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AN 
 
 HISTORICAL MEMOIR 
 
 PENNSYLVANIA SOCIETY, 
 
 FOR 
 
 PROMOTING THE ABOLITION OF SLAVERY; 
 
 RELIEF OF FREE NEGROES UNLAWFULLY HELD IN BONDAGE, 
 
 AND FOR 
 
 IMPROVING THE CONDITION OF THE AFRICAN RACE. 
 
 TOMPILKI) FROM 
 
 THE MINUTES OF THE SOCIETY AND OTHER OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS, 
 
 uv 
 
 ED WARDMVEEDLES, 
 
 AND PUBLISHED BY AUTHORITY OF THE SOCIETY, 
 
 PHILADELPHIA: 
 
 MEttKIHEW A N II THOMTSON, PI1IXTE1IS, 
 
 No. 7 Carter's Alley. 
 
 1848. 
 

 • ' 
 
At the annual meeting of the Pennsylvania Society for pro- 
 moting the Abolition of Slavery, held in Clarkson Hall, Twelfth 
 month 30th, 1847, it was, on motion, 
 
 Resolved, That a committee of three be appointed to request 
 of our President a copy of his memoir on the Rise and Progress 
 of the Pennsylvania Society for Promoting the Abolition of 
 Slavery, &c, for publication, with power to make such amend- 
 ments therein as may be deemed necessary. 
 
 The following members were appointed the committee : — 
 Isaac Parrish, Stephen Byerly, B. C. Bacon. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. — Origin of Slavery. Introduction of African slaves into Ame- 
 rica. Abolition of slavery commenced. Brief notice of its progress among 
 the "Friends." Kidnapping of free negroes — Leads to an association for 
 their protection. ........ g 
 
 CHAPTER II — 1775. "Society for the relief of free negroes, unlawfully 
 held in bondage" — Preamble to the Constitution — Hold four meetings — Pre- 
 vented from continuing their labours publicly, by the occurrence of the revo- 
 lutionary war. Interregnum of eight years. Notice of celebrated writers 
 who early espoused the cause of abolition. Stand made by Coke, first bishop 
 of the Methodists in America against slavery. - - - 14 
 
 CHAPTER III. — 1779. Measures tending to legislative proceedings upon the 
 subject of slavery. Bill introduced into the House of Representatives of 
 Pennsylvania for the "gradual abolition of slavery." Yeas and nays upon 
 its being engrossed. 1780. Final passage of the law; yeas and nays. Pro- 
 test of dissentients. • - 20 
 
 CHAPTER IV.— 1784. "Society for the relief of free negroes unlawfully held 
 in bondage," organized. Brief notice of its operations from that time to 1787. 
 The Society increases in usefulness and in public favour. Great accession 
 of numbers. Committee appointed to revise the Constitution. 1787. The 
 new Constitution adopted. Title of the Society changed. B. Franklin 
 elected first President under the new organization. Copies of the Constitu- 
 tion sent to the Governors of the different States — to T. Clarkson, and other 
 eminent abolitionists. Memorial to the Convention to altar the Constitution 
 of the United States, upon the subject of the slave-trade ; adopted. Letter 
 from the London Committee for abolishing the slave-trade. Answer to that 
 letter. ........ 26 
 
 CHAPTER V.- -1788. Vessels still fitted out for the slave-trade. Application 
 to the Legislature by petition. Supplement to the law of 1780 passed. Ameri- 
 can captives in Algiers ; measures for their relief. Correspondence with Rhode 
 Island respecting infractions of the law against the slave-trade. Notice of 
 frequent addresses to abolition Societies in this country and in England — to 
 Governors and legislative bodies. 1789. The Society chartered by Act of 
 Assembly. 1790. Memorial to Congress upon the subject of the slavery 
 of the Africans; signed by the President; Extract from it. Systematic mea- 
 sures adopted for promoting the improvement of the condition of the coloured 
 people. Death of B. Franklin, President of the Society; resolution on the 
 occasion. Operation of the Society not limited to Pennsylvania. - 33 
 
 CHAPTER VI. — 1791. Attempt made to alter the law so as to allow slaves 
 to beheld in Pennsylvania on certain conditions; effectually defeated by the 
 Society. Memorial to Congress upon the slave-trade. Similar memorials 
 from several States. Society formed in New Jersey. 1793. French emi- 
 grants from the West Indies petition for the alteration of the abolition law, 
 to allow them to hold their slaves; opposed and defeated. First notice of .a 
 
G 
 
 school for coloured children. Proposition from the New York Society for a 
 Convention of delegates from all. the abolition Societies in the United* States 
 to meet at Philadelphia; acceded to. A meeting of this Convention 1st mo. 
 1794. Question—'- Whether slavery, under any modification whatever, is 
 not inconsistent with the Constitution of this State ;" tried and decided in the 
 negative. ""----- 38 
 
