rag "o9 i* *> - ^f * ♦ w ^ \r '/ ^ % 2? -s "J * % ^.-^vV ^^.^.,*o ^.i^..^ % ^\i^%V A.i^.% >..^l^ O J*' « A u K* 'oV 1 * ^ ~ : *W§* : &°+ '-fife * *°^ The Sabbath Question Suntrag ©ftgerfoance antr Suntiag 3Lab3fS A SERMON AND TWO SPEECHES BY LEONARD WOOLSEY BACON PASTOR OF THE PARK CHURCH, NORWICH, CONN. Six Sermons on tije SaWatlj ©uestton BY THE LATE GEORGE BLAGDEN BACON PASTOR OF THE VALLEY CHURCH, ORANGE, N.J. NEW YORK G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS 27 AND 29 WEST 23D STREET 1882 ^n/\3° Copyright by G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS 1882 Press 0/ G. P. Putnam's Sons iVew York PREFACE. IT would not be presumptuous in me to infer from the diligence and ingenuity that have been used in publicly misrepresenting my position and course on the Sunday question, that the public have some interest in the matter. The object of this book, how- ever, is, not to define my position, but to discuss the question, — a question in which the gravest interests are imperilled by untenable assumptions and argu- ments on both sides. As to the misrepresentations that have been made, it is impossible to harbor serious resentment ; for they seem to have been devoid of malice. Great consideration is due toward that unhappy class of our fellow-citizens who have become bound, under inhuman and demoralizing contracts, to be funny once in every twenty-four hours, honestly if they can, but — to be funny. Morality cannot always approve the expedients to which they think them- selves compelled to resort in the distressing exigencies of their toilsome business; but, even where morality condemns, humanity may pity and forgive. The best part of this book is made up of the " Six Sermons " of my noble and saintly brother 4 Preface. George, whose opinions, in the main, I accept as my own. If critical readers of the book shall be charmed with the clear spiritual insight, the lucid argument, and the faultless beauty of expression which mark these, like all he ever wrote, and shall find what I have written to be rude and little worth in the comparison, I shall be better pleased than with any commendation they could pronounce upon me. I hope the republication of these "Six Sermons" will draw wider attention to the forthcoming memorial of his life and writings, of which we all, father and brothers, regret the long delay. POSTSCRIPT. Since the copy of this book was prepared for the press, two events have occurred to hinder the publi- cation of it : first, the stereotype plates of the " Six Sermons " were found to have been destroyed ; and then, when arrangements to restore them had been completed, the sudden and serene departure of my father from the midst of his great labors for the kingdom of God on earth into the fulness of that " Sabbath-rest that remaineth for the people of God," interrupted the course of this business with its sorrow and its inexpressible joy and triumph. LEONARD WOOLSEY BACON. Norwich, Conn., Feb. 22, 1882. CONTENTS PAGE Preface 3 A SERMON AND TWO SPEECHES. BY LEONARD WOOLSEY BACON. i. Personal Duty regarding the Observance of the Lord's Day. Sermon to the Park Church, Norwich, Conn., September, 1879 .... 9 2. Sunday Legislation. Address at the Massachusetts Sabbath Conventions, Boston and Springfield, Oc- tober, 1879 34 Note. Letter addressed to the Judiciary Com- mittee of the Legislature of Connecticut ... 54 3. Enforcement of Sunday Laws. Speech to the Citizens of Norwich, Monday evening, Aug. 11, 1879, just after the public defiance of the Law of Connect- icut for securing a weekly Day of Rest 59 5 6 Contents. II. SIX SERMONS ON THE SABBATH QUESTION. BY GEORGE BLAGDEN BACON. PAGE Preface 101 i. The Sabbath of God. Preached Feb. 23, 1868 . 105 2. The Purpose of the Jewish Sabbath. Preached March 1, 1868 124 3. The Use and Abuse of the Jewish Sabbath. Preached March 8, 1868 147 4. The Lord's Day a Privilege. Preached March 22, 1868 173 5. The Lord's Day Honorable. Preached March 29, 1868 204 6. The Right Observance of the Lord's Day. Preached April 5, 1868 231 A SERMON AND TWO SPEECHES. By LEONARD WOOLSEY BACON. SUNDAY OBSERVANCE AND SUNDAY LAWS. PERSONAL DUTY CONCERNING SUNDAY OBSERVANCE. SERMON TO THE PARK CHURCH, NORWICH, SEPTEMBER, 1879. " ILet etorg man bt fullg persuaUetr in fjfs ofcrn mini." Rom. xiv. 5. THE question, What is a Christian man's duty concerning the observance of the Lord's Day ? is just now in the worst position into which a question of personal duty can possibly fall. It is in a position of vagueness and doubt. Men are not fully persuaded in their own minds about it, one way or the other. Consequently they are continually in the way of being tempted to do that which they sus- pect, or half suspect, to be wrong, or that which they are not quite sure to be right. When so tempted, most men yield to the temptation ; io Sunday Observance and Sunday Laws, and, so yielding, they wound their own con- sciences and condemn their own souls. The conscience of the Christian Church amongst us is becoming miserably demoralized and broken down by this condition of things ; and nothing can bring it back to a healthy tone, except a thorough clearing up of the intellect on the subject. I do this generation no injustice in saying that the notions of duty on this subject that are current in Christian circles are not founded on intelligent, conscientious, personal study of the will of God concerning it. The opinions of our fathers, whether they were right or wrong, were so founded ; and they held them clearly and firmly, and honored them by con- sistent practice. They were fully persuaded in their own minds. And we are persuaded in their minds, and not in our own. We have accepted their conclusions in a matter-of- course way, as a sort of tradition of the elders, taking for granted that it must be right ; and, when we are suddenly confronted with a different view, we are first a little shocked, and then a little shaken in mind, and Concerning Sunday Observance, 1 1 then, some of us, a little censorious upon the wickedness of people that do not come up to our standard, and a little self-satisfied and vain- glorious over our superior virtue ; and, the rest of us, a little disposed to relax somewhat in our practice, with a feeling that we are not quite certain that it is wrong, or, if wrong, not cer- tain that it is so very wrong. It is a wretched condition of the conscience and life, growing out of a poor, low condition of the intellect, which is vague and hazy and fluctuating on one of those questions of personal duty on which every man ought to be fully persuaded in his own mind. One consequence of this traditionary way of dealing with the question of duty — this taking the law from one another, instead of taking it directly from the word of God — is, that " the good and acceptable and perfect will of God " becomes encumbered, as it was in the days of the Pharisees, by a system of conventionalities, written or unwritten, underneath which the law of God is quite lost out of sight. And natu- rally enough, when we come to comparing these conventional standards, the most rigorous will 1 2 Sunday Obsei'vance and Sunday Laws. seem to be the most virtuous ; so that by and by the rule of duty generally professed will be some impossible code of ascetic requirements, like that in the Westminster Catechism, 1 which demands that the whole day be devoted to unintermitted acts of spiritual meditation and religious worship, and condemns every word and thought that departs from spiritual topics, as a sin. A most disastrous thing, in the long run, is this refinement and improvement on the law of God. Some high and worthy souls will try to discipline themselves to such sus- tained spiritual flights, and with many a help- less fall, and many an hour of anxiety and self-reproach, will strive more and more for the attainment of that ideal, and with some measure of success. Others, holding still to the same rule of duty, give up the thought of conforming their conduct to it, and subject their whole lives to the shame and bondage of a willing, conscious, habitual short-coming. 1 "The Sabbath is to be sanctified by a holy resting all that day, even from such worldly employments and recreations as are lawful on other days, and spending the whole time in the public and private exercises of God's worship, except so much as is to be taken up in the works of necessity and mercy." Concerning Sunday Observance. 13 Others, still, consider that, however doubtful they may be themselves about the traditionary rules of Sabbath observance, and however little they may conform to them in private, neverthe- less the traditionary ideas on this subject are very salutary, and it is best to keep them up, as far as may be, by an outward show or sham of conformity. And, finally, there are others, and they are pitifully many, who find the regu- lations so imposed irksome, not to say impossi- ble, and in violent and wicked rebellion cast off all cords of restraint, and declare that they don't care for God's law, and that they will do their own pleasure, whether God be for them or against them. Oh, there is a dreadful account of human sin, both open and hypo- critical, both in the days of the Pharisees and in our own days, to be imputed to the setting up of a system of conventionalities, instead of the law of God, in the matter of the observance of the day of rest ! Now, instead of attempting to maintain and enforce the Sabbath of New England tradition, or the Sabbath of the Presbyterian Catechism, 14 Sunday Observance and Sunday Laws. by culling " proof-texts " in support of them, I propose to go behind all traditions and pre- possessions, and study the matter direct from the Holy Scriptures themselves. I. The first thing, the last thing, the one thing, in all the Scriptures most conspicuous concerning the Sabbath day, — so conspicuous that almost every thing else concerning it is unimportant in the comparison, — is, that it is to be a day of rest. This is the meaning of the word Sabbath-day, — it means the rest-day. On the seventh day — the seventh cycle or creative period — God rested, and blessed (con- secrated) the seventh day of every week for human rest from human toil. This is the main, primary object and ordinance of the day ; and in all the law and the prophets there is no other ordinance distinctly given regard- ing it. Every one — high and low, house- holder and servant, even the very cattle, every one — is to knock off work, and rest. So it says in Genesis. So it says again in Exodus, and in Numbers, and over again in Deuteron- omy, and yet again in Nehemiah, and in many Concerning Sunday Observance. 15 of the prophets. This was the public law of the land, as well as the law of each man's con- science before God. And it was enforced too. One Sabbath morning, while the people were still under martial law in the desert encamp- ment, a man openly undertook to defy the law, and to make issue with the government on this point of obedience to the law of the weekly rest. His challenge to the government was accepted on the spot, and he was executed as if for treason to the law. And this was right. If punishment is ever right for any thing, it is right in its uttermost severity in the case of one who openly defies the law and the gov- ernment, even if it is on a matter of gathering sticks, or a matter of firing balls at a bit of. bunting. And the government that cannot, or dare not, or will not, deal with the open defiance of its authority, is a decaying and dying government ; and such a government was not that of the Hebrew wanderers in the wilderness. When the law said, there shall be no work, but general rest, throughout the camp, the law meant what it said. It meant what it said. That is really (if I 1 6 Sunday Observance and Sunday Laws. may tell you one of the secrets of theological science), that is really the key to the myste- ries of biblical interpretation, — that the Bible means what it says. Now, in regard to this fourth commandment, there is a strong im- pression that in some mysterious way it means something that it does not say. What it says is so simple, — that on the seventh day they shall knock off work, and rest, — surely it can- not mean so simple a thing as that ! There is, I suspect, an impression on some minds, that, if they could get at the original Hebrew, they could extort more of a meaning out of it than that, — that men were just to knock off work, and rest. But I think the Hebrew is as plain as the English. But is not more than this meant when it is commanded to " sanctify " the Sabbath day, or "keep it holy"? I think not, and I will tell you why. First, as I judge, the meaning of the opening words of the commandment are to be interpreted by the words that follow; and, thus interpreted, they mean that the day is to be kept sacred from the intrusion of labor. Secondly, the meaning of these words Concerning Sunday Observance. 