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 PHILADELPHIA: 
 PKINTED AT "THE AGE" OF PICK. 
 
 1 8 6 3 . 
 

ADDEBSS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 DEMOCRATIC STATE CENTRAL COMMITTEE. 
 
 To the People of Ptwnsyteania : 
 
 An important election is at handy and the 
 issues involved in it m,y n.w claim your at- 
 tention. The tide of war has been rolled hack 
 from our borders; and with thanks to God, 
 and gratitude to the skill and valor which, 
 by his favor, achieved the prompt deliver- 
 ance of our invaded Commonwealth, we 
 may now give our solemn consideration to 
 the causes that have brought to its present 
 condition a country once peaceful, umted 
 and secure. It is now the scene of a great 
 civil war, between States that lately minis- 
 tered to each other's prosperity in a -Union 
 founded for their common good. It was 
 this Union that gave them peace at home 
 and V( . s p,ct abroad. They coped snecess- 
 fullywith Great Britain on the ocean, and 
 ,he'" doctrine" uttered by President Mon- 
 roe warned off the monarchs of Europe from ] 
 ihevdiolcAmcncancontincnt. NoW,France 
 carves out of it an empire, and ships built 
 in En-land plunder our commerce on even 
 B ea A great public debt and a conscription 
 * burden the people. The strength and wealth 
 of the nation arc turned from productive m- 
 dustrv and consumed in the destructive arts 
 of war Our victories fail to win peace. 
 Throughout the land, arbitrary powe* en- 
 croaches upon civil liberty. 
 
 What has wrought the disastrous change 
 No natural causes embroiled the North and 
 the South, Their interchangcalde products 
 
 and commodities, and various institutions, 
 were sources of reciprocal benefit, and ex- 
 cluded competition and strifej But an arti- 
 ficial cause of dissension was found m the 
 p06l1 ion of the African rare; and the ascend- 
 d encv in the national councils of mm 
 ple< w d to an aggressive and unconstitu- 
 tional Abolition policy, has brought our 
 country to the condition of "the Hon- 
 divided against itself." The danger to the 
 Union began where statesmen had foreseen 
 i if it began in the triumph of a sectional 
 party, founded on principles of revolutionary 
 
 hostility to the Constitution and the laws. 
 The leaders of this party were pledged to a 
 conflict with rights recognized and sheltered 
 by the Constitution. They called this conflict 
 -irrepressible;" and whenever one party is 
 determined to attack what another is deter- 
 mined to defend, a conflict can always be 
 made "irrepressible." They counted on 
 an easy triumph through the aid of insur- 
 ant slaves, and, in this reliance 
 were careless how soon they provoked 
 L collision. Democrats and Conserva- 
 tive strove to avert the conflict. Hiey 
 saw that Union was the paramount A- 
 teresl of their country, and they stood *y 
 tll( , „, T; „ bond of Union, the Constitution 
 of the United States. They were contest 
 t0 i,., V r debatable questions undent to the 
 high tribunal framed to decide them ; they 
 preferred it to the sword as an arbd, r 1 e. 
 
t ween the States ; tliey strove hard to merit 
 
 the title which their opponents gave them 
 
 in scorn — the title of "Union-savers." We 
 
 will not at length rehearse their efforts. In 
 
 the Thirty-sixth Congress the Republican 
 
 leaders refused their assent to the Crittenden 
 
 Compromise. On this point the testimony 
 
 of Mr. Douglas will suffice. He said: 
 
 "I believe this to be ;i fair basis ol amicable ad- 
 justment. 11 you ol i : ;■ ■ mii side are not 
 williDg to accept this, nor the proposition of the 
 Senator from Kentucky (Mr. Urittenden), pray tell 
 as what you are willing to dot [ address the inquiry 
 to the Republicans alone, for the ^reason that, ;/, tin 
 Committee of Thirteen, a few dayt ago, every member 
 from the South, including those from the cotton Slates 
 (Messrs. Davis and Toombs), expressed their read, 
 to accept the proposition oi myi enerable friend I 
 Kentucky, Mr. Crittenden, as a final settlement ol 
 the controversy, if tendered and sustained by the 
 Republican members. Hence the sole responsibility 
 of our disagi < t nti /;/. and the only difficulty in the toi y 
 of an amicable adjustment, is with the Republican 
 party. ' '—Jan. 3, 1861. 
 
