S .WIS y^^AFiy iJ^to/^'^^^^s, Will 1IIIII oon S97sg^m HOLUNGER pH8J MILL RUN F3-1543 / LETTER OF HON. EDWARD WADE. OF OHIO, TO THE CLEVELAND HERALD: REMARKS UPON IT BY MESSRS. CAMPBELL OF OHIO, THOR LNGTON OF IOWA, SHERMAN, LEITER, AND WADE OF OHIO, HOUSTON OF ALABAMA, A. K. MARSHALL OF KENTUCKY, AND DUNN OF LNDIANA. IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, JANUARY 28, 185 Mr. CAMPBELL, of Ohio, said: I rise this morniiijj, Mr. Clerk, for tlie purpose of uskinj; the consent of the House to c.ill its iitlention to a matter affecting; very deeply, 1 think, my verft- city and my personal honor. I had oce^Tsion some weeks ago to call the attention of the House to a letter written by my collea^e from the Ash- tabula district, [Mr. Giddikcs,] in which I sup- posed charges were prefernd imputing improper motives to my course in reference to the speaker- I siiip. 1 have no intention now of consuming any of the time of the House by noticing llie various assaults made upon me by the newspaper press , of the country on account of mv vote against the I plurality resolution, because I tniiik tlnse attacks \ grow out of their want of information in ref- ; erence to my " antecedents" on that subject. | Rather than consume the time of the House upon ; that question, I took occasion the other day to' address a letter to the National Intelligencer of i thia city, which I will present now, in order that j ii may go upon the congressional record. It is as . follows: I IIOrSE or REPRFSF.NTATlVr"', 1 U'AsaiNOTO.N, January -.lo, 1S56. I To the EHUort of Ihc lutclliaciircr : I Gkstlkmen:'TIio struggle to dcct a Speaker liiis been | irurrouiidcd with much ciubnrrassiiu-nt, and Jti'- pcculiiir ; rcliilioii wliirli it has been my mi^^^l>rtll^lP, llll^^•uiIl^^he :u\- j vice oC friends, to occupy with rcaard to it, rciidiT.-* it indel- ' iciilo for iiK! now to give any opinion as to the causes of the I existing dilKctillica. I prefer, thercliure, to siibinit (|uicrtly i to the virulent a.-isaults wliich many of the !iiili-.\(hiiinis- I tration papers arc mnkin<;, until a plain statement of facts may be given witJiout the danjiT of producing further delay ' in the traiisuclion of the public business, i am called upon, | however, by numerous private Icners, aa well as by a por- | lion of the press entitled to a respectful reply, for my rca- j jionH for votaig against an election of Speaker by a ylurMhj vote. I 1 came into Congress, Incspcrienced in legislative duties, i in IS'IU, when there was a similar contest, the prominent candidates bcins Messrs. Winthrop and Cobb. The Free- Si>il party w.-vs represented by Messrs. Oiddin^f, VVilmot, ■ Root, and some .six others, who held the balance of power, j After a protracted strugitle, many ellbrts were made to , adopt a plurality rule. Although a supporter of Mr. Win- throp, I united with the free-Soil men on this question, \ and uniformly voted aj;ainht it, airecing with them in the | arcunients which they presented, that it w.v of doubtful | consittulionality, and a departure from the uniform usage | since the org;mi/.ntion of the Cnverninent of ha/.ardous i tendency. It was finally adoptcti, and the result was th.it ! n House, a majority of which wxh elected a» advocates of ; the " VVilmot proviso," refused to apply the restriction to | the Territories acquired froni Mexico, which, by the laws | of 111 II !:.,i-.'rii.!< 111 h-i'l I'Mii previously dedicated to 1'ri.o institutions, and cji-ed lU h -i-lut'on on the flavr rr qtie**- tion by the enactment of the fugitive i-lave law. tnthoul stvuriiis trial ly jurii, as reeonimended by Air. Clay and llie eompromi.sc' co!iiiiiilte apprehend that its adoption at this lime will result in giving the or^'aiiization of lli« House to the frienast to those who were known to be voting in (jood faith for Mr. Banks. It was impossible for the Banks men to know that southern slavery (^vtensinnists would leave the Hall or refuse to vote. Those Banks men who voted against Tiior- iNGTOx's re>olution had no knowledge, no hint, no sur- mise, that Mr. Campeeul had, in one sliort night, become so very acceptable to the slavery extension Know Nothings as well as Democrats. Mr. Campbell, on that occasion, was found in company with those who have been thwarting Uie will of an overwhelming majority of the anti-Nebraska men ; and they, believing that a man is " known by the company he keeps," and i)referring to fall into the hands of an open, rather than to risk the chance of taking to their bosoms a concealed enemy, voted against that resolution. This most unfortunate, not to say treacherous movement, as it has since turned out, and was at the time suspected, seems to have been made, as the mover admitted, witli " but a/eii' others :" who those others were we do not know, but there can be but little doubt that it was a deliberate treason, jilotted by three or four of our nominal friends, in order to throw the responsibility of tb.e disorganization of the House on to those who were supporting Mr. Banks. This, it was thought, would force the friends of Mr. Banks to abandon him, and return to Campbell. Instantly, on the result of the vote being made known, a general howl was set up by the Pierce Democracy, the national Know Nothings, and the Dunn, Scott, and Harrison recusants, that the friends of Banks were responsible for not electing Campbell Speaker, and the Locofocos were seized with a spasm of sympathy for Campbell; and the national or slavery extension Know Nothings seemed on the point of swearing, because Campbell was not elected. Indeed, they openly claimed that several of those slavery extension Know Nothings left the Hall, and that others declined voting, 80 as to give a chance for the election of Campbell. This piece of imposition was received by the Pierce men as a god-send. The use they and the Know Nothing slavery extension allies made of it was this : to denounce the Banks men as adhering to him personally, at the sacritiee of Camp- hell; and great was the sympathy of these slaveholders for Campbell ; but greater still was the consternation of a few of the anti-Nebraska men who had voted for Banks. It seemed for a short time like " Rachel weeping for her children, and would not be comforted." It indeed looked a little blue for a time— as though the ranks of the anti- Nebraska nion were to be broken by this fusilade of the enemies. A caucus was called, and the matter discussed and explained; and the unanimous conclusion was to sus- tain Banks, and not again to take couusel of our enemies, nor to select eandidales tVnm anti-Nebraska men acceptable to the