many waters, both there and here. My surrender is before the lords ; a copy of which, and condi- tions, as also the report of the attorney-general — as to the thirty-seven laws he excepts against, I send now, that you may obviate them before refused by the queen ; the rest shall be confirmed — I can do no more ; and what with the load of unworthy spirits with you, and some not much better here, with my poor son's going into the army or navy, as well as getting into Parliament, through so many checks and tests upon his morals as well as education ; with the load of debt, hardly to be an- swered, from the difficulty of getting in what I have a right to, of twice their value, which is starving in the midst of bread ; my head and heart are filled sufficiently with trouble ; yet the Lord holds up my head, and Job's over-righteous and mistaken friends have not sunk my soul from its confidence in God. * -X- *-5«- * 4fr * * "My son has lost his election, as also the lord keeper's son-in-law; but both hope to recover it by proving bribery upon the two that have it, Lord Windsor and Squire Argell. I wish it might turn his face to pri- vacy and good husbandry, if not nearer to us." 4<- * * Notwithstanding all his trials and perplexities, the mind of Penn was still stayed in confidence on the unfailing support of Divine power, which he found to be " an anchor of the soul hoth sure and steadfast." He visited, this year, the meetings LETTER TO ROGER MOMPESSON. 491 of Friends in the western parts of England, "where he had good service, and his testimony was effectual for the informa- tion of many."* He also wrote a brief epistle, by way of ex- hortation, to the members of his own society, viz : — " My Dear Friends : — Hold all your meetings in that which set them up, the heavenly power of God, both ministers and hearers, and live under it and not above it, and the Lord will give you dominion over that which seeks to draw you again into captivity to the spirit of this world, under divers appearances ; that the truth may shine through you in righteousness and holiness, in self-denial, lung-suffering, patience, and brotherly kindness ; so shall you approve yourselves the redeemed of the Lord, and his living witnesses to an evil generation. So prays your friend and brother through the many tribulations that lead to the king- dom of God." In adverting again to the affairs of Pennsylvania, we find the following interesting letter : — WILLIAM PENN TO ROGER MOMPESSON. "Hyde Park, 17th 12th month, 1704-5. "HoxouRED Friend: — It is a long time since I have been obliged with any letter from thee, and then so short, that had not others furnished me with thy American character, I had been at a loss to answer the in- quiries of thy friends. But by my son I received one, more copiously informing me of those affairs that so nearly concern both the public, and my personal and family good. And for answer to the greatest part thereof, I desire thee to observe, first : that, with God's help, I am deter- mined to stand firmly to both ; and, for that reason, will neither turn an enemy to the public, nor suffer any under the style of the public good to supplant mine. And as I take thee to be a man of law, and justice, and honour, I do entirely refer my concerns, both as to the legality and pru- dence thereof, not only in government, but property, to thy judicious and judicial issue, so that it may hold water with the learned and honoui-- able friends here of both parties. "I went thither to lay the foundation of a free colony, for all mankind that should go thither, more especially those of my own profession. Not that I would lessen the civil liberties of others because of their persua- sion, but screen and defend our own from any infringement on that ac- count. The charter I granted was intended to shelter them against a violent or arbitrary government, imposed upon us ; but that they should turn it against me, that intended their security thereby, has something very unworthy and provoking in it; especially, when I alone have been * Life prefixed to his works. 492 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. at all the charge, as well as danger and disappointment, in coming ao abruptly back and defending ourselves against our enemies here, and obtaining the queen's gracious approbation of a governor of my nomi- nating and commissioning — the thing they seemed so much to desire. "But as a father does not use to knock his children on the head when they do amiss, so I had much rather they were corrected and better in- formed than treated to the utmost rigour of their deservings. I, there- fore, earnestly desire thee to consider of what methods law and reason will justify, by which they may be made sensible of their encroachments and presumption ; that they may see themselves in a true light, in their just proportions and dimensions, according to the old saying, Metiri se quemque suo modulo ac pede, verum est. "No doubt, these follies have been frequent and big enough to vacate their charter, but that should be the last thing, if any thing else wouk' do. I would hope — that in the abuse of power — punishing the immo derate offenders, should instruct them to use it well. * * * « There is an excess of vanity that is apt to creep upon the people in power in America, who, having got out of the crowd, in which they were lost here, upon every little eminency there think nothing taller than themselves but the trees, and as if there M^as no after superior judgment to which they should be accountable. So that I have some- times thought, that if there was a law to oblige people in power, in their respective colonies, to take turns in coming over to England, that they might lose themselves again amongst the crowds of so much more con- siderable people, at the Custom-house, Exchange, and Westminster Hall, they would exceedingly amend in their conduo*- at their return, and be more discreet and tractable, and fit for government. "In the mean time, pray, help them not to destroy themselves. Accept of my commission of chief justice of Pennsylvania and the territories; — take them all to task for their contempts, presumption, and riots ; — let them know and feel the just order and economy of government, and that they are not to command, but to be commanded according to law and constitution of the English government. And till those unworthy people that hindered an establishment upon thee, as their chief justice,, are amended or laid aside, -so as that thou art considered by law to thy satis- faction, I freely allow thee £20 at each session ; which I take to be at spring and fall, and at any extraordinary session thou mayst be called from New York, upon mine, or weighty causes ; having also thy viaticum discharged. Let me entreat thee, as an act of friendship, and as a just and honourable man. * * * "I will write no news ; only I find that moderation, on this side of the water, is a very recommendatory qualification; nothing high-church nor violent whig ; neither seeming to be the inclination nor choice of the pre- sent ministry. I wish our people on your side had no worse disposition. THE CHARTER — LETTER TO LOGAN. 493 " T cnnnot conclude this letter till I render thee, as I now do, my hearty acknowledgments for all the good advices thou hast given for the public and my private good ; especially thy sentiments to the governor, upon those three preposterous bills, foolishly as well as insolently presented him by David Lloyd, the last assembly. *' Lot him part with nothing that is mine ; for, had he passed them, they never wffuld have been confirmed here ; but he might have spoiled himself. " What a bargain should I have made for my government with the crown, after such a bill had taken from me the power I should dispose of 1 "I will say no more at this time, but that I am, with just regards, " Thy very affectionate and faithful friend, " WILLIAM PENN.'' " P. S. The reason why I use another hand is my late indisposition, which has left my hand incapable of allowing me to write myself; but, I bless Almighty God, I am something better." In Logan's correspondence with the proprietary, he fre- quently alludes to the last charter or constitution of the pro- vince, in terms of regret. He did not consider it an improvement on the first " frame of government," and, though granted in accordance with the wishes of the people, he thought it was not in reality a boon to be highly prized. • The valuable immunities secured by the first constitution and confirmed by the last, he justly regarded, not as the gift of the proprietary, but as the basis of a compact between him and the first settlers. They were, however, in entire accordance with the judgment and feelings of Penn, who was always disposed to grant every privilege that appeared to be for the public good. JAMES LOGAN TO W^ILLIAM PENN. "5th of 2a mo. 1705. " In any letter thou writes to Friends, pray be pleased not to set such a value as thou dost upon the charter granted, for most are of opinion it is not worth so much, and I must own myself to be of this way of think- ing. Thou seems to be in a mistake about the time it was granted, which was either the night or the morning thou left this place, (it was then signed, I mean,) and bears date 28th 8br. 1701. I would beg leave also, to put thee in mind that one part of the people's inducement to come over, was the privileges thou proposed, as well as to have land at 40 shillings per 100 acres, in which thou wast large in tliv declarations 2R 494 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. and prints, which, by their accepting of thy proposals, altogether becomea a part of the contract, and, therefore, (as all things of the kind should,) ought, as near as possible, to be observed. The baseness and ingrati- tude of some seems to me to lie in this, that they will not weigh [what] was truly thine ; the other, that they cannot be securely happy, whilst thou art otherwise; when, instead of this, they lay hold on thy own grants, and what thou hast furnished them with, (though they have no value for the thing contended for itself,) to clog and hinder business, they are [contributing] to thine, and their own destruction, the last especially, ■s- * * * Yet, notwithstanding all this, when they have all the pri- vileges they at first contracted for, or were given to expect, 'tis certain they have no more than their due, and, therefore, these are not so much to be accounted acts of grace as performance of a covenant. I hope this freedom will not offend, nor be judged, according to the maxims of the times, too uncourtly. It arises from the best of principles — true friend- ship, and is built on the most sacred basis of all things to me — the ever- lasting and unalterable standard of justice." 4«- * * On the first clause of the foregoing letter, Deborah Logan has made this elegant annotation : — " This sentiment will probably create some surprise, as I own it did to me, until I recollected that the persons dissatisfied were, perhaps, ren- dered so by a comparison of this charter with one that had been lived under near twenty years, and which, tradition says, had been made to give place % a successor, because some of the more recent inhabitants, and the persons in government of other persuasions, thought it was only fit for a colony of Quakers, for whom it was designed, and of whose prin- ciples it was, indeed, an illustrious commentary; and, perhaps, it is not going too far to call the original frame of government, designed by Wil- liam Penn for his province, and the preliminary discourse affixed to it, the fountains from which have emanated most of the streams of political wisdom which now flow through every part of united America, diffusing civil and religious liberty, and favouring the expansion of happiness and virtue. In order, justly, to estimate the character of our illustrious founder, we must take into consideration the times in which he lived, and the difficulties with which he had to contend, and not judge him altogether as we should do one at the present day, when principles are acted on, and considered as unquestionable, which were then struggling for a reception amongst mankind, and which, when avowed, cost the gallant Sidney his life. ** We should remember that the present times are profiting by the ex- ertions of those generous spirits, 'for in the progress of human affairs mankind build, in every subsequent age, on foundations formerly laid.' What veneration and respect must we acknowledge to be due to the man penn's answer to Lloyd's allegations. 405 who, living at a period when the principles of civil and religious liberty had to contend for their existence with a base and sordid despotism, voluntarily stopped forth as their champion, and triumphantly rescued and handed down to us some of the proudest distinctions of his country. 'A man who spent his whole life, and all the means which he possessed, in endeavouring to benefit mankind, and, finally, by exhibiting to the world a scheme of government founded on the benevolent principles of Christianity, and which Avas administered by himself in the same spirit, has shown, by the unexampled prosperity and success which has attended it, how consonant such principles are with the true interests of society.' Is not a character that efiected such noble purposes entitled to the gra- titude and esteem of the latest posterity?"* It will be seen by the following letter of Penn, in answer to the allegations of his adversaries, that he thought the new char- ter, or constitution, had been a disadvantage to the province. WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. "30th of 2d mo. 1705. " I would only observe that I know of and David Lloyd's false hood, and briefly mention, " 1st. The charter made in England was hut probationary , as the con- clusion shows, and when the real one was executed, it was with all the solemnity of an interior and exterior presence unanimously as any act could be performed. That which was the great objection at first, was that I would not stand, with my grant and estate, a security to the crown for their use of the negative voice. I, by that in London, having but a treble voice in all cases, unless they and theirs would be a counter secu- rity to me and mine, which, after two or three days' consideration, agreed to leave that power, and me the use of it, rather than to answer for them and theirs. " 2d. That charter was never altered by me, but by the suggestion of his present confederate, David Lloyd, to my regret, as my letters before and my conduct after plainly showed, and truly they have not prospered since. *' 3d. For the last method, established at my arrival, it was carried by so great a majority that I see no blame, and being nearer to English methods, (which they called for so often,) I acquiesced, having first showu aiy dislike, as at their disliking the model of an elected council to pre- pare, an assembly to resolve, and at throwing away the use of the ballot, which their children, as I told them, will perhaps see cause sufficient to repent of their folly therein. * Logan MSS. 496 LIFE OF WILLIAM PEXX. " 4th. I have not in the province so many manors as my tenths come to, viz. for every 100,000 acres, 10,000 acres, and for my children and Sir J. Flaggs, for my vrife, they bought dearly what they had, their mother lending her estate in land to the value of at least 3000 or there- abouts, to answer my debts, that was raised by selling her hereditary land, or being mortgaged, which was all one. " 5th. If any are deficient, it is their own fault, for they had time f^nough in two years before my return, and three and a half years since, to have taken it up. I have not had my due, I am sure ; I was defeated of my land Charles Ascom laid out in the county of Chester, 10,000 acres, great part of the manor of Springetsbury, Gilberts, and Highlands taken up by encroachers, as he well knows. And for the lands of my children, thou canst answer upon the spot, how Willie and Tishie's have been en- croached upon, tho' all first purchasers, viz. of 100 share men, and pray let the old surveyor-general's books be examined, and there will be war- rants for at least 40,000 acres of land never executed, " 6th. Neither himself or any other person ever once attacked me in the two years I was there, nor accused me, nor applied to me on any of these clamours, which shows what spirit has excited them since those days ; having myself lain at stake with purse these three years and a half, without half a crown from them to support me, and gained so many points for them, and held up their credit ; for were it not for my exer- tions, to-morrow we should be sacrificed to the envoy of New York, and to her enrichment, which these misguided people think not of. He ap- pears to be of that spirit Friends always told me he was of, and my kind- ness has been unable to change him. His character will soon come over by some old acquaintances. * * * " For David Lloyd's letter, it speaks for itself, and I desire, nay com- mand, the governor to call aselect'council and view the enclosed, and see under the greatest secrecy, what is practical and fitting to be done to thwart these intrigues ; but if not to be done to purpose, then to expose the villany and its authors. I think, if they own their letters, you have room enough to deal with them to purpose, of which let me hear per first opportunity. My son says he had but 205. your money weekly, and that all he spent over that allowance was his own money, from the sale of his land. " If thou thinkest confirming the present governor will be of service, I can get it done, or appoint another fit to settle me and mine in our pro- perty, which will do, and is preferable to selling all here, considering a peace is likely to take place this winter, and that many upon that will remove to you to settle among you, and the country will thrive beyond expectation or example. Pray let me have thy best digested and closest thoughts, for I cannot tell how to leave America, tho' the scene those ill men have opened to me after my two chargeable voyages and stay among GOV. Evans's defence of the proprietary. 497 them, and never leaving them by choice, but by compulsion, and being always at stake here for them and the country, without a groat for twenty years, or thereabout, and by it sunk in my estate above £20,000, and might out of £1500 per annum have 700 a year besides, which is much more : I say, after my hazards, expenses, and pains, and absence from my own dwelling to attend that service, to be headed as a ' lurcher of the peo- ple, and one that had an interest against them,' as David Lloyd expressed it, is more, one would think, than any poor mortal man could bear." In the spring of the year 1705, the assembly met in Phila- delphia, when Gov. Evans addressed the house, ably defending the measures and interest of the proprietary, who, he stated, was much displeased at " the most scandalous treatment he had met with in letters directed to himself and others, in the name of the assembly." To the governor's speech, the house returned an ungracious reply, in which they asserted that the letters complained of not having emanated from that assembly, it was not concerned in answering the charge. The governor, who was an unflinching advocate of the pro- prietary, made another effort to awaken their sympathy and gain their support by representing the heavy expenses Penn had incurred in warding off the blow with which they had been threatened, and obtaining the confirmation of their laws, which could not be effected without considerable expense. He re- minded them that in the other English colonies, provision was made for the support of government, whereas, in Pennsylvania, " to the scandal of the place, all was done at the proprietary's charge." They rejoined, that the proprietary undertook to obtain the royal sanction to their laws, and to prevent the sur- render of the government to the crown, and if " he had found the money he had, and was to have, by the two thousand pounds act, had not been sufiicient," more would be raised on his speci- fying the particular charges incurred. They further maintained that the quitrents had been re- served for the support of government, being the first instance in Avhich this pretence had been advanced. The governor sharply reproved them for these expressions, asserting that the £2000 had been granted for another purpose — as in fact it 9R* Qo 498 LIFE OF AVILLIAM PENX. was — for it was levied before the emergency occurred which called Penn to England ; and, moreover, a considerable part of it had never been collected. As to the quitrents, he as- sured them their assertion was entirely groundless. The governor informed the house that William Biles, one of their members, had used '' scandalous and seditious expres- sions" toward him, and he therefore expected them to expel him. They replied that the words were not alleged to have been spoken in that house ; that William Biles had already been prosecuted at the governor's suit in the county court, and they declined to expel him, but were willing to intercede for his forgiveness. The governor, finding that no business was likely to be done, dismissed the assembly ; and, at the same time, reproached them for having spent tAVO sessions in fruitless debate about their privileges, without a single act being passed, or any thing done for the support of government. There can be no doubt that the assembly was exceedingly culpable in not providing a revenue for the support of govern- ment, and for the reimbursement of the proprietary's expendi- tures in the public service. They were probably misled by the artifice and sophistry of David Lloyd, who, as Logan said, "had the faculty of leading them out of their depth," and took ad- vantage of the governor's inexperience or misconduct to excite a jealousy toward the proprietary. The only extenuation that can be ofiered for their delin- quency, is the great scarcity of money at that time, and the depressed condition of the province, brought on by the general war in Europe. The American coasts and the high seas were infested with privateers and pirates ; the commerce of the colony had sufiered greatly, and its produce could scarcely be sold. In one of Logan's letters, dated in the 1st mo., 1704, he says : — " I am, every day, worn out by the great discouragement we lie under here. The country has no money. What little there is, the traders in town have it. Wheat — the farmer's dependence — bears no price ; and breaa and flour is a very drug ; notwithstanding so high in demand three year ago. IMPROVING PROSPECTS OF THE COLONY. 499 " Things are at such a stand, that I know not whether to receive thy dues or not, seeing that they can, by no means, be had iu money." Again he wrote, at the close of the same year : — " Thy unfortunate losses by sea yield so melancholy a prospect, that it quite disheartens me, but it is not thy lot alone. AVilliam Trent and I. Norris, the chief traders in the place, have lost, this last year, I fear, one- third of their estates, for scarce any thing returns that is sent out.'^ It appears, by a passage in one of the proprietary's letters, that the colony was also suffering from the laws of England intended for the protection of her manufactures. WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. "London, 14th 7th mo. 1705. * * * " [As] for the wool ad here, in England, I will lay the mis- chief of it to America before the Council of Trade, and use my utmost en- deavours to have it amended this next Parliament ; though they are jealous here of encouraging manufactures there, and therefore demur to the law about tanning of leather."- It is pleasing to find that the colonists, generally, and the Friends especially, were dissatisfied with the factious proceed- ings of the last assembly, and took measures to clear them- selves of the odium, by an affectionate address to the proprie- tary, and the election of a new assembly, who chose a different speaker, and pursued a wiser course. WHLLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN "London, 14th 7th mo. 1705. " Thy letter of the 11th of 12th mo. contains four points. First, the late quiet state of government amongst you. Could I promise myself the continuance thereof, I should be induced never to part with it. The sur- render is not yet effected, nor do I know when it will. * * * " I am well pleased with the governor's speech, and as little pleased with the assembly's answer. I have not yet surrendered, and unless I 3an do it on very valuable terms, I will not ; and, therefore, expect three things : 1st. The condemnation of David Lloyd's proceedings, as thou speakest of, and that, whether I surrender or not. Since one or t'other shall make no diflference as to my coming and inhabiting there, and *" The Eighth of Elizabeth, eh. 3, punished with imprisonment and the loss of the left hand the sending of live sheep out of the kingdom, or the em- barkation of them on board any ship : and this, too, without any exceptiou nf thft npppsKarv nrnvisidns far flip «liin'« frftw " — T.nnnn \f.^.^ 500 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. placing some of my children among them. 2dly. That no law be passed, nor privilege granted, by my lieutenant-governor, till they have settled a revenue of £1000 per annum upon the government, at least. I, too, mournfully remember how noble a law I had, of exports and imports, when I was first in America, that had been worth, by this time, some thousands a year ; which I suspended receiving for a year or two, and that not without consideration engaged by several merchants. But T. Lloyd, very unhappily for me, my family, and himself, complimented gome few selfish spirits with the repeal thereof, without my final consent, which his commission required. And that has been the source of all my loads and inabilities to support myself under the troubles that have oc- curred to me on account of settling and maintaining that colony. For I spent upon it £10,000 the first two years, as appears by accounts here in England, which, with £3000 I overspent myself in King James's times, and the war in Ireland that followed, has been the true cause of all my straits I have since laboured under ; and no supply coming from Pennsylvania between my first and second voyage, (being 15 years,) to alleviate my burdens and answer my necessities ; — to say nothing of what my deputy-governors have lost me, from the beginning, even in Fletcher's time, and the vast sum of money I have melted away here in London, to hinder much mischief against us, if not to do us much good — which I can solemnly say has not been less, communibus annis, than £400 a year, which comes to near £10,000. Lord Baltimore's two shil- lings per hhd., with anchorage, tonnage, and other immunities, is a sup- ply far transcending what I can hope for, though he never took the hun- dredth part of the concern upon him that I have done : and when they gave it to him, they were in poorer circumstances than Pennsylvania is now, by many degrees. And I am ashamed to tell thee how opprobri- ously our people's treatment of me has been styled by people of almost all qualities and stations. * * * " To thy third paragraph, I only say, I wish I could see it, for I am a crucified man, between injustice and ingratitude there, and extortion and oppression here. The Lord support my spirit through it all ! ! ! ! " To thy twelfth paragraph, about the meeting-house and school lot, I wish some people had exercised some more tenderness towards my poor suffering and necessitious circumstances. * * * However, since I will hope it is the better sort of Friends that seek it, I consent, as my gift, both that the meeting-house and school-house ground be granted and confirmed to the meeting, and greatly recommend the caution that Bent for my authority. For though my commissioners have power to be just, they have no power to be bountiful."