 The Peace Congress was another means 
 
 by which the border States strove to avert. 
 
 the impending strife. How the Republican 
 
 leaders then conspired against the peace of 
 
 their country may he seen in a letter from ' 
 Senator Chandler, of Michigan, to the Gov- 
 ernor of that Stale : 
 
 " To His Excellency, Justin Blair: 
 
 "Governor Bingham and thyself telegraphed yon 
 on Saturday, ;it tin- request of Massachusetts and 
 Nt-w York, to send delegates to the Peace or Com- 
 promise Congress. They admit that we were right 
 and that tin y were wrong; that no Republican State 
 should have sent delegates; but they are here and 
 cannot uet away. Ohio, Indiana and Rhode Island 
 are caving in, and there is danger of Illinois; and 
 now they ben ns Rw God's sake to come to their 
 rescue, and save the Republican party from rapture. 
 I hope you will send stiff- backed men or none. The 
 whole thing was gotten up against my judgment and 
 advice, and will end in thin smoke, ":stiii l hope as 
 a matter of courtesy to some of our erring brethren 
 that you will send the delegates. 
 
 ' 'Truly, your friend, 
 
 • - /,. < 'II AMH.KR. ' ' 
 
 "P. s. — Some of the manufactui ing states think 
 that a riLrlit would be awful. Without a little blood 
 letting this Union will not, in my estimation, be 
 woi th a rush. 
 
 "Washington, Feb. 11, isci. " 
 
 In Pennsylvania, too, the same spirit pre- 
 vailed. It was not seen how necessarily 
 
 her position united her in interest with the 
 border Stales. She has learned it since, 
 
 from contending armies trampling out her 
 ii.i'M 3ts and deluging her fields with blood. 
 Governor Curtin sent bo the Peace Congress 
 Mr. Wilmot and Mr. Meredith. 
 
 Mr. Wilmot was Chiefly known from the 
 connection of his name with the attempt to 
 embroil the country by the "Wilmot Pro- 
 viso," baffled by patriotic statesmanship, in 
 winch Clay and "Webster joined with the 
 
 Democratic leaders; just as Clay and Jack- 
 son had joined in the Tariff Compromise of 
 1833. Mr. Meredith had published his belief 
 that the mutterings of the rising storm were 
 what he called " stiidulous cries," unworthy 
 Of the slightest attention. 
 
 By Mr. Lincoln's election, in November, 
 lsi;o, the jiower to save or destroy the Union 
 was in the hands of his party ; and no adjust- 
 ment was possible with men who rejected 
 the judgment of the Supreme Court, who 
 scorned conciliation and compromise, and 
 who looked to a " little bloodletting" to ce- 
 ment the American Union. Till this time, 
 the Union men of the South had controlled, 
 with little difficulty, the small but restless 
 class among them who desired a separate 
 nationality. The substantial interests of 
 the South, especially the Blaveholding in- 
 ti rest, were drawn reluctantly into seces- 
 sion. Gen. P. P. Blair, of Missouri, an 
 eminent Republican, said very truly, in the 
 last Congress ; 
 
 "Every man acquainted with the facts - knows 
 thai It is fallacious to call this -a slaveholders' re- 
 bellion.' * * * * A closer rcrutiny demonstrates 
 the contrary to be true; such a scrutiny demon- 
 strates that the rebellion originated chiefly with the 
 non- slaveholders resident in the strongholds of the 
 institution, not springing, however, from any love 
 of slavery, but from an antagonism ol race and hos- 
 tility to the idea ol equality with the blacks involved 
 in simple emancipation. " ' 
 