Democratic and Know Nothing sections of the slavery extension party in Congress ; for there are but two parties liore — the Slavcry-exteniionists and the Slavery-re'driction- ists. True, these two parlies are at odds witli each other on what they call '• American principles," but on all other matters tln'y are to each other as "liand and glove." One word on tlie position of the " scatterers," as they are called here. They affirm that they " will never vote for Banks;" they give no reason for this, only that Banks is not liked by them, and they never will vote for him. Now, there is no reason whythe views of these men should not be respectodj nor is there any reason, on the other hand, why they should not respect the preferences of the over- whelming majority of their comradi;s. Their position is hostile to the success of the anti-Ne- braska men. They are doing the work of the sltam Democ- racy — doing it more effectually than the Pierce men and the slavery Know Nothings could do it themselves. Were those men in the pay of the Administration they could not do its work as efl'eetually as they are now doing it; and instead of being allies of the anti-Nebraska men, they are, and ought to be treated, as pro-slavery men, and allies of the slave Democracy. KEPUBLICAN. I now refer to the Congressional Globe of that date to show what was said on the occasion of the introduction of the resolution by the honor- able member from Iowa, [Mr. Thorington,] The resolution had been presented before I entered the Hall, liaving been detained at my rooms by company. The resolution was in these words: "Resolved, That Lewis D. Campbell be declared the Speaker of the Hou~e of Representatives for the Thirty- Fourth Congress of the United States." He had prefaced its introduction with remarks made before I came in, but which appear in the re- ported proceedings of that day. The gentleman from Iowa said, among other things, before intro- ducing his resolution: " I have not consulted the gentleman whose name I have embraced in this resolution, in reference to the use I have made of his name ; a proper sense of delicacy has pre- vented me from doing so." As I have already said, I came into the Hall not knowing what proposition was about to bo voted upon. On inquiry I was informed of it,s character, and felt that it i^laced me in a most embarrassing situation. My own judgment dic- tated the propriety of announcing, as soon as I could with propriety take the floor, that it was introduced without my knowledge or consent. After the vote upon the resolution was taken, and before the result was announced by the Clerk, it appears from the Congressional Globe that the following remarks were made: " Mr. Campbell, of Ohio. Mr. Clerk, I have seen much, heard much, and read much that has surprised me at this session of Congress ; but I was never more amazed in all my life than I was on entering tlie Hall this morning, to find a proposition of this kind pending before this body. I felt embarrassed, because I thought that it might place mo in a false attitude before the House and the country. I felt, also, that it might tend to embarrass the action of this House. But I had no remedy ; and I now rise for the simple purpose of assuring the House that the proposition was made without my knowledge and without my authority. It was, doubtless, the result of personal kindness and of patriotic design on the part of the gentlomau from lowa^ and I thank him for it. " Sir, it is but proper I should say, that since I v.-ith- drew my name on the seventh day of December, I have on several occasions been appealed to by honorable gentlemen to give my consent to the introduction of some such propo- sition as this. Those who never voted for me during the time I was before theHouscasthecandidateof my friends, have made appeals to me that they might be authorized to submit something of this kind. The honorable gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. KnigiitJ has made such an appeal to mo on more than one occasion. My uniform response has been, that whatever ambition I might have had, when I came here, to occupy that high and honorable post, had been cured, because 1 thought that its honors had been very materially frittered away by the circumstances connected with this controversy. '•' I assured the gentlemen who made these applications to me that, under no eircuinstanees whatever could I, in the existing condition of things, be considered as a candi- date, or as throwing any obstacle in the way of a speedy organization of this body. With the honorable geniieman from Iowa, [Mr. Thorington,] I believe I have lor sumo weeks, scarcely passed the ordinary courtesies and ci\ilities of the day, much less to have any conversation with him upon a proposition such as he has submitted ; and he doubt- less will, if he. has not already done so, exonerate me fully and entirely from any participation in this matter. "Mr. Thorington. I stated, I believe, I had not had, directly or indirectly, any consultation with the gentleman from Ohio, and had onlymentioned the matter to some of my particular friends. "Mr. Campbell. I am clad, however, that the vote has hoc-n taken, because it may be the means ot'throvvinjsnmc additional light upon this question of organization, and of enablins; us to e.\tricate ourselves from the difficulties in oUr way. 1 am glad, too, for the furtlier reason, that ir pivcs nio an opportunity to acknowledge, in my humble way, my unfeigned gratituiletotlio.se gentlemen — and there areniariy of them — who have supported this resolution, yet who did not, for reasons satisfactory to them, vote for me upon the former occasion." How my collcaa^ic [Mr. Wade] — immediately after such a declaration from me and from the honorable member from Iowa — could have retired to his room and sent a letter for publication in my State, charging that I knew of the fact that the resolution was to be offered, and imputing treach- ery, is beyond my comprehension. It is only necessary now, Mr. Cleric, that I should put this matter right on the record in refer- ence to my own action; and with a view of doing so, I call I'lpon the gentleman from Iowa now to state whether any knowledge of any kind was imparted to me, directly or otherwise, of his inten- tion to introduce that resolution. When he an- swers, 1 shall call upon two of my colleagues for a statement in this connection. The gentleman from Iowa will be good enough to give me the benefit of his testimony. Mr. THORmGTdN. My attention, Mt. Clerk, was this morning called to that communi- cation by the gentleman from Ohio, [Mr. Camp- bell.] I