19 
 V 1 
 
020 914 049 4 
 
LAFAYETTE DAY 
 
 FRAKCE-AMERICA 
 SOCIEIY 
 
 dinner to /rice/ 
 
 HIS EXCELLENCY THE 
 AMBASSADOR OF FRANCE 
 
 at the Waldorf-Astoria, on tAe 
 even/no of September sixth, 
 nineteen hundred eighteen, 
 bcinq the one hundred and sixty- 
 first anniversary of the 
 
 the MARQUIS DE LVFAYETIE, 
 
 Generalofthe Armies of 
 
 RZANCEo/it/o/MeUNITEDSEAIES 
 
 and also the Fourth Anniver- 
 sary of the Battle of the Marnz. 
 
 Thinner Report 
 

 a4 
 
 / 
 
 i^*^>>-',i-0 
 
FRANCE-AMERICA SOCIETY 
 
 INDEX to the 
 SPEECHES and MESSAGES 
 
 Speeches 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Nicholas Murray Butler, presiding, President 
 
 of the France-America Society 39 
 
 His Excellency Jean Jules Jusserand, Ambas- 
 sador of France 18 
 
 The Honorable Franklin K. Lane, Secretary 
 
 of the Interior 30 
 
 His Excellency Sir Henry Babington Smith, 
 K.C.B., Minister Plenipotentiary and Act- 
 ing High Commissioner of Great Britain.... 45 
 
 The Honorable Professor T. Masaryk, Presi- 
 dent of the Provisional Government of the 
 Czecho-Slovak Nation 40 
 
 Invocation by the Very Reverend Theophile 
 Wucher, Dean of the French Clergy in 
 New York, and Provincial of the Order of 
 Mercy (de la Misericorde) 8 
 
FRANCE-AMERICA SOCIETY 
 
 Messages 
 
 PAGE 
 
 The President of the United States 9-10 
 
 His Eminence William Cardinal O'Connell, 
 
 Archbishop of Boston 11 
 
 Marechal Ferdinand Foch, Commander-in- 
 Chief of the Allied Armies in France 11 
 
 His Excellency Gabriel Hanotaux, President 
 of the Comite France-Amerique, and Mem- 
 ber of the Academy of France 11 
 
 Andre Tardieu, High Commissioner of France.. 12 
 
 Singing of the Marseillaise, of the Star Spangled 
 Banner and of the National Anthems of Eng- 
 land and of Italy by Commendatore Enrico 
 Caruso, Officer of the Legion of Honor of 
 France. 
 
 four 
 
Lafayette-Marne Day 
 1918 
 
 Lafayette Day, the one hundred and sixty- 
 first anniversary of the birth of the Marquis 
 de Lafayette, General of the Armies of France 
 and of the United States, coinciding with the 
 fourth anniversary of the 1914 victory of 
 the Marne, was observed in the customary 
 manner by ceremonies at the City Hall, and 
 elsewhere in the city, organized by the Na- 
 tional Lafayette Day Association, and by the 
 annual dinner of the France-America Society 
 at the Waldorf-Astoria Hotel, in the evening. 
 The guest of honor, as in previous years, was 
 His Excellency the Ambassador of France. 
 
 NICHOLAS MURRAY BUTLER, 
 President of Columbia University, 
 and President of the Society, took the 
 chair, having on his right the Ambassador of 
 France, and on his left the Honorable Frank- 
 lin K. Lane, Secretary of the Interior. Seated 
 at the same table were the Right Honorable Sir 
 Maurice de Bunsen, G.C.M.G., Special Am- 
 bassador of Great Britain to the Latin Re- 
 publics of America, and the representative of 
 England at Vienna at the time of the outbreak 
 of the war; Mr. T. Masaryk, President of the 
 Provisional Government of the Czecho- Slovak 
 
FRANCE-AMERICA SOCIETY 
 
 nation; their Excellencies George Roussos and 
 E. de Cartier de Marchienne, Envoys Ex- 
 traordinary and Ministers Plenipotentiary of 
 Greece and of Belgium respectively; His Ex- 
 cellency Sir Henry Babington Smith, K.C.B., 
 Minister Plenipotentiary and Acting High 
 Commissioner of Great Britain; Admiral L. 
 Grout, commanding the French naval forces 
 in the North Atlantic and West Indian 
 v^^aters; Admiral Albert Gleaves and Admiral 
 Nathaniel Usher of the United States Navy; 
 General Asa Bird Gardiner, secretary of the 
 Order of the Cincinnati, who was wearing the 
 gold badge of the order, that was made 
 for and worn by George Washington; 
 the Honorable W. R. Riddell, Justice of the 
 Appellate Court of Ontario; General Vignal 
 and General Stefanic of the French Army; 
 William D. Guthrie, Vice-President of the 
 France- America Society; General J. Franklin 
 Bell, U.S.A., commanding the Department of 
 the East; General W. A. White, C.B., Chief 
 of the British Recruiting Mission; George T. 
 Wilson, Vice-President of the Pilgrims So- 
 ciety; General William H. Bowes, C.B., of 
 the British Army; Gaston Liebert, Consul- 
 General of France; the Honorable Victor J. 
 Dowling, Justice of the Appellate Court of 
 New York; the Honorable Richard E. En- 
 right, Commissioner of Police ; the Honorable 
 Edward Swann, District Attorney of New 
 York; the Honorable Charles De Wood}^, of 
 
 SIX 
 
FRANCE-AMERICA SOCIETY 
 
 the Department of Justice; F. Cunliffe-Owen, 
 Chairman of the Executive Committee ot the 
 France-America Society; William Fellowes 
 Morgan, President of the Merchants Associa- 
 tion of New York; C. Clive Bayley, the Con- 
 sul-General of Great Britain; Colonel Samuel 
 E. Tillman, commanding the U. b. Mihtary 
 Academy at West Point; C. Yada Consul- 
 General of Japan; and Colonel B. Benda, of 
 the Italian War Mission. 
 
 There were likewise present: A. Barton 
 Hepburn, former President of the France- 
 America Society; S. Reading Bertron, the Sec- 
 retary of the Society, and the following Di- 
 rectors: Henry W. Sackett, Albert Eugene 
 Gallatin, George Foster Peabody, Eugene H. 
 Outerbridge, likewise the Very Reverend 
 Canon Cabanel, Chaplain of the French Army ; 
 the Honorable Major Hugo Baring, of the 
 British Army; Sir Byron Peters, James Mor- 
 timer Montgomery, President-General Sons ot 
 the Revolution ; the Baron de Grancey, of the 
 French Navy, founder member of the Comite 
 France- Amerique in Paris; Marcel Knecht, 
 of the French High Commission; Geottrey 
 Butler, C.B., of the British War Mission; 
 Rear Admiral Marbury Johnson, U.b.iN.; 
 Lucien Jouvaud, President of the French 
 Benevolent Society; C. A. Downer, President 
 of the Alliance Frangaise; Commodore Lionel 
 de L. Wells, R.V.C.B. ; Captain de ViUeneuve 
 of the French Battleship Gloire ; Captain de 
 
 SEVEN 
 
FRANCE-AMERICA SOCIETY 
 
 Roquefeuil, of the French Battleship Mont- 
 calm; the Honorable Byron Newton, Col- 
 lector of the Port of New York; Maurice 
 Leon and Charles Stewart Davison, the 
 heads of the National Lafayette Day Observ- 
 ance Association; Emerson McMillin Darwin, 
 P. Kingsley, Theodore P. Shonts, George R. 
 Sheldon, Dr. John S. Thacher, Thomas D. 
 Neelands, President of the Canadian Club ; J. 
 N. Jarvis, President of the Canadian Society; 
 the Honorable W. H. Edwards, Collector of 
 Internal Revenue; General Oliver B. Bridg- 
 man, etc., etc. 
 
 Before sitting down to dinner. President 
 Nicholas Murray Butler addressed those pres- 
 ent as follows: 
 
 Your Excellencies and Gentlemen: Grace 
 will now be said by the Very Reverend Father 
 Theophile Wucher, Dean of the French Church 
 in New York, Provincial of the Order of Mercy, 
 and a patriotic French son of Alsace, long en- 
 slaved, but now on the threshold of her lib- 
 eration. 
 
 The invocation of the Very Reverend 
 Father Wucher followed. 
 
 Soon after nine o'clock, and after the cus- 
 tomary loyal toasts of the Society to the Presi- 
 dent of the United States and to the President 
 of France had been given by President Butler, 
 and duly honored, Commendatore Enrico 
 Caruso, Officer of the Legion of Honor of 
 France, took his place on the dais, and sang 
 
 EIGHT 
 
FRANCE-AMERICA SOCIETY 
 
 a verse from the national anthems of France, 
 of the United States, of Great Britain and of 
 Italy. President Butler thereupon presented 
 to Signor Caruso a gold medal, with the fol- 
 lowing words: 
 
 Signor Caruso, as a slight recognition of the 
 honor you have done us, and the pleasure you 
 have given us, I hand you this gold medal in 
 behalf of the directors and members of the 
 France-America Society, which medal they have 
 caused to be struck in recognition of your pres- 
 ence with us tonight. 
 