17 is to be judged from the whole course of divine instruction and requirement concerning the Sabbath day ; and that is directed simply and exclusively to this one point of abstinence from labor. Thirdly, it is to be judged by common sense ; and this excludes the idea, that to keep the Sabbath holy was to "spend all the time in worship : " for no ordinary mind, not one in a hundred, — not one in a hundred thousand, — is capable of sustained acts of wor- ship twenty -four hours, or twelve hours, or six hours, in continuance; and this commandment was not given to extraordinary minds, such as go to make up a Westminster Assembly of theologians, but to mankind at large, and pri- marily to a very unspiritual part of mankind, — to a clan of freedmen just come forth from the house of bondage. "But is that all that the commandment re- quires ? " The question is put sometimes in that spirit of Naaman the Syrian, which can- not believe that God would command a simple, easy, happy thing, — a spirit which has miscon- strued God's word on more vital matters than this matter of the rest-day. " Is that all ? " 1 8 Sunday Observance and Sunday Laws, Well, is not that enough to begin on ? Had you not better wait till you have learned to fulfil this plain and easy injunction, before you go on to look for some more recondite and weighty meaning ? Do you fulfil it ? There is no scandal about your deportment. You would be offended and pained to see your neighbor, whose daily work is done with a spade or a grocer's wagon, going about it of a Sunday morning. But your work is done with your head : and when you carry your six days' work over into the seventh, and instead of taking the happy repose which is your privi- lege and duty, and your privilege because it is your duty, you are busy, in your place in church, or as you sit with the religious news- paper on your lap, maturing business combina- tions, getting a complicated bargain into the right shape, calculating a new turn in politics, or threading the intricacies of a lawsuit, and all this without any visible sign of it on your countenance, — why, there is no one to be dis- turbed or scandalized by it ; but it is in distinct, diametric disagreement with this commandment, both in its letter and in its spirit, — far more Concerning Sunday Observance. 19 clearly so than if you were to take your hoe into your flower-garden, or drag your lawn- mower across the turf ; for these are not your work, but your recreation. Every thing is done with perfect decorum and stillness, when you take your hard six days' head-work over into the seventh ; but it does not the less suffer the retributions which, in the course of nature, overtake the violations of a commandment that is contained not less in the principles of physi- ology than in the beneficent written law. But is not the Sabbath ordained for worship ? No, not primarily ; but for repose and refresh- ment. Only once in the multitude of com- mands concerning the Sabbath day, is mention made of " a holy convocation : " l the Hebrew ritual also made some distinction between the seventh-day ceremonies and those of other days. 2 But the law and meaning of the day are given in the fourth commandment in its two varying forms, 3 and they are perfectly clear. Nevertheless, worship and the study of God's will did grow to be a beautiful and con- 1 Lev. xxiii. 2, 3. 2 Num. xxviii. 9 ; Lev. xxiv. 8, 3 Exod. xx. 8-1 1 ; Deut. v. 12-15. 20 Sunday Observance and Sunday Laws. stant incident of the day of rest. As the scenes of public history move swiftly by us in the early books of the Old Testament, we get here and there a glimpse of domestic life, and among these the picture of a godly family sad- dling its beasts to go to the prophet's house. 1 Once or twice in the Psalms 2 we seem to hear a burst of Sabbath worship ; and at last, after the return from exile, we find the synagogue, the type of the Christian church, wherein " Moses is preached every Sabbath day," 3 grown into universal acceptance. And all this, not by ordinance, but all the more to the honor of God and his church because it is without ordinance — the native growth of a willing wor- ship upon a divinely given rest-day. 2. Such was the use of the Sabbatic law under the Old Testament. What were the abuses and perversions of it, the pages of the Four Gospels repeatedly show. That spirit to which I have already alluded as infecting, not Jewish only, but Christian interpretations of 1 2 Kings iv. 22. 2 Psa. lxxxi. 3 ; xcii. title. 3 Acts xv. 21. Cf. Acts xiii. 14, 15, 27; Luke iv. 15, 16. Concerning Sunday Observance, 21 Scripture, could not be content with the plain and simple thing which the Scripture said, but must needs superinduce upon it new meaning's by construction and inference ; thus devising new prohibitions, and thereby inventing new temptations and new sins, — a most perilous and pernicious business. " Carrying a bed ! " said they, when they saw one that had been sick of the palsy. " Nay, verily ; that is trans- portation. If a bed, why not all your house- hold furniture ? Where can you draw the line ? Rubbing out corn in the hands ! what is that but a form of threshing? and killing a flea is tantamount to hunting. And if one were to climb a tree, and thereby break a twig of it, he might as well have chopped wood all day." Of course, under this sort of interpretation, the suffering or imposing of the worst annoyances was a mark of the highest virtue. The ascetic treatment of the day transformed it from a privilege into a slavish burden. There was no point on which Pharisaism so bitterly attacked the conduct of Jesus ; none on which his pro- test against the Pharisees, as making void the law which they pretended to guard, was more 22 Sunday Observance and Sunday Laws. pointed. His contention against them was, not that the Mosaic Sabbath was an intolerable burden, but that the intolerable burden which they bound on men's shoulders was not the Mosaic Sabbath, but a travesty of it. These artificial austerities, not only were they not required, they were forbidden by the whole genius of the day. Thus the clear meaning of the ancient law is confirmed by the authority of Jesus Christ in his rebuke of current misinterpretations. The object of the Sabbath law was plain enough. Other blessings were incidental to it. A whole system of useful religious observ- ances had grown up around it. But the pri- mary object of the institution was rest, — that each one should rest himself, and allow all others to rest This was the law. Christ did not attempt to modify it. He restored it wherein it had been made void by misinter- pretation. The Sabbath, he said, was not an end, but a means to an end. The Sabbath law was a law of universal rest ; but it was enacted for the benefit of mankind, and is therefore to be held subordinate to human wants and neces- Concerning Sunday Observance. 23 sities. In short, he laid down the principle that is incorporated into our own legislation on the day of rest, — that suspension of labor is not to be exacted in case of works of neces- sity or mercy. But he did not change the char- acter of the Hebrew festival, or add any new commandment to that which made it a day of personal and public repose. The ordinance that "all the time be spent in acts of public or private worship " is not found in the Old Testament or in the New, but in the acts of the Westminster Assembly of Divines. It does not appear that he whom, alone of men, we call our Lord, spent his Sabbaths in that way. In fact, the contrary appears at that dinner-party of a chief Pharisee, at which he was a conspicuous guest. But now let us come closer to the personal, practical question which concerns and some- times perplexes you and me. The question is, not what was the duty of a faithful Hebrew respecting the seventh day of the week, but what is the duty of an American Christian concerning the first day. And that, let us 24 Sunday Observance and Sunday Laws. plainly acknowledge, is not to be denned by the letter of the law of Moses. We are not under the law, but under grace. We do not pretend to follow the letter of the fourth commandment. We have even conspicuously and quite unnecessarily departed from the let- ter of it at a point on which the commandment insists with great emphasis, alleging it as con- taining the very reason of the commandment. The commandment says, Keep the seventh day sacred to repose, because on the seventh day the Lord your God rested from the labors of the creation. We say, No : we will keep the first day of the week for other reasons. And when the Seventh Day Baptists reproach us with this unfaithfulness to the law which we profess so punctiliously to observe, we have really very little to say for ourselves ; and so we generally turn them off with some poor little joke : for the most of an argument that I remember to have heard against the Seventh Day Baptists, was the one which used to be rehearsed once a year by the Professor of Astronomy at Yale College, when, at a certain point in his lectures, he advised them all to Concerning Sunday Observance. 25 sail around the world to the eastward, and so gain a day in their reckoning, and they would come back all right, and quite like other peo- ple. The day doesn't matter (we say with a fine and lofty contempt), so long as it is one day in seven. The day does matter, says the fourth commandment ; and it shall be the seventh day, for such and such a reason. The day does matter, said the early Chris- tians ; and we decide, not to keep the seventh day, but the first, for such and such another reason. The very ground of the change was, that it did make a difference which day was observed, and that the difference was worth making. And it has this noble instruction for us, if only we have ears and hearts to receive it, that the laws of commandments contained in ordinances — the formulas, "touch not, taste not, handle not, which perish in the using " — are not a sufficient measure and gauge of the Christian's duty. Every Lord's Day that we gather for worship in the midst of the general calm and silence of a public rest is a decla- ration at the same time of our loyalty to the spirit of the law, and of our freedom from its 20 Sunday Observance and Sunday Laws. letter. It is a sign that we have taken, not a lower and laxer standard of duty, but a higher, — the law interpreted by the spirit of grateful love. Applying, now, this standard to the practical and personal questions of duty touching the Lord's Day, we find that : — I. Some of these questions may be elimi- nated at once, as being settled by other consid- erations. 1. Many questions on which we ask for light from the fourth commandment are fully de- cided for us under the fifth, by the law of the household of which we are members, by the known wish of the father and mother whom we honor and obey. 2. Other questions may be settled for us in like manner by the civil law to which we owe allegiance, and which limits us in our liberty of deciding and acting at certain points. 3. Duty to the church — the community of the fellow-Christians among whom we live — may often be a consideration that shall justly decide questions of duty concerning the day of Concerning Sunday Observance. 27 rest, quite independently of their intrinsic mer- its. The fact that this line of argument is so often exaggerated and overstrained in our time must not lead us to forget that it is a legitimate and authoritative line of argument. II. But setting aside all such questions, thankful to be relieved of them, there will still keep coming back to us questions of Lord's Day observance to be decided squarely and directly. What can I say that shall be helpful to you to reach a right conclusion on them ? I cannot but think that my personal experi- ence has prepared me in some degree to advise upon this subject ; for the question has been forced upon my decision in circumstances in which no one of these outside considerations could come in to make weight, — in countries where there was neither public sentiment, nor Christian feeling, nor civil law, nor filial duty, to help decide. I have always been glad, for myself and my family, that I was led to keep the same quiet, religious, and family Sunday in Germany and Switzerland that I had learned to keep here in New England. And however 28 Sunday Observance and Sunday Laws. difficult, at times, it was, I believe still that it was the right thing, the incomparably best thing, for me and my children. I do not ask you to accept my rule. I invite no man to judge me concerning holy days, and I myself judge no man. Be persuaded each in your own mind. But ponder well the principle which I commend to you, the axiom which cannot be wrong, that in this, as in all things else, you are bound before God to do the very best thing, and nothing but the best. I seem to hear the answer coming back with a sigh from burdened hearts, " It is only a new way of saying the old thing. To do the very best, and nothing but the best, what can this mean but to impose upon us the strain of twelve or fifteen hours of incessant religious exercises, — the yoke which neither we nor our fathers were able to bear ? " To which I have only to say, that, if it is true that this is the best, then you are bound to it. And if your relaxation of this rule means that you give up trying to do your best in God's service, and mean to do only your second-best, then are you condemned in that which you Concerning Sunday Observance. 29 allow. But it is not true. The history of your individual conscience, as well as the history of society, proves that this exaggeration of the law of God is neither for his glory nor for the good of his human creatures. We must go behind this "tradition of the elders" for the true rule of a Christian man's duty on the Lord's Day. 1. We find it in the words of the ancient law, — the law of rest, — rest of body and mind. How strangely good people sometimes miss it ! Often, passing Sunday away from home, I have heard my hosts confess, with half a blush, that they were guilty of having a late breakfast Sunday morning. And oftener still I have heard some of those bustling, stir-about Chris- tians, whom we have all met with, claiming, with much complacency, that his Sunday was the hardest day of all the week to him, — that what with church-going, and Sunday schools, and prayer-meetings, and street-preaching, and all, he got up earlier, worked harder, and went to bed wearier, than any other day, — all which may be right, but it is not resting. 