 CHAPTER VIT.— 1796. Bill to prevent the trade in slaves being carried on, 
 and about to be laid before Congress. Committee to assist in its progress. 
 New York merchants engaged in supplying the West India islands with 
 slaves; committee on the subject. Address to the Convention for 1797. 
 Voluminous minutes of the Acting Committee alluded to. Two brigs seized 
 and condemned by a jury in the District Court of the United States for Penn- 
 sylvania ; hand cuffs, neck yokes, &c , found on board. Wilmington So- 
 ciety about to suspend. Committee to visit and sustain them. Vessels fitted 
 out for West India ports for the slave-trade. 1799. Bill pending the Legis- 
 lature for the total abolition of the slave-trade ; failed of success. Two Ame- 
 rican vessels with many black people on board captured. Destitute condi- 
 tion of blacks ; committee to afford them assistance and protection; 126 of 
 them placed out. Committee to promote greater regularity of deportment 
 amongst the coloured people ; report. Advice upon the subject of religion 
 and morals. Committee to attend their places of worship; an address to be 
 read. Visit to coloured families. Report of their number, &c. 1801. Bill 
 before the Senate of Pennsylvania injurious and oppressive to the blacks, 
 Interesting memorial upon the subject adopted. - - 43 
 
 CHAPTER Yin.— 1803. The venerable James Pemberton, President of the 
 feociety for thirteen years, asks to be excused from further service. Dr. Benj. 
 Rush elected President in his place ; R. Patterson and T. Parker, Vice Pre- 
 sidents. 1804. Special meeting in relation to a bill entitled, "An Act for 
 the abolition of slavery," being before the Senate of Pennsylvania. Memo- 
 rial upon the subject. 1804. Case of the ship Rufus, suspected of being 
 fitted out from this port for the slave-trade. - . .49 
 
 CHAPTER IX.— 1805. Twenty-five years after the passage of the " act for the 
 gradual abolition of slavery. Labours of the Society less arduous subsequent 
 to that event. Symptoms of decline in energy. Slaveholding domination 
 increasing. Extracts from the address to the Convention for 1806, in rela- 
 tion to these topics. Convention to meet triennially. 1809. Difficulties in 
 the way of the Society again adverted to. Extracts from the address, show- 
 ing the ideas held at that time in relation to the apathy then sensibly felt to 
 prevail in the Society. Law passed by Congress prohibiting the foreign slave- 
 tiade. Abolition Society in Kentucky. Proposition to erect a school house 
 for colored children. Completed in 1813. - - 54 
 
 CHAPTER X. — 1811. Memorial to the Legislature upon the subject of kid- 
 napping. 1813. Special meeting in relation to the trade in slaves carried on 
 by American citizens under foreign flags. Memorial to Congress upon the 
 subject. Extraordinary petition to the legislature for divers severe and op- 
 pressive measures against the people of colour; interesting memorial upon the 
 occasion. Death of Dr. Benjamin Rush, President of the Society ; resolu- 
 tions upon the occasion. Dr. Caspar Wistar elected in his place. Schools 
 under care of the Society, and the building named after Thomas Clarkson, of 
 London. 1816. Committee appointed to assist the Acting Committee in 
 detecting kidnappers who decoy free people away from home under false pre- 
 tences. Proposition to petition the legislature of the State for amendments 
 to the laws relative to the people of colour. Memorial to Congress in rela- 
 tion to the same subject. Address to the American Convention ; regret ex- 
 pressed at the small number of active members. Report of the labours of the 
 
Acting Committee. Important decision of the Supreme Court of Pennsvi- 
 vania. "The Apprenticing Committee" appointed as part of the Commi tee 
 CH^pTfrTf "^Tf T ° f ^ C ° l0Ured P-P'—final report. C °. m,mt g 
 «,;, \ f i " • Si P ' onositlon that a memorial to Congress upon the 
 subject of slavery in the District of Columbia, be prepared fof general drct 
 latum. Committee to examine the laws relative to the people of co our and 
 Propose amendments Congress memorized upon the subject of the Zitive 
 law Death of Dr. Caspar Wistar, President of the Society. Relation 
 adopted on the occasion William Rawle, Esq., elected in his p'lace Tddres 
 to the Convention. Notice of the "American Colonization 8ocS»recenUy 
 organized. Very interesting memorial to Congress in relation to h sale of 
 people of colour, under the act of Congress prohibiting the slave-tr de Me 
 mor.al to the Leg.el.ture of Pennsylvania pointing out the insufficiency^ 
 the laws for the protection of human liberty. Law subsequently passed more 
 effectually to prevent kidnapping. Missouri question. M easui E byThc 
 Society to obtain for the coloured people the right they are entitled to by the 
 law providing for the schooling of poor children. 1820. PubKc meetin- 
 P^r^ 
 