 Mr. CunlifEe-Owen, Chairman of the Ex- 
 ecutive Committee of the Society, thereupon 
 read the following messages: 
 
 Letter from the President of the United States. 
 The White House 
 
 My Dear Mr. Cunliffe-Owen: 
 
 I wish most sincerely that I might be at the 
 Annual Dinner of the France-America Society, 
 on September 6. Since I cannot be, will you not 
 be kind enough to convey my greetings to those 
 present, and to say how much I regret that I 
 cannot have the opportunity to join with them 
 in expressing the feelings of gratitude and deep 
 admiration for the Marquis de Lafayette, which 
 I am sure all our fellow-countrymen entertain, 
 who love this great country, and who cherish 
 the great memories of the days of the Revolu- 
 tion ? We are in a better position now, perhaps, 
 than we ever were before, to realize what it 
 meant that men like Lafayette should join their 
 fortunes with ours, in a great struggle for 
 Liberty, and that the Government of the great 
 country w^hich Lafayette represented should, at 
 
 nine 
 
FRANCE-AMERICA SOCIETY 
 
 the hour of greatest need, have extended its 
 hand of effective aid across the seas. 
 
 Cordially and sincerely yours, 
 
 {Signed) Woodrow Wilson. 
 
 Mr. Cunliffe-Owen: His Eminence 
 Cardinal O'Connell was to have been present 
 tonight and to have spoken for France. Ow- 
 ing to the dangerous iUness of Cardinal Farley 
 he has not been able to be with us, and has 
 asked me to read this letter: 
 
 From His Erninence IFillia?n Cardinal O'Con- 
 nell, Archbishop of Boston. 
 
 Boston, September 3, 1918. 
 My Dear Mr. Cunliffe-Owen: 
 
 To speak for France at any time is an honor. 
 But to speak for France in these days when 
 French heroism and French endurance have 
 thrilled the world, is the highest privilege. My 
 regret at being compelled to forego this priv- 
 ilege is as deep as it is sincere. 
 
 When your kind invitation reached me, I 
 instantly accepted it, not only gladly, but 
 eagerly; for to voice in the presence of the Am- 
 bassador of France, and the honorable company 
 about him, my profound love for the land of 
 Lafayette, and ray enthusiastic admiration for 
 the heroes of the Marne, was something for 
 which my heart yearned. 
 
 Alas! events have conspired against me, and 
 the coveted honor will be gained by another. 
 Nobly as he is sure to acquit himself under the 
 inspiration of so lofty a theme, he can never feel 
 more deeply than I do a genuine and generous 
 love for the glorious France of history, and as 
 fervent admiration for the high heroism of the 
 suffering France of today. 
 
 TEN 
 
FRANCE-AMERICA SOCIETY 
 
 So that when about the banquet table your 
 noble company rises to the toast, I will arise 
 here too, and my message, borne over the seas, 
 will be "Vive la France!" and my fervent ap- 
 peal to Heaven, "Dieu protege la France! 
 
 May I ask you to kindly present my homage 
 to His Excellence, the French Ambassador, and 
 to speak for me my regrets? 
 
 I have the honor to be, 
 
 Very faithfully yours, 
 
 iSianed) William Cardinal O'Connell, 
 
 Archbishop of Boston. 
 
 Cablegram from Marechal Foch, 
 
 Commanding in chief the Entente 
 
 Armies in France 
 
 Greatlv obliged for your congratulations and 
 
 good wfshes. I am with you in heart in the 
 
 celebration of this glorious anniversary ot 
 
 Lafayette. Once again the profound union ot 
 
 our two nations will make force. 
 
 {Signed) Marechal Foch. 
 
 Cablegram from Gabriel Hanotaux, 
 of the Academy of France. President of the 
 Comite France-Amerique, in Pans, and 
 former Minister of Foreign Affairs 
 Nicholas Murray Butler, 
 President, France- America Society, New \ork. 
 We are with you today, when your loyal 
 friendship leads you to celebrate this double 
 and glorious anniversary. The battle front re- 
 echoes with the magnificent successes in which 
 we are united, the enemy being everywhere in 
 retreat. We address to you from this soil ot 
 France, now in the course of liberation, a cry 
 of confidence and of firm hope in an early vic- 
 tory, which will be a triumph for all humanity. 
 {Signed) Gabriel Hanotaux. 
 
 eleven 
 
FRANCE-AMERICA SOCIETY 
 
 Cablegram from Andre Tardieu, 
 Commissioner-General of Franco-American 
 
 War Relations 
 Pray accept all my regrets at being unable 
 to take part in your banquet to celebrate the 
 anniversaries of the birth of Lafayette, and of 
 the first victory of the Marne. I am with you 
 with all my heart to celebrate these two 
 souvenirs, the commemoration of which unites 
 ever more closely the United States and France. 
 {Signed) Andre Tardieu. 
 
 AIr. Cunliffe-Owen : Mr. President, 
 Your Excellencies and Gentlemen, may I be 
 allowed, before I resume my seat, to ask you all 
 to drink to a toast which ought to go before 
 all others, and which is usually left to the 
 last? Gentlemen, the women — the heroic, de- 
 voted women of France — the guardian angels 
 of France — represented here tonight by the 
 lady in the box 3'onder who furnishes a blend 
 of all that is most gracious in the womanhood 
 of France and of the United States — Madame 
 Jusserand, the Ambassadress of France. 
 
 This toast was received with loud and pro- 
 longed applause. 
 
 President Butler: Your Excellencies, 
 Mr. Secretary, and Gentlemen of the Society: 
 The France-America Society has met many 
 times since the first of August, 1914, but it 
 has never met with a more distinguished com- 
 pany of guests at its board or under happier 
 
 TWELVE 
 
FRANCE-AMERICA SOCIETY 
 
 and brighter auspices. (Applause.) The w^ord 
 Hun has begun to rhyme with the word 
 run. (Laughter and applause.) We have 
 met in moments of depression, in moments 
 of hesitation, in moments of doubt. To- 
 night we meet at a moment of ne\A' con- 
 fidence and exultation. (Applause.) We 
 have known that nothing could shake our 
 confidence in ultimate victory ; we have known 
 that beyond these clouds of war the sun was 
 shining, and now the sun has broken through ! 
 I cannot share the regret expressed by Marshal 
 Foch that he is not able to be with us tonight. 
 (Laughter and applause.) I prefer to have 
 him exactly where he is (applause), and to 
 send him word that we do not need him w^ith 
 us because we are with him. (Applause.) 
 
 This war has brought us many things, and 
 it has given us perhaps a new anniversary. We 
 Americans have been accustomed these many 
 years to celebrate on each July 4 our day of 
 national independence. Why should we not 
 hereafter celebrate on September 6, the an- 
 niversary of Lafayette and of the first b~attle 
 of the Marne, our day of national interde- 
 pendence? (Applause.) What anniversary 
 could be more suitable than one which recalls 
 the gracious, chivalrous and warm-hearted per- 
 sonality of the friend and companion in arms 
 of Washington, the first really vital, personal 
 link between the new republic on this side of 
 the Atlantic and that older France upon whose 
 
FRANCE-AMERICA SOCIETY 
 
 civilization we so heavily lean ? And now that 
 date has been given a new significance and 
 takes its place forever in the history of human 
 achievement, for it is the date of the decisive 
 act of the first great battle of the Marne, when 
 Marshal Joft're and the armies of France 
 stopped them, — the date on which the German 
 armies began to lose this war, and the date 
 on which the Allied armies began to w^in it. 
 (Applause.) What could be a more signifi- 
 cant use of that date than to make it a day 
 of celebration of our national interdepend- 
 ence, of these new ties, of these new and 
 strong friendships, of these new and moving 
 aspirations, of these new and terrible suffer- 
 ings for the achievement of the highest of 
 all ends? 
 
 When we look about us, we find that to- 
 day the heart of America is not here. It is 
 in France. The best, the bravest of the youth 
 of America are not here; they are in France. 
 The interest, the attention, the affection of 
 our people are not here; they are in France. 
 But in France they are at home. (Applause.) 
 In France — despite the barrier of language, so 
 rapidly being broken down, — iii France, Amer- 
 ica is today expressing all that is best and 
 finest and most ennobling in its nature, its 
 history, its traditions, in order that it may show 
 its heart to that great, powerful, silent, suffer- 
 ing people which for four 3^ears has borne the 
 brunt of this terrific struggle. 
 
 FOURTEEN 
 
FRANCE-AMERICA SOCIETY 
 
 There is nothing new that we can say about 
 it. We have long since exhausted our words 
 of panegyric for this marvelous exhibition of 
 national power, national resolution, national 
 self-control and national determination. All 
 that we can do now is to continue to stand by 
 the side of France and our Allies until that 
 for which France has suffered is won com- 
 pletely and forever. (Applause.) 
 
 I said that we meet at a moment of ex- 
 ultation. We do. But let us not deceive our- 
 selves. This war is not yet won. There are, 
 perhaps, weary months ahead of us before we 
 shall have accomplished our set purpose; and 
 during those months we shall be solicited again 
 to stay our hand. We shall be told pretty 
 soon, when winter sets in and the ground is 
 muddy one day and frozen the next, when 
 hostilities on a grand scale are halted — we shall 
 be told, 'What is the use of continuing this 
 contest longer? Why not agree now upon 
 some basis for peace?" Gentlemen, what hol- 
 low mockery! Have we embarked with 
 France and Britain and Italy and the Czecho- 
 slovaks [turning to Professor Masaryk] (ap- 
 plause) — have we embarked on this enterprise 
 to trade it away ? Or have we embarked upon 
 it to bring it to a conclusion and to settle 
 it in terms that free men understand, that free 
 men agree upon, and that free men hand to 
 their defeated foes to accept? (Applause.) 
 
 It is the old story, day by day, week by 
 
FRANCE-AMERICA SOCIETY 
 
 week. We are solicited to weaken our resolu- 
 tion, or to halt in our resolve. That might 
 well be, gentlemen, if we had entered upon a 
 commercial transaction. We might then ju- 
 diciously and fairly compromise it for a 
 reasonable gain ; but the free nations of the 
 world are not engaged in any commercial 
 transaction. They are not spending their 
 blood, their treasure, and bending their insti- 
 tutions till sometimes they almost break, for 
 any commercial purpose. They are set upon 
 the achievement of a great human ideal, and, 
 having started, they propose to carry it through 
 until that ideal is reached and accomplished 
 in terms that can be understood by all men. 
 We have made magnificent progress. We are 
 doing splendidly and well. Let us not be di- 
 verted for one moment from the fundamental 
 fact that Peace through Victory is the only 
 peace that we want, for that peace will last. 
 (Great applause.) 
 
