Class 
 Book 
 
 PRESENTED BY 
 

A MODEL MAYOR. 
 
 EARLY LIFE, 
 
 §mipt%%nn\il farm, 
 
 AND 
 
 TRIUMPHANT MUNICIPAL ADMINISTRATION 
 
 OF 
 
 HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 
 
 MAYOR OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK: 
 
 PRESENTING HIS PUBLIC SPEECHES AND MESSAGES, AND 
 
 THE PRINCIPLES ON WHICH HIS GOVERNMENT 
 
 IS, FOUNDED. 
 
 BY A CITIZEN OF NEW YORK. 
 ■ ♦ » 
 
 NEW YORK: 
 AMERICAN FAMILY PUBLICATION ESTABLISHMENT, 
 
 128 Nassau Street. 
 1855. 
 
M%b% ■ 
 
 Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1S55, 
 BY E. HUTCHINSON;' 
 in th« Clerk's Office of the District Court for the Southern Strict 
 of New York. 
 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Introductory Remarks ------- 7 
 
 Biographical Sketch of Mayor Wood 10 
 
 New York Governed - - 13 
 
 ' Mr. Wood's Election as Mayor of New York - - 15 
 
 Inauguration of Mayor Wood 17 
 
 First Message 17 
 
 Charge to the Police ------- 22 
 
 No Policeman allowed to Enter a Public House or 
 
 House of III Fame, except on Official Business - 24 
 Abuses of Hackmen, Complaint Book, &o. 24 
 
 Second Message of Mayor Wood - - - - 25 
 
 Form of Municipal Government 51 
 
 Mayor Wood's Letter to Franklin Pierce, President 
 of the United States, in respect to the Importa- 
 tion of Foreign Paupers and Felons - - 58 
 Letter and Directions of Mayor Wood to the Police 
 
 of New York 59 
 
 Our Mayor Abroad - - - ~ j- - 62 
 
 Manifesto from Mayor Wood in Reference to the Maine 
 
 Liquor Law - - -62 
 
 Speech of Mayor Wood in Congress, on the Fiscal 
 Bank of the United States, Delivered August 3, 
 
 1841 66 
 
 Speech of Mayor Wood in Congress on the Operation 
 
 of the Tariff Laws, Delivered Feb. 9, 1842 - - 83 
 Speech of Mayor Wood in Congress on the Navy 
 
 Appropriation Bill, Delivered May 20, 1842 - - 94 
 Report of Mayor Wood in Congress on- Naval Af- 
 fairs, January 10, 1843 108 
 
 Letter Addressed to Henry J. Raymond, on the Police 
 Bill before the Legislature of the State of New 
 York -------- - - 124 
 
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INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. 
 
 In this age of moral obtuseness, political cor- 
 ruption, and servile, cringing timidity of officials 
 before vice and crime, it is cheering to know that 
 there is occasionally one who, independently and 
 fearlessly, wields the sceptre of power which is 
 placed in his hands, and, with full determination 
 to conquer, grapples with every form of iniquity, 
 making law, order and virtue triumphant. It 
 is especially gratifying, in a great city like this, 
 where lawlessness, immorality, bloodshed and mur- 
 der have been almost unimpeded, to see a magis- 
 trate rise above the selfish desire to aggrandize 
 himself, and scorn to pander to the corrupt desires 
 of his constituents. The manner m which the 
 lowest dregs of society in New York, composed in 
 part of the scum of Europe's prisons and alms- 
 houses, have outraged all decency and good order, 
 not only in the foulest dens of infamy and amid 
 the darkness of midnight, but in -our fashionable 
 streets and in open daylight, calls for an outburst 
 of indignation from every moral and religious man. 
 It nails' for more ; it demands action— -at the polls, 
 by petition, and especially by sustaining those in. 
 authority who dare to face the terrific storm which 
 threatens to overwhelm them at every step they 
 take in wrenching the dagger from the hand ot the 
 assassin, in rescuing female virtue from the grasp 
 of the debauchee, and in endeavoring to disperse 
 the dark and threatening clouds of moral contami- 
 nation which almost entirely hide from our view 
 the light of morality and religion. The loose man- 
 
vm 
 
 INTRODUCTORY REMARKS, 
 
 ner in which the laws have been administered in 
 this city for several years past is notorious ; aye, 
 the utter want of principle in many of our highest 
 officers and their contemptible endeavors to ag- 
 grandize and enrich themselves at the expense of 
 good citizens, have made us a reproach not only to 
 this whole nation, but to European cities. It is a 
 humbling fact that the tea-room and whisky-bottle 
 have influenced many of our highest officers, far 
 more than a desire to fearlessly and faithfully per- 
 form their duty, and endeavor to be in reality as 
 they should be, a terror to evil doers. 
 
 Some of our chief magistrates have commend- 
 ably endeavored to reform and renovate the city, 
 and have succeeded to some extent for a short time ; 
 but have seemed finally to be overwhelmed by 
 the immense tide of opposition and corruption 
 with which they were surrounded, and to have 
 given up in despair. We are fully aware that a 
 man must have almost superhuman inflexibility, 
 fearlessness, and perseverance, to stem the tide ; 
 but it can be done. True it may be at the risk of 
 slander and even life ; but it can be done. The 
 laws are good, and only need a few modifications. 
 Let them be executed. No matter what the con- 
 sequences are. Let opposers resist ; let the envious 
 growl and defame ; let the dens of licentiousness 
 gnash their teeth ; let the assassin prowl along 
 our pathway, endeavoring to silence us in death ; 
 and let the wail of revenge against us ascend from 
 the cells of our penitentiaries and prisons ; but let 
 us do our duty in the fear of God, and all will be 
 well. He whose eye cannot look upon iniquity 
 with allowance, will bless us as magistrates, as indi- 
 viduals, and as a city. 
 
INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. ix 
 
 We are happy to say that the subject of the fol- 
 lowing sketch has commenced his administration 
 with a full determination, at all hazards, to carry 
 out the principles stated above ; and thus far he 
 has been wonderfully successful — so much. so, that 
 his fearlessness and uncompromising determination 
 to put down every obstruction to good order and 
 morality, has called forth a universal outburst of 
 approbation from the press ; and even those who 
 were once his enemies have become his friends, and 
 heartily co-operate with him. 
 
 The following pages contain a brief sketch of 
 the life of Hon. Fernando Wood, and especially a 
 view of his public character and administration in 
 this city. 
 
 As he has been known to express his unwilling- 
 ness to contribute anything with a view of herald- 
 ing his own fame, we wish it understood that he is 
 in no way responsible for the publication of this 
 volume. We therefore present a briefer sketch of 
 our worthy Mayor than we hoped to do— the ma- 
 terials for which we have gathered from the New 
 York Quarterly, public documents, and other reli- 
 able sources. 
 
 We present these facts not from any desire to 
 flatter the subject of the sketch, who, like all other 
 mortals, has his failings, but to hold up his admin- 
 istration of public justice as highly worthy to be 
 imitated by those who occupy stations of public 
 trust, and to call forth the sympathy and co-ope- 
 ration of all orderly citizens — and especially of the 
 moral and religious in this community. 
 
 New York, May, 1855. 
 
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF MAYOR WOOD. 
 
 The subject of this sketch was born in Philadelphia, Pa., June 
 14th, 1812, where he resided six years, when his father removed 
 to New York city. The father of Mr. Wood was a very worthy 
 man, and had an extensive influence among the mercantile com- 
 munity, of which he was a member. He was educated under the 
 superintendence of James Shea, late instructor of grammar in Co- 
 lumbia College, and afterwards received such training as admirably 
 fitted him for mercantile pursuits. At a suitable age he engaged 
 in business, in which he was abundantly successful, as he retired 
 with a competence for life, after having labored as a merchant only 
 about sixteen years. This remarkable success is to be attributed 
 to his systematic business habits, unconquerable energy, and indom- 
 itable perseverance in all commercial arrangements. 
 
 In 1840, Mr. Wood was elected a member of Congress, which 
 office he honorably filled during one term of three sessions. His 
 able speeches in the House of Representatives are presented below. 
 In 1850 he was nominated for Mayor of New York, but was de- 
 feated by A. C. Kingsland. In 1854 he was nominated again, 
 and elected in November, to fill the chair he now occupies. He 
 was, however, strenuously opposed by interested and prejudiced par- 
 ties, and it was only by the number of candidates, dividing the op- 
 posers of Mayor Wood, that his election was secured. The friends 
 of temperance, morality and religion,' perhaps without foundation, 
 entertained strong fears that he would not pursue such a course as 
 they desired ; but the reverse has proved true. He has far ex- 
 ceeded what they would have expected from the candidate of their 
 own choice. 
 
 Mayor wood seems to be settled in his convictions of duty in ref- 
 erence to his present course of action. He has long been convinc- 
 ed of the defects in our municipal regulations, and of the notori- 
 
 
BiOGBAPHICAL SKETCH. 
 
 XI 
 
 oas laxness in the execution of the laws. We are informed that, 
 some years since, when he was proposed as a candidate for the 
 Presidency of the United States, he remarked that he had rather 
 be Mayor of the city of New York. Mr. Wood is not an enthu- 
 siastic partizan, although he really belongs to a party. We be- 
 lieve that he is actuated, in his energetic administration, purely 
 from a sense of duty and from a strong desire for a reform in our 
 municipal government. His executive qualifications are of the 
 highest order, and we are confident that he will continue to receive 
 laurels of applause in the discharge of his onerous duties. He is 
 determined to execute the laws, as we have intimated in our intro- 
 ductory remarks ; and even the Prohibitory Liquor Law will sure- 
 ly be put in force to the extent of his energy and power, as far as 
 the decisions of his legal advisors will allow, though all the Rum- 
 mies of New York should appear in battle array against him. A 
 writer in the " New York Quarterly" has so clearly and forcibly 
 presented the points in Mayor Wood's administration, that we 
 cannot do better than to present the article nearly entire * 
 
 A view of the manner in which Mayor Wood conducts the busi- 
 ness of his office, as well as his habits of life, may not be uninterest- 
 ing to the reader. A person unacquainted with the various transac- 
 tions which come under his personal supervision and direction, has 
 no idea of the amount of labor daily executed by him. We doubt 
 whether any public functionary ever performed so much arduous 
 work. Little if any of his time is devoted to his own private in- 
 terests. He rises before daybreak, usually taking his morning 
 meal by candle-light— after which he passes his time in his private 
 office at his residence, answering communications, preparing letters, 
 messages, &c, and marking out the duties to be performed by the 
 attaches of his office. At 9 o'clock he proceeds to the City Hall, 
 where he is engaged until 2| o'clock, in more multifarious and 
 intricate duties than was ever performed by any Mayor during the 
 same period. 
 
 * The Kew York Quarterly is an able Journal, published by James G. Reed, 
 348 Broadway (Appleton's Building), and edited by Mr. Remington, a well- 
 known writer. 
 
XH BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. 
 
 Besides the municipal questions of great interest which are con- 
 tinually arising, the magisterial duties have greatly increased. 
 Nor does the Mayor confine himself to these alone : he has made 
 it his province to relieve parties who have been defrauded, where 
 no criminal law could afford them aid, and where the slow process 
 of civil remedy in the courts would consume a very long time. 
 Many thousands of dollars have thus been restored to parties who 
 otherwise could have obtained no redress. 
 
 To give some idea^of the immense amount of business transacted 
 by him, and the various labors connected therewith, we mention 
 the following Offices which are held by him, and whose meetings 
 he, regularly attends and takes part in their deliberations. He is 
 President of the Board of Supervisors, President of the Sinking 
 Fund Commissioners, President of the Police Commissioners, Presi- 
 dent of the Leake & Watts' Orphan Asylum, ex officio member 
 of Commissioners of Emigration, President of the Board of Trustees 
 of the Sailor's Snug Harbor, President of the Board of Health 
 Commissioners, ex officio Director of the Xew York Juvenile Asy- 
 lum, ex officio member of the Board of Trustees of the Astor 
 Library, and ex officio Trustee of the Eastern Dispensary. 
 
 Much of Mayor Wood's time is occupied at his residence, in his 
 private office. There his messages, letters, and various other offi- 
 cial duties, are transacted ; and it is really surprising how one 
 man can, in so short a space of time, accomplish such almost Her- 
 culean tasks. The salary attached to the office is indeed trifling, 
 very many of our judicial and executive officers receiving a much 
 larger compensation. This, however, is not a matter of the slight- 
 est moment with Mayor Wood, his whole ambition being bent 
 upon giving to the city of New York a better form of government, 
 and upon setting an example to other cities in the Union, of what 
 can be accomplished for the people, by energy, perseverance, and 
 an honest discharge of public duty. 
 
PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION 
 
 OF. 
 
 HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 
 
 NEW YORK GOVERNED. 
 
 We cordially congratulate our fellow-citizens of the commercial 
 metropolis upon the vast benefit which has come upon our city. It 
 is proved by actual experiment that New York can be governed. 
 The old axiom — Where there's a will there's a way — holds good 
 as to the mayoralty ; and henceforth all men will bear it in mind 
 that, when a mayor fails to meet the responsibilities of his station, 
 it is only for want of will — not of power. The success of this 
 experiment is full of more and wider hopes for our country than 
 are obvious to superficial consideration. It is not easily realized, 
 if at all, by even the most far-seeing, how much of the vital energy 
 of our Republic is centred in New York. Its pulsations are like 
 a great heart, and when healthy, it cleanses all, restores all, vitali- 
 zes all, and sends out streams of life to the remotest fibre of the 
 body politic. There is not a city in the land which has not felt its 
 police authority invigorated and its sense of security increased, by 
 learning that New York is governed ; and New York itself feels 
 as if a heavy and murky cloud, which overhung its prospects, and 
 already began to paralyze its energies, had begun to be lifted up, 
 on this practical solution of the momentous problem — which before 
 had become so doubtful — whether it is possible to maintain a vigor- 
 ous and thorough and impartial administration of the laws, as laws, 
 
14 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 
 
 throughout the city. Millions of dollars of available capital, pour- 
 ed in upon us, could not have done so much for the enduring pros- 
 perity of the city, as has been done by the honored Chief Magis- 
 trate, by whose energy that fearful doubt is removed ; and both the 
 virtuous and the vicious have been made to know assuredly that 
 government here is a stern and immovable reality. The friends 
 of free government in all parts of the world, and its enemies too. 
 may be taught by this example, once for all, that the capacity of 
 man for self-government will stand the trial, even in the most 
 heterogeneous population that ever was compacted together as a 
 city in a civilized country. We desire to state this case fully and 
 comprehensively, in the faint hope that the lessons which it teaches 
 so forcibly will now at length be allowed to stand as settled prin- 
 ciples, so that it shall never more be deemed fanatical or revolution- 
 ary to refer to these truths as axioms that need not be perpetually 
 argued over again as often as they are referred to. The rebuke so 
 quietly administered by a venerable judge, to a young lawyer who 
 was haranguing at great length — "It is safe to take it for grant- 
 ed that the Court knows something of law" — ought to apply to 
 politicians and legislators — at least in this country. Let the man 
 be hooted down who assumes to teach politics, and yet does not 
 know that the people can govern themselves. 
 
 The great want of New York has been a city government. 
 That want is still unsupplied. We are governed, but it is by 
 Mayor Wood, whose extraordinary wisdom and energy have 
 enabled him to impart a working power to several different branches 
 of the executive administration, by the simple force of his own 
 will. The experiment is invaluable, as a ground of encouragement 
 for future efforts — the resulting present benefits are beyond com- 
 putation ; but we are sure that all intelligent citizens will concur 
 with us in the opinion that all these vast interests ought to have- a 
 better guarantee for the future than the capacity of a single citizen, 
 who holds his office only for two year. And we feel, too, that 
 it is the duty of the people, and of the Legislature, to relieve him 
 from as many as possible of. the obstacles and dead weights which 
 he now has to contend with in carrying out his wise and faithful 
 
HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 15 
 
 purposes. Let us not only be governed by Mayor Wood, while he 
 retains the will and power, but let us also have a government which 
 we can rely upon, to carry out the people's will, and protect the 
 people's interests, when Mayor Wood shall no longer occupy the 
 Praetorian chair. But our first duty is to set forth, in a little 
 more detail, what Mayor Wood has actually done for the city 
 during the first quarter of his administration. 
 
 MR. WOOD'S ELECTION. 
 
 The city election, by which Mayor Wood was elevated to office, 
 was conducted in a manner quite peculiar. The Reform Commit- 
 tee, a large body of our most respectable citizens, and elected with- 
 out reference to party, for the very purpose of bringing forward 
 more responsible and trustworthy men for our municipal offices, 
 proposed to have the suffrages of all the friends of order united 
 upon a nominee of their own — naming first Mr. Nicholas Dean, 
 and on his declining, under the plea of age and inability to endure 
 the burden, Mr. Wilson G. Hunt. The Democratic friends of the 
 national administration nominated Mr. Fernando Wood, a candi- 
 date the most distasteful that could have been selected, in the view 
 of multitudes of citizens. The Whig party deemed it more impor- 
 tant to keep up their organization than to elect a Reform mayor, 
 and nominated Mr. J. J. Herrick. At a late period, the new and 
 secret association, called Know Nothings, nominated Mr. J. W. 
 barker, who also had the nomination of a portion of the Tempe- 
 rance people. 
 
 In the canvass, which was not active or enthusiastic, the friends 
 of all the others professed to be particularly fearful of the success 
 of Mr. Wood, and each party urged the claims of its candidate as 
 the one who was the most likely of all others to defeat Wood. 
 There is no doubt that hundreds of citizens voted as they did, for 
 one of the other candidates — not from any preference for him, and 
 perhaps against their own individual choice — under the belief that 
 by voting for Hunt, or Herrick, or Barker, instead of their first 
 preference, they should be more likely to keep the office from 
 Wood. The result of this quadrangular struggle was an aggregate 
 
16 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OP 
 
 of 49,643 votes, when the aggregate of votes for Governor amount- 
 ed to 60,367 ; showing that no less than 10,124 citizens, about 18 
 per cent, of the whole, who actually went to the polls and voted, 
 took no part in the election of Mayor of the city. Those who 
 voted were: For Wood, 20,003; for Barker, 18,547 ; for, Hunt, 
 15,397 ; and for Herrick, 5,696. Wood over Barker, 1,456. 
 Majority against Wood, 29,640. Proportion of Wood's vote to 
 the whole, 40 per cent. The Democratic votes for Governor in 
 the city -were 31,545 ; 26,780 for Seymour, and 4,765 for Bron- 
 son. Wood's fell short 11,542, or 38 per cent. The presidential 
 vote in 1852 was 34,226 for Pierce, and 23,115 for Scott. Wood 
 below Pierce, 14,223, or 41 per cent. The position of parties in 
 the two Boards of the City Council are as follows : — 
 
 Aldermen, Democrats,. 7 ; Whigs and Reform, 15 — majority, 8. 
 Common Council, Democrats, 26 ; Whigs and Reform, 34 — ma- 
 jority against the Democrats, 8. 
 
 In the State Legislature, they stand : Senate, 23 Whigs to 10 
 Democrats ; Assembly, Democrats, 42 ; Whigs, etc., 85. Majority 
 against Democrats, 43. 
 
 We have stated the case in all these various aspects, not for any 
 partisan or other unworthy purpose, but because we judged it im- 
 portant to show, as fully as we could, the exact circumstances 
 under which Mr. Wood undertook the office of the mayoralty, 
 with all the odds that were against him. Let it be added, that 
 his predecessors for several years have been gradually growing 
 more and more disheartened with the difficulties they had to en- 
 counter, from the unskillful machinery of our city government, and 
 the progress of political demoralization, until the last one had vir- 
 tually given up in despair, and contented himself with the most 
 perfunctory performance of the ordinary routine of duty, apparently 
 without an effort to restore a healthy administration of affairs. 
 Acid to this, that the great body of those who most desired a reform 
 of the city government expected nothing from him, had opposed him 
 in the newspapers, and voted against him at the polls, and regarded 
 his election as a great calamity, under which the only consolation 
 was in the hope that now things would sooner come to the worst, 
 
HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 
 
 11 
 
 and thus at length be ready to mend. We cannot well conceive 
 a more unpropitious introduction into a high and responsible office ; 
 nor one affording so little to encourage a single-handed attempt 
 at a general reform. Such was the aspect of things on the morn- 
 ing of the new year. 
 
 INAUGURATION OF MAYOR WOOD. ( 
 At twelve o'clock, noon, the new mayor took the oath of office, 
 and entered upon the discharge of the same, by communicating to 
 the two Boards of the Common Council an inaugural address, the 
 publication of which, in the papers of the following morning, fairly 
 electrified the city, and diffused a thrill of congratulation through- 
 out the whole community. It was so firm and authoritative in its 
 tone, so clear and discriminating in its statements, so bold and 
 uncompromising in its positions, that the very reading of it gave 
 assurance of a new era in our municipal history. It was evidently 
 the product of a mind which knew what to say, and which would 
 not fail to do as it said. 
 
 FIRST MESSAGE OF MAYOR WOOD. 
 
 To the Honorable the Common Council of the City of Neiv York : 
 
 Gentlemen : In assuming the duties of Chief Magistrate of this great 
 city, I am conscious of its responsibilities and requirements. I shall en- 
 deavor to supply my want of experience and knowledge by an entire 
 devotion to the public interests, and hope, by a faithful discharge of my 
 official trusts, to meet the approbation and receive the support of your 
 Honorable Body and my fellow-citizens. 
 
 The present is not an auspicious time to commence a new administra- 
 tion ; it is beyond the ability of any man, exercising the duties of this 
 office under the city charter, to. give this people that government which 
 appears to be so generally expected, and which is certainly so much 
 required. 
 
 However we may differ as to the cause, there can be no doubt of a 
 pervading dissatisfaction with the municipal affairs of this city ; that 
 this feeling exists, and that there are sufficient grounds for it, all must 
 admit ; whether it arises from defects in the fundamental laws, or from 
 improper local legislation, or from mal-administration upon the part of 
 
 2 
 
18 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 
 
 those intrusted with the executive duties, are questions upqn which there 
 is diversity of opinion ; in my judgement all of these are the causes. 
 
 The amended charter of 1830 was preferable to the present system. 
 Admitting that it required modification, the subsequent amendments 
 have but increased the difficulties. 
 
 The allegation that it was inadequate to the increased size and wants 
 of the*eity, was, in my opinion, entirely without foundation. 
 
 The Constitution of the United States* is as applicable to the present 
 greatness of the Republic as it was to the Federal Union at the time of 
 its adoption. Had amendments been made to it at the instance of every 
 party or statesman who deemed it insufficient, we should have fallen to 
 the same condition as a nation that this city has as a corporation. 
 
 The mistake in disturbing the charter of 1830 was not only in the 
 alterations effected, but also in the introduction of an uneasy spirit in 
 the people, who, by the continual application to the state legislation, 
 have been taught to look to foreign remedies for domestic abuses. 
 
 Thus have we transferred to Albany much that could have been bet- 
 ter cared for among ourselves — forgetting the old republican maxim, 
 that no power should be delegated which can be exercised by the people 
 themselves. This principle should never be forgotten. It was faithfully 
 adhered to by the trainers of the national Constitution. In all countries 
 and in all ages, the utmost caution has been observed in granting to 
 representatives the right of even ordinary legislation. 
 
 We should not present the first instance in which a people voluntarily 
 surrenders the power to form the organic laws, yielding that highest of 
 all prerogatives to men who owe us no responsibility, are not chosen by 
 oui* suffrages, who are foreign to our interests, do not understand our 
 wants, and who, consequently, are liable to become the tools of designing 
 men, having selfish or corrupt objects of their own to obtain. 
 
 Amendments to the charter of 1830 have, one after another, been 
 adopted at Albany, until now we are administering the government by 
 portions of six different charters, which create nine executive depart- 
 ments, having undefined, doubtful, and conflicting powers, with heads 
 elected by the people, each assuming to be sovereign and independent 
 of the others, of the Mayor, or of any other authority ; and beyond the 
 reach of any, except that of impeachment by the Common Council, 
 which never has been, and probably never will be exercised. 
 
 This irresponsibility has been productive of carelessness in expendi- 
 ture, and negligence in the execution of the ordinances. 
 
SON. FERNANDO WOOD. 19 
 
 Thus, in the attempts to remedy defects by foreign aid, which could 
 We been accomplished at home, we have fastened upon ourselves a 
 complicated, many-headed, ill-shaped, and uncontrollable monster, which 
 has not. in my opinion, developed its worst characteristics. 
 
 So far as my duties are denned, I feel some embarrassment. Even 
 co-ordinate powers with the several executive departments are denied 
 me in some quarters ; and the fact that my predecessors, under the new 
 charters, have not attempted their exercise, is relied upon as sustaining 
 this position. 
 
 Without desiring to question the wisdom of those who have preceded 
 me in this office, I must be permitted to construe my powers and duties 
 as I understand them. Eestricted as the prerogatives of the Mayor have 
 been, by almost every legislative act appertaining to the government of 
 this city, for several years, still there is sufficient left to instill more 
 energy into the administration than now exists, and to hold at least a 
 supervisory check over the whole city government. 
 
 It is true, that though ostensibly head of the Police Department, he is 
 not so practically, in the essential elements of authority— that of controll- 
 ino- the retention or removal of his own subordinates. The Chief of 
 Police holds his place independent of the Mayor, that officer having been 
 appointed during " good behaviour," by the late Mayor and Board of 
 Commissioners, under the law of 1853, which they .construed to give 
 that authority. He cannot, solus, appoint or remove the humblest sub- 
 ordinate in the service, nor take the rules and regulations for its gover- 
 nance. Of these requisites of power, so necessary to make an efficient 
 police corps, he is bylaw deprived. Discipline can only be obtained 
 and maintained by the firm hand of unrestricted power ; besides, it is 
 wrong in principle, to make any pSblic officer responsible for the acts 
 of subordinates, who are placed beyond his individual power to remove. 
 
 These are some of the evils arising from the frequent application to 
 state legislation for this city. Instead of a simple form of government, 
 easily understood, the power of its officers so well defined that there 
 could be no conflict or misunderstanding, we have one full of the objec- 
 tions referred to. 
 
 It is not my purpose, at this time, to indicate a substitute, though I 
 carmot omit to add my belief, that the most perfect form of government 
 was that adopted by the framers of the Federal Constitution. Its clear 
 and simple provisions are equally applicable to municipal corporations, 
 or to a nation of a hundred millions. The Mayor should be to the city 
 what the President is to the general government. There should be cor- 
 
20 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION 01' 
 
 responding executive departments, with heads selected by the Mayor,- 
 (subject to the confirmation of the Board of Aldermen) who should hare 
 entire control, and be, himself, responsible to the people. The Mayor 
 and Heads of Departments should meet in council, and have a genera4 
 uniformity of action and co-operation with each other, in carrying out 
 the laws and preserving the general interests of the city. Over the 
 whole should govern the Chief Magistrate ; he should have the one-man 
 power, which history teaches is the least dangerous, and the most posi- 
 tive for good. 
 
 Certainly we have suffered more from legislative assumptions, or 
 misconduct of subordinates in authority, than from the tyranny or cor- 
 ruption of a chief ruler. 
 
 Precedent shows there is safety in the latter, not only in the exercise 
 of authority for the public weal, but as a barrier against the wrong 
 doings of the former. The stronger the head, the more healthy the body ; 
 but if strepgth is taken away by diverting it to a multitude of heads, 
 the whole becomes enervated, and unable to discharge its functions. 
 
 Concentration, with ample power, insures efficiency, because it creates 
 one high, responsible authority. Decentralization is subversive of all 
 good executive government. 
 
 This want of concentration has been the prime cause of the immense 
 load of taxation which we now bear. To compare the relative taxation 
 per individual under the charter of 1830, and that now existing, will 
 prove this assertion. 
 
 In 1843, the amount raised by tax for the support of the city govern- 
 ment, was one million seven hundred and forty-seven thousand five 
 hundred and sixteen dollars and fifty-nine cents ; whereas, in 1853, it 
 was five millions sixty-seven thousand two hundred and seventy-Ike 
 dollars and sixty-nine cents ; and this year it is nearly six millions— a 
 startling increase. Need you be told that this addition of two hundred 
 and fifty per centum is the result of either corruption or wa 
 extravagance — the natural consequence of irresponsibility ? 
 
 And here let me diverge, to remark that, to tolerate profligate outlays 
 of the public money, whilst nearly one tenth of our whole population 
 are in want of the necessaries of life, is as shocking to humanity as it is 
 injustice to a large and valuable class of our suffering fellow-citizens. 
 
 Surely we are admonished that, if this rate of taxation be continued, 
 more of it should be devoted to the relief of the poor, whose industry 
 bears most of its burdens, and who are now ringing into our ear-' their 
 cries of distress. Labor was never so depressed as now. Empl< ymeut 
 
HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 21 
 
 Is almost entirely cut off, and if procured, its remuneration is totally 
 inadequate; owing to the high price of articles of subsistence. The 
 prices of labor and of food bear no relative equality. 
 
 In ordinary times of general prosperity, capital possesses advantages 
 over labor. 
 
 Capital can always protect itself, and it is only at periods of inflation, 
 when capital is directed to speculation in the products of labor, that the 
 operative is appreciated, and his industry rewarded by competent com- 
 pensation. 
 
 But now, when capital either timidly retreats through fear to the 
 bank-vaults, or is diverted to the oppression for gain of those who 
 are employed, their condition is sad enough. Does it not behoove us, not 
 only individually but in our corporated capacity, to throw ourselves 
 boldly forward to his relief ? 
 
 This is the time to remember the poor ! 
 
 Do we not owe industry everything? It is its products that has 
 built up this great city. 
 
 Do not let us be ungrateful as well as inhuman. Do not let it be 
 said that labor, which produces everything, gets nothing, and dies of 
 hanger in our midst, whilst capital, which produces nothing, gets every- 
 thing and pampers luxury and plenty. 
 
 It is our duty to take and administer this government under the 
 charters and laws as we find them, until a change is effected for the 
 better. Valuable improvements can now be made, notwithstanding 
 these objections to the system. All the evils of which the people com- 
 plain are not chargeable to wrong legislation. If the Common Council 
 will be more cautious in the passage of ordinances, especially those 
 involving disbursements of money, holding fast to the purse-strings, as 
 against the harpies, who for many years have hovered around its cham- 
 bers — and if the executive bureau will co-operate with me in the rigid 
 enforcement of the laws, and particularly in restraining expense and 
 exacting a faithful performance of every contract — we may do much 
 towards removing the present discontent. 
 
 Most assuredly the people pay enough for the better administration of 
 their public affairs ; and it has never appeared to me that they were un- 
 reasonable in their requirements. 
 
 They ask public order — the suppress" 'm of crime and vice — clean 
 streets — the removal of nuisances and abolition of abuses — a restriction 
 of taxation to the absolute wants of an economically administered gov- 
 
22 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 
 
 eminent, and a prompt execution of the laws and ordinances. Let us 
 endeavor to meet their expectations. 
 
 For myself, I desire to announce here, upon the threshold, that, as I 
 understand and comprehend my duties and prerogatives, they leave me 
 no alternative, without dishonor, but to assume a general control over 
 the whole city government, so far as protecting its municipal interests 
 may demand it. I shall not hesitate to exercise even doubtful powers, 
 when the»honor or the interest of the public is abused. 
 
 The public good will be sufficient warrant to insure my action. Under 
 this law I shall proceed, not doubting your concurrence and the support 
 of the, people for whom the responsibility is assumed. 
 
 I have purposely omitted, in this communication, the usual recom- 
 mendations and reference's to the affairs of the city. There are many 
 prominent topics to which I will allude in another communication, to 
 be made as soon as your body is organized and ready for business. I 
 shall then make recommendations, which, if carried out, will reform 
 many abuses, reduce the expenditure, and increase the revenue, without 
 increased taxation. In the mean time, the usual annual reports will 
 be made from the several departments, to which I ask your special 
 attention. 
 
 With a hearty desire that, in our separate spheres, we may conduct 
 the affairs of the city so as to merit a continuance of its greatness, and 
 with confidence in the ability and devotion to the popular will which 
 influences the several members of your honorable body, I commend its 
 deliberations to the protection of that All-wise Providence, which will, 
 no doubt, so conduct its councils as to insure the prosperity and well- 
 being of the whole community. FERNANDO WOOD. 
 
 January 1st, 1855. 
 
 CHARGE TO THE POLICE. 
 On the same clay, he issued a circular to the captains of police. 
 in the style of a determined chief magistrate, who did not entertain 
 the thought that his will could be disregarded or his commands 
 disobeyed : " You will see that every requirement is complied with, 
 and that the results be reported every day to the chief at his office, 
 in your usual morning return. I will also take this occasion to 
 ask of you the most rigid adherence to the rules and regulations 
 governing the Department, and to express the hope that discipline 
 
HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 23 
 
 will be observed, without relaxation, in your district. Discipline 
 can only be maintained by a regard to the smallest requirements ; 
 it requires compliance with every order, however, trivial or appa- 
 rently unimportant — it recognizes no right in a subordinate to judge 
 the practicability or propriety of and direction issued by a superior 
 officer." Such an order, by its very tone and force, at once infused 
 life into that department, and brought the police into the feeling 
 of responsibility, of serviceableness, of the possession of power, and 
 of conscious self-respect. From the appearance of a set of lazy, 
 listless, disorganized hangers-on, they put on the appearance of an 
 organized and disciplined body of men, who felt that they were in 
 the service of the public, and that under their protection the citizens 
 were bound to rest in safety and peace. 
 