* •* This is supposed to be the lot at the corner of Market and Second streets, occupied for a Friends' meeting-house, erected in 1695, rebuilt in 1755, and premises sold in 1808, when the Arch-street house was built. HARMONY IN THE GOVERNMENT. 601 JAMES LOGAN TO WILLIAM PENN. *«24th 8br, 1705. " Our new assembly for the province is now sitting, being, I presume, Dne of the best choices this government ever had, but cost no small pains to make it such. We have in it, Edw. Shippen, S. Carpenter, Caleb Pusey, and Richd. Hill, members of council, besides many more very good heads ; as I. Norris, J. Growden, who is now on the right side, and largely proved it last assembly, and the generality of the rest, as Row- land Ellis, R. Thomas, and Rd. Pyle, and are very honest pickt men. Only the corporation has given us D. Lloyd, after he was rejected by ballot, for the county, and even in the town it was unfair play got him in, our party was so strong. * * * " In short, we are all exceedingly easy in matters of government, and more happy in all our circumstances (trade and wealth excepted) than I have ever known since I have been here. But our losses are still great and the unhappiness of Maryland, by having their bills protested, deeply affects us, for now, though before they were not worth purchasing, there is not one to be had. J. L." The members of this assembly were all Friends, except one ; thej chose Joseph Growden for their speaker, and although D. Lloyd had been returned by the city of Philadelphia, he had but little influence. They proceeded to business with an earnest determination to retrieve the credit of the province, which had been impaired by the proceedings of the last assembly. At this session, which continued nearly three months, fifty bills were passed and re- ceived the governor's assent. Amonor them were several laws aorainst crimes and misde- meanours, a law for liberty of conscience, an act to confirm titles for land, an act to prevent the importation of Indian slaves^ an act for the relief of the poor, an act for raising a revenue, and an act " directing the qualification of magistrates," being for the relief of persons scrupulous of taking an oath. The last of these laws being objected to by the governor, was not to take effect for some months, in order to give time for ob- taining the royal sanction.* An act concerning courts of justice was rejected by the governor. * Colonial Records, ii. 239. 502 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. At the close of this session, a dutiful and affectionate address to the proprietary was drawn up and adopted by the house. This was the most harmonious and effective session of the legislature that had been held for many years, and when its proceedings were reported to Penn, he was induced to hesitate in his purpose of selling his government. WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. " I do again a little complain of thee, to thee : for thou hast shifted thy judgment about selling the government. One time sell it with all speed, and another time keep it. One time sell all ; perplexities in pro- perty staring us in the face, as well as those in government ; another time, government only, and go thither and enjoy myself quietly, in the evening of my time, with my family and friends, and it would much ad- vance my property. And thou advisest me to sell government, and the millions of rough lands remaining — being about thirty millions of acres, unless the lakes divide me. Now the opinion I have of thy abilities, (as is well known to our secretaries and great men here, ) makes me stagger under diversity of directions. I know also thou hast two or three good heads in thy intimacy, and, that I make myself believe, love me and wish me well, that are good assistants to thee ; and I wish I had your solemn final resolve what I shall do." CHAPTER XXXVII. Misconduct of Gov. Evans — False alarm caused by him — Letter of Logan — Governor Evans loses public confidence — Conduct of Friends during the false alarm — The governor calls the assembly — Proposes military defences — Their answer — The governor levies a tax called "Powder Money" — Richd. Hill and others pass his fort at New Castle — The go- vernor foiled in his exactions — Reaction in the public mind — D. Lloyd again speaker of the assembly — Altercation between the assembly and governor about judiciary bill — Assembly impeach Logan — Characters of Logan and Lloyd — Charges against Logan, and his answer — Assem- bly's remonstrance to William Penn, about Evans and Logan — AYilliam Penn censures Evans — Determines to remove him — Letter to Logan, announcing the appointment of another deputy-governor. 1706-7. The administration of Gov. Evans was disturbed, throughout nearly its whole coui^e, by the conflict of opposing interests and MISCONDUCT OF GOVERNOR EVANS. 503 passions. At first, the assembly, by its extravagant pretensions, had arrested the progress of legislation ; and when the people, dissatisfied with their representatives, elected others qualified, and disposed to promote the public good, the harmonious action that ensued, was of short duration, for the lieutenant-governor, elated with the triumph of his party, proceeded to acts of dis- simulation and oppression, that resulted in his own disgrace. He had a strong inclination for military display, and the depre- dations of privateers and pirates on the commerce of the province, together with the incursions of the Indians in some of the neighbouring colonies, furnished him with cogent arguments for enforcing the directions of the British government to put the colony in a posture of defence. In the lower counties, called the territories, his views met with the concurrence of the people, few of whom were Friends, but in the province, where that peace-loving people were numerous, he found all his efi"orts to sustain a militia were in- effectual, and only rendered him the more unpopular. Not being able to appreciate the motives of the Friends, and perhaps doubtful of their sincerity, he determined to put their principles to a severe test, and for that purpose devised a scheme as puerile as it was mischievous. In a letter of Logan, dated 4th month, 1706, he gives a particular account of the alarm produced by the governor's stratagem. " To bring it about, he first procured a letter as from Col. Seymour, (Governor of Maryland,) counterfeiting his hand to it, and sent it to the sheriff of New Castle, with orders to send it hither in great haste by an express, informing of a French fleet upon the coast : and the next day, seconded this, with another report from Burlington, said to come from East Jersey, to the same purpose. But before this, I should have in- formed thee, that being that day to dine two miles out of town, at Cap- tain Roche's, on Schuylkill, he left word with Thomas Guy, that if any letter was brought to town, directed to him from New Castle, it should be despatched to him immediately ; which gave me, when it appeared, the first suspicion that it was a sham, and so I suspiciously told him, but he denied it positively. This order was obeyed, and hurrying to town with the members who were there, he caused a council immediately to be called, and with all due formality caused the letter to be read, and thf 504 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. matter considered. The result of all this was that a proclamation should be forthwith issued, requiring all persons to furnish themselves with arms and ammunition ; and for two nights the militia kept regular guard of about forty men each night. " The sheriff of New Castle had orders, the night before the alarm here, to raise theirs through the whole country: which the unhappy man, being a diligent and obedient officer, was obliged with reluctancy to do. "Another letter was also framed, as sent from the sheriff of Sussex to New Castle, informing that Lewis was burnt. All which, being in pur- suance of what was first concocted here, shows the thought long, — but not deep ; unless purposely designed for the mischievous effects it is likely to have. He himself, in the time of the alarm, rode about the town with his sword drawn, forcing all, that could be induced to arms, to Society Hill. Powder was dealt out among the people, to the loss of several ap- prentices, now so many scores of pounds in value. The people threw their goods into wells and all manner of holes, greatly to their damage ; women were taken ill, and the distress was very great. Friends were generally the quietest, yet many of them fled, but were miserably insult- ed and menaced by those who bore arms." After other particulars, he adds : "It is believed 'twill now be utterly in vain to call the militia out, they are so disgusted with being so miserably imposed upon." " In short, the whole is looked upon to be a most mischievous, boyish trick, and has given many hearty well-wishers to the government occa- sion to remember Wm. Biles's words with much more charity." The words of William Biles, here alluded to, were, " He is but a boy, he is not fit to govern us, we will kick him out;" which the governor, construing to be seditious expressions, caused him to be prosecuted and imprisoned. The imprison- ment of Biles, the attempt to raise a militia, the affair with the watch, and the loose morals of Evans, had brought his reputation to a low ebb in the colony ; but this preconcerted attempt to drive them from their principles by a false alarm, subjected him, and all others concerned in it, to public indig- nation. Logan, living at the time in the same house with the governor, and being considered his general adviser, was charged with being an accomplice in this disgraceful transaction ; but we have, in his letters to Penn, an explicit denial ; and independently of hi^ high moral character, which ought to exculpate him, we may THE GOVKRNOR PROPOSES MILITARY DEFENCES. 505 conclude that he had too much sagacity to advise so shallow an artifice, which could not fail to be discovered.* The Friends, instead of being driven to arms in this suppose(l emergency, evinced, by their calmness and self-possession, the firmness of their principles. "It being our meeting-day," ob- serves Logan, "and although the time and tide that was to bring them up, it did not prevent the meeting, nor did the sur- prise put many of our Friends into those military companies;" and Isaac Norris avers that "not a Friend of any note but behaved as becomes our profession." Soon after "the alarm," the governor and those members of the council who were not Friends, aifected to consider the con- sternation it had produced, a sufficient evidence of the neces- sity for military defences, and they even proceeded to convene the assembly for that purpose. When they were met, the governor stated to them his views on the propriety of establish ing a militia and erecting fortifications; but they replied thai they had levied a considerable tax last year for the support of government; that their crops having failed, and their trade decayed, they were unable to do more; and they earnestly desired of the governor, that those who brought up the false reports by which the alarm was caused, might be "brought to condign punishment." This address was just such as might have been expected, and the governor, finding the assembly impracticable, dismissed it. The indignation of the inhabitants at the governor's conduct was greatly increased by an unwarrantable attempt he made to levy an impost on their commerce. Having induced the assem- bly of the territories to pass a law for the erection of a fort at New Castle, all vessels navigating the Delaware were required to report themselves, under a penalty of five pounds, and an additional charge for every gun fired to bring them to. In- ward-bound vessels were subjected to a duty of half a pound of powder for every ton of their capacity. This illegal exaction was highly resented by the merchants, being in direct contra- * I am surprised that Gordon should give countenance to this charge. Se« Us Hi3t. of Pa. p. 189 506 LIFE or WILLIAM PENN. ventlon of the royal charter, which secured to them the free navigation of the river. Richard Hill, Samuel Preston, and William Fishborn, owners of a new sloop called the Phila- delphia, then leaving on her first voyage to Barbadoes, de- termined to withstand the exaction; and, acquainting the governor with their purpose, went on board. The governor hastened to New Castle and ordered watch to be kept for the vessel. As she approached, she anchored above the fort, when Preston and Fishborn went ashore and informed John French, the com- mandant of the fort, that she was regularly cleared, and they demanded their right to pass without interruption. This being refused, Richard Hill, who had been bred to the sea, took the helm and steered past the fort, with no other injury than a shot through the mainsail. French pursued in an armed boat, and coming alongside, they cast him a rope, by means of which he boarded the vessel, when those on board cut the rope, which caused the boat to fall astern, and making him a prisoner with- out a blow, they proceeded on their way. The governor, greatly exasperated, pursued them in another boat to Salem, where Richard Hill went ashore with his prisoner ; and Lord Cornbury being there, who claimed to be vice-admiral of the river Dela- ware, they brought the matter before him. He sharply reproved French for his conduct, and to Governor Evans he plainly ex- pressed his disapprobation.* Logan, in writing to Penn, says — "On the 3d, Lord Cornbury came to town ; I waited upon him and had a conference with him for about an hour. I entered fully into the matter, And protested, in thy name and behalf, against these proceedings, as be- ing not only against thy inclinations, but evasive of thy rights. I found he had resented the matter to our governor, and will resent it home to the Lords of Trade. * * * These are very cloudy times indeed, and to us a day of severe trial ; there is a mighty hand in it that lays the de- sign out of reach of prevention. For my own part, I have reasoned and thought as coolly, and I think as regularly, on these matters as ever I did m my life, and have used my best endeavours ; but things conspire so together, out of any particular reach, that to me the hand is very visible, and Pennsylvania, thy former darling, has now become thy heavy afflic i> * Proud's Hist. i. 472, and Logan MSS. ALTERCATION IN THE ASSEMBLY. 507 tirn ; and I cannot but lament ray own fortune, that should be concerned in it, at such a time when it is made so. But I have the comfort to think that designedly, or accidentally I have contributed to no part of it. * * ** May that Divine goodness that has hitherto so manifestly protected thee through so many floods, continue the same remarkable goodness, and deliver thee from the same pressing straits, which I believe will at length bring a real advantage. * * -x- " Friends are preparing their letter to thy assistance, but it goes on too slowly. They have missed the opportunity of the vessel from York to Bristol, and intend to take the next.'' The bold and successful passage of the sloop Philadelphia before the fort at New Castle showed its inefficiency as a means of defence, and put an end to the exaction of powder money. Hill and his associates were members of the Society of Friends, they stood high in the community, and their con- duct was generally approved. At the next meeting of the legislature, they, with many others, presented a petition on the subject, which occasioned a remonstrance from that body to the governor, on his illegal proceedings. The conduct of Governor Evans produced a reaction in the public mind, and at the ensuing election, the popular party, as it was called, was again triumphant. David Lloyd was elected speaker, and they forthwith began to inquire into abuses and complain of grievances with their wonted vehemence. The main points of difference between the assembly and the governor and council related to courts of justice, and the te- nure of office by the judges. Great pertinacity was manifested on both sides, and many conferences were held ; in one of which, David Lloyd, the speaker, neglecting to rise when he spoke, the governor commanded him to stand up, but he, not being disposed to conciliate, kept his seat, and affecting to re- present the majesty of the people, claimed "to be exempted front this tribute of respect in a conference where equality was in- dispensable and was sanctioned by precedent." The testy governor, who professed to represent the majesty of the queen, insisted upon the punctilio, and the members of ^he 50^ LIFE OF WILLIAM PEXX. house retired from the conference, fearing, as they said, that "the difference might terminate in unseemly language."* More than a week was employed in debates and messages about this ridiculous affair ; when they again proceeded w^ith the judiciary bill, but the governor, not agreeing to its provi- sions, established a judicature by proclamation. David Lloyd and his party, being highly exasperated, and thinking the governor was, by his commission, placed beyond their reach, drew up articles of impeachment against James Logan, whom they considered obnoxious to censure as the secretary and leading member of the executive party. Logan had for some years been the most powerful antagonist of Lloyd, and in the heat of party spirit which arose, they each attributed to the other faults of the gravest character. The secretary was a man of sterling integrity, great learn- ing, and consummate ability ; but his manners toward persons of inferior acquirements were not always courteous. He was ac- cused of being aristocratic in his feelings, and his exactness in collecting quitrents and other proprietary dues had rendered him unpopular. In defence of proprietary interests, he stood like a rock, and proudly defied the waves of popular clamour. Lloyd, although he could not pretend to the learning of Lo- gan, was possessed of sufficient legal attainments to give him great influence in an assembly composed chiefly of farmers ; he was versed in parliamentary tactics, skilful in debate, pleasing in his manners, and affecting to be the champion of popular rights, he obtained an ascendency w^hich all his prevarications failed to destroy. The articles of impeachment against Logan accused him of endeavouring to deprive the people of their political rights, delaying to furnish patents to the purchasers of land, charging quitrents before tlie lands were located, and keeping the office of surveyor-general in his own hands. Logan, by permission of the council, made a speech in his own defence, and soon after laid before the board a full and * Colonial Kecords, ii. Oovdon's Hist. Pa. REMONSTRANCE ABOUT EVANS AND LOGAN. 509 circumstantial answer, being a copy of one he had sent to the proprietary. The governor informed the assembly that he doubted hig power to try impeachments, as there was no express grant in the charter for that purpose ; but, it being his duty to heaY and redress complaints against all officers under him, he invited them to appear before him and exhibit their charges. A day being appointed, and a large concourse of citizens in attend- ance, the assembly presented their articles of impeachment, and required Logan to answer them separately, in ivriting. He demurred to this demand, until they should adduce evidence to sustain their charges. They insisted upon his answers being first given. He rejoined by a general denial of all the charges, and more especially the first, which, he said, it was impossible for him to be concerned in, as the transaction took place in Eng- land. The assembly still declined to exhibit their proofs, and some days were spent in angry altercations, during which, it must be admitted, that Logan did not treat the assembly with the respect due to them as the representatives of the people. The assembly, being foiled in their attack upon the secre- tary, now turned upon the governor, with whose conduct they and the whole country had good reason to be dissatisfied. They drew up, in the summer of 1707, a remonstrance, ad- dressed to the proprietary, in which they recited many in- stances of Governor Evans's misconduct : — as his immoral conduct on a visit to the Indians at Conestoga — his refusal to pass the judiciary bill — his impositions upon trade, by the duty at Newcastle — his proceedings in relation to the militia and tavern licenses — his propagation of "the false alarm" — his granting a commission for privateering — his beating a consta- ble in one of his midnight revels — and, finally, his great ex- cesses and debaucheries, whereby wickedness was encouraged and the hands of the magistrates weakened. Against the secretary, James Logan, it was alleged, that "he knew of th« . false alarm ; but, instead of using such means as were in hia power to prevent it, he, by his conduct, under pretence of coming at the truth of the affair, made it worse;" and tiat, 2S^ 510 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENX. as a commissioner of property, he had unjustly detained cer- tain deeds for lands from the owners, &c. It is remarkable that most of the charges against Logan, contained in their articles of impeachment, were omitted in the remonstrance, and others substituted that were probably equally groundless. The remonstrance of the assembly was transmitted to George Whitehead, William Mead, and Thomas Lower, in London, with instructions to present it to the proprietary, and to the Board of Trade and Plantations. William Penn had already been advised by Logan of the governor's miscon- duct, concerning whom the secretary had, during the past year, entirely changed his opinion. Before the date of the assembly's remonstrance, Penn, in consequence of information received from Logan and others, concerning the governor, wrote him a severe admonition, viz ; — * WILLIAM PENN TO J. EVANS. "Eatuy, 15th 3d mo. 1707. "Esteemed Friend: — As my dependence was entirely upon thy honour, BO I never thought myself unsafe with it : but three reports, strenuously improved to my disgrace in these parts, (for so I account every thing that affects thee and thy conduct, in which I am so much concerned,) makes me very uneasy. The first is the 'alarm' given the people by thy know- ledge, if not contrivance, when, at the same time, thou knewest there was no validity in the pretended reason of it, and thou gavest those persons the private hint of the fallacy, that, perhaps, could not more deserve that whisper than others that were left to be frightened, as the very best and most obliging of our Friends in town and country were ; and this just after they had shown their distinguished regards to thee and me, by the provision they had zealously made for governor and government, and for which singular token of wisdom and kindness they have been neglected in the last election, that being improved by mine and our friend's impla- cable enemies to misguide and blow up the present assembly to fall upon things either impracticable or inconvenient, as well as inflaming against us. I am truly sorry for these things. " The second report is the sufferings Friends lie under, as well as are exposed to, on account of not bearing arms. A thing which touches my conscience as well as honour. * He must be a silly shoemaker who has not a last for his own foot.^ That my friends should not be secure and * Penn's MSS., Letters, Am. Phila. Soc, Phila. LETTER TO GOVERNOR EVANS. 511 easy under me, in those points that regard our very characteristic, but that fines, or a forced disowning of their own principles, they must stoop to ! * * * " The third complaint is, the encouragement and growth of vice, for want of power and countenance to suppress it. Now, this touches my reputation, that so fairly began, in both good laws and good examples too. * * * In all which I desire thy answer and utmost caution, on one hand, and care on the other to suppress vice, as by proclamation now sent ; and taking advice of the most eminent Friends and safe peo- ple of that city, of who are most deserving of encouragement, or best qualified to keep public-houses there. As I desire that vice may be sup- pressed, (one great end of government,) so I desire that care may be taken that no just ofi'ence may be given to the crown ofi&cers there, in reference to the revenue thereof; and hope Col. Quarry came to you last with a dis- position of living easily and fairly among you. And pray let no occasion be given him to change his resolutions ; for that has hitherto been the pretence to fall upon proprietary governments, though none so deserving of the [protection of the] crown ; being made and governed at their own charge. "Give no occasion to the inhabitants, nor yet court any selfish spirits, at my cost and my sufiering family's. Distinguish temper and places ; and let realities, and not mere pretences, engage thee. Redress real grievances, suppress vice and faction, encourage the industrious and sober, and be an example, as well as a commander, and thy authority will have the greater weight and acceptance with the people. " I am far from lending my ears against my own ofiicers — 'tis neither wise nor just — nor yet is it so to refuse to hear what is said by way of complaint, when the nature of the thing calls for it, and the exigency of afi'airs requires it. But there is, I know, a just caution to be observed in the use to be made thereof on all hands. " Thy friends, of which mine are not the least, (my relations, I mean,) inquire of thy welfare ; and those, and other stories, coming to their ears, have troubled them, as not savouring of the character they had before apprehended to have been thine, and suitable to one employed by me. I, therefore, earnestly desire thy utmost honour, prudence, justice, and cou- i-age, in my afi'airs ; and do not despond of a happy providence and suc- cet^s in them at last ; which, hitherto, has not failed to attend me in the slose of various and hazardous adventures in the world. And, for a con- clusive paragraph upon these things, what thy honest and friendly father and mother would advise thee, if living, to do for my service, and honest, though abused, interest, that do with all thy might, I desire thee. "Be wise and firm to the last, for I hope a reasonable issue. * ♦ " Thy friend, &c. WILLIAM PENN," 512 LIFE OF WILLIAM PEN2^. This letter had a salutary effect : Governor Evans endea- voured to amend his conduct, and, according to Logan's ac- count, seemed to be really an altered man, but it was too late ; he had lost the confidence of the public, and nothing short of his recall could restore harmony to the distracted councils of the province. Penn was remarkably steadfast in his friendships, and having been well satisfied with the early part of Governor Evans's administration, he was sIoav in giving credence to the heavy charges brought against him, especially as they had been coupled, in the spurious remonstrance of 1704, with accusations against himself, which he knew were unfounded. After he became assured that his lieutenant was altogether unworthy of the station, he determined to remove him ; but his purpose was delayed, for some months, by the difficulty of finding a suitable successor. The following letter to his secre- tary announces his intention to appoint another governor, and discloses the kindness he still felt towards Evans : — WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. " London, 3d of 3d mo. 1703. L'd Treas'rs. * * ' ^ "I have had none from thee since last 6th month, which gives me great uneasiness ; since the virulent treatment of D. Lloyd, &c. can much sooner find its way to Philip Ford, and by him to G. W., W. M. and T. L., who have been with me at my lodgings in Old Baily, to repre- sent the state of the province, and render it very lamentable, under the present lieutenant-governor ; and unless I will discharge him, and put in a man of virtue, years, and known experience, and of a moderate spirit, they cannot avoid laying the assembly's complaint before the queen and council ; in which they have enumerated all the fjiults, if not impru- dences, they can lay to his conduct. The alarm, the refusal of the law for courts, the New Castle law, to pay toll coming from, and going to Philadelphia, and the violent struggle upon it; the affair of young Susan Harwood, and conniving at the escape of the old one made from justice, and accompanying them to another province, for avoiding shame and punishment. To which they add a voyage to Susquehanna, with the \ilest character of his and his retinue's practices, in the families of the people at Conestoga. My soul mourns under these things, for the very fame of them, but much more if true. "I doubt not his regards for my interest, in the main, but this disjoints all, and cuts me down at once ; so that I have been forced to think, much PECUNIARY EMBARRASSMENTS. against my desire, of looking out for another to put in his place ; and, at last, I have found one,* of whose morals, experience, and fidelity I have some knowledge, and of his family, forty years, also a recommending character from persons of great rank. And, he assures me, he intends to centre with us and end his days in that country, being forty-six years of age, and has sold his estate in Europe, to lay out his money there, and be a good freeholder among you. "Highly commended by Lieutenant-general Earle and Major-general Cadogan, and the Ingoldsby family, as well as Major Morris, my steward, and some friends in Ireland : and if he goes, it will be as one resolved to retire, and absolutely disposed to recommend himself to you by sobriety and thriftiness, rather than luxury or rapaciousness. Which I thought fit to communicate. And pray break it to him, [Governor Evans,] and that the reason why I chose to change, rather than contest with the complaints before the queen and council, is, that he may stand the fiiirer for any employment elsewhere ; which would be very doubtful if those blemishes were aggravated in such a presence. * * * "WILLIAM PENN." CHAPTER XXXVIII. Penn's pecuniary embarrassments— Treachery of his steward— The Fords claim Pennsylvania— Letters of Penn and Logan about Ford's accounts— Suit in Chancery— Penn's friends o^ev a composition of the claim— Difficulty interposed by D. Lloyd's accusation— I. Norris's cer- tificate about the spurious remonstrance of 1704— Letter of Penn— Letter of I. Norris about Penn's arrest and imprisonment for debt- Ford's claim settled— Penn released from the Fleet prison. 