 We meet particularly to celebrate our re- 
 lations with France, to renew our pledges of 
 affectionate friendship and devotion, to tell 
 once more the story of our understanding and 
 our sympathy, and to spread out before the 
 whole world the great flood of feeling that 
 wells up in our hearts when the name of that 
 j-teople is mentioned, when their achievements, 
 their suliferings and their accomplishments are 
 before us. 
 
 There are a thousand ways in which we can 
 
 SIXTEEN 
 
FRANCE-AMERICA SOCIETY 
 
 give expression to what we feel. It is not a 
 matter, my dear Ambassador, of the head 
 alone. We think w^e understand; we think 
 we appreciate; we think that we know some- 
 thing of the great intellectual significance of 
 France. It is not that. Tonight it is a matter 
 of the heart; it is what we feel; it is what 
 brings the tears to our eyes, as we read of 
 these marvelous exhibitions of courage and de- 
 votion, of capacity and continuance in well 
 doing. It is what touches us to the very quick 
 as we read of the sufferings of old men and 
 women and children; it is what wrenches our 
 hearts as we hear of the beating down of great 
 masterpieces of art and of architecture, and it 
 is what fills us with anger and contempt as 
 we learn of the devastation which a retreat- 
 ing foe has spread behind him as he turns his 
 face toward the east. 
 
 The German communique of yesterday 
 stated that a certain town was now in front 
 of their lines. A cynical writer in the So- 
 cialist Voriuaerts remarked that it would be 
 more frank so to frame the communique as 
 not to give the impression that the lines had 
 stood still and the town had moved. (Laugh- 
 ter.) He said it would be a little more con- 
 fidential with the public to say that the army 
 had retreated from the town than to say that 
 that town now lay before their lines. Gentle- 
 men, a great many towns are going to change 
 places within the next few weeks. (Applause.) 
 
 SEVENTEEN 
 
FRANCE-AMERICA SOCIETY 
 
 But the natural feature of Europe that has got 
 first of all to change its place with reference 
 to the German Army is the River Rhine. (Ap- 
 plause.) When those official communiques be- 
 gin to say that the River Rhine now lies "be- 
 fore our lines", the people at home in Germany 
 will begin to understand what is going to hap- 
 pen. (Applause.) They will understand that 
 this war is going to be really won. and is not 
 to be compromised or traded away or negoti- 
 ated, after all these 3^ears of sacrifice and suiifer- 
 ing and human upheaval. That is the message, 
 Mr. Ambassador, which the members of this 
 Society would like to send through you to 
 their friends and Allies in France. (Applause.) 
 I propose a toast to France, her Army, her 
 people, her soul ; and I couple it with the name 
 of our old friend who is much more than an 
 Ambassador — he is both a French American 
 and an American Frenchman, — His Excel- 
 lency, the Ambassador of France. (Applause.) 
 
 Ambassador Jusserand: Mr. President, 
 Mr. Secretary, Your Excellencies and Gentle- 
 men: When, more than a century and a half 
 ago, that event took place which we are com- 
 memorating today, the name of Lafayette was 
 only known in the world of letters, to the 
 select few who had been able to enjoy a brief 
 novel of 200 pages, "La Princesse de Cleves", 
 written by one who bore that name only 
 through marriage. 
 
 EIGHTEEN 
 
FRANCE-AMERICA SOCIETY 
 
 The name is now of world-wide renown, a 
 magic name to conjure by; at the sound of 
 which only great and noble images come to 
 the mind — the image of Washington, the 
 souvenir of a people who wanted to be free, 
 reached freedom and is the American Republic 
 of today, the remembrance of a long life de- 
 voted from the earliest to the last days to the 
 cause of independence. 
 
 That magic name has once more brought 
 us together, celebrations are held in a number 
 of cities, the greatest in the land take part in 
 them. President Wilson does so in Wash- 
 ington ; President Poincare of France has sent 
 us a message; the eloquent President of 
 Columbia University, whose words carry 
 weight, has consented to preside over this as- 
 sembly; my admired friend, the Secretary of 
 the Interior, has come from Washington, as 
 well as several of those colleagues of mine who, 
 like me, represent nations arrayed in the 
 definitive fight against injustice and barbarity. 
 
 Since w^e met last year many events have 
 ing part played by this nation, with the firmest 
 will to win, in the world conflict. Anything 
 that is asked of it is granted at once: be it 
 subscription to immense loans, the giving up 
 of the accustomed food, or the accustomed auto 
 ride on Sunday, the acceptance of new taxation 
 (8 billion dollars is the report), or the in- 
 crease of the draft age, w^hich w^ill include boys 
 
 NINETEEN 
 
FRANCE-AMERICA SOCIETV 
 
 of 18 and men of 45. And this increase has 
 just come to pass owing to a unanimous 
 vote of the two Houses. With their thou- 
 sands of spies, and their million dollars for 
 what they were pleased to call propaganda 
 (which included murder), the Germans had 
 no idea that this could be. There was one 
 spot opened to us all, but in which German 
 spies could not pry, that was the American 
 heart. 
 
 One of the best French cartoons published 
 during the war appeared recently. It repre- 
 sents the Kaiser staggered at the sight of an 
 immense army arriving in the distance. Be- 
 fore him stands an armed angel whose open 
 wings show stars in their upper part, while the 
 long feathers below simulate stripes. Says the 
 Kaiser: "But what is the fleet which can have 
 carried over the vSeas this numberless army?" 
 
 The angel answers: *'The Lusitania". 
 
 A valiant army if any, the praise of which 
 is on every lip, a youthful, good-humored, 
 cheery army, whose every soldier is welcome 
 in the castle and in the hut, and is offered just 
 as heartily the best cake or the last crust; an 
 immense army that ceaselessly grows; for 
 month after month you send over to France 
 double the number of men Napoleon had at 
 Waterloo. Many French names written on 
 the map recall our presence here at the time 
 of your fight for independence, chief among 
 them that of Lafavette. Manv American 
 
 i 
 
FRANCE-AMERICA SOCIETY 
 
 names will, in after time, recall the splendid 
 part you are taking in the deliverance of France 
 and of the world. The name of President 
 Wilson is already written there, and one of 
 our woods which used to be called Belleau 
 Wood will be known henceforth as the **Bois 
 de la Brigade de Marine", having been freed 
 by your marines in the battle of Chateau 
 Thierry. 
 
 The enemy is doomed. The day is \ui- 
 known; the fact is certain. The enemy feels 
 anxious; when he feels anxious, he raises his 
 eyes to heaven, deplores the slaughter, com- 
 plains of his being friendless and lonely, and 
 wonders at the heartlessness of us who will 
 not desist; he babbles of peace. Falstaff, on 
 his deathbed, was, as you know, ''babbling of 
 green fields". They think they can lure us, 
 having lured others; but they are mistaken; 
 our peoples know how to read ; they can even 
 read between the lines. 
 
 Who could believe that it is really a German 
 who talks thus: ''The time must come when 
 between peoples and peoples something like an 
 impulse of confidence shall germinate; when 
 oppressed human nature shall revolt against 
 false doctrines, threatening to suffocate the 
 innermost human affinities." 
 
 Yes, it is a German who is piping thus, 
 an exalted one, but an anxious one. It is 
 Dr. Solf, their Minister of Colonies (a man of 
 leisiire he must be just now) ; thus was he 
 
 TWENTY-ONE 
 
FRANCE-AMERICA SOCIETY 
 
 speaking not more than a fortnight ago. He 
 was so good as to add: "We do not intend 
 to retain Belgium in any form whatever." But 
 it is a fact that for what Germans intend or 
 do not intend on that point, we do not care. 
 Noble Belgium shall owe nothing to her un- 
 speakable tyrants. 
 
 In such cases, Germans rarely omit to refer 
 to their grand offer to the Entente Powers on 
 December 12, 1916, when they informed the 
 world that "the four allied Powers (that is 
 themselves) proposed to enter forthwith into 
 peace negotiations," saying all the possible good 
 of the "propositions which they brought for- 
 ward". What propositions ? Giving the meas- 
 ure of their sincerity, they refused to tell. 
 When the President of the United States asked 
 us and them for positive statements, we gave 
 ours (January 10, 1917), but the Germans 
 simply referred to their previous indeterminate 
 ofiEer which they had, however, embellished 
 thus in a note to the Pope: "Europe, which 
 formerly was devoted to the propagation of 
 religion and civilization, which was trying to 
 find solutions for social problems and was the 
 home of science and art and all peaceful labor, 
 now resembles an immense war camp in which 
 the achievements of many decades are doomed 
 to annihilation." 
 
 This from the very men who destroyed 
 Rheims and Louvain, for the pleasure of it, and 
 who, as Ambassador Morgenthau has shown 
 
 TWENTY-TWO 
 
FRANCE-AMERICA SOCIETY 
 
 beyond the possibility of a doubt, had deter- 
 mined upon war weeks before the Austrian 
 Crown Prince had been assassinated by an 
 Austrian subject. That death came oppor- 
 tunely for them ; if it had not come, something 
 else would have been found. The Serbs would 
 have been told, just as we were, that they had 
 bombarded Nurenberg; any fairy tale would 
 have been good enough. But now the enemy 
 babbles of green fields. 
 