 CHAPTER XII.- 1821. Enquiry as to what measure"s C an be 'taken to'preve^t 
 further introduction of slaves into Florida. Committee to vSt the coloured 
 
 nnprovrme" 11 IsSsT *"* °? J?**? ^ l ° their' wd!^ 
 improvement 182o. A communication from the State of Maryland to the 
 Legislature of Pennsylvania, in relation to the difficulty of thdr recovering 
 fugitive slaves. Measures of the Society upon the <ubiert T p „Lk g 
 
 CHAPTER ^l^r^ —^ of in^^fa^" 8 ^ M £ 
 ™i, rE ? Y n — 1823 - h ™ of Sou 'h Carolina, affecting the rights of free 
 people of colour entering the port of Charleston. Memorfal to the Le^latuo 
 of Pennsylvania upon the subject. Subject adverted to in the addres's to the 
 Amencan Convention. Notice of an attempt of the slaveholders to induce 
 
 ZZcl m l'T aS " em ° f i k '°" ,ouchi °S ">« abolitionoVT-e" 
 
 Dy tne Colombian Government First "nonn,i;„„i» j . i. ■ 01 <*^'y 
 
 emancipation. Notice of B.Lund, 8^,^^?'"/ 
 
 us 1 99 rT Convention meet in Baltimore, Routine of the 
 
 CHAPTER TV i^n a m f 6t in Washin Ston, D. C. . 80 
 
 Supplement to << the law for suppressing of k ^ 
 
 appointed to attend the Legislature with a memoriaUgain ft the pas a* o< 
 
(he Society, by D. P. Brown. Letter from the New Haven Anti-Slavery 
 Society ; interesting answer to that communication. 1835. Memorial to 
 Congress for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia. 1826. 
 Death of Wm. Rawle, Esq., President of the Society. Eulogium delivered 
 by D. P. Brown, Esq. Thomas Shipley elected President. Office again 
 rendered vacant by death. Dr. Edwin P. A tlee appointed to prepare a dis- 
 course upon the life of T. Shipley. Dies before fulfilling the request of the 
 Society. Isaac Parrish appointed to prepare and read a suitable memoir 
 upon both. Extracts from that discourse. Dr. Joseph Parrish elected 
 President. . . ..... 88 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. — 1836. Vote of thanks to J. Q. Adams'and others, for oppos- 
 ing the adoption of the 21st rule, in Congress. Memorial to the Legislature 
 for trial by jury of persons arrested as slaves. 1837. Committee appointed 
 to visit the families of the coloured people, and to take a census of their num- 
 bers, &c. Extracts from the printed reports of the Committee ; published by 
 order of the Society. Special meeting of the American Convention ; con- 
 vened in Philadelphia. Adjourns sine die. Report of a Committee to attend 
 to the interests of the coloured people before the Convention to altar the 
 Constitution of the State. . • • • .93 
 
 CHAPTER XVH. — Death of Dr. Joseph Parrish. Resolutions on the occa- 
 sion. Extract from memoirs of his life and character, by E. Hopper and Dr. 
 Wood. Election of E. Needles as President. Opprobrious charge of Gen. 
 Gaines. 1841. Committee to confer with the managers of the House of 
 Refuge. 1842. Memorial to Congress against the admission of Texas into 
 the Union. Report of Committee of enquiry touching the depressed state of 
 the Society. Public meeting held. . • . .98 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. — Measures to promote the general purposes of the Society. 
 Memorials to Congress and State Legislature. Infant school for coloured 
 children. Report of the Board of Education. 1844. Death of Peter S. 
 Duponceau. Resolution in relation to that event. Memorial to Congress 
 remonstrating against the admission of Texas into the Union. 1845. Pro- 
 ceedings of the Society in relation to the House of Refuse. Managers about 
 to proceed to erect a building for use of coloured children. 1846. Memorial 
 to the Legislature on behalf of the coloured people. Assisted by the Friends. 
 Complete success of their united exertions. . . . 104 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. — Rise and progress of the Society reviewed. . 108 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 The pages of history, from the earliest period of time, present 
 a sorrowful picture of the depravity of human nature. In the 
 holy and peaceful vale of Eden, wherein our primeval parents 
 are represented to have been first located by the Creator of the 
 world, a state of probation seems to have been allotted, and 
 the choice of good or evil set before them. The unalterable 
 fiat of Omnipotence was fully made known, and the perfect 
 law of liberty revealed unto man. Obedience to the Divine 
 command was the condition on which his state of peace, 
 tranquillity and true happiness was made to depend ; whereas, 
 on the other hand, he was fully assured, that disobedience 
 would bring death to all these sources of pure enjoyment ; the 
 evil passions of his animal nature would obtain the ascen- 
 dency, and wo and misery be the inevitable consequence. 
 The alternative was a fearful one — yet man in the exercise 
 of his own free will chose to act contrary to the com- 
 mands of his Creator, and in so doing incurred all the heavy 
 responsibility of wilful disobedience. The dire effects ot 
 this were soon visible amongst his posterity ; one of whom, 
 in the like self-willed disposition as had been evinced by his 
 sire, carried away by the evil passions of his nature, soon 
 found occasion of quarrel with his weak and defenceless bro- 
 ther, and with rage and malice in his heart, wreaked his ven- 
 geance upon him by taking his life. This was the first scene 
 of war and bloodshed recorded in history. 
 