read the article then for the first time; and I must say that I never read an article which surprised me more than the one just read from your desk. The declaration which I made on this floor at the time of my introducing the reso- lution referred to, declaring the gentleman frorn Ohio [Mr. Campbell] Speaker of this House, was sufficient, and I thought, in the innocency of my heart, that to members on this floor, at least, it would be; nor did I for one moment suppose that it would have been ever called in que'Stion here. But it seems that it has. And now, sir, so far as that article is concerned, I have only to say, that I would infinitely prefer the position that I occupy to that occupied by the writer of that article. And I will further state, that the allegations contained in that article, so far as they have reference to me, are untrue and false in inference and in fact, when they charge me with colluding with political opponents. Now, sir, so far as my having any intercourse with members upon the other side of the House, either, the American or Democratic party, is con- cerned, in connection with the presentation of that resolution, I can say with eijual candor that no communication whatever passed between them and me. And I can also say that I had very little conversation, either directly or indi- rectly, with gentlemen upon this side of the Plouse — the Republican party — in reference to the matter. Mr. Campbell had no connection with the presentation of that resolution, nor am I aware of his knowing anything concerning the use that was being made of his name in that reso- lution, until he appeared in his seat on tliis floor. No words, or communication of any kind, di- rectly or indirectly, passed between us upon the subject. Those members with whom I did con- sult approved the act, and were uncompromising friends of Mr. Baxks, who had previously and who have subsequently voted for that gentleman, as continuously and as consistently as the writer of that article himself. Now, sir, in reference to the connection of the ofTcring of my resolution with caucus nomina- tion, I have to say, that I have attended all the anti-Nebraska caucuses that were held before that time and since. In the cau'-us previously held, in which if is said that Mr. Banks received the nomination, I did not remain, however, until the alleged nomination was made. I occupied a seat in the lust omnibus that left the Capitol on that evening, on my way to my residence in Georgetown. Some gentlemen who were present when the same was made informed me that Mr Banks had been nominated, but that the nomina- tion was only considered as binding until some candidate, if practicable, could be found who would more effectually concentrate the action upon the part of the anti-Nebraska voters; and that it was considered as a mere understanding, with no caucus pledge. I felt under no obliga- tions to vote for the distinguished gentleman from Massachusetts, except so far as I should think proper and the interests of my country re- quired. I did, however, vote for that gentleman cheerfully, as I had done previously, and have voted for him since. But at the time I oflered the resolution, I thought that the country had suf- ficiently long witnessed our ineffectual attempts to elect that gentleman, and that there could be no injury to partirs on this floor in making an effort in another direction. Under these circum- stances, I presented the resolution offering the name of my distinguished friend fromOliio [Mr. Campbell] for the speakership. I did not con- sider myself under any trammels of caucus to pn^vent, nor did I suppose that any member upon this floor considered himself bound by the action of that caucus referred to not to vote for my friend, or any member other than the distinguished gentleman from Massachusetts. Since the meet- ing of the House on the first Monday of Decem- ber last, I have voted upon every call of the roll j for either tlie gentleman from Massachusef.s or j the gentleman from Ohio. I voted for Mr. Banks . as long as I deemed it to be necessary and proper, and 1 shall follow that course in future. But, on , the other hand, I did not hesitate to present the ' name of Mr. Campbell for that place, to which, in my opinion, he richly deserves to be elected, and who is sound upon the slavery question. j As to the attacks made upon me upon the part of the press, 1 have only to say, that I hope the result of this contest will show that the persons \ who assailed me have been doing the country as good service as I intended when I presented the resolution proposing my honorable friend from Ohio as the Speaker elect for the House of Rep- resentatives of the Thirty-Fourth Congress. I believe I have acquitted my honorable friend from any participation with mc in the use of his name in connection with the speakership. I will, there- fore, consume no more of his time. Here the hammer fell, and the Clerk announced that the time of the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Campbell] had expired. [Cries of "Goon!" ', " Go on !" from all parts of the Hall.] j No objection having been made, I Mr. CAMPBELL proceeded: Mr. Clerk, I '. have no words of harshness or of denunciation \ for my colleague. I never have cherished an unkind feeling towards him; none. I regret ' that he should have placed himself in this atti- , tude. I intend to take this testimony in my own vindication as a member of this body, and place I it upon the record, and send it, with his letter, among the people of my native State, whose J minds have, for some reason unknown to me, been 4 lately poisoned against me by misrepresentations. And there I shall leave the matter. Treachery seems covertly to be imputed to me in this letter, because of my action on th.it occa- sion. As before stated, I entered the Hall while the resolution was before the body. I was at a loss to determine what I should do. My posi- tion was emban'assing, and I felt that I ought to have a friend or two with whom I should take counsel. My colleague from the Richland dis- trict [Mr. Sherman] occupies adcsk immediately in front of me. I requested him to call another colleague, the gentleman from the Stark district, [Mr. LiEiTER.] They came to my desk, and I besought their advice. They are now present, and I request them to state what was my conduct upon that occasion. Mr. SHERMAN. Since my colleague has requested me, I will state very briefly the occur- rences on the occasion to which he has referred. On the morning when the gentleman from Iowa offered his resolution declaring Mr. Campbell Speaker, I came into