 We are, however, more difficult than ever, 
 for we are no longer reduced to suppositions, 
 probable as those were, concerning the kind of 
 terms they intended to propose. They have 
 signed, in the course of the present year, a 
 series of peace treaties so that any one can 
 judge: treaties with Ukraine, Bolshevik Rus- 
 sia, Finland, Roumania (February 9, March 
 3, March 7, May 6). 
 
 The animus inspiring Germany while sign- 
 ing those deeds is thus described by "green 
 fields" Dr. Solf: Germany was determined 
 "not to bar the way now open to oppressed 
 peoples — the road to freedom, order and mu- 
 tual tolerance." 
 
 This is on a par with the Kaiser's own 
 words: "The sword has been forced into our 
 hands", after he had declared war on everyr 
 body. For the facts are there, indisputable, 
 confessed by the Germans themselves ; all those 
 treaties are treaties not of freedom but of 
 bondage; and each was violated at once^ 
 
 TWENTY-THREE 
 
FRANCE-AMERICA SOCIETY 
 
 "scraps of paper" that they are, so as to make 
 them worse in practice. 
 
 All the world now knows what is the "re- 
 inforced protection" bestowed by the Germans 
 on Ukraine and how the "road to freedom" 
 open to that country led her oppressors to the 
 banks of the Black Sea. The country is over- 
 run with German troops, the peasants have 
 risen in arms against them, and Ukrainians 
 now realize what is meant by a German peace. 
 
 The treaty of Brest-Litovsk (March 3) 
 took from Russia territories vaster than Ger- 
 many and Austria put together, one-third of 
 the total Russian population, one-half of the 
 total mileage of railways, nine-tenths of the 
 total coal production, three-fourths of the total 
 iron. And worse perhaps than all the rest, the 
 treaty prescribes the "orderly return to Tur- 
 key" of Russian Armenia and neighboring 
 provinces: so that it be possible to continue 
 until none be left the orderly slaughter of the 
 Christians in Armenia. 
 
 Esthonia and Livonia arc handed by the 
 same treaty to "a German police force until 
 order in the state is restored", the Germans, 
 of course, being the judges thereof. 
 
 Awaiting a German King, as the best pro- 
 moter of freedom, Finland has been "liber- 
 ated", which consisted in placing her under a 
 German protectorate. By article 1 of their 
 treaty of March 7, the Finns undertake "not 
 to grant a servitude to any foreign po\A cr with- 
 
 TWENTY-FOUR 
 
FRANCE-AMERICA SOCIETY 
 
 out having first come to an understanding with 
 Germany in the matter". What is a "servi- 
 tude ?" The Germans it will be to say. 
 
 And what can be said of the treaty with 
 Roumania, which gags a brave, highly civilized 
 nation, tramples her under foot, suppresses her 
 army transformed into a mere police force, 
 takes from her the total of her sea coasts, in- 
 troduces into each of her Ministries a German 
 adviser, gives to Austria her best forests, popu- 
 lation included, to Germany her petroleum re- 
 sources, imposes a military occupation which 
 the Germans will be able to prolong at will ; 
 places ports and railways in the hands of the 
 Germans. In case of difficulties about petro- 
 leum, there will be arbitration ; we tliink we 
 can breathe; let us not; the umpire will be 
 appointed by the President of the Court of 
 Leipzig. 
 
 As usual, additional decrees or arrange- 
 ments have aggravated conditions considered 
 too lenient by the worshippers of Odin. One 
 prescribes obligatory labor, in the occupied 
 territory, of all males from 14 to 60, under 
 penalties including five years of prison and 
 even death. 
 
 Bessarabia was, by the same treaty, annexed 
 to Roumania. Can we find in this a trace of 
 generosity? Not the slightest; it is merely a 
 way of submitting one more province to the 
 "regime" of the Roumanian conditions. 
 
 Were we right or were we not when wc 
 
 TWENTY -FIVE 
 
FRANCE-AMERICA SOCIETY 
 
 declined to lay down our arms, as the Rus- 
 sians did, before discussing the terms in store 
 for them, and when we refused to walk into 
 the trap laid out for us? If there had been 
 any doubt, it would have been removed by a 
 casual remark of the German delegates at 
 Bukharest. When the Roumanians expressed 
 their horror at the terms proposed to them, 
 the Germans coolly answered (and that I do 
 know) : ''They are very moderate in com- 
 parison with what is in store for the Allies 
 after the German victory." 
 
 Very probably so if there was to be a Ger- 
 man victory. We cannot forget that one of 
 their papers, the ''Rhinish and Westphalian 
 Gazette," once gave us an inkling, unobjected 
 to by their censor, of what they really contem- 
 plated. It fully agrees with the dictum of the 
 delegates at Bukharest, in the present year. 
 "Our ultimate aim," that worthy sheet had 
 said, in November, 1916, "is to push through 
 to the west and to the ocean. Whatever offers 
 resistance is to be crushed. . . . What 
 the victor gets, he holds. . . . Let us 
 daily tell the French that every foot we con- 
 quer is ours. We need not waste words about 
 Belgium. We need access to the Channel and 
 we need Antwerp. Whoever wants Belgium 
 may fetch it from us." 
 
 The Germans follow their leader, and what 
 can we expect of such a nation following such 
 a leader ? Few descriptions of him and of his 
 
 TWENTY-SIX 
 
F R A N C E - A M E R I C A SOCIETY 
 
 deeds are better than this one, written by a 
 man of his own race: 
 
 "Superb in his attitude, casting his glances 
 right and left, the very movements of his body 
 seem to reveal his pride of power. . . . 
 He planned the conquest of the universe. . . 
 
 His power has risen in spite of all justice 
 and his cruelty has had such a success as to in- 
 spire horror. . . . Where can we find the 
 cause of this immense slaughter? What 
 hatreds can have incited so many nations to 
 rush one against the other? That humanity 
 could be but a tool in the hands of a king has 
 been made evident when the mad folly of one 
 man caused so many nations to be given over 
 to carnage and the swelled fantasy of a mon- 
 arch destroyed in an instant what it had cost 
 nature so many centuries to produce." 
 
 Accurate as this portrait is, the Kaiser did 
 not actually sit for the painter ; for it was writ- 
 ten in the sixth century by Jornandes, the 
 Goth, who had for his original Attila, King 
 of the Huns. 
 
 "I am God's scourge", Attila had said. *'I 
 am the instrument of the Almighty." "I am 
 his sword, his representative. Disaster and 
 death to all those who resist my will", said 
 his imitator and admirer, the Kaiser, in a 
 proclamation to his army in the East in Decem- 
 ber, 1914. 
 
 In the Catalaunian fields the first battle of 
 the Marne was fought, and Attila defeated, 
 
 TWENTY-SEVEN 
 
FRANCE-AMERICA SOCIETY 
 
 A. D. 451. Those fields are the plains near 
 the Marne about Chalons, the Catalaunum of 
 those days. The second battle of the Marne 
 was won four years ago today by one whom 
 you saw and triumphantly received last year, 
 Marshal Joffre ; and it becomes more and more 
 certain, as time passes, that it will be one of 
 the great dates in the history of the w^orld. The 
 third battle of the Marne still goes on. It 
 offers this unique character that American 
 troops have played in it a splendid part; the 
 first great victory in Europe in which they 
 have been associated. Starting from the 
 Marne, the battle continues. Pershing's men 
 win the admiration of all. Our English friends 
 are doing wonders, and all acting together, led 
 by that stout-hearted soldier. Marshal Foch, 
 we bid fair to proceed from one river to an- 
 other, until we pay the enemy the compliment 
 of echoing on the spot one of his favorite songs : 
 "The Watch on the Rhine". 
 
 The peace offensive of the enemy will fail 
 as well as his other offensives. He chose and 
 appointed the day when should begin what he 
 himself now^ rightly calls "the atrocities of 
 war"; (^) we shall choose and appoint the 
 day for peace. Our terms are known to the 
 W'hole world ; they aim at the destruction not 
 of Germany, but of Germanism, at the lib- 
 eration not only of our Alsace-Lorraine, but of 
 all the Alsace- Lorraines in the w^orld. And we 
 
 7T)~German Note to the Powers, Dec. 2. 191 S. 
 TWENTY-EIGHT 
 
FRANCE-AMERICA SOCIETY 
 
 simply acted in accordance with our principles, 
 with the principles of the hero of the day, Laf- 
 ayette, the principles set forth in admirable 
 language by President Wilson w^hen we and 
 our Allies recognized, only the other day, the 
 independence of those splendid Czecho-Slo- 
 vaks, whose anabasis through Siberia will iiave 
 been one of the memorable deeds of the war, 
 the United States having joined us this very 
 week in this work of honor. 
 
 Hand in hand when the day comes, after 
 years of suffering and of hope, having per- 
 fected their great task with an equal courage 
 and abnc'gation, the honest nations of the 
 world will w^alk towards the temple of Justice ; 
 two of tliem will look like twin sisters, the 
 Republic of France and the Republic of 
 America. 
 
 Presidi:nt 13utler: Gentlemen, our So- 
 ciety is signally honored tonight by the pres- 
 ence of a member of the cabinet of the Presi- 
 dent of the United States. It is not easy at a 
 time like this, when important decisions are 
 to be made almost every hour, for a man in 
 a highly responsible post to steal away to share 
 our pleasure and our satisfaction; but our 
 guest has been able to do so, and w^e thank 
 him for it and express our appreciation of it. 
 
 I have great honor and satisfaction in pre- 
 senting to you one whom I think I may claim 
 MS an old personal friend, an American who 
 
 TVVEXTY-NINE 
 
FRANCE-AMERICA SOCIETY 
 
 laid the foundation for his reputation by good 
 citizenship and public service in the State of 
 California, who did yeoman service for years 
 as a member of the Interstate Commerce Com- 
 mission, and who has been from the beginning 
 of President Wilson's administration at the 
 head of the great Department of the Interior, 
 a man who commands the confidence and re- 
 spect of Americans, regardless of section or of 
 party. 
 