 As like causes produce like effects, the refractory will of 
 
10 
 
 man continues to generate the same evil dispositions of envy 
 and hatred towards his fellow creatures, and war and bloodshed 
 have, from the first ages of the world, devastated the fairest 
 portions of the habitable globe. Hence, also, has resulted 
 slavery ; which, amongst all nations, and in all ages, has been 
 a certain concomitant of war. In former times, the destruction 
 of human life in the battles of the warrior, was terrible ; quar- 
 ter was seldom given, and of the defeated party, all that could 
 be overtaken were put to the sword — men, women and chil- 
 dren often suffered alike, whether in the army or the field. 
 When the battle was over, and the indiscriminate waste 
 of life was stayed, the survivors of these sanguinary combats 
 were not, as in the present age, made prisoners of war, to be 
 released on certain conditions, and restored to their families 
 and friends, but were carried away captives into the enemy's 
 country ; in other words, they were made slaves, subject to the 
 uncontrolled domination of their captors, and liable to be 
 bought and sold in the market as any other merchandize. 
 
 Such it is alleged was the condition of the unfortunate 
 natives of Africa who were first introduced into this country — 
 they were already slaves, and only brought here to replace the 
 equally unfortunate natives of South America, who, unable to 
 endure the miseries of abject servitude into which they had 
 been reduced by their inhuman conquerors, were so diminished 
 in numbers, that their avaricious oppressors were in want of 
 labourers to cultivate their fields, or work the mines, from 
 which were produced unheard of stores of ill-gotten wealth. 
 This was more particularly the case in South America, which 
 having been the first part of the " New World" discovered, 
 was also the first into which Negro slavery was introduced by 
 the short-sighted, but benevolent priest, Las Casas,* who 
 
 * In the Encyclopedia Americana, article Slavery, page 434, speak- 
 ing of this charge against Las Casas, it is said, — : ' But this story has 
 been contradicted by the Abbe Gregoire, in his ' Apologie de B. de las 
 Casas,' in the memoirs of the French Institute, also by the writer of the 
 article "Casas," in the (: Biographie Universelle," who, after an examina- 
 tion of all the Spanish historians of that period, says " This charge rests 
 
11 
 
 seeing the miserable condition of the unfortunate Indians, and 
 the great waste of life amongst them, in consequence of the 
 severity of their labours, in order to relieve them from their 
 sufferings, encouraged the importation of a few negroes from 
 Africa, who being stronger and more robust than the native 
 Indians, were better able to endure hardships. These advan- 
 tages, together with the increasing demand for fresh labourers, 
 soon led to the introduction of those poor creatures in con- 
 siderable numbers. 
 
 Although slaves had been imported into the Havana as early 
 as 1510, the trade was not formally established by the King of 
 Spain — Charles V. — until 1517. The Portuguese were also 
 engaged in the transportation of slaves into the dominions of 
 other nations, and, by some, are allowed to have been the first 
 of the Europeans who were guilty of enslaving the poor 
 Africans. The trade was recognized by the French under 
 Louis XIII., and by the English, under Queen Elizabeth, in 
 1562. The first account we have of the introduction of sla\ es 
 into North America, was in the colony of Virginia, which was 
 settled by freemen in 1607, although slavery does not appear to 
 have been known amongst the planters until 1620, when it is 
 stated that a Dutch man-of-war landed twenty negroes for sale. 
 From that time, slavery appears to have taken root, and spread 
 rapidly, not only in Virginia, but throughout the other colo- 
 nies, of Delaware, Maryland, North and South Carolina, &c, 
 as they were successively settled. Pennsylvania was settled 
 in 1682, and althought the first settlers in that province were 
 principally members of the religious Society of Friends, they 
 followed the evil example set by the older colonies, and 
 slavery became the custom of the country. 
 