2. Do I need to say that it ought to be the 30 Sunday Observance and Sunday Laws. glory of the Lord's Day in a Christian family that it is the home-day ? This is one of the pleasant things in the remembrance of our Sundays abroad, — the great processions of the baby-wagons on every public promenade and pleasant country-road. There were sights and sounds of demoralizing carousal on the one hand, and of enforced drudgery on the other hand ; but the pleasant family groups about the baby-wagons were among the good things left to them of a day of rest. It does seem as if sometimes amongst us a false notion of the sanctity of the day was suffered to hinder our sanctifying it by holy uses of family duty and affection. If ever old age, or sickness, or pining loneliness, are suf- fered to lack the enlivening of your visit, because you hold the day too holy for Sunday calls, the wrong is almost identical with that of those whom our Lord rebuked, who would say to their parents, " Corban — it is conse- crated to holy uses — that which should have gone to your comfort and support." * 3. Let a systematic part of your Sabbath 1 Mark vii. 11 ; Matt, xv, 5. Concerning Sunday Observance. 31 service be the doing of works of mercy. " Pure religious worship, and undefiled before God and the Father is this : To visit the fatherless and widow in their affliction, and to keep your- selves unspotted from the world." Pre-emi- nently is the Lord's Day the day for the deacons and deaconesses of the church to be busy on their official errands to the poor. 4. Finally, among the duties of the Christian Sabbath are public worship and instruction. I name them last, because, to those who spend the day in the spirit of these suggestions, there will be no need of enjoining them at all as a duty. They will come of themselves. They were not named in the original law of the Sabbath, but see how naturally and uni- versally they came to be used ; so that in Paul's day, as in ours, wherever there were Jews, there was a synagogue, and in it preaching and worship every Sabbath day. 1 If you keep this day to the Lord as a day of rest, of home comfort, of good works to the poor and the sick, I have no concern at all but that you will use it, in due proportion, for direct acts 1 Acts xv. 21. 32 Sunday Observance and Sunday Laws. of worship. And the worship that you render will not be the less acceptable to the heart of God, the incense of your pure offering will not be of a less sweet savor, being the willing- sacrifice of a thankful heart, than if, under the imagined stress of law, you were putting the mind on a continual and conscious strain to spend " all the time either in public or private worship." The common mistake, in this whole business, is the mistake of supposing that the Lord's Day is so much time that the Lord has taken away from you that he might reserve it for himself. Nay, on the contrary, he has claimed it for himself that he might give it back to you. Once a week he comes between you and your employers, between you and your exact- ing business, your perplexities, your anxieties. It is to these that he turns in your behalf, and says, "Stand off a while. Let that man alone. Let him rest. This is my day." And then he turns to you, and says, " This is my day, — the Sabbath of the Lord thy God. I have redeemed it, and guarded it, that I might give it back to thee. It was made for Concerning Sunday Observance. 33 man. The Son of man is Lord of the Sabbath day. The Lord's Day is thine own day — thine." And now, what will you do with it, — this free day, God's free gift to you ? Will you toss it back into the midst of this world's cares and toils, to be ravened up by them ? Will you consume it greedily in selfish pleas- ures, reckless of others' burdens of toil, that you may riot ? Will you make of it " a day to afflict the soul, and bow down the head like a bulrush ? " It were like flinging back the gift into the giver's face. Or will you rather rest in the Lord with a thankful and peaceful heart, so resting that others may have rest as well as you ? Will you make the Sabbath a delight in your home ? Will you be abundant in Christ- like acts of mercy, and "joyful in the house of prayer ? " 34 Sunday Observance and Sunday Laws. SUNDAY LEGISLATION; A LAW OF REST FOR ALL NECESSARY TO THE LIBERTY OF REST FOR EACH. ADDRESS AT THE MASSACHUSETTS SABBATH CON- VENTIONS, BOSTON AND SPRINGFIELD, OCTOBER, 1879. MR. CHAIRMAN AND FELLOW-CIT- IZENS, — I purpose scrupulously to refrain from overstepping the narrow limits of the thesis on which I have been asked to speak, in any such way as to encroach on ground occupied by others. But there is one point essential to a right understanding of this and of many other parts of the subject before us, which, through the regretted absence of Judge Strong, has failed to be formally set before the convention, 1 and which, therefore, I may be permitted to illustrate by an incident that 1 Judge Strong of the Supreme Court of the United States had been expected to read a paper on " The Civil and the Religious Sabbath/' Sunday Legislation. 35 occurred in the first International Sabbath Congress, held three years ago at Geneva. After many hours of conference and discus- sion, the Congress had been brought to the point of adopting the platform of a permanent international Sabbath league ; and of this plat- form a conspicuous article was the one embody- ing a " scriptural basis" (as it was called) con- sisting of the fourth commandment and the declaration of our Saviour, " The Sabbath was made for man." The question being on the adoption of this article, a fair-haired, near- sighted, and broad-shouldered gentleman, who had been thus far an earnest and useful mem- ber of the convention, arose, and very mod- estly and courteously asked (in the German language) that no basis of organization should be insisted on which would exclude him and those whom he represented from co-operation in a work so beneficent as the maintenance of a weekly day of rest. He himself was a ration- alist pastor from Bremen : he was the repre- sentative of an " Arbeiterverein," or some sort of workingmen's organization of a socialist complexion ; and neither he nor the Bremen 36 Sunday Observance and Sunday Laws. workingmen had any kind of faith in the " scriptural basis," in Old Testament or New, which was proposed as a condition of co-opera- tion. Only they felt that a weekly day of rest, guarded and guaranteed by law, would be an immense blessing to the workingman and to the whole public ; and they asked the privilege of doing what they could, in their own way, and acting from their own point of view, in co-operation with those who differed from them in opinion, to promote the end which they all sought in common. With many expressions of personal respect, the Congress nevertheless voted by an over- whelming majority to allow their unorthodox brother no part nor lot with them in their efforts to promote a social and legislative re- form. But I have the satisfaction of assuring you that this action was not taken without an energetic remonstrance from the representative of the United States, who objected to hearing America cited as an example of enforcing reli- gious duties by secular laws, and declared that our American Sunday legislation, which they so admired, was founded, not on the principle Sunday Legislation. 37 of enforcing a religious duty by civil law, but on the democratic principles of liberty, equal- ity, and fraternity, — principles which we be- lieve that we understand quite as well in Amer- ica as they do in Geneva or Paris. A religious basis, he declared, was considered in America to be essential to co-operation in religious movements ; but that we did not always find it necessary to quote scripture in a political man- ifesto, though this was sometimes done. It was important, he said, that those who under- took to deal with the Sabbath question should remember that the Sabbath question is not one question, but two questions ; that the religious Sabbath, consecrated to worship and to divine commemoration, and the civil holiday, main- tained by force of law, have this in common, that in many countries they coincide upon the same day ; but they are not the same : the for- mer cannot be enforced by secular legislation ; and the latter cannot in this age be sustained merely by Bible-texts. It was not much of a speech, but it made something of an impression ; and the speaker was entirely contented with the result of it> 38 Sunday Observance and Sunday Laws. when, in the great closing assembly, the most eloquent conferencier in the French language, Ernest Naville, took this distinction for his text, and, in a discourse of more than an hour's duration, commended the religious Sabbath to the observance of every good Christian, and the civil Sabbath to the support of every right- minded citizen, Christian or not. I wish this exquisitely lucid address might be added, in English, to our scanty stock of good popular literature relating to the subject It might help to supersede some of the superstitious and fanatical literature now or lately current, from the effects of which the Sabbath cause is suf- fering. Let me ask you, in order to avoid the misun- derstanding which will otherwise be inevitable, to keep this distinction in mind, and remember that, throughout this paper, I am speaking primarily, not of the religious, but of the civil institution. I shall presume, then, on your good sense and clear apprehension in this matter, taking for granted that you are wiser than the narrow- ness of the International Congress, and that, on Sunday Legislation. 39 the enforcement of the external quiet and repose of the civil Sunday (which I understand to be the aspect of the question on which I am invited to speak), you are willing to entertain a line of argument broad and liberal enough to demand the adhesion and support of every reasonable man, whatever his views concerning the religious sanctions of the day. The question is one of — what shall I say? workingmen's rights, I was about to say, ex- cept that this expression has become so smutted in the dirty hands of demagogues, that one loathes to take it up after them, — the question is one of personal liberty ; how to secure for every citizen the liberty to rest one day in seven. There is a very free and easy answer to this question on the tongue's end of some wise people, who deliver it as an axiom that the short and ready way to universal liberty of resting is simply to keep hands off, not to meddle with the matter by legislation, and let everybody do as he pleases about it. What can be simpler ? The temptation is irresistible, to answer 40 Sunday Observance and Sunday Laws, these people according to their folly, and con- demn them out of their own mouths. For it happens, curiously enough, that many of the very people who are clamoring against our six-day law, as an unwarrantable interference with individual liberty, are just as clamorous in favor of an eight-hour law of their own invention. " What do you want," let me ask, " of an eight-hour law ? Why not leave the matter to every man to decide for himself, whether he shall work eight hours, or ten, or fifteen ? Don't let us have any meddlesome legislation. ' The best government is that which governs least.' Surely, if your reason- ing is good concerning days in the week, it is equally good concerning hours in the day ! " This argument has been curiously and admir- ably anticipated in the speech of Macaulay in defence of the principle of a ten-hour law, in trie House of Commons, in 1846. The right and expediency of guarding the liberty to rest, by legally limiting the time of labor, was vin- dicated against this very objection by the analogy of the Sunday laws. Objectors said, " If this ten-hour limitation be good for the Sunday Legislation. 41 working-people, rely on it that they will them- selves establish it without any law." — "Why not reason," answered Macaulay, — "why not reason in the same way about the Sunday ? Why not say, * If it be a good thing for the people of London to shut their shops one day in seven, they will find it out, and will shut their shops without a law ? * Sir, the answer is obvious. I have no doubt, that, if you were to poll the shop-keepers of London, you would find an immense majority, probably a hundred to one, in favor of closing shops on the Sun- day : and yet it is absolutely necessary to give to the wish of the majority the sanction of a law ; for, if there were no such law, the minor- ity, by opening their shops, would soon forces the majority to do the same." * How curiously the wheel of this discussion has come around, so that now there is a party of people soberly alleging what that famous orator enunciated as an absurdity, and claim- ing as an axiom what he proved from the premises which they are trying to knock away ! 1 Speeches of Macaulay, ed. Tauchnitz, ii. 208, 209. The whole speech is worth reading for its close relation to our subject. 