 I have the honor to present Mr. Secretary 
 Lane. (Applause.) 
 
 Secretary Lane: IVIr. President, Your 
 Excellencies and Gentlemen: Before leaving 
 Washington today I did a thing which pleased 
 me and I trust will please you. In honor of 
 that man whose birthday we celebrate, and in 
 honor of the Lafayette Escadrille, I named a 
 flying field in the Mount Desert National 
 Park "Lafayette Field." This body of beauti- 
 ful meadow lies at the foot of a bold mountain 
 which w^e are to call the "Flying Squadron." 
 It faces the sea and looks directly across to 
 France. And on one of the shoulders of this 
 mountain we expect to erect a monument upon 
 which will be carved the names of those flying 
 men who have given their lives to secure world 
 liberty. This was an appropriate thing to do, 
 because this piece of land originally belonged 
 to France; it was the westernmost part of 
 Acadia, and afterward it came to be a part of 
 
 THIRTY 
 
FRANCE-AMERICA SOCIETY 
 
 the State of Massachusetts. This field itself 
 had belonged to the granddaughter of Cadil- 
 lac, who had been dispossessed. But because 
 of the importuning of Lafayette it was restored 
 to Madame de Gregoire and from her de- 
 scended until it was purchased as a part of the 
 first National Park east of the Missouri River. 
 
 I hope that the France- America Society will 
 accept this as another evidence of the undying 
 admiration that America has for the friend of 
 Washington. It will be appropriate, too, if I 
 can find some mountain in the great chain that 
 passes through our continent from north to 
 south, some rocky mountain peak which blocks 
 the way of glacier and of flood, upon which 
 might be written the words: "They shall not 
 pass", and name it after the hero of the Marne. 
 
 The United States has summoned wirhin 
 one year twenty-three million men to the 
 colors; ten million under the first draft, and 
 thirteen million under the second draft are to 
 register. This is our answer to the sinking 
 of the Lusitania, to the sinking of the Sussex, 
 to the bombing of Red Cross hospitals, to the 
 crucifixion of Canadians, to mustard gas, and 
 to all the horrors of Belgium. America is in- 
 deed a fighting nation. There has not been 
 a generation since it was a nation when it did 
 not fight. But it always has fought for a 
 principle, and in fighting for a principle a 
 nation fights for itself. Every one of those 
 twenty-three million men who may be needed 
 
 THIRTY-ONE 
 
FRANCE-AMERICA SOCIETY 
 
 to bring the Germans to a realization that the 
 philosophy of unlimited force is not to master 
 the world will be put on the battlefield of 
 France. No such draft will be needed, for the 
 Allies have got their second wind, and if I 
 understand Foch's tactics aright he will never 
 let the Germans get their second wind. 
 
 We are answering Germany with ten thou- 
 sand tons of new ships each day, which we 
 will make twenty thousand tons next year. 
 
 We are answering Germany with tanks, and 
 aeroplanes. And remember this, that the in- 
 ventive genius of America is not yet exhausted. 
 
 Above all, we are answering Germany with 
 a spirit of determination, and of enthusiasm 
 and confidence which cannot be excelled in 
 that whole sweep of Western Europe, from 
 the Shetland Islands to the i^gean Sea. 
 
 A few weeks ago I was in the Hawaiian 
 Islands, far up on the side of Mona Loa. 
 There I spoke to two hundred and fifty boys, 
 Hawaiians, not three per cent of whom had 
 been born under the American flag, who had 
 just entered the army. As I stopped in front 
 of them I said : "Is there any one here who 
 wants to go to France?" and every hand went 
 up with a great shout. Five thousand miles 
 west of here, on an island that twenty years 
 ago did not belong to us! I went from there 
 into a school. I was introduced to the children 
 as Mr. Lane, and the teacher said: "Does 
 any child here know who Mr. Lane is?" At 
 
 THIRTY-TWO 
 
FRANCE-AMERICA SOCIETY 
 
 once a girl answered: "He is the Secretary of 
 the Interior." "And what does the Secretary 
 of the Interior have to do?" "He has charge 
 of lands, and mines, and parks, and other 
 things," said this girl. I grew suspicious at 
 once, and I thought that this was what you 
 would call in New York a "frame-up", and 
 so I asked this girl, who was half Chinese and 
 half Hawaiian: "And who is the Secretary 
 of State?" Her answer came at once: "Mr. 
 Robert Lansing". And then I said : "Do you 
 know why we are in this war?" And she 
 answered, looking out on the Pacific, which 
 surrounded us: "To make the sea safe and 
 to help those who need help." 
 
 Our splendid President gave to the world 
 the only epigramatic statement of our national 
 aim when he said that we were fighting to 
 make the world safe for democracy. That is 
 but another way of saying what the little 
 Hawaiian girl said. We are in the war to 
 make the sea safe, so that no man can master 
 the highways of the world, so that no man ever 
 again will have the audacity to draw a line 
 across the Atlantic, or the Pacific, and say to 
 America, or to any other country: "You may 
 be permitted to sail this line, in a ship painted 
 as we shall designate, carrying a flag that we 
 shall paint." 
 
 To help those who need help! This is the 
 essence of that fine spirit of chivalry which 
 distinguishes what we call Christian civiliza- 
 
 THIRTY-THREE 
 
FRANCE-AMERICA SOCIETY 
 
 tion. Force, unrestrained force, force without 
 conscience behind it, without the limitations of 
 the moral law, force without the Ten Com- 
 mandments and without the Declaration of 
 Independence — this is not to master the world. 
 
 The cave man with his club, believing only 
 in the doctrine of the survival of the strongest, 
 has had his day. He is to be succeeded by the 
 chivalric spirit of the Lafayette, the almost 
 child-like gentleness of the firm Jofifre, and the 
 broad humanitarianism of the Woodrow 
 Wilson. 
 
 We are speaking in terms of force now, be- 
 cause we are speaking the one language which 
 the German hierarchy understands, the lan- 
 guage that comes from the cannon's mouth, 
 and we will continue to speak in that language 
 until we have a military decision, and a mili- 
 tary decision will have been reached, as I 
 understand it, when Germany knows that she 
 has been whipped in battle and knows she 
 will be whipped again and again if she con- 
 tinues to fight, — that she cannot stand against 
 the physical force of the world or against its 
 moral force. 
 
 These are glad and glorious days, ennobling 
 days. The world has stood in fear and trem- 
 bling for four years, but as the Britishers, the 
 Canadians, the Australians, the Americans and 
 the French sweep on their way from Ypres to 
 Arras, they lift the burden from our hearts and 
 fill us with high hope, for now we know that 
 
 THIRTY-FOUR 
 
FRANCE-AMERICA SOCIETY 
 
 we are on our way to that military decision 
 which will lead to a compact between nations 
 under which wars may not be made impossible, 
 but more unreasonable and more unlikely. I 
 expect that this Society will meet two years 
 from this time to celebrate not merely the 
 birthday of Lafayette or the glorious feat of 
 Joffre, nor merely the end of this unprece- 
 dented war, but the close of an epoch in the 
 history of the world and the beginning of a 
 new day in the relationship between nations 
 and in the relationship between man and man. 
 Now that we see that peace is to come to the 
 world, we are deeply interested in the new 
 world that will be. For all conceive that this 
 war has been another great step on the road 
 to real democracy, a democracy in spirit as well 
 as in form. Everyone can perceive that the 
 world's thought is in a state of flux. Nothing 
 is static. And it becomes those who are wise 
 to see that whatever policies are adopted as to 
 the future root themselves in the real and per- 
 manent traditions of the past, which are the 
 fruits of man's experience, but that these 
 things which are superficial and not funda- 
 mental may be discarded. We must make 
 America more perfectly the expression of our 
 own belief that it is the throne-seat of liberty 
 and justice. The essence of our thought, of 
 our political, our social, and our economic 
 philosophy, is fair play, fair play between na- 
 tions, fair play between micn. We must have a 
 
 THIRTY-FIVE 
 
FRANCE-AMERICA SOCIETY 
 
 clear and concise conception ourselves as to 
 what America is, and we must interpret that 
 conception to the world, and especially to that 
 portion of the world which has come to our 
 shores and which has not yet become American. 
 There have been many schemes devised by 
 which men of foreign birth may be American- 
 ized, but after all, there is but one method, and 
 that is by human relationship. America is 
 judged by the foreign-born, and should be so 
 judged by them, by the manner in which they 
 are treated by Americans. As we have chiv- 
 alry in battle, so we should have chivalry in 
 life. 
 
 We have undertaken the greatest task, the 
 solution of the largest and most involved prob- 
 lem that any people have undertaken — gather- 
 ing together men and women of all nations, 
 creeds and races, blending them into a nation 
 and creating out of them a new race. We have 
 looked upon this matter not with indifference, 
 but with that infinite faith that all things 
 would solve themselves if left alone, which 
 has been characteristic of our life. But I be- 
 lieve that the time has come when we should 
 intimately concern ourselves, as individuals and 
 as a nation, with the hopes, the dreams, the 
 ideals and the destinies of the many millions of 
 people who are with us but are not fully us. 
 Is it any wonder that these people do not under- 
 stand what America means? What effort 
 have we made to let them know that America 
 
 THIRTY-SIX 
 
FRANCE-AMERICA SOCIETY 
 
 IS more than an industrial hunting-ground? 
 You and I realize that America is more than 
 money, or mines, more than lands, more than 
 stocks and industry. It is a spirit, a free spirit, 
 a growing spirit. It has rejected the theory 
 that some men are born to rule and others to 
 be their peasant henchmen. I trust that it will 
 not adopt the idea that America is a nurse . 
 whose business it is to treat mankind as de- 
 pendents. It is rather the sunshine and the 
 free air which induce life and which challenge 
 the spirit of men. 
 