 With this order was issued a code of strict instructions to each 
 member of the police, appealing to his ambition to retrieve the 
 lost character of the police, by a course of conduct worthy of the 
 position of trust and honor which he enjoyed. " You have now," 
 said he, "a determined chief officer, who will not be indifferent to 
 a single dereliction of duty upon the part of those for whose con- 
 duct he is responsible to the community." " I cannot look over the 
 whole city to see that all is right ; but you can for me. I rely 
 upon you. You are to be the eyes through which the theatre of 
 my duties is to be observed, and the messengers to convey to me, 
 through your officers, "faithful and truthful reports." These 
 instructions related to the daily reports, which each man is to make 
 when on duty, in regard to every breach of the city ordinances ; 
 every omission to report being punishable as an act of disobedience. 
 Particularly they were to report every street uncleaned, every 
 unlicensed house for the sale of liquors, every public-house open on 
 the Sabbath, every house of prostitution or for gambling, every 
 street not lighted, every street or side-walk encumbered, every 
 excavation or nuisance, and every dereliction of duty by an officer 
 of the city. They were to disperse all noisy gatherings on the 
 Sabbath, to protect strangers and emigrants from extortion, to 
 remove beggars from the streets, and see to the prompt removal 
 of snow and ice ; to arrest any who created riot, 'or were drunk or 
 
24 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 
 
 disorderly in the street, any cart-inan or coachman who obstructed 
 the crossings, any servant throwing offal or ashes into the street, 
 etc. The closing of the public-houses on the Sabbath required 
 renewed and express orders, and was rendered more difficult by 
 the persistence of the large hotels in keeping up their sales at the 
 bar. Whereupon the Mayor addressed a courteous note to the 
 keepers of hotels, asking their co-operation, as good citizens, in the 
 reform he was endeavoring to carry out, and assuring them that 
 he should make no distinctions, but meant to enforce the law to 
 the utmost against every place where liquor was sold unlawfully 
 on the Sabbath. He also put forth an order to the police to re- 
 port every other place of business, particularly daguerreotype 
 rooms and clothing stores open on Sunday, and declared his deter- 
 mination " to make this city as distinguished for the orderly and 
 peaceful character of its streets on the Sabbath, as it has hereto- 
 fore been on that day for everything that was objectionable and 
 shocking to the moral sense of the people." 
 
 NO POLICEMAN ALLOWED TO ENTER A PUBLIC HOUSE, OR A HOUSE OF 
 ILL FAME, UNLESS ON OFFICIAL BUSINESS. 
 
 An important step was taken towards the elevation of the 
 police personally, by an order peremptorily forbidding them to 
 enter a public-house or brothel, except when summoned, or for the 
 prevention of crime. A host of abuses were suppressed, and 
 temptations removed from the policemen, by another order, prohib- 
 iting all settlements by them with persons arrested, and requiring 
 them in every case to appear and make oath to the charge on 
 which the arrest is made. 
 
 ABUSES OF HACKMEN, COMPLAINT BOOK, &C. 
 
 By another order, he at once annihilated the intolerable 
 hackmen's abuse, which has heretofore made all travelers dread 
 the perils of an arrival in New York by steamboat. He also 
 adopted a simple expedient, which it is strange no one had ever 
 tried before, of opening a complaint-book in his office, to which 
 every citizen might have access, and where he was at liberty to 
 
HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 
 
 25 
 
 enter his complaint against any officer or other person for a breach 
 of the laws, or for any other grievance which the municipal author- 
 ities ought to remove. These complaints are not only open to 
 public inspection, but are found to furnish an interesting paragraph 
 of city items for the newspapers, besides obtaining the prompt 
 attention of the Mayor. The number of drinking-houses open on 
 Sunday was soon reduced from 2,300 to about 20, and the arrests 
 for crimes and offenses on the Sabbath fell from 150 to 30. Al- 
 though it was impossible to remove all abuses in an instant, more 
 has already been done than any man but Mayor Wood would have 
 believed possible, and we do not believe there ever was so great a 
 change effected in the moral and social and material condition of 
 half °a million of people in six weeks, as he accomplished in the 
 first half of the first quarter of his first year's mayoralty. And 
 the cordial approval he has received from all quarters, ought to 
 assure him that he is ingratiating himself with the hearts and 
 memories of all, as a- great public benefactor. He has also firmly 
 and persistently refused all the favors and privileges which indi- 
 viduals or companies are ready to offer to public men, such as free 
 tickets, free rides, free subscriptions to books and periodicals, and 
 everything that has the look of a gift from any quarter, or on 
 any account. " A gift blindeth the eyes," says Solomon ; and 
 Mr. Wood's example is to be greately commended. 
 
 SEC0O MESSAGE. 
 On the 11th of January, the Mayor transmitted to the Common 
 Council his general message, representing the condition of affairs, 
 with his recommendations of such merles as he judged needful. 
 The permanent debt of the city, redeemable from the sinking fund, 
 is $13,960,856 ; which is reduced by the sinking fund, and other 
 assets' to $8,779,441 ; and to this debt should be added the fund- 
 ed loans redeemable from the taxes, making the total indebt- 
 edness $9,933,441, the interest of which is all provided for by the 
 revenues of the sinking fund. The amounts which have been 
 
26 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 
 
 • 
 
 raised I y taxation have increased, in eleven years, from $1,988,818, 
 in 1844, to the enormous sum of $5,918,593, to be raised in 
 1855 — an increase of 200 per cent. The taxes for this year are 
 very nearly three times as much as in 1844 — a fearful tale ; and 
 yet the amount could well be borne, if money's worth were real- 
 ized for the expenditure. The Mayor does not hesitate to affirm 
 " that it is the undue, unnecessary, extraordinary outlays, without 
 sufficient equivalent, that have swollen our taxes to their present 
 enormous amount." 
 
 He then proceeds to point out some of the various ways in which 
 the expenditure can be reduced, and peculation and other fraud 
 and waste prevented. He would simplify the administration of 
 business pertaining to the streets, which at present " is under the 
 direction of six of the departments, besides several ontside Com- 
 missioners, Inspectors, Surveyors, Appraisers, and other temporary 
 selected agents." A large share of these latter duties he would 
 throw upon the police, and others he would dispense with. " There 
 is no question that the several duties of the policemen are entirely 
 too light." And then he would " consolidate all the business per- 
 taining to streets into one department." The message is as fol- 
 lows : — 
 
 To the Honorable the Common Council of the city of New York: 
 
 Gentlemen : — In my communication to your Honorable Body, on 
 the first instant, I purposely ommitted many recommendations, and 
 subjects of interest, and promised that as soon as you were organized, 
 and ready for business, they would be made. 
 
 It is the duty of the Mayor to communicate to the Common Council, 
 at least once in each year, a statement of the affairs of the city. In 
 pursuance of this duty, adflHf the promise made by me, I submit this 
 communication. 
 
 The several annual reports from the executive departments have been 
 several days before you, and no doubt thoroughly examined. Iu taking 
 a survey of the affairs of the city, the first object to present, is the con- 
 dition of the finances. A statement with reference to it is herewith 
 furnished. 
 
HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 
 
 2? 
 
 Permanent city debt, redeemable from the Sinking' Fund, January 
 1st, 1855. 
 5 per cent. Water Stock, redeemable 
 
 5 it it u 
 
 5 
 6 
 5 
 5&6 
 
 7 
 5 
 5 
 
 5 
 5 
 
 Croton Water Stock, 
 Water Loan, 
 Public Building Stock, 
 Building Loan Stock 
 
 No. 3, 
 Do. " 4, 
 
 Fire Indemnity Stock, 
 
 1858 
 1860 
 1870 
 1875 
 1880 
 1890 
 1857 
 1856 
 
 1870 
 1873 
 
 1868 
 
 3,000,000 
 
 2,500,000 
 
 3,000,000 
 
 255,600 
 
 2,147,000 
 
 1,000,000 
 
 990,488 
 
 515,000 
 
 75,000 
 75,000 
 
 402,768 
 
 3,960,856 
 
 Corporation stocks and bonds held by the Commissioners 
 of the Sinking Fund, on account of redemption of the 
 city debt $4,252,289 
 
 Additional assets (bonds and mortgages) held 
 
 by the Commissioners on said account .... 911,886 
 
 Balance in bank, Jan. 1, 1855 17,240 
 
 5,181,415 
 
 Actual am't of permanent debt, Jan. 1, 1855, say $8,779,441 
 
 which is a reduction, as compared with the amount of 
 debt, January 2, 1854, of $460 ? 246. 
 Funded debt redeemable from taxation, and payable (with 
 the exception of Public Education Stock,) in annual 
 instalments of $50,000, January 1st, 1855. 
 6 per cent. Building loan stock, No. 2, redeemable in 1855 
 
 and 1856 $100,000 
 
 5 " Public Building Stock, No. 3, redeemable in 
 
 1857 and 1864 400,000 
 
 5 " Stock for Docks and Slips, redeemable in 
 
 1867 and 1876 500,000 
 
 5 " Public Education Stock, redeemable in 1873 . . 154,000 
 
 Total am't of funded debt, Jan. 1, 1855 $1,154,000 
 
 which is an increase, as compared with the amount of debt, Jannary 2, 
 1854, of $204,000. 
 
 The revenues of the Sinking Fund, for the payment of interest on the 
 
28 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 
 
 city debt, are fully adequate for tlie payment of interest on the above 
 stocks. The balance to this account, January 1, 1855, being $60,000, 
 invested temporarily in revenue bonds of the city Corporation, and cash 
 in bank $317,106 11 — thus rendering it unnecessary to raise any amount 
 for " interest on city debts" by taxation. 
 
 In connection with this statement, another is presented, of the amounts 
 which have been raised, by taxation, from 1844 to 1854, inclusive : 
 
 1844 ........ $1,988,818 56 
 
 1845 2,096,191 18 
 
 1846 2,520,146 71 
 
 1847 2,581,776 30 
 
 1848 2,715,510 25 
 
 1849 ........ 3,005,762 52 
 
 1850 3,230,085,02 
 
 1851 2,924,455 94 
 
 1852 3,380,511 05 
 
 ' 1853 5,067,275 69 
 
 1854 4,845,386 07 
 
 And to be raised in 1855 5,918,593 25 
 
 By this it will appear that the expenditures have gradually and 
 steadily increased, though it is well known that the character of our 
 government has deteriorated. 
 
 The people of this city cannot realize that the actual cost of conduct- 
 ing their municipal affairs amounts to the sum annually expended. They 
 do not believe that all of the money appropriated is devoted to public 
 wants. In my opinion, an examination of the subject, and close scrutiny 
 of the various items composing the accounts of the disbursing officers, 
 will show that it is the undue, unnecessary, extraordinary outlays, with- 
 out sufficient equivalent, that have swollen our taxes to their present 
 enormouB amount. 
 
 It behooves us, as guardians of the public interests, to look to the 
 subject, If it is longer permitted, we are particeps cri minis, whether the 
 money is spent under our own eyes or not. Besides greater caution in 
 appropriations, we are called upon to exercise more vigilance over, and 
 demand severer accountability from those who spend the money. The 
 smallest items of expenditure should be guarded as sacredly as if 
 amounting to hundreds of thousands. The principle which will permit 
 a disbursing officer to divert the value of one dollar, in money or pro- 
 
EON. FERNANDO WOOD* A3 
 
 perty, to his own or bis friend's purpose, will, in time, render him a 
 defaulter or a peculator. 
 
 The treasury can be relieved in many ways ; several present sources 
 of expenditure can be abolished entirely, and large sums be brought 
 into the treasury, which now go to the pockets of individuals. 
 
 THE STREETS. 
 
 The street openings and subsequent heavy outlays for that purpose in 
 regulating, grading, paving, sewering, repairing, &c, are one of the 
 heaviest burdens we bear. It is no answer to reply that much of it is 
 returned to the treasury by assessments upon the property benefited ; 
 it is of little importance to the party who pays, whether the money is 
 procured from him under pretext of adding to the value of his real 
 estate, or whether under the plea of supporting the government, 
 
 We have no right to make distinction : — It is our duty to protect the 
 private property of the people, as well as their public treasury. As 
 now conducted, the public business appertaining to streets is under 'the 
 direction of six of the departments, besides several outside Commissioners, 
 Inspectors, Surveyors, Appraisers, and other temporary selected agents. 
 The law officer superintends the selection of Commissioners of Estimates 
 and Assessments to open, examines titles to property effected, and coun- 
 sels the legal proceedings necessary in opening, widening, and altering 
 streets. 
 
 The Street Department advertises for proposals to open, makes con- 
 tracts therefor, and through its bureau makes and collects assessments ; 
 it also has charge of the opening, regulating and paving. The Croton 
 Aqueduct Department attends to the sewerage and laying Croton water 
 pipes. 
 
 The Eepairs and Supplies has control of repairing, relaying pave- 
 ments, curb and gutter, &c. 
 
 The Streets and Lamps place lamp-posts, and superintends the light- 
 ing and cleaning. 
 
 The City Inspector's Department attends to the removing of nuisances, 
 carrying off dead horses, and other animals, and has general char 
 everything relating to the streets, which affect their sanitary condition. 
 Each has numerous subordinates with light duties, but large com 
 tion. Commissioners are appointed for each job, even to "declare" a 
 street opened but for one block, and though it may remain closed for 
 a quarter of a century afterwards. Many of these persons, really and 
 in fact, in person perform no actual duties, and are compensated i 
 
30 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 
 
 portion to the delays produced and money expended. These places are 
 often given as the reward for other than official service, which is not of 
 much value to the city ; some of this class may be called " professional 
 street openers," whose time is devoted to the procuration of jobs of this 
 kind, and by getting resolutions through the Common Council to " open" 
 when there is no necessity for it ; they are strong in partisan influence. 
 
 The law which gives to a majority of the property holders, to be 
 effected by an improvement when unnecessary, the power to prevent, is 
 inoperative before them ; several instances have been recently brought 
 to my attention, in which their influence over the Common Council has 
 suppressed the voice of two thirds of the parties in interest who had 
 remonstrated against their further proceedings. If pressed, they obtain 
 delay in the Common Council, until all they can make out of the job is 
 procured, when they magnanimously withdraw their opposition, and the 
 city must foot the bill, and their '•' estimate and assessments" amount to 
 nothing. Some of these persons have several streets on hand at the 
 same, time, and make large sum3 of money. It is but proper to add, 
 that sometimes there are commissioners who are not comprehended 
 within this description of them as a class. 
 
 Another class, inure useless though not so expensive, is the inspectors 
 appointed to superintend the grading, regulating and cleaning of streets, 
 building of sewers, docks, piers, &c. Some of these people seldom see 
 the work for which they are appointed inspector, and if they do, they 
 know nothing of it, or do not wish to know, provided the contractor is 
 a clevei I . md floes " what is right.* 
 
 These departments frequently come in conflict with each other ; it 
 sometimes happens that they are nearly all engaged at the same time, 
 upon some part of the. same street. It often occurs, that soon after the 
 paving is completed, it is taken up to lay down a sewer, Croton water 
 or gas pipes. Each department being independent and sometimes 
 inimical to the other, no concert exists ; but every one, upon its own 
 notions, proceeds to do what it deems best, without thinking or caring 
 of expense or public convenience. 
 
 It is no exaggeration to say, that sometimes twenty officials, belonging 
 to different departments, are engaged in doing at the same time that 
 which could be accomplished by one man, if acting for himself, in one- 
 twentieth the time and at one-twentieth the cost. 
 
 Each department is its own master and acts upon its own volition, 
 without consent or consultation, and not unfrequently strives to thwart 
 
HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 31 
 
 the plans of each other, and produce confusion. Every person having 
 the control of private business or interest, can see, without further com- 
 ment, the reason why so large a sum is expended upon our streets. 
 
 The business-care, concentration, uniformity and regularity so essen- 
 tial to the success of any enterprise, is entirely wanting. 
 
 A general cutting-up and distribution of authority, creating irrespon- 
 sibility and negligence, is productive of profligacy in expenditure and 
 inefficiency in the performance of work. This abuse must be reformed. 
 It has become too serious to be permitted longer. 
 
 The little time which has been left me for investigation, consistent 
 with other duties, has satisfied me that the whole business should be 
 entirely under the control of one department, and at least one of the 
 existing departments could be abolished entirely. There should be a 
 Street Department, having sole jurisdiction over, the whole subject ; 
 some part of the duty could be advantageously given to other depart- 
 ments, without detriment or additional expense. 
 
 There should be a permanent Board of Commissioners, instead of 
 three for each job as now, which should have the power to appoint per- 
 manent surveyors for the whole city, instead of one for each work as 
 now. It should be made the duty of the law officer of the Corporation to 
 give his services, without additional compensation, directly or indirectly ; 
 and if receiving fees, the amount should be paid into the treasury. 
 
 There should be one or two permanent inspectors for the whole city, 
 provided any is required, which I doubt, instead of one for each job, as 
 now. The duties now performed by the Bureau of Assessments should 
 be done by the present Board of Tax Commissioners, without additional 
 compensation, who have not only sufficient leisure, but the surveys, maps 
 and the assessed values of every improved and unimproved lot in the 
 city within their own office, by which to facilitate the duty. The collec- 
 tion of assessments should be made by the Keceiver of Taxes. 
 
 That branch of the service coming under the head of repairs should 
 be severely scrutinized, and every dollar accounted for under the most 
 stringent rules of accountability, and nothing should be expended except 
 upon previous appropriation, with specific reference to the object for 
 which the money was intended. The inconvenience and delays which 
 would attend previous appropriations upon detailed estimates, for even 
 small sums, could be of little consideration as compared with the princi- 
 ple of unauthorized expenditures with the official profligacy which too 
 often follows in its train, 
 
82 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 
 
 ♦ 
 
 TAXABLE PROPERTY. 
 
 Another matter of much importance is the feasibility of enlarging the 
 basis upou which to levy tax. The board of Tax Commissioners, organ- 
 ized a few years since, has added much to the taxable basis of real and 
 personal estate. There is yet room for increase. 
 
 Notwithstanding the vigilance of these officers and the assessors, a 
 very large amount of personal property escapes, and an undue propor- 
 tion is consequently put upon real estate. A distinction is thus created 
 entirely unjust to real property, calculated not only to affect its value, 
 but to retard the growth of the city. There is no solid reason why dis- 
 tinction should be made in the kind of value, whether real or personal, 
 upon which we levy taxes. So long as the principle of taxation is upon 
 property, all property should bear alike. 
 
 Besides the large amount of personal estate that escapes in con- 
 sequence of the inability to discover it, there are immense amounts be- 
 longing to foreign manufacturers and traders, in the hands of agents 
 resident here, avIio refuse to recognize our authority to collect, A very 
 large sum thus gets clear. 
 
 This foreign property receives all the protection which the city 
 government affords, in common with that of our own people, which pays 
 the expense. 
 
 These foreign owners not only enjoy equal privileges with native 
 citizens, but, in not paying taxes upon their property, possess an ex- 
 emption which enables them to compete with American labor, and 
 affording them imdue advantages. 
 
 People who pay taxes, cannot sell merchandise as low as those who 
 pay none. Means should be taken during the present session of the 
 legislature to procure the passage of a law, making the property of for- 
 eign manufacturers and others liable to taxation. 
 
 ABOLITION OF FEES. 
 
 As a further means of revenue, I recommend an application to the 
 legislature for a law which will bring into the treasury the large sums 
 now received by the Register, County Clerk, Counsel to the Corpo- 
 ration, Corporation Attorney, and other county officers, who receive 
 fees as their own perquisites. 
 
 In some instances these sums are said to amount to from twenty to 
 thirty thousand dollars per annum to one person. Whilst it is right 
 that every public officer should be sufficiently compensated, yet there can 
 
HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 
 
 be no good reason for permitting a few to amass large fortunes, whilst 
 other officials, who perform more labor and more responsible duties, are 
 paid one-fifth the sum, and the whole community is burdened with taxes. 
 Give liberal salaries, but let all fees go to the treasury. 
 
 INTEREST TO BE CHARGED. 
 
 A further relief may be found in requiring interest on deposits with 
 the City Treasurer, and collecting and disbursing officers generally. The 
 equity, practicability and importance of this measure is so apparent, that 
 it surprises me it has not sooner been adopted. A very large revenue 
 could be thus derived. There was to the credit of the city in the hands 
 of the Treasurer, on the 28th of November, 1854, over one million of 
 dollars ; the 1st of December, 1854, over one and a half millions — from 
 which was drawn on these dates about a half a million, leaving about 
 two millions to the credit of the city. Additional large sums have since 
 been drawn — leaving, however, on the first of January instant, a balance, 
 remaining to the credit of the city of one million two hundred and 
 eight-three thousand four hundred and seventy-four dollars, for which 
 the city receives no allowance of interest whatever. 
 
 It is proper to add, that it frequently occurs that the City Chamber- 
 lain is in advance to the city, and that during the last year he advanced 
 fifty to sixty thousand dollars, on claims on the treasury, for which war- 
 rants could not be given — thus offering facilities to individuals having 
 claims, who otherwise would be obliged to wait the slow process of 
 legislation, to be paid their just dues. Notwithstanding, however, this 
 accommodating disposition upon the part of this officer, I can see no 
 reason for conducting the financial affairs of the city upon any other 
 principle than that which governs the commercial intercourse of in- 
 dividuals. 
 
 I am satisfied that the nearer we approximate the laws of trade, the 
 better will public business be conducted, ajod the interests of the treasury 
 protected. 
 
 Thfc city is obliged to pay interest when using the funds of individuals, 
 and it should receive inrerest from individuals who have the use of its 
 money. 
 
 Last year the Comptroller borrowed, upon Eevenue Bonds, three 
 millions six hundred and ninety-three thousand dollars, nearly the whole 
 of which was borrowed at the rate of seven per centum, and for which 
 we are still paying interest, notwithstanding the large amount now 
 lying to the credit of the city in bank. How long could an individual 
 
 3 
 
34 ' LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OP 
 
 or a banking institution retain its credit or its capital, that conducted 
 its affairs upon so ruinous a principle ? The state of New York dis- 
 covered the value of its own revenues when lying in bank-vaults, as 
 early as 1826 ; it then adopted the policy of requiring interest upon its 
 canal funds, which has been followed since, without deviation. My last 
 advices from the Capitol, state that two millions and a half of dollars 
 have been already received from that source, for interest exclusively, on 
 the deposits of this fund with the banks ; and it is well known that some 
 of the heads of the city collecting and disbursing bureau, have been in 
 the practice of receiving interest from various city banks, on the public 
 money in their hands, which has gone into their own pockets as private 
 perquisites. 
 
 In recommending a revenue from this source, I beg to be understood 
 that no step should be taken in effecting it, which would in the least 
 jeopard the security of the money. Security is the first consideration. 
 
 A prudent business man never hazards his principal in efforts to ac- 
 cumulate interest ; but if safety and profit can be combined — and in my 
 judgment it can be — we should be largely the gainers ; and to that ex- 
 tent taxation would be lessened. 
 
 ESTIMATES AND APPROPRIATIONS. 
 
 Another object of importance, by which large sums now extracted 
 from the treasury could be saved, is the necessity of adopting some mode 
 by which all disbursing officers shall be prevented from the expenditure 
 of money, or creation of obligations to pay, for which the city is liable 
 without previous appropriation, and a balance unexpended to meet it. 
 
 Many abuses have grown up under the present loose manner of ex- 
 pending money. 
 
 It is useless to ask the departments for estimates upon which to base 
 the appropriation, if they are disregarded afterwards. So long as the 
 Common Council pass resolutions incurring expense, and the depart- 
 ments execute them, frequently by using funds appropriated fonother 
 purposes ; so long will our taxes continue to increase, and the enormous 
 annual deficiencies, now so common, continue to startle us at the end of 
 the year. 
 
 Means should be taken to stop this altogether ; the head of a depart- 
 ment should not be allowed to exceed his own estimates, or the appro- 
 priation made ; he and his bonds should be made responsible to the 
 city, for any liability thus incurred 
 
SON. FERNANDO WOOD. 33 
 
 Disbursing officers must be confined within the spirit, as well as the 
 letter of the charter, which provides that no money shall be drawn from 
 the city treasury, except the same shall have been previously appropri. 
 ated to the purpose for which it is drawn, 
 
 An honest version of this provision makes it applicable to the 
 creation of an obligation, to be liquidated out of subsequent appro- 
 priation, as it is to that directly referred to. 
 
 SUSPENDED SALES FOR TAXES AND ASSESSMENTS, 
 
 You should also take measures to collect above seven hundred and 
 fifty thousand dollars from the suspended sales for taxes and assessments, 
 which can be obtained upon the necessary legislative action empowering 
 the Comptroller to proceed. The sum is sufficiently large to demand 
 your immediate attention. 
 
 CONTRACTS. 
 
 The present mode of making contracts is defective. Notwithstanding 
 the improvement of late years, in exacting more publicity, in opening 
 bids, and in guarding against favoritism in granting contracts, yet it is 
 supposed much wrong still exists. There is no doubt that frauds are 
 still perpetrated in this branch of the public service. Bids are frequent- 
 ly put in in the name of fictitious persons, ranging from a high to a low 
 estimate — speculators standing ready to take advantage of any embar- 
 rassment to the department, owing to the non-appearance of the false 
 bidder, and to get the contract at the highest possible limits. Again it 
 is the practice to put in estimates, not with the expectation of making 
 and performing a contract, but to be bought off by some more respon- 
 sible party, who has been under-bid. Various other ways, the details 
 of which are known only to the initiated, are in vogue, by which to de- 
 fraud the treasury. If the head of a department acts in collusion with 
 these outsiders, it is next to Impossible to prevent frauds under the 
 present system. 
 
 One of the best safeguards may be found in more general publicity, 
 in offering to receive proposals. The expense of advertising is of no 
 importance, as compared with the benefit to be derived from it. 
 
 The object of offering public proposals to make contracts, is to invite 
 competition and prevent the high prices which monopoly produces ; it is 
 defeated if the advertisement is published in obscure papers, unknown to 
 and unread by the mass of the people. 
 
 Too much publicity cannot be given to the offering of contracts ; the 
 
,':6 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 
 
 expense of general advertising will be more than made up by tne 
 increased bidding, and consequent reduced prices. 
 
 CITY RAILROADS AND OMNIBUSSES. 
 
 I also recommend the taxation of city railroad cars. It appears to 
 me that these companies should pay at least one hundred dollars license 
 upon each car, besides keeping the streets and avenues through which 
 their tracks are laid in complete repair, and always clean. 
 
 The city government receives no equivalent for the privileges these 
 roads possess, which are not very valuable. So far as rail-travel in this 
 city can affect them, the present roads may be said to have a monopoly. 
 A recent state law secures their grants, and in effect precludes oppo- 
 sition or annoyance ; they occupy, to the exclusion of all other citizens 
 the centre of our best business avenues. 
 
 Exclusive privileges are always to be deprecated, but when granted, 
 the city should in return receive an ample pecuniary equivalent. A 
 revenue of $40,000 could be procured from this source, besides the sav- 
 ing of the very heavy cost of repairing and cleaning the thoroughfares. 
 
 The omnibusses should also keep in repair and cleau the streets 
 through which they pass, or pay into the treasury a sufficient sum for 
 that purpose. v 
 
 These vehicles do more injury to the pavements than all the rest of 
 the travel together, and the city in return receives no pecuniary aid 
 from them, for that purpose, whatever. The existing lines of omnibusses 
 are well secured in their privilege, having, by the law of 1854, made it so 
 difficult to procure licenses for competing lines, that they now enjoy, 
 almost a monopoly. How far the out-town railroad lines, entering the 
 city, are subject to municipal regulations, I am not at this time enabled 
 to advise ; my opinion however is, that there is nothing in their charters 
 entitling them to exception from any tax which you may deem a fair 
 equivalent for. the right of way they now possess. 
 
 If, upon consultation with the Counsel of the Corporation, there be 
 no legal obstacle, I make the same recommendation as to a car tax, and 
 the cleaning and repairs of the avenues and streets through which they 
 pass, as made with reference to the city railroads. 
 
 EMIGRANTS. 
 
 It is well known that for many years extortions and oppressions of 
 the most inhuman character have been practised upon the emigrants 
 coming to this port. 
 
HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 
 
 31 
 
 'There appears to be a series of organized classes of persons, all con- 
 nected, and acting from a common impulse of plunder, who take, and 
 keep possession of their victims as long as a sixpence is left to rob them 
 of. These vampires form a cordon, stretching from Sandy Hook to the 
 lakes— and to the far West, 
 
 Thy act in concert, with a well-formed understanding, and spend 
 large sums to protect themselves from detection and punishment. Com- 
 mon humanity, as well as the honor and prosperity of this city and state, 
 call for more stringent laws and regulations governing our whole emigrant 
 system. I regret that this, already too lengthy communication, prevents 
 more extended comments upon this branch of the subject, consistent 
 with others demanding attention. 
 
 Much inconvenience to the shipping interest is caused by the present 
 mode of landing emigrant passengers. f 
 
 As now conducted it is a serious evil, not only to the passengers, but 
 also to the vessels from which they land, and to other vessels with which 
 they materially interfere. This is also an evil calling for some action 
 at your hands — as now conducted it is productive, of great hardship to 
 the emigrant and injury to others. 
 
 Now a ship arrives from sea with her decks crowded with hundreds 
 of men, women and children, and hauls outside and alongside another 
 vessel at her berth, discharging or taking in cargo, which may be com- 
 posed of fine goods in valuable packages. 
 
 As soon as the emigrant ship nears the wharf, she is boarded by an 
 army of runners, cartmen and others, having business with, and too 
 often design upon her passengers, and the passengers are dragged over 
 the vessel discharging, to the shore ; her cargo, which may be on deck, 
 or upon the dock, is not only materially injured, the packages soiled, 
 broken or stolen, but an embargo is laid upon all work for the time 
 bein<r. Thus a serious injury is inflicted. This evil kas grown to be 
 intolerable. The remedy is very simple. One or two piers should be 
 set aside, away from the pressure of shipping, and exclusively devoted 
 to the landing of emigrant passengers. They should be inclosed, and 
 only persons properly clothed with authority, and of good character, be 
 permitted within the inclosure. The police could be stationed there to 
 protect and direct the emigrants, and, as the Doarding-houses and for- 
 warding officers would, of course, locate in the vicinity, the emigrants 
 would be benefited, as well as the preseut injury to other shipping entirely 
 removed These suggestions are important, and I hope will be acted oil 
 
38 LITE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 
 
 It has long been the practice of many governments on the continent 
 of Europe, to get rid of convicts and paupers by sending them to this 
 country, and most generally to this port. The increase of crime here r 
 can be traced to this cause rather than to a defect in the criminal laws, 
 or their administration. An examination of the criminal and pauper 
 records, shows conclusively, that it is but a small proportion of these 
 unfortunates who are natives of this country. One of the very heaviest 
 burdens- we bear is the support of these people, even when consider- 
 ing the direct cost ; but when estimating the evil influences upon 
 society, and the contaminating effect upon all who come within the 
 range of their depraved minds, it becomes a matter exceedingly serious,, 
 and demanding immediate and complete eradication. I know no subject 
 of more importance ; certainly we have the power to protect this city 
 against the landing of so vile an addition to our population ; the health, 
 as well as the life and property of the people for whom you legislate, 
 requires some action at your hands. I am confident the general gov- 
 ernment will listen to any representations from you, relating to it, and 
 interpose its national authority in our behalf. On the 2d instant I made 
 this grievance the subject of an official communication to the President 
 of the United States, a copy of which is annexed, marked A. 
 
 The constantly increasing expenses of the Alms-house Department,. 
 and the want of control of the Corporation over them, should not escape 
 your notice. I am satisfied that, whatever may be thought as to the 
 exercise of proper economy upon the part of the Governors of the Alms- 
 house, there can be no doubt that one cause of the present large outlay 
 required, is the maintenance of persons who should be a charge upon 
 the fund under the exclusive control of the Emigrant Commissioners.. 
 It is evident, that the object in creating this Board was to have full 
 'control over the whole subject, and to bear the entire costs of the sup- 
 port of these unfortunate people — at least, until they have been five 
 years in this country. In practice, this appears not to be its operation. 
 At least a portion of the inmates of the institutions under the control 
 of the Alms-house Governors, who are supported by the city, are properly 
 chargeable to the Emigrant Commission.. In my opinion the whole 
 subject requires revision. An entire alteration of the present system is 
 absolutely demanded. As it is now, the tax payers of this city have not 
 only to support the poor of the city, and a portion of that belonging to 
 the surrounding country, which find their way here, but also a very 
 large portion of the paupers of every nation in Europe. 
 
HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 39 
 
 The absolute cost of supporting our own poor would be a trifle too 
 small to be worthy of comment ; but when required to perform the duty 
 for so many other communities, its burden has become of too great a 
 magnitude to be submitted to longer. The Board of Emigrant Com- 
 missioners was created in 1847, to protect and provide 'for the emigrants 
 arriving at this port ; a fund is provided for this purpose. It is a state 
 institution, mostly under the control of officers appointed by the Gover- 
 nor and Senate, and in all respects independent of our municipal action. 
 Its existence is a recognition of the position that the persons called emi- 
 grants should, in no respect, be a tax upon this country. As now con- 
 ducted, it is a grievous tax. We support the emigrant criminal sentenced 
 to Blackwell's Island, and other city penal institutions. A large number 
 of policemen are detailed especially for their protection, for which our 
 treasury pays. The Mayor's office and no inconsiderable portion of his 
 time are occupied in hearing and determining cases involving the rights 
 and property of emigrants, to say nothing of that branch of his duties 
 relating to the proper licensing and regulating of emigrant boarding- 
 houses and runners. In my opinion the city should be relieved altogether 
 from these duties and expenses. So far as the state assumes to take 
 charge of these people, she should carry ont the work entire ; we should 
 be relieved from it. 
 
 POLICE. 
 
 This department of the city government is placed more directly under 
 the personal supervision of the Mayor than others ; and, in assuming its 
 direction, with the restricted power as to appointment and removal, 
 which, after all, constitute the great elements of control, I feel much 
 responsibility aud concern ; its present condition and discipline is sus- 
 ceptible of improvement. 
 
 There is an apparent want of energy and efficiency, which must arise 
 from either defect in the system or want of nerve and vigilance in those 
 who direct it. It shall be my aim to remedy these omissions. I shall 
 require the strictest accountability from the men, and also from the sev- 
 eral officers — who shall, in all cases, be made responsible for the conduct 
 of the subordinates under their command. 
 
 It was thought that making the police hold office during good be- 
 havior, would remove it entirely from political influences. It may 
 have had such an effect, to a degree ; but whilst the power to appoint, 
 suspend and remove is political and elective, it will be expecting too 
 
40 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 
 
 much of human nature to suppose that political influence can be exclud- 
 ed altogether. 
 
 A perfect police system must be founded upon freedom from all influ- 
 ences except those produced by merit, arising from a faithful and effi- 
 cient discharge of duty. 
 
 When the generals of an army are periodically subjected to change, 
 and in some measure by the votes and influences of the army itself, it 
 will be almost impossible to remove the partisan elements which, at every 
 election, arc necessarily aroused into activity. 
 
 The whole Police Board was elected at the late election, two of the 
 late board (the Recorder and City Judge) being candidates for re-elec- 
 tion ; and policemen would have been more or less than man, if they could 
 have remained indifferent spectators of the result. 
 
 I am confident the judiciary is not the proper authority for determin- 
 ing police matters ; nor are its members qualified, either by habits of 
 life or train of reflection, to make good Commissioners. The bench and 
 the service would each be benefited by a separation. My colleagues on 
 the present Police Board fully concur in these opinions. 
 
 It shall be my aim to impress all connected with the police, that 
 official merit, and not partisan influence, is what is expected of them ; 
 and, so far as my power extends, it shall be exercised for the entire eradi- 
 cation of polities from the department. 
 
 On the first of January instant, I issued new orders, a copy of which 
 is annexed [marked B] , and to which I call your attention as develop- 
 ing the principles upon which I shall administer the department In 
 connection with this subject, it may be proper for me to add, that there 
 has been opened in the Mayor's office, under my direction, a book for 
 recording complaints against the police, as well as for violations of the 
 ordinances and laws, where charges will be entertained, and acted upon 
 by me in person. 
 
 The police are required for several purposes other than the protection 
 of the public interests of the city, for which it should not be obliged to 
 pay. 
 
 There is one squad of the reserve corps detailed for the duty of 
 boarding vessels from foreign ports, with emigrant passengers, and other 
 service rendered, before referred to, which should be paid from the fund 
 of the Emigrant Commissioners. Many other policemen are stationed 
 at the several railroad depots and ferries, and at places of public amuse- 
 ment, by request of the proprietors, and for the protection of their pri- 
 vate interests, and not for public purposes. This expense should be 
 
HON. FERNANDO WOtD. 41 
 
 borue by the parties requiring their services. Iu London, where the 
 police system is said to be better than our own, such is the practice ; 
 and the General Government has adopted the same course with reference 
 to the salaries of its custom-house officers, when acting for private con- 
 venience or safety. About thirty thousand dollars would be thus saved. 
 
 The expense of the police force has attracted attention, and it has 
 been properly suggested that it can be used for many public purposes 
 for which the city now pays heavily. 
 
 In considering the cost of the police, it should not be forgotten that 
 it is almost entirely made up of salaries. This department disburses 
 little money for any other purpose. It makes no contracts and procures 
 no supplies ; and is confined to the disbursements of such ■ sums, for 
 compensation to the officers and men, as has been fixed by the Common 
 Council. Be it more or less, no officer connected with it is in any way 
 responsible. It is true, that much duty, now performed by subordinates 
 under other departments, can be performed by the police, without im- 
 pairing its efficiency. My direction has already been given to the 
 patrolmen to act as street inspectors, and to report, through their officers, 
 to me every instance when the contractor fails to cleau the streets within 
 his district. They have also been required to report all excavations 
 made under the sidewalks or streets, by builders or others — the object of 
 which is to supply information to the Commissioner of Streets, by which 
 he can collect the legal claims of the city for appropriating to private 
 use any portion of the streets. 
 
 If my recommendation of consolidating all business appertaining to 
 streets into one department, is carried out, many collateral branches can 
 be put under the Police Department, without any detriment to it what- 
 ever. 
 
 • There is no question that the several duties of policemen are entirely 
 too light, in view of the necessity of materially lessening the number of 
 public officers. 
 
 It is for you to legislate upon this recommendation, and you will find 
 me ready to enforce its practical operation. 
 
 SPRING CHARTER ELECTION. 
 
 I cannot omit expressing my conviction that much benefit could be 
 derived to the city, by separating the election for charter officers from 
 that for state or national officers. 
 
 As now conducted, our local interests are almost entirely lost sight of 
 in the conflict on state or national issues. As the lesser is always ab- 
 sorbed by the greater, so is the apparently smaller affairs of our city 
 
42 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 
 
 government lost sight of in the contest on candidates for higher offices. 
 The magnitude of our municipal interests calls for the closest scrutiny 
 into the qualifications of persons to take charge of them ; no other con- 
 siderations than those connected directly with local questions should be 
 included in the canvass for city rulers. The evils of frequent elections 
 are of little importance, as compared with the danger of the selection of 
 improper men. In the struggle for a governor or a president, persons 
 entirely disqualified will sometimes slide unobserved into a local place of 
 trust and power. 
 
 The election law, which places the candidates for county officers on 
 the same ballot with candidates for state officers, increases the evil. At 
 the late election there were twelve names on the same ballot ; in the 
 haste and excitement of election day, it is very difficult for even the most 
 intelligent voter to select the names for whom he desires to vote, when 
 found upon the same ticket ; but where the duty is imposed upon the 
 illiterate or ignoraut, it is seldom exercised, especially if there be a cun- 
 ningly-devised ballot, not permitting erasure or substitution. 
 
 CENTRAL PARK. 
 
 The Commissioners appointed to open the Central Park, are progress- 
 ing with the work. Since the organization of the Board, it has collected 
 and examined evidence of title to the lands to be taken for the park ; in 
 causing the necessary surveys, maps of blocks and profiles of grades to 
 be made in personal view of the lands to be taken, and in procuring such 
 information in regard thereto, as may serve to guide to a just valuation 
 of the same; also in determining' the area of assessment for special 
 benefit, and procuring maps of the same, and in procuring evidence of 
 the value of the improvements on the land to be taken ; and are now 
 engaged in the valuation of the lands themselves. It will be remember- 
 ed that this park is to be bounded south by Fifty-ninth street, north by 
 One hundred and sixth street, east by the Fifth avenue, and west by the 
 Eighth avenue ; and will comprehend an area of seven hundred and 
 seventy-six acres, say, 776 
 
 From which deduct State Arsenal, ...... 14 
 
 Croton Reservoir, 38 
 
 Proposed " 112 
 
 Streets and Avenues, . . . 190 
 Belonging to the city, . . . 34-388 
 
 Leaving to be paid for — acres 388 
 
HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 43 
 
 Which, by estimating at sixteen lots per acre, makes six thousand 
 two hundred and eight lots to be paid for by the city, and by assess- 
 ments upon contiguous property. The important question of the 
 valuation of these lots has not as yet been positively fixed by the com- 
 missioners. The subject is now before them, and I advise all who are 
 interested to appear at their office. Another question of much public 
 interest, in connection with this matter, is the territorial limit to which 
 the commissioners shall extend their assessments upon property of in- 
 dividuals, and what proportion of the whole cost shall be made a tax 
 upon the city. 
 
 These questions are entirely under the control of the commissioners. 
 I am informed, unofficially, that the disposition of the Board is to 
 extend the area of assessment three blocks east and west, and a greater 
 distance north and south ; and to make two thirds of the whole cost 
 payable by the city. If this be the determination, it can be easily ascer- 
 tained about what sum the park will cost. Estimating the average value 
 of the land at five hundred dollars per lot— a liberal estimate — the 
 whole cost would be three millions one hundred and four thousand dol- 
 lar- : deduct one third to be paid by individuals whose property is sup- 
 pose to be benefited, it will leave two mllions sixty-nine thousand dol- 
 lars to be paid for by the city — a smaller sum than was anticipated at 
 the time of passing the art. The commissioners expect to close their 
 duties early in the ensuing summer. There can be no doubt as to the ne- 
 cessity of some such park, conveniently located on this island. In my 
 opinion, future generations, who are to pay this expense, would have 
 good reasons for reflecting upon the present generation, if we permitted 
 the entire island to be taken possession of by the population, without 
 some sput like this, devoted to rural beauty, healthful recreation, and 
 pure atmosphere. 
 
 NEW PUBLIC BUILDINGS. 
 
 It is to be regretted that we are still without some definite action in 
 this matter. It is a year since the old Alms-house buildings, which for 
 several years were used for the purposes of a court-house, were destroy- 
 ed by fire, and no conclusion has yet been arrived at with reference to 
 the erection of a substitute. This should be»one of the first measures to 
 receive attention. 
 
 The present City Hall and its appendages are insufficient. The accu- 
 mulation of public business of all kinds has rendered it imperative upon 
 this city, regardless of expense, to make provision for it without delay. 
 
44 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION 0* 
 
 Many plans for a new City Hall have been proposed, rone of which 
 have been examined by me, and of which I am not competent to judge, 
 had they been. 1 will suggest, however, that, inasmuch as the day can- 
 not be far distant when that portion of the city lying south of Grand 
 street will entirely be occupied by wholesale business, to the exclusion of 
 resident population, and that, as a City Hall, to contain the courts and 
 offices for the transaction of municipal business should be in the vicinity 
 of the numerical centre of population— whether it is politic to expend 
 large sums of money in permanent improvements in the Park, as now 
 located. We have no guarantee that the next generation may not de- 
 mand their removal to a more convenient position. There can be no 
 doubt that public offices, to which all classes, without distinction, are 
 drawn, should be equally accessible to the whole population. 
 
 Nor can I recommend the adoption of a proposition recently made in 
 the Common Council, by which the legislature is to appoint commission- 
 ers' to superintend the erection of a new City Hall. The folly of trans- 
 ferring further legislation for this city to Albany, except to get a char- 
 ter that will return to it a form of government commensurate to its 
 wants, is so apparent, that I hope it will not be indulged in again. One 
 legislative act alter another has been adopted at Albany, until we are 
 almost without any government whatever. There is now in preparation 
 a proposition for the legislature to appoint six commissioners, with 
 power to name every officer under the City Government, which, if it be- 
 comes a law, will give the extinguishing blow to what little power is left 
 to the people of this city over their own municipal affairs. 
 • 
 
 PUBLIC SCHOOL EXPENSES. 
 
 . Complaints are made of the largely increasing expenses for public 
 school education, and the want of power of the city government over 
 the disbursements of the Board of Education. 
 
 My attention has been called to this subject, and though there is. no 
 doubt, room for improvement as it regards the economy evinced in the 
 erection and fitting up of school-houses, yet the benefits derived from 
 the system are of too great a magnitude to be jeoparded by illiberality 
 in defraying its cost. # 
 
 I have no doubt that it is the general approval of our public schools, 
 as now conducted, that induces the people to submit to the present 
 onerous taxation. The o T eat improvements in the mode of culture 
 adopted, and the evident ..;■•>., itage of the public schools over the private 
 
HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 45 
 
 (Schools of this city, have made them the general academies of tuition for 
 the children of nearly the whole population, The cost to us in taxatii m 
 is not one-fifth the usual expense for au ordinary pay school education, 
 Indeed there are few real estate owners, with families, who cannot get 
 their whole tax returned by sending their children to the public school, 
 with the advantage of a better and more thorough education, and a dis- 
 cipline and moral training far more perfect than our fashionable " acade- 
 mies for young gentlemen'' can pretend to. 
 
 Therefore, while discountenancing extravagance in any public depart* 
 meat, yet having full confidence in the gentlemen who have charge of 
 the public education of this city, and deeply appreciating the system, I 
 cannot recommend any step towards interfering with the management of 
 it, so long as it continues to improve the efficiency and public benefit* 
 and holds, as it does now, the position of our brightest ornament, with 
 the prospect of being the fruitful source from whence we are to derive 
 yet higher honor and more brilliant results. 
 
 REVISION OF THE ORDINANCES. 
 
 I cannot too earnestly impress upon you the necessity of a revision 
 and a collecting of the ordinances into one or more volumes, and a 
 codification of the laws applicable to this city. It would be almost 
 incredible to a stranger to be told that there is no collection of the laws 
 by which this city is governed. 
 
 A collection of ordinances has not been published since 1845, and of 
 that but few copies remain ; since 1845 material amendments have been 
 made to the charter, and numerous resolutions and ordinances have been 
 adopted, which are now to be found only by a voyage of discovery 
 in the office of the Clerk of the board of Aldermen, with the chance 
 being very much against success, even with the guide of the accom- 
 modating officers who have charge of that office. The memory of per- 
 sons who have for many years been connected with the Common 
 Council is the only index in existence. 
 
 The mere statement of the fact, will, I am confident, procure action. 
 
 THE DOCKS. 
 
 The dock accommodations for the shipping of the city, is a] 
 subject which should receive notice. You need not be informed thai at 
 present they are totally inadequate, both in extent and quality. There 
 is no commercial city in the world, of the magnitude of New York, so 
 
16 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 
 
 deficient ; substantial stone or iron docks and piers should be construct- 
 ed, which would not only be durable, but in the result far more eco- 
 nomical than those now in use. 
 
 A funded debt could be created for the payment of the cost, leaving 
 to posterity, who are to be the recipients of the advantages derived 
 from the construction, the liquidation of the obligation. The present, as 
 well as the future accomodations for the shipping, which constitute so 
 great an element in our prosperity, demand some action at your hands 
 on this subject. 
 
 NON-PAYMENT OF CONTRACTORS AND OTHERS. 
 
 Much distress has recently been caused by persons having demands 
 against the city, owing to the non-payment of salaries, and for supplies 
 furnished and contracts performed, Great injury has resulted to many 
 individuals of small means from this cause. At any time, disappoint- 
 ments of this kind bear oppressively, but at a period of great monetary 
 stringency-, like the present, it is a hardship exceedingly onerous and 
 ; not again occur she wrong done to the party having 
 
 a just claim, in omitting to meet the demand, the injury to the treasury 
 is not insignificant. We need not be told that a poor paymaster has to 
 pay higher prices than he who meets his engagements promptly. 
 
 ft i ■ not unreasonable to expect that the city creditors will provide 
 : the loss arising from the difficulty in getting their 
 
 ' ig from tli!'.," delays 
 Without recomm relaxation in adherence to the laws and or- 
 
 dinances governing the disbursement of money, I cannot omit to express 
 the hope that you will take immediate means to prevent a recurrence of 
 so great an evil to the creditors of the city, aud preserve its faith and 
 credit from dishonor. 
 
 RELIEF TO BROADWAY, 
 
 Another relief to the citizens could be found in the adoption of some 
 mode to prevent the large collection of omnibuses in Broadway below 
 the Park. In my opinion this evil should not be longer permitted. 
 
 If the stages, now permitted to go to the South Ferry, were limited to 
 one half the present number, the whole difficulty would be remedied. The 
 many lines entering Broadway below the Park, not only obstruct the 
 passage of each other, but frequently cut off entirely the passage of 
 smaller vehicles. Foot passengers are excluded almost entirely from the 
 cress-walks. 
 
HON. FERNANDO WOOD; 47 
 
 This evil is increasing, though the police, at an "expense to the city, is 
 kept on duty to prevent disorder, and to aid passengers in crossing. 
 
 The present laws deprive the Mayor of power over the omnibuses, so 
 far as controlling their routes or their number, but I recommend that 
 an ordinance be passed preventing any one line sending more than one 
 stage in ten minutes, below the Parkin Broadway. The little incon- 
 venience which this restriction would cause to persons having business 
 below the Park would be of no consideration compared to the present 
 difficulties. 
 
 I also recommend that the Russ pavement in Broadway be grooved* 
 Though this beautiful and durable pavement is an ornament as well as 
 advantage to the city, yet its smoothness renders it dangerous to horses. 
 Its solidity retains moisture, which, when freezing, presents a surface of 
 ice, rendering its use extremely dangerous. 
 
 CATTLE DRIVING. 
 
 The practice of driving cattle through the streets of the city is 
 another evil calling for prompt action. It is an abuse which our citizens 
 have submitted to too long. In my opinion this Common Council will 
 deserve the severest censure, if, like its predecessors, it timidly skulks 
 from its duty in ridding us of this dangerous nuisance* Not only is the 
 health of the whole population jeoparded by the unwholesome odors 
 arising from the collection of these animals, but it not unfrequently 
 occurs that life, limb, and property are destroyed by it* 
 
 DIRTY STREETS. 
 
 In April, 1854, contracts were entered into for the cleaning of streets 
 and avenues of the city. The specifications of these contracts are 
 stringent, and there would be no cause of complaint if the contractors 
 performed them* They provide that every thoroughfare shall be thor- 
 oughly and properly cleaned and swept, and all the dirt, manure, ashes, 
 garbage, rubbish and sweeping, of every kind, removed twice a week ; 
 and in Broadway and the leading ayeuues, three times a week. If these 
 conditions were complied with, there could be no grounds of complaint* 
 I regret to say tfty have not been complied with, and though it is sta- 
 ted that, in consequence of the low rates at which the contracts are 
 taken, compliance is impossible without heavy loss, yet, in my opinion, 
 there is no other resource than to demand a rigid fulfillment. If con- 
 tracts are to be thrown up, or only half performed, at the will of con- 
 tractors, because not profitable, the bargain is all on one side. Under 
 
48 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 
 
 this ruling, the city is' to suffer in any event. So far as the law gives 
 me power. 1 shall require a strict compliance with the existing contracts 
 to clean the streets ; and that I may know which of the contractors are 
 derelict, the police have been ordered to make the condition of the 
 in their several beats, the subject of observation, and to report 
 every day the result. % 
 
 I am not prepared to make any recommendations with reference to 
 the Executive Departments not alluded to herein. I shall communicate 
 to you, from time to time, such matters relating to them as call for your 
 action. 
 
 FERNANDO WOOD. 
 
 Mayor Wood proposes to increase the revenue by obtaining 
 from the Legislature the power of taxing the personal property in 
 the city, belonging to non-residents : by requiring all fees to be 
 paid into the city treasury : by exacting interest — as is done by 
 the State — upon the deposits of the Treasurer in the banks. 
 Some officers of the city are known to receive such interest for their 
 own use. About $750,000 can be realized by collections from the 
 suspended sales of property for taxes and assessments. A doubtful 
 expedient, in our view, is his proposal to, tax omnibuses and rail- 
 road-oars, because it is so difficult to calculate the injurious effect 
 of bur : locomotion and transportation. In fact, no taxa- 
 
 tion Is .-o certain to be both equitable and safe as that which is 
 laid directly upon property. All obstructions of lawful and pro- 
 ductive industry are detrimental. He thinks the city is subjected 
 to very large expenses on account of emigrants, which the State 
 it to pay through its Board of Emigration. 
 
 He points out "the necessity of adopting some mode by which 
 all disbursing officers shall be prevented from the expenditure of 
 money, or creation of to pay, for which this city is liable, 
 
 is appropriation/' Numerous abuses have arisen 
 here. " It is useless to ask the departments for estimates on which 
 to bas ropriation, if they ar egarded afterwards. So 
 
 long as the Common Council pass resolutions incurring expense— 
 and the departments execute them frequently by using funds ap- 
 propriated for other purposes — so long will our taxes continue to 
 
HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 49 
 
 increase, and the erroneous annual deficiencies, now so common, 
 continue to startle us from year to year." Doubtless, the master- 
 evil of the whole system is indistinctly alluded to here — 'the con- 
 tinued interference of the Boards and their committees with the 
 executive business of the city. We shall speak of this again. 
 
 The Mayor then treats of the city contracts, emigrants, the 
 police, elections in the spring, the Central Park, new City Hall, pub- 
 lic school expenses, revision and codification of the city ordinances, 
 the docks, non-payment of contractors, relief to Broadway, cattle- 
 driving, and dirty streets. 
 
 We may say of these messages that they present comprehensive 
 and statesmanlike views, are based upon sound principles, and 
 evince the most profound and anxious thought, and au honest 
 desire to promote the welfare of the city, and a firm purpose on 
 the part of the Mayor of doing his own duty, at whatever cost to 
 himself, and whoever else may do or neglect theirs. So far as 
 these suggestions pertain to the province of the Common Council, 
 if they were addressed to a body of honorable, upright, and patriotic 
 men, we should expect vast benefits from seeing them put in 
 practice. Whether any such expectations will be realized from 
 the action of the present Boards, we shall be better able to tell a 
 few i months hence. But we are compelled to confess that their 
 progress and method in the public business thus far, do not inspire 
 us with very sanguine hopes in that quarter. Let us wait for still 
 the best. 
 
 We do, indeed, find that the Mayor has so far secured the co- 
 operation of the Board of Aldermen, that they have passed an 
 order authorizing him to examine the books and accounts of any 
 person holding office under the municipal government, whenever, in 
 his judgment, the public interests require such examination. His 
 energetic and successful movements have also arrested the atten- 
 tion of the Legislature at Albany, which teems with projects of 
 alterations, and amendments, and substitutes, destined to aid or to 
 stop him, to cripple or to strengthen his efforts, to neutralize or to 
 perpetuate the benefits he is bringing upon the community. But 
 in the city itself, we fear that the success of his endeavors is likely 
 
 4 
 
50 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 
 
 to be confined almost entirely to one department — that of police. 
 The amendments in the other branches of the municipal adminis- 
 tration appear to be, for the most part, transient, doubtful, or illu- 
 sory. The reason is plain : those departments are independent 
 of the Mayor's control. He neither appoints, nor has power to 
 remove, the incumbents of any one of the " nine Executive Depart- 
 ments, having undefined, doubtful, and conflicting powers, with 
 heads elected by the people ; each assuming to be sovereign and 
 independent of the others, of the Mayor, or of any other author- 
 ity." By securing, as we presume he has done, the cordial co-op- 
 eration of the City Judge and the Recorder, who, together with 
 himself, constitute the appointing power and adjudicating tribunal 
 of the police, he will be able to maintain a degree of control over 
 that one branch. On the others he may safely experiment, to 
 learn the degree of force there may be in "moral suasion" to stem 
 the tide of misgovernment and corruption. But we do not antici- 
 pate that he will produce a concert of action of the different 
 departments which manage the business of the streets, or bring 
 about so wonderful an event as to have the streets actually swept 
 at stated intervals, and swept clean, or settle the conflicts of juris- 
 diction between the Ten Governors of the Aims-House and the 
 Common Council, or interpose even a slight check upon the waste- 
 ful and irresponsible expenditures of those bodies respectively. 
 The Board of Governors ecently invited the Legislature to visit 
 in a body the several public institutions of the city, and appro- 
 priated sundry thousands of dollars of the funds placed at 
 their disposal for the poor, to be expended in costly entertain- 
 ments on the occasion, with ample store of wines and liquors, 
 which produced disgraceful intoxication to a melancholy extent 
 among their guests. It is a great thing to have our city gov- 
 erned, even to the extent in which Mayor Wood governs, and 
 will govern it, thrpugh the police that he has under his control ; 
 and for the time — we hope a long time — that he may continue to 
 adorn the office he holds. But "New York governed" is one 
 thing — a municipal government for New York is quite another 
 thing, and is still a desideratum to be supplied. We want a 
 
SON. FERNANDO WOOD. 51 
 
 proper frame of government that will be in force when Mr. Wood 
 is 110 longer Mayor. We should want it for the objects which 
 he cannot reach, were his mayoralty immortal, as its fame is sure 
 to be. 
 
 FORM OF MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT. 
 What is a proper frame of government for the city of New 
 York ? We cordially approve and earnestly recommend most of the 
 general views presented by the Mayor in his Inaugural Message. 
 The absurdities of the present nine-headed machine cannot be 
 made more striking by any additional remarks of ours. No society 
 or body of men could ever do business or be guided or governed 
 under such an incongruous organization. Still less can a great city 
 be made safe, or healthy, or peaceful, with its government divided 
 into nine independent departments, all irresponsible and all espe- 
 cially resolved not to yield one to another. We cannot attach as 
 much importance as Mr. Wood and many others have done, to the 
 proposal of separating our municipal elections from those of the 
 State and the Nation, by appointing them to be held in the spring. 
 It looks very well in theory, to separate our city government from 
 the dictation of great parties, and from the turmoil and . confusion 
 of a presidential campaign. But the idea is a fallacious one, and 
 cannot be realized in practice. Twenty years ago or more, we had 
 the charter altered so as to hold our city elections in the spring ; 
 and the friends of good order nattered themselves with the hope of 
 a peaceful and harmonious effort to elect city officers without distinc- 
 tion of party, for their worth and fidelity, and their ability to pro- 
 mote the public good. But, shortly before the election, there 
 arose a great national question at Washington, (that of the re- 
 charter of the Bank of the United States,) on which it was said 
 to be of paramount importance that the commercial metropolis of 
 the country should be heard. And so the two great parties nomi- 
 nated their several tickets with almost exclusive reference to their 
 ability to command votes of certain classes for their party ; and, 
 in the issue, many of the most meritorious candidates were ruled 
 out, and those who were elected came into office under a pressure 
 
52 LIFE AND PtfBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 
 
 of partisan obligation, so that nothing at all was gained to the city 
 hj the spring election, and by general consent it was soon assimi- 
 lated to the general election. 
 
 In this country, it is impossible to separate public affairs from 
 politics. The foundation-principle of our institutions is self-govern- 
 ment by the people ; and that makes up our politics. In this 
 country government is politics ; and the attempt to separate them 
 will not only fail, but will always lead to evils. We must take it 
 as it is, and not war against the inevitable. The people will have 
 politics, and will mingle all their public business with politics ; and 
 there is no remedy but to enlighten the people and give them good 
 politics. The whole body is one, and it is absurd to think of 
 making one of its members healthy while the whole head is sick 
 and the heart faint. The evils which we suffer from wicked politics 
 is the penalty we pay for the folly and selfishness and neglect of 
 duty by which we allowed politics to be wicked. And if we may 
 only have a proper frame of government for the city, by which the 
 will of the people can be faithfully carried out for the public good 
 in regard to local interests, it will be a powerful aid toward correct- 
 ing whatever abuses exist in regard to the affairs of the State and 
 Nation. Yet, if others deem it important to make another experi- 
 ment of holding our city elections in the spring, we shall not object 
 strenuously ; but rather hope that the benefits may be realized, 
 which are so well set forth in the Mayor's letter to Mr. Blatck- 
 ford. We will quote a paragraph for future reference : 
 
 " The conclusion is inevitable, that other interests than our own influ- 
 ence if not control the selection of our own rulers when elected at the 
 general election. If, under these circumstances, honest and capable men 
 happen to be designated for us, we are indebted for it more to accident, 
 or the interposition of Divine Providence in our favor, than to the fore- 
 thought and discriminating action of the voters themselves. No ; let 
 there he a separation, irrevocable and entire ; let there be but one issue, 
 when local officers are to be chosen, and that referring to the welfare 
 and prosperity of New York. If. differing upon national or State 
 questions, we can unite without embarrassment or obstruction upon men 
 fitted for charter offices, without reference to their party affinities or 
 
HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 53 
 
 associations, the considerations will be not whethev they are in favor of 
 or against any outside issues involving matters of national import, but 
 whether in favor of an economical government for this city, and opposed 
 to vices, immoralities, corruptions, and bad government." 
 
 The two main points to reform, which we regard as absolutely 
 indispensable, are expressed by the phrase Unity and Responsi- 
 bility. Our nine independent executive governments must be 
 brought iiito one, and that one made fully responsible to the peo- 
 ple. Unless this is done, nothing will be gained by change ; and 
 it would be better that the legislature should leave the charter 
 unaltered, and let us get along as we can under the government 
 of Mayor Wood for the present, until further experience, study, 
 comparison of views, and public discussion shall have prepared the 
 way for a real reform, based upon sound principles, and calculated 
 for permanence by its conformity to the genius of our American 
 mstitutions. 
 
 To bring our executive government to a proper unity, there 
 must be one head, which must be the source of power to all sub- 
 )rdinates, and have the control of all. In order to this, the Mayor 
 should have the appointment of all the other executive officers of 
 the city, subject to the confirmation of the Board of Aldermen in 
 regard to the heads of bureau, and the absolute power of removal 
 of them all. A sufficient responsibility is secured by restoring an- 
 nual elections, so that, after wielding this power two years, the 
 Mayor would return to the ranks of of his fellow-citizens, either to 
 receive their approval by re-election, or to come himself under the 
 government to which he had given character. And, in connection 
 with this, there must be a complete severance of the Common 
 Council from the executive administration. Neither Board, nor 
 both together, nor any committee of either, should have any execu- 
 tive function, or any power to interfere, to help or hinder, direct or 
 controi, command or forbid, in regard to any executive business. 
 Nothing short of this will put a period to the pernicious struggles 
 and jealousies of the Common Council against the Mayor. Let 
 the Common Council pass ordinances for the city, and .raise money 
 
54 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMIXIST RATION OF 
 
 by taxation, and make specific appropriations for all necessary par* 
 poses, and impeach delinquent officers ; and let the Mayor see that 
 the laws are executed and the money properly applied, and have 
 the power to compel all subordinate officers to do their duty, or to 
 discharge them ; and we shall then know exactly where to look for 
 whatever is required to be done, and where to lay the blame of 
 every failure. Then New York will have a government. f 
 
 It will be seen that this differs in some essential points from the 
 " Amended Charter of 1830," to which Mr. Wood's inaugural refers 
 as the model government. That charter did not give the Mayor 
 the requisite powers of appointment and removal, and did not 
 withdraw from the Common Council and the Board of Aldermen 
 and Assistants their power of intermeddling with executive duties. 
 It was itself the first step in the wrong direction ; and the subse- 
 quent alterations have been progressive stages in -the false system 
 of policy which was then begun, of attempting to govern a city 
 by checks and balances, and distribution of powers, when the 
 great necessity is for concentration of power, so as to secure unity, 
 responsibility, and an energy which is absolutely resistless and cer- 
 tain to do whatever it attempts. The plan we have proposed will 
 be at once effective and safe ; for the city will never intrust such 
 powers to any man who is not known to possess both the ability and 
 integrity to exercise them for the public good. In choosing a man 
 to be a cypher or a sinecure, they might be less watchful of his 
 quality ; but in choosing a Mayor to exercise such functions as these, 
 it is absurd to suppose they would be imposed upon by any system 
 of political chicanery to intrust the power to unworthy hands. 
 
 This change would simplify the government of the city, and would 
 thus do more than all the contrivances of the last twenty-five years 
 have been able to do to destroy the opportunity and the tempta- 
 tion for fraud and plunder. Every citizen could then understand 
 the machinery and would feel his own individual power. The 
 remedy for negligence and abuses would be obvious, easy, and 
 certain. Complaints of grievances would be sure to go to the 
 power which can redress them. By having one controlling head, 
 the perpetual disagreements of the different bureaus would be ter- 
 
HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 55 
 
 minated, and each would become the helper of the other, because 
 each would then be a part of the one administration. It could no 
 longer be said, as Mayor Wood has said in his inaugural, that 
 " we are administering the government by portions of six different 
 charters, which create nine executive departments, having undefined, 
 doubtful, and conflicting powers, with heads elected by the people, 
 each assuming to be sovereign and independent of the others, of 
 the Mayor, or of any other authority." Can the idea be formed 
 of a more absurd system of government? Of course, "this irre- 
 sponsibility has been productive of carelessness in expenditure and 
 negligence in the execution of ordinances" — the two great evils 
 under which we suffer. 
 