 But from the earliest period, after the introduction of slaves 
 
 solely on Hen-era, an elegant but inaccurate author." In Prescott's 
 History of Mexico, is a note where this charge is reiterated, but which 
 also states " that even if he had advised such a measure, he after- 
 wards expressed deep regret and humiliation for such erroneous views. 
 and frankly declared ' that the same law applies equally to the negro 
 as to the Indian.' " 
 
12 
 
 into this country, there were not wanting enlightened Chris- 
 tians of different denominations, who testified against the 
 cruelty and iniquity of holding their fellow beings in slavery. 
 The religious Society of Friends — although as has been said, 
 contaminated with this all-pervading vice of the community — 
 were unquestionably amongst the earliest to discover its incom- 
 patibility with that religion which teaches its followers to "do 
 unto others, as they would be done unto," and as a body to 
 denounce the practice. And as they have, either individu- 
 ally or collectively, been identified with almost every move- 
 ment tending to the abolition of the slave-trade and of slavery, 
 and to the amelioration and improvement of the condition 
 of the African race, it seems necessary in reviewing the 
 rise and progress of an institution which they were chiefly 
 instrumental in establishing, briefly to advert to the operations 
 of that body of professing Christians. This is not done, how- 
 ever, with any invidious design of lauding them, as the only 
 true friends of the coloured man, to the exclusion of others 
 who have the merit of participating in that grand work 
 of philanthropy;, — the abolition of slavery. On the con- 
 trary, it will be seen that although the Friends at first 
 laboured principally amongst their own members, (over whom 
 they held the scriptural authority of Church discipline) to 
 induce them to liberate their slaves, they were actively en- 
 gaged in pleading the cause of the oppressed, with slave- 
 holders of other religious denominations ; many of whom they 
 succeeded, in convincing of the iniquity of holding mankind as 
 slaves. Neither were they backward in uniting with others, 
 in carrying on still further the noble enterprise they had began 
 and so nearly achieved, within the pale of their own religious 
 society. 
 
 The work of reformation acting on a large scale, is an in- 
 structive lesson to contemplate. When a nation has for a 
 long period been subject to the exercise of despotic power, 
 and sunk in ignorance and vice, a corresponding term seems 
 accessary for the people, even under a milder government, to 
 become fitted for the enjoyment of the priviliges to which 
 
13 
 
 they aspire. So when custom has long sanctioned any 
 flagrant and palpable error, which becomes embodied in 
 what we call "public opinion," many years frequently 
 elapse before the bad effects of the evil to which the people 
 had been addicted, can be entirely dissipated. So it was 
 with " Friends" in their progress from the holding of slaves 
 to the full display of their testimony against members of the 
 Society being in any wise concerned in slavehojding. We 
 see that their first official act was merely a minute of ad- 
 vice, sent by the Yearly Meeting in 1696, cautioning Friends 
 against encouraging the bringing in any more negroes, and to 
 be careful of such as they already had, in relation to their 
 religious and moral training. In 1743 an annual Query was 
 instituted, which was improved upon in 1755, enquiring 
 whether their members were clear of importing or buying 
 slaves. In 1753, those who persisted in disobeying the advice 
 of the Yearly Meeting upon this subject, were not allowed to 
 sit in Meetings of Discipline, or to be employed in the affairs 
 of the Society — and no contributions were to be received from 
 them towards the relief of the poor, or for other services of 
 the Society. In 1776, all who continued to hold slaves ovci 
 lawful age, were to be dealt with and disowned. And yet, i.t 
 was not until 178 1, that the records show the Society to have 
 become entirely clear of holding slaves. 
 
 As an effect of these operations of the Society, together with 
 the public and private labours of individuals, all their own slaves 
 were liberated, and great numbers of their fellow citizens of 
 other religious societies, were convinced of the justice and 
 policy of emancipation, many of whom united heartily with 
 Friends in carrying on and spreading far and wide the benevo- 
 lent work. Hundreds and thousands of the lately enthralled of 
 the African race, were thus added to the class of freemen, re- 
 joicing in the civil and religious liberty for which they were 
 originally designed by their beneficent Creator to enjoy. 
 These newly emancipated slaves were objects of hatred and 
 envy to a certain class of the community, who, prompted by 
 
 2* 
 
14 ■ 
 
 avarice,, clandestinely seized these poor creatures, and re- 
 duced them again into slavery. Kidnapping of free negroes 
 became frequent, and slaves who had been manumitted to 
 be free at a subsequent period, were often surreptitiously 
 deprived of their just rights, and detained in bondage. In 
 such cases, ignorance or inability to prosecute their claim 
 to freedom, unable to plead for themselves, and, perhaps, 
 none to plead for them, their chance for redress was very 
 uncertain. Funds also' were requisite, of which they were 
 destitute ; legal characters in general were not over forward 
 in pleading for them before magistrates. " They were only 
 negroes" — poor and despised — their cause unpopular, and 
 nothing to be gained by advocating their rights, but the ill- 
 will and malice of their surrounding enemies. 
 