1706-8. While William Penn was struggling with the difficulties at- tendant on his station as proprietary, and burdened with sorrow for the dereliction of his son, he was subjected to the most gall- ing pecuniary embarrassments by the treachery of his steward. Philip Ford was a man of respectable standing ; a member of the Society of Friends, and much esteemed by Penn, who em- ployed him in the management of his estates, placing implicit confidence in his integrity, and accepting his accounts without scrutiny. It was this easy, confiding temper, so amiable in * Colonel Charles Gookin. 3.3 •14 LIFE or WILLIAM PENX. itself, that led the proprietary into many of the difficulties he encountered. In a letter to Thomas Lloyd and others, dated in 1685, he thus speaks of Ford, who was one of the first pur- chasers of land in Pennsylvania, but resided in England: — "I would have you forthwith take care and order Philip Ford's city lot, for his ten thousand acres, * * and his hundred and fifty acres in the suburbs, to be laid out the very next of all that is not taken up, for he deserves of the whole country to be pre- ferred, that for the good of it has neglected the advancement of his own."''' Yet at that very time, or soon after, this unfaithful steward was weaving the toils that were to bind his unsuspect- ing friend and employer, and, when he had him completely in his power, he exacted without mercy his exorbitant demands. On the large sums of money that passed through his hands, for many years, he charged unreasonable commissions, and on his advances he calculated compound interest, every six months, at eight per cent., which was one-third more than the law allowed, by which means, although he had received seventeen thousand pounds and expended £16,000 only, he brought the proprietary in his debt to the amount of ten thousand five hundred pounds. Penn, from time to time, accepted his accounts, without sufii- cient examination, and finally to secure the debt gave him a lien upon his province, in the form of a deed of conveyance. After the death of Philip Ford, his widow and son Philip en- deavoured to obtain possession, which gave rise to the follow- ing correspondence. WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. (about ford's claim.) "28th 10th month, 1705. *' I offered upon the adjusting the accounts, (against which I have great and equitable exceptions,) that the half should be then presently paid, and the other reasonably secured; and that, as I desired not to be a judge in my own case, I did propose to refer it to Friends of their and my own choosing. Both which (after three years agitation) they refused. On which, I complained to the meeting they belonged unto ; and had it not been for the young man's late illness, which hindered their attendance on * Peraberton MSS. THE FORDS CLAIM PENNSYLVANIA. 615 the meeting, that adjoiu-ncd from week to week, mostly on that account, they had been disowned by the meeting, or had stopped their proceedings in chancery. Those people have been very dilatory, false, and changeable, as well as insolent and unmannerly; and their strength is not their cause, but their abettors — some of the worst among you, and of such here as have long laid a design to supplant both me and mine, I hope the Lord will disappoint them, to their shame. The reason why they will not refer their case, is supposed to be the blackness and injustice of the ac- count, which by chancery they hope to stifle, and have the oppressive sum allowed, being upon security. But my counsel (esteemed the top of that court) assures me otherwise ; and then, their £12,000 pretence must bear a considerable abatement ; whose accounts, though so volu- minous, have been, through Providence, rather than by my carefulness, preserved entire ; having never opened them, since the family delivered them sealed to me, till on this occasion. Some of the exceptions there- unto are these : First, He received more moneys of mine than ever he paid for me, as appears from the account enclosed. Second, That the pretended sum amounts to that height by an unreasonable and voracious computation of compound interest every six months, (sometimes sooner,) at six, but oftener at eight per cent. Third, The unusual and extravagant sum he sets down as salary money, for paying himself out of my money — and 2^ per cent, for money advanced, when the custom here is but ^ per cent. Fourth, That he did not set down any of the times on which he received £8000 of my money, whereby one might bring the account to a balance — but continued the first sum advanced, which was £2800, and the compound interest thereof, reckoned every six months ; with other demands, as aforesaid. There are many things more which I can- not insert, by reason of the shortness of time. " Friends' letter, with the many subscriptions [signatures] is come to hand. My dear love to them all, and let none be concerned about the lands they pui-chased, either before or since my last being among you, for care was taken therein : and let them know, that I neither have, nor willingly shall surrender, since they desire I should not.'' "London, 9th 12th month, 1705. •* Clear off" the Fords and I fly to you ; and, I believe, some here will advance half — at least one-third, did Friends there do the like ; and thou, out of mine own in thy hands, or due to me, help to crown all, — be the same six or twelve thousand pounds to be paid." Thomas Callowhill, Penn's father-in-law, wrote at this period to James Logan, from Bristol, under date of 23d of first month, 1706:— " I have seen their accounts, stated under both their hands, ("W. P. and P. F.,) in which by his easiness and want of caution, (as 'hou oV 51(5 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. serves it,) he gave the vrretch opportunities of his base, barbarous, and wicked extortions, that ariseth to so great a bulk ; which, had they been corrected in time, would not have amounted to the tenth part of what they now are. That little knowledge I have of it troubles me ; yet I have comfort in this, that though their concern seems great and exer- cising, neither him nor my daughter sinks under it, but from the Divine power have supports to their spirits ; and I pray God it may turn to their good, and be instruction to their posterity." And Isaac Norris, then in London, wrote about the same date to the secretary: — "After all, I think the fable of the palm good in him — 'the more he is pressed, the more he rises.' He seems of a spirit to bear and rub through difficulties ; and as thou observes, his foundation remains. I have been at some meetings with him, and have been much comforted in them, and particularly last first-day."* JAMES LOGAN TO THOMAS CALLOWHILL. *« 13th of 6th mo. 1706. " I fear we shall be engaged in great perplexities, by reason of that most unfortunate business of Philip Ford. Never was any person more barbarously treated, or baited with undeserved enemies. He [William Penn] has been able to foil all attacks from public adversaries ; but, 'tis his fortune to meet with greatest severities from those that owe most to him. One would think there was almost a commission granted, as against Job, for his trial ; for such an accumulation of adversaries has seldom been known to attack a person that so little deserved them. It must be confessed that something of it all is owing to his easiness and want of caution. ** I wish some of those that are acquainted with the more effectual way of transacting such concerns would search into the bottom of it ; consider, by the most unbiassed advice, the strength of his antagonists, and endea- vour to fix on the most effectual means for his security ; for, as far as I can gather from the accounts which I have at such a distance, Philip Ford's designs were base and barbarous from the beginning. " And what an old, cunning, self-interested man, with such intentions, might be capable of doing, when he had so much goodness, open-hearted- ness, and confidence in his honesty to deal with, is not difficult to imagine." WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. "London, 10th 4th mo. 1707. *' Our chancery suit is like to go to the House of Lords, not because the lord chancellor does not repute it a mortgage, and not a fee, (for that he has already done,) but because I have great hopes to have the accounts * The Frieii.l. SUIT IN CHANCERY. 617 reduced to at least a moietj. * * * Many great men interfere for the ending it by reference, or lumping it, to prevent scanning those enownous accounts; and certainly that must be a base and wretched account, that cannot stand the inijuiry of an honest and able accountant. *' But my son-in-law, Aubrey, grows very troublesome, because he gets nothing thence, — almost an open break, did I not bear with him extreme- ly: all his last bills are protested; at which he has no patience, and truly it is provoking. * * * But I bless the Lord I am yet upon my rock — a lasting foundation ! and had [I] but supplies from thence, I could yet bear up my head till matters issue with the Fords, and should hope for a comfortable and easy conclusion of my present troubles, and d lys, too, in God's time. " I desire thee to hasten all the relief thou canst, both to me and my son Aubrey, of whom I Avould be clear, of all men ; he has a bitter tongue, and I wish I had nothing to do with him in money matters.'"' " 8th 5th month. " Prospects dark for the public, yet a good peace hoped for. Give honest and wise Samuel Carpenter, Caleb Pusey, T. Masters, Griffith Owen, and Thomas Story, too, my dear love, not forgetting Captain Hill, and his sweet wife ; indeed, all that love the truth in its simplicity, my love is for, and forgiveness for the rest. My God has not forsaken, nor yet forgotten me in all respects. Blessed be his name !" IS. NORRIS TO JAMES LOGAN. " London, 14th of 5th mo. 1707. " Dear Friend, James Logan : — I am indebted for thine of 10th and 20th, which is still the latest date I have from Pennsj'lvania. * * * " In the 3d month, came on a hearing before the lord chancellor, who declared, that let the accounts be ever so unreasonable, that considering the repeated closures, deeds, and confirmations thereupon, he would not set such a precedent as unravelling the accounts would be, though he were to pay the money himself; yet dropped several expressions, that we think it is his opinion that it would not exceed a mortgage. Since then, has been a trial at common law, they having arrested him, as their tenant, for above £2,000, for rent due since the deed of sale and lease ; and upon some mislaying there, it came to a special verdict, and that put off till their Michaelmas term ; and thus the matter lies. They have spread reports about the country that he is a prisoner in the Fleet, and are very bold with his reputation in all their discourses of him There has been some expectation of lumping it, from some former conversation of Philip's, but ho now appears adverse. * * To oblige George White- head and some [others,] E. Ilartwell, Jos. Wright, Jno. Frome, Jos. and Silvanus Grove, &e. have perused the whole accounts from the beginning, and, as one man, declare thev never saw nor heard of the like cxt26 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. first apearance among them, subjects should be brought before him not within his cognizance ; for, although the measures complained of, were well known in England, he had no instruc- tions concerning them. He was desirous to redress all griev- ances within his power; but he thought the "most effectual method to free the people from the apprehensions of grievances would be to lay aside all former animosities and jealousies, and apply themselves to such business as they were concerned in for the public." The council, or those members of it who had been in office during the administration of Evans, considered the assembly's allusion to " evil counsel" as a censure upon them ; whereupon they presented an address to the governor, denying that they had advised the measures complained of, asserting that they derived no emolument from the office, and that they could have no other object in view than the public good. The assembly, in another address, replied that they designed the charge against the secretary^ and some others not of the council. Logan immediately applied for a trial upon the charges formerly preferred against him, but the assembly took no action upon it till near the close of the session. In the mean time, the governor, in obedience to an order from the queen, made a requisition upon the assembly for as- sistance toward a military expedition against Canada. The quota required from Pennsylvania w^as 150 men, and a contri- bution in money. The governor stated to the house, that being aware of the scruples of many of the inhabitants against bear- ing arms, he would excuse them from furnishing troops if they would raise a subsidy of four thousand pounds. After much debate, the assembly replied that they could not, for conscience' sake, comply with the requisition, but in grati- tude to the queen for her many favours, they had resolved to raise and present her with five hundred pounds, as a testimony of their loyalty. This was by no means satisfactory to the governor, who insisted upon a larger sum, and the assembly subsequently offered to add three hundred pounds for a present to the Indians and other public charges, and two hundred ASSEMBLY ORDER LOGAX TO BE ARRESTED. 527 pounds for the governor's salary, expecting, in return, his con- currence in redressing their grievances.* The governor re- sented this condition as a want of confidence and courtesy, and the remainder of the session was spent in fruitless debates and messages. On the last day of the session the assembly adopted another remonstrance, containing heavy charges against Logan, in- tended, as he believed, for political effect, as he was not then allowed to answer it, and they had it publicly read in the several counties on the day of election. In the next assembly, which met in October, (then 8th mo.,) 1709, the same party was predominant, and David Lloyd was again chosen speaker. Logan, who had hitherto stood on the defensive, now became the assailant, and preferred, through the governor, charges against Lloyd, for high misdemeanour, probably founded on the spurious remonstrance of 1704, and the correspondence con- nected therewith. He, at the same time, demanded a trial on the accusations made against himself, and stated that he was about to embark for England. The assembly, instead of attempting to prove their charges against the secretary, passed a resolution for his arrest and imprisonment, "for reflecting on sundry members of the house and charging their proceedings with unfairness and injustice." The governor interposed for his protection, by a supersedeas. to prevent the execution of the speaker's writ, and Logan em- barked for England. A letter of Isaac Norris, written soon after, exonerates the Society of Friends from much of the blame attached to these factious proceedings : — ISAAC NORRIS TO JOSEPH PIKE. "18th 12th month, 1709-10. " Most of these sticklers in assembly are either Koitheans, or such ad stand loose from Friends, who have other ends than \yhat is penetrated into by some pretty honest, but not knowing men." * Colonial Records, ii. 495. 628 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. About the time of Logan's embarkation, the assembly "en tered upon their minutes, an assurance -which the speaker had received by letter from George Whitehead and Thomas Lower, that he should in England be brought to his trial upon the articles charged against him." It appears that, after a full hearing there, he was triumphantly acquitted, " both by Friends, and the ciAdl authorities."* The confidence of William Penn in his secretary never wavered ; and even in the province, a reaction took place soon after his departure. The friends of the proprietary rallied ; the eyes of the people were opened to the deceptions that had been practised upon them, and Lloyd's party was completely prostrated. In the election of 1710, not a single member of the last as- sembly was returned ; all were the friends of the proprietary ; they chose Richard Hill for their speaker, and their proceed- ings were characterized by order, decorum, and despatch. ISAAC NORRIS TO JAMES LOGAN. "Philadelphia, 29th 8br, 1710. *' Our assembly met at the time, and adjourned to the 4th xbr., with consent »f the governor, and all, so far, in good humour and well. We met with difficulty in getting papers ; — they cull and keep back what they please ; — there is not a word to be seen of the foul minutes of 1704, but a fair, large, lying full one, stitched up in the book. Brother Hill, speaker ; — David Lloyd moved to Chester ; — the country pretty quiet and easy. Thou used to talk of astral influences; I am not very superstitious, though I cannot but take notice how universally and resolutely Friends were spirited about this election ; nay, some, from whose cautious or tjareful temper, so much could hardly be expected." The remark about astral influences was only a piece of plea- santry ; his sentiments are more seriously expressed below. ISAAC NORRIS TO WILLIAM PENN. "Philadelphia, 23d 9br, 1710. "Thine, directed to Edward Shippen, with the enclosed copy of thy welcome expostulatory letter to thy friends, and the people here, of 29th fourth month, came to hand by the packet boat, three days since. Several of thy good friends have already seen it, and are extremely oleased therewith. It is so consolatory to thy friends, so tender and soft * Friend, xix. 210. penn's expostulatory letter. 529 where it touches the others, and suitable to the present posture of aff\iirs here, that -we think it cannot be made too public. Notwithstanding, the contenders may perhaps cavil; and to-morrow, being our monthly meet- ing, [we] shall consider the most proper method to make it so. Had it happily arrived before the election, it might have fiicilitated the work, and been some support to Friends, under the exercise which seemed to fall on several, with more than usual weight; who, contrary to their in- clinations against mobbish contests, resolutely stemmed the insolent as- surances that some seemed to have, that they could not be laid aside. Sure an overruling hand directed that our thoughts and steps here should bo 80 answerable to thine there; and I heartily pra}^ the providential hand which governs all, may particularly influence here, and direct us to peace, duty, moderation, and right things." * * * The expostulatory letter of Penn referred to above, is given in full by Proud and Clarkson, who attributed to its influence the remarkable change in the assembly; and Gordon, in his History of Pennsylvania, expresses the same sentiment ; adding that "Lloyd thus beheld the fragile staff on which he leaned break under him, and his violence against the secretary recoil upon himself." Norris was a prominent member of the new assembly, and it appears from his statement that Penn's letter did not arrive till after the election. Its effect, however, was most salutary ; being a beautiful exposition of his affectionate regard and parental care for the people of his province. "London, 29th 4tli mo. 1710. " My Old Friends: — It is a mournful consideration, and the cause of deep affliction to me that I am forced, by the oppressions and disappoint- ments which have fallen to my share in this life, to speak to the people of that province in a language I once hoped I should never have had occasion to use. But the many troubles and oppositions that I have met with from thence oblige me, in plainness and freedom, to expostulate with you con- cerning the causes of them. •'When it pleased God to open a way for me to settle that colony, I had reason to expect a solid comfort from the services done to many hundreds of people ; and it was no small satisfaction to me that I have not been disiippointed in seeing them prosper, and growing up to a flourishing country, blessed with liberty, ease, and plenty, beyond what many of themselves could expect, and Avanting nothing to make themselves happy but what, with a right temper of mind and prudent conduct, they might give themselves. But, alas ! as to my part, instead of reaping the like advantages, some of the greatest of my troubles have arisen from thence. 2U 34 530 LIFE OF "WILLIAM PEXX. The many combats I have engaged in, the great pains and incredible expense ^or your welfare and ease, to the decay of my former estate, of which (however some there would represent it) I too sensibly feel the effects, with the undeserved opposition I have met with from thence, sink me into sorrow, that, if not supported by a superior hand, might have overwhelmed me long ago. And I cannot but think it hard measure, that, while that has proved a land of freedom and flourishing, it should become to me, by whose means it was principally made a country, the cause of grief, trouble, and poverty. "For this reason I must desire you all, even of all professions and degrees, (for although all have not been engaged in the measures that have been taken, yet every man who has interest there is, or must be, con- cerned in them by their effects,) I must therefore, I say, desire you all, in a serious and true weightiness of mind, to consider what you are, or have been doing ; why matters must be carried on with these divisions and contentions; and what real causes have been given, on my side, for that opposition to me and my interest, which I have met with, as if I were an enemy, and not a friend, after all I have done and spent both here and there : I am sure I know not of any cause whatsoever. Were I sensible you really wanted any thing of me, in the relation between us, that would make you happier, I should readily grant it, if any reasonable man would say it were fit for you to demand, provided you would also take such measures as were fit for me to join with. "Before any one family had transported themselves thither, I earnestly endeavoured to form such a model of government as might make all con- cerned in it easy; which, nevertheless, was subject to be altered as there should be occasion. Soon after we got over, that model appeared, in some parts of it, to be very inconvenient, if not impracticable. The numbers of members, both in the council and assembly, were much too large. Some other matters also proved inconsistent with the king's charter to me ; so that, according to the power reserved for an alteration, there was a ne- cessity to make one, in which, if the lower counties (the territories) were brought in, it was well known at that time, to be on a view of advantage to the province itself, as well as to the people of those counties, and to the general satisfaction of those concerned, without the least apprehen- sion of any irregularity in the method. "Upon this they had another charter i)iissed, nemineconiradicenie, which I always desired might be continued while you yourselves would keep up to it and put it in practice ; and many there know how much it was against my will, that, upon ray last going over, it was vacated. But, after this was laid aside, (which, indeed, was begun by yourselves in Colonel Fletcher's time,) I, according to my engagement, left another, with all the privileges that were found convenient for your good government ; and, if any part of *f has been, in any case, infringed, it was never by my approbation. 1 penn's expostulatory letter. 