 The plan we propose would remedy just these evils, and that 
 is precisely what we need. The Mayor, having thus the control 
 of the several executive departments, would necessarily select for 
 these offices men in whom he himself could place confidence, both 
 as to their intelligence and energy, and he would thus surround 
 himself with a number of capable and faithful men, on whose advice 
 and co-operation he could safely lean, as a virtual cabinet council, 
 and thus there would be a perfect co-operation in executing the 
 laws and preserving the general interests of the city. 
 
 "We are satisfied, too, that this plan will be most acceptable to 
 the people, if it can only be presented to them as it is. The plan 
 itself confides in the people as to their capacity for self-government. 
 It gives them the power of selecting their own magistrates, and of 
 watching them most perfectly, and of calling them to account most 
 speedily. All other schemes remove power from the people, and 
 tie up the hands of the people from controlling the administration 
 of their affairs, and thus preclude them from holding their agents 
 to a direct and effective accountability. 
 
 The people only want a good government. As the Mayor has 
 well expressed it, " They ask public order, the suppression of crime 
 and vice, clean streets, the removal of nuisances, and abolition of 
 abuses, a restriction of taxation to the absolute wants of an eco- 
 nomically administered government, and a prompt execution of the 
 laws and ordinances." What apology can be given by the Legis- 
 
56 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 
 
 lature or the Common Council for refusing to grant these reasona- 
 ble demands ? They ask this, and for this they are perfectly 
 willing to pay, let the cost be what it will. They paid five mil- 
 lions of dollars last year as the expense of a government which did 
 not bring them one of these benefits. They expect to pay six 
 millions this year and every year, if they can have money's worth 
 for their dollars — a good government, clean streets, quiet nights, 
 a healthy atmosphere, the assurance of justice, a consciousness of 
 the reign of law. 
 
 Unless these changes are made, and year by year until they are 
 made, the expenses of the city government will continue to increase, 
 and its effectiveness to diminish. The taxes for 1856 will proba- 
 bly be seven millions. The love of public plunder is not satiated 
 by success, but grows by what it feeds on. The ingenuity of official 
 fraud and peculation is not exhausted, but can devise new tricks, 
 if legislative tinkering should succeed in stopping the rat-holes 
 already known and open. We protest against all further tinkering 
 of the charter by such hands as have handled it since 1830. We 
 have tried sufficiently all the experiments of political science and 
 political quackery, and none of them have afforded relief. Ever 
 since the amended charter of 1830, we have been altering and 
 amending, and matters have all the while grown worse. Relief 
 has been sought in the wrong direction, by the diffusion rather 
 than the concentration of power, by adding more control where we 
 wanted more efficiency, by multiplying checks and stays when we 
 wanted more decision and activity, by removing power and respon- 
 sibility further from the people, when the true method was to bring 
 responsibility more directly to the people as the source of power. 
 
 We have had enough of legislative interference with executive 
 business, by committees of Aldermen and committees of Councilmen. 
 We have had enough of boards of appointment and removal ; 
 enough of boards of control and administration. They are screens 
 from responsibility, and hiding-places for favoritism, corruption, and 
 peculation. Whatever appearance of energy and independence 
 they may wear at their first institution, they inevitably lose their 
 force in a little time, through the division of responsibility, and 
 
HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 
 
 51 
 
 the difficulty of harmonizing so many diverse views and interests, 
 and degenerate into mere manufactories of forms and repositories 
 of red tape. Who requires an argument to convince him that all 
 the departments would be as thoroughly roused as the police, if 
 they all held their offices in the same way, by the will of Mayor 
 Wood ? 
 
 The " Reform Committee" has done good, but it has failed of 
 accomplishing the needful reform, because it did not go to the root 
 of the evil. Having its attention directed almost exclusively to 
 the monstrous corruptions which have grown up, they have essayed 
 to dry up these streams, without going to the fountain-head. The 
 waste of money is not the chief evil, but the lack of government, 
 the filthy streets inviting pestilence, the rowdyism and violence 
 rendering life itself insecure, the obstruction of the wharves and 
 streets hindering the very commerce by which the city lives. It 
 is folly to intrust the management of the reform to the Common 
 Council ; they do not represent the city on this subject, and are 
 not likely to favor the reduction of their prerogatives, which will 
 at the same time shut off their opportunities of speculation and per- 
 sonal aggrandizement. 
 
 It is the people's business, and we desire to see it taken hold of 
 by the people, in primary assemblies. There ought to be no delay. 
 If it can be well done, 'twere better done quickly. The loss to 
 the city by the lack of a good government is immense— it is im- 
 measurable, and will soon be overwhelming. The insecurity of 
 life and property, the enormous expense without advantage, will 
 drive commerce to other ports, unless we can have a reform ; and 
 New York, with all its advantages, may become a mere monument 
 of past prosperity, and a monitor to the world of the evils of mis- 
 government. Already, we see the city of London alarmed at the 
 diversion of its trade, through the expenses with which it is 
 burdened, and the want of security which it encounters there* 
 
 * « London, instead of being now chosen, as a matter of course, as the common 
 centre towards which commercial vessels proceeding to England from all quarters 
 of the world are to be directed, has to sustain a sharp struggle with the outports. 
 The port of London has already lost the cotton imports-those of wool are gradu- 
 
58 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 
 
 It is time for New York to be on the alert, and deraaud of the 
 present Legislature a reformed charter, which will strike at the 
 root of all these evils, and secure to us a government, first of all 
 efficient and faithful, next economical as well as liberal, and last 
 of all as secure as the imperfection of human institutions permits, 
 against favoritism and fraudulent administration. 
 
 But we are free to say that we want no more tinkering, no 
 more Boards, as screens from responsibility. We want a gov- 
 ernment. And we had rather things would remain as they 
 now are, than that they should be tampered with by quackery. 
 We had rather continue to be governed by Mayor Wood, and 
 would hope that he may be continued in office until we obtain a 
 government, so that the people can govern themselves. 
 
 mayor wood's letter to president pierce in respect to the 
 importation of foreign paupers and felons. 
 
 Mayor's Office, 
 New York, January 2, 1855. 
 His Excellency Franklin Pierce, 
 
 President of the United States. 
 Dear Sir : — There can be no doubt that, for many years, this port 
 has been a sort of penal colony for felons and paupers, by the local au- 
 thorities of several of the continental European nations. The desperate 
 character of a portion of the people arriving here from those countries, 
 together with the increase of crime and misery among that class of our 
 population, with other facts before us, prove, conclusively, that such is 
 •the case. 
 
 It is unnecessary to refer to the gross wrong thus perpetrated upon 
 
 ally following— and that of silk seems destined to take the same course. Bristol, 
 once the second port in the empire, bnt which lost its position by imposing heavy 
 dock charges, has seen its error, and is again entering into competition with Lon- 
 don. Liverpool and Glasgow now absorb a large portion of the trade once monop- 
 olized by the metropolitan port. Southampton has been designated the future 
 port of London ; and when the wonderful capabilities of the harbor are taken into 
 consideration, and due attention paid to the fact that the railway running into 
 the docks places that town within two hours of London, it will be conceded that 
 there is very good reason for the designation." — London Daily News, Feb. 1, 1855. 
 
HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 
 
 ttis city It requires from me no allusion to the jeopardy of our 
 lives and property from this eause. Men who, by a long career of crime 
 and destitution have learned to recognize no laws, either civil or natural, 
 cannot fail to produce feelings of terror at their approach 
 
 The inherent right of every community to protect itself from dangers 
 arising from such emigration, cannot be questioned. New York has 
 submitted to it long enough. The disease and pauperism arriving here 
 almost daily from abroad, is of itself a sufficient evil ; but when to i ts 
 added crime, we must be permitted to remonstrate. * c ask the mter- 
 ference of the general government; as it is its du y to protect us from 
 forehm aggression, with ball and cannon, so it is ,ts duty to protect us 
 against an enemy more insidious and destructive, though coming in 
 
 another form. .„ . „ 
 
 I call your attention to this subject, hoping it will receive from you 
 that action which its very great importance to the whole country 
 demands. I am very truly yours, &c, 
 
 FERNANDO WOOD, Mayor. 
 
 LETTERS AND DIRECTIONS OF MAYOR WOOD TO THE POLICE OF 
 NEW YORK. 
 
 Mayor's ^Office, I 
 
 New York, January 1, 1855. J 
 
 Sir —I inclose to you, through the Chief of Police, certain instruc- 
 tions to the men under your command, to which I ask your attention 
 
 You will see that every requirement is complied with, and that the 
 results be reported every day to the Chief at his office, in your usua 
 mornino- return. I will also take this occasion to ask of you the most 
 tm adherence to the rules and regulations governing the Department, 
 and to express the hope that discipline will be observed, without relaxa- 
 tion, in your district. Discipline can only be maintained by a regard to 
 the smallest requirements of your service ; it requires compliance with 
 every order, however trivial or apparently unimportant-it recognizes no 
 right in a subordinate to judge the practicability or propriety of any 
 direction issued by a superior officer. You must be responsible for 
 every dereliction of duty by the force under your command, for it rarely 
 occurs that an efficient and faithful captain does not make efficient and 
 faithful men. You will see that in your Station-houses the apartments 
 are always cleanly, that your books are correctly and regularly kept, 
 
60 LIFE AND PUELIC ADMINISTRATION OF 
 
 and that no games are played for money, or profanity permitted ; that 
 religion and politics, be entirely excluded from discussion ; that loud 
 talking and quarrelling be prevented, and that order, decorum and atten- 
 tion to public duties be strictly required. 
 
 Very respectfully, FERNANDO WOOD, Mayor. 
 To Capt. 
 
 of District. 
 
 Mayor's Office, ) 
 
 New York, January 1, 1855. y 
 
 Sir : — I have this day assumed the office of the Police Department 
 of this city, and shall expect aud require adherence to its rules and regu- 
 lations. In your hands is placed the care of the property and lives, as 
 well as the order, peace, and outward moral deportment of the whole 
 community. 
 
 Though y*m cannot extirpate vice, you can do much to suppress it. 
 Vigilance and an honest discharge of your duties, will not only enable 
 the people to pay more for your protection by reducing the expense 
 which crime produces, but add to the respectability of your position 
 and to the security of its continuance. There is now dissatisfaction in 
 the public mind with the apparent inefficiency of the police. There 
 should be no cause for it ! Let there be none ! Your duties are light ; 
 the pay not illiberal ; your social standing good ; and the term, for which 
 appointed, renders you independent of the contingencies to which the 
 operative and other laboring classes are subjected. You hold position^ 
 of trust and honor to which the pride and ambition of any man need 
 not be ashamed to aspire. 
 
 It is made my duty to see the laws faithfully executed ; you are to be 
 my aids in effecting this. I cannot look over the whole city to see that 
 all is right ; but you can for me. I rely upon you. You are to be the 
 eyes through which the theatre of my duties is to be observed, and the 
 messengers to convey to me, through your officers, faithful and truthful 
 reports. 
 
 In addition to the rules and regulations now in force in the Depart- 
 ment, and the several directions therein, you are requested to take note 
 of and comply with the following : 
 
 It is hereby made your duty to report every day, when on duty, to 
 your commanding officer, the following information ; ard an omission 
 
Hon. fernaxdo wood. 61 
 
 to do so, and to conform to every requirement of this circular, will be 
 deemed disobedience, and punished as such. 
 
 To report every street uncleaued, in your patrol. 
 Every unlicensed public house for the sale of liquor. 
 Every public house kept open on -the Sabbath, 
 Every house of prostitution. 
 Every gambling house. 
 Every street not lighted at the proper hour. 
 Every street or side-walk encumbered, and. the party or parties o 
 ing. 
 
 Every excavation made under the side-walks or streets, by builders, or 
 others. 
 
 Every nuisance, and the party offending. 
 Every supposed dereliction by any officer of the Corporation. 
 Every violation of the city ordinances. 
 
 You are further directed to disperse all gatherings of men or boys at 
 the corners of the streets or other public places, on the Sabbath, where 
 disorder is produced. 
 
 To enforce the closing of public houses on the Sabbath day. 
 To protect the stranger or emigrant from extortion or imposition. 
 To remove from the streets all beggars, and direct them to the several 
 public and private institutions created for their relief. 
 
 To see that the ordinances for the removal of snow and ice from the 
 side-walks and gutter be promptly complied with. 
 
 You are further directed to arrest for creating riot or breaches of the 
 peace. 
 
 For being intoxicated and disorderly in the street. 
 For injuring private or public property. 
 
 For stopping the free passage of the cross-walks by cartmen, coach- 
 men, or others. 
 
 For throwing offal, garbage, vegetables, and rubbish in the streets. 
 For offenses of any kind against the laws. 
 
 Your faithful compliance with these directions are requested. Let no 
 consideration induce you to omit one of them. 
 
 You have now a determined chief officer, who will not be indifferent 
 to a single dereliction of duty upon the part of those for whose conduct 
 he is responsible to the community. 
 
 Very respectfully, 
 
 FERXANDO WOOD, Manor. 
 
§2 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 
 
 OUR MAYOR ABROAD. 
 
 The press of other cities bestows the most enthusiastic commend- 
 ations upon Mayor Wood for the energy and success with which 
 he is reforming long-neglected abuses in New York. The whole 
 country will be benefitted by the influence of Mayor Wood's ex- 
 ample. Among the many laudatory articles in the journals of 
 other places we select the following brief one from the New Bed- 
 ford Mercury : — 
 
 That Mayor Again. — Will any one believe that he can walk the 
 streets of New York city after nightfall, and witness the same order 
 and decency as in the streets of Berlin and Vienna ? That is now the 
 case. It is the old story of Hercules and the Augean stable over again. 
 The Mayor has found out the river which will run through the city 
 streets, and wash away all the filth, Honor to Hercules Wood! He 
 goes into the stymphalic dens of the birds of the night, and they fall be- 
 fore him ; he meets the hydra of Sunday tippling, and down on the 
 hundred heads comes his club with a unanimous thwack. He hears, if 
 not of the Nemean lion at least of a : ' tiger," which is an equally uncom- 
 fortable animal, and goes out to meet him— Tiger roars, but runs.. He 
 is going out to fight the great giant of respectability, called Antaeus, 
 son of the Earth, who never touches its ground-rents without renewed 
 strength, He will lift the, giant upon high (in the clear air of news-* 
 papers), and squeeze it till it leaves off renting its houses to gamblers 
 and brothel-keepers. What will Hercules do next ? Whatever there is 
 for his hand to do, let us be assured. We shall all have enough work, if 
 we follow his lead. 
 
 MANIFESTO FROM MAYOR WOOD 
 
 IN REFERENCE TO THE MAINE LIQUOR LAW. 
 
 Mayor Wood has issued the following manifesto, announcing 
 the principles by which he will be guided in enforcing the new 
 Liquor Law, so far as the duty of enforcing it may devolve on 
 him. The principles enunciated by the Mayor will meet with the 
 approval of all law-abiding citizens. Whatever opinion of the 
 law citizens may hold, there can be but one opinion as to the 
 
HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 63 
 
 Mayor's obligations to enforce all laws, not as lie would have 
 them, but as they exist. 
 
 TO THE PEOPLE OF NEW YORK. 
 
 , Mayor's Office, ) 
 
 New York, April 16, 1855, \ 
 
 The Legislature of this State having passed an act entitled " An Act 
 for the Suppression of Intemperance, Pauperism and Crime," known as 
 the Prohibitory Law, and as my position with reference to its enforce- 
 ment in this city, so far as that duty may devolve upon my office, should 
 be declared at an early day — to leave no doubt as to its character, I 
 hereby present for public consideration the principles which control my 
 conduct as a public officer, alike applicable to matters of great or small 
 import, 
 
 That the people govern — not in their primary capacity, but through 
 representatives freely and fairly chosen — is the theory of American gov- 
 ernment. The people are the source of political power. They make 
 the laws ; and the great safeguard of American liberty is general compli- 
 ance. As the statutes thus created for'the better protection of life and 
 property and the pursuit of happiness, are but the reflection of the pop- 
 ular will for the time being, so are they binding upon the body politic — 
 the minority as well as the majority — who are alike parties to the com- 
 pact, the obligations of which it is dishonorable to disregard. And 
 though these elements of self-government present the distinguishing fea- 
 tures between our own and the governments of Europe, still our success 
 has been owing more to acquiescence in the will -of the majority than 
 in the character of the government itself. Other republics have failed, 
 even when formed upon our forms and constitution, only because of the 
 resistance of the vanquished contestants for rule by rebellion against the 
 laws and the executive power appointed to enforce them. We under- 
 stand republicanism differently, and hence have no such struggles. The 
 generally pervading common school educational system — the rigid prin- 
 ciple of obedience instilled into the child by the parent, and into the 
 scholar by the teacher — the enlarged human progress, leading onward to 
 the expansion of the heart and intellect — all founded upon an enlight- 
 ened, unprescriptive religious sentiment — furnish the platform upon 
 which American liberty stands, and from which no calamity, save forci- 
 ble resistance to the laws, can ever remove it. 
 
 It is not contended that minorities have not grievances, and that their 
 
C-i LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 
 
 grievances must remain unredressed. Their rights are fully protected. 
 The same fundamental law that binds minorities to submit, points out 
 clearly the road to relief against an illegal or improper exercise of au- 
 thority upon the part of the majority. Even whenever fanaticism rules 
 the hour and covers the country with its baneful influence, to the ex- 
 clusion of reason and justice, public opinion will soon correct the error 
 and restore the calm sense of mature conservative judgment. What if 
 the law-maker proves recreant and betrays the constituent he has chosen 
 to represent ? The wrong inflicted is not irremediable, though it may 
 be a proper chastisement for a negligent or corrupt use of the franchise. 
 Time repairs all the errors of legislation. Its evils and wrongs, however 
 great, invariably recoil before public opinion and the decisions of the 
 courts. Redress and relief can thus always be obtained. The legal 
 tribunals and the ballot-box are never approached in vain for the main- 
 tenance of a good, or the overthrow of a bad cause. These are the only 
 constitutional resorts — all others are treason and rebellion. 
 
 Another marked characteristic of the American people is the univer- 
 sal submission to the government forms restricting the powers and duties 
 of the three components of government, viz : the legislative, the judical, 
 and the executive. The first can only make the laws, the second can 
 only expound them, and the third has no discretion but to see them 
 faithfully executed. It is my province to act as agent for the people in 
 one of these departments. I am an executive officer. I aid in the ex- 
 ecution of the laws, and have sworn to do so " to the best of my ability." 
 With no part or responsibility in their creation, so far as State legislation 
 is concerned, I have no option but compliance as an instrument for their 
 enforcement, and to require a compliance in others, as far as I have the 
 ability. It is my duty to exact obedience, and yours to obey. The 
 officer of the law is not accountable for the making of the law ; he is 
 'bound to execute it pursuant to his oath of office though the respon- 
 sibility of the people, as the source of all political power, cannot be so 
 easily denied. As Mayor, I have endeavored to fulfil this duty. 
 Though sometimes painful, yet it has been performed diligently and im- 
 partially. I hope to continue without relaxation. The act relating to 
 the prohibition of the liquor traffic and consumption is now a law, 
 holding the same position as any other law, and until decided invalid by 
 the courts, or amended or repealed by the Legislature, should command 
 the same obedience. So far as its execution depends upon me, I have 
 no discretion but to exercise all my power to enforce it. It is unnecessary 
 
HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 65 
 
 for me to express an opinion in regard to legislation of this character, 
 or of this law ; not only because that opinion has been heretofore given, 
 but because, whatever it may be, I cannot without dishonor shrink 
 from a faithful discharge of the trust confided, whatever shall be the 
 personal consequences to myself. I now call upon the friends of law and 
 order to aid in the performance of this obligation, and in sustaining the 
 laws- a principle upon which rests the corner stone of all our national 
 prosperity and greatness. 
 
 Deeming my course with reference to this subject of interest to those 
 whose occupations are to be affected, and especially to those whose 
 licenses will expire with the year ending the first of May ensuing, I 
 have felt it incumbent upon me to indicate it frankly. I have availed 
 myself of the first moment, after the ajournment of the Legislature, when 
 all expectations of repeal or modifications were hopeless, to thus make 
 public my position, without having had time to examine it, or to receive 
 counsel as to my duties under it, and without knowing whether I am 
 called upon or have power as Mayor to take any part in its execution. 
 I shall inform nryself on these points without delay, and announce my 
 conclusion to the public with the same candor that prompts this com- 
 munication. 
 
 FERNANDO WOOD* 
 
 We close this work by presenting Mayor Wood's Report and 
 Speeches in Congress, to which we have already alluded. We 
 should be glad to examine the great national subjects which he 
 has so ably discussed, but have only room to present the speeches 
 as they are. 
 
66 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OP 
 
 SPEECH OF MAYOR WOOD IN CONGRESS, 
 
 ON THE 
 
 FISCAL BANK OF THE UNITED STATES, 
 Delivered August 3d, 1841. 
 
 Mr. Wood rose and said : Although not a talking man, either by 
 profession or inclination, yet the importance of the question, and the 
 recent signal expression of opinion from his constituents, demanded that 
 he should be heard. He congratulated himself that he had obtained the 
 floor at this early stage of the debate, and would not detain the commit- 
 tee by an exordium, but proceed directly in the discussion. 
 
 But, before entering upon the main question, he felt called upon to 
 allude to one point in the argument of the gentleman (Mr. Sergeant) 
 from Pennsylvania, who opened the debate yesterday in an ingenious 
 speech upon the constitutionality of a bank. He would not discuss the 
 legal points with that gentleman ; but he would say that that gentle- 
 man's remarks appeared to him as better fitted for the bar and a jury 
 than for the House ; and he would also add that it appeared rather as a 
 speech made to remove from the Executive certain constitutional scruples 
 he was supposed to entertain as to the powers of the Government to 
 create a bank, than to convince Congress or the people. But with this 
 he had nothing to do ; it was the allusion made to the sentiments of a 
 gentleman now minister to Russia (Mr. Oambreleng) to which he par- 
 ticularly referred. The gentleman, in the course of his remarks, alluded 
 to a resolution reported to this House by Mr. Oambreleng from the 
 Committee of Ways and Means in 1837 — ' ; that it was inexpedient to 
 charter a national bank ;" and drew from it the inference that that gen- 
 tleman, the Committee of Ways and Means, and the House which passed 
 the resolution, had no doubt as to the constitutionality of a national 
 bank. 
 
 I protest (said Mr. W.) against this induction. It is not justified by 
 the fact. It is not a logical inference. The speeches of my distinguish- 
 ed friend stand recorded against a bank, upon the ground of want of 
 power under the constitution, as well as inexpediency. The gentleman 
 from Eennyslvania was a member when these speeches were made ; and 
 it was unfortunate their character had escaped his recollection. Besides, 
 
HON. FERNANDO WOOD, 6? 
 
 Was this not so, he (Mr. C.) may have been acting under instruction 
 from his committee, against his own vote. But, even if that was not 
 the fact, he (Mr. W.) contended that the proposition of the inexpedi- 
 ency of a measure was not an admission of its legality; But, sir, (said 
 Mr. W.,) I will not dwell here. My object is answered in'thus briefly 
 placing the opinion of an absent gentleman in its true light, and prevent- 
 ing what I conceive to be an unwarranted, and, I must add, uninten- 
 tional stigma, falling upon the political character of one of the favor- 
 ite sons of the Empire State. 
 
 The bill before the committee is, in common parlance, a bill to create 
 a national bank as a fiscal agent of the Government — a proposition 
 which presupposes the repeal of the law of July, 1840, for the safekeep- 
 ing and disbursement of the public money, known as the independent 
 treasury. Though the question of this repeal was not now directly be- 
 fore the committee, yet, understanding it to be the determination of the 
 administration majority to move the " previous question" immediately 
 upon that repeal, without allowing the minority an hour for discussion, 
 he would take this opportunity of protesting against such tyranny and 
 against the repeal. 
 
 A proposition to strike from the statute-book a law so important in 
 its bearings, and created for purposes of such deep interest, should be 
 accompanied by reasons more cogent than any we have yet heard. 
 Proof should be adduced that it had failed to perform what its friends 
 promised for it ; that it had been mischievous in its effects, or impracti- 
 cable in its operations. They are not produced ; nor can it be said any 
 argument based upon its action, worthy of serious notice, has been 
 brought against it. It is safe, then, to hazard the opinion that no fault 
 Can be found with it in practice, although it had such strenuous oppo- 
 nents in theory. It has worked well, answering thus far (save probably, 
 in a few minor details) the objects of its creation. If we revert to the 
 oft-repeated prophecies of the whig party, of the devastation which the 
 independent treasury was to spread with magic speed throughout the 
 land, and now compare them with what has been our condition since its 
 adoption, and with what is at this time our true condition, the falsity of 
 the prophecies will be apparent. If the state of the times is used as an 
 argument against it, it is its triumphant vindication, when compared 
 with those which preceded it. We were told it was pregnant with la- 
 mentable consequences ; that it would destroy commerce and confidence ; 
 reduce wages to ten cents per diem, the profits of agriculture to almost 
 
6S LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 
 
 nothing ; — in short, that all interests were to be annihilated. Has tfm>' 
 been so ? Have any of these evils overtaken the people ? I opine not. 
 Without producing- statistics, as I here could, to show, by irrefutable 
 data, that prosperity— true, not false prosperity— has existed with all 
 classes ;— mo'dified, it is true, but yet has existed since Juiy, 1840, the 
 period at which this bill became a law — I will content myself by referring 
 alone to the mercantile portion of my constituency, boldly making the 
 assertion that they have less cause of complaint this year than for either 
 of the three previous. It is true, unfortunate bankrupts, borne to the 
 earth by indebtedness, have not been relieved, nor can any law hating for 
 its object the custody of the public money relieve them ; nor has it re- 
 produced the days of adventurous hazard, bringing back to the specula- 
 tor dreams of glory. These its tendency has been to check, not facili- 
 tate. But mercantile New York, in her true business character — divest- 
 ed of, and divided from political prejudices — those freed from former 
 embarrassments, aucf content with the profits of a safe, legitimate trade — 
 comes not to your halls for legislative relief, or the repeal of this law ; 
 short credits and small profits seldom trouble you with lamentations ; 
 they have no cause for lamentations — they do not understand what is- 
 meant by " a war upon the currency*." You cannot make the merchants, 
 who follow these simple rules, believe they are ruined and prostrate bank- 
 rupts, although they may be deluded into a support of your administra- 
 tion. In discussing this point, it is necessary, Mr. Chairman, to discrim- 
 inate between business merchant- and political merchants ; for there is 
 much necessity of such discrimination, when the advocates of the repeal 
 and the establishment of a bank so strenuously urge their views upon 
 the ground that they are demanded by the commercial interests of the 
 country. Sir, I am proud of the intelligence, probity, and standing of 
 this class of my constituency ; but, at the same time, it is my duty to 
 say (and it is said with regret) that a large portion of it have allowed 
 themselves to become the tools and instruments of • politicians ; 
 
 been drawn into the arena's^ partisan gladiators, lending the potential 
 influence of their blisini - further schemes of adventurers ; allow- 
 
 ing their interests, and consequently the vast int'ei ■ uporr 
 
 them. to be almost prostrated by a mistaken enthusiasm; engendered by 
 imaginary wrongs. They have been put into r q lisition upon thisocca 
 sion ; but I 'must be allowed 'to say, the; not belonging 
 
 to themselves; they cannot, in jus -. ■ '; for the commercial class of 
 New York, but more properly for the political part of that • 
 
HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 69 
 
 I repeat, that our trading community — the safe, sound, and rational 
 portion of it, freed from these prejudices — make no complaint. The 
 existing troubles they attribute to past errors. In short, no argument 
 can be adduced in favor of the repeal of the independent treasury, 
 based upon the action or effect of the bill. The state of the times since 
 its adoption, as compared with the three preceding years, is upon its 
 side — evidence of some weight, and should, in this discussion, be pro- 
 perly placed to its credit. 
 
 But I apprehend gentlemen do not urge the repeal for the reason that 
 it has as yet betrayed any mischievous tendencies. We are told time 
 sufficient has not yet elapsed, but the evil will be developed notwithstand- 
 ing. Is it not wise, then, to await that time, and thus be furnished with 
 reasons for the people ? Hasty legislation, either in the enactment of 
 laws or their repeal, is objectionable, and often pregnant with lamenta- 
 ble consequences. To guard u gainst it, the framers of the constitution 
 devised many ways. It was a point upon which they debated long and 
 solemnly. To repeal this law at a time when it is indisputable, no argu- 
 ment can be produced against its operation — that it furnishes in practice 
 none.of the objections urged against it in theory — but merely because its 
 enemies have obtained a momentary ascendency in our councils, is one of 
 the very acts of hasty legislation so much dreaded by the founders of 
 the Government ; as, also, is it one of those self-destroying evils depicted 
 by the opponents of republican institutions, as always connected with 
 popular representative governments. 
 
 Much, good was promised for it by its friends ; much bad prognosti- 
 cated by the opposition. The time necessary to prove who were in the 
 right, and give it a fair trial upon its merits, has not elapsed. But if 
 you force a decision, demanding a verdict now. the issue must be made 
 •up, upou its action, effect and influence ; upon which ground we are ready 
 to meet you, sanguine of a certain triumph. 
 
 But we are told the people have decided against it. Have they, for- 
 sooth ? I respectfully ask, in what way ? at what time ? I am referred 
 to the late Presidential election, but deny that that election had any 
 reference to the independent treasury bill. The issue then, if there was 
 any, (and if there was, for my life I could not discover it,) was of another 
 kind — made up of different material than anything having a bearing 
 upon any question of national interest, much less the question of — in what 
 way the public revenue should be collected and disbursed. When was 
 the subject discussed before the people ? Where was a denunciation 
 
Y0 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 
 
 of the odious sub-treasury made the war-cry for the onslaught, as in 
 1838 ?♦ Nowhere \ Or, if so, in isolated instances by itinerant whig 
 orators, who, having learned their lessons in 1838, like other starlings 
 having the faculty of repetition instead of invention, doled forth their 
 lamentations in the old repeated strains of " sub-treasury ! sub-treasury ! ! 
 odious sub-treasury ! ! !" 
 
 Was it made the issue by that jUustrious convention of office-seekers 
 who nominated the successful candidate at Harrisburg ? It was not. 
 That august body of patriots, after contemplating their act, sneaked to 
 their homes, not daring to make an avowal of sentiments. Or was it 
 made the topic of discussion by the candidate himself (supposed, of 
 course, to embody the principles of his party) in his various addresses to 
 the people ? It was not That respectable old gentleman, as far as I 
 know, never descanted upon the subject ; or, if so, by the most indirect 
 allusion. Suffice it to say, there was no issue made at that election, 
 involving the repeal of this law ; and gentlemen know it. That battle 
 had been fought in 1838. The election for the 26th Congress turned 
 almost entirely upon it. Mr. Van Buren proposed it in his first mes- 
 sage in September, 1837, and it at once became the watchword of the 
 democratic party, as it did the exclusive point of attack, of the federal 
 party. The bank patriots left our ranks, in which there was no more 
 prospect of plunder, suddenly dropping the reins which they had held 
 with an iron grasp ; thus causing dissension and confusion, producing 
 the overwhelming though transient defeats of the fall of that year. The 
 following spring State elections, contested upon the same ground, show- 
 ed a slight re-action ; but the canvass for the 26th Congress, in the fall 
 and following summer, fought upon the broad platform of JefFersonian 
 democracy — the divorce of bank and state against a national bank — 
 sub-treasury, or no sub-treasury — between the unpurified and unterrified 
 democracy upon one side, and an unholy alliance of old federalists and 
 bank-rag aristocracy upon the other ; — an election, it may be said, held 
 with express reference to this point of Mr. Yan Buren's policy — resulted 
 in a glorious triumph, by returning a majority in its favor, although the 
 city of New York was defrauded, by pipe-laying, out of her representa- 
 tives. Here was the issue — the only one ever made involving this ques- 
 tion ; and it is a vain subterfuge to transfer it to the late election, be- 
 cause you were fortunate enough to secure — no matter how — a majority 
 of numbers against it. 
 