42 Sunday Observance and Sunday Laws. This whole subject gets its liveliest illus- tration when, from time to time, some one of those vocations which the general convenience allows to be excepted from the general law of Sunday rest seeks to be included within the law. Repeatedly, for instance, there have been memorials from all the barbers of a town, ask- ing to have their own shops shut by law. Very absurd, isn't it? If they want their shops shut, why don't they shut them ? This was the view taken by one enterprising young col- ored man in a Connecticut town, not long ago. There was a movement, among his competitors in the profession, to have all the barbers' shops shut on Sunday. "All right!" he said, "you go right on, and shut your shops. Never mind me." And so all the shops had to be kept open. Another illustration of a like character comes to me from a similar quarter. A coal-dealer, near a certain steamboat-landing, finds that in the competitions of business his Sunday rest has been completely taken away from him. All the little tugs and propellers find that they can get their coal put in on Sunday, and so Sunday Legislation. 43 they come Sunday in preference to any other day. Says he, " I don't so much as get time to go to early mass, and I am compelled to keep busy from morning till night. I can't refuse them ; for if I do they will quit me altogether, and I shall lose my business. / wish to heaven that some one would prosecute me!" A clearer illustration of the value of the law of rest for all, in securing the liberty of rest for each one, can hardly be asked for, than this case of a man who wants to be prosecuted himself in order to protect him from the necessity of doing what he does not want to do, but has to do because he is at liberty to do it. I put it to the whole trade of labor-reformers, who want to begin their reforms by breaking down the best existing safeguard of the work- / ingman's liberty of rest and leisure, — I put the question to them, and beg for an answer if there is one to be given. After you have succeeded — I do not say in amending or re- pealing, but in defying and nullifying, our six- day law, how much good is your eight-hour law likely to do you, supposing that you get it 44 Sunday Observance and Su?tday Laws. passed ? You succeed, by mere defiant law- breaking, in trampling down a statute vener- able with use, anchored deep in the traditions of the people, and consecrated by many a sol- emn religious sanction. And you propose to set up in place of it a novel invention of your own, called an "eight-hour law." Do you sup- pose, that, when you have taught the public how little you care for law when it interferes with your convenience, you will find it an easy matter to enforce law against others when it interferes with their convenience ? But here I wish, with perfect candor, to answer a question which does not seem to me to be adequately answered by the average " evangelical Christian " in his arguments on this subject. Our German friend will ask whether it is not possible to make a distinc- tion between the prohibition of labor, and the prohibition of recreation and orderly and inno- cent amusement. And my answer to him is (whatever yours may be), " Yes, it is possible, though it may be difficult ; and, whenever as orderly citizens you choose to move in this direction for amendments of the law, we are Sunday Legislation. 45 ready to discuss your proposals with simple reference to the greatest good of the greatest number." It is useless for us to say that pub- lic cfrnusements, however quiet and orderly,v involve labor on some one's part. So does public worship. It is labor to blow a church- organ, as much as to blow a concert-hall organ. No legislation pretends to protect every ones Sunday rest. The general principle is modi- fied by considerations of public convenience and expediency. There is nothing in the world, then, to hinder us from entering into the candid discussion of any proposed amend- ment intended to relax the rigor of the law concerning amusements, while still guarding, as far as possible, the provisions of the law concerning labor. Some of you will object, perhaps, that, in our duties as citizens, we are bound to be governed by the divine teachings, and that legislation ought to be conformed to the word of God. Agreed. But then, noth- ing is so clearly revealed in the word of God, whether in Old Testament or in New, if men would but see it, as this, — that the divine rule of public legislation is the rule of expediency, 46 Sunday Observance and Sunday Laws. and not the rule of absolute right and wrong. The divine example of public legislation is to give "laws that are not good," when such laws are, on the whole, the best that the case ad- mits. Legislation is never more contrary to the word of God, than when it is rigorously conformed to the word of God, without regard to expediency, local and temporary. I repeat it, then : there is nothing in our convictions of religious duty to hinder us from candidly dis- cussing any measure that may be considered to be for the good of society, and looking to- wards a relaxation of the ' Sunday law respect- ing amusements, while maintaining it in vigor respecting labor. Possibly this might be ac- complished by carefully amending the law. But one thing is perfectly sure, it cant be done by breaking the law. You cannot break this statute half across, and leave the other half sound. Some of these fine days, as busi- ness grows brisk, you will get back from your Sunday excursion or beer-garden, and find a notice that next Sunday, owing to pressure of business, the factory will run, or the shop will be open, and that you are wanted for a ^undw islation. 47 clay's work. And if you think that then you will be able to plead, for your rest and your liberty, the very statute that you have defi- antly broken for your amusement, you will have ample time and opportunity to find out your mistake. Here, after all, we face this subject in its gravest aspect. For I say it with all respect to this assembly, yet not expecting you to agree with me, — expecting, rather, that some of you will be shocked when you hear it said, — that the sanctity of the Sabbath is not so serious a matter as the sanctity of human law and government ; that the damage and peril to society, the church, the state, and the affront to the authority of God, in the habitual pub- lic defiance of the Sunday laws, consist less in the violation of the commandment than they do in the violation of the statute. The divine authority less distinctly binds us to the com- mandment than it binds us to the statute. There are, amongst us, citizens of many dif- ferent religions, and citizens of no religion at all ; and, even among Christian citizens, there are the widest conscientious variations as to 48 Sunday Observance and Sunday Laws. the binding force of the fourth commandment on the individual and the state ; and still fur- ther variations as to the nature of the duties which that commandment enjoins, if it is bind- ing. You may lament these variations ; you may hold them blameworthy ; but you cannot deny the fact that they exist ; and it will have a very wholesome effect on our dealings with the matter, to look this inexorable fact dis- tinctly in the face, and to bear habitually in mind, that the traditionary notions of sabbati- cal duty to which we are accustomed are the notions only of a very small party in the Chris- tian church. But here is a point on which the divine will is unmistakable, — a point on which there is no room for variation among Chris- tians, or among good citizens ; to wit, that the laws of man are to be obeyed as under God's authority, and for God's sake. The peril of the present time is not half so much that we are becoming a nation of Sabbath-breakers, as that we are becoming — as a well-known writer has recently said — "a nation of law- breakers." l The question, whether the Sun- 1 Dangerous Tendencies in American Society. Sunday Legislation. 49 day laws shall be amended, or even repealed, and the common rest-day of rich and poor be left unprotected from the rapacity of commer- cial and industrial competition, is a question which, grave and portentous as it is, it is never- theless possible to contemplate with equanim- ity. Whenever this question comes up, we are bound to meet our fellow-citizens with patient argument, and abide the arbitrament of the ballot-box. Under our form of government, if the majority, on such a point, will be fools, there is no way but to let them learn their folly by the consequences. But to this other ques- tion, whether law, while it is law, shall be enforced and obeyed, there is but one answer compatible with the dignity or life of the state. The argument which I have now set forth approves the Sunday laws of any state only so far as those laws confine themselves, with sim- plicity and good faith : first, to maintaining the day of rest from labor as a universal privilege ; and, secondly, to taking the necessary precau- tions lest the privilege be abused to the detri- ment of public order and morals. For any 50 Sunday Observance and Sunday Laws. thing beyond this, these laws must find their defence — if there is any rational defence to be found — in some other line of reasoning. But there can be no higher act of wisdom on the part of those who desire to see the universal repose and quiet order of the New-England Sabbath day revived and perpetuated, than, of their own accord, to see to it that our Sunday laws are cleared of every thing which they ought not to contain. The early legislation of New England on this subject was undoubtedly directed, in some particulars, to the enforce- ment of a religious observance of the day. This was consistent with the State-Church, or rather the Church-State, notions of that time : it is utterly irreconcilable with our own prin- ciples. I do not know that any vestige of it remains. Judging from the digest of the Sun- day laws of New England, lately published by my friend, Walter Learned, 1 our statute-books are clear of any remainder of it. If not, they ought to be. Further, we are suffering, both in the com- munity and in private consciences, the re-action 1 In Good Company, No. 2. Sunday Legislation. 51 from overstrained statements concerning sab- batical duty. There is a canon of Sunday observance, written, not in the scriptures of either Testament, but in the Westminster Catechism and the traditions of the elders, commanding that "the entire time" that can be spared from works of necessity or mercy shall be "spent in acts of worship, public or private." I do not speak of this as a rule that is seriously professed by any of us. On the contrary, we have, one and all, abandoned it as a rule of our own action ; and we keep it, if at all, only for torturing tender consciences, and for judging our neighbors by. But it would not be altogether strange if the spirit of it might be found lurking here and there in some neglected corner of the statute-book. If so, it is of high importance to the success of our cause that it be exorcised. Further still, it is not an unheard-of thing for earnest and zealous labors in behalf of a good cause to become infected with that other spirit, which has been alleged to have Boston for its metropolis, but which has its spheres of lively activity in many a place beside, — the 52 Sunday Observance and Sunday Laws. spirit of ''malignant philanthropy." It is this spirit that is slanderously imputed to the Eng- lish Puritans, who interfered with bear-baiting, it is said, less out of pity to the bear than out of spite at the enjoyment of the bystanders. How naturally it attaches itself to such mat- ters as we have in hand, might be illustrated by many instances ; but it is enough to take a single one from Mr. Gilbert Hamerton. He tells us of a certain neighborhood in Scotland, along the shore of a loch which it was some- times necessary to cross on Sunday. The local code of ethics permitted the crossing in such cases, but on condition that it should be made with a row-boat, not with a sail-boat. The row- boat involved, indeed, more labor ; but the sail- boat might involve enjoyment, and this was a thing to be prevented at any sacrifice ! If our Sunday laws are to be preserved and enforced, it must be made unmistakably plain that the object, both of the law and of its enforcement, is not to prevent enjoyment, but to secure the universal privilege of rest from labor without detriment to the good order and morals of society. No reasonable person will deny that Sunday Legislation. 