 America is adventure, but it is not exploita- 
 tion. 
 
 America is the land of the free and the 
 home of the brave, but it is the land of the free 
 because it is the home of the brave. 
 
 America is heart as well as hands and head. 
 America is a hope, not a thing done. Amer- 
 ica is a history of great men and great deeds, 
 of the mastering of the continent, of the 
 revolution of unprecedented resources, the 
 organization of industries upon the hugest 
 scale. But it is more than these. It is a vision 
 of life, a conception of free men making their 
 way constantly and unendingly against every 
 challenge that nature presents, the challenge of 
 mountains and of the streams and of the for- 
 ests and of the lands, and the challenge of the 
 greed, the indifferences, the laziness, the wil- 
 fulness of man's own nature. Man has come 
 here seeking justice through liberty, through 
 
 THIRTY-SEVEN 
 
FRANCE-AMERICA SOCIETY 
 
 Stable and orderly liberty. He has gone back 
 to the old world to fight for that ideal in 
 France. These boys will return to fight for 
 that ideal in America. They will have a 
 larger conception of the world, a knowledge 
 of peoples that they did not have before. We 
 should prepare America to receive them in the 
 spirit which they will have upon their return. 
 What should we do, practically? I believe 
 that we should extend and expand our public 
 school system, so that in the first instance 
 every school will be an educating ground for 
 American citizenship, so that no boy or girl 
 can pass through the school without having a 
 sense of what America is, how it has been 
 made, what its resources are, how its people 
 live, what has been the evolution of its institu- 
 tions, what its services have been to mankind; 
 and in the second place no boy or girl should 
 come out of our public schools without know- 
 ing some trade. The new day is to be a day 
 in which the test will be: "Of what use are 
 you in the world ?" All private industries will 
 become public utilities, unless those industries 
 have breathed into them a supreme sense of 
 public service. And all men are slackers, who 
 are not at work, creative work. 
 
 There is within us all a small man and a 
 large man. The small man is the narrow, 
 personal, self-indulgent, egotistic man. I am 
 afraid that this is the man who was uppermost 
 in our days of peace. The large man is the 
 
 THIRTY-EIGHT 
 
FRANCE-AMERICA SOCIETY 
 
 man who has been challenged by this war. 
 He sees the worthlessness of little strivings, of 
 small ambitions, and he has come forward as 
 never before, saying to the nation: "How can 
 I be of use?" This man is in the ascendant. 
 He is represented by the boy on the battlefield 
 and by the man who puts his energy and 
 enthusiasm into the work at home. He has 
 a new religion, because he is living in the 
 presence of a new compelling idea. If this 
 spirit remains alive, if the torch burns as 
 brightly after the war as it does today, America 
 will have a renaissance which will keep her in 
 the leadership of the world. 
 
 Out of the war we have new heroes, new 
 concrete presentations of the things that we 
 admire in man, and by that admiration we 
 will grow. Out of the war we are to have 
 new ideals of society, in which we will, I trust, 
 give the highest premium to the man who can 
 be of the greatest service. Out of the war 
 we are to have a new conception of ourselves, 
 a humbler conception and yet a prouder one, 
 I trust. 
 
 President Butler: Gentlemen, the 
 France-America Society has the very peculiar 
 privilege and distinction of being the first body 
 publicly to salute the new Czecho-Slovak na- 
 tion since its recognition by the govern.ment of 
 the United States. It is not often that infants 
 are gifted with eloquence, but it so happens 
 
 THIRTi'-NINE 
 
FRANCE-AMERICA SOCIETY 
 
 that this people has in the President of its 
 Provisional National Council a chosen leader 
 who is truly one of the world's greatest states- 
 men. When I had the honor to present him 
 some weeks ago to the largest and most en- 
 thusiastic public meeting it has ever been my 
 fortune to see in the City of New York in 
 course of more than thirty years, I ventured 
 to say that he was one of the half dozen most 
 important personalities in the world. I now 
 repeat that statement in your presence. To his 
 genius and to his zeal the new Czecho-Slovak 
 nation owes no small part of its being, and to 
 those same qualities we and our Allies owe no 
 small part of the value of the Czecho-Slovak 
 army now fighting in Siberia for the re- 
 demption of Russia. (Applause.) 
 
 It is a very, very great honor to have among 
 our guests and to represent you as the spokes- 
 man of the Czecho-Slovak people, their chosen 
 leader. Dr. Masaryk. (Applause.) 
 
 Dr. Masaryk: Mr. President and Gentle- 
 men: The speakers of this evening explained 
 to us what the spirit of Lafayette is and what 
 it means for us. The spirit of Lafayette was 
 the belief of the people of the eighteenth cen- 
 tury in the right of men and citizens, and it 
 was the French nation who made the declar- 
 ation of the right of men and citizens. And 
 the same spirit of Lafayette in the eighteenth 
 century we are feeling and we are living now 
 in the twentieth century, when the statesmen 
 
FRANCE-AMERICA SOCIETY 
 
 of France and of all united people declare for 
 equality, the right of all nations, great and 
 small. I am speaking here on behalf of one of 
 these small nations, and I am happy to be able 
 to thank this Society — in the first place, to 
 thank France, who first recognized our nation 
 and our National Council. 
 
 I thank Italy, who has made a detailed agree- 
 ment with us. I thank Great Britain, whose 
 recognition stirred the fury of Germany and 
 Austria. And I thank the Government and 
 the President of the United States, recognizing 
 our provisional government. 
 
 You are right, Mr. President, speaking of 
 — I would say, a baby nation — at least I feel 
 like the representative of a quite new nation; 
 and it is not supposed that babies should speak 
 long speeches — not supposed to speak to 
 grown statesmen and diplomats. Yet allow 
 me to say all that has been said about and 
 against Germany, we Bohemians and Slovaks 
 feel that it is spoken too against Austria- 
 Hungary. Our statement to you is this: 
 That without dismemberment of Austria- 
 Hungary, there would be no victory. (Ap- 
 plause.) No victory, because Austria is here, 
 fifty-one millions, the weak tool of Germany. 
 Germany controls Austria-Hungary, controls 
 the Balkans, Turkey, Asia, Africa. Austria 
 cannot subsist if the Allies have to win this 
 war. And they must win it and will win it. 
 (Applause.) And it is not only, I would say, 
 
 FORTY-ONE 
 
FRANCE-AMERICA SOCIETY 
 
 a political duty; it is the moral duty to dis- 
 member Austria. This organization of 
 violence where the minority controls and ex- 
 ploits the majority of nations — remember, 
 please, — don't forget that long phrase which 
 was made, as has been stated, in the Reichstag 
 of Vienna by the Polish Deputy, Mr. 
 D'Choynsky — thirty thousand, perhaps sixty 
 thousand civilians have been executed because 
 they did not like Austria-Hungary and resisted 
 Hungary. Imagine what it means to kill men, 
 women and children— 20,000 or 60,000. 
 That is Austria, and the spirit of Austria ; and 
 therefore our conviction is, Austria must be 
 dismembered. (Applause.) 
 
 Then, not only will Bohemia be free and 
 Slavic; Poland must be restored and united. 
 (Applause.) The South Slavs must be united 
 and independent; Roumania, Italy, must get 
 their national right; and then we will have, 
 from the Baltic down over Bohemia, Poland, 
 Roumania, South Slavs, Italy, Switzerland — 
 to France, a barrier of Slavs, and not only of 
 Slavs, of the Roman nation, against Germany. 
 Only then will Russia be able to recover, if 
 Germany shall not be the direct neighbor of 
 Russia, if Russia shall be freed from this Ger- 
 man pressure. That only can be done if all 
 these smaller nations in this zone in the east 
 shall be liberated. 
 
 And so we Slavs think that the object, the 
 primary object, I would say, of this war, is 
 
 FORTY-TWO 
 
iUUifeUi 
 
 FRANCE-AMERICA SOCIETY 
 
 the solution of the Oriental question, so to 
 speak. But not only the Oriental question is 
 to be solved. We have a western question, 
 too. Secretary Lane explained what he thinks 
 is the American spirit. Mr. Jusserand, in his 
 able writings, shows that he is not only a 
 diplomatist, but a philosopher. He tries to ex- 
 plain what Americanism is. I confess I 
 learned a good deal about America in his 
 books. True America is human. It is the 
 humanitarian principle which pervades Amer- 
 ica, and being real human, America is ac- 
 cepted and the American principles accepted 
 by all nations, and if you speak of the process 
 of Americanization, we will all be American- 
 ized because we hope we will all be human- 
 ized. 
 
 Mr. President, j^ou spoke of the interde- 
 pendence, if I may say so, of nations — of the 
 brotherhood of nations. Our South Slav 
 brothers have a peculiar custom. Every man 
 chooses one of his friends as his brother, and 
 they mix a drop of blood to symbolize the 
 brotherhood. Gentlemen, streams of blood, 
 streams of the most noble blood you see, are 
 mixed on the battlefield of France and of all 
 Europe. I ask you, if the South Slavs be- 
 come brothers by mixing only one drop of 
 blood, what must we, we nations, be if we mix 
 those streams, those oceans of blood? More 
 than brethren. (Applause.) 
 
 I have finished what I have to say. I once 
 
 FORTY-THREE 
 
FRANCE-AMERICA SOCIETY 
 
 more thank all who are helping and will help 
 our nation. Vive la France ! ( Prolonged 
 applause.) 
 