 As one knowing something of commerce and the influences aifectinsr 
 
EON. FERNANDO WOOD. 71 
 
 it, and being somewhat conversant with the views of that interest, and 
 representing, in part, the most important commercial district in the 
 Union, I regret this motion, apart from all political considerations ; I 
 regret the subject is even agitated. The debate upon it is deleterious. 
 If it is true (as so often contended by the opponents of the late and 
 previous administrations) that this ever tinkering with the currency — 
 this eternal legislation upon the public finances — has a fatal influence 
 upon trade and commerce, why do the same gentlemen now follow the course 
 they so eloquently denounced then ? — violate a principle so soon after es- 
 tablishing it ? The first session of the late Congress, as was thought, dis- 
 posed of this matter. We had had a seven year's war between two power- 
 ful parties, contending with unexampled energy which should settle' it 
 according to its policy ; until at last, by the passage of this bill, the 
 question was set at rest — the public money was placed in a situation 
 where politicians and speculators could not reach it — where it could no 
 longer be used as investments for political defense or attack. The 
 people, not party hacks, rejoiced at its final disposition ; they felt that 
 they were to remain for a season freed from the surges of this ocean ; 
 to have rest, peace, and security ; the question was considered settled. 
 Those who were sufferers through this conflict (and I know none who 
 were not) would leave it where it is. Reasonable men, of all classes, 
 rejoiced privately, if not publicly, at its conclusion. They felt relieved 
 from the glorious uncertainty of a deranged currency. They now know 
 upon what to depend ; it was finished — disposed of; and although not 
 according to the preference of some, yet it was disposed of ; and prayed 
 it might so remain. I tell you, sir, a majority of your party do not go 
 with you in this repeal, when in its stead you seek to rear an institution 
 like this proposed. The larger and more intelligent part of our merchants : 
 a class who have contributed in various ways to place you in power, and 
 who, according to panic makers, were to become its immediate victims — 
 do not ask you for its repeal, if they are to have a bank in its place. 
 The merchants throughout the country wish you to let them alone — to 
 let the currency alone. Instead of calling extra sessions of Congress to 
 cater for their especial benefit, they would rather Congress take a recess 
 of five years, and give them relief by non-interference. Tou taught them 
 that legislation upon the currency was prejudicial ; they will ask you to 
 practise upon, in majority, the doctrines so ably expounded in minority. 
 They do not require the political theorists who aspire to the honor of 
 constructing a system of finance, based upon some visionary abstraction 
 
72 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 
 
 of their own, to practise castle-building at their expense ; nor do they 
 ask the adherents of whig candidates for the Presidency to prove their 
 fealty by the constitution of a party engine — good for Presidential aspi- 
 rants, but destructive to trade and commerce. 
 
 If the sub-treasury contaius errors of detail, amend and alter, regulate, 
 but not destroy. An error of detail is not an error of principle. Give 
 our system the same chance of developing itself that we have given a 
 bank, and if it prove to possess any of its fatal influence, I pledge myself 
 the democratic party will go with you for its repeal. We never sought 
 to wrest from the United States Bank its charter, even after its corrup- 
 tion had become manifest. In fact, at a time when it was notoriously 
 subsidizing the press and squandering its money in a war upon General 
 Jackson's administration, we never attempted the annulling of its charter. 
 It had for years previous to its expiration proved unsafe as a public 
 depository, unsound as a bank of emission, and a deranger instead of a 
 regulator of the exchanges ; yet we never dreamed, in the plenitude of 
 our power, of laying hands upon it. I contend that the charter of that 
 bank was violated, and yet General Jackson never proposed its demoli- 
 tion. It was at one time spoken of, in the political circles opposed to 
 it ; but the friends of the institution cried for quarter, and quarter was 
 given. And so with our nine hundred State banks, which have been for 
 years praying upon the vitals of the people, putting at defiance all law, 
 human and divine. We have not sought their destruction, nor do we 
 now ; their friends admit there are errors in their system, but ask us to 
 regulate, not destroy them. We make no admissions of errors in our 
 system ; but if there are errors of detail, regulate, but not destroy. For 
 forty years this Government has tried a national bank as its fiscal 
 agent : what has been our financial condition for these forty years ? We 
 iave been periodically visited by panics, revulsions, and distresses, infla- 
 tions and reactions,.astoimding exposes of defalcations and forgeries, agri- 
 cultural killing low prices, and mechanical and operative killing high 
 prices — a see-saw between inflation and depression, aptly represented by 
 Daddy Lambert times and Calvin P]dson times. But, sir, have any of 
 these delectable bank followers visited us since the adoption of our plan ? 
 They have not. I shall be answered, it has not been in existence long 
 enough. Yery well : it is admitted. Give it a trial of ten years — one 
 quarter the period you have had for yours ; and if it harasses and beg- 
 gars the people in the same manner, we will give it up, and strike our 
 colors. 
 
HON. FERNANDO WOOD. IS 
 
 The truth is, no argument based upon common sense can be adduced 
 against the independent treasury. There are two motives actuating its 
 opponents : the one, malice— the other, to rear in its place a political 
 institution, which will enable them to comply with certain promises 
 made previous to the late election. There is a class of the whig party 
 not provided for by the distribution of the spoils ; the wheel docs not 
 revolve fast enough for them ; and another, who look for payment in a 
 less laborious manner, by moneyed facilities. There is an interest also 
 across the water, too powerful to be denied, and to whom, if report speaks 
 true, the dominant party is somewhat indebted. But if these exist only 
 in the imagination, I repeat, malice— deep unrelenting malice— has 
 much to do with this repeal ; a motive the more unmanly and contempti- 
 ble, as it is veiled under pretexts of what the public good requires. By 
 deception was the power obtained to do this deed, and by deception is 
 the deed perpetrated. As the pirate decoys the merchantman under a 
 friendly flag until the sides of the victim are scaled and the deck is in his 
 possession— so did the whig leaders decoy the people, until, having them 
 fast bound and powerless, as far as their action here is concerned, they 
 unfurl the red banner, bring forth the bloody instruments of torture, 
 exhibit the portentous engine yclept a bank, and prepare the manacles 
 and chaius. But, thank God, here the simile fails ; for, unlike the vic- 
 tims of the corsair, they shall be freed from this subjugation, and deal a 
 just retribution upon the actors in this treachery— ay, sir, reaching the 
 pirate captain himself, whether enveloped in robes of senatorial dignity 
 (Mr. Clay) or doffed in the brown habit of a puritan secretary, (Mr. 
 Webster.) These dazzlingly-bedecked chieftains wear but the people's 
 livery. Is it not enough that you should have purchased popular sup- 
 port by allying yourself to popular passions ; but must you now exer- 
 cise your ill-gotten power, without dignity and without respect, by indulg- 
 ing this spirit of pitiful vindictiveness ? But what can be expected of 
 an administration coming into existence as it did, and controlled by the 
 men it is — men whose object was to obtain office, and. until they are 
 stripped of this nower, standing forth as naked of Government patron- 
 age as they are naked of principle ? There is no rest for an abused and 
 deluded people. 
 
 Sir, I have not the ability or disposition to go into an elaborate defense 
 of the sub-treasury, if any were required. It was the principal topic of dis- 
 cussion in every legislative body in the country, from the momeut of its pro- 
 position to its passage. The ablest talent battled for it and against it, ; the 
 
14 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 
 
 public press teemed with it ; scarcely a child but is conversant with tho 
 arguments upon either side. I will not spend the people's money, or weary 
 the patience of the committee, by repeating them. The mandate has gone 
 forth — " it must be repealed" It may be said, with propriety, that any 
 discussion in the premises, or any opposition, here or elsewhere, is folly — 
 madness. It must be repealed. A distinguished Senator has said it ; 
 aod, like Mandarins under a special edict of the Celestial Emperor, it is the 
 duty of the majority of this House to " tremble and obey." But as it is 
 not pretended we are to be left at sea without a rudder, a substitute is pro- 
 posed ; or, rather, would it not be more correct to say several substitutes ? 
 all, however, in the language of the official gazzette, " central or fiscal 
 agents." The time has arrived when the lead-horses of this motley group, 
 now in the possession of the Government, cab, as they think with safety, 
 take their course, without fear of the consequences. It is not now with 
 the Kentucky Senator, as it was when pressed upon by the democratic 
 Senator of New York, previous to the closing of the last Congress. 
 Then, he replied to a question as to the substitute, " that sufficient for 
 the day was the evil thereof." " He had then nothing but the sub- 
 treasury to handle, and that was sufficient for him." It was too soon to 
 play trumps. He (Mr. Clay) was not ready. A premature disclosure 
 may have effected certain congressional elections, not at that time holden. 
 Of course, at that time he had nothing but the sub-treasury to handle ; 
 it was entirely too soon to make further " disclosures for the public eye." 
 But now, secresy was ho longer necessary ; the elections have been held ; 
 a federal majority is secured; the administration is thrust into the 
 breach ; the hand is shown ; the card is played ; and the whig trump is 
 to " incorporate the subscribers to the Fiscal Bank of the United States." 
 Sir, if the people of this country decided in the late election against the 
 sub-treasury, (which I deny,) did they decide in favor of a national bank ? 
 They did not. That issue was never made ; the question was never 
 raised ; nor are they now in favor of such an institution. I am aware 
 efforts are being made to foist upon Congress the interested action of a 
 handful of brokers, bankers and speculators, as the popular voice. But the 
 mantle of deception is too flimsy. Gentlemen refer me to what they are 
 pleased to term the mammoth petition from New York, presented to the 
 Senate a few weeks since. Sir, they may term it the mammoth petition, 
 but I christen it the bastard petition ; ay, sir, the illegitimate offspring 
 of illegitimate parents. Sir, it purports to have been signed by some 
 fifteen or twenty thousand petitioners ; whereas, if my information be 
 
EON. FERNANDO WOOD. 
 
 correct, it did not contain eleven thousand ; and four thousand of them 
 were purchased by hired loafers at the corners of streets, at four dollars 
 per hundred. Thus will the mammoth, which took three persons to 
 bring to the capitol, lose more than half of its rotundity, and all of any- 
 thing formidable in its appearance. I have alluded to the three persons 
 who assumed the responsibility of acting as its guards and escorts ; 1 
 should have said committee, for they were dignified by such official cog- 
 nomen by their wire-pullers in Wall street. And who were the members 
 of this committee ? The same - gentlemen who went " cap in hand" to 
 Mr. Biddle, in March, 1837, begging him to save New York from anni- 
 hilation ; and who, in October, 1839, advocated a suspension of specie-, 
 payments by our banks — fit instruments to be the tenders of such a 
 petition. There has also been presented a memorial from the Chamber 
 of Commerce of New York, praying for a similar favor. I have a word 
 to say as to this memorial. Unsophisticated gentlemen, unacquainted 
 with the way in which cliques contrive to manufacture public sentiment, 
 would not think it possible that a memorial coming from such a source 
 could be any other than a representation of the opinion of commercial 
 men ; but, sir, in this instance it is not so. Our Chamber of Commerce 
 is an association of about two hundred gentlemen : there were but fifty- 
 six present, when a resolution was passed to memorialize Congress for a 
 bank: thirty-six voted in favor, and twenty against it. Under' this 
 resolution, a committee of five was appointed to draw a memorial — and 
 were they merchants ? No, sir, there was but one merchant upon that 
 committee. This is not an empty assertion, without authority ; but is 
 the fact, as I will convince the House, by producing their names and 
 occupation. The first-named gentleman was James G. King, senior 
 partner of the house of Prime, Ward, & King, an old-established Wall 
 street banking-house, largely connected with British capitalists and Brit- 
 ish interests — a banker, (or, in common parlance, a broker,) and not a 
 merchant. I intend no disrespect when I characterize him as a broker. 
 This word, in its original and true definition, has nothing disreputable 
 in it ; its present taint has arisin from the fleecing propensities of the 
 modern order of that profession. Among them are many honorable ex- 
 ceptions, and I believe him (Mr. K.) to be one ; but he is not a mer- 
 chant, and, consequently, is not the proper person to speak through the 
 Chamber of Commerce what the mercantile interests of New York re- 
 quire. The next is Mr. James Brown, of the house of Brown, Brothers 
 & C^., another banking establishment, largely connected with capital- 
 
76 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 
 
 ists across the Atlantic, and, as I believe, a partner in a similar firm in 
 Liverpool or London. As a representative of the commercial classes, he 
 is in the same category with the former gentleman. I intend no disre- 
 spect. Well, sir, the third is Mr. James Depeyster Ogden — not a ban- 
 ker, it is true, but a cotton operator — or, in other words, a cotton specu- 
 lator. This gentleman (whom I understand to be a very worthy man) 
 is the author of several labored treatises in favor of a bank, and is the 
 reputed author of the memorial. He is not a merchant, and cannot 
 speak for the merchants of New York. The fourth is Mr. John E. 
 Hard, president of an insurance company, who is also a gentleman of 
 respectability, but not a merchant ; nor can he with propriety speak for 
 the merchants of New York. The fifth, and last, is Mr. William H. 
 Aspiuwall, a bona fide merchant, practically and theoretically, and one 
 of the most enlightened and prosperous of the class. He was the only 
 merchant upon the committee. In connection with this point, I will add, 
 that at the time this cheat was in preparation — this merchants' petition 
 being drawn up by brokers and speculators for the Congressional 
 market — there were conspicuous British bankers in Wall street, 
 anxious observers, if not co-laborers in the movement. Among them 
 might be named Mr. Bates, partner of the celebrated house of Baring, 
 Brothers & Co. ; Mr. Cryder, of the equally celebrated house of Mor- 
 rison, Cryder & Co ; Mr. Palmer, jr., son of Horsley Palmer, now (or 
 late) Governor of the Bank of England. Nor, Mr. Chairman, were 
 these " allies" seen alone in Wall street ; their visits were extended to 
 the Capitol ; and since the commencement of the debate upon this bill 
 in the other House, they have been in the lobbies, attentive and appa- 
 rently interested listeners. I make no comment : comment is unnecessary. 
 I state facts — undeniable facts ; and it is with feelings akin to humilia- 
 tion and shame that I stand up here and state them. 
 
 Sir, the voice from the city of New York in favor of the national 
 bank is from Wall street and its purlieus ; from the brokers, bankers, 
 speculators, and their dependants, and not from the solvent and prudent 
 merchants, or the small traders and mechanics. The merchants of New 
 York, in the aggregate, without reference to party, are opposed to any 
 bank you can create, under any name, with any checks of any character. 
 But, sir, I repeat : suppose the people have decided against the sub- 
 treasury, (which I deny ;) and suppose they decide in favor of a national 
 bank, (which I deny ;) and suppose the people are now in favor of 
 it, (which I deny ;) — will it perform what its friends in Congress promise 
 
fiON. FERNANDO WOOD. 71 
 
 for it ? It will not. We are told, among other benefits to be conferred 
 by its creation, a uniform currency will be established, and exchanges 
 Will be regulated. Gentlemen often revert to the late bank as proof of 
 this assertion. I will take them on that issue, and leave out of the ques- 
 tion, as they unfairly do, the Pennsylvania Bank of the United States. 
 
 It is an error, an unpardonable error, in either practical men or states- 
 men, to say that the late United States Bank produced steadiness of cur- 
 rency, or regular exchanges. In the first commencement, it so inflated 
 the money-market that a revulsion soon followed, which swept off the 
 merchants of the day by thousands. The father of the humble individ- 
 ual who addresses you (said Mr. W.) was one of the unfortunate victims. 
 This revulsion nearly prostrated the bank ; but, by breaking everything 
 else, it saved itself. Its safety was secured by its management fulling 
 into the hands of Mr. Cheves, who took the reins, and saved it from 
 bankruptcy and ruin. An able and impartial writer, who avows him- 
 self in favor of a bank, says, in speaking of the close of Mr. Oi 
 administration : 
 
 " The bank then passed into other hands, and from that time to 1^36 there 
 were no causes developed which threatened a general suspension of the State 
 institutions ; but there were various important minor crises whieh were all more 
 or less aggravated by the action of the Bank of the United States ; and with the 
 causes in operation from 1830 to 1836, (independent of those arisingfrom the war 
 between the Government and the bank,) had its charter been renewed, it would 
 inevitably have failed. These causes are well known : they were chiefly in a series 
 of years of high prices for cotton, of introduction of foreign credit "and capital 
 into the foreign trade of the country, the gradual increase of loans to the States, 
 and the stopping of payments on account of the national debt. The operation of 
 these causes brought in a gradual and continual accession of capital, and t nlarged 
 the basis of credit and confidence in that degree that engagements were infinitely 
 multiplied and business expanded, and together with the immense increase oi 
 Government deposits in the bank, make it all but certain that, utfder its then 
 management and great and increasing circulation and extension, it would have 
 been the first to fail and carry the country with it ; and we believe the time is 
 not far distant when this will be considered beyond question. It behooves us, 
 therefore, if we are to have another bank, to have it so restricted and constructed 
 as to place it out of the power of enterprise or cupidity to endanger its safety, 
 and to lessen the mischief which always accompanies the action of such large 
 bodies in times of difficulty." 
 
 Again : another able writer on finance gives a statement which can- 
 not be controverted. I challenge contradiction here or elsewhere. 
 
 The fact that, for a few years during the existence of the United States Bank, 
 the exchanges were uniform, proves nothing but that a combination of < 
 dinary events tended to produce a greater supply of credit than could for some 
 years be absorded in the regular course of business. These were created partly 
 by the yearly payments of $ 10,000,000 on account of the national debt, which 
 Avent through the United States Bank as the fiscal agent, and the creation of a 
 large amount of State debts that formed the basis of bills. From, the en 
 of the United States Bank in 1817, up to 1823, ihe exchanges were in as bad a 
 condition as they are at this moment. The banks of the south and sob 
 
IS 
 
 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION 05* 
 
 did not pay specie, and the United States Bank bad no power over them. 
 1820, large issues of State stocks commenced, as follows : 
 
 State stocks issued from 1821 to 1830. 
 
 ir< 
 
 commenced-1820 
 
 South Carolina 
 
 - 
 
 $1,560,000 
 
 1823 
 
 Pennsylvania - 
 
 - 
 
 7,980,000 
 
 1823 
 
 Virginia 
 
 * 
 
 1,499,000 
 
 1823 
 
 Alabama 
 
 - 
 
 100,000 
 
 1824 
 
 New York 
 
 - 
 
 8,496,781 
 
 1824 
 
 Louisiana 
 
 . 
 
 1,800,000 
 
 1825 
 
 Ohio 
 
 * 
 
 4,400,000 
 
 
 Total, 
 
 
 25,835,781 
 
 In this we find that nearly every section of the Union had large credits todra-w 5 
 against, created by stork sale-. In these stocks were invested a large amount 
 of the money paid out through the United States Bank to the public creditors. 
 This was an important element in regulating the exchanges ; and as during that 
 period the movements of the bank were confined to tegular business only, there 
 was but little speculation abroad ; and these credits were all to be absorbed in 
 regular business. A sufficiency of bills was thus created that effectually pre- 
 vented any extraordinary rise in rates. Let us now see the movements of the 
 bank during the whole existence, as follows : 
 
 Bank of the Um rganization up to January, 1841. 
 
 Year. 
 
 -Jan.", 1817 
 1818 
 1819 
 1820 
 1821 
 1822 
 1823 
 1824 
 1825 
 182G 
 1827 
 1828 
 1829 
 1830 
 1831! 
 1832 
 1833! 
 1834! 
 1835' 
 1836 
 1837 
 1838 
 1839 
 1840 
 1841 
 
 April, 1841 
 
 Loans. 
 
 41,181, 
 
 35,78b. 
 
 30,905. 
 30,736. 
 
 30,938 
 33,682, 
 39,219, 
 
 44,022, 
 66,293. 
 61,695 
 
 54.911 
 51,808 
 59,232 
 57,393 
 45,258 
 41,618 
 36,839 
 20,942 
 19,349 
 
 750 
 203 
 
 169 
 t32 
 
 617 
 52] 
 
 836 
 905 
 602 
 
 707 
 913 
 461 
 739 
 
 145 
 709 
 
 571 
 
 .137 
 5!)3 
 ,508 
 ,079 
 
 ■ Specie. Circulation. Deposits. 
 
 !9,234 
 
 9.475, 932 
 
 7,391 
 
 7,192,980 
 
 9,155, 
 13,318,951 
 11,018,552 
 10,87, 
 18,422,027 
 18,303,501 
 17,764.35! 
 17.(52: 
 [16,099,09* 
 11.010.-. 
 ' 8,69 
 
 2,200 
 
 14,862,108 
 17.957,497 
 16,316,419 
 
 10.822,717 
 10.913,240 
 
 $1,724,109 
 
 2.515.949 
 2,666.690 
 3.392,755 
 7.043.140 
 4,701.299 
 4,424,874 
 5.813,694 
 0.740,952 
 3.960,158 
 6,457,161 
 6,170,045 
 0.098,138 
 ;. 08,076 
 10,808.040 
 7,038,023 
 8,951,847 
 10.031,257 
 15.708,369 
 3,417,988' 
 2,638,449; 
 3.770,842) 
 4,153,607' 
 1,469,674 ; 
 2,569,705 
 756,4541 
 
 81,911,200 
 
 8.339.448 
 
 6,563,750! 
 
 3,589,481 
 
 4,567,053 
 
 5.578,782 
 
 4.361.058 
 
 4,647,071 
 
 0.008,394 
 
 9,474,987 
 
 8.549,409 
 
 9,855,677 
 
 11,901,656 
 
 12.924,145 
 
 16,251,267 
 
 21,355,724 
 
 17.518.217 
 
 19.208,379 
 
 17,339.797 
 
 23,075.422 
 
 11.477,968 
 
 6,768,067 
 
 5.982,621 
 
 6,695,861 
 
 7,1*7,517 
 
 3,294,576 
 
 #11. 233,021 
 
 12.279,207 
 
 5,792,809 
 
 0.508.794 
 
 7.984,985 
 
 8.075,152 
 
 7,022,340 
 
 13,701,936 
 
 12,033,364 
 
 11,214,640 
 
 14,320,186 
 
 14,497,330 
 
 17,461,918 
 
 16,045,782 
 
 17,297,041 
 
 22,761.434 
 
 20,347,749 
 
 10,828,550 
 
 11,756,905 
 
 5,061,456 
 
 2.332,409 
 
 2.010.713 
 
 6.779,394 
 
 3,328.521 
 
 2.970,069 
 
 1,462,239 
 
HON. FERNANDO WOOD. ' ?9 
 
 We find here that, from 1819 to the election of General Jackson in 1828, the 
 discounts of the bank varied but little, and never ran so high as its capital. In 
 1828 it increased its loans $6,000,000, and iu each successive year up to 1832, 
 there was a large increase of loans and a decrease in stocks. For a period of 
 five years there is no return made of stock, but in that time large loans were 
 made on stocks. In March, 1835, these loans were $4,797,936 ; and in March, 
 1836, they were $20,000,000. In March, 1835, the loans by the exchange com- 
 mittee commenced, and ran from $6,000,000 to $8,000,000 in two years. In all 
 this period speculation ran very high. The State loans created from 1830 to 1835 
 were as follows : 
 
 State stock created from 1830 to 1835. 
 Louisiana $7,335,000 
 
 Mississippi $2,000,000 
 
 Tennessee 500,000 
 
 Illinois 600,000 
 
 Virginia 686,000 
 
 Maine 554,976 
 
 New York 2,204,979 
 
 Alabama 2,200,000 
 
 Indiana 1.890,000 
 
 Ohio 1,701,000 
 
 Maryland 4,210,311 
 
 Pennsylvania ..... 16,130,003 
 
 Total $40,012,769 
 
 United States Bank bills were paid out on those stocks to a great extent, and 
 they thereby got an immense circulation, which ranged near $23,000,000 in 1836. 
 The credits created thereby went far to support the exchanges. In 1832 the 
 immense fund that had yearly been thrown oft by the payments on the public debt 
 ceased by an extinguishment. In 1833 the deposits were removed, and the bank 
 proceeded to curtail the loans on mercantile paper ; and as it did so, employed 
 its funds on stock loans. Hence the discounts in 1835 had decreased $15,000,000, 
 and the stock loans, according to the late committee report, were $20,000,000, 
 while the specie had accumulated to $15,000,000. In 1838, according to the 
 table, there was a further reduction of $14,000,000 in discounts, and an increase 
 of $15,000,000 in the stock account. In the following year the same feature was 
 apparent. The whole contraction of loans from 1833 to the present time is $49,- 
 000,000, which of course was good. The remaining $19,000,000 is the refuse ; 
 and when we take into consideration the circumstances of its creation, it maybe 
 put down as worthless. The late report states that " very little of it is mercan- 
 tile paper." The details of these bills would be very interesting. 
 
 From 1835 to 1833 the creation of State stock amounted to ,$103,423,808, 
 almost all the States participating. Under the inflation of the bank, the ficti- 
 tious business had become so great a-4 to absorb all the bills based upon these cred- 
 its. The banks stopped, their paper became depreciated, and the exchanges 
 fell into confusion. 
 
 Although the bank called in its loans on regular paper after 1833, it reloaned 
 the money on stocks. The officers speculated with it in all kinds of ways, and 
 when, in 1836, the charter was to be paid for, the bank was obliged to borrow 
 $5,000,000 in London, and 12,500,000 francs in France. The creation of stock 
 gave to each section an excess "of credit on the financial centre of the Union, 
 that of itself regulated exchanges, and would have done so in the hands of private 
 dealers, without a national bank ; and exchanges would have worked as regularly 
 as they do throughout Europe without any bank. 
 
 Now, sir, let us hear no more of the beneficent operation of the old 
 bank. It is dead, but its disasterous consequences still live. 
 
 We need not a Government bank to regulate exchanges ; they are re- 
 gulated by the inimitable laws of nature — by supply and demand- 
 
80 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 
 
 Artificial remedies for currency disorders are like artificial stimulants to 
 the prostrate animal — the resuscitation,, to be permanent and healthful. 
 must be produced by the inherent vigor of the system, which depends 
 upon the inherent vitality of itself. What is exchange ? It is simply 
 the transfer of property or its representative. If banks confine their 
 business to the legitimate objects of their creation— making loans upon 
 short bona-lide business paper, and no other— exchanges cannot be de- 
 ranged, because then the notes discounted represent commodity ; capital 
 is loaned, and not credit— which, as all writers on commercial banking 
 agree, is the only thing a bank should loan. We require nothing to reg- 
 ulate exchanges, if our nine hundred banks do their duty ; but if they 
 will only in part perform it-M>rie portion of the country suspending, 
 and the other paying specie — the exchanges will become disturbed, and 
 human ingenuity cannot devise a national bank to remedy the difficulty. 
 But, sir, granting that every merit you claim for a national bank was 
 well founded, and that it would perform allt he beneficent action prom- 
 ised, ifcannot be put into successful operation, nor can it ever obtain 
 public confidence. The people of our country have had a surfeit of 
 their banking system. Of all the evils of corrupt legislation, the crea- 
 tion of banks, whether State or national, has been the worst. I think 
 the assertion can be established, that nearly, if not all the periodical 
 derangement in our monetary affairs has had its origin in it. Banks 
 appear to be the instruments selected by man to subvert God's blessings. 
 Look abroad upon the face of our beautiful country ; see its expanse of 
 empire, stretching almost from the rising to the setting of the sun ; its 
 climate of every variety — the soft zephyrs of the south, and stern frigid- 
 ity of the lrtn-th ; its soil sending forth spontaneously, almost without 
 the force of man's labor, the ricKesI products of earth's bosom; its 
 bounteous supply of rivers for navigation, and watering streams for til- 
 lage ; its mighty oak, for the construction of the world's commerce, and 
 the skill an;l energy for its speedy monoply. And were these not given — 
 had God not lavished upon us these gilts— look at the governmental 
 I to us by " the sires of whom we are the degenerate 
 posteri' its adaptation to our physical and mental being; its 
 
 invisible* operation upon our cohesion and fraternity. Again: see the 
 cur strong arms, native intellects, and indomitable enter- 
 prise, raising us aloft in all the attributes of gifted man ; but, alas! turn* 
 ed upon ourselves, the weapons of our own destruction — the engines by 
 which we perpetrate a suicide upon our own prosperity. It is ours ■! I esj 
 
HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 81 
 
 then, and not God, who produce, by the creation of credit, and not capi- 
 tal, the evils of which we complain. The munificent Bestower of all 
 blessings has allotted to our portion of his domain, fair verdure, con- 
 genial climate, and individual adaptation of character ; but by our own 
 hands have we fallen victims to the abuse of what was intended as bless- 
 ings, sacrificed by legislation, destroyed by turning our back upon the 
 benevolence of God, looking to banks and not industry. 
 
 Sir, do you know what banks have cost the people ? I will show 
 you. 
 
 In a report made to this House by the Committee of Ways and 
 Means in 1830. it was estimated that, previous to 1817, the Government 
 lost by loans made to it in depreciated currency, and 
 
 paid in specie $33,000,000 
 
 The late Secretary of the Treasury, in a report to 
 the Senate, tells us that, since then, the Government 
 
 has lost 15,492,000 
 
 That the people have lost directly by bank failures - 108,885.721 
 Losses by suspensions of specie payments by banks, 
 and consequent depreciation on their notes - - - - 95,000,000 
 
 Losses by destruction of bank-notes by accidents - - 7,121,332 
 
 Losses by counterfeit bank-notes, beyond losses by 
 
 coin -- 4,444,444 
 
 Losses by fluctuations in bank currency affecting 
 prices, extravagance in living, sacrifices of property, and 
 by only a part of the other incidents to the banking 
 system, not computed above, at least ------ 150,000,000 
 
 413,943,497 
 
 But, sir, we do not stop here. This is an enormous aggregate, but 
 this is not all. The losses by fictitious banks and their notes — opera- 
 tions of mere swindling — are very considerable ; and they are justly 
 chargeable to our system of paper currency. Besides, there are frauds, 
 robberies, and defalcations, connected with the banks, which might be 
 properly set down under this head ; but these are not easy to compute. 
 
 The amount paid by the country to the banks, during the last ten 
 years, for the use of their agency and their notes, after deducting six 
 per cent, interest for the use of bank capital and the reasonable expen- 
 ses of managing the banks, is computed at $94,000,000 
 
 Being an annual sum of - - 9,400.000 
 
 6 
 
82 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 
 
 Of the aggregate losses sustained by the community since 1789, Mr. 
 Woodbury computes that there must have happened within the last ten 
 years an amount of -' $200,000,000 
 
 Which is at the annual rate of 20,000,000 
 
 Is not this a frightful exhibit of what banks have cost the people ? 
 But it is not all. Where is the gatherer of statistics who will attempt 
 to compute the losses sustained by men who, seduced from the small 
 earnings of an honest avocation, have been ensnared into the temptation 
 of a bank discount ? What master hand shall delineate the wreck of 
 morals and loss of character, to say nothing of domestic happiness, pro- 
 duced thereby ? Who will furnish us a record of the defalcations, for- 
 geries, dishonest self-appropriations, with which our press is almost daily 
 teeming ? Sir, these are evils of the system. The wisdom of this, or any 
 other country, never created banks, as such, without these concomitants. 
 These evils appear to be a necessary consequence — a certain result. Is 
 it not strange, then, we find in this House advocates for a bank as an 
 agent of the Government — as a keeper of the public finances — men 
 willing to strike from existence a law with which they have not, and 
 cannot, justly find fault ; and place in its stead one, the result of which 
 all experience proves is pregnant with the worst of evils — the very im- 
 personation of national disaster ? 
 
 But, sir, in conclusion let me say, Go on — pass this bill — charter your 
 bank — fasten this iniquity upon the country ; the mighty shout of repeal 
 has gone forth from my lion-hearted constituency. Ay ! repeal ! repeal ! ! 
 repeal ! ! ! From that ground from whence first floated to the winds the 
 bright banner of " Divorce of Bank and State" — borne aloft by the stout 
 arms and honest hearts of the down-trodden but indignant masses — now 
 is heard, trumpet-tongued, the voice of repeal. New York has spoken — 
 she never speaks in vain. I echo her voice in these halls. It is the 
 proudest moment of my life that I have been the first in this debate to , 
 ring into the ears of great men's satellites — " Bind the chains of this 
 bank upon us, and the Democracy will rend them asunder by a speedy 
 repeal of its charter." 
 
HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 83 
 
 SPEECH OF MAYOR WOOD DS CONGRESS, 
 
 ON THE 
 
 OPERATION OF THE TARIFF LAWS. 
 Delivered Feb. 9, 1842. 
 
 Mr. Saltonstall, from the Committee on Manufactures, reported the 
 following resolution : — 
 
 Resolved, That the Committee oil Manufactures be authorized to semi for wit' 
 nesses and take testimony on the subject of the present tariff laws, their opera- 
 tion upon the interests of the country, and the alterations which those interests 
 require : 
 
 Which being under consideration, 
 
 Mr. Wood rose, and addressed the House, in substance as follows : 
 Mr. Speaker : I am in favor of all information which it is possi- 
 ble to gather upon this important question, and desire, as earnestly as 
 any gentleman, that every legal and just means be taken to procure it. 
 I am willing to go far, very far, to obtain light, for none more than my- 
 self believes it is required. Of all questions affecting individual and 
 Government interests, directly or indirectly, that is paramount ; therefore 
 light should be had, that we may legislate knowingly and understand- 
 ingly. This House, of all the world, requires it. The discussion of the 
 revenue bill of last session and motion of reference of the tariff portion 
 of the President's message this session, have convinced me we have too 
 little of the requisite knowledge. We are lamentably ignorant of the 
 practical operation of our import system, or in what respect it needs modi- 
 fication or alteration. The country is in want of light. The manufactur- 
 ing districts should have the light of reason and experience, to show 
 them the fallacy of submitting their interests to the control and jurisdiction 
 of demagogues. And from whence must it come ? From practical men ; 
 of all classes, professions and occupations. The dreamy theorist of the 
 old world, or one-sided, interested advocates of this, cannot, if they 
 would, impart it to us. It must be drawn from a philosophic study and 
 comparison of facts, and not from inventive political economists. We 
 must go into an investigation as expansive and deep as will be the bear- 
 ing of our decision upon the interests of the people and prosperity of 
 the Government. All men must give us the result of their experience. 
 In disposing of a question which involves every interest — the ramifica- 
 
84 life and public administration of 
 
 tions of which extend to every man, woman and child in the nation-- 
 which is inseparably connected with and controls the public Treasury, a 
 precise and positive knowledge is unquestionably indispensable. 
 