 It was the triumph of the Ab< litionists over 
 
 the Democrats and Conservatives of the 
 North, that secured a like triumph to the 
 secessionists over the Union men of the 
 South. The John Brown raid was taken as 
 a practical exposition of the doctrine of 
 "irrepressible conflict." The exultation 
 over its momentary success, the lamentation 
 over its failure, had been swelled by the Abo- 
 litionists, so as to seem a general expression 
 of Northern feeling. Pints and rescues hail 
 nullified the constitutional provision lor the 
 return of fugitives. The false pretence that 
 slavery would monopolize the territories, $ 
 when we had no territories in v\ liicli it could 
 exist, bad been used as a means of constant ■■>■. 
 tatioii against slavery in the Southern States. 
 A plan of attack upon it had been published 
 in "Helper's hook," formally endorsed and 
 recommended by the leaders of the party 
 tllat was about to assume the Administra- 
 tion of the Federal Government— leaders 
 
who openly inculcated contempt for the 
 Constitution, contempt for the Fupreme 
 Court, and professed to follow a "higher 
 law." Thus the flame of revolution at the 
 South was kindled and fed with fuel 
 furnished by the Abolitionists. It might 
 seem superfluous to advert now to what is 
 past and irrevocable^ were it no1 that it is 
 against the same men and the same influ- 
 ences, still dominant in the councils of the 
 Administration, that an appeal is now to be 
 made to the intelligence of the people. The 
 Abolitionists deprecate these allusions to 
 the past. To cover up their own tracks, 
 they invite us to spend all our indignation 
 upou "Southern traitors;" but truth compels 
 us to add, that, in the race of treason, 
 the Northern traitors to the Constitution 
 had the start. They tell us that slavery was 
 the cause of the war- therefore, the Union 
 is to be restored by waging a war upon 
 slavery. This is not true; or only true in 
 the sense that any institution, civil or reli- 
 gious, may be a cause of war, if war is made 
 upon it. Nor is it a just conclusion (hat if 
 you take from your neighbor his " man-ser- 
 vant or his maid, or anything that is his," 
 you will thus establish harmony between 
 you. No danger to the Union arose from 
 slavery whilst the peopleof each State dealt 
 calmly and intelligently with the question 
 within their own State limits. "Where little 
 importance attached to it, it soon yielded to 
 moral and economical considerations, leaving 
 the negro in a position of social and politi- 
 cal subordination no where more clearly 
 marked than in the Constitution and laws 
 of Pennsylvania. The strife began when 
 people in States where it was an immaterial 
 question undertook to prescribe the course 
 of duty upon it to States in which it was a 
 question of great importance and difficulty. 
 This interference became more dan 
 when attempts were made to use the power 
 of the General Government, instituted for 
 the benefit of nil the States, to the injuryand 
 proscription of the interests of some of the 
 States. It was not merely a danger to the 
 institution of slavery, but to our whole po- 
 litical system, in which separate and distinct 
 colonics became, by the Declaration of Inde- 
 pendence, "free and independent States," 
 
 and afterwards established a Federal I uion 
 
 under the Constitution of the United States. 
 That instrument, witli scrupulous care, dis- 
 criminates the powers delegated to the Gen- 
 eral Government from those reserved "to 
 the Stati <dy, or to the people." 
 
 And lei it be noted, that in speaking of the 
 powers so delegated and reserved, we refer 
 
 to no vague doctrines or ; qs, but to 
 
 the clear pro isione of the \\ ritteu instrument 
 which it is the duty of every citizen, and 
 < ■ pecially of every public functionary, to re- 
 spect and maintain. The protection of 
 
 American liberty against the encroachments 
 of centralization was left to the States by 
 the Cramers of t lie Constitution, i la milt on, 
 the most indulgent of them to Federal 
 power, says ; " It may be safely received as 
 an axiom in our political system, that the 
 Slate Governments will, in all possible con- 
 tingencies, afford complete security against 
 invasions of public liberty by the na- 
 tional authority." Who can be blind 
 to the consequences that have fol- 
 lowed the departure from the true prin- 
 ciples of our Government? "Abolition" 
 vies with "secession" in sapping the very 
 foundations of the structure reared by our 
 forefathers. In Pennsylvania, the party on 
 whose acts you will pass at the ballot-box 
 has trampled upon the gnat rights of | 
 SOnal liberty and the freedom of the pie--, 
 which every man who can read may find 
 asserted in the Constitution of the State and 
 the Constitution of the United States. The 
 dignity of our ( ommonwealth has been in- 
 sulted bathe outrages perpetrated upon her 
 citizens. At Philadelphia and at Harris- 
 burg, proprietors of newspapers have been 
 seized at midnight and hurried offto military 
 
 ins beyond the limits of the State. Agaii 
 acts like these, perpetrated before the eyes of 
 the municipal and State auth< ritii 3, there is 
 neither protection nor redress. The seizure of 
 a journal at West Chester was afterwards the 
 subject of a suit for damages in the Supreme 
 Court of Pennsylvania. It came to trial 
 before I aiei Justice Lowrie. Rehearsing 
 icienl principles of English and Amer- 
 ican justice, he condemned the acts of the 
 ;:! cilice] s as violations of the law that 
 binds alike the private citizen and the pub- 
 