 Such were the difficulties which surrounded these unfortunate 
 sons of Africa, on their first entrance upon the rights and privi- 
 leges of freedom ; which, however justly and legally entitled 
 to, they seemed doomed to hold by a precarious tenure. 
 Many were the pretexts set up by avaricious and unprin- 
 cipled persons, to the labour and service of coloured people 
 who had been emancipated from slavery. So numerous had 
 such cases become, that many benevolent individuals whose 
 sense of justice prompted them to interfere, found the labour 
 too onerous to be borne. This led to the formation of the first 
 association of philanthropists on behalf of the coloured people : 
 a number of such characters combined together to support 
 each other, and to divide the labour of defending those who 
 were either kidnapped or otherwise deprived of their liberty. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 The first notice we find upon record of associated action, 
 was a meeting of a few individuals at the Sun Tavern, in 
 Second street, in Philadelphia, April 14, 1775, at which 
 
15 
 
 time they adopted a Constitution, the Preamble of which sets 
 forth the objects for which the Society was formed; to wit: 
 
 '' Whereas, there are in this and the neighbouring states a 
 number of negroes and others kept in a state of slavery, who, 
 we apprehend, from different causes and circumstances, are 
 justly entitled to their freedom by the laws and Constitution 
 under which we live, could their particular cases be candidly 
 and openly debated, and evidence to the best advantage for 
 them produced; but as in their situation, they being tied by 
 the strong cords of oppression, are rendered incapable of 
 asserting their freedom, and many through this inability remain 
 unjustly in bondage during life;— it therefore has appeared 
 necessary that some aid should be extended towards such 
 poor unhappy sufferers, wherever they may be discovered, 
 either in this city or its neighbourhood; and as loosing the 
 bonds of wickedness, and setting the oppressed free, is evi- 
 dently a duty incumbent on all the professors of Christianity, 
 but more especially at a time when justice, liberty, and the 
 laws of the land are the general topics, among most ranks and 
 stations of men. 
 
 '•' Therefore being desirous as much as in us lies to contri- 
 bute towards obtaining relief for all such as are kept thus 
 unjustly in thraldom, we have agreed to inspect and take 
 charge of all the particular cases which may hereafter come to 
 our knowledge; and that our good intentions may operate 
 the more successfully, and be of general utility to such as 
 stand in need of our assistance, have judged it expedient to 
 form ourselves into a regular society, by the name of " The 
 Society for the Relief of Free Negroes, unlawfully held in 
 Bondage." 
 
 The Society proceeded to the election of officers, and chose 
 John Baldwin, President; Samuel Davis, Treasurer; and 
 Thomas Harrison, Secretary. They also appointed at the first 
 meeting a Standing Committee of Inspection, consisting of 
 six members, who had forthwith a number of cases committed 
 to their care. Their Reports from time to time manifest a 
 lively interest in the concern, and a good degree of success 
 
16 
 
 in rescuing many of the unfortunate objects of their care from 
 the avaricious grasp of their claimants. 
 
 The Society met four times in the course of the year, the last of 
 which meetings was held in the 11th month, 1775. After trans- 
 acting the usual business, they adjourned to meet at the same 
 place in the 2d month of the following year, 1776. About 
 that time, however, the difficulties between this country and 
 Great Britain, which preceded the Revolution, had resulted 
 in the war, in consequence of which no further meetings of 
 the Society took place until it was over. The next meeting 
 occurred in the 2d month, 1784. The opening minute ex- 
 plains the occasion of the interregnum, by stating, " The 
 national commotions that have prevailed for several years, 
 are the only reasons why the company have not met according 
 to the rules."* 
 
 Although, as has been stated, the meetings of the Society 
 were suspended for several years during the war, we have 
 
 •Perhaps a more explicit reason for this suspension of the public 
 labours of the Society, may be derived from the fact, that the members 
 of that little association were also mostly, or perhaps all of them, mem- 
 bers of the religious Society of Friends, who, from their peculiar tenets ; 
 particularly their testimony against War, could not participate in the 
 forcible opposition of their fellow-citizens to the Government of Eng- 
 land, under which they were then living; on which account they were, 
 in many instances, closely tried with persecution, and much individual 
 suffering was endured. A number of very valuable Friends, who were 
 amongst the most respectable and influential members of the community, 
 were suddenly arrested, and without being permitted to see their wives 
 or families, or make any preparation for leaving their business, banished 
 from the city, and carried away into the interior of Virginia, where they 
 were confined for some time — and one or more died there. On account 
 of the obloquy thus cast upon them, Friends were necessarily obliged to 
 avoid as much as possible mixing in public affairs. This may also 
 serve to account for their not appearing to have been ostensibly engaged 
 in promoting the passage of the Act of Assembly, for the gradual aboli- 
 tion of slavery in this State, which took place in 1780, at which time 
 their enemies were numerous, and many of them slaveholders, who 
 hated the Quakers because thev were abolitionists. 
 