531 desired it might bo enjoyed fully. But, though privileges ought to be tenderly preserved, they should not, on the other hand, be asserted under that name to a licentiousness : the design of government is to preserve good order, which may be equally broke in upon by the turbulent endea- vours of the people as well as the overstraining of power in a governor. I designed the people should be secured of an annual fixed election and assembly ; and that they should have the same privileges in it that any other assembly has in the queen's dominions; among all which this is ono constant rule, as in the parliament here, that they should sit on their own adjournments; but to strain this expression to a power to meet at all times during the year, without the governor's concurrence, would be to distort government, to break the due proportion of the parts of it, to establish con- fusion in the placeof necessary order, and make the legislative the executive part of government. Yet, for obtaining this power, I perceive, much time and money has been spent, and great struggles have been made, not only for this, but some other things that cannot at all be for the advantage of the people to be possessed of ; particularly the appointing of judges; because the administration might, by such means, be so clogged, that it would be difficult, if possible, under our circumstances, at some times to support it. As for my own part, as I desire nothing more than the tranquillity and prosperity of the province and government in all its branches, could I see that any of these things that have been contended for would certainly promote these ends, it would be a matter of indifference to me how they were settled. But, seeing the frame of every government ought to be regular in itself, well proportioned and subordinate in its parts, and every branch of it invested with sufficient power to discharge its respective duty for the support of the whole, I have cause to believe that nothing could be more destructive to it than to take so much of the provision and executive part of the government out of the governor's hands and lodge it in an uncertain collective body ; and more especially since our government is dependent, and I am answerable to the crown if the administration should fail and a stop be put to the course of justice. On these considerations, I cannot think it prudent in the people to crave these powers ; because, not only I, but they themselves, would be in danger of suffering by it. Could I believe otherwise, I should not be against granting any thing of this kind that were asked of me with any degree of common prudence and civility. But, instead of finding cause to believe the contentions that have been raised about these matters have proceeded only from mistakes of judgment, with an earnest desire notwithstanding, at the bottom, to serve the public, (which, I hope, has still been the inducement of several concerned in them,) I have had but too sorrowful a view and sight to complain of the manner in which I have been treated. The attacks on my reputation : the many indignities put upon me in papers sent over hither into the hands of those who oould not be expected to make the most discreet and charitable use of them ; the secret insinuations against my justice, besides the attempt made upon my 582 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. estate ; resolves past in the assemblies for turning my quitrents, never sold by me, to the support of government; my lands entered upon without any regular method ; my manors invaded, (under pretence I had not duly surveyed them,) and both these by persons principally concerned in these attempts against me here ; a right to my overplus land unjustly claimed by the possessors of the tracts in which they are found ; my private estate continually exhausting for the support of that government, both here and there, and no provision made for it by that country; to all which I cannot but add the violence that has been particularly shown to my secretary ; of which (though I shall by no means protect him in any thing he can be justly charged with, but suffer him to stand or fall by his own actions) I cannot but thus far take notice, that, from all the charges I have seen or heard of against him, I have cause to believe, that had he been as much in opposition to me as he has been understood to stand for me, he might have met with a milder treatment from his prosecutors ; and to think that any man should be the more exposed there on my account, and, instead of finding favour, meet with enmity, for his being engaged in my service, is a melancholy consideration. In short, when I reflect on all these heads, of which I have so much cause to complain, and, at the same time, think of the hardships I and my suffering family have been reduced to, in no small measure owing to my endeavours for and dissapointments from that province ; I cannot but mourn the unhappiness of my portion, dealt to me from those, of whom I had reason to expect much better and dif- ferent things ; nor can I but lament the unhappiness that too many of them are bringing upon themselves, who, instead of pursuing the amica- ble ways of peace, love, and unity, which I at first hoped to find in that retirement, are cherishing a spirit of contention and opposition, and, blind to their own interest, are oversetting that foundation on which your happiness might be built. "Friends! the eyes of many are upon you; the people of many nations of Europe look on that country as a land of ease and quiet, wishing to themselves in vain the same blessings they conceive you may enjoy; but, to see the use you make of them, is no less the cause of surprise to others, while such bitter complaints and reflections are seen to come from you, of which it is difficult to conceive either the sense or meaning. What are the distresses, grievances, and oppressions, that the papers, sent from thence, so often say you languish under, while others have cause to believe you have Mtherto lived, or might live, the happiest of any in the queen's dominions ? "Is it such a grievous oppression, that the courts are established by my power, founded on the king's charter, without a law of your making, when upon the same plan you propose ? If this disturb any, take the advice of other able lawyers on the main, without tying me up to the opinion of principally one man, whom I cannot think so very proper to direct in my affairs, (for I believe the late assembly have had but that one lawyer penn's expostulatory letter. 533 amongst them,) and I am frecl}^ content you should have any law that, by proper judges, should be found suitable. Is it your oppression that tho officers' fees are not settled by an act of assembly ? No man can be a greater enemy to extortion than myself. Do, therefore, allow such fees as may reasonably encourage fit persons to undertake these offices, and you shall soon have (and should have always cheerfully had) mine, and, I hope, lay lieutenant's concurrence and approbation. Is it such an oppression th-.it licenses for public-houses have not been settled, as has been proposed? It is a certain sign you are strangers to oppression, and know nothing but the name, when you so highly bestow it on matters so inconsiderable; but that business I find is adjusted. Could I know any real oppression you lie under, that it is in my power to remedy, (and what I wish you would take proper measures to remedy, if you truly feel any such,) I would be as ready, on my part, to remove them, as you to desire it ; but according to the best judgment I can make of the complaints I have seen, (and you once thought I had a pretty good one,) I must, in a deep sense of sorrow, say, that I fear the kind hand of Providence, that has so long favoured and pro- tected you, will, by the ingratitude of many there, to the great mercies of God hitherto shown them, be at length provoked to convince them of their unworthiness; and, by changing the blessings, that so little care has been taken by the public to deserve, into calamities, reduce those that have been so clamorous and causelessly discontented, to a true, but smarting sense of their duty. I write not this with a design to include all ; I doubt not, many of you have been burdened at, and can by no means join in, the measures that have been taken ; but, while such things appear under the name of an assembly, that ought to represent the whole, I cannot but speak more generally than I would desire, though I am not insensible what methods may be used to obtain the weight of such a name. " I have already been tedious, and shall now, therefore, briefly say, that the opposition I have met with from thence must at length force me to consider more closely of my own private and sinking circumstances in re- lation to that province. In the mean time, I desire you all seriously to weigh what I have wrote, together with your duty to yourselves, to me, and to the world, who have their eyes upon you, and are witnesses of my early and earnest care for you. I must think there is a regard due to mo that has not of late been paid ; pray consider of it fully, and think soberly what you have to desire of me, on the one hand, and ought to perform to me on the other; for from the next assembly I shall expect to know what you resolve, and what I may depend on. If I must continue my regards to you, let me be engaged to it by a like disposition in you towards me. But if a plurality, after this, shall think they owe me none, or no more than for some years I have met with, let it, on a fair election, be so declared , and I shall then, without further suspense, know what I have to rely upon. God give yon his wisdom and fear to direct you, that yet our poor country ria-; be Vie:-s J w'.tli peace, love, nnd industry, and we may once m^ rs 534 LIFE OP WILLIAM PENN. meet good friends, and live so to the end, our relation in the truth having but the same true interest. " I am, with great truth and most sincere regard, your real friend, aa well as just proprietor and governor, "WILLIAM PENN." By the election of the new assembly, harmony was restored to the government, and all its branches were distinguished by sedulous and successful application to business. The right to adjourn at pleasure was yielded : the expenses of the state were cheerfully supplied, and the judiciary was established by law. The voice of complaint was hushed, while the manifold blessings enjoyed by the inhabitants were frankly acknowledged."* In 1711, another requisition was made by the British govern- ment, for aid in prosecuting the war against Canada, which being communicated by the governor to the assembly, they, after some delay, passed a law for "raising ,£2000 to the queen's use." There is extant a letter of Isaac Norris in reference to this law, in which he says, "we did not see it inconsistent with our principles to give the queen money, notwithstanding any use she might put it to, that not being our part, but hers." In the year 1712, the ascendency of the Friends in the as- sembly is indicated by the passage of "an act to prevent the importation of Negroes and Indians into the province, "f But this wise and humane law was annulled by the crown, in pursuance of that nefarious policy of the British government, which sought to enrich her merchants by keeping open, in her colonies, a market for men. J It is pleasing to reflect that, during the last three years -of William Penn's participation in colonial affairs, harmony pre- vailed in the government of his province, and that an act so consonant with his feelings and principles was then passed ; for, though at that time unsuccessful, it entitles Pennsylvania to the honourable distinction of having led the way to a more humane system of legislation on the subject of slavery. * Gordon's Hist. Pa. 163. f Colonial Records, ii. 578. % Gordon AGAIN TRAVELS AS A MINISTER. 535 CHAPTER XL. Penn travels as a minister— Ilis health declines— Composes a preface to J. Bank's journal— Contracts for the sale of his government— His let- ter to the council— Letter to Logan — Severe illness — Last letter to Logan — Second attack of his disease — Letters from Hannah Penn — William Penn's intellect impaired by disease— His health gradually declines— Hannah Penn's management of colonial affairs— Her cor- respondence with Logan— Death of William Penn— Address and pre- sent of the Indians to Hannah Penn— William Penn's will— Death of William Penn, Jr., of Hannah Penn, of James Logan. 1709-18. Although the infirmities of age began to require some respite from physical exertion, the mind of William Penn still continued vigorous, and, in 1709, he was engaged in travelling as a minis- ter of the gospel, being then sixty-five years of age. In this service he visited the "western part of England, as well as the counties of Berks, Buckingham, Surry, and other places." For some years past he had resided about eight miles from London, and within a mile of Brentford, where a meeting was established by the Friends, to be held once a month, as well for the accommodation of his family, as for the general service of their profession. In the year 1710, the air near London not suiting his de- clining constitution, he took a handsome seat at Ruscombe, near Twyford, where he resided the remainder of his life.* In 1711, he composed a preface to the Journal of his ancient friend, John Banks, which he dictated to an amanuensis. While composing it "he walked the floor to and fro, with a cane in his hand, and gave occasional answers to other matters intervening." This being the last piece he published, an ex- tract is here inserted to show the brightness of his intellect, and the freshness of his religious feelings in the evening of his day. * Life prefixed to his works. 536 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. " Friendly Reader : — The labours of the servants of God ought always to be precious in the eyes of his people, and for that reason the very frag- ments of their services are not to be lost, but to be gathered up for edifi- cation, and that is the cause why we expose the following discourses to public view; and I hope it will please God to make them efi"ectual to such as seriously peruse them, since we have always found the Lord ready to second the services of his worthies upon the spirits of the readers, not suffering that which is his own to go without a voucher in every con- science — I mean those divine truths it hath pleased him to reveal among his children by his own blessed Spirit, without which no man can rightly perceive the things of God, or be truly spiritually minded, which is life and peace. And this, indeed, is the only beneficial evidence of heavenly truths, which made that excellent apostle say in his day, * We know that ice are of God, and that the whole world lieth in loickedness :' for, in that day, true religion, and undefiled before God and the Father, consisted in visiting the fatherless and widows in their afiiictions, and keeping un- spotted from the world, not only a godly tradition of what others have enjoyed, but the experimental enjoyment and knowledge thereof, by the operation of the divine power in their own hearts, which makes up the inward Jew and accomplished Christian, whose praise is not of men, but of God ; such are Christians of Christ's making, that can say with the apostle, ' It is not we that live, but Christ that liveth in us, dying daily to self, and rising up, through faith in the Son of God, to newness of life.' Here formality bows to reality, memory to feeling, letter to spirit, and form to power ; which brings to the regeneration, without which no man can inherit the kingdom of God ; and by which he is enabled, in every estate, to cry, Abba Father t * * * "Now, reader, before I take my leave of thee, let me advise thee tc hold thy religion in the spirit, whether thou prayest, praisest, or minis- terest to others ; go forth in the ability God giveth thee ; presume not to awaken thy beloved before his time ; be not thy own in thy performances, but the Lord's ; and thou shalt not hold the truth in unrighteousness, as too many do, but according to the oracle of God, that will never leave nor forsake them who will take council at it; which that all God's people may do, is, and hath long been, the earnest desire and fervent supplication of theirs and thy faithful friend, in the Lord Jesus Christ. " WILLIAM PENN."* "London, 23d of 12th mo. 1711." For some years past he had been negotiating with the British cabinet for the sale of his government. He was impelled to this step by two principal motives: the first arose from pecu- niary embarrassments — the province being still under a mortgage * Clarkson. NEGOTIATES FOR SALE OF HIS GOVERNMENT. 53' to those friends who released him from his debt to the Fords; the second was the difficulty he found in his administration, being, on the one hand, often thwarted by a faction in the colony; and, on the other, restrained by his allegiance to the crown, from the full development of his peaceable policy. Per- haps a third motive may have been the unfitness of his eldest son to succeed him as proprietary and governor. There were, however, other considerations which inclined him to keep his government : the original purpose of the enterprise was to found a "free colony for all mankind," and to adminis- ter Its government on Christian principles. This favourite Idea had been more nearly realized than in any other instance on record ; and he still indulged the hope that, if a peace were con- cluded In Europe, and he settled with his family at Pennsbury, he might yet see all his plans accomplished, and spend the evening of his days in serene tranquillity. Another strong motive for retaining the government was to secure for the Friends in Pennsylvania that religious liberty which had been one of their main inducements to emigrate. This object, together with political privileges for the people^ he kept constantly in view during his negotiations with the cabinet, by which means the completion of the contract was delayed for some years. His letters to Logan, already quoted, show how sedulous was his care, and how firm his determination on this head. The advice of his secretary, and some of his best friends In the province, was in favour of the sale, though they regretted the necessity that seemed to require it. In the summer of 1712, the terms of the surrender were agreed upon, as appears by the following letters, viz: "For my dear Friends, S. Carpf.nter, Ed. Sitippex, Rich. Hill, I. Nor- Ris, C. PusEY, S. Prestox, T. Story, Gr. Owen, &c., at Philadelphia, in Pennsylvania. "Ruscombe, Berks, 24th 5th mo. 1712. '*Dear axd worthy Friexds: — Having so fair an opportunity, and having hoard from you by the bearer, Jolm French, I choose by him to fialute you and yours ; and all unnamed Friends that you think worthy, 538 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. for my heart loves such, and heartily salutes them and theirs, and prays for your preservation in the Lord's everlasting truth, to the end of time ; and the way of it is, to take the Lord along with you in all your enter- prises, to give you right sight, true counsel, and a just temper of modera- tion in all things ; you knowing right well the Lord our God is near at hand. Now know, that though I have not actually sold my government to our truly good queen, yet her able lord treasurer and I have agreed it, and that affair of the prizes the bearer came hither about, is part of the queen's payment, viz. her one-third ; and the other comes very oppor- tunely, that belongs to me, which I hope J. Logan will take care of, in the utmost farthing, and remit it to me first, to whom I suppose orders will go by this opportunity from the treasury to that ejQTect. *' But I have taken effectual care that all the laws and privileges I have granted to you shall be observed by the queen's governors, &c. ; and that we who are Friends shall be in a more particular manner regarded and treated by the queen. So that you will not, I hope and believe, have a less interest in the government, being humble and discreet in our conduct. "And you will find all the charters and proprietary governments an- nexed to the crown, by an act of Parliament next winter ; and perhaps Col. Quarry, if not J. Moore, may happen to be otherwise employed, not- withstanding the politic opinion of one of my officers in that government, that is still for gaining them, which I almost think impossible. But be that as it will, I purpose to see you, if God give me life, this fall, but I grow old and infirm, yet would gladly see you once more before I die, and my young sons and daughter also settled upon good tracts of land, for them and theirs after them, to clear and settle upon, as Jacob's sons did. I close when I tell you that I desire fervent prayers to the Lord for conti- nuing my life, that I may see Pennsylvania once more before I die, and that I am your faithful, loving friend, WILLIAM PENN.'' WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. " 24th of 5th mo. 1712. * * * "I rejoice that I am yet alive to write to thee, and if ever thou lovest me, or desirest my welfare, show it now, I pray thee, in my poor concerns, though I hope I have made an end with the lord treasurer about my business, (twelve thousand pounds, payable in four years, the price; with certain stipulations,) which I recommend to thy great care and diligence ; for since the Lord has continued my life, I hope by the same token to see an end of my encumbrances." These expressions seem to refer to a recent attack of illness ; probably the same alluded to in the codicil to his will, dated 27th of the 3d month, in which he says he had been ill of a fever at London, but was then recovered. SECOND ATTACK OF SEVERE ILLNESS. It was not long, however, before he had a second attack of what his wife called a ''lethargic illness." It came upon him suddenly, while he was writing to Logan, — so suddenly, that his hand was arrested by paralysis in the beginning of a sen- tence, which he never completed. This letter possesses peculiar interest, being the last he wrote to his faithful friend and secretary. WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAX. "Bristol, 4th 8th month, 1712. *' I desire thee to move all springs that may deliver me from my pre- sent thraldom, as thou v^^ilt answer it to the great all-seeing God, and all just and good men; for it's my excessive expenses upon Pennsylvania that has sunk me so low, and nothing else ; my expenses yearly in Eng- land ever exceeding my yearly income. '* And that which urges me more, is thy deep silence to my earnest ex- pectation, upon my pressing order to thee to dispose Friends there to come in with Friends here to sink the present encumbrance on the country. It would have been a kindness I should not have forgotten ; but I see such a hold-fast disposition in the most of men, that I almost despond. Yet the attorney-general assures me I might have made over my patent to any number of my friends, or a less number, as 48, 24, or 12, for the whole, as an incorporated body, to have ruled in my stead [including myself or family (with) a double vote] and so Friends would have had a country ; which Friends there and here may have time hereafter to consider of. And truly so great is the number and interest of Friends here, that they would always have had it in their power to have preserved their interest in the province to the end, in all revolutions in government here. But I am not to be heard either in civils or spirituals till I am dead. " I am now to tell thee that both my daughter and son, Aubrey, are under the greatest uneasiness about their money, which I desire, as well as allow thee, to return per first. ^Tis an epidemic disease on your side the sea, and the worst of all the seasoning, to be too oblivious of returns; which I beseech thee to contradict by the most speedy methods possible. But as thou sayest the money intended [for] me was placed to account of my mortgages, but still kept there, and so from me — so I have paid "William Aubrey (with a mad, bullying treatment from him into the bar- gain,) but £500, which, with severiil hundreds paid at several times to him here, mikes near £1100, besides what thou hast sold and put out to interest there ; — which is so deep a cut to me here ; — and nothing but my son's tempestuous and most rude treatment of ray wife and self, too, Bhould have forced it from me. Therefore, do not lessen thy cire to j-ay 540 LIFE or WILLIAM PENN. me, or, at least to secure the money on her manor of Mount Joy, tor a plantation for me or one of my children. " I writ to thee of our great and unhappy loss and revolution at Bris- tol, by the death of our near and dear friends, father and mother Callow- hill; so shall only say that he has left all his concerns in America to poor John, who had almost followed his grandfather, and who, by his sorrow at his death and burial, and also by his behaviour since, has jus- tified my special regards to him, as of an uncommon character and capa- city. Now, through the Lord's mercy, he is on the recovery, as I now likewise am, by the same Divine goodness ; for I have been most dan- gerously ill at London. " A peace certainly — and that whether the Dutch will or not ; and whom our folks threaten shall pay for the recovering of it, too ; which will not bo less than a million of money ; and I advise you to be discreet in those parts of the world, and may the simplicitv", humility, and se- rious sincerity of the Christian life and doctrine be your aim and attain- ment in the peace and plenty you are blest withal. " I am glad to see Sybilla Masters, who has come down to the city and is with us, but sorry at M. Phillips's coming, without a just hint of it. She" HANNAH PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. "Bristol, 13th 8br, 1712. "Esteemed Friend: — The enclosed my poor husband wrote, but had not time to finish before he was taken Avith a second fit of his lethargic illness, like as about six months ago at London, which has been no small addition to my late most severe exercises. But it has pleased the Lord, in the midst of judgment, to show us mercy, in the comfortable pros- pect of his recovery ; though as yet but weak. And I am ordered by the doctors to keep all business from him till he is stronger ; and yet, loth to let what he has wrote be left behind, I, therefore, thought best to send it, though unfinished, for thee to make the best use of, there being several things of moment. " I pray thee use thy utmost diligence to settle things and returns for our comfort. " I ought to say more in answer to thine, intended for my dear, de- ceased father ; only pray show the regard thou hadst for him, in assisting his poor, helpless descendants. Time and trouble forbid my enlarging. I am called on, in haste, the wind coming fair ; so conclude with my well- wishes to thee and love to my good and kind inquiring friends. " From thy real friend, "HANNAH PENN." There are a fevr words added by Williaai Peun, of which only the fo\ LETTER FROM IIAXXAII PEXX. 541 lowing were legible: — "Farewell, and pursue former exact orders, and thou wilt oblige thy real friend, W. PENN. " My dear love to all my dear friends." HANNAH PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. "Ruscombo, 5th 12th month, 1712. "Esteemed Friend: — I wrote to thee about three months since, in f P. S., or rather a conclusion of a letter from my husband, who was then very ill there, [at Bristol,] but recovered so as, by easy journeys, to reach London, and endeavoured to settle some affairs, and get some laws passed for that country's ease, and his own and family's comfort ; but finding himself unable to bear the fatigues of the town, he just reached R.us- combe, when he was seized with the same severe illness that he has twice before laboured under. And though, through the Lord's mercy, he is much better than he was, and in a pretty hopeful wa}' of recovery, yet I am forbid, by his doctors, to trouble him with any business till bet- ter." * * * The third paroxysm of his disease left his constitution in a shattered condition, from which he never recovered. During six years he lingered an invalid, gradually sinking to the grave. His memory was impaired — his noble intellect was clouded, but the sweetness of his temper remained, and he was favoured to retain the highest and best of his endowments — a sense of spiritual enjoyment, and a heart overflowing with love to God and man. His wife, in one of her letters, speaking of his serene state of mind, and lively sense of the Divine presence, very happily terms it " his translation." Previous to his second or third paroxysm, he had succeeded so far in negotiating for the sale of his government, that he had received, in advance, a payment of a thousand pounds from the treasury ; but, the deed not being executed, the crown lawyers gave it as their opinion that he was not capable of com- pleting the surrender. In this emergency the whole burden of his public and private affairs devolved on his wife ; for his son William, who ought to have been the stay of his father's declining years, was, by his intemperate habits, rendered un- worthv of trust, if not incapable of business. Two years after 2V 542 LIFE OF AVILLIAM I'ENN. the commencement of his father's malady, Hannah Peiin wrote — " I have not seen him this half-year, nor has he seen his father these eighteen months." And more than a year afterwards, notwithstanding a report of his reformation had reached America, she said — "He is exactly ditto. I wish I could say otherwise. I might then have, in many respects, help and ease from some of the burthens which I now labour under. But he has now put himself out of the way of every thing, except the enjoyment of that which has brought him to where he is." And again, after the interval of another year : — " I left both my daughters, Aubrey and Penn, to take care of their father and the family until my return, the [latter] to he j^iHed, for, poor woman, her husband continues the same."