6 
 
 lie functionary. He said: "All public func- 
 tionaries in this land are under the law, and 
 ■ . from the highest to the lowest, are 
 above it." Impatient at any restraint from 
 law, a partisan majority in Congress has- 
 tened to ] to take from the State 
 courts to the United - - courts, all i 
 or prosecutions "for tn - - wrongs 
 done or committed by virtue or tinder color 
 of any authority derived from or exerci 
 under the President of the United States;' 1 
 and such authority was declared to be a full 
 defence for the wrongdoer in any action, 
 civil or criminal. The American Executive 
 is, as the word imports, the executor of the 
 duly enacted law's. Yet the pretension is 
 made that his will ean lake the place Of the 
 laws. The liberty, the character of every 
 citizen, is put at the mercy of new function- 
 aries called "provost marshals." Secret 
 accusation before these officials takes the 
 place of open hearing before a lawful mi 
 trate, and no writ of huhum corpv* may in- 
 quire the cause of the arrest. To illegal ar- 
 rests have been added the mockery of a trial 
 of a private citizen for his political opinions 
 before a court-martial, ending in the inflic- 
 tion of a new and outrageous penalty, in- 
 vented by the Presidenl of the United States. 
 We need not comment upon acts like Cb 
 The President Of the United States has no au- 
 thority, in 'peace or war to try, even an en- 
 listed soldier by court-martial, save by virtue 
 and in strict conformity with the military 
 law laid down in the act of Congress "es- 
 tablishing rules and articles for the govern- 
 ment of the armies of the United States." 
 Y et by his proclamation of September 21th, 
 1863, he has assumed to make all citizens 
 amenable to military courts, lie has vio- 
 lated the great principle of free government, 
 on which Washington conducted the war of 
 the [{evolution, and Madison the war of 
 1S12— the principle of the subordination of 
 the military to the civil power, lb- has as- 
 sumed to put " martial law," which is the 
 rule of force at a spot where all laws are si 
 [enced, in the place of civil ju ough^ 
 out the land, and has tin 
 of tl ballot- 
 box. These ait" not occasional acts, done 
 in hade, or heat, or ignorance; but a new 
 
 system of government put in the place of 
 that ordained and established by the people. 
 That the Queen could not do what he could, 
 was Mr. Seward's boast to the British Min- 
 ister. The "military arrests" of Mr. Stan- 
 ton received the "hearty commendation" of 
 invention that renominated Governor 
 Curtin ; and it pledged him and bis party to 
 " hearty co-operation" in such acts of the 
 Administration in future. Such is the de- 
 grading platform on which a candidate 
 for Chief Magistrate of Pennsylvania 
 stands before her people. These preten- 
 sions to arbitrary power give ominous 
 significance to a late change in our 
 military establishment. The time-honored 
 American system of calling on the 
 States for drafts frOm their militia, lias been 
 replaced by a Federal conscription, on the 
 model of European despotisms. We would 
 not minister to the excitement which it has 
 caused among nan of all parties. Its con- 
 stitutionality will be t. ire the courts. 
 If adjudged to be within the power of Con- 
 ine people will decide on the pro- 
 priety of a stretch of power on which the 
 British Parliament — styled omnipotent — has 
 never ventured. On this you will puss at 
 the polls, and the nexl - will not be 
 deaf to the voice >^' the people. For all 
 political evils, a constitutional remedy yet 
 remains, in the ballot-box. We will not enter 
 tain a fear that it is not safe in the guardian- 
 ship of a free people. If men in office 
 should seek to perpetuate their power by 
 wresting from the people of Pennsylvania 
 the right of suffrage— if the servants of the 
 people should rebel against their master — 
 on them will rest the responsibility of an 
 attempt at revolution, of which no man can 
 foresee the consequences or the end. But 
 in now addressing you upon the political 
 of the times, we assume that tin- 
 institutions of our country arc destined to 
 ire. 
 The approaching election derives further 
 importance from the influence it will exer- 
 cise upon the policy of the Government! 
 The aim of men not blinded by fanaticism 
 and party spirit would be to reap the best 
 fruit from the victories achieved by our 
 gallant armies— the best fruit would be peace 
 