53 it is competent for the same law which inter- feres to liberate men from labor, to interfere to protect society from the disorderly abuse of this liberty. The question of the manner and degree of either interference is an open question, to be decided by considerations of expediency. We cannot, fellow-citizens, keep it too dis- tinctly in mind that this part of the Sabbath question, the matter of Sunday laws, is a mat- ter of government and police, — a political matter; and I know of no way of carrying political measures, in a republic, but to have votes enough. There is, indeed, a certain class of reformatory politicians who have a mystical idea of carrying elections without votes, — to whom there is no scripture in all the Bible so precious as that of the thinning-out of Gideon's army. These are men of faith, who believe that a few warm-hearted, earnest citizens, that will march fearlessly and vigorously up to the polls, and jam their tickets into the ballot-box with sufficient energy, can easily outvote ten times their number. It is well for us to leave this sort of imbecility to the school of profes- 54 Sunday Observance and Sunday Laws. sional reformers to whom it belongs, and coolly to take the measure of the difficulties of the situation, — for it has difficulties. The meas- ures that are to be carried and enforced, let us remember, will not be carried by the votes exclusively of evangelical Christians of ortho- dox doctrinal views, — that is, not without a very extraordinary revival in the mean time. It is well that we should ask ourselves whose the other votes are to be. It is well, for every reason, that we should put ourselves on ground so solid, so broad, so unselfish and unpartisan, so clearly right, that no reasonable man can object to it as unreasonable ; that we should refuse to allow this great social interest to be complicated with other questions ; in short, that we should narrow the issue, and widen the basis of co-operation. Note. — The following letter was addressed to the Judiciary Committee of the Connecticut Legislature, in support of the writer's memorial for a Commission of Inquiry concerning the Sunday Laws. Gentlemen, — Until the latest moment, I have been in hopes of appearing before you Sunday Legislation. 55 to-morrow, in conformity with your invitation, to give the reasons for my petition for a com- mission of inquiry as to the need of an amend- ment of the Sunday laws of the State. I sub- mit the more willingly to the urgent personal reasons which prevent my going to Hartford, because I hope that my written communication will accomplish all that is needful, with a saving of the time of the committee. Suffer me, at the outset, to forestall a possi- ble misconception. I do not seek or desire any enforcement of a religious observance of Sun- day. The objects of Sunday legislation should be simply and solely these two : first, to secure, as nearly as possible, to every citizen the priv- ilege of rest from labor ; secondly, to provide that the general rest of the community shall not be abused to the detriment of good order and morals. If the law goes beyond this, with any needless interference with convenience, pleasure, or even amusement, it thereby tends to defeat its own permanent effectiveness ; and the pretence which is clamorously made, year after year, that the law is thus excessive, is itself a reason, not indeed for hasty amendment, 56 Sunday Observance and Sunday Laws. but for deliberate and careful inquiry, such as the petition asks for. But the main reason for a commission of inquiry is that alleged in the petition ; to wit, that the laws in question not only are openly and habitually violated, but in some cases, when the enforcement of them has been at- tempted, have been insolently defied and nulli- fied. It is obvious that the successful defiance of the law by influential corporations does more than to retrench certain clauses that stand in the way of their convenience : it practically abrogates the statute, with its unspeakable blessings to the community ; it inflicts a shame- ful insult on the State, and weakens that respect for the laws which all good citizens are bound to cherish. These are grave reasons, I do not say for legislation, but for inquiry. The most flagrant and insolent violations of the law are Sunday steamboat excursions, in defence of which considerations of humanity and public good are sometimes urged with apparent seriousness. Such considerations may much better be urged in favor of amending the law, than of defying and nullifying the law. Sunday Legislation. 57 And I submit to you, gentlemen, that the alle- gation of them is a sufficient reason for inquiry into the truth of them. A commission duly authorized might easily ascertain whether such excursions, as now conducted in violation of law, are really the occasions of harmless recre- ation and refreshment that they are claimed to be, or orgies of debauchery such as they are alleged sometimes to be ; and might furnish to a future General Assembly materials for a wise judgment on the question, whether if they were made lawful, so that they might be conducted / by law-abiding citizens instead of law-breakers, and vigilantly policed, instead of being ex- empted, as now, from all police supervision whatever, the change would be for the general advantage. The question is an open and legiti- mate one, and of grave importance. To sum up, then : every argument that is used, either in crimination or in defence, is an argument in favor of legislative inquiry; and inquiry is all that the petition asks. I beg leave to add one word more, that may indicate the spirit in which the petition is offered. It is my personal conviction that the 58 Sunday Observance and Sunday Laws. inquiry proposed would result in amendments of the Sunday laws in the direction of a larger liberty ; that in some details these laws are not conformed to the state of public opinion, nor to the exigencies of modern society, especially in large towns ; further, that there are trace- able in them some remaining vestiges of an ascetic spirit, and of a disposition to enforce < religious duties by law. I should hope to see all such faults radically removed, as the result of the measure sought for in the petition. I have the honor to be, gentlemen, With great respect, Your fellow-citizen, LEONARD WOOLSEY BACON. Norwich, Feb. 28, 1881. Enforcement of Sunday Laws. 59 ENFORCEMENT OF SUNDAY LAWS. SPEECH TO THE CITIZENS OF NORWICH, MONDAY EVENING, AUGUST u, 187Q, JUST AFTER THE PUBLIC DEFIANCE OF THE LAW OF CONNECTICUT SECUR- ING A WEEKLY DAY OF REST. FELLOW CITIZENS,— Within a few months past, the cities of New London and Norwich have begun to grow accustomed to sights and sounds with which formerly they have been unfamiliar. It has once been a mat- ter of thankfulness to God, of worthy pride in view of the condition of other peoples, — a mat- ter of admiration to thoughtful travellers from foreign lands, that here the first day of the week was a day of rest and quietness. On that day the peace of God settled down over all the land. , The din of labor ceased, and the din of strife and of merry-making ; and a few quiet hours were given in which the poorest home might be made happy by the gathering of the family, and the most engrossed and toil- 60 Sunday Observance and Sunday Laws. burdened soul might at least have its opportu- nity, if it would, to worship God undisturbed by calls to labor or solicitations to public rev- elry. This was the glory and beauty of the American, — the New England Sabbath. None felt it so profoundly as those who had grown up in lands where it was unknown. Among those who have come hither from distant parts of the world to study the causes that have given to America her pre-eminence among the nations, and to New England her pre-eminence among the American States, there are few who have not been able to recognize that the Amer- ican superiority, not merely in moral and social order and in general intelligence, but even in the mere matter of productive industry, was largely due to the institution of the Sabbath calm and rest, as inherited from our fathers, and guarded by law from interruption and abuse. We loved and gloried in our quiet Sun- day, and thought of the goodly heritage that should be the birthright of our children. This glory is departed. I do not say it is endangered. It is gone. The New England Sabbath in New London and Norwich within Enforcement of Sunday Laws. 61 these few months has ceased to be. And whether it has ceased forever is for the citizens of these two towns to say. If they say noth- ing, and do nothing, within a few weeks more it has ceased forever. Individuals and fami- lies and congregations will continue, doubtless, without molestation, or without much molesta- tion, to follow their several convictions of duty concerning the day, as Christian families and churches do in heathen countries. But the New England Sabbath as a public institution, guarded by public law from invasion and abuse, is — dead. This revolution, the most momen- tous, the most disastrous, in our history, will shortly have been accomplished by your acqui- escence. And you will be able, by and by, to say to your children, " It was in my day, dur- ing my active citizenship, during my pastorship, during my term of public office, and by my dereliction of personal and official duty, that Norwich lost her immemorial glory and privi- lege pi a restful and peaceful Sunday, — that the law on which it depended was suffered to lapse without one effort to assert its dignity and validity, and all for lack of one resolute 62 Sunday Observance and Sunday Laws, citizen, and one unflinching official in the right place : it lapsed, not by negligence or evasion or furtive violation, unnoticed, winked at or disregarded, — the law might endure all these and still be law, — it lapsed through the impu- dent defiance of the law by a petty steamboat corporation, before whose open challenge, ' We intend to violate this statute, and what are you going to do about it ? ' the citizens held their peace, and the authorities were dumb. Then it was that the law of the quiet Sabbath died ; for the law that could be insolently defied by this corporation was incapable of being enforced thereafter against anybody. And when this law was thus insulted, overridden, trampled down, all law suffered with it, and government itself suffered a lasting dishonor. And, to this irreparable damage to our homes and native land, we, by our acquiescence, were parties and accomplices." Go, say this over to yourself as it will sound twenty years hence ! Go, take it to your children and grandchildren as a part of the record of your life ! Go, rehearse it to yourself as you will give it in at the judgment- seat of God, when you give account of your Enforcement of Sunday Laws. 63 duty as a citizen ! For this is what is meant when, fortnight by fortnight, in open, confessed defiance of the law of the State, the excursion steamer, with public announcement, with its instruments of music, with its private stores of whiskey, and with its complement of prosti- tutes, waits on Sunday morning at the dock to solicit the company of your children and your brothers and your husbands, and when on Sun- day night she vomits out upon the dock again her passengers debauched and drunk ; * and 1 " The excursion of the Ella last Sunday was extensively patron- ized ; and many of the participants, before the boat reached her wharf at night, became very boisterous, not to say drunk, thus tending to destroy the quiet enjoyment and rest supposed to be the leading features of a Sunday trip. A perfectly honorable and unprejudiced gentleman of this city, accompanied by his wife, was on board the boat, supposing that the excursionists would at least pay some respect to the day, or, in any event, that the officers of the boat would see that law and order prevailed. He says, that, long before the steamer reached her wharf in this city, he was heartily ashamed of the company in which he found himself, and on no account would he again patronize the craft with her present management on a Sunday excursion. Drunkenness and disorder were quickly visible on board, in the old men as well as the young ; and a general hilarity seemed to be diffused among the party. No liquor was sold on the boat, but the thirsty passengers were frequently seen cooling their tongues with hearty draughts from capacious pocket flasks. A company of women from a house near the Norwich and Worcester Depot (of which some 64 Sunday Observance and Sunday Laws. you, meanwhile, sit quietly in your churches and prayer-meetings, and dream of serving God, when, by all the duties he has laid upon you as a citizen, God is calling you to serve him elsewhere and otherwise. I beg you to remark, that in all that I have said thus far concerning the Sabbath rest, and in all I have yet to say, I have said and shall say no word of it as an institution of God, or of the 'fathers' have testified that it is a 'quiet and orderly place ' ) were along, and during the day became so exhilarated that one of them had to be led off the boat on her return to this city. The bathing scenes and conduct of this party while at the Hill are also said to have been scandalous. When a party of young gentlemen — so called — induce a comrade who has but recently entered the walks of married life to leave the side of his newly-made bride, despite her expostulations, and, after plying him with liquor, send him back to her drunken and brawling, and then laugh at her tears, it is certainly a question whether or not Sunday excursions are of benefit, especially those of this sort." — Norwich correspondence of the New Haven Register, Aug. J, 18 J 9. The character of these excursions, infamous as it has been, makes no essential part of my argument. It is quite indifferent to me whether the steamboat company claim that these orgies were an affair of their own, and not to be imputed as an unavoidable incident to a Sunday excursion ; or that the company are not to blame because on Sunday excursions such things cannot be helped. This is an affair between the company and its customers, with which the public has little concern. Both parties are " in the same boat." Enforcement of Sunday Laws. 65 the subject of a divine command. For I am speaking to you as citizens with reference to your duties to society. The command of God, applying to the individual conscience, has rea- V sons and arguments and sanctions of its own. And, if I could