 President Butler: Gentlemen, at any 
 meeting of the France-America Society at a 
 time like this, our program will be incomplete 
 without opportunity to pay tribute to the cour- 
 age, the service, the quiet, unboasting skill of 
 the British Empire. (Applause.) There she 
 stands, a veritable Rock of Gibraltar, in this 
 time of need, and day by day, as we watch the 
 progress on the map of the British armies 
 toward Douai and Cambrai and Lille I am 
 hoping that it may be their privilege to force 
 the turning of the line in the west and to fire 
 the signal that will indicate that the invading 
 German has been forced from the coast of 
 Flanders and to start out of Belgium. 
 (Applause.) 
 
 It is a great pleasure to welcome here to- 
 night so many representatives of the British 
 Army, of the British Navy, and of the Brit- 
 ish Diplomatic Service. Perhaps I may be 
 permitted to signalize our peculiar pleasure 
 that circumstances have brought to our board 
 Sir Maurice de Bunsen, who as British Am- 
 bassador at Vienna wrote a very substantial 
 part of the record of the beginning of this 
 war. To speak for Great Britain and to re- 
 ceive from us this token of our admiration and 
 regard and confidence, I have the honor to 
 
 FORTY-FOUR 
 
FRANCE-AMERICA SOCIETY 
 
 present the Acting High Commissioner, Sir 
 Henry Babington Smith. (Applause.) 
 
 Sir Henry Babington Smith: Mr. 
 President, Your Excellencies, Ladies and Gen- 
 tlemen: I feel it a great honor and privilege 
 to be permitted to take part in the celebration 
 tonight of the two anniversaries which are the 
 occasion of this gathering. Historical events 
 and the anniversaries w^hich commemorate 
 them derive their importance, it has often been 
 said, largely from the consequences which 
 flow from the events. If those who played a 
 leading part in the war of American Inde- 
 pendence, and, amongst them, the Marquis 
 de Lafayette, have an important place in his- 
 tory, it may be said to be primarily because of 
 the vast consequences which ensued from the 
 birth of the American nation. The other an- 
 niversary which is celebrated tonight, is the 
 anniversary of the first battle of the Marne. 
 That, too, derives its importance largely from 
 the effects which flowed from it. That victory 
 was the definite check to the attempt of Prus- 
 sian militarism to win domination over the 
 world by the rush of an unexpected and sud- 
 den onset. That attempt was checked; but 
 the w^ar has continued for four years. I do not 
 think I shall be overbold in sajang that, in 
 the future, the months that we are passing 
 through now, the months of August and Sep- 
 tember of this year, w^ill be regarded as the 
 turning point which marked the beginning of 
 
 FORTY-FIVE 
 
FRANCE-AMERICA SOCIETY 
 
 the complete and final defeat of that militar- 
 ism. (Great applause.) 
 
 In looking back on the four years which 
 have passed since the battle of the Marne, 
 there are many thoughts which come to one's 
 mind, and I will only express two of them. 
 The first is that I should wish to be allowed 
 to join in the tribute of admiration which has 
 been paid tonight, and frequently before, for 
 the spirit of France during those years — the 
 unfaltering spirit which, through all suffering, 
 through all struggle, has shown a constancy, 
 a fortitude, and a valor that is above and be- 
 yond all praise. The other thought that I 
 should like to express is one which perhaps 
 comes naturally to the mind of an Englishman, 
 who is accustomed to think in terms of the 
 sea, and that is, that in all the fluctuations of 
 warfare during those four years — and we have 
 seen many fluctuations, we have seen the tide 
 of war rising and falling, the battle front in 
 France swaying forwards and backwards — 
 during all those four years there is one element 
 of war which has not fluctuated, and that has 
 been the sea. (Applause.) 
 
 Mr. Secretary Lane quoted the school child 
 who said that the object of the war was to 
 make the sea free, that we are fighting to free 
 the seas. But the sea must be free before we 
 can fight. If the sea had not been free for 
 the use of the Allies, of the 23,000,000 men 
 who have registered or will register under the 
 
 FORTY-SIX 
 
FRANCE-AMERICA SOCIETY 
 
 American draft, not one would have been able 
 to find his place in the battlefields of France. 
 (Applause.) That freedom of the seas for 
 the use of the Allies is secured by the Allied 
 fleets, and mainly by the great fleet, British 
 and American, lying in the mists of the north- 
 ern sea. (Applause.) 
 
 A striking simile was used the other day by 
 Mr. Lloyd George. I venture to reproduce it. 
 During these years we have been passing, he 
 said, through a tunnel, in darkness, in noise, 
 in smoke. From time to time there has been 
 a gleam of light. We thought we were com- 
 ing, perhaps, to the end of the tunnel ; but we 
 found it was but the gleam of light from an 
 airshaft, and we passed on. Now at last the 
 light is beginning to grow brighter, and we 
 have the firm conviction that it will continue 
 to grow brighter and clearer until we emerge 
 from the tunnel into air and sunlight again, 
 and arrive at our final destination of Victory 
 and of Peace through Victory. (Prolonged 
 applause.) 
 
 President Butler: Gentlemen, may I 
 adjourn this notable meeting by quoting the 
 last sentence which I heard Mr. Choate speak 
 — his sentence to Mr. Arthur Balfour: "We 
 shall meet again to celebrate victory." 
 
 FORTV-SEVEN 
 
FRANCE-AMERICA SOCIETY 
 
 Officers 
 
 Honorary President 
 The Ambassador of France 
 
 President 
 Nicholas Murray Butler 
 
 Vice-Presidents 
 Chauncey M. Depew William D. Guthrie 
 
 Frederick R. Coudert Myron T. Herrick 
 
 Treasurer 
 J. PiERPONT Morgan 
 
 Secretary 
 S. Reading Bertron 
 
 Chairman 
 
 Executive Committee 
 
 F. Cunliffe-Owen, 37 Riverside Drive 
 
 FORT\- eight 
 
FRANCE-AMERICA SOCIETY 
 
 Directors 
 
 Robert Bacon 
 Peter T. Barlow 
 S. Reading Bertron 
 George W. Burleigh 
 William A. Clark 
 Frederic R. Coudert 
 Paul D. Cravath 
 F. Cunliffe-Owen 
 Robert W. DeForest 
 Chauncey M. Depew 
 John H. Finley 
 Paul Fuller 
 
 Albert Eugene Gallatin 
 Warren L. Green 
 William D. Guthrie 
 McDougall Hawkes 
 A. Barton Hepburn 
 Myron T. Herrick 
 J. Pierpont Morgan 
 E. H, Outerbridge 
 George Foster Peabody 
 Edward Robinson 
 Elihu Root 
 Henry W. Sackett 
 Herbert L. Satterlee 
 W. K. Vanderbilt 
 Henry Van Dyke 
 Whitney Warren 
 Henry White 
 George T. Wilson 
 
 FORTY-NIX'E 
 
FRANCE-AMERICA SOCIETY 
 
 List of Members 
 
 Honorary Members . 
 JussERAND, His Excellency Jean Jules, 
 Ambassador of France to the United States 
 
 Life Members 
 Depew, Chauncey M., Jr. Gurnee, Augustus C. 
 
 Adams, Edward D. 
 Ahlstrom, C. F. 
 Alexander, Charles B. 
 Alexander, J. S. 
 Allen, Frederick H. 
 Armstrong, L. Sinclair 
 Auerbach, Joseph S. 
 Bacon, Robert 
 Baker, George F. 
 Baker, George F., Jr. 
 Bangs. Francis S. 
 Barclay. Wright 
 Barlow, Peter T. 
 Barlow, Samuel, L. M. 
 Barnum, William M. 
 Bartlett, Philip G. 
 Baylies, Edmund L. 
 Bayne, Howard 
 Beck, James M. 
 Beekman, R. Livingston 
 Belmont, August 
 Belmont, Perry 
 Benjamin, George P. 
 Bernheimer, Charles L. 
 Bertron, S. Reading 
 Bethell, Union H. 
 Betts, Samuel R. 
 
 Billings, C. K. 
 Billings, Richard 
 Bingham, Gen Theodore A. 
 Bisbee, Eldon 
 Bliss, Cornelius N., Jr. 
 Blum, Albert 
 Blumenthall, George 
 Boldt, George C. 
 Bonbright, William P. 
 Borie, Adolphe E. 
 Bowring, Charles W. 
 Boynton, Charles H. 
 Bramwell, E. Percy 
 Breed, William C. 
 Brewer, George Emerson 
 Bright, Louis \. 
 Brown, Francis K. 
 Brown, Franklin Q. 
 Brown, James 
 Buckner, Thomas A. 
 Bull, Henry W. 
 Burleigh, George W. 
 Bush, Irving T. 
 Butler, Joseph G., Jr. 
 Butler, Nicholas Murray 
 Butler, William Allen 
 Butterworth, Geo. Forrest 
 
FRANCE-AMERICA SOCIETY 
 
 Caesar, Henry A. 
 Calhoun, John C. 
 Cannon, Henry W. 
 Carnegie, Andrew 
 Carpenter, Charles W. 
 Carty, J. J. 
 Cauchois, O. R. 
 Chadbourne, William M. 
 
 Demorest, William Curtis 
 Depew, Chauncey M. 
 DePulligny, Jean F. 
 Dodge, Cleveland H. 
 Dowd, William B. 
 Downer, Charles A. 
 Dryden, Forrest F. 
 Duell, Howard S. 
 
 Chanler, Robert WinthropDuPont, General Coleman 
 Chubb, Percy Edwards, Charles Jerome 
 
 Church, Elihu CunynghamEllis, George W. 
 