 There must be no surmises ; no guessing, no speculation. Facts, 
 indisputable and beyond impeachment, must be the basis of our action. 
 I would examine the merchant. I would ask him how and in what 
 manner a high tariff affects commerce ; whether a tariff sufficiently high 
 for protection is not inconsistent with a tariff' for revenue ; whether 
 tariffs should be discriminating or an unvarying ad valorem ; how the 
 English warehousing system, and the proposed home valuation, would be 
 adapted to this country, and what rate of duties would best prevent 
 smuggling and other invasions of the revenue laws, and the other numer- 
 ous inquiries of detail. I would ask the agriculturist under which system, 
 high or low duties, the native products of the soil would find the most 
 advantageous market ; whether he" was willing to pay an additional tax 
 upon implements of husbandry, not to raise revenue by which to meet 
 necessary national disbursements, but add to the already large profits of 
 manufacturers ; and whether a restrictive duty on foreign importations 
 would not in time cut off much of the foreign demand for his own pro- 
 ductions? The manufacturer should be consulted. I would ask him 
 whether, without protection, under low duties, with a business ensuring 
 a fair remuneration, his interest would be subserved by encouraging the 
 competition and rivalry of speculating adventurers ; if in those countries 
 of Europe where the restrictive policy had been thrown off, the manufac- 
 turers had not surely flourished in proportion to advantages of material 
 and labor ; and if American manufacturers cannot subsist and flourish 
 without the aid of Government, by what right does it demand a tax upon 
 the whole industrial as well as non-producing population lor its particular 
 benefit. I would ask whether he was ready to admit that, with our free 
 institutions, superior industry, ingenuity, and advantages of home-raised 
 raw material, we could not compete with European monarchies. And I 
 would now appeal to the consumer of all classes and occupations — to the 
 backwoodsman of the Far AVest, and the sturdy operative of the At- 
 lantic cities. 
 
 Of the hardy pioneer, whose capital is as much in the axe as the 
 sinews which deal the blows, I would learn how \*d is affected ! Whether 
 he is witling the instruments with which he levels the mighty oak of the 
 forest, and the weapons with which he. drives its original owners from 
 their coverts, may be taxed to build up and cherish Eastern monopolizing, 
 
HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 85 
 
 manufacturing corporations. Sir, in part, I have the honor to repre- 
 sent a large manufacturing district ; for I contend that he who planes a 
 board, or makes a shoe, or constructs any work of art or mechanism 
 from prepared or raw material is as much a manufacturer as the denizens 
 of your New England associations, and should be as much consulted. 
 To the manufacturers, or, in another word, the mechanics of the city of 
 New York, I would apply — I would ask them whether they desire that 
 the doctrine of protection be put into practical operation, and that the 
 fostering care of Government be exerted for their particular benefit, to 
 the detriment of every other class, and destruction of our present means 
 of raising revenue ? Whether they are willing to carry out the princi- 
 ples of the Home League, by paying thirty dollars for a coat which 
 previously had cost but twenty-five ? I know them too well to do them 
 . the injustice not to anticipate their answer. They require no protection 
 but the reward of honest industry. They come not to your halls for fos- 
 <-are. If there is a favor they would ask or accept at your hands, 
 it is non-interference — to let them alone — to cease your officious inter* 
 meddling, and, least of all, keep away the protection of a high tariff, 
 which they look upon as 
 
 ' Such protection as vultures give to lambs — 
 Covering and devouring them." 
 
 They will turn to you and say, " Gentlemen, last session you squandered 
 the public treasure upon bankrupt, profligate States, giving away, in a 
 corrupt bargain, that which cost our father's blood and treasure, and 
 now come to us with the conciliatory notes of kindness, with a base bribe 
 to buy our favor. We will none of it. We question that the policy of 
 high duties is beneficial to us ; but we know, if it were so, that it is iniqui- 
 tous, anti-Democratic, and unequal We have principles dearer to us 
 than pecuniary advantage. We. would not have you destroy the har- 
 mony of the glorious and beautiful Union, or do aught to impair the 
 fabric of our political existence, to put in our pockets the wealth of the 
 Indies. We are no dollar and cent patriots ; they may be found in your 
 marble palaces, but not in our obscure workshops. It is true we pro- 
 duce everything and get nothing, and you produce nothing and get every- 
 thing ; yet your injustice to us shall not compel us to be unjust to oth- 
 ers." This would be their answer, as it would, if I mistake not, the 
 answer of the same class throughout the Union. 
 
 Sir, I am in favor of getting, in this manner, the facts upou which to 
 base our action, but object to the medium through which it is pro- 
 
86 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 
 
 posed by this resolution to procure them. I am not willing to trust the 
 Committee on Manufactures, as now organized, with the power of making 
 those inquiries ; better have no investigation, and depend upon the lights 
 of our own experience, than be fatally misled. In searching for facts, 
 Jet us beware of false facts. If we desire to enter the haven safely, let 
 us take pilots whose interest or enmity will not drive us upon the beach, 
 I cannot give my vote to entrust this responsible and important duty to 
 the Committee on Manufactures. 
 
 It is no small part of our legislative rights that this resolution asks 
 shall be given them. Under an ingenious construction of the Constitu- 
 tion, power can be found in it to do almost anything, in the name of the 
 House of Representatives of the United States ; it can command the 
 attendance of witnesses, whether for real or pretended examination, and 
 institute an inquisitorial scrutiny into accounts and papers. In many 
 ways it can, if it will, encroach upon the rights and property of citizens. 
 Nor is this all. Admitting no individual rights were violated; I ask if 
 it is, as now composed, two-thirds of its members having prejudged, 
 representing constituents loudly clamorous for protection ; I ask, is it the 
 proper committee to undertake this inquiry ? It is truly and emphati- 
 cally a committee for protection. Let us look into the districts of a 
 majority of the members. The honorable chairman (Mr. Saltoxstall) 
 has, in the two counties which he is set down in the Congressional Direc- 
 tory as representing, 19,5G7 persons engaged in manfactures and trades. 
 
 [Here Mr. Saltoxstall inquired of Mr. TVood what portion of them 
 were engaged in mechanics, and what portion in trading. He said his 
 district was commercial, agricultural, and navigating, and that he pre- 
 mised the gentleman from New York (Mr. W.) was mistaken in his 
 district.] 
 
 Mr. Speaker, for the counties composing the gentleman's district. I 
 quote from the Congressional Directory, furnished to this House by its 
 officers, and for the statistics from the sixth census, recently taken. I 
 presume the authority is good — it has never before been questioned. The 
 next member is the gentleman from Rhode Island. Mr. [Tilling hast] 
 In the county of his residence, (Providence,) I find there arc 
 sons engaged in manufactures and trades, although its whole industrial 
 population, including all employments and professions, is but 'J 
 The gentleman and one colleague represent the whole State, in whiclj 
 there are but five counties. So in truth he is the representative of, it is 
 safe to estimate, in all. at least double that number. The next on the 
 
HON. FERNANDO WOOD. St 
 
 committee is the gentleman from New Jersey, [Mr. Randolph.]. Him- 
 self and five colleagues are elected by general ticket. He lias no district. 
 The whole State had 27,004 engaged in manufactures and trades, which, 
 giving him one-sixth, make him the representative of over 4,500. 
 
 We come now, sir, to the distinguished advocate of high protection 
 and Abolition, the gentleman of Vermont, (Mr. Slade.) He is set down 
 as representing Rutland and Addison counties, which have, together, 
 2,232 of the same class. The fifth is my colleague from Rensselaer 
 county,. (Mr. Hunt,) who has 4,787 in his district. The sixth is the gen- 
 tleman from Pennsylvania, (Mr. Henry,) who represents -2,612. There 
 are but nine members on the committee. The branches of industry and 
 principal business of the constituency of six of them, are here shown. 
 They are gentlemen elected to this House by manufacturing districts, 
 for the avowed purpose of procuring from Congress a high tariff for 
 protection. They are fully committed to the advocacy of such a law. 
 Had they not been, their seats would now have other occupants. They 
 could not have been elected holding opinions adverse to the opinions of 
 their people. Those opinions have been repeatedly expressed, accom- 
 panied by uncompromising demands of protection. I repeat, therefore, 
 this is a committee of protection— for an ultra high tariff. 
 
 Now, sir, is this the proper medium through which to collect the 
 necessary information to guide us to a fair, equal and wise disposition 
 of the tariff question ? It is not ! A large majority of its members 
 would go into the investigation, with interests and prejudices misleading 
 their judgments and controlling their decisions. •Local preferences 
 would be consulted. The'political power which created and can destroy, 
 would have the preponderance. That comprehensive view of this wide- 
 spread country, with its diversified and delicate interests, could not be 
 taken. All classes and occupations would not alike be called upon for 
 evidence ; nor would the evidence collected receive dispassionate consider- 
 ation. A report would be made to us and go forth to the country, with 
 all the authority of a Congressional document, with false inductions from 
 doubtful facts. Is the House prepared to give this power to the men 
 who ask it ?— to place in the custody of the representatives' of one class 
 the vital interest of all other classes. Will the people support us in it 
 if we do ? I think not. The gentleman from Rhode Island (Mr. Tilling- 
 hast) tells us the power is safely entrusted, for we give it to honorable 
 men. It may be so. I question no man's honor ; but has the honorable 
 gentleman forgotten that the most beautiful object in nature will appear 
 
88 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 
 
 hideous if seen through a jaundiced vision? How often have men's 
 passions made the brightest truth seem to them the foulest falsehood ? 
 "Who does not remember the error, misery, and bloodshed, which, have 
 been perpetrated in the world by counsels that had prejudged ? Or is 
 the judicature of the holy inquisition forgotten, whose victims passed 
 through the form and ceremonies of trial, before judges, who. out of their 
 own evidences, adjudged the innocent to torture ? But, that the applica- 
 tion be more direct, who would willingly submit a cause at common law 
 to the decision of a jury of opponents ? or what member of this House 
 would like his general veracity tested by the testimony of personal 
 enemies ? 
 
 The case is plain. The Committee on Manufactures are one-sided 
 and partial. We must have an unbiassed investigation or none. We 
 want light, not darkness ; and, sir, it is not the evil which may be 
 inflicted now, the erroneous opinions that may spring up in an honest 
 community at this time, or the improper turn to be given to present 
 legislation, that excites all my fears. I look to posterity. It is our 
 duty to the " generations which come after us," not to hang out false 
 lights. Legislators are wedded to precedents and the quotations of au- 
 thorities. Hand not down to our children the record of their fathers 
 prostituting everything to mammon. This report would become a por- 
 tion of our parliamentary history, and go to the world and after ages as 
 a statement of facts with warranted inference. It will gain force by 
 time. Hereafter, when years may have obliterated the data by which to 
 expose its fallacies, it will become, if not an absolute law, certainly a 
 powerful weapon with which to perpetuate the evil now effected. These 
 are important considerations. 
 
 But. Mr. Speaker, suppose the objections here • urged against the 
 present character of the committee cease to operate by changing its 
 members. Let us imagine it freed from the charges I bring — in all 
 things irreproachable and unimpeachable, without prejudice, interest, or 
 passion. Is there time at this cession to perform the work ? There is 
 not. Witnesses are to be summoned from beyond the White Mountains 
 in the East — from the Texian border in the South — the frozen regions 
 of the North, and the forests and priaries of the West — American citi- 
 zens, alike interested in our impost system of taxation, are to be drawn 
 from their homes, separated by more than a thousand leagues. Innumer- 
 able questions of detail, as well as general principles, are to be asked 
 practical merchants from different seaports. An almost incredible 
 
HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 
 
 89 
 
 amount of commercial intelligence is necessary to commence the basis of 
 the proposed structure, and it can only come from the enlightened of 
 those who have learned by experience. This is a wide field of investi- 
 gation, demanding careful and exact inquiry. The manufacturers have 
 much to impart ; they have honest differences upon cardinal points, which 
 should be entertained and reconciled ; their several classes are to be 
 consulted. The agriculturists would have mighty claims upon our atten- 
 tion : this noble art is cultivated in our country by near four million 
 inhabitants, whose rapidly increasing prosperity begins to look for out- 
 lets in foreign markets. Of all the avocations of man, tilling the soil 
 is most legitimate, and in accordance with his nature. It should be 
 guaranteed° the full earnings of his labor, and the imposition of indirect 
 taxes be freed from unequal exactions. 
 
 Is it possible to thoroughly perform this duty in the most extended 
 time allowable at this session? How long do the majority intend to 
 keep us at the Capitol? Reference was made yesterday to the report of 
 Mr. Hume to the British house of Commons, It is argued that that 
 report had been the work of far less time than was necessary in our 
 instance. I am glad the advocates of this resolution have alluded to 
 that precedent. If they are so chained to the examples of British legis- 
 lation, I wish them more judgment in their selections. For myself, I 
 repudiate the policy of drawing upon English habits and English customs, 
 whether social or political. I desire that some of these days we may 
 become less dependent and menial. I know it is said, by the friends of 
 Britain upon this side of the Atlantic— and she has many— that our 
 interests are inseparable. I deny it. The true interest of America is 
 to sever all connection with the worn-out and rotten monarchies of 
 Europe— to be as independent in Iter pecuniary relations as she is glori- 
 ously independent in her political relations. As she rests upon no nation 
 on earth to assist her in maintaining and carrying out the undying truths 
 of Democracy, so should she rest on no nation on earth in assisting 
 her in the simple walks of Republican legislation. We have the examples 
 set us by the able and patriotic sires of their country. Our own few 
 Congressional archives will furnish guides enough for the full delibera- 
 tion of laws adapted to freemen. When we go back again to bondage, 
 I will not complaiu of gentlemen who seek to adopt the rules of bondsmen 
 to the abeyance of freed men. But Mr. Hume's report has been referred 
 to. I accept the issue. What are the particulars of its history ? On 
 the 6th of ^Tay, 1840, by a resolution of the House of Commons, a select 
 
90 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 
 
 committee was appointed, on motion of Mr. Hume, " to inquire into the 
 several duties levied on imports into the United Kingdom, and how far 
 those duties are for protection to similar articles, the product of -manu- 
 facture of this (Great Britain) country, or of the British possessions 
 abroad, or whether the duties are for the purposes of revenue alone ; and 
 to report the minutes of evidence taken, to the House." Upon this com- 
 mittee were nine of the most prominent and able members of the Com- 
 mons, at the head of which was Mr. Hume, the author of the proposition. 
 I have no data of the day upon which it entered upon its duties, but 
 suppose, as the session had far advanced, it commenced immediately. 
 Twenty-nine witnesses were examined, each of whom was a resident of 
 London ; not a man was summond from beyond the precincts of the 
 capitol. Those who gave testimony were at the door ; but few practical 
 men underwent examination, and in no instance was the investigation 
 lengthy or full. Notwithstanding these favorable circumstances to a 
 short and speedy termination, the sittings were continued until the 6th 
 of August, precisely three months from the day of commencement. Nor 
 were the committee satisfied they had accomplished the objects of their 
 creation. TVe have the recorded minutes to show they were not. At 
 the last meeting, when the report was formally decided upon, Sir 
 C. Douglass, a member, offered the following amendment : "' To strike out 
 all after the first word of the report, and insert : ' the evidence, although 
 partial and limited, is of so various and valuable a character, that your 
 committee do not feel they should be justified in expressing any opinion 
 founded on the expressions it is calculated to create. Tour committee 
 consider that further information ought to be afforded, before they can 
 make any recommendation as the result of their labors, and consequently 
 they do not hesitate to suggest the ^reappointment of a committee, early 
 in the next session, to continue the investigation of this important sub- 
 ject.' " And in the report, as finally adopted and presented to the House, 
 I find an admission that, " owing to " the period of the session at which 
 the inquiry was begun, the committee have not been able to embrace 
 all the several branches which come within the scope of their instruc- 
 tions." If gentlemen can find encouragement here to vote a similar 
 proposition under auspices as far adverse to the procuration of reliable 
 results as can well be, then their confidence in miracles is much greater 
 than my own. Mr. Hume's committee set three months, in which it 
 examined twenty-nine witnesses, every man of whom was within an 
 hour's call, and finally made an admitted ex parte report, without having 
 
HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 91 
 
 touched " several branches which come within the scope of their instruc- 
 tions." Now, sir, bow long would it take our Committee on Manufac- 
 tures, whose witnesses must be called from far-distant sections of our 
 empire, and whose inquiries must embrace the feelings, views and predi- 
 lections of people as opposite in sentiment as they are distant in geo- 
 graphical position? If the London investigation took three months, 
 how long ought ours, pro rata ? Further argument upon this point 
 would be an insult to your understandings. It is obvious there is not 
 time to carry out this scheme properly, were, it possible to do so with 
 such a committee, and make a report for action at this session of Con- 
 gress. Dog days would be upon us before these gentlemen's gathered 
 light would throw its rays upon this benighted body, and it would be 
 really August when their august dignities were prepared to render an 
 account of their stewardship. 
 
 Mr. Speaker, my friend from Teunessee (Mr. Brown) who addressed us 
 yesterday, informed the House that the committee (of which he is a worthy 
 member, and to his credit let me add, is opposed to this imprudent request,) 
 have been already receiving volunteer information. They have been 
 anticipating our action by opening the doors of their committee-room 
 to the swarms of hungry applicants for favor who invest this city. I 
 know not by what authority this is done. But with authority or not, 
 it cannot influence my opinions. If it is volunteer testimony they inquire, 
 I doubt not it will be supplied. Every mail from the East is loaded with 
 circulars and letters from parties having dollars and cents at stake. 
 "Where direct advantage follows the enactment of laws, there is no lack 
 of disinterested patriotism to volunteer assistance. The doctrine of free 
 trade is called an abstraction ; if so, he gives no prospects of practical 
 personal gain, and, therefore, has few energetic, spirited advocates, who 
 will travel hundreds of miles to the Capitol, to enforce upon law-makers 
 its truths. The" volunteer assistance procured by the committee will 
 come from the disinterested patriotism of those who desire the prohibition, 
 by high duties, of the commodity which they themselves manufacture. 
 
 One other objection. This investigation, if instituted, should be by 
 joint commission of both Houses. "We are joint in action ! — dependent 
 upon each other in the final passages of laws. The information is as 
 necessary for the Senate as ourselves. It is not my purpose to detain 
 the House longer with arguments against this resolution. I have already 
 said more than was my intention at rising, but less than I believe the 
 subject demands. I have attempted to show (with what success the 
 
92 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 
 
 House will decide) that an impartial and an instructive report, really 
 useful as a guide to our legislation, cannot follow the deliberations and 
 searchings of this committee — that it is one-sided, and has prejudged 
 the case upon which it desires to act the umpire — that there is not 
 time, were it without these objections. 
 
 Mr. Speaker, if I were to follow the example of some learned gentlemen, 
 members of this House, I would now proceed and discuss the merits of 
 the tariff question. But believing such deviation from " order" is " better 
 in the breach than the observance," I shall withhold. At the proper 
 time, when the great question is legitimately before us, I hope to be 
 allowed to give my views. Then I shall attempt its discussion in every 
 one of its multiplicity of phases. In advance, I beg leave to give notice 
 that when a bill is reported, I shall, to the extent of my ability, impress 
 upou>the House the following points : — 
 
 1st. Special laws, granting exclusive privileges, or encouragment to particular 
 classes or professions, are unequal, and consequently unjust, and in violation of 
 the genius of our institutions, and of the Constitution. A protective tariff is of 
 this class. 
 
 2d. Protective duties are high duties laid upon foreign products, whether man- 
 ufactured or raw, to prevent their importation at prices less than the same pro- 
 ducts of our own country, and must, to be effectual, be mostly prohibitory. Now, 
 as the impost system of taxation was originally adopted to raise revenue to de- 
 fray national expenditures, and as a high tariff is an abolition of revenue, some 
 other mode of taxation must be devised. What shall that mode be ? 
 
 3d. But if a tariff for protection was consistent with a tariff for revenue, and 
 both would follow the same regulation of imposts, yet would it be suicidal to 
 commerce. For if it is true that decreased importations, by the oper ition of an 
 increased duty, will pay the same revenue, yet commerce suffers; additionally 
 from the fact, that the excluded nations would seek out other buyers, and of 
 course other markets fur purchase. . 
 
 4th. A hish ilnty is a tax upon the consumer to the amount of duty paid upon 
 the foreign article,, and whilst it increases the price of the home-made article to 
 that of the foreign, yet in the former instance (the home-made) the increased 
 price goes into the pockets of manufacturers, and not into the Treasury; there- 
 fore, if the object of protection was fully attained, of excluding the competition 
 of foreign commodity, and supplying its place solely with home-made, the seven- 
 teen millions of consumers would be extra taxed, over and above the necessary 
 expenses of Government, for the benefit of the less than eight hundred thousand 
 engaged in manufactures and trades. 
 
 5ih Protection is injurious to manufactures. It restricts its market to home 
 consumption, for other nations will retaliate the policy of exclusion, and if they 
 do not, the enhanced price of our manufactures would prevent their competing 
 
HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 93 
 
 With other countries ; and would raise a vigorous, speculating competition at 
 home, which would destroy the present progressive prosperity by inducing to 
 enter the business, men without principle or fortune. 
 
 6th. Commerce is the greatest protection to manufactures, and high duties are 
 destructive of commerce. For high duties discourage importations, induce 
 other nations to turn to manufacturing, which before were coutent to purchase 
 by exchange of raw materials ; encourage smuggling and other evasions of the 
 revenue laws ; cause similar restrictions upon our productions of the soil, and 
 onerous port charges and vexatious maritime regulations. 
 
 7th. The protective policy is hostile to the prosperity and good condition of 
 the laboring manufacturer. It is an extended commerce, which co-equally ex- 
 tends the field of labor, a free, untrammelled interchange of commodity with the 
 whole universe, and the entire absence of all legislative interference or bounties, 
 that labor will find its best reward, and industry its best protection. 
 
 8th. The spirit of the age is tending toward free trade. The nations of 
 Europe have recently become anxious inquirers into its political and social ad- 
 vantages. The general assimlation of customs regulation, the mutual depend- 
 ence of an unfettered intercourse, the beautiful and harmonious working of a 
 Bystem beyond the control of ambition or avarice, would in time biud mankind 
 in bonds of "amity, good* will, and peace," driving war and famine forever from 
 the world. 
 
 Note — After Mr. Wood had concluded, Mr. Williams of North Carolina (Whig) 
 moved the resolution do lie upon the table; which motion, on the next morning, 
 was put and carried, by 108 to 79. 
 
94 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 
 
 SPEECH OF MAYOR WOOD IN CONGRESS, 
 
 ON THE 
 
 NAVY APPROPBIATION BILL. 
 Delivered May 20, 1842. 
 
 The House being in Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, 
 and having under consideration the bill making appropriations for the 
 naval service for the year 1842 — 
 
 Mr. Wood rose and addressed it, in substance, as follows : 
 
 Mr. Chairman : The committee will remember that, on yesterday, the 
 House resolved, on motion of the honorable chairman of the Committee 
 of Ways and Means, to take this bill out of committee, and close debate 
 thereon, on Monday next at 1 o'clock. The committee will also remem- 
 ber that, though it has been before us longer than a week, and though 
 it contains twenty-nine sections, and proposes an appropriation of nearly 
 eight millions of dollars, we have not as yet clpsed the debate upon the 
 first section. In pursuance of the resolution adopted by the House, but 
 two days remain to discuss the twenty-eight sections not approached. 
 -I submit it to gentlemen, whether it is possible to do justice to the ex- 
 amination which these numerous details, not yet reached, require, within 
 so short a period. For myself, I cannot vote understandingly upon them, 
 with the little information now before me. Without reasons more cogent 
 than any thus far offered, my vote shall be found recorded in the nega- 
 tive. I have listened attentively to the chairman of the Committee on 
 Naval Affairs, (Mr. Wise,) and to the gentleman from Massachusetts, 
 (Mr. Gushing,) who appears as first lord of the admiralty ; and I respect- 
 fully deny that either, with all his ability and ingenuity, has adduced 
 arguments sufficiently exculpatory of the largeness and extravagance of 
 this appropriation. 
 
 Declamation and* oratorical flourishes about the glories of the American 
 navy cannot induce me to give support to a profligate expenditure of 
 the public money. I desire reliable facts, figures, and official statements — 
 something tangible, addressed to reason, and not the fancy. Since the 
 establishment of this Government, there never existed a greater necessity 
 for close investigation and care in voting away revenue, than the present j 
 
HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 95 
 
 yet we see honorable members ready to vote, without discussion or ex- 
 amination, every dollar asked of them. The haste with which it is sought 
 to close this debate, and in a moment part with an amount which, under 
 preceding administrations, constituted one-third of the whole annual 
 expenditure, is evidence in behalf of this remark. 
 
 Have gentlemen reflected upon the responsibility they assume in yield- 
 ing assent to a demand so unwarranted ? Have they looked into the 
 enormous executive requisitions upon our table, and made comparisons 
 with those from the same source under the late much-vilified regime ? 
 I opine not. What do facts tell us ? The Secretary of the Navy has, 
 in his annual report, estimated that the necessary outlays of his depart- 
 ment for the year 1842 will be — 
 
 For the naval service - $8,213,287 23 
 
 " marine service - 502,292 60 
 
 8,115.579 83 
 To this add the unexpended balance remaining to 
 
 the credit of the department 2,965,594 96 
 
 11,681.174 79 
 Congress have already voted for an iron steamer - 500,000 00 
 
 Various bills reported from the Committee on 
 
 Naval Affairs, estimated - - 500,000 00 
 
 * 
 
 12,681,174 79 
 To which may be added the home squadron appro- 
 priation of last session 789,000 00 
 
 $13,470,174 79 
 
 Now, how does this amount bear comparison with the sums estimated 
 for, and appropriated by, the Democratic party when in power? I will 
 take the four years of Mr. Van Buren's administration. The official 
 reports made to Congress show the following sums as estimates and 
 appropriations : 
 
 Estimates. Appropriations. 
 
 1837, - - -,$5,513,72100 - - $5,679,02100 
 
 1838, - - - 5,185,124 91 4,135,270 00 
 
 1839, - - - 4,776,125 64 4,776,125 64 
 
 1840, - - - 4,647,820 00 5,762,120 00 
 
 Total, 20,122,791 55 20,352,536 64 
 
96 life: and public administration of 
 
 Here it will be seen that the highest estimate for either of the four 
 years was in 1837 — the year in which the exploring expedition was fitted 
 out, at an expense of about $500,000 ; and, notwithstanding that charge, 
 it amounted to but $5,513,721 — being $3,201,858 83 less than the esti- 
 estimate for the present year. But, if this large difference exists 
 in the estimates, how much larger will be the difference in the actual 
 appropriations, if the committee and the House pass the bill now pre- 
 sented ! The largest appropriation made for any one year of the last 
 administration was in 1840, and amounted to but $5,762,120 ; whereas 
 I have shown that, with the bills already passed, the bill before us, the 
 estimate of the Secretary, and the unexpended balance, there will have 
 been appropriated, this year, $13,470.17-4 79 — an excess of $7,708,- 
 054 79, and thirteen-twentieths of the Van Buren four years. 
 
 The amount demanded is equal to the whole sum expended for both 
 army and navy in any one of the last five years. I cannot vote for it. 
 I cannot give my support, humble and inefficient as it may be, to this 
 rapid pro -T ss towards the accumulation of a public debt, from which 
 it will be impossible to recover. I cannot give my support to the rear- 
 ing, in this home of simple republicanism, a powerful and splendid navy, 
 with all its paraphernalia of pomp and tyranny. I could not return to 
 an lionest and truly Democratic constituency, after having aided in a 
 "i of profligate Squandering; especially when the deficit is to be 
 drawn principally from the earnings of their industry. Hereafter, should 
 it become my province to denounce (as it will be the duty of every good 
 citizen) the enormous expenditures of the patriots now in power, I cannot 
 give them the privilege of pointing to my vote as having aided in the act. 
 
 Sir, if the condition of our foreign relations bore a threatening aspect, 
 and danger of collision was anticipated from any quarter, no man sooner 
 than myself would prepare and do battle for defense. The unanimous 
 voice of my people w T ould be heard first in behalf of invigorating the 
 maritime army. The only sentiment which could raise in my breast, if 
 the position of pending negotiations were such as to leave " a hinge to 
 hang a doubt upon," as to the speedy and amicable arrangement of all 
 questions at issue, would bo to arm, and " to arms" — " millions for defense, 
 but not one cent for tribute." 
 
 But it is not contended that war is probable. No gentleman has 
 advocated this bill upon that ground. The honorable Secretary has 
 not proposed the increase predicated upon the slightest fears of difficulty 
 with England. Nothing has been said in this debate, giving color to 
 
HON. FERNANDO WOOD, 97 
 
 the idea that an increase of the navy is necessary in anticipation of any 
 such event. It appears to be generally conceded that this is to be exclu- 
 sively a permanent peace establishment. Nor are there causes for appre- 
 hension of war. Great Britain will not attempt the subjugation of 
 the American prowess. It has never been her policy to declare hostili- 
 ties against the brave, the powerful, and the just, when diplomacy or 
 corruption of honor by gold could reach the negotiating officer and 
 obtain her object. So long as Daniel Webster wields the Department of 
 State, and holds within his grasp the thoughts and the will of the pliant 
 Executive, so long will the peace of this country be maintained, if with 
 England is the only contention. Her policy will seek other means of 
 preserving peace and obtaining her desires than by the cannon and the 
 sword. Experience has taught her that here are to be found, not imbecile 
 Chinamen— not enervated Indiamen — not tyrant-ridden Europeans — but 
 men in the full growth of intellectual and physical manhood ; who, when 
 in embryo and comparatively powerless, stood up in two contests, un- 
 shrinkingly and successfully against her overgrown might. She knows 
 we were refractory in childhood, and have never repented the contu- 
 macy : on the contrary, when what she conceived to be wholesome chas- 
 tisement has been attempted, we have turned upon the parental assailant 
 with other than filial mercy. For this we have not been forgiven ; nor 
 do we ask forgiveness. It is true, we are a sprout from her trunk ; but 
 we have grown a rival tree : we claim with her a common origin ; but, 
 thank God, we are not linked to a common fate : we will perpetuate her 
 language, and all that is ennobling in her virtues and glorious in her in- 
 stitutions ; but trample under our feet her threats, defy her prowess, 
 repudiate her vices, and, if bloody strife ensues, sink into oblivion the 
 last foothold of her trans-Atlantic power. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, now is the time to enlarge the navy? The wheels of 
 Government but yesterday stood still, and the machinery of the Execu- 
 tive was stopped, for the want of a small pittance wherewithal to pro- 
 ceed. A permanent debt, heretofore unknown to the present generation, 
 has been, within a twelvemonth, fastened upon us by the party in office. 
 But yesterday, the public faith was hawked up and down Wall and 
 Chestnut streets, an humble suppliant to British Capitalists for favor. 
 Pecuniary dishonor — the first since the establishment of an American 
 mint — has been permitted to visit and rest upon our escutcheon. Out; 
 of money, out of credit, embarrassed and financially disgraced — is this 
 the chosen opportunity to appropriate the millions asked ? The vicious 
 
 1 
 
98 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 
 
 banking system having spread its evils through the land, our industry is 
 borne down by oppressions which paralyze every sinew of production. 
 The great bubble of extended credit-system, created and upheld as it was 
 by the credit party, has exploded over our heads with terrible devasta- 
 tion ; making a wreck of fortune, character, and life, and sinking the 
 iron deep into the bosom of the wife and mother. "With the yeomanry 
 and trading population, " chaos is come again" — man looks upon his fel- 
 low as a foe. Self-preservation and interest are now the predominant 
 , springs of action. The biting want of maintenance has driven the mind 
 to expedients for a sustenance, as it has taught a lesson in economy 
 which force, that unyielding tutor, has driven him to practise. Men 
 have realized want. It is no longer an unpleasant day-dream reverie, 
 arising upon the vision in crossing the path of the tattered mendicant ; 
 but has become a painful reality, from which there is no escape by pass- 
 ing on. Retrenchment and reform is now the domestic economy of the 
 American people ; and be assured, sir, the time is not far off w r hen it 
 will be the irpolitical economy. The time is not far off—for it is now ! 
 The people of this country now demand, through their Representatives, 
 a reduction of the public expenses. They call upon that party, and 
 \hose men, some of whom have the full control of the executive branch, 
 :ind others of the legislative branch, to carry out in practice a general 
 system of contraction. They ask it at your hands. They say, " We will 
 not revert to the oft-repeated promises and solemn pledges with which 
 you made the air of 1840 vocal ; nor will we tell you of the professions 
 for our own prosperity, which, without stint and without bounds, were 
 lavished upon our credulous ears. Let them pass. It is true, the 
 odious sub-treasury times were the heydays of thrift, compared with 
 the present gloom which our " generous confidence" has given us. 
 But of this, no matter. Our own folly has produced much of our 
 own distress ; but to the Government we look, not to put money in our 
 pockets — not to enact laws by which idleness may get rich and labor be 
 defrauded — not to lend its aid in the re-establishment of a cormorant 
 monopoly, which, like the locusts of Eygpt, will overshadow the land 
 with its pestilential progeny : we look to it to contract its power, to 
 reduce its expenses, and to cleanse its abuses. These are of the thousand 
 reforms so loudly promised us ; and having given you the power — the 
 full and absolute control of the law-making power — we call upon you 
 for action, speedy and efficient action. It is no answer to say you have 
 fallen out among yourselves ; that, in the struggle for the mastery of the 
 
• HON. FERNANDO WOOD-, 99 
 
 spoils, the Executive has been separated from the Legislature ; that, 
 without harmonious action for both, nothing can be accomplished ; and 
 that your President is a traitor, or that your ex-legislative leader is a 
 dictator. Of your criminations and recriminations we know nothing. 
 By your joint and combined advice and proffers, we drove the late incum- 
 bents from power, placing you joint and combined in their stead; and, 
 in your joint, combined, as well as individual character, we hold you 
 responsible." This, sir, already is the language of the people. How is 
 it met ? In what have their expectations been realized, and your pledges 
 redeemed ? Where has been furnished the evidence of the so violently 
 denounced Florida war corruptions ? Where are the proofs of the Exe- 
 cutive malpractices ? Where the slightest testimony of a single profli- 
 gate expenditure ? And who are the thieves and peculators in high 
 places, which, so soon after getting the reins, you intended to identify ? 
 Give us the record ; produce the data. It cannot be done. These vile 
 charges, like the viler inventors, have sunk into silent insignificance. 
 The brains which conceived them, and the tongue which gave them 
 utterance — though still following their wonted avocation of abuse by 
 calumniating each other — have not the hardihood to reiterate, or the 
 slightest proof to adduce in substantiation of a single slander. That 
 part of Whig promises cannot be performed. Not so as to the retrench- 
 ment of expenses. There is no impediment to a full compliance in this 
 particular* Coming into office with at least forty majority in this 
 House, and nine in the other — with the President and heads of the 
 departments — no obstacle presented itself. Why has it not been done ? 
 Why has it not been proposed ? You have the power, and there exists 
 the necessity. The expenditures are too great; they are far beyond 
 the simplicity compatible with the Republic, and very far beyond what 
 is compatible with the present means of defraying. 
 