but get the serious attention of that multitude of merry-makers, I would gladly speak to them of God's w r ord and will in this thing, how reasonable and benevolent they are, and, in their true meaning, how far from the austerity that has sometimes been imputed to them or superinduced upon them. But I am not speaking to them about their private duty to God, but to you about your civil duty to the community. And it is not your duty as a citizen to enforce God's law upon your neigh- bors, but to sustain huipan law, which God requires men to obey, and citizens to sustain, and magistrates to execute. As a Christian, as a man, you have to do with the Sabbath as a religious institution. As a citizen, you have only to do with it as a civil institution. As a citizen, you are not charged with enforcing the Decalogue, only with sustaining the statute. This is not a religious matter at all, except as 66 Sunday Observance and Sunday Laws, it is your religious duty to be faithful to your secular responsibility as a citizen. You thought, perhaps, that the laws concern- ing Sunday were laws prescribing" a precept of the Christian religion, concerning the obliga- tion of which some consciences might be in doubt. Not at all. What word is there in the statutes that would need to be changed if this country were Buddhist or Confucian or Athe- ist instead of Christian ? What word is there about worship, in the statute, except to provide that it shall not be molested ? The law makes no attempt to enforce religion upon Sunday. It simply institutes a weekly civil holiday, and surrounds it with safeguards such as the inter- ests of society require. It makes no preamble ; it sets up no pretension to divine right in this law, beside the divine right that belongs to every righteous enactment of constituted au- thority. Nobody denies the competency of the State to establish this weekly holiday ; nobody asks to have it abrogated. There are not men enough to call themselves a party, who do not want Sunday maintained by law as a day of rest. Only one business corporation says, Enforcement of Sunday Laws. 67 " If only we can do business while all the rest are restrained from it, we shall make a lot of money. We don't want the law repealed. We want it enforced against all other business establishments. We want the shops and fac- tories shut up by law, and the employees com- pelled to rest. We want other companies to show a decent regard for right and duty. And then what we want for ourselves is to break the law. We can influence votes. We can have a mob to clamor for us. We can get demagogues very cheap to howl for the dear people and the poor workingman. We will break the law ; and touch us if you dare ! " And I don't suppose you do dare, do you ? You would not really have the courage, would you, citizens, magistrates, of Norwich, to op- pose a steamboat company, when it expected to make a great deal of money by breaking the law ? Frankly, I do not believe you would. I have no strong expectation of it on your part. Allow me to say just here in passing, by way of personal explanation, that I think my posi- tion and purpose in this matter have been very 68 Sunday Observance and Sunday Laws. much mistaken by the public generally. I don't care for the mistake on my own account, but it seems desirable for the sake of the pub- lic that they should understand the matter cor- rectly. It seems to be conceived that I have undertaken to dictate to the people of Nor- wich how they shall spend their Sundays ; and, in particular, that I have started with the reso- lution and expectation of breaking up the Sun- day pleasure excursions of the steamer "Ella," in which some persons wish me success, and the large majority (I judge) prophesy that I shall meet with defeat and disappointment. Now, this is a misconception. I have, in the exercise of my unquestionable rights as a citizen, taken certain steps which may, or may not, result in the stopping of these excursions by the due course of law. If these steps do so result, it will be no affair of mine, and no triumph of mine. If they fail of this result, I shall be neither defeated nor disappointed, nor even surprised. For I have been distinctly warned, from the beginning, that I was enter- ing on a fruitless experiment ; that the author- ities would not sustain me ; that the newspaper Enforcement of Sunday Laws. 69 would not sustain me ; that public opinion would not sustain me ; that the law, to which I had referred the matter, could not be enforced. I have gone forward with this distinct under- standing. And, if any of you would like to know why I have gone forward, I would like to have you know ; and I will tell you, as briefly as possible. It is almost exactly twelve months ago that a gratifying invitation was pressed upon me to come to Norwich and settle permanently as a minister of the gospel. As I was considering the question, it was represented to me more than once, from various quarters, that Norwich was a place of bad character for crime and lawlessness. (This, of course, was no reason for not coming hither to preach the gospel ; although it might be a reason for not bring- ing one's children with him to be educated here.) From that day to this, I have heard these accusations against the character of the town repeated, publicly and privately, often abroad, sometimes by citizens of high standing at home. I must say that some things have come to my knowledge since my coming here jo Sunday Observance and Sunday Laws. that tend to confirm these reproaches. " Do I mean the Cobb trial ? " No, I don't mean the Cobb trial. That is an honor to the character of the town, — not a disgrace. Jt is not the cases that you try and punish that debase the character of the town and smirch its good name ; but the cases that you don't punish, that you don't try, that you don't allow to be tried, that (so the criminal's defenders impudently boast) you don't dare to allow to be tried. I have the astounding document in my possession which shows how, in a crime of the blackest turpi- tude, a blood-guilty felony, in which the crim- inal was held for trial, the evidence was ready, the prosecuting officers were ready and confi- dent of conviction, the courts were ready, and the law was clear, twoscore of the very best citizens of this town interposed to arrest the course of law, to throw the protection of their personal influence over the criminal, and to condone the crime. Such things as these on the one hand. On the other hand, I need not recount what beautiful and honorable evidences one meets with here, of public spirit and virtue, and of love of law and order. You will not Enfortement of Sunday Laws. ji wonder that I was perplexed by the two con- trary testimonies, and felt that I would like to know — and I am sure you will not consider it an idle curiosity — I would like to know just what sort of place Norwich was, on this ques- tion of law and order. And right here, at hand, is the very opportunity of finding out. I have been hearing, almost ever since I came to the town, the protests of good citizens about the unlawful Sunday excursions that had been lately instituted. People were indignant about them, it was said. Persons high in office char- acterized them as a nuisance and a shame. A memorial against them, I am told, was signed last year by several hundreds of re- spectable names. Here, then, was just the case that would show what Norwich was, — whether it was the lawless, crime-breeding place that some alleged, or whether it is a place where good citizens, demanding the en- forcement of the laws, can secure it. Now, you will understand what my position is in this matter. I have not undertaken to enforce the Sunday laws. This is not my business. I have not resolved to put a stop to the Sun- 72 Sunday Observance and Sunday Laws. day excursions. Persons of experience and responsibility tell me it cannot be done, — and perhaps they know. What I have undertaken, in the discharge of my duty as a citizen, — less my duty than that of many others, but mine when all the rest have failed, — is to put this matter in a shape to be tried, and so to find out what sort of a place Norwich is, — what sort of citizens it has, what sort of gov- ernment it has. And I hope to know in about three weeks. It is not, then, with any sanguine expecta- tions of a visible, practical result that I press upon you this (I.) First point, that the fact to which I call your attention is a bold, insolent, defiant vio- lation of the law. We do not raise the ques- tion, — we cannot raise the question, — we cannot entertain the question just at this mo- ment, — whether it is a good law, in its par- ticulars, or a bad law. Farther on, I shall have something to say on this point ; and by and by, when in a loyal way, as good citizens, they may choose to raise the question of repeal or amendment in due course of legislation, we Enforcement of Sunday Laws. 73 shall be ready, I am sure, to go into this ques- tion thoroughly, and in no unfriendly or illiberal spirit. But, so long as the situation is one of open defiance of the authority of law, we have nothing to do but to try conclusions between law and lawlessness, and find out which is the stronger : and, if we are beaten (as very prob- ably we shall be), amendment or repeal of the law is of the very slightest consequence ; for law is dead. The steamboat company is King ; the howling demagogue is its prime minister ; the mob is its standing army; and we, who never were in bondage to any man, are its subjects. If this be so, we want to know it ; and we therefore make our contention on this single point. This is the law. We claim, we demand, — no, I will not presume too far, for I do not know where you stand in this matter, — /claim and /demand the enforcement of it as my right as a citizen. And I expect to be refused if law-abiding and law-sustaining citi- zens are only timid enough, and the govern- ment is inactive and unfaithful enough, and the steamboat corporation is bold enough and dis- loyal enough, and the baser sort are clamor- 74 Sunday Observance and Sunday Laws. ous enough, and ignorant enough of their own interests. And now, having defined our one main issue, we are in a position to add, (II.) In the second place, that it is an aggra- vation of the offence of these open and defiant law-breakers, that they are attacking a good and salutary law. I speak, not from the reli- gious point of view, but from the point of view of any good citizen, when I say that the par- ticular laws now defied are, in general, good and salutary laws, — laws of inexpressible value to every interest of society and every class of society. In general, I say ; for it is obvious that these ancient statutes do require amend- ment in detail to fit them to circumstances and conditions that did not exist when they were made, to the requirements of large towns and modern society. And, whenever it is de- cided that law can be enforced, I, for one, shall gladly join in seeking the amendment of them. If it is decided, on the other hand, that the law can be successfully defied, it is merely frivolous to talk of amending or repealing or enacting at all. The Legislature, on this sub- Enforcement of Sunday Laws. 75 ject, may be interesting to the public as a debating-society ; but the public has no other interest in its proceedings. What, then, is the inexpressible value to the public of these laws which are now defied ? This : that they guarantee to the whole com- munity that which could not exist without them, — a public day of rest. If this should be lost, the community in all its classes, but most of all in its poorer classes, will lament it with long, perhaps with unavailing, regret. But if these laws are successfully defied, and so broken down, your day of rest is lost ; for it is only by virtue of these laws that the day of general public rest subsists. A weekly day of rest is the universal desire. Every man, woman, and child wants it, and would feel per- sonally aggrieved and injured if it should be taken away. And the way in which this uni- versal desire is secured to all, is by means of a. law on the statute-book, which (however it may be neglected or evaded in some cases) stands on the statute-book in full vigor, and is ready to be enforced when the case requires, and is actually enforced whenever a single 76 Sunday Observance and Sunday Laws. citizen, however humble and however solitary, demands the enforcement of it as his right, and insists upon his demand, as I do insist to-night. But I am ready to meet the objection which some of you have it at your tongue's end to put : "What is the need of a law to secure what everybody wants ? If everybody wants it, will it not come of itself ? Will not the unanimous desire of the people, that one day of the week be kept free from the encroachments of busi- ness, be a sufficient security for this without the aid of law ? " I answer, Yes; just so much as the unani- mous desire of the property owners on Main Street would, without law, preserve the line of the street from encroachments, — just so much, and no more. It is the general interest of the whole property, and every part of it, on both sides of the way, that the width of that street should not be reduced. You could get a remonstrance, signed by every person in the city that could hold a pen, against permitting owners of frontage on that street to build out on it a single foot ; and all the owners them- Enforcement of Sunday Laws. yj selves would join in the