 Clark, Edward H. 
 Clarke, Lewis L. 
 Clark, William A. 
 Clews, Henry 
 Coffin, C. A. 
 Cohn, Adolphe 
 Cormack, George A. 
 Cornell, Robert C. 
 Coster, Edw. Livingston 
 Coudert, Frederic R. 
 Crane, George F. 
 Cravath, Paul D. 
 Crocker, William H. 
 Cruger, Berthram De N. 
 Cunliffe-Owen, Frederick 
 Cutting, R. Fulton 
 Dana, Paul 
 Darrell, E. F. 
 Davies, Julien T. 
 Davison, Charles Stewart 
 Davison, H. P. 
 Day, W. A. 
 DeBary, Adolphe 
 DeFlorez, L. 
 DeForest Robert W. 
 DeLafield, Frederick P. 
 Delano, Eugene 
 Delano, William Adams 
 Demorest, Gilbert Curtis 
 
 Englis, C. M. 
 Eno, William P. 
 Ewart, Richard H. 
 Fahnestock, Snowden A. 
 Fairchild, Samuel W. 
 Farnsworth, Frederick E. 
 Ferree, Barr 
 Finley, John H. 
 Fish, Stuyvesant 
 Fiske, Haley 
 Fletcher, Austin B. 
 Franklin, Philip A. S. 
 Freedlander, Joseph H. 
 Freeman, Charles D. 
 Freeman, Dr. R. D. 
 Freeman, Robert H. 
 French, Amos Tuck 
 Frissell, A. S. 
 Fuller, Paul 
 
 Gallatin, Albert Eugene 
 Gans, Howard S. 
 Gardiner, Gen. Asa Bird 
 Gary, Elbert H. 
 Gautier, D. G. 
 Gerard, James W. 
 Gilbert, Cass 
 Godkin, Lawrence 
 Goelet, Robert Watson 
 Gough, William T. 
 
 FIFTY-OKE 
 
FRANCE-AMERICA SOCIETY 
 
 Gould, Edwin 
 Gould, George J. 
 Green, Warren L. 
 Greene, Gen. Francis V. 
 Greene, Richard T. 
 Greenough, William 
 Grinnell, William Milne 
 Guthrie, William D. 
 Hammond, John Hays 
 Hammond, John Henry 
 Hardon, Henry W. 
 Harvey, George 
 Hatch, Edward W. 
 Hawkes, McDougall 
 Hay, Louis C. 
 Hedges, Job E. 
 Hemphill, J. Alexander 
 Hepburn, A. Barton 
 Herrick, Myron T. 
 Hewitt, Peter Cooper 
 Hill, Henry W. 
 Hill, Percival S. 
 Hine, Francis L. 
 Holbrook, Elliott H. 
 Hollingsworth, W. T. P. 
 Holmes, Edwin T. 
 Homer, Francis T. 
 Hoyt, Colgate 
 Humphreys, Dr. Alex. C. 
 Hurd, Richard M. 
 Ide, George E. 
 Ingraham, Phoenix 
 James, Arthur Curtiss 
 Jennings, Walter 
 Johnson, Columbus O. 
 Johnson, Robt. Underwood 
 Jouvaud, Lucien 
 Juilliard, A. D. 
 Kahn, Otto H. 
 Kennelly, Bryan L. 
 
 Keogh, Martin J. 
 King, Willard V. 
 Kingsbury, Howard T. 
 Kingsley, Darwin T. 
 Kozminski, Maurice W. 
 Kunz, George F. 
 Lambert, L. G. 
 Lamont, Thomas W. 
 La Montagne, Henry 
 La Montagne, Philip 
 Landon, Francis G. 
 Lanier, Charles 
 Lawrence, Benjamin H. 
 Lawrence, Frank R. 
 Legg, H. Bertram 
 Leon, Maurice 
 Littlefield, C. W., 
 
 Pay Director, U. S. N. 
 Lord, Chester S. 
 Luckett, Henry W. 
 Lunger, John B. 
 Luther, Edward Staats 
 Lyon, Emory S. 
 MacArthur, John R. 
 Maclntyre, William H. 
 Mackay, Clarence H. 
 MacPhee, Dr. J. J. 
 McCall, John C. 
 McCarter, Thomas N, 
 McCarter, Uzal H. 
 McGarrah, Gates W. 
 McMillan, Emerson 
 McNeir, George 
 Manning, Rev. Wm. T. 
 Marcosson, Isaac F. 
 Marling, Alfred E. 
 Marston, Edgar L. 
 Marston, Edwin S. 
 Martin, Bradley, Jr. 
 Martindale, Joseph B. 
 
 FIFTY-TWO 
 
FRANCE-AMERICA SOCIETV 
 
 Mason, Alexander T. 
 Mason, George Grant 
 Maxwell, George 
 Merrall, Walter H. 
 Middlebrook, Frederick J. 
 Middleton, Merle 
 Milburn, John G. 
 Miller, Charles R. 
 Mills, Ogden 
 Moore, Frederick P. 
 Moore, John B. 
 Moore, William H. 
 Moorehead, Dr. John J. 
 Morgan, J. Pierpont 
 Morgan, W. Fellowes 
 Munn, Dr. John P. 
 Munro, R. F. 
 Munsey, Frank A. 
 Murphy, Franklin 
 Murphy, Patrick Francis 
 Myers, Lawrence 
 Nixon, Lewis 
 Noble, Herbert 
 Norton, Eliot 
 Oakman, Walter G. 
 Ochs, Adolph S. 
 Olin, Stephen H. 
 Olyphant, Robert 
 Osborn, William Church 
 Outerbridge, E. H. 
 Parker, Alton B. 
 Parsons, \A'^illiam Barclay 
 Patterson, Rufus L. 
 Peabodv, George Foster 
 Pell, S.H.P. 
 Pendleton, Francis K. 
 Ferine, W. D. N. 
 Perkins, George W. 
 Pierce, Wallace L. 
 Pirie, S. C. 
 
 Plimpton, George A. 
 Plummer, Franklin A. 
 Pomeroy, D. E. 
 Porter, General Horace 
 Porter, W. H. 
 Post, James H. 
 Prentiss, John W. 
 Presbrey, Frank 
 Price, Walter W. 
 Prosser, Seward 
 Pupin, Michael L. 
 Pynchon, George M, 
 Quinby, Henry C. 
 Quintard, Dr. Elward 
 Reid, Ogden M. 
 Rheims, Harry L. 
 Rhoades, John Harsen 
 Roberts, James S. 
 Robinson, Edward 
 Roche, Francis Burke 
 Rockefeller, John D., Jr. 
 Rogers, John S. 
 Roosevelt, Theodore 
 Root, Elihu 
 Rosengarten, J. G. 
 Rousseau, Theodore 
 Rushmore, Charles E. 
 Ryan, John D. 
 Ryan, Thomas F. 
 Sabin, Charles H. 
 Sackett, Henry Woodward 
 Satterlee, Herbert L. 
 Schiff, Jacob H. 
 Schiff, Mortimer L. 
 Scott, Dr. James B. 
 Scott, Walter 
 Scribner, Charles 
 Seaman, Maj. Louis L. 
 Seligman, Henry 
 Sellar, Norrie 
 
 FIFTY-THREE 
 
FRANCE-AMERICA SOCIETY 
 
 Shallcross, Cecil F. 
 Shannon, Porter Clyde 
 Shannon, Richard C. 
 Sheldon, Edward W. 
 Sheldon, George R. 
 Sherrill, Gen. Charles H. 
 Simpson, David B. 
 Skaggs, William H. 
 Sleicher, John A. 
 Sloan, Samuel 
 Sloane, William 
 Smith, A. H. 
 Smith, Bolton 
 Smith, Charles Robinson 
 Smith, Frank Sullivan 
 Smith, Howard C. 
 Smith, Ormond G. 
 Smith, R. A. C. 
 Snow, Elbridge G. 
 Snyder, Milton V. 
 Snyder, V. P. 
 Stanchfield, John B. 
 Steele, Charles 
 Stetson, Francis Lynde 
 Stewart, A. M. 
 Stewart, Lispenard 
 Stewart, William R. 
 Stokes, James 
 Stowell, Ellery 
 Straight, Willard 
 Straus, Oscar S. 
 Strong, Benjamin Jr. 
 Sturgis, R. Clipston 
 Sykes, Walter S. 
 Taylor, William A. 
 Thacher, Dr. John S. 
 Thompson, Col. Robert M. 
 Towne, Henry R. 
 Trumbull, Frank 
 
 Tully, William J. 
 Turnure, George 
 Ulman, J. Stevens 
 Ulman, Joseph S. 
 Underwood, F. D. 
 Vail, Theodore N. 
 Vanderbilt, W. K. 
 Vanderlip, F. A. 
 Van Der Poel, Oakley S. 
 Van DerPoel, William H. 
 Van Dyke, Henry 
 Van Sinderien, Howard 
 Veit, Richard C. 
 Wallace, James N. 
 Ward, Cabot 
 Ward, George Gray . 
 Warren, Major Chas. E. 
 Warren, Lloyd 
 Warren, Whitney 
 Washington, W. Lanier 
 Waterbury, John L 
 Watkins, T. H. 
 Watkins, Henry R.C. 
 Watson, T. L. 
 Webb, F. Egerton 
 Wells, T. Tileston 
 White, Henry 
 Whitman, Charles S. 
 Wickersham, G. \\\ 
 Wiggin, Albert H. 
 Wiley, Louis 
 Willcox, William R. 
 Williams, Stephen I. 
 Williams, William 
 Wilson, George T. 
 Wilson, R. Thornton 
 Winslow, Admiral C. McR. 
 Wykes, Hunter 
 
 FIFTY-FOUR 
 
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
 020 914 049 4