 Retrenchment is the order of the day in private life ; why should it 
 not be the practice of those who are honored with stations in public 
 life ? You have held power over a twelvemonth, during which Congress 
 has been i» session nine months ; and no retrenchments worthy the name 
 proposed or adopted. It is true the honorable gentleman from Yirginia, 
 [Mr. Gilmer,] to whom much praise is due, early in last session moved 
 a committee for some such purpose ; but no measures have yet been of- 
 fered, save what relates to our own franking privilege and mileage, 
 which, although commendable reforms, are minor, indeed, compared with 
 the overshadowing cost of this Government. I desire good faith upon 
 
I0t5 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMIXISTRATlOlN OF 
 
 this part of Whig promises. Why are not efforts made for a compli* 
 ance ? The treasury is empty — the credit of the country prostrate ; and 
 yet nothing is said of a reduction of outlays. The last Democratic 
 Congress voted you five millions to commence with ; at the extra session 
 you voted an additional twelve millions, as a permanent loan ; and at 
 this session another five millions — making, in all. twenty-two millions in 
 less than a year ; and yet pennyless and bankrupt, and a daily crying 
 give!- give! give! Why, instead of the lamentations of the chairman 
 of the Committee of Ways and Means over the lack of funds to replen- 
 ish our exhausted treasury, have we not substantial bills of retrenchment 
 and reform, which will lop off the causes of our distress? The people 
 do so. It is not their practice, when involved in embarrassments, with 
 burdens greater than their income, to borrow, borrow, borrow,- They 
 retrench — that is the first principle of their domestic economy ; and I 
 mistake them if they will not exact similar economy of their public ser- 
 vants. What would be thought of that man. in private life, who, a 
 creditless debtor, kept up a splendid establishment, without apparently 
 knowing he could not afford it? Bat who Would pronounce him honest, 
 if sane, if such a one made voluntary bequests of one-tenth of his whole 
 income ? You have done this : while an avowed bankrupt — with expen- 
 ditures greater than receipts — you gave away the proceeds of the public 
 lauds, averaging three millions annually. This is only the suicidal policy 
 of knaves. Surely "he whom the gods wish to destroys Ehey first make 
 mad," Sir. the expenses of this Government, are as far beyond what, 
 under a proper system, would he necessary, a- they arc beyond ourabilty 
 to support. This fact was fully established by the twenty sixth Con- 
 gr< ss. That Congress, though repudiated by the people, who thought 
 best to substitute a liard cider Congress; was satisfied of this fact. Its 
 acts prove this remark. It made gnat progress in the work of reform, 
 commencing in the right way and in the right quarter. It reduced the 
 emoluments of the collectors of our large seaport cities to an amount 
 within the bounds of reason ; but vol leaving them far beyond-, in my 
 opinion, a sufficient recompense. The collector of New Yoflc, who, un- 
 der the old law, considered himself poorly paid if his salary and perqui- 
 sites netted less than twenty thousand dollars, was limited to six. The 
 postmaster at New York, whose yeariy income had grown from five to 
 ov r twenty thousand, was reduced and limited to five thousand dollars. 
 The district attorney and marshal also came within the pruning-hook. 
 Here was serious retrenchment. Hundreds of thousands of dollars an- 
 
HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 101 
 
 ofcafly were thus brought into the coffers of the nation, which had previ- 
 ously been the pay of public officers. 
 
 Thus has the example been given you by the Democratic Congress 
 which you have so much animadverted upon. Why not follow in its 
 footsteps ? Why not go and continue this work ? None can question 
 the policy— nay, justice to the tax-payers. It must be done, sooner or 
 later, or national degradation will surround us. A Democratic Congress 
 commenced it in good faith, which its successors promised should be con- 
 tinued and perfected. And it was but commenced ! 
 
 Sir, I have taken some trouble to look into the yearly cost of -carrying 
 on this Government for the last twenty years ; and am convinced that, 
 estimating it at present at twenty-five millions, there is room for striking 
 off at least one-fifth, leaving it at twenty millions. Indeed, Senators, 
 whose long experience in public life and whose ability to judge of these 
 matters qualify them thereto, have asserted that sixteen or seventeen 
 millions would be sufficient, I would take the estimate of twenty mil- 
 lions, which my examination assures me will leave every department in 
 full vigor. 
 
 To do so, I would propose reductions in the following branches of 
 the public service, which a close examination of the whole subject has 
 convinced me can be done without detriment : 
 From the mileage of members of Congress : 
 
 Length of the sessions, one quarter. 
 
 Contingent expenses of Congress. 
 
 Expenses of the Judiciary department 
 
 Salaries of the President and heads of the departments- 
 Expense of intercourse with foreign nations. 
 
 Home expense of State department. 
 
 Expense of Treasury department. 
 
 Expense of collecting revenue, and light-house department 
 
 Expense of General Land Office, 
 
 Expense of coining department. 
 
 Expense of the War and connecting offices. 
 
 Expense of the Department of War, including a reduction of the 
 military establishment, &a. 
 
 Expense of the Navy, including a general supervision of yards, 
 purchases, abolition of Navy Board, &c. 
 
 Expense of Post Office department, including restriction of the 
 franking privilege. 
 
102 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 
 
 I would thus relieve the Treasury of millions, and not cripple a sinew 
 of defense, or impair the full efficiency of a single office. Nor is this 
 all. I would bring in several hundreds of thousands of dollars annually, 
 which would find their way into the pockets of the office-holders. I 
 would bring into the Treasury all fees and emoluments received by the 
 following officers, over and above a fair recompense for their services r 
 
 Consuls abroad. 
 
 Deputy postmasters. 
 
 Marshals and attorneys. 
 
 Eevenue-collectors. 
 
 Pursers. 
 
 Navy-agents. 
 
 Commissary General Purchases. 
 
 Military store-keepers. 
 
 Now, Mr. Chirman, holding these views, can my vote be expected fo? 
 this bill ? 1 have shown by figures, which do not lie, that it is extrava- 
 gant, unnecessary, and far beyond any appropriation for corresponding 
 jDurposes made for the late Administration, when there was as much 
 necessity. I have shown that not only is the sum proposed exorbitantly 
 large, but that the Treasury is bankrupt, the tax-payers poverty-stricken, 
 and the spirit of the people in favor of " retrenchment and reform." I 
 have shown the already enormous useless expenditures, by pointing 
 directly to them. 
 
 But, sir, let us look a little further. Suppose the objections thus far 
 urged were without existence. Let us imagine that the Treasury is full, 
 and without indebtedness ; that the people are prosperous, and willing 
 to bear additional burdens ; that extension, expansion, and prodigality 
 characterized the age, and there were no existing evils of this character ; — 
 would it be consonant with propriety and correct legislation to pass this 
 bill ? I think not. It is not intended by the fathers of the Republic 
 that upon their plain and unostentatious foundation should be built a 
 gorgeous and powerful nation. They did not establish this political 
 community for conquest or plunder. It was no part of their design that 
 posterity should rear, upon the corner-stone laid by their hands, a splen- 
 did edifice of naval or military glory. Their policy was essentially 
 peaceful. Meek and humble in spirit, they banded themselves for pro- 
 tection, and for protection alone. The Union was a confederacy for 
 mutual defense and preservation, and not to form a league, the consoli- 
 
HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 103 
 
 dated strength of which could reduce nations, impart glor/, or make too 
 strong the arm of the Executive. Simple and republican themselves, 
 they sought to establish a Government thoroughly imbued with their 
 own faith — one assuming no power not necessary, exerting no authority 
 not required, antagonist to no principle of popular rights. Would a 
 naval armament numbering its hundreds of ships and millions of tonnage, 
 employing its thousand commanders, disbursing its millions on millions 
 annually, and extending to an almost unlimited degree the already over- 
 grown privileges of the President, who, by virtue of the Constitution, 
 is " commander-in-chief of the army and navy of the United States," be 
 consistent with simple republicanism ? It would not. But pass this bill 
 as now before us, and the first step is taken ; the first stride towards con- 
 solidation, Executive mastery, and an incubus of debt, is taken — irrevo- 
 cably taken. 
 
 Another objection : Ships, after construction, must be supported , 
 officers, men, supplies, and stores, must be furnished. The end is not 
 with the cost of building. The keel is but laid for a continuous and 
 never-ending expenditure. They must be kept afloat. If unemployed, 
 they rot at tbe depots, and the whole is lost. The error once committed 
 of saddling the country, in a time of peace and embarrassment, with a 
 large floating naval world, you must go on appropriating annually a 
 proportionably large amount to keep it sea-worthy and from falling to 
 decay. It is a permanent expenditure now presented to us. The aggre- 
 gate of this bill, enormous as it is, will be less onerous than what will be 
 necessary to preserve it from ruin. And, when once made, there can be 
 no receding. As with State appropriations for internal improvement, 
 you must go on ad infinitum, or all will be lost. 
 
 Again : I find no provision in it, or in the several bills for the reor- 
 ganization of the Navy Department reported by the committee on Naval 
 Affairs, to remedy the evils of the present manner of procuring supplies. 
 The door for corruption, which long practice, from the foundation of the 
 navy to the present moment has opened, has not been closed. I would 
 remedy this objection, before voting so large an amount. Under long- 
 established usage, the navy agents are authorized to make open purchases, 
 without contract, without agreement or supervision. A large portion 
 of the material, and many heavy articles of stores used at the yards, as 
 well as nearly the whole outfits of ships preparatory to sailing, are 
 procured in this manner. These officers have permission to disburse 
 hundreds of thousands annually, without check as to prices or quality. 
 
104 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 
 
 They buy of whom they please, and at such prices as they please. I am 
 not prepared to say that, of my own knowledge, there are malpractices ; 
 but I do say, that if none have been, it was not for want of opportunity : 
 we may thank the integrity of the officer, and not the strictness of the 
 laws. 
 
 Before placing at the disposal of the Secretary the millions compre- 
 hended in this bill, I would supervise the laws regulating purchases. I 
 would no£, in these days of want and peculation, place in the power of 
 any agent the opportunity of profiting ten and twenty per cent, by his 
 disbursements. Every article should be supplied by contract. It should 
 be the duty of the Secretary, or of the Board of Navy Commissioners, 
 or the agent, to advertise for estimates in the public prints ; thus giving 
 to every citizen an equal opportunity to benefit by this immense patron- 
 age ; and incurring no loss to the Government from bad quality, high 
 prices, and collusion between the officer and the factor, or merchant. But, 
 Mr. Chairman, there is another consideration which, though not relating 
 directly to either of the points thus far urged, is a subject for serious re- 
 flection, and is equally applicable to every money-bill presented to the 
 House. Is this the proper stage of the session to discuss and act upon 
 bills to appropriate money ? Is it wise policy to make these large be- 
 quests at this time, within a few weeks of the expiration of the sliding 
 scale of the compromise act, without any adequate provision to insure 
 revenue ; and, in fact, without a law to carry into effect the only exist- 
 ing law which can give us a dollar ? The leaders of the Whig party in 
 this House (the very men who are urging on these cormorant bestow- 
 ments from an empty treasury) tell us that a high tariff is necessary for 
 revenue ; and that, without a new law to take the place of the com- 
 promise law, and without a general supervision of the whole subject, 
 there will not be revenue enough to meet one-half the public expendi- 
 tures. 
 
 We are told that, to keep the wheels of Government in motion, it will 
 be necessary to lay additional duties upon imports, and to settle upon a 
 permaneut basis this greatest of all questions. I ask whether, under the 
 avowed condition of our collecting laws, it is wisdom \o pass this, or 
 any bill for similar purposes, before some action is taken on the revenue 
 bill ? Can it be the correct policy of Congress to go on appropriating, 
 appropriating, appropriating, with empty coffers, an admitted want of 
 laws to bring in and secure the usual fiscal income, and with a proba- 
 bility of a heavy falling off of imports, under any rate of duties ? Cer- 
 
HON. FERNANDO 1700D. 105 
 
 tainly not. Were there no other objections this alone ought to pre- 
 vent action at this stage of the session, or until the other and more im- 
 portant business is disposed of. And is it not strange we find here men 
 advocating measures so contradictory ; telling us, in one moment, that 
 we must pass a high tariff, to preserve the nation from bankruptcy ; and 
 in the next, proposing the most extravagant outlays ? Is it not siugular 
 consistency, to use the mildest phrase ? If it is true, as alleged by the 
 high-tariff party, that it will be impossible to carry on the Government, 
 under the lowest reduction of expenditure, without a material advance 
 on the present rate of duties, why is it that, before action is had on the 
 tariff question, so much anxiety is evinced to enlarge our appropriations ? 
 Why are the gentlemen in such hot haste to make these heavy requisi- 
 tions upon the public coffers ? 
 
 Sir, I think the astute eye of prophesy is not necessary to divine the 
 reason. I do not believe that any but a Talleyrand or a Metternich 
 can unravel this seeming secret. In my humble conception of the rul- 
 ing motives of men, the " why and the wherefore" is to be found in the 
 same reason which made them bequeath to the States the public domain, 
 without consideration and without cause. It was, to drive us by neces- 
 sity to a high tariff, to fill up the vacuum thus made in our finances ; to 
 force us, by appeals to national honor to preserve the national credit, to 
 go with them in their unhallowed designs upon the rights and liberties 
 of the people ; to give away our anticipated receipts, that means may 
 be taken, through the operation of an increased tariff, to favor particu- 
 lar interests at the cost of the tax-payer. It is for this we have syste- 
 matic expansion, instead of the systematic contraction the times demand. 
 Besides the tendency of Whig principles to inflation, as evidenced in 
 every instance where they have obtained the power — besides their love 
 for debt and detestation of liquidation — besides their contempt for every- 
 thing locofocoish, as is the pay-up system, there are now at work other 
 motives and other inducements. The expenses must be increased, be- 
 cause there must be a deficit between revenue and disbursements. Hav- 
 ing embarrassed and exhausted the finances, it is supposed the people 
 will rise en masse in favor of devisihg a remedy, which they are prepared 
 with in a high tariff, and thus accomplish, by a trick, that which they 
 dare not ask for as a principle. 
 
 I mistake very much if this is not the object hidden under the bill be- 
 fore us. In fact, the veil of public necessity, with which it is sought to 
 hide the scheme, is too flimsy to deceive the most unsuspecting. No 
 
106 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 
 
 party could drive so recklessly on, after the many protestations of reform, 
 without some such intention. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, we are told that an increase of the navy is advantage- 
 ous to commerce, and that every member representing a commercial dis- 
 trict is expected to support this bill. It has been said, by gentlemen who 
 have advocated it, that the principal employment of our naval marine is 
 to protect the commercial marine. The interests of the Representatives 
 from the Atlantic cities have been appealed to, to come forward in be- 
 half of what they are told is the vitality of commerce. Sir, I am not 
 old, but yet too old to be caught by pretexts so weak. Could arguments 
 like these (which, at best, are addressed to our interest, the most selfish 
 of all legislative influences) affect my vote, I should be incapable of per- 
 forming the trust confided in me. I am yet to learn that in any quarter 
 of the globe the American shipping has suffered for the want of Govern- 
 ment protection. No cases have come to my knowledge where our flag 
 has been insulted, or onr property destroyed 'or taken from us, because of 
 a restricted navy. There have been isolated instances of encroachments, 
 but none that could have been obviated had every ship of war been a 
 fleet. England and France, with the most extended navies in the world, 
 have occasionally met obstacles to their trade. But the stars and stripes 
 are a passport upon every sea to the hull and spar which bear them. 
 Our bright bunting floats unmolested over the wide expanse of the 
 ocean, for there are none so daring as to do it injury. Under its broad 
 folds, legitimate trade is secure and respected. 
 
 And were we liable to frequent losses for the want of the proposed 
 increase, I am far from being satisfied that, of the two evils — the passage 
 of this bill, and the chances of occasional injury without it — the latter 
 is not the least. Can it be advantageous to the city of New York to 
 adopt a policy which drives us into a restrictive tariff? If, by large 
 drafts upon the Treasury, the necessity of additional duties is forced up- 
 on us, commerce will undergo a diminution, because your increased duties 
 will decrease importations. The foreign trade cannot thrive if legisla- 
 tive impediments are thrown in the way of its free action. It is not 
 reasonable that, where an exorbitant toll is demanded for ingress, that 
 ingress will not diminish. It is a well-established axiom, that the im- 
 position of higher duties upon imports immediately aud seriously affects 
 the commercial trade ; hence the rallying-cry of a party not many years 
 since in this country, of "free trade and sailors' rights." Therefore, 
 admitting that an accession of a ship-of-war is required to protect our flag, 
 
HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 10 1 
 
 it would be suicidal to protect it at a cost so great : better arm our 
 merchantmen at private expense, for self-protection, than lay them up 
 in ordinary, without employment. Gentlemen had better use other 
 arguments militating less against them. It is not wisdom in Congress 
 to attempt to give protection to any branch of trade, when such protec- 
 tion is only to be obtained by the inflicting of harm. In this instance 
 the injury would be twofold : first, to the interests intended to be the 
 recipients of favor, second, to all other interests which are taxed for its 
 support. 
 
 There are other arguments which press themselves upon my notice ; 
 but I fear the patience of the committee is already exhausted. I could 
 go on elaborating the objections which are continually arising before me, 
 but the allotted time for cutting off the debate, and the many other gen- 
 tlemen who are anxious to be heard, warn me not to tresspass much 
 farther. It is a grave topic, and admits of a wide range of discussion. 
 At any time, in any condition of the Treasury, a bill to appropriate' 
 money involves important considerations. To vote money, is to expend 
 the proceeds of taxation ; which is to part with that portion of the 
 capital or results of industry which is bestowed upon the Government 
 for its necessary disbursements. If the people are interested in the 
 amount of taxation levied upon them, to a corresponding extent are 
 they interested in its disposition. 
 
 If the amount expended is drawn from the tax-payer, we are but his 
 agents to appropriate his money for the maintenance of law and order. 
 It is equally criminal to make lavish or impolitic use of it. I conceive 
 that we would be as guilty of dereliction of good faith by complying 
 with exorbitant* behests from the executive departments, as if we put our 
 own hands into the Treasury to fill our own pockets. By the Constitu- 
 tion, we are more the guardians of popular contributions than of the 
 popular liberties. "We are made the peculiar conservators of the money- 
 power. It behooves us, therefore, to scan closely all requisitions. En- 
 dowed as are the members of this House with the high privilege of re- 
 presenting the great body of American freemen, it behooves us, in the 
 plenitude of power, not to forget the poor tax-payer at home. 
 
 In conclusion, Mr. Chairman, I beg leave to say that it is with regret 
 that an imperative sense of duty has compelled me to address the com- 
 mittee on this subject. It is with no little fear my position has been 
 assumed. The almost overshadowing popularity of the navy, and its 
 adaptation for American defence, connected with the recollection of the 
 
108 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 
 
 glorious victories which crowned its success in the last war, made me 
 feel I have been treading on dangerous ground. Had my inclinations 
 alone been consulted, my voice would not have been heard ; but convic- 
 tions, matured from deliberate reflection, have prompted my tongue, and 
 it has spoken. I regret to be thus seemingly placed in opposition to it ; 
 but, at the same time, beg to be understood that it is to the unprece- 
 dented increase at this time I object — not to the service. I object to 
 this extravagant proposition, believing it to be impolitic, unnecessary, 
 anti-republican, and premature. I am willing to vote the usual annual 
 sum, and will go to the highest of either of Mr. Van Bruen's years ; but 
 cannot give support to the bill as^ now before us, without material re- 
 duction. 
 
 REPORT OF MAYOR WOOD IN CONGRESS, 
 
 ON 
 
 NAVAL AFFAIJRS. 
 
 January 10, 1843. 
 
 ■ 
 
 The Committee on Naval Affairs, to which was referred a report of the Secretary 
 of the Navy, with accompanying documents, relating to dry and floating docks 
 and the Brooklyn navy yard, called for by a resolution of the House of the 
 19th December, beg leave to report : 
 
 That they have given the subject the consideration which its import- 
 -ance demands. Dry docks attracted the attention of the Government 
 at an early period. The Navy Department was established in April, 
 1798, and the following December the Secretary officially expressed 
 his strong conviction of their necessity. February 25th, 1799, a law 
 passed both Houses of Congress, and received the sanction of the Presi- 
 dent, authorizing the construction of two docks, and appropriating 
 850,000 for that purpose. December 15th, 1802, the President, (Jeffer- 
 son,) in his message at the opening of Congress, strenuously urged the 
 construction of docks, and in March, 1813, $100,000 was appropriated 
 for a dock yard for repairing ships of war. These appropriations were 
 not expended, owing, as is supposed, to the inadequacy of the sums voted. 
 
fiON. FERNANDO WOOD, 109 
 
 In i814, the Secretary, in a communication to the chairman of the 
 Naval Committee of the Senate, again urges the building of dry docks. 
 In 1824, the Navy Commissioners made similar recommendations. In 
 1825, the Secretary, in a report to the Senate, enters fully into the 
 advantages of dry docks, showing conclusively, that no navy yard should 
 be without one, or its substitute : and, in 1826, in a communication to 
 the House of Representatives, he says " that docks have become abso- 
 lutely necessary for the prompt and speedy use of the vessels belonging 
 to the navy." 
 
 Every administration, since the creation of the navy, has given its 
 sanction, either by the approval of laws or official recommendation, to 
 the erection of docks and other necessary facilities for repairs. As yet 
 but two dry docks have been built : the one at Charlestown, the other 
 at Norfolk. Either of these points is eminently entitled to it. The 
 sites are excellent, and other advantages great. Previous to the com- 
 mencement of these docks, New York was considered as the first posi- 
 tion to be selected. The first survey made of the several points upon 
 the Atlantic coast, which offered inducements for the establishing of 
 navy and dock yards, placed that harbor among the most favorable. 
 The report of the survey, made to the Deparement in 1818, states that, 
 " next to Boston, it is the most suitable place for such an establishment, 
 and one worthy of the attention of the Government as a naval depot," 
 
 But opinions have varied as to the advantages of different sites within 
 the waters of the harbor. Since the location of the yard, repeat! >d at- 
 tempts have been made to effect a change. The Secretary has, more 
 than once within the last ten years, contemplated its removal to supposed 
 more advantageous positions, To procure a better site for a dry dock 
 has been among the motives given for desiring another situation. In 
 May, 1835, Loammi Baldwin, Esq., was appointed by the Secretary " to 
 make the necessary soundings and examination, and to ascertain whether 
 anymore advantageous site, for a navy yard and dock presented itself 
 within the harbor of New York." June 3, 1836, the House adopted a 
 resolution calling for information, &c.' ; in reply to which, the report of 
 Colonel Baldwin was presented. February 23, 1837, the subject v, as 
 again brought before the House by a resoultion requiring " examinations 
 to be made of the various positions not heretofore examined within the 
 waters of New York and vicinity, which are adapted to the establish- 
 ment and constitution of dry docks/* &c. In pursuance of this resolution, 
 Professor Renwich, of New York, was appointed to make the examina- 
 
t 
 
 110 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION Of 
 
 lion. His report, made in December, 1837, was against the Brooklyn 
 navy yard, and in favor of Constable's point, opposite New York, on the 
 New Jersey shore. March, 1838, the result of an unofficial survey, by 
 Messrs. Swift and McNeill, civil engineers, in favor of Barn Island, 
 was presented to the House. It gave great preference to that over any 
 other site. In the same month a communication wes laid before Con- 
 gress from the navy Commissioners, in which the relative merits of 
 Brooklyn, Constable's point, and Barn Island, are fully discussed. A 
 decided preference is given to Brooklyn. The next and latest, and. it 
 may be added, the most satisfactory examination, has been recently made 
 at the instance of the present Secretary, who appoiuted Captains Con- 
 ner and Shubrick, and Moncure Robinson, Esq., as a commission for 
 that purpose. Much care and lafyor was bestowed by these gentlemen 
 in the discharge of the duty. Their report confirmed what had pre- 
 viously been declared by Colonel Baldwin, that a more advantageous site 
 than the present one was not to be found within the waters of New York 
 harbor. Near ten years' agitation and investigation leave the matter 
 precisely where it was found. The original selection was a proper one. 
 It does appear that an attentive perusal of the reports which have so 
 often been made would have long since precluded the supposition that a 
 change was necessary. It is now. however, permantly settled. Xo 
 further doubt need exist as to the permanency of the present position. 
 It would be little less than folly or madness to adopt another. That the 
 uncertain disposition of this question has operated against the erection 
 of a dock in Brooklyn cannot be disputed. 
 
 The citizens of New York and Brooklyn have frequently manifested 
 their wishes in favor of some provision by the Government for the repair 
 and coppering of ships of war. They have held public meetings and 
 memorialized Congress, believing there was cause for complaint. It has 
 been thought by them as little less than miraculous, that a naval station 
 of its importance should remain neglected ; that a Government almost 
 exclusively mercantile, whose defences and warfare were principally 
 maritime, should have left its commercial emporium, for nearly a half 
 century after the establishment of its navy, without a work so indispen- 
 sable. Her tradesmen and mechanics have conceived themselves deprived 
 of a portion of the public patronage and labor, which is due alike to 
 all. The concentration of national employment at one or two favored 
 points was looked upon as hostile to their interests, and not in keeping 
 with the true interests of the country. 
 
HON. FERNANDO WOOD. Ill 
 
 It was deemed a grievance. It may be said, these are not points for 
 the consideration of the committee ; that the opinion and wishes of the 
 immediate citizens of New York and Brooklyn are entitled to no greater 
 weight than a corresponding number at any other part of the Union ; 
 that the construction of public works is paid for out of the National 
 Treasury, and for which the whole people appropriate, and of the pro- 
 priety of which the whole people tare judges. But the people of New 
 York and Brooklyn, without doubting the soundness of these posi- 
 tions in their general application, conceive their case an exception, 
 Their reply is, that when any portion of the people, conscious of great 
 advantages, believe that, in the distribution of patronage, a discrimina- 
 tion is made against them, they have a right to be heard, and it is a fit 
 subject for the deliberation of Congress ; that there is cause of com- 
 plaint, not only of an individual wrong, but a national evil ; for a divi- 
 sion of public employment " improves and augments pur mechanics and 
 artificers ; gives bread to a portion of the laboring classes ; induces the 
 the improvement of our cities and navigable waters ; contributes to a 
 more efficient and general defence of the places ; renders our citizens 
 more patriotic and contented with their Government, and, by the addi- 
 tional interest which it gives them, more willing to defend it." Nor 
 must it be forgotten that the navigating and ship owning interest of 
 New York have a deep stake if the adequacy of the naval marine to 
 protect the commercial marine. The harbor, filled with shattered and 
 disabled ships of war, without means of repair, would offer but slight 
 resistance to hostile fleets upon our coast. Innumerable cases will sug- 
 gest themselves, in which serious consequences may ensue, and the loss 
 of public and private prdperty be beyond the expense of many dry 
 docks. 
 
 As a naval station, New York has peculiar fitness, beside the extent 
 of her commerce. Her harbor is spacious and well fortified : her chan- 
 nels sufficiently deep and unobstructed ; her position central and com- 
 manding ; and her advantages for the supply of materials and skilfull 
 workmen unsurpassed, if equalled, in any other port. No local obstacle 
 prevents ; and a longer continuance of the absence of some provision 
 for the repair of ships of war would be as hazardous and detrimental 
 to the property of the Government as it is unjust to her commercial 
 interest. 
 
 The largeness of a sum sufficient to build a dry dock there has attract- 
 ed attention. To vote it at this time has elicited opposition. It can- 
 
112 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 
 
 not be denied that the exhausted condition of the Treasury presents a 
 serious impediment. But there are occasions when the outlay of money 
 will conduce to the advantage of the Government, even in a pecuniary 
 sense. In any state of the Treasury, it is wise to erect works necessary 
 to preserve existing works. It will not be asserted that it is impolitic, 
 even under our present embarrassments, to vote such an expenditure. 
 The present would seem an instance of this kind. It has been repre- 
 sented that two ships of the line, the Washington and Franklin, now 
 lying at the Brooklyn station, not moveable without heavy repairs and 
 exepense. will require docking very soon, to save them from abandonment. 
 The latter is a noble ship, which, by razeeing, could be made one of the 
 finest frigates in the service. It would certainly be unwise to leave 
 thenJ in their present situation, fast falling to decay, without an effort 
 to save them from a total loss. It can be done only by docking. The 
 frigate Hudson, also lying there, has already been sacrificed. A survey 
 was held upon her in November, 1841, and she was condemned as un- 
 worthy of repairs. The Washington and Franklin, if much longer 
 neglected, will most assuredly be placad on the same list. 
 
 Much interest has recently been shown by the public in floating dry 
 docks, It is contended that, in many respects, they possess advantages 
 over the excavated docks, besides the difference in cost and comparatively 
 very short time required in building ; the latter of these considerations 
 is essential, with reference to saving the ships in Brooklyn. Fears are 
 entertained that they would be lost before the expiration of the six or 
 eight years required in building an excavated dock. Many gentlemen 
 of intelligence, whose opinions are entitled to confident reliance, give 
 the strongest assurance of their belief in the utility, safety, and superior 
 advantages of floating dry docks, and have recommended the speedy 
 
 iction of one at Brooklyn, to raise and repair the Washington and 
 Franklin. 
 