the Hall after tjie session had commenced. The yeas and nays had been ordered on the resolution, and the vote was about to proceed. A few moments after, my colleague [Mr. Campbell] came in — and we ijiquired mu- tually of each other what was pending. My col- league did not, I am persuaded, know that such a resolution was to be off'ered. So far as I am concerned , I was taken entirely by surprise. We ascertained, hov/ever, presently, the nature of the question , and thereupon , my colleague [Mr. Camp- bell] requested me to speak to my other col- league sitting nearest me, [Mr. Leiter,] for the purpose of consulting as to what was best to be done under the circumstances. This I did. The first impulse upon the part of my distin- guished colleague [Mr. Campbell] was to rise in his place pending the vote on the ixsolution, and recjuest the gentleman from Iowa to withdraw it. My colleague [Mr. Leiter] and myself en- deavored to dissuade him from pursuing that course, because we did not know but the proceed- ing might have been the result of a general under- standing upon the part of the anti-Nebraska members of the House, and that the gentleman from Iowa was carrying out the common design. After the vote had proceeded, however, we dis- covered that the friends of Mr. Eavks, including most of our colleagues, were voting against the resolution; but it would then have been indelicate and improper, without a consultation v/ith the gentleman from Iowa and others, and without a better knowledge of the purpose of ofTering the re- solution, for my C(j!league to have withdrawn his name while the vote was proceeding, after having allowed the proceeding to go on thus far without protest. We therefore urged him to allow the vote to he taken sub sitentio. I myself voted for the res- olution; but it having been voted down, I have since, as I did before, cast my vote for the dis- tinguished gentleman from Massachusetts, [Mr. Bajcks.] The resolution, at most, was inoppor- tune — introduced without sufficient consultation. But I never supposed it would bo made the pre- text of assailing the motives of either the mover of it, or of my colleague, or of those who, like myself, felt impelled by a sense of duty to vote for it. Is this the explanation my colleague de.sires ? Mr. CAMPBELL. I now appeal to my col- league from the Stark district for his understand- ing of the matter. Mr. LEITER. Mr. Clerk, I am happy to reply, at my colleague 's request. At the time the resolution was introduced by the gentleman from Iowa, [Mr. Thorington,] 1 looked toward tho scat of my colleague, [Mr. Campbell.] I saw that he was absent. Some little discussion on- sued. Before the vote was taken, and during the call of the roll, I perceived my colleague in con- versation with my other colle;\gue, [Mr. Sher- man.] I went to them, and then learned that Mr. Campbell was anxious to withdraw his name. I told liim — and I take the entire respons- ibility for everything that I do — that he ought not to withdraw; that I was exceedingly anxious for an organization of the House; and that an anti-Nebraska man should be elected to the speak- ership. Any one of the hundred men suited me. I was not tied to any man; and I did not, and do not, mean to be. I advised that Mr. Campbell should let the vote be gone through with. I said that if we could elect him, it would be right; if not, there would be no harm done. That is my position. I will say further that, in my judgment, but for the counsel of my colleague [Mr. Sherman] and myself, Mr. Campbell would have with- drawn. Still, he had no idea that we were plot- ting treason against the anti-Nebraska party of tJiis House. Has it come to this, that because we vote for a man who is an anti-Nebraska man, an anti-slavery man, a man whose repuUition is well-established in the country, we are, thfJrefore, committing treason against the Banks men .' In God's name who are the Banks men.' From whence comes this new party? — Banks party! I never assisted in the organization of any such party; and I never will assist in the organization of any party that has a man for its object without any principle. I voted for my colleague from Ohio, [Mr. Campbell;] and I have only one regret, and that is, that he had not votes enough to elect him. This is all I have to say. Mr. CAMPBELL. Mr. Clerk, I know that a studied effort has been made in various quarters to place me in a false position in reference to this matter. On the 7th of December I withdrew my name from the struggle in which we are engaged. I was then, have l^een ever since, and am now, ready to make any sacrifice for an organization of tliis House and for the interests of my country, except that of personal honor. That is my own , and I am here to defend it against all assaults, come from whatsoever quarter they may. An attack upon it seems to have been made by my colleague, and I have therefore called the atten- tion of members to these facts. Now, sir, if there is an}' man, of any party, or from any section, in this House who knows of any dishonorable or selfish act of mine connected with this struggle for the speakership, I ask him to rise now in his place and make the charge, so that I may confront him before the House and the country. [Here Mr. Campbell paused some seconds for a reply.] Thci-e is notone. I hope, therefore, that I may not again have occasion to take the floor on this subject to repel assaults made by members of tiiis body. For the sake of harmony and good feeling in my native Ohio, and among her Representatives here, I trust that my colleague [Mr. Wade] will not in future retire from this Hall to make assaults upon my integrity, as a newspaper correspondent. On the subject of slavery my position is, I trust, well known to every one in tliis House, and fully I nnderstood by those I represent. I have never occupied a doubtful position on that question here or among my constituents. My position on the subject of Americanism is also well known, and has been boldly avowed. I apprehend it is because it is so weliicnown here and at home that these assaults are made upon me. If this principle of " crushing out " is to be pursued because of my avowals on the subject, then I can say to my colleague that he will have a lively time of it before he finishes his contest with me. Sir, we have nailed the banner to the mast on which the principles of American reform are inscribed. If he seeks to prostrate me for ■Uiis cause, I point him to that banner: " Our fl;i2 is there ! our fla;; is there ! We'll hail it vWth our loud huzzas! Our Has is there ! our flag is there ! Behold its <;lorious