17 
 
 reason to believe, (although there is no recorded testimony of 
 their proceedings,) that the Society by its influential members 
 was very active, not only in accordance with the Constitution, 
 which specified the objects of the association to be the pro- 
 tection of free negroes against the illegal claims that were 
 set up against them, but also in promoting the gradual aboli- 
 tion of slavery and the slave trade. 
 
 It may be proper here to take a brief notice of some of the 
 distinguished individuals whose early labours on behalf of the 
 enslaved Africans, entitle them to a place in any history relating 
 to the abolition of slavery. 
 
 Clarkson, in his history of the abolition of the slave trade, 
 says, whilst the Quakers were making exertions at their 
 Yearly Meetings in America, as a religious body, to get rid of 
 both the commerce and slavery of their fellow creatures, 
 others of the same profession were acting as individuals, 
 independently of any influence from their religious communion, 
 in the same cause. Some of these he briefly notices. The 
 first mentioned is without date, Wm. Burling, of Long Island. 
 He bore a faithful testimony against slavery at their Yearly 
 Meeting, and continued annually to raise his voice against it. 
 He next speaks of Ralph Sandiford, as very earnest in en- 
 deavouring to prevail upon his friends, both in and out of the 
 Society, to liberate their slaves. In 1729 he published a 
 work called " the Mystery of Iniquity," which T. C. says 
 was a valuable appeal on behalf of the African cause. " The 
 next public advocate was Benjamin Lay. In 1737 he pub- 
 lished a treatise on slave-keeping, which he gave away, 
 particularly among young people. He had lived in the Island 
 of Barbadoes, and witnessed there scenes of cruelty towards 
 the slaves, which had greatly disturbed his mind, and un- 
 hinged it, as it were, whenever the subject of their sufferings 
 was brought before him." 
 
 In 1746 a distinguished advocate for the slave, appeared in 
 the person of John Woolman, who published a treatise on 
 slavery in 1750. He travelled extensively in the Slave States, 
 as a Minister of the Gospel, in the course of which he con- 
 
18 
 
 versed a great deal with Friends and those of other Societies, 
 bearing a faithful testimony against the wickedness and im- 
 policy of slaveholding." 
 
 About the same time, the celebrated philanthropist, Anthony 
 Benezet, is said to have " begun to be deeply affected with 
 the iniquity of the slave trade, the unlawfulness of carrying- 
 negroes into captivity, and the cruelty which was exercised 
 by those who purchased and employed them. The impulse of 
 duty, then for the first time brought him from the retirement of 
 private life before the world, to lift up his voice in behalf of 
 an oppressed and wretched portion of his fellow beings." — 
 " He commenced his benevolent labours for the blacks (as his 
 worthy biographer, Roberts Vaux, says) by adopting the most 
 rational course which could have been devised for their benefit, 
 the establishment of an evening school, which he taught gra- 
 tuitously himself. In this charitable work, he was successful 
 beyond his own expectations, for the proficiency of his pupils 
 in the rudiments of learning, added to the moral and religious ad- 
 vancement of many of them under his pious care, powerfully 
 contributed to recommend the race to the notice, and the cause 
 of their sufferings to the investigation of many persons of in- 
 fluence, who had previously held both in contempt. Having 
 thus awakened observation and reflection in Philadelphia, and 
 in some measure removed the unjustifiable prejudice against 
 the negroes, he was prepared to make an appeal in their 
 behalf to the justice and clemency of communities and nations. 
 His first attempts to enlighten the public mind, were made by 
 composing and circulating through the medium of Almanacks 
 and the public papers, detached pieces concerning the unlaw- 
 fulness of slavery," &c. ; after which he wrote and published 
 several essays on the slave trade. One of which, entitled, 
 "An Historical Account of Guinea," &c, accidentally falling 
 into the hands of Thomas Clarkson, was the means of giving 
 an impulse to the mind of that indefatigable and benevolent 
 individual, whose exertions subsequently contributed so much 
 towards bringing about the abolition of the slave trade by the 
 British Parliament ; simultaneously with which event, the 
 
19 
 
 American Congress interdicted the trade, declaring it to be 
 piracy to be anywise concerned therein. 
 
 Lee's History of the Methodists, states as follows, to wit: 
 1784. Dr. Cook and Bishop Asbury presiding. Rules 
 were adopted respecting slavery. " Every member in our 
 Society who has slaves in those States where the law will 
 admit of freeing them, shall, after notice given him by the 
 preacher, set them free, within twelve months (except in 
 Virginia, and there within two years") at specified periods ac- 
 cording to age. " Every person concerned, who will not 
 comply with these rules, shall have liberty to withdraw within 
 twelve months after the notice given ;" " otherwise, to be ex- 
 cluded." And " no person holding slaves, shall in future be 
 admitted into the Society until he previously comply with 
 these rules respecting slavery." 
 