 Jt can be readily conceived that a proposition to construct a dock of 
 this kind will be received with alarm by those who have not given them 
 careful investigation. It will be looked upon by many as an experiment, 
 
 i Lght with danger. The idea will present itself, that an attempt 
 made to raise from their element our ships of war, each weighing- 
 thousands of tons, by the frail and uncertain aid of a wooden machine, 
 slightly and insecurely constructed. Unsteadiness, instability, and want 
 of durability, will at once appear insuperable objections. Upon attain- 
 ment of knowledge of the principles and practical operation of the 
 
HOX. FERNANDO WOOD. 113 
 
 approved dock, it is confidently asserted, all such fears must vanish. 
 As in all inventions, when first presented, prejudice is to be -combated 
 and beaten down before acquiescence in their utility or practicability 
 can be obtained — there are men who, though ietelligent and honest, 
 appear to be opposed to everything which did not come upon the stage 
 before themselves, to whom innovations are as revolting as an attempt 
 to change the Government or revolutionize the social system. As 
 applicable to improvements in the navy, this hostility has been para- 
 mount. Inventions of the first merit, promising economy of time and 
 money, and the addition to existing usages of warfare of great facilities, 
 have frequently been rejected. No branch of the public service more 
 requires the application of the production of intellect, and in none is 
 such obstinate resistance manifest. The world is following progress 
 in its onward march to the amelioration of the condition and advance- 
 ment of mankind ; the arts and sciences are being exerted for the 
 simplification of mysteries which for centuries ha^e slept in night, 
 and the discoveries of philosophy are spreading their beneficent in- 
 fluences over every movement of man. The governmental policy of 
 the powerful of Euroqean nations has been forced into an opposite cur 
 rent to that in which it ran for ages ; international law is no longer 
 expounded by the cannon and the sword ; the military tactics of Charles 
 XII. and of Napoleon, each in their day so formidable and perfect, have 
 been bettered by improvement ; and even the every-day utensils of hus- 
 bandry and mechanical tools for the present time would not be recognised 
 by the original inventors. Mind, in this,myriad of diversified applications, 
 has, with superhuman effort, given birth to a new world, comparatively 
 regenerated and disenthralled from the bigotry and prejudices of the old 
 world. The navy alone has apparently resisted change. She has nearly 
 stood still amidst the surrounding advancement. The vast improvements 
 which commercial enterprise has bestowed upon the merchant marine 
 have been avoided and decried by those who have had charge of the na- 
 val marirjp. It should not be. The efficiency of the nation's right arm 
 deserves the benefits of the genius and skill of the world ; not only is it 
 entitled to all meritorious improvements of our own country, but to 
 those of any other people. 
 
 The present head of the Department has evinced a desire to adopt an 
 opposite course. Credit is due to him for a disposition to pursue another 
 policy than those who doubt the merit of everything new, and adhere 
 tenaciously to everything old. He evidently desires to keep pace with 
 
 8 
 
114 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 
 
 the spirit of the age. Several experiments have already been made, to 
 the adaptation of science to useful ends. The recent discoveries of Pro- 
 fessor Johnson in detecting the impurities of copper, thus enabling the 
 Government, as well as individuals, to detect impositions which, it is 
 reasonable to suppose, have cost many millions, are beyond estimate in 
 importance. Other experiments have been made, which will prove highly 
 beneficial to the service. 
 
 Floating dry docks have been heretofore but imperfectly understood. 
 The generally received opinion, that nothing but an old-fashioned exca- 
 vated or walled dry dock could safely perform the duty of docking and 
 undocking ships of the larger class, has prevented that attention to 
 them to which they are so justly entitled. Practical gentlemen have too 
 often taken it for granted " that they would not answer," refusing a fair 
 dispassionate, practical test. To this spirit, so prevalent in our naval 
 service, is chargeable the tenacity with which old ideas and old customs 
 are rigidly followed. 
 
 It is not contended that the principle of docking ships by means of a 
 floating vessel is entirely new. The general leading feature has been in 
 use many years ; but it is believed that there have been recently added 
 to it such guards, checks, securities, facilities, and advantages, as to ren- 
 der it, in every necessary particular, capable of docking and undocking 
 the largest vessel of war. In some respects, advantages over the exca- 
 vated dock are claimed for it by those who understand the principles of 
 each. These advantages will be enumerated and explained, and it is 
 thought satisfactorily, to every casual observer. 
 
 Among the papers from the Secretary, referred to the committee, is 
 the report of a commission appointed in October last, to repair to New 
 York, to examine and witness the performance of the floating dry docks 
 there, and investigate such plans as should be submitted. The gentle- 
 men composing it were Capt. Beverly Kennon, United States navy, Col. 
 Samuel Humphreys, United States chief naval constructor, and Walter 
 R. Johnson, Esq., professor of mechanics and natural philosophy. It 
 cannot be disputed that it would have been difficult, if possible, to have 
 formed a court of investigation with more capacity and sounder judg- 
 ment. The scientific and practical information necessary to ensure safe 
 conclusions was here happily blended. Nothing can be hazarded in 
 yielding to the opinions of this report. The required knowledge, and 
 that patient investigation which is indispensable in procuring a proper 
 understanding of a subject so intricate and intimately connected with, 
 
HON. FERNANDO WOOD* 115 
 
 and depending upon, scientific principles, were laboriously bestowed. 
 The report is full and conclusive. Seven different plans of floating docks 
 were presented, though only two were exhibited in practice, which received 
 minute examination, being subjected to the nicest calculation. Their 
 comparative advantages and disadvantages went through the ordeal 
 of severe scrutiny ; and though it was thpught but one would answer for 
 the naval service, the other was pronounced meritorious. They were 
 the balance floating dry dock of Mr. John S. Gilbert, and the sectional 
 floating dry dock of Mr. S. D. Dakin. 
 
 The operation of docking and undocking the largest class of mer- 
 chant ships was performed in the presence of the commission— a full 
 and detailed account of which is given in the report. The comparative 
 advantages are fully shown. A preference is given to the balance dock, 
 in the most decided language. Insuperable objections against the other 
 are enumerated, one of which (viz. : that much greater depth of water 
 than can be found at the Brooklyn yard will be required for its action) 
 is enough to put it out of the question, as far as that station is concerned. 
 The balance dock is free from this difficulty, owing to its construction 
 upon an entirely different principle. In it, the ship intended to be 
 docked is admitted, as in an excavated dock, between the sides ; whereas 
 with the former, the whole dock must rest under the ship, and conse- 
 quently, drawing not only the draught of the vessel, but also of the 
 dock. As, for instance, if a ship draws twenty-five feet water, and the 
 dock twenty feet, it will require forty-five feet water to dock her in. 
 The assertion that floating dry docks have advantages over the exca- 
 vated dry dock is fully made out by the balance dock. 
 
 The objections to excavated docks are — 
 
 1st. Want of light and room. They are constructed extremely nar- 
 row, having but space enough for the vessel. The narrow construction 
 arises from°the necessity of lessening the pressure of water on the gates 
 and under-side of the bottom, which being computed by the area of the 
 bottom, will be found immense. This pressure of water is frequently the 
 cause of accident, and always of unpleasant consequences. Commodore 
 Stewart, in a communication made to Mr. Paynter, member of the 
 Naval Committee in 1838, writes that, « owing to this constant pressure 
 of water upon the gates, they are always leaking, and the water spring- 
 ing into the dock, and the bottom is kept overflowed and wet, which 
 requires almost constant pumping for the purpose of draining it off." 
 It is to obviate this difficulty, by lessening the pressure, that they are 
 
116 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADiUM- TRATI027 OF 
 
 built as narrow as the admission of the vessel will allow. Hence it k 
 that not sufficient light is thrown upon the hull. In clouded days, arti- 
 ficial light must be introduced, to enable the workmen to perform their 
 work. It follows, that the quantity as well as the quality of the work. 
 is not as it would be if done under the bright rays of the sun, or if not 
 restricted from the usual light by high walls. A diminution in quantity 
 and deterioration in quality must ensue. It may well be a question 
 whether the enormous expense attending the repairing of vessels of war 
 has not, in part, been contributed to by this want of light in dry docks. 
 It is well ascertained that, with artificial light, the caulking of seam.- anil 
 eoppering cannot be as well performed as with the natural light of day. 
 
 Another evil, arising from the same cause, is the difficulty in getting 
 long pieces of timber into the dock, and preparing them for being placed 
 upon the keel or bottom. 
 
 The balance floating dock is without these objections. There is no 
 necessity for narrow construction or high sides. The pressure of water 
 is upon all its parts. To give room to workmen, it is made double the 
 width and much longer than the largest ship to be enclosed in it — thus 
 at once securing light, room, air, and effective power. 
 
 2d. The health of the workmen. The extreme dampness of an exca- 
 vated dock is detrimental and sometimes fatal to those engaged in them, 
 The mechanics are crowded together eleven hours daily, in wet and cold ; 
 and a humid atmosphere. Diseases of a peculiar and serious character 
 are frequently the result. -Floating dry docks are without this evil. In 
 them the labor is preformed on a dry floor, with good light, and sufficient 
 ventilation. 
 
 3d. The labor in docking a vessel upon the excavated dock is in- 
 creased as the size and weight of the vessel docked is decreased. Greater 
 power is necessary to dock the smallest sloop of war than the largest 
 ship of the line ; which is not the case with the balance dock. With the 
 latter, the reverse is the fact, The smaller the vessel, the less the re- 
 quired labor and power, and vice versa. 
 
 4th. There is less safety in the excavated docks. The gates, being of 
 wood, are liable, to decay, and to be forced open by the pressure againsl 
 inch is increased by the necessity of constructing them high, to 
 keep out extraordinary tides. The alternate exposure to wet and dry 
 increases the chances of accident, by decreasing the strength of the 
 wood of which they are made. In 1838, the gates of a dock in France 
 gave way, thereby drowning and killing fifteen persons. Similar aeev 
 
HON. FERNANDO WOOD. lit 
 
 dents, destroying, in one instance, eighty persons, are said to have occur- 
 red in England. 
 
 The balance dock is without this objection. As has been seen, there 
 is no extraordinary pressure upon any part, and what there may be is 
 equal upou all its parts. The strain which, in the excavated dock, is 
 brought to bear upon the gates, is borne by it upon the sides and ends, 
 thus operating as a preventive to accidents, and not inviting them. 
 
 5th. The time required to build. It is estimated that from six to 
 •eight years will be required to build an excavated dock, and but as many 
 months for a balance dock. Upon this point, the report of the commis- 
 sion properly remarks : " If the Government were at war, .and had, in 
 the harbor of New York, several disabled vessels which could not make 
 their way to Norfolk or Charlestown, and the question was the most 
 speedy method of getting docked, it would doubtless render this consid- 
 eration important, independent of the loss of interest or cost between 
 the commencement or completion of a walled (excavated) dock." 
 
 6th. It is stationary. The balance dock could be removed from one 
 .position to another, whenever convenience or safety required. The ad- 
 vantage of this quality is too obvious to need comment 
 
 7th. Difference in original cost. The estimates for an excavated dock 
 (at Brooklyn) are from $900,000 to $1,300.000.. 
 
 Mr. Gilbert, the inventor and constructor of the balance dock, offers 
 to contract with the Government to build a dock on the plan, 240 feet 
 long, 85 feet wide, and 33 feet high, (large enough and with power enough 
 to raise the ship-of-the-line Pennsylvania,) for $250,000 ; if built inside 
 of an iron tank, as high as the load line, $260,000 ; and if all of iron, or 
 such parts as would be necessary, but little variation from that sum. Of 
 course the price would vary according to the size and material of which 
 it was built Take $1,100,000 (a medium sum between the estimates 
 for an excavated dock) as about the cost, and it will be seen that there 
 will be $850,000 difference in cost of building. The interest on the 
 ■cost of the excavated dock would be $66,000 dollars per annum, when 
 calculated at 6 per cent, and would, in four years, amount to $264,000 — 
 x greater sum than is required to construct a "balance dock. Thus it is 
 seen one of them could be built every four years for the interest of the 
 >sost of the excavated dock. It would not take many years to place a 
 dock at every southern port where they are so much wanted, by the 
 :>pa'priation of merely the interest of constructing one dry dock on 
 the old plan. Another consideration, too important to be overlooked, 
 
118 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 
 
 is, that there would be much greater distribution and quantity of laboi 
 given to mechanics, 
 
 These are the prominent advantages of the balance dock over the exca 
 vated dock. In several material points, they are worthy of further dis 
 cussion and amplification than can be given in this report. 
 
 We will now proceed to notice the common supposed objections t< 
 floating dry docks. % 
 
 1. They are constructed of perishable materials, and are subject U 
 decay and accident. 
 
 If built in a galvanized wrought-iron tank, as prepared by the com 
 mission, this objection and its consequences are at once dissipated. Its 
 durability would be secured ; nor would it require repair — having, in that 
 particular, an advantage over the excavated dock. The gates of the 
 latter, being of necessity built of wood, and, as has been stated, alter- 
 nately exposed to wet and dry, their liability to decay is increased. 
 Frequent examinations are required ; and, when repaired, it is in some 
 eases necessary to build a coffer dam, at a heavy expense. No accident 
 to the hull of the balance dock can effect its stability, or its retention 
 of upright position — the space between the outer and inner walls being 
 divided into small cells. If it were possible to perforate it, the water 
 would flow over the whole platform, thereby preserving a perfect level. 
 
 2. A vessel of the first class would be unsafe if for any length of time 
 in a floating dock. 
 
 The fact that the floating dry docks of New York have sustained the 
 largest merchant ships as long as it could be probable would ever be re- 
 quired in the navy, is a sufficient reply to this objection. No accident 
 from this cause, nor, indeed, any other, has" happened. It is no reply to 
 say that the danger is increased with the size of the vessel docked. A 
 floating dock which will lift and sustain one thousand tons will lift and 
 sustain four thousand tons, provided it is constructed large enough to 
 admit the vessel, and all its parts are increased in strength in proportion 
 to its increase of size. Its width is always nearly double that of the 
 largest ship intended to be docked ; consequently, the effective power 
 and strength is superior to that which is required to safely sustain any 
 ship which it is spacious enough to hold. If made of irou, all doubts 
 upon this point must certainly vanish. 
 
 In reply to a letter addressed to Professor Johnson, since the report of 
 the commissioners, asking whether, in his opinion, the naked hull of a 
 ship-of-the-line (haviug reference to those now at New York) could be 
 
HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 119 
 
 safely lifted and sustained in a floating dock, he says : " In reply to the 
 specific question which you propound, I would say that, if built in a 
 substantial and workmanlike manner, I see no reason to doubt that a 
 dock on that (Gilbert's) plan could safely lift and sustain the naked hull 
 of a ship-of-the-line." He evidently alludes to a wooden dock. If 
 built of iron, there could be but little, if any, difference between it and 
 the excavated dock, as to accident and strength. \ 
 
 3. The unsteady position and chances of straining or hogging the 
 ship whilst in dock. 
 
 This objection, however true of floating dry docks generally, cannot 
 lie against the balance dry dock- It is guarded against fully. There is 
 a perfect adaptation of the line of keel blocks to the line of the keel of 
 the vessel, which gives it an unyielding and firm support. It has a coun- 
 terpoise to the weight of the ship, which is distributed over the whole 
 platform. 
 
 The large area of water covered by the length, width, and weight of 
 the dock keep the whole in an immovable position. The one now in 
 the Hudson river, at New York, lying in the most exposed part of the 
 harbor, where severe northwestern winds prevail three months in the 
 year, has never met with hinderance or accident to either dock or vessel. 
 
 If the advantages claimed for the balance dry dock rested upon no 
 other basis than theory, or its operation by a model, it would be temer- 
 ity to recommend one for the Government. The value of a vessel of 
 war, or, indeed, the cost of the dock, would be too great to intrust to 
 the hazard of an experiment. However urgent may be the necessity, 
 New York had better remain without a dock than to adopt one which, 
 if failing, loss of property so great would ensue. It could not aid the 
 cause of progress and improvement to adopt any pMn of dock as a sub- 
 stitute, or even auxiliary to a dry dock, which would not entirely an- 
 swer the purpose. An experiment is not made in constructing a balance 
 dock. It is already in successful operation at New York for 1,500 tons, 
 and at Amsterdam for 4,000 tons. 
 
 The Dutch East India Company paid 12,000 guilders for simply the 
 model and drawings from which (so simple are its principles) it was con- 
 structed. At the latest intelligence, this dock was efficiently performing 
 its duty, and no accident had occured. Its lifting power, being 4,000 
 tons, is nearly 1,000 greater than the ship-of-the-line Pennsylvania, and 
 more than the Secretary tells us will be required, owing to the intention 
 of the Department to dismantle before docking. 
 
120 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 
 
 The Austrian Government has also made application to Mr. Gilbert. 
 Baron Ghega, chief engineer of Austria, in behalf of his Government, 
 after examining all the means in use in raising vessels in Europe and 
 America, gave the preference to this plan, and made official report to 
 that effect. 
 
 After mature deliberation, and a review of the many considerations to 
 be weighed in arriving at correct conclusions, the committee recommend 
 that the existing appropriation of one hundred thousand dollars, voted 
 at the last session towards the building at Brooklyn of a dry dock, or 
 floating dock, according to the discretion of the Secretary, be applied 
 to the construction of a balance floating dry dock, and report a joint 
 resolution to that effect. 
 
 SECOND PROCLAMATION OX THE NEW LIQUOR LAW. 
 
 After the preceding pages were stereotyped, the following im- 
 portant proclamation in reference to the new Liquor Law, was is- 
 sued by Mayor Wood, to the citizens of New York : — 
 
 Mayor's office, New Tork, ) 
 April 27, 1855. j" 
 
 My late communication to the people of this city respecting the Pro- 
 hibitory Liquor Law, recently passed by the Legislature, closed as fol- 
 lows : — 
 
 " I have availed myself of the first moment of the Legislature, when 
 all expectations of repeal, or modification, were hopeless. To thus make 
 public my position, \^§thout having had time to examine it, or to receive 
 .counsel as to my duties under it, and without knowing whether I am 
 called upon, or have power, as Mayor, to take any part in its execution, 
 I shall inform myself on these points without delay, and announce my 
 conclusion to the public with the same candor that prompts this com- 
 munication/' 
 
 The opinions of my legal advisers are before the public, and their con- 
 clusions need but brief reiteration at my hands. In my capacity as 
 Mayor, the Corporation Council is by the Charter constituted my guide ; 
 in my functions as Magistrate, the District Attorney becomes my co-op- 
 erator. These gentlemen sustain the same relations to me as are held by 
 Attorney Generals to the President, or the Governor. To act contrary 
 
HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 121 
 
 to their direction, until it is superseded by absolute judicial declaration, 
 would be an illegal assumption, for doubtful powers are thus made cer- 
 tain. I have no discretion to take any other line of conduct, without 
 doing what could be properly charged as an illegal assumption of power 
 unauthorized by law. Therefore, while standing ever ready to execute 
 all laws faithfully and diligently, to the extent of the means placed at 
 my command, I am, like other Executive officers, confined within the 
 boundaries prescribed by the legal advisers of my office ; to act contrary 
 would be to violate the law, or what I am obliged to consider the law, 
 until decided to be otherwise by the courts. 
 
 The reply made by Mr. Hall, the District Attorney, is dated three 
 days succeeding the publication of my views ; that of Mr. Dillon is da- 
 ted the following day. My inquiry to Mr. Hall was confined to what 
 would be the law governing the sale of liquor in this city after the ex- 
 piration of existing licenses (May 1st) until July 4th, when the penalties 
 of prohibition will go into effect, and as to the laws governing Sunday 
 selling during the same period. He replied that the old license system 
 is superseded by the new, with its own appropriate penalties ; that the 
 old penalties were not only specific to the old system, but are inap- 
 plicable to the new system, as well because penalties cannot be extend- 
 ed by implication as because the new system had its own specific pen- 
 alties ; that by an oversight of the Legislature, the new penalties are 
 superseded until that part of the act creating them becomes operative ; 
 that from May first, when existing licenses expire, until July 4th, no ob- 
 stacle exists to the free sale of liquor in this city, and that it can be 
 sold the same as any other commodity ; and that for Sunday selling 
 there is no penalty save the old civil penalty of two dollars and fifty 
 cents for a whole day's traffic, and which is to be prosecuted and col- 
 lected in a civil action by the Corporation Attorney. 
 
 The inquiries to Mr. Dillon were more general, applying to the whole 
 scope of the Prohibitory section. 
 
 In reply, he says, that the Mayor is not empowered to hear and deter- 
 mine the charges, and punish offenses, arising under any part of its pro- 
 visions. That the Mayor is not authorized to perform any other duty 
 under the act, than to require policemen to perform the duties enjoined 
 upon them, but that, in his direction to the police, he must caution them 
 against any infraction of that section of the law which declares it shall 
 not apply to liquors, the right to sell which in this State is given by any 
 law or treaty of the United States, and which are exempt from seizure, 
 
122 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 
 
 for the selling of which there is no penalty, and that policemen will not 
 be warranted in seizing such liquors, or the vessels in which they are 
 contained. The Council more particularly describes these liquors as 
 being all those which are permitted to be imported by act of Congress, viz. 
 • — which pay duty ; thus comprehending all that are imported. He also 
 thinks that the Mayor has been appropriately advised by the District 
 Attorney on other branches of the law before referred to. 
 
 And now an experiment is to be tried in this city, whether, in the ab- 
 sence of legal compulsory authority, there is sufficient moral force in the 
 confmunity to prevent unlimited indulgence in intoxicating drinks. 
 Under these opinions of the law officers, the coercive principle re- 
 cently adopted by the Legistature being in effect almost entirely nulli- 
 fied, shall we by general license and unbridled indulgence prove that co- 
 ercion is necessary ? Shall we thus admit the force of the prohibitory 
 argument by showing our inability of self-restraint, our incompetency 
 for social self-government ? If so disqualified, we are totally unfit for 
 the blessing of political self-government. 
 
 It is unnecessary to descant upon the evils of intemperance. Its re- 
 sults are too indelibly stamped upon the condition of a very large por- 
 tion of this community, to require any allusion from me. Any man who 
 walks abroad, or who visits the garrets and cellars of this metropolis, 
 filled with indigence, wretchedness and disease, or who takes a glance 
 into our-prisons, hospitals or Alms House, will be more or less than man 
 if he does not turn away with a painful and humiliating consciousness of 
 the crime, misery, and degradation to which alcohol reduces all who 
 yield to its temptation. Nor is it here alone where the sad results are 
 exhibited. The same developments aro often found among the opulent, 
 the educated, and the refined, and can we be surprised that, as the phi- 
 lanthropist surveys this dreadful, but not over-colored picture, he should 
 resort to remedies as violent as the evil sought to be removed appears 
 extreme and destructive ? 
 
 I apprehend all will agree with me in the existence of this great in- 
 jury to society in our midst, and let us so restrain ourselves by moral 
 force alone, that penal enactments may be unnecessary to enforce its 
 prohibition. The best coercion is voluntary determination. The human 
 will should have force enough to counteract the social evils of this kind 
 of over-'ndulgence. When the mental has become subservient to the 
 animal propensities, all distinctions from the brute are removed, and man 
 is debased indeed. 
 
HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 123 
 
 And especially with reference to the Sabbath, let us uunite these princi- 
 ples, with. a reverence for a clay hallowed and blest by divine institutions 
 throughout the civilized world. Do not again place that day in jeop- 
 ardy ! It has been my constant effort to give New Tork quiet, peace- 
 ful Sabbaths, consistent with the calmness and devotion which char- 
 acterize a time dedicated to such sacred objects. The closing of the 
 liquor shops, and it may be said almost total abstinence, has been ob- 
 tained. A disposition has been manifested to comply with my wishes 
 and with the law, in this matter, highly creditable to those engaged in 
 the trade, and which in no small degree has served to allay much hos- 
 tility to the traffic generally, besides raising the moral position of the 
 trade itself. 
 
 Though I look into the future with some fear in view of my present 
 restricted legal power over this subject, still there shall be no change in 
 my efforts to maintain intact the present cessation of liquor selling and 
 other employments on that day ; and in this the liquor dealers them- 
 selves should continue to co-operate. It is their duty as well as their 
 interest to comply. Even those who defend the occupation as an ab- 
 stract, inherent right to deal in any article of merchandize, cannot but 
 admit that none but the evil-minded, who are not creditable members of 
 any profession or society, can maintain a position so antagonistic to 
 public sentiment and morals. I look upon liquor selling upon the Sab- 
 bath day as a degrading occupation, from which any man, as he values 
 his reputation, should fly as from a contagion. 
 
 Let me urge, therefore, upon all, to show that the citizens of New- 
 York have within their own breasts a higher law, which governs their 
 appetites without penal punishments, and that having tasted the sweets 
 of the quiet Sabbath — of one day's rest and repose from the toils, strifes, 
 and wickedness of the weekly contests incident to city life — we will not 
 again relax into what is little better than bestial indulgence, on a day 
 devoted, throughout the Christian world, to the worship of the " only 
 true and ever-living God." 
 
 FERNANDO WOOD. 
 
124 
 
 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF 
 
 LETTER ADDRESSED TO HENRY J. RAYMOND, 
 
 ON THE 
 
 POLICE BILL BEFORE THE LEGISLATURE OF THE STATE OF 
 NEW YORK, 
 
 EXPRESSING AN OPINION ADVERSE TO ITS PASSAGE. 
 
 Mayor's Office, New- York, March 5, 1855. 
 lb the Lieut. Governor of the State of New- York : 
 
 Dear Sir : In the first message submitted by me to the Common Council of this City, I 
 animadverted upon the continual application of interested parties to the Legislature for 
 the passage of laws affecting our public interests. 
 
 In your position, and with your experience in either branch of the Legislature, it is im- 
 possible that this practice has not attracted your notice, and, of course, received your 
 condemnation. Believing you will appreciate the motives which govern me, in offering 
 views upon matters of legislation, when this City is interested, I take the liberty of ex- 
 pressing hostility to the bill now before the Assembly for the alteration of our police 
 system, which is one of a series of measures now proposed, having their origin in per- 
 sonal interest rather than public advantage. It would be derelict in me, if, from any 
 cause,. I permitted this proposition to succeed, without raising a warning voice against it. 
 
 HaviDg assumed the office of Mayor with a determination to discharge its duties with 
 a single eye to the public interests, it is impossible for me to remain indifferent to a pro- 
 position which, if passed, will strike the death-blow to all my efforts, however feeble, to 
 remove the shocking evils which have grown out of past misgovernment. Though op- 
 posed to granting special acts for the benefit of individuals or classes, I am willing to yield 
 almost everything before giving up the only safeguard we possess for the preservation of 
 the peace and the property and the lives of our people. Give up all, but give us the po- 
 lice. The police, as now organized under its present system, is efficient. As a whole, it 
 not only seconds my efforts, but it has been the main instrument by which nearly every 
 reform projected by me has been carried through. The closing of the liquor shops on 
 the Sabbath has been principally produced by the vigilance of the police in obedience to 
 my orders. To fully comprehend the results of this triumph over one of the greatest* 
 sources of vice and crime in this city, it is only necessary to refer to the number of ar- 
 rests on the Sabbath in 1854 as compared with the arrests on the same day thus far 
 in 1855. 
 
 The following tabular statement, from official records, is reliable : 
 
 ARRESTS ON SUNDAYS, 1854. 
 
 Jan. 
 
 Feb. 
 
 Mar. 
 
 Jan. 
 
 1 
 
 206 
 
 8 
 
 63 
 
 15 
 
 83 
 
 22 
 
 85 
 
 29 
 
 70 
 
 5 
 
 131 
 
 12 
 
 131 
 
 19 
 
 112 
 
 26 
 
 77 
 
 5 
 
 97 
 
 12 
 
 140 
 
 19 
 
 100 
 
 26 
 
 116 
 
 7 
 
 58 
 
 14 
 
 65 
 
 Apr. 
 
 May 
 
 76 
 112 
 
 71 
 T24 
 133 
 141 
 136 
 136 
 121 
 160 
 139 
 130 
 141 
 
 July 
 
 Aug. 
 
 Sept. 
 
 ARRESTS ON SUNDAYS, 1855. 
 
 Jan. 
 
 46 I Feb. 
 
 160 
 
 ISO 
 143 
 132 
 117 
 164 
 I4fl 
 1st 
 138 
 168 
 112 
 L26 
 146 
 
 Feb. 
 
 1 
 
 95 
 
 8 
 
 127 
 
 15 
 
 123 
 
 22 
 
 120 
 
 29 
 
 118 
 
 5 
 
 105 
 
 12 
 
 56 
 
 19 
 
 133 
 
 26 
 
 110 
 
 3 
 
 71 
 
 10 
 
 87 
 
 17 
 
 103 
 
 24 
 
 78 
 
 31 
 
 112 
 
 18 
 
 60 
 
 25 
 
 47 
 
HON. FEEXANDO WOOD. 125 
 
 By this it will appear that in the first eight Sabbaths of 1854 the arrests were S78 as 
 against 338 for the same period in 1855. To appreciate this, under my administration, the 
 increased vigilance and activity of the Police must be considered. If, with the lux disci- 
 pline existing in January and February, 1854, there were arrested on the Sundays in 
 those months 878 offenders, what would there have been under the new regulations and 
 more stringent administration now existing ? But if from any supposed cause other 
 reasons can be found than the closing of the public houses, for so great a difference be- 
 tween the two years, refer to the eight Sundays immediately preceding the commence- 
 ment of my term, and it will be seen that the arrests were 855 in November and Decem- 
 ber 1854, and only, as before stated, 33S for the two following months-January and Feb- 
 ruary, 1855. Comment on these figures is unnecessary. The obvious deductions are, 
 that the abolition of liquor-selling on Sunday, together with the present improved condi- 
 tion of the Police, are productive of morality and destructive of disorder, vice and crime ; 
 and these results have been mainly effected through the extreme devotion of the Police 
 to my orders, and this devotion to my orders is the consequence of its present discipline, 
 produced by the unrestricted power I now hold over it. 
 
 Other similiar reforms/have been effected in the same manner, the consequence of the 
 same cause ; but this is sufficient to show conclusively that the police, as now organized 
 and controlled, is rapidly improving, and will soon become second to no similar corps in 
 the world, which is not directly under military rule. This improvement has been accom- 
 plished under the present system, which, though not perfect, is far preferable to that 
 now before the Legislature. 
 
 That bill proposes that there shall be elected by the people four Commissioners of Police, 
 who, with the Mayor, ex officio, shall constitute a Board to sit daily in a room to^ be pro- 
 vided by the Common Council, and, of course, at an hour when the Mayor cannot be 
 present^ and who shall, through a President to be selected by themselves, from their 
 own number, have full and unrestricted control over the whole department, even to the issu- 
 ing of orders, notices, &c, to the police. 
 
 The Commissioners are to be elected by the people. It will not do to assume that the 
 members of the Legislature are ignorant of the mode of conducting our primary election 
 in this city, by dwelling upon the objections to this way of making Commissioners who are 
 to be clothed with the important power of appointing, trying, punishing and removing 
 policemen, in whose hands are placed the custody of the peace, order, property and 
 lives of nearly three-quarters of a million of inhabitants. There are some propositions 
 so evident, that no argument or statements are required to elucidate them : that a po- 
 lice system founded upon this principle, deriving its appointment from this source, will 
 be destructive to every semblance of what constitutes police, is one of these. But ad- 
 miring the elective principle without objection, the withdrawal of power from the 
 Mayor, contemplated by the bill, connot be defended. 
 
 The scattering of authority among Fire Commissioners, is of itself bad enough, inas- 
 much as it destroys that unity of executive authority, without which no good govern- 
 ment can exist in this city, with its present hybrid population ; but to take from the 
 chief magistrate, whose duty it is made to see the laws executed and who is responsible 
 to the people, control over the police, is, if possible, yet worse. 
 
 It is true the bill contains one section that the Mayor shall be " Head of the Police De- 
 partment," but this is a contemptible falsehood, unworthy of a place in any statute. 
 To declare that any officer shall be the head of a department, when deprived by another 
 section of everything that constitutes authority over it, is as absurd in theory as it is in- 
 sulting to the common sense of the people, who it thus seeks to deceive into a belief of 
 its possible practicability. 
 
 So far, I have made myself useful in the office of Mayor. My success in removing 
 
126 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF HON. F. WOOD. 
 
 many evils, and in the introduction of reforms of great benefit has exceeded my expec- 
 tations. 
 
 I desire to go en unmolested and unrestricted in the use of the weapons by which 
 crime has been punished, vice prevented, and municipal abuses abolished. When tbese are 
 taken from me, my usefulness is destroyed. Without tools, no mnchanic can construct, 
 and without a police, no magistrate can perform his duty. 
 
 Pass this bill, and the liquor shops will soon be again opened on Sunday, and all the 
 other evils which have so long affected us, and from which we are now happily being re- 
 lieved, will soon be restored, and render this great and beautiful city a disgrace to the 
 American name. 
 
 When this comes, the people must find some other occupant for the Mayoralty chair. 
 I shall cease to hold it when deprived of the means to carry out the reforms which I 
 have begun, and, so far, have been successful in accomplishing. 
 
 My personal allusions herein bave been forced upon me, in a fair discussion of the 
 subject, and not in any desire of self-glorification, or with any assumption or egotism. 
 
 I ask your co-operation in defeating a measure so pregnant with evil to this community, 
 
 in whose welfare and prosperity you have so long taken an active and influential part. 
 
 I a 10. very trulv, yours, 
 
 FERNANDO WOOD, Mayor. 
 
 We have in our possession many other documents, including the 
 Mayor's veto of the Central Park— letters to TJ. S. Consuls in 
 Em-ope — to the Police in respect to the Suppression of Intempe- 
 rance on the Sabbath and other subjects— a flattering communica- 
 tion which he has received, requesting him to be a candidate for 
 the Presidency of the United States, and his letter declining the 
 honor — and other important papers, which we reluLtantly omit, as 
 they would swell the volume far beyond what we anticipated as 
 a book intended for wide circulation. 
 
 THE END. 
 
li