siripes and stars .'" We do not intend to abandon it — never! never! Mr. Clerk, I thank the House for its kindness and attention. Mr. HOUSTON. Mr. Clerk, I rise for the purpose of stating a foct. I do not intend to enter into any argument. The statement made in the letter which has been read to the House, that those on this side of the Hall with whom I have been voting for Speaker, kept out of the way and did not vote on the resolution to which reference has been made, has been repeated on several oc- casions. Now, I have put myself to the trouble 1 league refers to the report of what then took place, I but I did not read the report of it as published in 1 the Globe or elsewhere. The report referred to .', by him may make that statement, but not having been read by me I did not, and could not be cog- nizant of his disclaimer. The resolution of the gentleman from Iowa was received with surprise and astonishment, and made no little stir in tho part of the Hall where I sit. It would be far from me to impugn his veracity or his personal honor. Suppose I did. I have a high respect for the gentleman's honor, and intended to state only tiie impressions made on my mind at the instant. I do not intend to reiterate any supposed charge '■ upon hina in respect to this matter. I said in that letter — what I believed I was warranted in saying — that an inference might be drawn from the course that the proceedings took, that there was some understanding between some individuals. Who they were I did not pretend 1 to state. I know that the gentleman from Iowa I disclaimed at the time having consulted with j any one, as I understood him. He stated that he offered it solely on his own responsibility. ! He stated afterwards that he had consulted with j but a few. Who those few were, or hov/ many of i them there were, I did not know. I knew noth^ j ing about it. Gentlemen around me knew nothing , about it. The resolution was suddenly s)>rung upon us, and precisely that use was made of it by the Nebraska men v/h'ich I i)iferred any man might of making an examination of the vote referred to. {j ^^ve expected would be made of it. ' I supposed There were eight gentlemen of the seventy-four jj ^^at any man would know that it would lead to embarrassment, and that our enemies would taka who did not vote on that resolution. One of the eight, Mr. Hexplet S. Bennett, was at the time confined to his bed by sickness. Tlie remaining seven all paired off, and six of them were absent from the city. Then the fact is not true that any, even a solitary one, of those present with whom I have been voting, failed to vote. Every one who had not paired oft', except Mr. Bennett, who was sick, voted against tb.e pro{)osition. One gentleman who was in the city, but paired off, was at the time, I believe, making an argu- ment before the Supreme Court. I will conclude by again distinctly stating the fact, that every Democrat, or Richardson man, who was present in the city, and not paired off, voted against the resolution with one exception, and that was the gentleman from Mississippi, and he was unable oi\ account of illness to be in attendance. Mr. WADE obtained the floor. Mr. ALEXANDER K. MARSHALL. I will state, Mr. Clerk, that if the letter alluded to in- cluded those who are denominated South Amcri- the advantage of it that they have taken. That letter, sir, was w'ritton hurriedly and under the excitement of indignation at the course that things took here, under the erroneous im- pression that my colleague was giving them hia sanction l)y his silence. My colleague speaks pompously about his honor, and his determination to spread these matters abroad among my constituents, and over the State of Ohio. Well, now, I am perfectly content that my colleague shall send anything he chooses among my constituents; and I will venture to say, that they will never beheve that I intentionally made a wrongful charge against him, or that I will not do justice to him to the fullest extent in my power. When my colleagua disclaims that he had any knowledge of the intro- duction of the resolution, there is not a man upon this floor — be he American, European, Asiatic, or African — who will do him justice with greater alacrity than I will; and I have only to say cans, without examining the matter, still I will ji upon this subject, that I did not intend in that '' ' ' ■ "" ""■ letter to do him any wrong. I thought the intro- duction of the resolution most extraordinary; and not knowing that my colleague made any remarks in reference" to it, but supposing, on the contrary, that he remained silent, permitting the vote to bo taken M-ithout disclaimer, I supposed myself war- ranted in drawing the inference that there was some understanding about it. I am happy that my colleague disclaims it; and I am happy to admit the full length and breadth of his disclaimer. I voted for mv colleague, whilst he remained a candidate, I think, as steadfastly as any other I stood ready to vote venture the assertion, that a large majority, if not all of them, voted against the resolution declaring the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Campbell] the Speaker of the Thirty-Fourth Coiigress. [A Voice. Except one.] I am informed that there was one who did not cast his A^ote. Mr. WADE. I want to say, Mr. Clerk, that tlie letter which has been read makes no direct charge of treachery against my colleague. None was intended to be made against him. It was but an inference from facts which I supposed were taking place before the eyes of us all: nothing more was intended. My colleague says now, that he rose up and gentleman upon this floor ..„ „^ _ for him to the end, and would not have flinched •tatcd distinctly, that he had no knowledge that || or faltered under any pressure; and when my the resolution was to be introduced. Now, the . colleague knows me better, ha will uinderstand gentleman perhaps may have done this, but I did | that I do not change my course until satisfied B'jt see or hear hira on that occasion. My col- 'i that I am wrong. 