audi the restoration of the Union. Such is 
 
 not the aim of the party in power. Dom- 
 inated by its most bigoted members, it- urges 
 a war for the negro and not for the Union. 
 U avows the design to protract the war till 
 slavery shall be abolished in all the Southern 
 States ; in the language of on pamph- 
 
 leteers, "how can a man, hoping and pray- 
 ing for the destruction of slavery, 
 that the war shall be a shprl i 
 .Mr. Thaddeus Stevens, tin" Republican 
 leader in the last House of Representative , 
 declared, "The Union shall never, with 
 my consent, be restored under tin Const itu- 
 lini) as. it is, with slavery to be protected by 
 it. 1 ' The same spirit appears in Mr. Lin- 
 coin's late answer to citizens of Louisiana 
 who desired the return of that State under 
 its present Constitution. Mr. Lincoln post- 
 poned them till thai Constitution shall lie 
 amended. The Abolitionists desire the war 
 to last till freedom is secured to ail the 
 slaves. Hordes of politicians, and con- 
 tractors, and purveyors, who fatten on the 
 war, desire it to last forever. When the 
 slaves are all emancipated by the Federal 
 arms, a constant military intervention will 
 ho needed to keep them above or equal with 
 the white race in the Southern States. Peace 
 has no place in their platform. It pro- 
 claims confiscation and abolition as the 
 objects of the war, and the Southern 
 leader catches up the words to stimulate 
 his followers to fight to the last. It is not 
 the interest of Pennsylvania that a fanatical 
 faction shall pervert and protract the war, 
 for ruinous, perhaps unattainable ends. 
 What the North needs i- the return 
 South, with its people, its territory, its 
 staples, to complete the integrity of our 
 common country. This, and not mere de- 
 vastation and social confusion, would be the 
 aim of patriots and statesmen. The Aboli- 
 tion policy promises us nothing better than 
 a Southern Poland, ruled by a Northern 
 despotism. But history is full of examples 
 how wise rulers have assuaged civil dis- 
 cord by moderation and justice, while 
 bigots and despots, relying solely on 
 force, have been baffled by feeble opponents. 
 That a temperate constitutional policy will 
 fail, in our ease, to reap the fruit of success 
 
 in arm:-, cannot be known \iii if is tried. 
 The tines are critical. France, umler a 
 powc rfnland ambitious monarch, is entering 
 on the seen:', willing again to play an im- 
 portant part, in an American revolution, 
 The English Government is hostile to us,; 
 it has got all it wanted from abolition, ami 
 will have nothing more to do with it. The 
 •he presses under 
 , control, pRpose reunion, preferru . 
 perhaps, even . enee upon 
 
 European powers. But from many par,ts of 
 the South, and aero- the picket lines, and 
 from the prisoners and the wounded, has 
 come the proof of a desire among the people 
 of the South to return to constitutional re- 
 lations with the people of the North. Early 
 in the ni, desire was shown in 
 
 North Carolina, one of the old thirteen 
 associated with Pennsylvania on thepage 
 of Revolutionary history. But the majority 
 in. Congress made basic to show that Abo- 
 lition, not reunion, was their aim. In 
 a moment of depressipn, on the ~'2dot .luly, 
 18G1, being the day after the battle of Bull 
 Run, they allowed the passag i of a resolu- 
 tion, offered by Crittenden, defining a 
 policy for the restoration of the Union. Hut 
 they suon rallied, and filled the statute-bi 
 with acts of confiscation, abolition, and 
 emancipation, against the remonstrances of 
 eminent j; conservative men of all 
 
 parties. Mr. Lincoln, too, yielding, he said, 
 '•topri ssure," put his proclamations in place 
 of the Constitution and the laws. Tims 
 every interest a; South- 
 
 ern people were enlisted on the side id' r< - 
 sistancc by the policy of a party which. 
 as JMr. Stevens. said, will not consent to a 
 restoration of tl : ] u " the Con- 
 
 ion as it is." It is this policy that has 
 protracted the war, and is now the greatest 
 obsl tele to its termination. 
 