remonstrance. What is the need of any law, then, to protect the line of that street ? If everybody wants it, it will take care of itself, won't it ? And yet there is not a man of you that knows how to pretend to be so dull as not to see that it is only by the force of law that the object of the unanimous desire can be secured, — a law ready to be en- forced, actually enforced on demand, and that cannot be defied. There may be furtive and casual violations of the law : these may be over- looked and neglected, and the law will not lose its force thereby, nor the rights of the public be impaired. But let there be one man or one corporation sufficiently strong, rich, influential of votes, and sufficiently insolent and unscru- pulous to say, and say successfully, " I am going to build out three feet in my front, and what are you going to do about it?" — let but one humble citizen make his complaint to authorities and courts in vain, and the line of your street is gone. Encroachment will follow encroachment, the encroachment of one excusing and necessitating the encroachment of his neighbor, until the thoroughfare is 78 Sunday Observance and Sunday Laws. choked, and the interest of all has been de- feated by the selfishness of one. And allow me to add here (for it meets an objection that may impose on some minds), that it makes no difference at all whether the citizen complain- ing, and complaining in vain, of the infraction of the public right, is personally injured, or whether anybody is actually injured, by this particular encroachment, or whether the com- plaint is made out of solicitude for the future welfare of the town. Suppose, even, that the encroachment pretends to be for the public convenience, — that the benevolent citizen pro- poses to build a drinking fountain in front of his shop, for instance ; so long as the encroach- ment is made without law, against law, and in successful defiance of the law, invoked for its removal, it is all the same. The law is down, and the street-line is broken for everybody. The analogy is strong, and holds at all points. The great common rest, opened by a beneficent statute in the midst of the toil of the week, is like the village green reserved for public re- freshment and delight amid the bustling streets of a New England village, sacred from the Enforcement of Sunday Laws. 79 invasion of business, where the children of the rich and poor may play alike, where the sacred graves of other generations wake tender thoughts and holy memories, and amongst them the church of Christ invites to prayer and praise, — " And points with taper spire to heaven." The whole people want it : everybody is will- ing to respect it, on condition that everybody else shall be required to respect it too. Only, if there is to be no law about it, and these immemorial rights of the public are to be left open to a general scramble, in which the ear- liest squatter on the public privilege will get the best advantage and the biggest share, then it is too much to hope from human nature that the scramble will not begin. Fellow-citizens, the scramble has begun. An insolent corporation has squatted on your old graveyard, and is digging the foundation for his money-making shop among the bones of your fathers. It may be difficult for you to deal with him ; but, if you give it up, it will be impossible for you ever to deal with any 80 Sunday Observance and Sunday Laws. other. We propose — / propose — to try the strength of the public law against this intruder on our common rest. If we fail, as it seems to me somewhat likely that we shall, in a year or two we shall have competing lines of excur- sion steamers, advertising their rival attractions in "The Bulletin" (with an encouraging notice from the editor, of course) ; and you will wish you could stop it, but you can't. By and by the railroad companies will enter into the business, with new attractions on the bill ; and you will wish you could stop them, but you can't. Not very long hence, the same argument, the necessity of recreation for the poor workingman, which requires a Sunday excursion in summer, will be found to require a Sunday afternoon and evening variety the- atre — a quiet and well-conducted variety thea- tre — in the winter. And you will ache under the infliction, and wish you could abolish it ; but you can't. Your law is dead ; and you, perhaps, have helped to murder it. This is not all. The man who finds now that he can make money on Sunday with his steamboat, will find before long, if times im- Enforcement of Sunday Laws. 81 prove and orders crowd him, that he can make money on Sunday by running his factory. And he will do it, — quietly, of course, but he'll do it. And why shouldn't he ? You cannot stop him then. Now you can, by law. But he is to defy and break down the law that holds him back. Society will lament in all its ranks, and most of all in its ranks of honest working- men, that the blessed common rest is gone, — stolen, — no, there is no stealth about it, — openly robbed away, before the face of the citi- zen and the law, and that now there may be seven working-days in the week at the discre- tion of the corporation or contractor ; and you will mourn the day when you were tickled by the offer of a cheap excursion, or bullied by the insolence of a steamboat corporation, into giv- ing up this priceless heritage of the American workingman ; and you will long and long that you could get back your one day of rest in seven. But you can't. This is not all. Let it go abroad in all the papers that the Sunday law in all these towns has been successfully defied, and about how many weeks do you think it will be before 82 Sunday Observance and Sunday Laws. some gentleman from New York, with a for- eign accent, and a small stock of fancy goods, will open a little store on Main Street, for a few weeks only, and will let it be understood that it will be open, with half a shutter down, on Sunday afternoons, after the hours of ser- vice, for the benefit of the poor workingmen and working-women who really haven't any day but Sunday for quiet shopping. You won't like this, you storekeepers on the same street ; but you cannot stop it. And, what is more, you will have to fall in with it sooner or later, or retire from business. You will try to make a combination against it at first ; but one after another will begin to break ranks, and send just one clerk for the Sunday business. By and by the understanding will be that each clerk may be at liberty every second Sunday, or at least one Sunday in every month. The strong and respectable firms will hold out a long time against the new way. They will come into it, slowly, reluctantly ; but they will come into it. They will have to, or sell out. . All this is not coming at once. The force of religious principle and the force of habit Enforcement of Sunday Laws. 8$ will retard it. And this is the very fact over which these law-breakers are inwardly chuck- ling as they count their fortnightly gains. They don't want it to come all at once. The longer the better. What they want is, that everybody else should be forced to suspend his business, so as to make customers for theirs. Work presses you hard in your shop or store, and there are not days enough in the week for what you can profitably do. But Saturday night shuts down ; and the law says to you and to your neighbor, and to all your competitors in business, Rest there. And all the wheels of society and commerce are still, and the blessed truce of God comes down like a benediction, and the world is at peace. And now into the midst of this serene and beauti- ful calm comes snarling in the insolent whistle of the steamboat company, saying, " I'll break all this. The law shall bind you, but it shan't bind me. My disloyalty shall grow rich and fat on your obedience to law. What do I care for you, or your antiquated laws ? What do I care what the effect is going to be on Norwich five years hence, or one year hence. I make 84 Sunday Observance and Sunday Laws. my money now. I am going to do as I please about it ; and touch me, if you dare ! " And, so far as I am able to judge at present, you don't dare. There ought to be authority — there is authority, there ought to be power, will, and courage, with authority — to take this public robber of the public privileges by the throat, and shake him in the grip of the law until he shall let go his felon's hold upon your rights and mine. I am not blaming or accusing the government and officers of this city for their action or non-action in the matter. They understand the ground, and I don't. They know how strong the steamboat company is, and whether it is stronger against the law than they are with the law. No man, no officers, ought to be blamed for not doing that which is simply an impossibility. Perhaps it is true that government is not strong enough in Nor- wich, that there is not enough of public virtue in the citizens behind it, that there is too for- midable a force of lawlessness in front of it, for it to be possible to execute the law against the law-breaker. Perhaps this is true. This Enforcement of Sunday Laws. 85 is what people say about you ; and this is the ground that seems to be taken by leading citi- zens, official and unofficial, with whom I have conversed. Perhaps it is true. One thing I happen to know, however, remotely bearing on the subject, which I merely mention as a mat- ter of incidental interest. This isrit so at New London. I happen to know, on entirely satis- factory evidence, that in that city they have a public sentiment high enough, and a govern- ment strong enough, and a mayor, — his name is Thomas Waller, of the Democratic party ; and I wish he would move to Norwich, so that I might have the opportunity of voting for him for something, — a mayor who is brave and reso- lute and wilful enough to meet and handle any law-breaker, even a steamboat company. I am not blaming you here. I am not casting cen- sure on the officials of the city. Perhaps the case is different in Norwich, and this cannot be done here. That is the thing that people say about you, and that is the thing that I am intending to find out. These laws for the protection of Sunday, — Blue Laws, as they are called by those who 86 Sunday Observance and Sunday Laws. take pleasure in insulting the memory of their own fathers, and the character of their native State, by repeating the hundred-times-exploded calumnies of an old and malignant libel, — these ancient statutes, antiquated in phrase- ology and details, and plainly requiring amend- ment to suit them to conditions of society unknown at the time of their enactment, are yet, as I have said, of priceless value as secur- ing to every man, what he could not have with- out them, his weekly day of rest. They are of like value for another reason, which I can hardly do more than mention, though it is not of less importance than the first. These laws create a universal public holi- day ; and a public holiday is a public peril. A necessity it may be, — it is ; but the history of all nations shows it to be a dangerous necessity. The State which by positive enact- ment institutes this dangerous blessing, strik- ing off all the common restraints of regular industry, is bound to guard it to the utmost from abuse. The State has a perfect right to make a holiday ; but it has no right to make a holiday, and take no precautions against the Enforcement of Sunday Laws. 87 mischiefs that tend to result from it. It has no right with one hand to lock the doors of the factory, the shop, the school, against hon- est industry and useful pursuits, and turn the business population into the street, and then with the other hand fling wide the enticing portals of temptation. The authority that has the right to say to the capitalist, or the corpo- ration, or the contractor, you shall not exact labor on that day, has a right to say, and is bound to say, to the speculator in amusements, you shall not start a carousal or a show or an excursion on that day. Wives and mothers have a right to demand that the beneficent law which makes it possible for Sunday to be a day of blessed domestic happiness, shall be attended by provisions that shall guard it from becoming a terror and a curse, — a day when they shall sit the long hours through in trem- bling, lest at night those whom they love shall be tumbled in upon them through the street- door, drunk, — that the state shall not loose the iron band of industry without at the same time tightening the rein of salutary law. Our great productive and commercial industries have SS Sunday Observance and Sunday Laws. rights in the matter. They know the finan- cial loss there is in a disordered Sabbath ; and, if they are wise, they will take their stand at the door of the City Hall, alongside of the workmen whose liberty of weekly rest is men- aced by the insolence of a law-defying corpo- ration, and demand, in a voice not to be disregarded, that the State, which interferes to take their employees out of business on Satur- day night, shall also interfere to save them from being returned to business on Monday morning exhausted, demoralized, debauched. Observe, now, the two points which we have reached. We have placed our main contention on this simple point, that the act in question is a defiant and insolent violation of law. Then, secondly, we have noted it as an aggravation of the offence, that the law which it violates and openly threatens to nullify and destroy is a good and salutary law, of priceless