6 I have notliing further to say with rcsrard to ]! seeing in one form and another, upon the gen- tleman from Ohio, [Mr. Campbell,] who is the subject of them. Everybody knows that, in the last Congress, he .stood here the acknowledged leader of a little band of faithful and patriotic men, without food or repose, in a contest of tlnrly-nx hours — the longest, and fiercest, and that letter. It expresses exactly the impressions that were made upon my mind by the occur- rences upon this floor at the time. The gcMitlcman from Alabama [3.1r. HonsTON] .says that tliere were no gentlemen here who did not vote. There was one gentleman from North Carolina [Mr. Pain'e] who declined voting, and \\ most inveterate parliamentary conflict in ourhis- many members went out of the Hall while that i| tory — in defense of the just rights of freedom vote was being taken. Who they were I could I [ and the repose of the country. That little band, not tell; but there were gentlemen who went out i' with no other power or protection, than that af- from this side of the Hall before their names I; forded by the Constitution to compel the calling of were called. Whether they went out to avoid |j yeas and nays, and theirownintegrityand courage that vote I know not, and could not say, but I ,| under his leadership, steadily and successfully expressed, in that letter, the impression made jj maintained the fortress of freedom against leagued upon my mind at the time. I exculpated the | aggression in overwhelming numbers, encouraged gentleman from Iowa from all preconcert in the ij and marshaled to the battle by a gentleman of con- matter. I did not implicate my colleague from 'j summate skill and ability. Yet that strong host the Stark di.'^triet, [Mr. Leiter;] and he, 1 pre- sume, neither desires nor expects any explana tion as regards him lor anything stated in that letter. I Mr. LEITER. No, sir. \ Mr. WADE. I know he does not. I have | made no charge against him, nor did I intend to implicate (any further tiian I was led by misunder- standing) my colleague [Mr. Ca.mpcell] — further than I was led by my ignorance of his disclaimer. That letter, like any letter written on the spur of the moment, doubtless contained some stronger expressions than it ought to have done, but it conveyed the impressions made upon my mind at thetimo, and they were thrown ofl m my seat in the excitement of the moment. Now, with regard to those gentlemen whom I called the " scatterers " or "recusants," I do say now, that if those gentlemen had acted with was at last driven, by this steady repulse, ex- hausted and disheartened from the field. Never again would that conflict have been renewed, but for wliat was then unsparingly denounced as a shameless betrayal by those to whom I have alluded on a former occasion, and shall not now further speak of. These imputations, then, come not near the gentleman from Ohio, [Mr. Camp- bell] — far from it. The friends of freedom rose up everywhere " to do him reverence," and those who like him had never wavered. They were covered with the empty honors, as it now seems, of only thanks and praise. From tha» day until now there has no public circumstance transpired, nor any jjrivate, judging from the fact that the challenge has more than once been offered here by that gentleman to any and every man to refer to such facts, public or private, wliich in t!ie least should detract from the just appre- the Democracy — if they had voted for the gentle- ][ ciation of his conduct then. But now it would man from Illinois, [Mr. Richardson-,] or were \\ seem important for the promotion of the ambi- nov.' voting for the gentleman from South Carolina, \\ tious aims of others that he should in some way [Mr. Orr,] they would not have thrown, nor j be destroyed in this well-deserved regard of v.'ould now throw, so great an obstacle in the way of an organization of this' House by the e!(!Ction of an anti-Nebraska Speaker as they are doing by the course Avliich they have pursued and are now pursuing. That is my opinion still. I do not charge them with intending it. That is not M'hat I said, or what I meant to say. I in- tended to say that such, in my humble judgment, was the effect of their course; and it is as true now as it was then. These are all the remarks that I propose to submit to the House in relation to this matter. Mr. DUNN. I very much regret that some gentlemen cannot be undeceived upon one point, and that is, as to the extent of the power which they have over their associates >ipon this floor the public generally, and especially of all the members of this body. Hence, it is too palpable, all these attacks. It had been his misfortune to have been thought of and voted for more than once, without asking puljlic leave to do so, for the sjjeakership. This is the " head and front of his ofi'ending" in the estimation of his colleague [Mr. Wade,] and of others who are of his par- licular 2caij of thinking, or it may be only ofivish- ing. Hence all these attacks upon others here, who in any possible way become the object of suspicion of that gentleman [Mr. Wade] and his rerj/ cliaritahle coadjutors, but it matters not whose blunder or treachery, for the time being, inspires the indignation of these new, self-consti- tuted, and exclusive guardians of liljerty and the Not only are they without power over (^ach other's j! land — or who are self-appointed (or it may be, for votes, but the etVort, directly or indirectly, by the || aught I know, that there is a little coterie on this means employed here for weeks to assert and exercise that power, is devoid of all decency. That gentleman who sends his slanders throughout the country — not having the courage to put his name to them, against his own colleague, as gallant a man as evi-r fought the battle of frei'dom in this Hall — comes here, now, and reads his lectures, and enforces his inferences upon this House and the country in regard to what, he says, is the floor that issues commissions for that purpose) to administer appropriate punishment on such occasions; one thing is always certain — that is, an imperious demand that " the stragglers" should come in and submit themselves, soul and body, to the tender mercies of those to whom, I sup- pose, we shall soon learn, the destiny of empire here belongs " by divine right." Every gentle- man can obey this requisition who chooses. I disorganizing spirit of gentlemen who do not ,j never shall. happen to agree with liim. j After the remarks, this morning, of the gentle- It ought to be a matter of utter astonishment, n man from Iowa [Mr. Thorixgton] in regard to and surely is so to every honest man in his sober . the pretended caucus, which has so much embarrassed senses, to observe such attacks as that contained \\ gentlemen, I should hope we are to hear no more in the letter we have had read, and arc daily || of that dodge which has strangely enough been made to answer the double purpose of a shield to protect one set of gentlemen here, and a sword to destroy another. The candidate for whom the gentleman is voting [Mr. Banks] expressly- repudiated it in his remarks here upon the occa- sion of the general catechism of candidates, by