* Hannah Penn was a woman of extraordinary energy, talent, and fortitude ; but the accumulation of business requiring her attention, was truly appalling. The heavy encumbrances on her husband's estate were to be liquidated, an expensive family to be provided for, and the proprietary affairs required a fre- quent correspondence with the secretary, as well as many con- ferences with men in authority. In addition to all these cares, she had a young family to educate, and her husband required a large share of her atten- tion ; for her presence had become indispensable to his comfort. Her arduous duties were faithfully and successfully performed ; the return of peace in 1713 brought prosperity to the colony ; the increasing value of property there enabled her, after some years, to discharge the mortgage ; and during her husband's declining health, the voice of complaint was seldom heard from the assembly or people of Pennsylvania. Logan continued in her service as secretary and one of the commissioners of property. Having served William Penn faith- fully for ten years without any definite agreement as to salary, * "Friend," xviii, 369. pexn's health gradually declines. 543 the proprietary asked him to name a suitable compensation. Logan has left the following memorandum concerning it : — "Considering his melancholy circumstances in 1711, I set it at only £100 a year, currency, for all manner of services whatever, but told him I could stay in his service no more than two years ; but he was seized with an apoplectic fit in less than one year, which tied me down to liis business, and vastly, as it proved, to my loss." JAMES LOGAN TO HANNAH PENN. "23d of 12th mo. 1712-13. " My Honoured Mistress : — Last week, by New York post, to our very great joy, I was favoured with thy most welcome lines of the 13th 8br ; welcome on their own account, as coming from such a hand, yet abun- dantly more so, as they dissipated those clouds of sorrow that had univer- sally, for some weeks before, been cast over us, by the reported accounts of our proprietor — my master's — death. The story first arose from a foolish fellow, * * who said he saw his funeral, being imposed on (as we now judge) by that of Col. Quarry. I was heartily afiected at the loss of thy worthy father, for whose clearness of judgment and great solidity, both in thinking and acting, none, that truly knew him, could forbear entertaining a very great value. I should gladly have served him in his lifetime, and now, since his departure, shall be ready to do the same to those that succeed him in his interest in this pro- vince." * * * HANNAH PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. *«16th 12th mo. 1713. " My husband's and my dear love to our friends, Thomas Wilson and James Dickenson, if with you. Let Thomas know that my husband is better than when he was here. He was at Readino- meetino; last first- day, as also two or three times before, and bore it very comfortably, and expressed his refreshment and satisfaction in being there, as he fre- quently does in the enjoyment of the Lord's goodness to him in his pri- vate retirements. He frequently expresses his loving concerns for that country's good, and sends his love in a general manner to all its well- wishers." An intimate friend of William Penn, who went to see him in the spring of 1713, " Found him, to appearance, pretty well in health, and cheerful of dispo- sition, but defective in memory ; so that, though he could relate many past transactions, yet he could not readily recollect the names of absent persons, nor could he deliver his words so readily as heretofore ; yet 544 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. many savoury and sensible expressions came from him, rendering hia company even yet acceptable, and manifesting the religious stability of his mind. "The same friend, in his second visit, which he made to him in the spring of 1714, found him very little altered from what he had been last year. He accompanied him in his carriage to Reading meeting. He describes him as rising up there to exhort those present ; as speaking several sensible sentences, though not able to say much ; and, on leaving the meeting to return home, as taking leave of his friends with much tenderness."* In the autumn of the same year, his old friend, Thomas Story, being in England on a religious visit, went to Ruscombe to see him, and thus describes his condition : — "He was then under the lamentable effects of an apoplectic fit, which he had had some time before ; for his memory was almost quite lost, and the use of his understanding suspended, so that he was so not conversable as formerly, and yet as near the truth, in the love of it, as before, wherein appeared the great mercy and favour of God, who looks not as man looks; for, though to some this accident might look like judgment, and, no doubt, his enemies so accounted it, yet it will bear quite another in- terpretation, if it be considered how little time of rest he ever had from the importunities of the affairs of others, to the great hurt of his own and suspension of all his enjoyments, till this happened to him, by which he was rendered incapable of all business, and yet sensible of the enjoy- ment of truth as at any time in all his life. When I went to the housn, I thought myself strong enough to see him in that condition ; but when I entered the room, and perceived the great defect of his expressions for want of memory, it greatly bowed my spirit under a consideration of the uncertainty of all human qualifications, and what the finest of men are soon reduced to by a disorder of the organs of that body with which the soul is connected and acts during this present mode of being. "When these are but a little obstructed in their various functions, a man of the clearest parts and finest expression becomes scarcely intelligible. Never- theless, no insanity, or lunacy,t at all appeared in his actions ; and his mind was in an innocent state, as appeared by his very loving deportment to all that came near him ; and that he had still a good sense of truth is plain by some very clear sentences he spoke in the life and power of truth in an evening meeting we had together there, wherein we were greatly comforted ; so that I was ready to think this was a sort of seques tration of him from all the concerns of this life, which so much oppressed * Life prefixed to his works, and Clarkson. f It was reported by his enemies that William Penn had gone mad. HANNAH PENN'S LETTERS TO JAMES LOGAN. 545 him, not in judgment, but in mercy, that he might have rest, and not be oppressed thereby to the end."* HANNAH PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. "Rusc'be, 22d eleventh month, 1714. * ******* " The surrender remains as yet unfinished, and when it vrill be other- wise I cannot tell; but I am persuaded, that had my husband minded his own and his family's interest, but as much as he did the country's, it had been finished years ago ; for the answer I receive from all the great men is, that my husband might have long since finished it, had he not insisted so much on gaining privileges for the people. " iNIy poor husband has had two or three little returns of his paralytic disorder: but, I thank the Lord, it went off, and he is now in pretty good health — not worse in his speech than for some months past, nor can I say he is better; but when I keep the thoughts of business from him, he is very sweet, comfortable, and easy, and is cheerfully resigned to the Lord's will, and yet takes delight in his children, his friends, and do- mestic comforts, as formerly. It is the public and his family who feel the loss, and myself the trouble of his (I may say) translation. How- ever, I bless the Lord, who has hitherto upheld me. " Our daughter Pennf and Gully are now here, and salute thee — the two boys at G. Thompson's ; all under my care. " My children, I thank the Lord, are all in health, and as yet at home with us, under the care of a tutor. John inclines to be put apprentice at Bristol, to some merchant or linen-draper ; which I am pleased with, if a suitable place would present. Thomas's inclination, at present, looks towards physic ; but how or where that will centre, I cannot yet tell." HANNAH PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. " 2d second month, 1715. " I have lately been at London, and, by advice of friends concerned, I have got a sight of the deed of surrender. Thomas Story has looked into it, and, with others, thinks there is as much care taken for keeping the lower counties, and confirming the people's privileges, as can be at all expected ; and, therefore, all wish it could but be accomplished on so good a footing, as it was then like to be done, and to which I am advised to try. 'Tis now under consideration of Counsellor West and the trus- tees, who are desirous to forward it." * T. Story's Journal, 4G3. t Wife of William Penn, Jr., and their children— Springett, Gulielma. and William. 9V« HH 646 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. The harmony prevailing in the province for some years past was now disturbed by the perverseness of Governor Gookin. An act, passed in 1710, allowing affirmations to be adminis- tered to persons scrupulous of taking an oath, had been re- pealed by the queen, but was supplied by another in 1715, to which the governor gave his sanction ; but afterwards he un- dertook to nullify it, under the plea that it was contrary to the laws of England. Many of the judges and magistrates, as well as jurymen, being Friends, were excluded from serving, and the whole judicial system was deranged or suspended. The assembly and council remonstrated, but the governor was obstinate in his purpose. He also assailed, unjustly, the poli- tical character of Isaac Norris and James Logan, and pro- ceeded in such a course of rashness and folly that he was thought to be partially deranged. The assembly and council unanimously requested his recall, which was readily granted, and Sir William Keith appointed as his successor. HANNAH PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. " Ruscombe, 2d 1st mo, 1717. " Dear Friend : — I have already wrote to thee by the new governor, who, from the character given of him, we have accepted, and hope the country and our family will, in the end, reap the advantages, which I, at present, refused in another, who offered not less than £200 down, with thanks and good promise ; and which would have been a useful recruit to me in my toiling circumstances. But I let it slip, to oblige those that recommended the present governor for the country's good, and in whose power I hope it will be (by attending to the country's pros- perity) to more than make up that loss to me and mine. *' * * " My poor dearest life is yet continued to us ; but I know not how long that may be, for he is very weakly. "I have, for these last three or four years, continued on in this large house and expense, only to keep him as comfortable as I can ; for he has all along delighted in walking and taking the air here, and does still, when the Aveather allows ; and, at other times, diverts himself from room to room ; and the satisfaction he takes therein is the greatest pleasure I have in enjoying so large a house, which I have (with the necessary ex- penses and loads I bear) long found too much for me and our shrunk income." * * * HIS DEATH. 547 The time of William Penn's release from the body now drew near. In the summer of 1717, his strength was so much decayed, that he could scarcely walk without leading. " After a continual and gradual declension for about six years, his body drew near to its dissolution ; and on the 30th day of the 5th month, (July,) 1718, in the 74th year of his age, his soul, prepared for a more glurious habitation, forsook the decayed tabernacle, which was committed to the earth on the 5th of the 6th month [August] following, at Jordon's, in Buckinghamshire, where his former wife and several of his family had been before interred."* His funeral was attended by a large concourse of Friends, and persons of other denominations. Thomas Story speaks of it, in his journal, as a season of great solemnity. "We arrived," he says "at Ruscombe late in the evening, where we found the widow and most of the family together. Our coming occasioned a fresh remembrance of the deceased, and also a renewed flood of many tears from all eyes. A solid time (of worship) we had together, but few words among us for some time ; for it was a deep baptizing season, and the Lord was near at that time. On the fifth, I accompanied the corpse to the grave, where we had a large meeting ; and as the Lord had made choice of him in tne days of his youth for great and good services — had been with him in many dangers and difficulties of various sorts, and did not leave him in his last moments — so he was pleased to honour this oc- casion with his blessed presence, and gave us a happy season of his good- ness to the general satisfaction of all." In a letter of Hannah Penn to James Logan, written the year after her husband's death, she thus acknowledges the re- ceipt of a letter of condolence from Friends in America : — " Pray, let the Friends of the Women's General Meeting know I received their affectionate and serious letter, on occasion of the death of my dear husband, (as I did likewise the testimony from the Men's Meeting,) and that I take most kindly the tender expression of their love and respect to me, and heartily return mine to them." The Indians in Pennsylvania, hearing of the death of their great and good friend Onas, in order to testify their regard for his memory, and their sympathy with his widow, sent her an address of condolence, accompanied by a present. In the fol- * Life by Besse, prefixed to bis works. 548 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. lowing letter to James Logan, she alludes to their gift, which, it seems, consisted of " materials to form a garment of skins, suitable for travelling through a thorny wilderness ;'' intending to express, bj this symbol, the difficulties that lay in her path, and their desire that they might pass through them in safety. *' Ruscombe, 12th of 1st mo. 1719. •' Dear Friend : — Thine of the 7th 9br, I had, and take very kindly thy regards, and the sympathy of all those that truly lament mine and that country's loss, as deservedly due ; the consideration of which loss has brought with it a vast load of care, toil of mind, and sorrow upon me." ^ * * " For my own part, I expect a wilderness of care — of briers and thorns here, as transplanted from thence ; which, whether I shall be able to ex- plore my way through, even with the help of my friends, I have great reason to question, notwithstanding the Indians' present — which I now want to put on — having the woods and wilderness to travel through, in- deed ! However, I hitherto go on with comfort, and hoping that all will end at last to our joint satisfaction." The estates in England and Ireland, inherited by William Penn from his father, together with those brought by his first wife, produced an income of about .£1500 per annum. These were settled upon his eldest son, William, and were then con- sidered more valuable than his American possessions. By his will, the government of his province, and the territories annexed, was devised, in trust, to the Earl of Oxford, Earl Mortimer, and Earl Poulet, to dispose thereof to the queen, or any other per- son. This was written while he was negotiating for a surren- der to the crown. To his v>ife, Hannah, her father, Thomas Callowhill, and others, he devised, in trust, all his lands, rents, &c., in Pennsylvania and the territories ; first, to pay his debts ; secondly, to convey to the three children of his son William — Gulielma Maria, Springett, and William — each ten thousand acres of land, and a like quantity to his daughter, Letitia Au- brey ; thirdly, all the residue to be conveyed to the children of his present wife, in such proportions as she should think fit. All his personal estate, in Pennsylvania or elsewhere, he gave CO his wife, whom he named his sole executrix. His children by her were John, Thomas, Margaret, Richard, and Dennis, all minors. ( WILLIAM PENN, JR. CLAIMS THE GOVERNMENT. 549 William Penn, Jr., had been residing on the continent, leav- ing his wife and children dependent on his father ; after whose death he returned to England, and claimed the government of the province as the heir at law. The earls to whom it was de- vised in trust, being doubtful of their poAver to act under the will, a suit in chancery was instituted, which kept the case, for some years, in suspense. In the mean time, the claim set up by the eldest son, was resisted, and the government retained by Hannah Penn as executrix. About two years after his father's decease, William Penn, Jr., died, in France, of a consumption, and it is said, expressed on his death-bed his regret for " the wrongs he had done." His son Springett, and the other heirs, entered into a compro- mise, by which the will was established. Hannah Penn continued, during the minority of her children, to direct the proprietary affairs ; as appears by her correspond- ence with James Logan. In 1722, she had an attack of para- lysis, from which she partially recovered, and lived till about the year 1727. James Logan was employed in proprietary affairs during many years after the death of the founder ; he filled the highest judicial and executive stations in the province, and was fre- quently engaged in negotiating with the Indians, wlio had a great regard for him. In his old age he lived in dignified retirement at his seat, called Stenton, near Germantown, where he employed much of his time in literary and scientific pursuits. He died in 1751, aged seventy-seven years. By the establishment of William Penn's will, his sons by his second marriage, John, Thomas, and Richard, became proprie- taries of Pennsylvania, where their estates proved to be of immense value.* * In the year 1779, the legislature of Pennsylvania passed an act, vesting in the commonwealth the estate of the Penn family in the soil of the state. This act, however, secures to the descendants of William Penn all their private estates in Pennsylvania, including the manors and the " quitrents and ar- rearages of rents reserved out of the proprietary tenths or manors which had been sold." It also appropriates 180,000 pounds sterling, to be paid out of 650 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. CHAPTER XLI. The holy experiment — Its objects and results — State of society in Penn- sylvania during the life of the founder. No other founder of a colony, in ancient or modern times, has attempted so sublime an enterprise as that which William Penn has justly termed "the holy experiment." In order to estimate the importance of his labours, and the degree of suc- cess that attended them, we must take into view the objects he contemplated, and the difficulties he had to encounter. It was his purpose to found and govern a colony without arms or military defences : "to reduce the savage nations, by gentle and just measures, to the love of civil society and the Christian religion," and to lay the foundations of a " free colony for all mankind." Pennsylvania affords the only example of a state, where the executive power was upheld without military force, justice administered without the use of oaths, and reli- gion sustained without a priesthood or salaried ministry. We can readily conceive that such an experiment, if at- tempted on an island, previously uninhabited, not subject to foreign control, and colonized exclusively by men imbued with the principles of peace, would probably succeed in securing a degree of harmony and happiness not elsewhere to be found on earth. But in Pennsylvania the case was widely different. Owing allegiance to the British government, whose policy was warlike, the treasury of the state, to the representatives of Thomas Penn and Richard Penn, late proprietaries of Pennsylvania, as compensation for their rights. Smith's Laws of Pennsylvania, vol. i. The amount of money received by the state of Pennsylvania from the es- tate of the heirs of William Penn, from escheated lands, as appears by the comptroller-general's account, from 1781 to 1789, vs^as £824,094 Os. Id. The amount of the claim made by the heirs on the British government, for losses sustained by them, was £944,817 8s, 6 J, The committee on claims allowed £500,000, and left for the consideration of Parliament the remain- der. —Penn Papers in the possession of Geo. M. Justice. THE HOLY EXPERIMENT. 551 and even aggressive, vehemently urged by the officers of the crown to join the other colonies in their hostilities against the French and Indians, having a British court of admiralty esta- blished in her midst, endeavouring to exact the use of oaths, and worst of all, having in her metropolis a band of adven- turers, attracted thither by her prosperity, abusing the liberty they enjoyed and fomenting discord, in order to weaken the proprietary government ; that with all these impediments, Wil- liam Penn should have succeeded in maintaining his authority, without a compromise of his principles, may be accounted truly wonderful. A government can be conducted on the principles of peace, by those only who are fully imbued with the lamblike spirit of Christ, and who, having an abiding faith in Divine protection, forbear to provide themselves with military defences. This position is sustained by reference to the history of the other American colonies. "In Maryland, as well as in New England," says Graham, in his Co- lonial History, " doubtless the pacific endeavours of the colonists were counteracted, not only by the natural ferocity of the Indians, but by the hostilities of other Europeans, by which that ferocity was, from time to time, enkindled and developed. Yet the Quakers of Pennsylvania, who were exposed to the same disadvantage, escaped its evil consequences, and were never attacked by the Indians. Relying implicitly and exclu- sively on the protection of Heaven, they renounced every act or indica- tion of self-defence that could awaken the contentiousness of human na- ture, or excite apprehensive jealousy, by ostentation of the power to injure. But the Puritan and Catholic colonists of New Englantl and Maryland, while they professed and exercised good-will to the Indians, adopted the hostile precaution of demonstrating their readiness and ability to repel violence. They displayed arms and erected forts, and thus provoked the suspicion they expressed, and invited tlw injury they anticipated." It would not be difficult to point out a dangerous fallacy in the maxim so generally believed, — that in time of peace nations should prepare for war. For as in the intercourse of individuals with each other, it is found that those who habitually carry arms are more liable than others to be involved in deadly affrays, — so in the intercourse of nations, the hostile attitude assumed by 552 LIFE or WILLIAM PENN. ■their vast armaments, and the numerous officers employed, who are dependent for promotion and renown on actual hostilities, are rather incentives to war, than sureties for peace. But although it may be demonstrated to the understanding, that war is not only criminal in itself, but the most expensive and ruinous of all human follies ; yet the practice will not cease until the vital principles of Christianity shall more generally prevail in the hearts of mankind. Nothing can overcome the natural spirit that leads to hostility and revenge, but the heavenly spirit that breathes peace on earth and good-will to men. The enterprise of Penn and his associates in the colony of Pennsylvania, by demonstrating the feasibility of peaceable principles, has served to confirm the faith of the wavering, and to encourage the true-hearted disciples of Christ. As an example of Christian principles, applied to the government of a state, it stands without a parallel in the history of the world ; and will, doubtless, continue to be more admired and imitated as time advances, until that happy period shall arrive when "nation shall not lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any more." The constitution and laws of Pennsylvania, for which she is greatly indebted to the wisdom and liberality of her founder, will form a lasting monument to his praise. We who live in an age when the principles of free government and religious liberty are widely diffused and firmly established, can scarcely appreciate the debt of gratitude we owe to him, who, under Divine Providence, was made the instrument to plead for these principles in England with remarkable success ; and to plant them securely in the institutions of his province. In order. to obtain a correct view of the state of society and public morals in Pennsylvania during the life of its founder, it is requisite that we first take a glance at the disturbing in- fluences which impeded the measures of his administration. It has been seen, in the course of this narrative, that Penn, during his absence from the province, frequently received accounts of great disorders prevailing there, and of dissensions among those concerned in the government. Similar representa- THE HOLY EXPEUJMKNT. 5')3 )ns were made to the Board of Trade, and to prominent Friends in London ; the proprietary himself being charged with remiss- ness in his duty, if not connivance at the abuses of his deputies. It has been shown that some of these reports were unfounded ; others greatly exaggerated, and that Penn was entirely clear of blame in relation to them all. But the inquiry naturally arises, how can we exculpate the proprietary from the censure implied in the complaints of the assembly, without throwing equal, or greater censure upon the colonists, and especially upon the Society of Friends, whose influence was then predominant ? It is not ^pretended that those worthy pioneers in the cause of reli- gious liberty were exempt from the frailties incident to hu- manity, but by attending to the facts and circumstances already related, the objection may, in a great measure, be removed. The dissensions and abuses complained of, may be considered under four heads. First. Those connected with the impeachment of Judge Moore in the year 1685. We have seen by the letters of Penn, that he was exceed- ingly grieved at the dissensions and animosities said to prevail among the colonists ; but in the following year he wrote to his steward, James Harrison, "[as] for the government; when I received thy letter, thy honest son's, A. Cook's, and especially T. Lloyd's, I see all is well, truth in authority in the govern- ment, and better than when I left the government, which makes me glad at heart."