 The reunion of the slate-, can alone give 
 them their old security at home and power 
 and dignity abroad. Th's end can never 1 e 
 reached upon the principles of the party now 
 in power. Their principles are radically 
 false, and can never lead to a pood conclu- 
 sion. Their hope of setting up the negro in 
 the place of the white man runs counter to 
 the laws of race, the laws of nature. Their 
 
8 
 
 statesmanship has been Weighed in the Lai- 1 
 anee and found wanting; their 'Tittle 
 blood-letting" has proved a delnge. Their 
 interference with our armies has often frus- 
 trated and never aided their success, till it 
 has become a military proverb that the 
 best thing for a general is to he out of 
 reach from Washington. The party was 
 founded upon the political and moral 
 heresy of opposition to Compromise, 
 which is the only means of Union among 
 States, and of peace and good will on 
 earth among men. 
 
 In a popular Government, the people 
 are sovereign, and the sound sense of the 
 whole community corrects, at the polls, 
 the errors of political parties. The people 
 of Pennsylvania have seen, with regret, 
 the unconstitutional aims of the Aboli- 
 tionists substituted for the original ob- 
 jects of the war. They have seen with 
 indignation many gallant soldiers of the 
 Union driven from its service, because 
 they have not bowed down to the Abolition 
 idol. They will see with horror the war 
 protracted in order to secure the triumph of 
 a party platform, or, as Mr. Chandler said, 
 "to save the Republican party from rup- 
 ture.'' The lime is now at hand when the 
 voice of the people will be heard. The 
 overthrow of the Abolitionists at the polls 
 and the re-establishment of constitutional 
 principles at the North is the first, the indis- 
 pensable step towards the restoration of the 
 Union and the vindication of civil liberty. 
 To this great service to his country each 
 citizen may contribute by his vote. Thus 
 the people of the North may themselves 
 extend the Constitution to the people of the 
 South.' It would not be a specious offer of 
 politicians, to be observed with no better 
 faith .than the resolutions of duly, '61. It 
 would be a return to the national policy of the 
 better days of the Republic, through the intel- 
 ligence of the people, enlightened by experi- 
 ence. It would strengthen the Govern- 
 ment; for a constitutional Government is 
 strong when exercising with vigor its legiti- 
 mate powers, ami is weak when it sets an ex- 
 
 ample of revolutionary violence by invading 
 the rights of the people. < )ur principles and 
 our candidates are known to you. The 
 resolutions of the late Convention at Harris- 
 burg were, with some additions, the same 
 that had been adopted by the Democracy in 
 several States, and by the General Assem- 
 bly of Pennsylvania. They declare au- 
 thoritatively the principles of the Demo- 
 cratic part}-. It is, as it has always been, 
 for the Union and the Constitution against 
 all opposers. The twelfth resolution de- 
 clares, "that while this General Assembly 
 condemns and denounces the faults of the 
 Administration and the encroachments of 
 the Abolitionists, it does, also, most 
 thoroughly condemn and denounce the 
 heresy of secession as unwarranted b} r the 
 Constitution, and destructive alike of the se- 
 curity and perpetuity of Government and 
 of the peace and liberty of the people and 
 it does hereby most solemnly declare that 
 the people of this State are unalterably op- 
 posed to any division of the Union, and will 
 persistently exert their whole influence and 
 power, under the Constitution, to maintain 
 and defend it." 
 
 "We have renominated Chief Justice Low- 
 rie for the bench which he adorns. Our 
 candidate for Governor, Judge "Woodward, 
 in his public and private character, affords 
 the best assurance l bat he will bring honesty, 
 capacity, firmness and patriotism to the di- 
 rection of the affairs of the Commonwealth. 
 Long withdrawn, by judicial functions, from 
 the political arena, he did not withhold his 
 warning voice when conservative men took 
 counsel together upon the dangers that 
 menaced our country. His speech at the 
 town meeting at Philadelphia in December, 
 1860, has been vindicated by subsequent 
 events as a signal exhibition of statesmanlike 
 Bagacity. 
 
 Under his administration we may hope 
 that Pennsylvania, with God's blessing, will 
 resume her place as "the Keystone of the 
 Federal arch." 
 
 CHAKLES J. Bidpi.k, Chairman. 
 
 LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
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LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
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