declaring, in substance, that he was not the re- cipient of any caucus nomination. And now the gentleman from Iowa shows us precisely what was understood at the time, by all concerned, as to this ihain caucus. It never would have been understood or represented, in any other light, but that it afl'orded a pretext for one of the thousand falsehoods which have been flying out from this Capitol on black wings, like birds of ill omen, to defame and blast every man before the country, who would not tamely, as a hound, submit him- self to the lash of the liunter. To that end the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Wade] sent out, upon swift wings, litis croaking rai-en of his. Let him cease his unprofitable and unworthy toil. I should be a dishonored man if I would act with him upon the matter which he is now urging upon us; and I tell him now — while there is notiiingat all of the spirit of bravado in my nature, nothing which defies physical danger and .suffer- ing — there is no power under Heaven that can move me to yield that which my deliberate judg- ment tells me is a point of honor? Does the gen- tleman understand me now? I hope lie may, and I hope others may. And I tell him further, that he has colleagues who, if lie does not, do under- stand this difficulty. There is very little in my disposition which opposes a proper and just ac- commodation of dill'ercnces. I liavc shown a willingness to accommodate differences, time and again, in this matter; and time and again have I been ruthlessly and insolently thrust off. Sir, I will not always go a beggar to any man's door for tiie settlement of differences. This letter- writing, and this editorial system of forcing men into submission, have gone a very great way in preventing the organization of this House. Why, eir, upon my colleague over the way, [Mr. Brex- ton] — than whom there lives not, or ever has lived, a purer-hearted or truer man, or a man of more rugged and unbending faithfulness in the cause of truth, of justice, and of freedom — we have all seen and read, within the last three or four days, an assault so base, so infamous, that there is not one word in all the fullness and richness of our language vile enough to give it a name. And this is part and parcel of a system carried on, in and out of this Hall, to drive men to submis- sion — not to principle, but to a servile support of one man. Sir, under God, I never will submit to any- thing which is not in accordance with my own well-considered and deliberate judgment as to ■what is right, just, and honorable. Gentlemen may use their tongues and fingers as they choose; they may bring out their whips; but all will be unavailing. h I seek no further controversy in this matter. I have sought to avoid it; I have desired harmony with the anti-Nebraska men; I have submitted to very great injustice to secure it; I have been disposed to turn aside from personal indignity and insult, and bear these wrongs in patience, for this end; but I. say to all men that, in the just and proper defense of that which is mine, and which the Supreme Ruler of all things and my great Benefactor has put in my charge — not for myself alone, but in trust for those who arc to bear* my name and blood hereafter, and keep alive in the world, it may be for a little while, the memory of my actions — / will never yield a point of honor or plain duty in the face of any consequences to myself. Cease, then, your fruitless efforts; they will never avail. I leave the n.'sponsibility of my actions to the just judgment of my country and my God. To them I will be answerable, but not to that'powcrhere, whose demand is simply arro- gant and insolent. But if there arc those hei'e who are resolved to force upon me a conflict, as with bears — or " the beasts at Ephesus," — it is pos- sible, that my repugnance to such a condition of things may, in the end, yield to my necessity. You can press matters to that point, if nothing less will satisfy your curiosity. I will remark still further, in reference to the imputation of that letter — for the precise language I do not remember — that we, who are modestly called recusnnts, were as well in the pay of the Administration, and serving it for compensation, as to occupy the attitude we do, let gentlemen look at the record. I do not mean that gentle- man's individual record, but the record upon that table; and I say, as I have said before, that it w^ll tell a tale whicli will bring shame to their faces, rather than mine, if they have any. Now, sir, so far as I am concerned, this con- troversy ends. When gentlemen assail, I strike them back; and all I ask of them is, that they strike like men — upon my face, and in the blaze of day. Do not practice the assassin's game, seeking the cover of darkness, and strike my unobserving and un- protected back. Mr. WADE. I have but a word to say in reply to the remarks of the gentleman from Indi- ana, [Mr. Dunn.] I am not in the habit of boast- ing or using bravado. I am but a very plain mnn, making no pretensions of adlierence to the code of honor, as understood among duelists. I could not do it, with my notions of wliat is re- quired of me as a man. I discard that code utterly. But so far as rendei-ing to every man what is justly his due, and not taking from him aught that belongs to him, I am the first man to ac- knowledge the wrong, if I have done wrong. Gentlemen will always find me tliere. I am no bully; I am no duelist. Now, sir, the gentleman from Indiana should not feel so sensitive, under th.e circumstances, — myself being judge,— and if he attempts to as- sert that I have charged him, in that letter, with being in the pay of the Administration, he charges what is not warranted by that letter, and what was not intended by it. All 1 intended to say there — and all I intend to say now — is, that in the relations which those gentlemen sustain to the organization of this House, in my judgment they are doing for the Administration a service which they could not do if they were in the ranks of that Administration. I did not impugn those gentlemen's motives; I never have impugned their motives, here or elsewhere; and I call upon any and all the members upon this floor to say if they ever heard me impugn the motives of those gentlemen, in any form whatever, as cor- rupt or dishonest. I have never had an intention of doing so. I have stated that, according to my intellectual views of the position of those gentle- men, they were wrong, and v/rong in the course they have marked out for themselves. But I have not passed judgment on their motives in this matter, ' 8 I can understand that' gentleman just as well as lie can understand hintiself, M'hen he says that forcecannothebroughtto bearupon him.i'-'~ " nc^lS by newspaper charges, newspaper lette ' 'Vd'* paper writers, or anything of that kii understand what a nuin who staifds by . means; and if that gentleman believes in the right, he has the same right to belie 1 and those with whom I am acting are in the wrong. There is nothing in that © '^*'"..,c now far he would observe or disregard wiiich goes to sustain the inference that tli. .0. , , ordinary maxims, when he found himself, wholly any charge upon the gentleman's personal honor, i! without fault t^n his own part, being driven to or anytliing of that kind. He is acting in his i; that impassable point where degradation begins. 