* From this we may conclude, that the reports which had reached him were exaggerated, if not unfounded. They probably originated in party zeal among the colonists, and were magnified by the enemies of Penn in England. Secondly. The dissensions between the representatives of the province, and those of the territories in 1691, which led to a separation of the three lower counties, now the State of Dela ware. This discord originated in the territories, and arose in a great * Peraberton MSS. 2W 554 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. measure from jealousy towards the province, which was rapidJy increasing in power. Although the separation was a source of grief to the proprietary, it exceeded his expectations in restoring harmony. The province and territories still remained under his government, w^ith two legislatures instead of one. Thirdly. The machinations of Colonel Quarry and his party, and the slanderous reports he sent to the Board of Trade in England. This officer, holding his commission as judge of the admi- ralty immediately from the crown, was placed beyond the con- trol of the proprietary and people, which exculpates them from all blame in relation to his conduct. He was a prominent member of the " church party" in the province, who were allowed entire liberty of conscience, but were not satisfied be- cause they did not enjoy exclusive privileges as in England.* Quarry succeeded in obtaining from the queen or her minis- ters an order in relation to oaths, that disabled Friends from serving as magistrates or jurors. This occasioned great perplexity, and the church party took advantage of the confusion to represent the proprietary govern- ment as inefficient, in order to effect its overthrow. At length, Penn succeeded in convincing the Board of Trade that Quarry's opposition proceeded from turbulence, whereupon they sent him a reprimand which silenced him. He afterwards professed to be friendly to the proprietary, and, in 1706, became the tenant of Pennsbury, which he took for seven years, at a rent of <£40 per annum, with a proviso, that on six months' notice he was to resign it to the proprietor, who always intended to return and make it his home. Fourthly. The factious opposition of David Lloyd and his adherents in the assembly, which commenced in 1704, and continued with some intermissions until 1710. It has been seen that they impeached Logan, but failed to prove their charges ; and that they calumniated Penn, to whom Lloyd was under personal obligations for past favours. ^ See chap, xxiii. of this work. STATE OF SOCIETi' IN PENX's LIFETIME. 555 The misconduct of Governor Evans afforded grounds for just complaint ; but the course of the assembly towards him was not free from blame. It has been shown that the spurious remon- strance of 1704, which has furnished Doctor Franklin and others with materials for accusation against Penn, icas not the act of the assembly^ but a tissue of misrepresentations concocted by Lloyd and his party in the name of that body, and signed by him as speaker, after it adjourned. The question arises, how could the people, and especially the Friends, re-elect Lloyd, and make him the speaker of the House, when he was the avowed adversary of Penn ? It must be borne in mind that, at the period when these pro- ceedings took place, there was in the province a large body of inhabitants who were not Friends : some of them were church- men, others were adherents of George Keith, who, for many years, retained the rancour which arose from religious dissen- sions, and with these was probably united a considerable number who, from motives of interest, were opposed to the collection of taxes and quitrents. These malcontents, when united, gene- rally carried the elections; they were called the "popular party;" David Lloyd was their leader; and by his insinuating manners and specious pretences, he succeeded in drawing into their ranks many well-meaning persons, who really believed that their liberties were in danger.* In a letter of Logan to Penn, dated " December 20th, 1706," he speaks of the effort then being made by the disaffected party in the assembly to throw censure upon the proprietary, and says — "It is the very leaven of George Keith left among the people at hi.s separation, and now fermenting up again ; and these proceedings are contrary to the mind of honest Friends, as appears by their letter of 1705." The same sentiment is expressed by Isaac Norris, in a letter to Joseph Pike, dated 18th 12th month, 1709. He says — "Most of these sticklers in assembly are either Keithians, or such as stand loose from Friends, who have other ends than what is penetrated into by some pretty honest, but not knowing men." * Logan MSS. 556 LIFE OF WILLIAM TEXN. It must be considered, moreover, that many of the Friends, having no relish for political affairs, probably kept aloof from them, and did not attend the elections unless some important question was to be decided. When these were aroused, they united with the friends of the proprietary, and turned the scale in his favour. This result took place in two memorable instances : the first was in 1705, being the next year after the spurious remon- strance was issued ; the other in 1710, soon after the attempt to imprison Logan and to throw censure upon Penn. At this election not a single member of the last assembly was returned ; the friends of the proprietary were triumphant, and David Lloyd's party was, for a time, prostrated. In these instances, the assembly was composed almost entirely of Friends, and their labours were harmonious and efficient. This result was a noble vindication of Penn, and proves that the people of Penn- sylvania, when disabused of false impressions and aroused to action, were true to their principles. Before leaving this subject, it seems proper to remark that, although Lloyd pursued towards Penn and Logan an unjustifia- ble course, which appears to have been prompted by party zeal and personal ill-will, yet he sustained a fair character in all the relations of private life. After the death of Penn, he probably regretted the course into which his passions had led him, for he was one of the signers to a memorial from the Friends of Pennsylvania, which contains an affectionate tribute to the merits and services of the great founder. He also co-operated with Logan in ascer- taining the proprietary title to the lower counties. "It is soothing/* says the elegant annotator to the Logan correspond- ence, "to observe in the characters of men who, like these, hitherto have been swayed by prejudice or passions, that when the evening of life ad- vances!, the storms which have agitated them subside, and the soul, like the sun of the natural world, emerging from the clouds which have ob- scured it, illuminates the horizon with its parting beam, and the day closes with serenity and peace/' The political dissensions in the province which, at times, dis- STATE OF SOCIETY IN PENNSYLVANIA. 557 turbed the harmony of its councils, and disquieted the mind of the proprietary, did not seriously affect the welfare of the people. Like the political contests which have since often been waged in our favoured republic, they were magnified by the excitement of passion, and regarded by some as portentous evils ; but they ruffled the surface only of society — they did not reach the depths below, where, secure from the billows of party rage, there ex- isted a state of serene tranquillity. Among all the North American provinces, there was no peo- ple more thoroughly democratic, or more jealous of their po- litical rights, than the colonists of Pennsylvania. It was remarked by William Penn that "colonies are the seeds of nations ;" they have within them the germs of those qualities and principles which expand with their growth and determine their future characters. When the Anglo-Saxons landed in Britain, they brought with them the indomitable spirit and love of freedom which still live in their descendants, and have thence been transplanted into many a distant land. But the population of Great Britain, after the Saxon invasion, re- ceived various accessions from other sources, which modified its character, and, together with a diversity of religious views, enabled her to send forth colonies to her American possessions widely different in their opinions and habits, yet each possessed of peculiar excellencies. In Virginia and the Carolinas, the leading men inherited the high, bold spirit of the Cavaliers, and were distinguished by their loyalty, their love of ease, and cultivated tastes; but they cherished in the wilds of America the aristocratic spirit of their ancestors, and left to men of low degree the labours of the plough, the anvil, and the loom. In New England the spirit of Puritanism was fully de- veloped. The Pilgrims were bold in enterprise, persevering in labour, ardent in the pursuit of knowledge, austere in their lives, zealous in their religion, but deficient in that divine charity which is the crowning grace of the Christian character. Among tlip' colonists of Pennsylvania there existed a tyne 2W* 558 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. of character totally different from either the Cavalier or the Puritan, and not less strongly marked. The first settlers, under Penn, were nearly all members of the Society of Friends, and mostly natives of England and Wales, with a few from Scotland, Ireland, and Germany. Among them were some who had sprung from the stock of the English Cavaliers ; many were of Puritan descent, and a very large proportion were from that middle rank in life which constitutes the bone and sinew of English society. The elder class had imbibed, from education, a diversity of religious opinions ; but, under the ministry of George Fox, their views had become assimi- lated, and the severe sufferings they endured in England for their religion, had bound them together in unity of feeling. The younger class had been educated in those habits of in- dustry, economy, and strict morality, so conspicuous among the primitive Friends. They held that all occupations which contribute to the wel- fare of society are alike honourable, and that the privileges of social equality should be accorded to all, in proportion to their virtue and intelligence. Husbandmen, mechanics, mer- chants, and physicians stood upon their individual merits, without regard to their callings, and some of each class were found in the legislative and judicial departments of the govern- ment. William Penn expressed a wish that his own children should be husbandmen and housewives, and one of his sons was placed to learn the business of a linen-draper in Bristol. Among the colonists generally the same views prevailed, and the most respectable citizens thought it no derogation from their standing to bring up their children to husbandry or me- chanical employments. This feature in society sprang out of their religious princi- ples ; and if not peculiar to Pennsylvania, was more fully de- veloped there, than in any other colony. It had a most happy influence in elevating the labouring classes, who were not con- sidered, as in Europe, che drudges in society, but as members of the body, entitled to the respect as well as the sympathies of all STATE OF SOCIETY IN PENNSYLVANIA. 559 There was probably no other community on the continent where the rudiments of an English education were more gene- rally diffused, and there were among the inhabitants a number of highly improved minds, who exercised an important influ- ence on the colony. Thomas and David Lloyd, Daniel Pasto- rious, Thomas Makin, George Keith, Isaac Norris, James Logan, and others that might be named, were men of con- siderable classical attainments, and some of them were mathe- maticians. The next year after the landing of Penn, the governor and council engaged the services of Enoch Flower, to open a school in Philadelphia,'^ and a few years afterwards ''Friends' Public School" was established there. In this institution the ancient languages were taught, as well as mathematics, and the more useful branches of an English education. The poor were taught gratuitously, and its doors were open to all. By an act of assembly it was required that the laws should be read in the schools. It is no small indication of a literary taste, that a printing- press was in operation in Philadelphia within three years from the first landing of Penn, and while the primeval forests still covered the greater part of its area. One of its earliest pub- lications was an almanac, in the year 1685, edited by Samuel Atkins, of Philadelphia, and printed by William Bradford. It appears by a minute of the provincial council that '' in ye Chronologic of ye Almanack there was these words, (the be- ginning of government here of ye Lord Penn;) the council sent for William Bradford, ye printer, and gave him charge not to print any thing but what shall have lycence from ye council." This affords evidence that there was in the minds of the colonists a strong feeling against aristocracy, and that the views we now entertain concerning the freedom of the press had not then been developed. * Colonial Records, i. 36. — "fie embraced it on the following terms : to learne to read English, 4.^., by the quarter; to read and write, Ga., by ye v-juarter; to learne to read, write, and cast accounts, 8*., by ye quarter; for boarding a scholar, that is to say, dyet, washing and schooling, ten pounds, for one whole year." 660 LIFE OF WILLIAM PEXN. The first newspaper published in Philadelphia was in 1719, at which time there was no other in the North American colo- nies, except in Boston. As early as 1683, being the next year after his landing, Penn issued an order for the establishment of a post-office, ^' and granted to Henry Waldy authority to hold one, and to supply passengers with horses from Philadelphia to New Castle, or to the Falls."* In 1717, Jonathan Dickinson writes to his correspondent, " We have a settled post from Virginia and Maryland unto us, and goes through all our northern colonies, whereby advices from Boston unto Williamsburg, in Virginia, is completed in four weeks, from March to December, and in double that time in the other months of the year."f The roads in those days were scarcely passable for carriages, and most of the travelling was on horseback. It is mentioned in Watson's Annals, that " Mrs. Shippen, in 1702, came from Boston to Philadelphia on horseback, with a baby in her lap." The hardships and privations incident to a new settlement de- veloped in the colonists a capacity for enduring fatigue and exposure, a dauntless courage and boldness of enterprise, rarely to be found in older communities. They were unceremonious and hearty in their manners ; kind to their neighbours ; hospitable to strangers ; watchful in main- taining their civil rights, and zealous in adhering to their re- ligious principles. J There were many settlements of Indians in Bucks and Ches- ter counties, which remained long after the foundation of the colony. " Tradition relates§ that they were kind neighbours, supplying the white people with meat, and sometimes with beans and other vegetables, which they did in perfect charity, * Watson's Annals, ii. 391. — "The rates of postage were, for letters from the Falls to Philadelphia, Sd. ; to Chester, 5c^. ; to New Castle. 7d. ; to Mary- land, 9d. This post went once a week and was to be carefully pub.ished on the meeting-house door and other public places." t Ibid, 392. X MS. account of Buckingham and Solebury, by Doctor Jno. Watson, in the archives of Hist. Soc. Pa c Ibid. STATE OF SOCIETY IN PENNSYLVANIA. 561 bringing presents to their houses, and refusing pay. " Their children were sociable and fond of play: a harmony arose out of their mutual intercourse and dependence, and native simplicity reigned to its greatest extent." The course pursued by Penn and the colonists of Pennsyl- vania towards the Indian tribes has already been related, — it forms the fairest page in the history of the American conti- nent. Nor were their efforts confined, as some have supposed, to endeavours to conciliate the Indians and promote their civilization; but extended to their instruction in spiritual knowledge and the practice of a Christian life. Even before the foundation of the colony, George Fox and other ministers had preached to them, and soon after the first settlement, the subject was taken up by the society, when re- ligious meetings were directed to be held for their improve- ment, and measures were adopted to prevent the sale of spiri- tuous liquors among them. Penn himself, while in his province, laboured earnestly, both as a legislator and minister of the gospel, to improve their condition and promote their spiritual advancement. These eff'orts were not without success, for although few of the natives embraced the Christian profession, there is abun- dant evidence that many among them evinced, by their de- portment, some of the noblest traits of the Christian character. There is an account of '' a portion of them, in the western part of Pennsylvania, who from a self-conviction of the injus- tice and irreligion of war, united themselves into a community, with a resolution to war no more ; and asserting as their rea- son that 'when God made men, he did not intend they should hurt or kill one another.' " This account is given by Anthony Benezet, and he attributes the Avonderful change in their de- portment to the immediate operation of the "Light of Christ in the soul."* The natives, on their part, did not fail to reciprocate the benevolence of the colonists. Though prompt to avenge an jnjury, they never forgot a kindness, and were not surpassed * Watson's Annals, v. 209. 562 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. by anv other people in the virtues of gratitude, honesty, and veracity. During the whole time the influence of the Friends prevailed in the province, being a period of more than seventy years, the Indians of Pennsylvania seldom committed an in- jury, and never took the life of a white man. The motives which prompted the first settlers of Pennsyl- vania to seek an asylum in the new world, are set forth in a contemporary publication, called " The Planter's Speech." Among the inducements were, a desire to lead a peaceable life, and to worship God according to their own convictions of duty ; " that as trees are transplanted from one soil to another to render them more thriving and better bearers, so, under the bountiful protection of God, and in the lap of the least adulterated nature, every one might improve his talent and bring forth more plenteous fruits, to the glory of God and the public welfare of the whole creation." And lastly, that by " their holy doctrines and the practical teachings of their example, they might gain upon the thousands of poor dark souls scattered around them," and bring them " not only to a state of civility, but real piety." " Our business, therefore," he says, " is not so much to build houses, and establish facto- ries, and promote trade, to enrich ourselves, as to erect tem- ples of holiness and righteousness, which God may delight in , to lay such lasting foundations of temperance and virtue, as may support the structures of our future happiness both in this and the other world."''' These intentions of the first settlers of Pennsylvania, alike honourable to their character and conducive to their happiness, were carried into practice with eminent success. " Of all the colonies that ever existed," says Ebeling, "none was ever founded on so philanthropic a plan, none was so deeply im pressed with the character of its founder, none practised in a greater degree the principles of toleration, liberty, and peace, and none rose and flourished more rapidly than Pennsylvania. She was the youngest of the British colonies established before the eighteenth century, but it was not long before she sur ^ Planter's Speech, Froud's Hist. Pa. i. STATE OF SOCIPrrV IX PEXX S LIFETIME. F>G^ passed most of her elder sisters in population, agriciilturo, and general prosperity.* This sentiment is corroborated hy the eloquent language of Duponceau : — " Let it not be imagined," he says, '' that the annals of Pennsylvania are not sufficiently cresting to call forth the talents of an eloquent historian. is true, that they exhibit none of those striking events, \vhich the vulgar mass of mankind consider as alone worthy of being transmitted to posterity. No ambitious rival warriors occupy the stage, nor are strong emotions excited by the fre- quent description of scenes of blood, murder, and devastation. But what country on earth ever presented such a spectacle as this fortunate commonwealth held out to view for the space of near one hundred years, realizing all that fable ever in- vented or poetry ever sang, of an imaginary golden age. Happy country I whose unparalleled innocence already com- municates to thy history the interest of romance ! Should Pennsylvanians hereafter degenerate, they will not need, like the Greeks, a fabulous Arcadia to relieve the mind from the prospect of their crimes and follies, and to redeem their own vices by the fancied virtues of their forefathers. Pennsylva- nia once realized what never existed before, except in fabled story. Not that her citizens were entirely free from the pas- sions of human nature, for they were men and not angels ; but it is certain, that no country on earth ever exhibited such a scene of happiness, innocence and peace, as was witnessed here during the first century of our social existence. "f « Hist, of Pa., by Professor Ebeling, of Hamburg. Hazard's Keg. i. 340 f Duponceau's Discourse before Am. Philo. Soc, 1821. )64 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. CHAPTER XLII. Personal appearance and character. Although the moral and intellectual part of our nature is that alone which can, properly, be designated as the man, yet, from its connection with the body, it imparts to this perishable tenement an interest that survives the stroke of death, and in- duces us to treasure in our memories every lineament of those departed friends who have shared our affections. This feeling, so natural, and so soothing to the heart, is not confined to those whom we have personally known : it extends to all the wise, the good, and the great, whose pure sentiments, noble deeds, or patient sufferings have enlisted our sympathies. We love to picture to ourselves their features and manners, and when, by means of portraits or descriptions, we can form a clear idea of their persons, we seem to contract a nearer acquaintance, and to enter more fully into their views and feelings. William Penn was "tall in stature, and of an athletic make." When a young man he was handsome in his person, and grace- ful in his manners : later in life he was inclined to corpulency, but using much exercise, retained his activity. " His appear- ance, at this time, was that of a fine, portly man."* The only portrait of him, taken from the life, was drawn when he was twenty-two years of age, and has been described in the first chapter of this work. After his death, Sylvanus Bevan, a chemist of eminence in London, who had a talent for sculpture, took much pains to form a bust of him, which was considered by his acquaintance a good likeness. t A copy of this bust was sent to James Logan, and is now in the Loganian Library, Philadelphia. There is a statue of Penn at the Pennsylvania Hospital, Philadelphia, said to have been sent to this country by one of his descendants. * Clarkson. f Ibid. HIS PERSONAL APPEARANCE. 565 The second portrait in this work was copied from the full length portrait by Inman, executed for the Penn Society of Philadelphia. It is a beautiful painting, and may now be seen in Independence Hall, Philadelphia. " William Penn was very neat, though plain, in his dress. lie walked generally with a cane. This cane he was accustomed to take with him, in the latter part of his life, into his study, where, when he dictated to an amanuensis, as was frequently his practice, he would take it in his hand, and, walking up and down the room, would mark, by strikini^ it against the floor, the emphasis on points which he wished particularly to be noticed. " He was very neat also as to his person, and had a great aversion to the use of tobacco. However, when he was in America, he was often annoyed by it, but he bore it with good-humour."* Although he adhered to the plainness and simplicity of ad- dress peculiar to Friends, his manners were polished and cour- teous ; for, as he said in one of his letters — " I knoAV no religion which destroys courtesy, civility, and kindness, which, rightly understood, are great indications of true men, if not of good Chriatians."t It was this remarkable urbanity, joined with sweetness of temper, ready wit, profound knowledge, and great conversa- tional powers, that made him a welcome visiter in the saloons of the great and the palaces of kings ; yet such was the humility of his character, that he was no less agreeable among the yeo- manry of Great Britain and the farmers of Pennsylvania. As an evidence of his agreeable qualities, we may remember that Dr. Tillotson, in one of his letters, says — " I will seek the first opportunity to visit you at Charing Cross, and renew our acquaintance, in which I took great pleasure." And Dean Swift asserted that "Penn talked very agree- ably."t He was on terms of friendship with scientific and literary men, and doubtless enjoyed their society. It is related, that on one occasion, being in company with Newton, Locke, and some others, the conversation turned upon the comparative ex- * Clarkson. f Letter to Justice Fleming, t Noble's continuation of Granger, quoted by Clarkson. 2X iG6 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. cellence of the new American governments, but particularly those of Carolina and Pennsylvania. " The matter was at length argued in the presence of the two legisla- tors, when Locke ingenuously yielded the palm to Penn."* One of the most remarkable traits in the character of Penn was his magnanimity. With a singular disregard for selfish or personal considerations, he devoted his life to the good of mankind. To plead the cause of suffering humanity — to advo- cate the doctrines of civil and religious liberty — to found a free colony for all mankind — to establish there the most liberal constitution and laws — to obtain, by justice and kindness, an unexampled influence over the Indian tribes — to recommend measures for improving the moral and social condition of the African race — to point out the means of avoiding the calamities of war, and to exemplify the benign principles of peace — these, and similar objects, engaged all the powers of his active and vigorous mind. To have aimed at such noble objects, entitles his character to our esteem — to have succeeded so remarkably, demands our gratitude. In confirmation of these views, the language of two eloquent and philosophical writers may be quoted. Edmund Burke, in his account of the European set- tlements in America, after speaking of William Penn's large expenditures for his colony, and his liberal policy, adds — " But what crowned all, was that noble charter of privileges, by which he made them as free as any people in the world, and which has since drawn such vast numbers of so many different persuasions and such various countries to put themselves under the protection of his laws. He made the most perfect freedom, both religious and civil, the basis of his establishment ; and this has done more towards the settling of the pro- vince, and towards the settling of it in a strong and permanent manner, than the wisest regulations could have done on any other plan." " This," says Bancroft, " is the praise of William Penn, that, in an age which had seen a popular revolution shipwreck popular liberty among selfish factions ; which had seen Hugh Peters and Henry Vane perish by the hangman's cord and the axe ; in an age when Sidney nourished the pride of patriotism rather than the sentiment of philanthropy, when Russel stood for the liberties of his order, and not for new enfranchise- * Clarkson, 338, note. HIS CHARACTER. 