value to society, to every interest of society, to every member of society, rich or poor, high' or low. I beg you now, (III.) To note, as a further aggravation of the Enforcement of Sunday Laws. 89 offence, the vile dishonesty, hypocrisy, and cant with which it is endeavored to apologize for the offence. This unlawful speculation of a greedy steamboat company is, forsooth, a phil- anthropic undertaking. It is devised by the friends of the workingman — the poor work- ingman — the dear workingman. The poor, dear workingman is persecuted by a lot of straight-laced Puritans, of stern, hard, cold- hearted religionists, of overbearing, domineer- ing parsons and deacons, who are resolved that the poor, dear workingman shall have no chance to enjoy himself on his one only holiday. But poor workingmen, dear workingmen, don't you be afraid. The steamboat company will stand by you. The steamboat company is the poor man's friend. We will protect you in your right to your holiday, — your only holiday. Come right aboard, and don't be afraid. And mind you have your — a — your — well, so to speak, your chct7ige ready at the captain's office. The fare is extremely cheap, for it is quite a philanthropic enterprise. Shame on this pack of snivelling lies ! How came the American workingman to have this 90 Sunday Observance and Sunday Laws. one holiday in every week ? Answer me that ! Who gave to the American, the Connecticut workingman, this peculiar privilege, this royal inheritance, and guaranteed it by all the author- ity of the commonwealth, — the priceless pos- session of an inviolable Sabbath rest, his own, his glory, that sets him without a peer among the workingmen of almost all the world beside, and makes him at once their admiration and their envy ? How did he come by it ? To whom does he owe it ? Well, strangely enough, it appears on inquiry that he owes it to that implacable enemy, the straight-laced Puritan ! And what is his sole defence and guaranty of the inviolability of this sacred right against the irrestrainable rapacity of competing business interests ? Nothing in the world but these despised, antiquated, derided, and scoffed-at statutes, — these "blue laws," which you talk so merrily of throwing overboard as obsolete and preposterous, and incapable of being en- forced. And who is it that is threatening to break down the safeguards of the one secure and quiet refuge for exhausted toil, to tear away the walls of legal enactment that guard Enforcement of Sunday Laws. 91 the Sabbath rest ? Oh, this is the strangest thing of all ! for, come to look him in the face, he turns out to be none other than the poor workingman's, the dear workingman's, the poor, dear workingman's, affectionate friend, — the liberal and philanthropic steamboat company. Workingmen of Norwich, don't be fooled ! Think twice over it, and look at the bargain on both sides, before you make up your minds to trade off your birthright for this miserable mess of pottage that the benevolent steamboat company are stirring up for you. But if you find these corporation blandishments too allur- ing, and the savor of their somewhat strong- scented excursions too charming to be resisted, then remember, by and by, the warning I give you beforehand, that the time is not far off when you will find the little finger of an unre- stricted corporation to be heavier than the loins of a Puritan statute. It seems to you very fine when Mr. Paul Greene snaps his fingers in the face of the prosecuting officer, and steams down the river, blowing his impudent steam- boat whistle in the ears of Christian congrega- tions assembled for the worship of Almighty 92 Sunday Observance and Sunday Laws. God, and asks derisively the famous question of that other poor man's friend, Mr. William Tweed, " What are you going to do about it ? " This is very fine indeed, and shows a noble independence of the laws of the State. But I would just advise you to think ahead a little, and fancy how it is going to sound to you, three or four years hence, when the benevolent Mr. Paul Greene's factory whistle (if he has one) wakes you up before daylight on a Sunday morning, with a hint that you are wanted in the mill, and that, if you have any objections or scruples about working on Sunday, he can find somebody else in your place ; and " what are you going to do about it ? " And hadn't you better be getting your answer ready in ad- vance ? What are you going to do about it ? You will begin to talk about the law and your rights. And the workingman's friend will tell you, " The law ! that ridiculous old blue law is played out long ago. Don't you remember the jolly Sunday excursions we used to have on 'The Ella,' all for the benefit of the poor work- ingman ? " And what will you say then ? You will not say much, I suspect ; but you will Enforcement of Sunday Laws. 93 begin to wish in your heart that when Mr. Paul Greene invited you to join him in break- ing down the old Sunday law, you had taken the precaution to ask him what sort of Sunday law he was going to give you in the place of it. I have detained this vast throng of people a long time already, but it is absolutely neces- sary that I should say a few words in answer to the one solitary objection of the slightest weight that I have heard alleged against the enforcement of this law against the Sunday pleasure-excursions of the steamer " Ella." The objection is this : that the law is so worded as to be capable of vexatious, annoying, malicious applications ; to which it is sometimes added by those who think they know, that these annoying and malicious applications will cer- tainly be made, vindictively, on the part of the steamboat company in case it is interfered with. Undoubtedly the objection is not without ground. Our statutes date from a period before the existence among us of large towns with their peculiar requirements, and of modern conveniences of transportation, that have grown 94 Sunday Observance and Sunday Laws. almost or quite into necessities. The law, if rigorously enforced, might require some trans- portation companies to revise their time-tables (which does not strike me as an evil), and might perhaps (though this is doubtful) inter- fere to an injurious extent with the street-car and omnibus service. Some such inconven- iences as this would have to be endured until the law should be amended. I have no doubt that society would be able to bear up under the burden for a few months. The answer to this objection is already given, and it is an overwhelming one. Over against the petty inconveniences that may result from enforcing the law, I set the enormous, the almost infinite loss that inevitably will result to society if the law is successfully defied ; and there I leave that matter. It is the remark of no religious zealot, but of one of the coolest and shrewdest students of practical politics, the late Horace Greeley, in one of his letters from Europe, that we in America are shut up to the choice between the Puritan Sabbath and the Parisian Sabbath. This issue is now before you, citizens ; and in a Enforcement of Sunday Laws. 95 few more weeks, whatever you may do or not do, the decision will have been made. Before the matter is irrevocably settled by your action or your inaction, I could wish you might stand with me an hour on Sunday morn- ing in the "labor-market" at Geneva, and see the troops of dull, tired, sodden-looking labor- ers, in their ragged blouses, unwashed from the grime and sweat of one week's work, trudging off sluggishly and wearily, "like dumb, driven cattle," to the work of the next week. Are these slaves ? you ask. Slaves ! Bless you, no, my dear man ! These are freemen. These are voters and citizens in a land of universal suf- frage, under the freest government on earth, with an advanced and liberal constitution of the latest French invention and with all the modern improvements. No "blue laws" here : they had blue laws once in Geneva (though they never did in Connecticut), but they have laughed them down long ago. This, which you see, is lib- erty, — complete, untrammelled liberty. Every one of these free citizens has a right — a proud, inviolable right — to work on Sunday if he chooses. And this is what it ends in for him ; 96 Sunday Observance and Sunday Laws. and this is where it will end for you, if you choose to make the costly experiment. The workingman who may work on Sunday, when work is wanted has got to work on Sunday. For the liberty of rest for each one depends on a law of rest for all. Think of it ! Think of it twice ! Think of it again ! and then say whether you will barter away your birthright, the American Sunday, the universal privilege of rich and poor, for this miserable French delusion, a Parisian holi- day, through which one half the people are condemned to toil, that the other half may frolic. I have done. I stand before you here a soli- tary citizen, with not one influential friend at my back, to state this case to you, as I have already stated it to the prosecuting officer and to the executive officers of the city. The pros- ecuting officer will do his duty : he has no option in the case. 1 The mayor will do his duty, I have not the slightest doubt, accord- ing to his conscientious understanding of it. 1 This turned out to be a mistake. When it came to the scratch, the attorney flinched. Enforcement of Sunday Laws. 97 Whether you will do your duty or not I do not know. I have delivered my soul. On every hand, as I walk the streets, I hear nothing but presages of defeat, with expressions sometimes of exultation, sometimes of sympathy. Exult, I beg you, to your hearts' content, but save your sympathies till they are wanted. I cannot be defeated. You may be defeated. But I defy the world and the Devil to defeat me, for my work is done. I have dragged these two most reluctant parties together, — the Law and the Law-breakers, — and compelled them to stand face to face in the civil forum and in the forum of the public. Henceforth, it is no fight of mine, although my rights and liberties as well as yours are at stake in it. But I shall stand by and watch the progress of it ; and shortly I shall know, and the State shall know, and the land shall know, what is the character of Norwich as a law-abiding, law-sustaining, law-enforcing city. II. SIX SERMONS ON THE SABBATH QUESTION. By GEORGE BLAGDEN BACON. PREFACE. THIS book is simply what it pretends to be, a series of sermons preached to the author's own congregation. He has preferred to print them unaltered; adding, however, occasional references in the form of foot-notes. And, if the book shall seem to be needlessly diffuse or unduly rhetorical in its style, it is only just to remember that it was designed to be spoken, not to be read. It is not probable that there is any thing new in the argument herein presented. Indeed, it is scarcely possible to say any thing new on a subject which has been so long and so thoroughly discussed. But the argument for the observance of the Lord's Day, as these sermons present it, is not the one to which the American churches are in the habit of listening; and it therefore had the merit of fresh- ness to most of those who heard it. Moreover, the discussion seemed to be timely, in view of recent agitations of "the Sunday question" in New York and New Jersey; and some persons found it useful 102 Preface. in the relief of perplexities by which their minds had been troubled. Others, hesitating fully to ac- cept the argument, desired the opportunity to exam- ine it more carefully. The volume is, therefore, printed especially for the use of those to whom the sermons were first preached. But it is believed that the wider publication of it may be useful. For there are many Christian peo- ple, who, while greatly approving and even adopting what has been called the " Anglo -American " practice with regard to the Lord's Day, have never been satisfied with the theory which influential writers in England and America have supposed to be essential to that practice. And it is not pleasant for those who are thus honestly obliged to differ from their brethren, to find themselves put, even by implica- tion, outside of the number of " evangelical Chris- tians," and to be told that the opinions which they hold are " defective, erroneous, and worthless," or " productive of extreme mischief," x or the like. Against such "judgment of the brethren," to which there seems to be a constant tendency, not only on the part of individuals, but even on the part of cor- porations, this volume may serve as a timely protest. 1 See Gilfillan's The Sabbath. American Tract Society's edition, PP- 576, 577. Preface. 103 For though that protest has been often made, and with the sanction of most venerable and authoritative names, it needs to be repeated constantly. And just now it will be a useful encouragement to some perplexed consciences to be reminded, that, if they must hold such views as those herein set forth, they can hold them without sin. For this- reason, among others, and because it is believed that these views are really, as they were honestly designed to be, in the interest of the better observance of the Lord's Day, they receive a publi- cation which was not at first intended for them. THE SABBATH QUESTION. I. THE SABBATH OF GOD. " &rjus tfje fjeabens ano tije eartfj foere ftmsrjeo, ano all tfje fjost of tfjem. $tno on tfje sebentfj oag (Hxoo enoeo fjts fcoorfe bjJjtcfj Ije fjao maoe ; ano fje resteo ott tfje sebentfj oag from all fjts ftrorn fofjtcrj fje fjao maoe.