'ty. That is what I meant refusing to submit to all I course where duty and 'iniission or even conces- sort, such as the gentle- ^ id me as referring to, I 9 gh to consider what is natives are presented u will be in haste to say or de- way — I in mine. 1 condemn his course as inju- rious to the cause which I advocate and which he advocates; he does not; and there is the difference between us. The gentleman's gallantry and cou- rage and all that sort of thing, take no effect — are lost upon one who disdains imputing inten- tional v/roiig to him. Mr. DUNN again took the floor. Mr. WADE intimated that he would yield to tile gentleman from Indiana. Mr. DUNN. No, sir; finish your remarks. Mr. WADE. I had nearly finished them. I had gone as far as I wished to go in making the explanation I desired to make. All that I have to say is, that the gentleman [Mr. Dun.v] is not charged with anything by me, unless he construes tliat into a charge which was but an expression of opinion as to the consequences of his course in relation to the election of Speaker. Mr. DUNN. A single word, Mr. Clerk, with llv: indulgence of the House. If anything in my remarks had the remotest tendency to suggest to the mind of any man on this floor or in the world tJiat I look upon it as even an allowable thing in any proper sense to i-esort to brute force in vindi- c-ation of right, or in opposition to v/rong, except in obedience to the law of nature, and that is the law of God, or unless where that brute force is moved up by the great mandate of human law, where army meets army, led by their respective clueftains, in obedience to the commands of their respective Governments, — if any remark of mine, I say, has made the impression that I v/ould sanction, with judgment, a resort to brute force under other circumstances, I beg the pardon of all men for having so misled them. What I might do, in violation of my conviction of duty, it will be time enough to say when there is a great calamity upon me. I trust that no such misfortune shall ever come. I should turn from it — press away froni it — straggle to escape it, a.s I would from a den of adders, in all excusable ways. I have no toleration for the thing to v.'hich the gentleman [Mr. Wade] has alluded. 1 suppose he alluded to it v.dlh the amiable design of impressing others than me, or those who heard me, that that is what I meant, and that that is what I v/ant others to understand. Sir, then- is nothing of the spirit of the bully about m>-, let me assure the gentleman of that. A kind Providence gave me my intellect to fight all bat- tles of this character; and ho docs not allow that I sliould resort to other weapons, exceptasadefense to that temple in which, fora season, he has set up hi."? light, or of something else equally as sacred. J hope to be able to keep his law, and that I may liavi; no temptation to do otherwise. That is what I meant to declare, and did declare. Provi- deiice has given me the moral firmness to abide No man ought to say in advance M'hat he would do in such extremity. " Sufficient unto the day is the evil thereof." Now, sir, one other thing: The gentleman [Mr. Wade] said that he did not arraign tha motives of myself and others who have refused to vote with him. Sir, wliat he published in that letter was not enough for him; but, being exposed in that transaction, he now comes here to repeat the offense; and yet ho says he docs not assail our motives; but he cannot so escape. It is a legal maxim and a just one — that a man is presumed to intend that, and precisely that, which is tho legitimate consequence of his act. And I ask who can read that letter of the gentleman, unac- quainted with the circumstances which have con- trolled the situation and conduct of members here, — who I say, can read it, and not be forced to feel that our conduct was wrong, and so subjcot to public condemnation? Taking, then, as a guide, that legal maxim, the object and efl'ect of which is to promote justice, and which does pro- mote it, I have a right to say, and do say, thai the gentleman intended to do me an inj%t,ry, and that, too, wholly without cause or excuse; and, as an aggravation of his wrongful act, he h.as not borne himself in it as a brave or a just vian, bu-t to do that injury he sought to /lide himself under a fictilious signature. He covers himself from view by taking a false name, and then sends his impu- tation to a distance, among strangers, to do evil, so that he may not be detected, and brought to exposure and shame. Even thus secure, accord- ing to his own interpretation of his letter now, (if what he says means anything,) he did not intend to make any directly or tangibly offensive charge. No; not that. What he wrote was no more than a shivering insinuation. That does not help the case. It makes it worse, far worse. It was not the deed of a true man; but I say he was not content with that, for, after answering his col- league [Mr. Campbell] this morning, now that he is seen, gathering courage from his necessity, he turns round and reads me a lecture. Ho reas- serts in substance and enlarges upon that which he liad before covertly and secretly sent home ts) his constituents, for circulation there and elso- v/here — showing a desire to injure, but an unwill- ingness to answer for it. But for his having doiDs this, Mr. Clerk, I should not have troubled tlie House or trespassed upon its kind indulgence, to which I have been so often indebted; for I have no respect for the hand which, however concealed or wrapt in darkness, still tremhles while it slabs. Allow ine to thank gentlemen for their indul- gence on this occasion and all others, and to say that I trust the future will enable nie to dismiss forever this subject of discussion, as di^usting to me in itself as its occasion is vile. Printed at the Congressional Globe Ofiice.