5G7 ments, and Shaftsbury and Lucke thought government should rest on property— Penn did not despair of humanity, and, though all history and experience denied the sovereignty of the people, dared to cherish the noble idea of man's capacity for self-government." * ^ * " There is nothing in the history of the human race like the confidence which the simple virtues and institutions of William Penn in- spired." * * * " Penn never gave counsel at variance with popular rights." * * * " England to-day confesses his sagacity, and is doing honour to his genius. He came too soon for success, and he was aware of it. " After more than a century, the laws which he reproved, began gra- dually to be repealed; and the principle which he developed, sure of im- mortality, is slowly, but firmly, asserting its power over the legislation of Great Britain." * * * " P^ very charge of hypocrisy, of selfishness, of vanity, of dissimulation, of credulous confidence ; every form of re- proach, from virulent abuse to cold apology :* every ill name, from tory and Jesuit to blasphemer and infidel, has been used against Penn ; but the candour of his character always triumphed over calumny. " His name was safel}'- cherished as a household word in the cottages of Wales and Ireland, and among the peasantry of Germany ; and not a tenant of a wigwam, from the sea to the Susquehanna, doubted his in- tegrity. *' His fame is now wide as the world ; he is one of the few who have gained abiding glory. '"f When we consider the sacrifices he made for the good of others, we cannot but lament that the evening of his days shoiikl have been clouded by pecuniary embarrassments. Had he been careful to husband the revenues from his Irish estates, had he not generously declined the imposts offered to him by the first colonial assembly, had he been less liberal in dona- tions of land, less charitable to the poor, and less bountiful to the Indians, he might have lived in afHuence, escaped the ex- tortions of his steward, and been saved the humiliation of im- prisonment for debt. But would his character have been more dear to our hearts ? Should we not have lost some of the most instructive portions of his history ? As in prosperity he had not been vainly elated, so, in adversity, he was not unduly depressed, but evinced in all his vicissitudes a happy equani- mity. In the counsels of Infinite Wisdom, his afflictions were, ioubtless, made instrumental to some high purpose : perhaps * xMackintosh, Hist, of Rev. f Hist. U. S. ii. 381-400. 568 LIFE OF WILLIAM PEXX. to purify the immortal spirit for its blest abode, or to manifest to the world the power of religion to sustain the soul under all the trials of life. As a minister of the gospel, he was highly esteemed, and indefatigable in his religious duties : — " Though a learned man, he used, while preaching, language the most simple and easy to be understood, and he had a happy way of explaining himself by images the most familiar. He was of such humility, that he used generally to sit at the lowest end of the space allotted to ministers, always taking care to place above himself poor ministers and those who appeared to him to be peculiarly gifted. He was, also, no less remark- able for encouraging those who were young in the ministry.^' Thomas Story, among many others, witnessed this. " I had no courage," says he, "of my own to appear in public among them (the ministers.) I thought, however, (on seeing Aaron Atkinson's ministry acceptable,) that I might also probably go through the meetings without ofiPence, which was the full amount of my expectation or desire there ; and that which added much to my encouragement, was the fatherly care and be- haviour of the ministers in general, but especially of that great minister of the gf)spel, and faithful servant of Christ, William Penn, who abounded in wisdom, discretion, prudence, love, and tenderness of affection, with all sincerity, above most in this generation ; and, indeed, I never knew his equal."* As an author of religious works, he holds a high rank among the members of his own society, and some of his writings have been Avell received by the public at large. His style is vigor- ous, his illustrations apt, and often elegant, but, like most writers of that age, his sentences are sometimes too cumbrous to suit the taste of modern readers. As a specimen of pure old English, without the affectation of foreign words or idioms, his diction deserves to be studied by the young. He was methodical in the division and use of his time, which enabled him to accomplish a great amount of business without neglecting his religious duties. He wrote a paper called " Chris- tian Discipline," or good and wholesome orders for the well- governing of his family, which is supposed to have been posted in some conspicuous place in his house. From this it appears, that during that quarter of the year when the days are shortest, ^ T. St)ry's Journal, and Clarkson. HIS CHARACTER. 669 thej were to rise at seven in the morning, in the next quarter at six, in the next at five, and in the last at six again. Nine o'clock was the hour for breakfast, twelve for dinner, seven for supper, and ten to retire to bed. ' The whole family were to assemble every morning for worship. They were to be called together at eleven again, that each might read in turn some portion of the Holy Scripture, or of Martyrology, or of Friends' books ; and, finally, they were to meet again for worship at six in the evening. On the days of public meeting, no one was to be absent except on the ploa of ill health or of unavoidable engagement. The servants were to be called up after supper, to render to their master and mistress an account of what they had done in the day, and to receive instructions for the next." " The same paper laid down rules for their guidance. They were to avoid loud discourse and troublesome noises ; they were not to absent themselves without leave ; they were not to go to any public-house but upon business : and they were not to loiter, or enter into unprofitable talk, while on an errand. It contained, also, exhortations to them, to be upright and faithful to their employers, and, though each had a parti- cular service, to be willing, all of them, to assist each other as it became brethren and fellow-servants. And lastly, it contained one general ex- hortation to all : every member of the family was instructed to keep a watch over his mind, to beware of lying, defrauding, talebearing, and other vicious practices there specified ; to abstain from words whicli would provoke lightness, and from giving each other bud names ; ami, in cases of difference, not to let the sun go down upon their wrath."* In attention to the poor he was equalled by few, and no man was more beloved in his own neighbourhood, where his name was long held in grateful remembrance. f It appears by his letters, that many poor but respectable persons were enabled, throuo-h his aid, to emigrate to the province, where they were further assisted by his bounty until they could earn a liveli- hood. J A few months after his decease, the General Meeting of Friends in Pennsylvania issued a testimony or memorial con- cerning him ; in which, after gratefully acknowledging his emi- nent services as the founder of the colony, and ''the blessings and ease they had enjoyed under his government," they speak * Clarkson. f ^bid- X J- F. Fisher, M. H. S. Pa., ili. part u. ov* 570 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. of him as a worthy elder and able minister of the gospel. ^' His behaviour was sweet and engaging, and his condescen- Bion great even to the weakest and meanest ; affable and of easy access ; tender to every person and thing that had sim- plicity of truth or honesty for a foundation."* The most affecting and beautiful tribute to his memory is found in the obituary memorial issued by his friends and neigh- bours of his own Monthly Meeting. It is entitled, "A Testi- mony concerning William Penn, from the Monthly Meeting for Berkshire, England, held at Reading, 31st of the 1st month, 1719." After speaking of his death and burial, the memorial con- tinues — " Being a member of our monthly meeting at the time of his decease, and for some years before, we can do no less, in giving the foregoing ac- count, than say something of the character of so worthy a man ; and not only refer to other meetings, where his residence was in former times, who are witnesses of the great self-denial he underwent in the prime of his youth, and the patience with which he bore many a heavy cross ; but think it our duty to cast in our mite, to set forth in part his deserved commendation. " He was a man of great abilities, of an excellent sweetness of disposi- tion ; quick of thought and of ready utterance ; full of the qualifications of true discipleship, even love without dissimulation ; as extensive in charity as comprehensive in knowledge, and to whom malice and ingra- titude were utter strangers — ready to forgive enemies, and the ungrate- ful were not excepted. " Had not the management of his temporal affairs been attended with some deficiencies, envy itself would be to seek for matter of accusation, and judging in charity, even that part of his conduct may be attributed to a peculiar sublimity of mind. " Notwithstanding which, he may without straining his character, be ranked among the learned — good — and great ; whose abilities are suffi- ciently manifested throughout his elaborate writings, which are so many lasting monuments of his admired qualifications, and are the esteem of learned and judicious men among all persuasions. "And although in old age, by reason of some shocks of a violent disease, his intellect was much impaired, yet his sweetness and loving disposition surmounted its utmost efforts, and remained when reason almost failed. * Friends' Library, v. 327. HIS CHARACTER. 571 "In fine, he was learned without vanity; apt without forwardness; facetious in conversation, yet weiglity and serious — of an extraordinary greatness of mind, yet void of the stain of ambition ; as free from rigid gravity as he was clear of unseemly levity ; a man — a scholar — a friend; a minister surpassing in speculative endowments, whose memorial will be valued by the wise, am! blessed with thejupt." APPENDIX, LIST OF PASSENGERS WHO EMBAKKED ON BOARD TIIE SmP "WELCOME,* IN THE YE.Ul 1682. To historical readers it must be a subject of interest to know the namei of those colonists who embarked with William Penn on his first voyage to America. The following account is extracted from " An Address de- livered at Chester, before the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, on the 8th of November, 1851, by Edward Armstrong, Recording Secretary of the Society, in celebration of the one hundred and sixteenth anniversary of the landing of William Penn at that place." The author of the address states that the principal sources of proof in preparing this list, were — 1. The wills of Barber, Ileriott, Ingram, and Wade, made on board the " Welcome," and recorded in the register's office at Philadelphia. 2. A " Registry of Arrivals," in the recorder's office at Doylestown. 3. " Comly's History of Byberry," vol. ii. of *' Memoirs of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 4. Friends' cer- tificates from England, recorded in Philadelphia, for the use of which the author informs us he is indebted to James S. Lippincott, of Philadelphia. For further particulars, the reader is referred to the address of Edward Armstrong, published by the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. John Barber, and Elizabeth his wife, eldest daughter of John Song- hurst, of Shipley, county of Sussex, England. William Bradford, (printer,) of Leicester, England. William Buckman, Mary his wife, and children Sarah and Mary, of the parish of Billinghurst, Sussex. John Carver, and Mary his wife, of Hertfordshire. Benjamin Chambers, of Rochester, Kent. Thomas Chroasdale, and Agnes his wife, and six children, of York* Bhire. Ellen Cowgill, and family. John Fisher, Margaret his wife, and son John. Thomas Fitzwater, and sons Thomas and Georgo, of Hamworth, Mid- dlesex. His wife Mary, and children Josiah and Mary, died on the passage. 674 APPENDIX. Thomas Gillett. Cuthbert Hay hurst, his wife and family. Thomas Heriutfc, of Hurst-Pier-Point, Sussex. John Hey. Richard Ingelo. Isaac Ingram, of Gatton, Surry. Giles Knight, Mary his wife, and son Joseph, of Gloucestershire. William Lushington. Hannah Mogdridge. Joshua Morris. David Ogden, probably from London. Evan Oliver, with Jean his wife, and children David, Elizabeth, John Hannah, Mary, Evan, and Seaborn, of Radnorshire, Wales. Pearson, Thomas or probably Robert, of Cheshire. John Rowland, and Priscilla his wife, of Billinghurst, Sussex. Thomas Rowland, also of Billinghurst, Sussex. John Songhurst, from Chillington, Sussex. John Stackhouse, and Margery his wife, of Yorkshire. George Thompson. Richard ToAvnsend, wife Anne, and son James, born on "Welcome," m Delaware River, from London. William Wade, of parish of Hankton, Sussex. Thomas Walmesly, Elizabeth his wife, and six children, of Yorkshire. Nicholas Wain, of Yorkshire. Joseph Woodroofe. Thomas Wrightsworth, and wife, of Yorkshire. Thomas Wynne, chirurgeon, of Caerwys, Flintshire, North Wales. The author of the Address informs us, that since its delivery, he has, through the kindness of Joshua Francis Fisher, been placed in possession of a " Registry of Arrivals," in which the names of the following addi- tional persons are recorded as having sailed in the ** Welcome," making ninety-five of the one hundred who embarked ; viz. Bartholomew Green, Nathaniel Harrison, Thomas Jones, Jeane Mathews, William Smith, and Hannah, daughter of Richard Townsend. Dennis Rochford, of Emstorfey, county of Wexford, Ireland, and wife Mary, daughter of John lieriott — with their daughters Grace and Mary, who died at sea. APPENDIX. 575 "GOSPEL TJIUTIIS," Referred to in p^if/c 409 of thin volume. " Sober reader, if thou Imdst rather we should be in the right than in the wrong; and if thou thinkest it but a reasonable thing that we should be heard before we are condemned, and that our belief ought to be taken from our own mouths, and not at th'Mrs that have prejudged our cause, then we entreat thee to read and weigh the following brief account of those things that are chiefly received and professed among us, the people called Quakers, according to the testimony of the Scriptures of Truth, and the illumination of the Holy Ghost, which are the double and agree- ing record of true religion. Published to inform the moderate inquirer, and reclaim the prejudiced to a better temper; Avhich Gud grant, to his glory and their peace. " I. It is our belief that God is, and that he is a rowarder of all them that fear him, with eternal rewards of happiness ; and that those that fear him not, shall be turned into bell. Hob. xi. 16; Kev. xxii. 12; Rom. ii. 5-8 ; Ps. ix. 17. "II. That there are three that bear record in heaven: the Father, the Word, and the Spirit ; and these three are really one. 1 John v. 7. "III. That theAVord was made flesh, and dwelt among men, and wa8 and is the only begotten of the Father, full of grace and truth — his be- loved Son, in whom he is well pleased, and whom we are to hear in all things ; who tasted death for every man, and died for sin, that we might die to sin, and by his power and spirit be raised up to newness of life here, and to glory hereafter. John i. 14; Matt. iii. 17; Ileb. ii. 9. " IV. That as we are only justified from the guilt of sin by Christ, the propitiation, and not by works of righteousness that we have done, so there is an absolute necessity that we receive and obey, t<.» unfeigned repentance and amendment of life, the holy light and spirit of Jesu.s Christ, in order to obtain that remission and justification from sin; sinco no man can be justified by Christ who walks not after the spirit, btit after the flesh ; fv>r whom he sanctifies, them he also justifies. And if we walk in the light as he is light, his precious blood cleanseth us frf)m all sin, as well from the pollution as guilt of sin. llom, iii. 22-2t3 ; chap. viii. 1-4; 1 John v. 7. " V. That Christ is the great light of tln^ world, that lighteth every man that cometh into the world, and is full of grace and truth, and giveth to all light for light, and grace for grace ; and by his light and grace ho inwardly appears to man, and teaches such as will be taught by him, 'that denying ungodliness and worldly lusts, they should Jive eoberly, righteously, and godly in this present world.' John vii. 12; chap, i 9, 14; Tit. ii. 11, 12. 676 APPENDIX. "VI. That this principle of light .and grace, which is God's gift, through Christ to man, is that which shows us our sins, reproves us for them, and would lead all out of them that obey it, to serve God in fear and love all their days. And they that turn not at the reproofs thereof, and will not repent, and live and walk according to it, shall die in their sins ; and where Christ is gone, they shall never come; who is undefiled and separated from sinners. Eph, v. 13 ; John xvi. 7 ; Prov. i. 20-24 ; John viii. 24. "VII. This is that principle by which God prepares the heart to wor- ship him aright ; and all the duties of religion, as praying, praising, and preaching, ought to be performed through the sanctifying power and assistance of it; other worship being but formal and will-worship, with which we cannot in conscience join, nor can we maintain or uphold it. Kom. viii. 26 ; 1 Pet. iv. 10, 11. "VIII. Worship in this gospel-day, is inward and spiritual; for God is a spirit, as Christ teacheth, and he will now be worshipped in spirit and in truth, being most suitable to his Divine nature. AV^herefore we wait in our assemblies to feel God's spirit to open and move upon our hearts, before we dare offer sacrifice to the Lord or preach to others the way of his kingdom ; that we may preach in power as well as words, and as God promised and Christ ordained, without money, and without price. John iv. 23, 24 ; 1 Thess. i. 5 ; Isa. Iv. 1 ; Rev. xxii. 17 ; Matt. x. 8. "IX. This also leads us to deny all the vain customs and fashions of the world, and to avoid excess in all things, that our moderation may be seen of all men ; because the Lord is at hand to see and judge us accord- ing to our deeds. Tit. ii. 12 ; Kom. xii. 2 ; Phil. iv. 5 ; Eccl. xii. 14 ; Matt. xvi. 27 ; Rom. ii. 6 ; Rev. xx. 12. "X. We believe the necessity of the one baptism of Christ, as well as of his one supper, which he promiseth to eat with those that open the door of their hearts to him, being the baptism and supper signified by the outward signs; which, though we disuse, we judge not those that conscientiously practise them. Matt. iii. 11 ; Eph. iv. 1 ; 1 Pet. iii. 21, 22; John vi.; Rev. iii. 20. "XI. We honour government, for we believe it is an ordinance of God ; and that we ought in all things to submit, by doing or suffering ; but esteem it a great blessing, where the administration is a terror to evil doers, and a praise to them that do well. Rom, xiii. 1-5. " This hath all along been the general stream and tendency, both of our ministry and writings, as our books will make appear, notwithstand* ing what ill-minded and prejudiced persons may have strained to mis- represent us and our Christian profession. " William Penx, Thomas Story, " Anthony Sharp, George Rook.* *' Dublin, 3d month, 1G98." * Pemi's Select Works, London ed. 1771. APPENDIX. 677 VINDICATION OF WILLIAM PENN RECENT CHARGES OF T. BAlilNGTON MACAULAV. It is not unusual for the bonefnctors of numkind to receive durini^ their lives the most ungrateful requital for their toils and their sacrifices; but it is the peculiar distinction of the founder of Pennsylvania, that after the lapse of nearly a century and a half, when liis merit has been proclaimed by the greatest historians and acknowledged by the united judgment of the world, an attempt to tarnish his memory should be pertinaciously adhered to with scarcely a shadow of evidence to support it. The charges against William Penn contained in the first and second volumes of T. B. Macaulay's History of England having been, as tlie author believes, thoroughly refuted in the twenty-second chapter of tiiia work, as well as by other writers, it was reasonable to expect that they would be retracted ; but, unhappily for his credit as an historian and his character as a man, he retains those calumnies in the last issues of his work, and in his third and fourth volumes has brought forward others, equally unfounded. The former charges related to transactions which took place in the reign of James II.; those which I now propose to examine relate to Penn's alleged participation in i»lots to restore the exiled king during the reign of William and Mary. Before I enter upon the examination of these charges, it seems proper to inquire what were the feelings entertained by Penn towards King AVilliam, and what motives he could have had to engage in plots against the government. It appears that, so far from having any antipathy towards William, Prince of Orange, his mind was early prepossessed in his favor. Nine years before the accession of William to the British throne, Penn addressed him a petition on behalf of some of the inhab- itants of Crevalt, a town upon the Rhine, who had been banished by the drost or governor on account of their religion. In this p-.-tifion he commends the great clemency of the ancestors of the Prince of Orange, and after stating the hardships of the poor exiles and the advantages of toleration in matters of religion, he adds: — «»Nor does the variety of opinion hinder arts, or ruin traffic, of which thecoiuitries ujider thy (jovernvient are a demonstration against tijo clauMrs of superstition. Thus, Csesar giving God his due, if the people shall refuse to Ciesar that which belongs to Ciesar, to wit, tribute and cicU obedience^ let the law b(^ executed with so much the more severity, by how much their pretences to goodness exceed those of other men."* * Junney's Life of Peun, p. 1^9. 2Y 37 578 APPENDIX. This principle of obedience to the existing government "William Penn invariably observed. As the Prince of Orange was one of the very few rulers, who, in that age, carried into practice the doctrine of religious toleration, Penn, in one of his Tracts, refers to the prosperity of Holland as a striking evi- dence of the benefits arising from so liberal a government. He also visited that prince in Holland, at the request of King James, to gain his concurrence in a general toleration of religious faith and a removal of the tests by which Dissenters in England were excluded from office. William then expressed himself in favor of toleration, so far as re- garded faith and worship, but he objected to the removal of the tests. This objection he afterwards withdrew, for we find that when, in the first year of the reign of William and Mary, the toleration act was passed by Parliament, a bill abolishing the test was, in conformity with the king's wishes, passed by the House of Commons ; but it was rejected by the peers.* In the following passage from a letter of Penn's to Lord Shrewsbury, written in 1689, he alludes to the partiality he had always felt for the Prince of Orange : — " I do profess solemnly in the presence of God, I have no hand or share in any conspiracy against the king or government, nor do 1 know any that have; and this I can affirm without directing my attention equivocally. And though I have the unhappiness of being very much misunderstood in my principles and inclinations by some people, I thought I had some reason to hope this king would not easily take me for a plotter, to whom the last government always thought me too partial.'^^ Let us now consider what motive William Penn could have had to plot against the government, or to promote the restoration of King James. Had he not for a long period entertained the most favorable sentiments towards William, Prince of Orange ? Had not that prince, after he be- came King of England, espoused the very doctrine for which Penn had ber-n zealously contending during twenty years ? Could any reasonable man suppose that James, if restored, would have it in his power to pro- mote the cause of religious liberty, as King William had done ? Tt is true, that Penn felt and always acknowledged a friendship for the exiled king, founded on gratitude for former kindness in protecting him from persecution, and granting relief to the oppressed at his solicitation ; but can we suppose that this motive would induce the great philan- thropist to ens^age in treasonable plots, or that he would desire to over- throw a government whose policy he approved ? He could gain nothing by the restoration of the Stuarts, and he was too thorough a Protestant to desire the return of the Jesuits to Whitehall. The motives which actuated the Jacobites who were plotting for the restoration of James, could have had no influence with Penn. They * Smollett's Cont. of Hnme, chap. i. § vii. t Menu Kist. Soc. Pa., vol. i. pt. i. p. 190. APPENDIX. were mostly venal politicians who expected to be rewarded with posts of honor or places of profit. Some of them were fanatical Papist<» who desired to overthrow the Protestant religion, Penn, on the contrary, while enjoying the sunshine of royal favor in the reign of James, had neither accepted nor desired any place or emolument ; his business at court was to advise the king to measures of justice and mercy, and ha endeavored to counteract the pernicious counsels of tiie Jesuits.* Can it be possible that he wished to see the priests restored to power? The conduct of Penn, when examined before the council in 1688, wan wise, candid, and manly. He admitted his friendly feelings towards the exiled king, who had been his own and his father's fritmd, but ho declared that he loved his country and the Protestant religion above his life, and never acted against either. His subsequent appearance before the king and council in 1690 is thus related by Macaulay : — "Among the letters which the government had intercepted was one from James to Penn. That letter, indeiid, was not legal evidence to prove that the person to whom it Wivs addressed had been guilty of high treason ; but it raised suspicions which are now known to have been well founded. Penn was brought before the privy council and interro- gated. He sa-d very truly that he could not ])reveiit people from writing to him, and that he was not accountable for what they might write lo him. He acknowledged that he was bound to the late king by ties of gratitude and affection which no change of fortune could dissolve. * I should be glad to do him any service in his private affairs ; but I owe a sacred dutv to my country; and therefore I was never so wicked as even to think of endeavoring to bring hirn back.' This was a falsehood, anil ■William probably was aware that it was so."f The authority he cites for this passage is Gerard Croese, whose account does not furnish the slightest ground for the malicious charge founded upon it. One important part of Penn's defence, as stated by Croese, is suppressed by Macaulay. " He could not join with him [James] in what concerned the stat ditference between rii^ht hnd wrong, Avaux had no more notion than a brute. On.' sentinu-nt was to him in the pUicn of religion and morality, a superstitious and intolerant devotion to the crown which he served." This sentiment p«'r.vades all his dispatches and gives a color to all his tlioughts and words.* No stronger proof of his bigotry and depravity can be required than the proposition he submitted to James while in Ireland to repeat there the bloody scenes of St. Bartholomew's, bv a geii.'ral massacre of the Irish Protestants. f But vile as is the witness in this case, his testimony falls far short of the accusation founded upon it. Avaux, in his letter to Louis XIV. does not say that " Penn wrote to inform James," but that he had si!en a letter from Penn. Even on the doubtful supposition that the letter was written by Penn, we have no right to conclude that it was addressed to King Jauu-s, or intended for his use. Penn had large estates in Ireland and many friends there. A letter of his to one of his friends may have been intercepted by the adherents of James, who had possession of a large part of Ireland. But was there anything treasonable or even improper in the informa- tion supposed to be derived from Penn's letter? "Important news," says Avaux, "has come from England and Soot- land. I have the honor to send your majesty a statement of it, such as I received it from the King of Great Britain. The beginning of the news dated from England is the copy of a letter of Mr."PeMn,\vhich I have seen in the original." The dispatch of Avaux begins with the following sentences, which, says Macaulay, " mitst have been part of Penn^s letter.''^ " The Prince of Orange begins to be much disgusted with the humor of the English, and the aspect of things changes rapidly, as is natural to these islanders, and his health is very bad." The remainder of the paragraph evidently relates to the news fr<>m Scotland, viz; : — •' There is a cloud b(\ginning io form in the north of the two kingdom^, wliere the king has many friends, which gives much uneasiness to the principal friends of the Prince of Orange, who, bt'ing rich, bogin to be persuaded that their fate will be decided by the sword, wliich they liavo so much endeavored to avoid. They apprehend an invasion \'T^-*\n Ire- land and France, in which case the king will have more friends than ever. The good eftVct, sir, which these letters from Scotland and Eng- bind have produced is, that they have already persuaded the Kins: of England that he can only recover his estates sword in hand, and it is wa small matter to have convinced him of it. "J * Macaulay, iii. 50. f Ibid., xiv. i Translated from the extract given by Macaulay from Araiix. V.,1. iii. c\ xr. 2Y* ii^-1 APPENDIX. It is manifest that the only sentence in the dispatch that could possi- bly have been derived from Penn's letter was the short one relating to the disgust of King William with the conduct of many of the English, and his delicate state of health, which were facts well known to the })ublic, and might have been inserted without impropriety in a letter from any Englishman to a friend in Ireland. As William Penn solemnly declared that he *' held no correspondence abroad" with the enemies of the government,* we have no right to doubt his word without positive evidence to the contrary, and from reliable witnesses. f The next accusation against Penn is contained in the following pas- sage : — " The old traitors again mustered at the old haunts, exchanged sig- nificant looks and eager whispers, and drew from their pockets libels on the court of Kensington, and letters in milk and lemon-juice from the court of St. Germains. Preston, Dartmouth, Clarendon, and Penn were among the most busy."| The insertion of Penn's name among this band of conspirators is a gra- tuitous assumption, for in the paragraphs immediately ensuing, most of the writers of the intercepted letters are named, and Penn is not among them. Lord Preston, John Ashton, and a man named Elliott, undertook to convey to King James at St. Germains, the letters of the conspirators, together with a document containing their resolutions and suggestions. They were captured on the Thames, their papers were seized, and they were brought back to London. A description of these papers is given by Macaulay. Among them were a list of the English fleet furnished by Dartmouth, and several letters from persons of note in the Jacobite party. The writers of these letters were Clarendon, Catherine Sedley, and Bishop Turner, the latter of whom sent two "dispatches." But among the papers there was none from Penn^ and nothing that could implicate him. Ashton and Preston were brought to trial and sentenced to death ; the former, not being willing to make any disclosures, was executed ; but the latter was long kept in suspense, in order to terrify him into a con- fession. His conduct, as represented by Macaulay, was vacillating and pusillanimous. '' He listened to his brother Jacobites and his courage rose, he listened to the agents of the government and his heart sank within him." . . . . " Daring some time he regularly wrote a confession every forenoon when lie was sober, and burned it every night when he was merry." .... " At length the fatal hour drew near and the forti- * Letter of Wllliiim Penn. Mem. Hist. Soc. Pa., vol. iv. pt. i. p. 198. f W. H. Dixon, who appears to haye examint'd the correspoudeuce of Avaux with Louis XIV., assert.s that "Avaux never says tlmt Penn did his best to bring a foreign enemy ■ uto the heart of tlie country, he never suggests an}' such idea." . . . "Mr. Macaulay says Avaux thought Ptnn's letter so important that he sent a translation of it to Louis, Avaux sent no translation to Louis. At most, he only embraced a few lines in a budget of news from England and Scotland." X Vtl. iii. p. 218. APPENDIX. 583 tude of Propton crave way. He confessed liis ecuilt, and named Clarendon, Diiriniouth, tlie IJishop of Ely, and Williuni I'enn as his accomplices, lie added h Ion;:; list of persons against wIkjih he could not himself tjivo , evidence, but who, if he could trust to Pcnns assurances, were friendly to Kins^ James. Anioncc these jiersons were D.'vonsliirt' and Dorset." . . . "There is not the slii^htest reuson," siiys Maeaulay, "to be- lieve tliat either of tiiese i^rt-at noldenjen ever had any dealini^s, direct (u- indirect, with St. Germains. It is not, however, lU'cssary to afcu.st; Penn of deliberate falsehood, lie was credulous and garrulous."* Preston was not executed, he was suffered to retire into privacy with "blighted fame and broken heart." lie complained of the scorn and contempt evinced towards him, and said that "many who had never been tried by temptation like his, had very cheaply earned a reputation for courage by sneering at his poltroonery, and by bidding detiance at a di.->tance to horrors which, when brought near, subdue even a constant spirit "f Such is the witness brought forward to destroy the character (>f a man whose exalted virtues and noble deeds have gained the love and admiration of mankind. Can it be po.ther of Macaulay's charges. The three noblemen stated to the king that but for the appre- hension of "being thought to ^o abroad in defiance of the government, Penn might and would have done it two years before, and that he wa>, therefore, willing to wait to go about his attairs as before, loith le'<^•, P- '■^'V, X Ibid., p. la:. 586 APPENDIX. c-liester and Sidney, to whom he wrote letters during this period, and doubtless other members of the government knew that he was in Lon- don, but his sanotuar}- was not invaded, probably because the king did not wii-h him ari-ested. Yet he is accused by Macaulay with having n>;ule his escape to France. The passage is as follows : — " He lay liid in London during some months, and then stole down to the coast of Sussex and made his escape to France. After about three yvars of wandering and lurking, he, by the mediation of some eminent men, who overlooked his faults for the sake of his good qualities, made bis peace with the government, and again ventured to resume his minis- trations." The authority cited for this account, is the Diarj' of Narcissus Luttrel, who, in this case, recorded the idle gossip of the day without much in- quiry as to its foundation. There is no difficulty in disproving this charge, for letters and other writings of Penn are yet extant, showing that he resided in Londor. during the time of his seclusion, until his acquittal by the king. The most extravagant of all Macaulay's charges against Penn is con- tained in the following passage, viz : — "The return which he made for the lenity with which he had been treated, does not much raise his character. Scarcely had he again be- gun to harangue in public about the unlawfulness of war, when he sent a message earnestly exhorting James to make an immediate descent on England with thirty thousand men." To sustain this assertion, the following foot-note is referred to, viz : — " On December, 18-28 (1693) was drawn up at Saint Germains, under Melfort's direction, a paper containing a passage, of which the following i> a translation : ' Mr. Penn says that your majesty has had several oc- casions, but never any so favorable as the present ; and he hopes that your majesty will be earnest with the most Cliristian king not to neglect it; that a descent with thirty thousand men will not only re-establish your majesty, but, according to all appearance, break the league.' "* It will be observed that no mention is made here of the means by which this information was conveyed to Saint Germains. We know that Penn had not been there. If he had written, we may presume the let- ter would have been mentioned ; if he sent a verbal message, the mes- senger's name should have been given. As it is, we have no authority but Melfort. Let us inquire what is the value of his authority. His character is thus described by Macaulay: — " Of all the retinue [of King James] none was so odious to the people of Great Britain as Melfort. He was an apostate ; he was believed by many to be an insincere apostate, and the insolent, arbitrary, and menacing language of his State papers disgusted even the Jacobites.* . . . "He was a renegade; he was a mortal enemy to the liber- ties of his country ; he was of a bad and tyrannical nature ; and yet he was in some sense a patriot. The consequence was that he was more universally detested than any man of his time." * Vol. iv. p. 10. Butler's edit. APPENDIX* 587 Speaking of intercepted loiters, he says : — "Sonio of them proved to be from Melfort and woro wortliy of him. Every line indicated those qualities which had made him tin; ai)liorr('ncG of his country and the favorite of his master. He announced with de- li2:ht the near approach of the day of vini^eiincre and rajiine; of tlie day wht-n tlit^ estates of the seditious would be divided amoni; the l<»y)«l, anil when many, who had been threat and prosperous, wouUl be exiles and beggars." .... " Even the Jacohitcs were disgu.-ted by learning that a restoration would be immediately followed by a confiscation and a proscrijjiion. Some of them tlid not hesitate to say that Mrlfort was u villain; that he hated Dundee and Balcarras ; that he wished to ruin them, and that to that end he had written these odious dispatches, and had employed a messenger who had very adroitly managed to be caught."* Such was the man on whose sole authority a grave charge agair.st "William Penn is founded; a charge so absurd, that it would be read with a smile were it not for the malevolence by which it was evidently prompted. The court of St. Germains was at that time the resort of needy re- fugees from Great Britain and Ireland, many of whom were, like Mel- fort, notoriously depraved. Having staked everything they held dear on the fortunes of the exiled king, they could hoj)e for no advancement, nor even for the needful comforts of life, without his restoration to the throne. It was, therefore, their policy to urge upon James the necessity of an invasion of England, which could only be effected by the aid of the King of France. The flattering promises of the English Jacobites bad proved illusive, no considerable insurrection had taken place in Great Britain, and Louis was becoming incresisingly cautious. What would be so likely to effect the purpose of these unprincipled men as to employ the name of William Penn, in whose veracity and integrity James had implicit confidence? But who, except T. B. Macaulay, can be so credulous as to believe, on such evideno<% that William Penn, who in early life sacrificed everything for his religious jirinciples, who carried out those principles by planting a colony without arms or military defence, in the midst of warlike savages; and who had emjiloyed his whole life in deeds of disinterested benevolence, could engage in a con- spiracy against a king whose policy he approved, or that he would advise the invasion of England with thirty thousand foreigners in order to enable the bigoted James to execute his threats of vengeance, rapine, «nd proscription ? Is it possible that any feelings of personal friend>hip ♦.owards James could induce Penn to pursue a course so contrary to his religious principles, so injurious to his own interest*, and so disastrous to his country ?t * MHc-auliiy, iii. pp. 49, ol, 97. t In reliitiou to this ch;irfjo, W. 11. Dixon say." of Macaulay : " He cites a paper 'drawn up at St. Germains nnler Mel fort's directions.' 'Tbe paper is anonynions ; is neither signed nor aJ a true and a faithful servant of King William and Queen Mary, and if he obscure spy, iu which occurs the passage used by Mr. Macaulay. Williamson was one of the wretfhccJ spies who sold intelligence to the court of St. Germains; a fellow who wag a Ijungler even in his scandalous trade, for he lacked the wit to give his communicationa an air of truth. lie could not invent even a plausible lie." * See Dalrymple's Memoirs, last appendix, page 183, which may be found in the Asto* Library, New York. APPENDIX. 589 know anything that was projudicial to them or their govrrnnvnt, he would readily discover it; he protested, in the pre-<'nce of (>»d, that he knew of no plot, nor did he believe there was any one in Europe but what Kinjj: Lewis hath laid, and he was of opinion that King Jjinies knew the bottom of this plot as little as other people; he saith he knows your Majesty hath a great many enemies ; and some that came over with you, and some that joined you soon after your arrival, he was sure, wer*. more inveterate against you, and more dangerous tlian the Jacobit«'s ; for he saith there is n«n one man amongst them that hath common understand- ing. To the letters that were found with my Lord Preston, and the paper of the conference, he would not give any positive an-^wer ; but sjiid if he could have the; honor to see the King, and that he would >)e i)leased to believe the sinceritv of what he saith, and pardon the ingenuity of what he confessed, he would freely tell everything he knew of himself, and other things that would be much for his Majesty's service and intere>t to know ; but if he cannot obtain this favor, he must be obliged to quit the kingdoiTi, which hi; is very unwilling to do. He saith he might have gone away twenty times, if he had pleased; but he is so confident of giving your Majesty satisfaction, if you would hear him, that he was resolved' to expect your return before he took any sort of mojisures. What he intends to do, is all he can do for your service ; for he can't be a witness if he would, it being, as he saith, against his conscience and his principles to take an oath. This is the sum of our conference, and I am sure your Majesty will judge, as you ought to do, of it, without any of my reflections." it will be perceived that, in this instance, as in most others where Penn is concerned, Macaulay has taken the most unwarrantable liberties with his authorities, in order to extract an accusation against a character ho has determined to destroy. Sidney gives no intimation of his being " amazed" at Penn's declarations. Why should he be amazed ? There is every reason to suppose he gave entire credence to the assertions of a friend whose innocence he afterwards maintained in the presence of the king. He does not intimate that he thought Penn was telling "something very like a lie;" he does not say that "he asked how the letters and minutes which had been found on Ashton were to be explained." He doe^ not name the "discontented whigs," but attributes to Penn the assertion that some who came over with the king, and some that joined him soon after his arrival, were more dangerous than the Jacobites. This opinion was probably well founded, if there is any reliance to be placed upon the charges brought by Macaulay against the Duke of Marl- borough and others concerned in the revolution. This letter furnishes evidence that Penn was innocent of the treason imputed to him. Is it possible that a criminal against the government, conversing with one of its members, would venture to say, that unless he could obtain the favor of seeing the king and being believed on his word, " he must be obliged to quit the kingdom, which he was vry unwilling to do"? If Penn " protested in the presence of God," the expression was not re-arded bv himself, or others, as an oath. The Apostle Paul writes to the Komans : "God is my witness," and to the Galatians he says : " Be- hold, before God I lie not." Similar expressions are found occasionally 2Z 590 APPENDIX, in Tenn's letters, and none bat a captious objector would have noticed them. Perhaps the query may arise in many minds, " Why should T. B. Ma- caulay entertain hostile feelings towards Penn, who, he acknowledges, had many good qualities?" There is reason to believe that his hostility is to the Society of Friends, and that his attacks upon Penn's moral cha- racter are intended to wound the society through one of its most honored members. The distorted account he gives of George Fox and the early Friends, is another evidence of this unfriendly feeling. When he repre- sents George Fox as being in a state of mind " too much disordered for liberty, and not sufficiently disordered for Bedlam:" when he tells U8 that by " looking at his own actings and writings we shall see no reason for placing him, morally or intellectually, above Lodowick Muggleton or Joanna Southcote," we must conclude that some inveterate prejudice or hostile feeling has disturbed the balance of his judgment. An American author who in elegance of style fully equals the British essayist, and whose authority as an historian is far superior, has ex- pressed his judgment of George Fox and William Penn in the following emphatic language :* — " The strong mind of George Fox had already risen above the preju- dices of sects." .... " The mind of George Fox had the highest systematic sagacity ; and his doctrine, developed and rendered illustrious by Barclay and Penn, was distinguished by its simplicity and nicety." . . . "Intellectual freedom, the supremacy of mind, universal enfranchisement — these three points include the whole of Quakerism, as far as it belongs to civil history." .... "Penn never gave counsel at variance with popular rights." .... "The political connections of William Penn have involved him in the obloquy which followed the overthrow of the Stuarts; and the friends to the tests, com- prising nearly all the members of both the political parties into which England was soon divided, have generally been unfriendly to his good name. But their malice has been without permanent effect." . . . " Every charge of hypocrisy, of selfishness, of vanity, of dissimulation, of credulous confidence ; every form of reproach, from virulent abuse to cold apology ; every ill name, from Tory and Jesuit to blasphemer and infidel, has been used against Penn, but the candor of his character always triumphed over calumny." Such testimony as this from a philosophical historian, who appears to have examined attentively the writings of Fox, Penn, and Barclay, and who informs us that he has verified every "fact relating to Penn by documents and original sources,'"! must have great weight wi'n un- prejudiced minds. But, it may be asked. Why should T. B. Macaulay entertain hostile feelings or strong prejudices against the Society of Friends? The fol- lowing passage, from the Westminster Review (Oct. 1850), suggests an answer to the question : — j^ * Bancroft's Hist. U. S., ii. pp. 332, 337, 399. f Ibid., p. 385, uote. APPKNDIX. 591 " Tt is scarcely witliin our province to trace the circunistanoos of the rjirly association of the Macaulays — father and son — with the S«K-iety of Friends; to enter into the details of a contested election for Iviinhiirj^h, in which tlie said 'Friends' took an unusually active part; in whiih Thomas Bahington Macaulay sutl'ered an ignominious defcjit, as it wa-* said, mainly in consequence of the exertions of the said ' F-iends ;' still less shall we attempt to trace any connection hetween this» lefeat and the curiously elaborate and most painfully caustic attack wL.ch Thomas Babington Macaulay now makes on the Society of Friends, througl> 4; an essay towards the peace of Europe, 384; writes " Retiectiousand Maxims," 385; acquitted by the king, 386 ; death of his wife, 387 ; memorial <.f her, 38.^ ; religious labors, 398 ; preface to G. Fox's journal, 398 ; second marriage, 400; death and memorial of his son Springett, 401; writes "Primitive Christianity Revived," 405; waits on Peter, Czar of Muscovy, 4U7 ; removes to Bristol and visits Ireland, 408; controversy with Plympton, 409 ; writes " Gospel Truths," 409 ; interview with a bishop, 411 : farewell sermon in London, 415 ; embarks for Pennsylvania, 415 ; certificates from Friends in England, 416 ; landing at Chester, 418 ; arrival in Philadelphia, 418; reception, 422; birth of his son John, 423; visits the meetings of Friends, 431 ; his barge, 431 ; his dislike of tobacco, 432 ; meets Governor Nicholson in New York, 434; visit to Maryland, 434; to Indians at 596 INDEX. Conestoga, 435; liberates his slaves, 438; necessity for his return to England, 445 ; meets the assembly, 446 ; gi*ants a new charter, 451 ; takes leave and embarks, 452 ; arrival in England, 455 ; his son William dissipated, 456; more fruits of solitude, 462; servants, 464; kindness to an enemy (Governor Hamilton), 466; remonstrance to the council, 467; proposes to sell his government, 487 ; answer to complaints of assembly, 495 ; his heavy expenditures, 499, 500 ; admonition to Governor Evans, 510; P. Ford's exorbitant claim, 514; suit in chancery, 517; goes to prison for debt, 520; released, 523; his expostulatory letter to colonists, 529 ; travels as a minister, 535; his health declines, 535 ; preface to J. Bank's journal, 536 ; negotiates for the sale of his government to the crown, 537 ; paralysis, 539 ; T. Story's account of Penn, 544 ; William Penn's death and funeral, 547 ; estate of William Penn, 548, 549 ; the " Holy Experi- ment," 550; character of Penn, 564. Penn, Hannah, her energetic government, 542; letters to Logan, 543-545; appoints Sir W. Keith Deputy Governor, 546; present from Indians and condolence, 547 ; her death, 549. Penn, William, Jr., 456; misconduct, 480; dissipation, 542 ; death, 549. Pennsbury Manor, 428 ; domestic arrangements, 430. Pennsylvania named by the king, 165; the charter, 166; Markham Deputy Governor, 169 ; price of land, 171 ; constitution and laws, 184 ; preface to constitution, 186; laws, 189; mild penal code, 191; arrival of Penn, 205-208 ; code of laws, 221 ; council and assembly, 227 ; immigration, 233; prosperity of colony, 349 ; Blackwell Governor, 351 ; resigns, 355 ; T. Lloyd President of Council, 356; secession of territories, 372 ; government taken from Penn, 377 ; Colonel Fletcher's administration, 390; requisition for men and money, 391 ; government restored to Penn, 393 ; Markham Deputy Governor, 394; amendment of constitution, 395; Goodson and Carpenter assistants, 396 ; prosperity of colony, 397 ; speech of Penn to council, 424; charter relinquished, 427; D. Lloyd suspended, 427; assembly at New Castle, 440 ; requisition of king for money, 443 ; dilemma of assembly, 444; new charter, 451; A. Hamilton, Governor, 452; his death, 465; Evans Governor, 473; spurious remonstrance of assembly, 486 ; scarcity of money, 498 ; new assembly friends of Penn, 501; good laws passed, 501; D. Lloyd again in power, 508; charges against Governor Evans, 509 ; Gov'?rnor Gookin arrives, 525 ; the assembly grant money to the queen, 526 ; charges of assembly against Logan, 527 ; he embarks for Engl md, 527 ; is acquitted, 528 ; new assembly Penn's friends, 528 ; harmony restored, 534 ; act to prevent the importation of negroes, 524 ; Penn's paralysis, 539 ; government of Hannah Penn, 542 ; state of society in Pennsylvania, the " Holy Experi- ment," 550-563. Philadelphia, site of, 195; streets, 209; river bank, 210, 258; council and assembly meet, 227 ; Friends' public school, 358 ; yelloAV fever, 419 ; arrival of Penn, 419; act of incorporation, 452; population, 459; church- men's claims, 460; false alarm, 503. Peace principles illustrated, 551 ; among Indians, 561. Planter's speech, 562. Post office, 560. iNDi:x. 697 Powder money exacted at New Castle, 505. Pusey, Caleb, visit to Indiaus, 350, Quit rents, 291, 292. Quarry, Colonel Ptobcrt, opponent of Penn, 421, 460, 4G8. Queen Anne, Friends' address to her, 457. Pcudyard, Thomas, De])uty Governor of East New Jersey, 162. Sandy foundation shaken, 54. baleui, New Jersey, founded, 119. Saumur, Penn studies there, 25. Scotch fugitives aided by Penn, 283. Sewell. William, historian, 2S4. Simcock, J., 259. Slaves to be free in fourteen years, 194 ; importation prohibited, 524. Slavery in Pennsylvania, 436; labors of Friends to remove it, 437. Story, Thomas, testimony to Penn's character, 410 ; goes to Pennsylvania, 412 ; interview with Penn, 418 ; takes office in Pennsylvania, 434. Talbott, Colonel George, 250. Taylor, Christopher, 259. Territories united to province, 221 ; dissatisfaction, 440 ; secede, 465. Tillotson, Dr., correspondence with Penn, 273, 276. Tithes, testimony against, 49. Toleration, letter of Penn to Arlington, 58 ; in Maryland, 105; act of Parlia- ment, 354. Townsend, Richard, narrative, 236. Treaty with Indians, 211; for land, 229. Treaty tree, 217. Trial of Penn and Mead, 67 ; trials in Pennsylvania, 230. Vincent, controversy with Penn, 53. Vindication of Penn from Macaulay's charges, 308, 577. Walk to measure land, 229. Whitehead, George, 60, 100, 335. Whigs and tories, 151. Wilkinson and Story, secession, 181. Witchcraft, trial for, 230. William and Mary crowned, 348; act of toleration approved, 354; death and character of King William, 456. ic6 9 Deacidified using the Bookkeeper process. Neutralizing Agent: Magnesium Oxide HBbbkkeeper PRESERVATION TECHNOLOGIES, L.P. 1 1 1 Thomson Park Drive Cranberry Township, PA 16066 (724)779-2111 LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 01 4 311 170 2 ^ m