 These, it is to be presumed, are the Rules which were so 
 severely attacked at a subsequent conference held in Virginia, 
 and which were upheld, for a time only, by the firmness of Dr. 
 Coke. But which were finally suspended at the next con- 
 ference. Dr. Coke was ordained by John Wesley, as the first 
 Bishop or Superintendant of the Methodist Episcopal Church 
 in America. He was a very decided and zealous advocate for 
 the rights of the slave, and his biography, particularly that 
 part which relates to this subject, is very interesting. In one 
 place it states, " when this obnoxious subject was omitted, he 
 was caressed, and received with all the veneration and respect 
 which a delegate from Heaven could claim ; but on other oc- 
 casions when this fatal chord was touched, it instantly vibrated 
 discord through the congregation, and applause gave place to 
 execrations. In some places the members of the Society were 
 disgusted, and many withdrew." While he was preaching in a 
 barn in Virginia, on Sunday,, the subject was introduced; much 
 provocation was felt by some of the congregation, who with- 
 drew and prepared to offer him personal violence, stimulated 
 by a fashionable lady, who offered the mob fifty pounds, in 
 case they would seize the preacher and give him one hundred 
 lashes. On leaving the house, he was instantly surrounded by 
 
2* 
 
 a ferocious party, who were proceeding to put their threats 
 into execution, but he was rescued by a Magistrate, and 
 escaped in safety. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 The zeal and energy with which Friends advocated the 
 cause of the oppressed Africans, aroused the convictions of 
 others out of the limits of their Society, and emancipations 
 greatly increased. The number of free blacks liable to be 
 kidnapped, or otherwise deprived of their newly acquired 
 liberty, gave occasion, as has been before stated, for the first 
 organization of a society for the protection of their rights. 
 Notwithstanding the obloquy thrown first upon the Society by 
 their enemies, circumstances were then transpiring in the politi- 
 cal arena of this country, the occurrence of which tended rapidly 
 to change public opinion in their favour. The principles of 
 civil liberty were at that time engaging general attention; 
 and the discussion of the rights of man paved the way for more 
 liberal views in relation to the blacks. The people who were 
 so tenacious of their own rights, as to refuse submission to a 
 law imposing a light tax upon them, because they had no 
 voice in the Parliament by which it had been enacted, were 
 easily convinced of the still greater wrong done to the poor 
 African, by taxing him to the whole amount of his earnings, 
 without any compensation; and with the addition of severe 
 personal injuries at the will of his master: all of which were 
 to be entailed upon his posterity in perpetuity, without 
 being allowed even the privilege of murmur or remonstrance. 
 Intelligent and sensible men could not fail at that time to see 
 the gross inconsistency of such a state of things, not only with 
 Christianity, but with the plainest principles of civil liberty. 
 Many of the brilliant characters who subsequently were con- 
 
21 
 
 cerned in the achievement of the Independence of the Thirteen 
 United States of America, became decided and zealous advo- 
 cates of the equal rights of all men (whether white or black) 
 to the unrestrained enjoyment of life, liberty, and the pursuit 
 of happiness. 
 
 Such were the characters upon whom the influential Friends, 
 who formed the original " Society for the Protection of Free 
 Blacks," had to operate, during the interregnum in their asso- 
 ciated action, in the time of the revolutionary war. Although 
 we have not been able to find any thing upon record, to show 
 how the labours of Friends and their co-labourers of other 
 denominations were directed for promoting the objects of their 
 association, during that time, we are not therefore to conclude 
 that they were idle. Events of great moment never occur 
 without the intervention of adequate means; and as we have 
 seen the progress made by Friends in clearing their own 
 religious society of slavery, and in convincing many others 
 of the sinfulness of slaveholding, it is reasonable to conclude 
 that the members of that Society were the chief instigators of 
 those measures which led to the passage of a law of this com- 
 monwealth, providing for the gradual abolition of slavery.* 
 As the proceedings of the Legislature on that memorable occa- 
 sion cannot fail to be interesting, we have made copious 
 extracts from the minutes of the Assembly, from the first 
 introduction of the bill to its final enactment into a law, 
 together with the yeas and nays taken on its second and third 
 reading. To wit : 
 
 Nov. 3, 1779. — On motion made and seconded, Resolved, 
 that a bill be brought in for the gradual abolition of slavery. 
 George Bryan, Joseph McClean, and David Thomas were 
 appointed a Committee for that purpose. 
 
 * In the Memoirs of the Life of A. Benezet, published by R. Vaux, it 
 is stated that "during the sitting of the Legislature in 1780, he had 
 private interviews on the subject (of slavery) with every member of the 
 government, and no dcubt thus essentially contributed to the adoption of 
 that celebrated measure/' 
 
22 
 
 Nov. 8. — The committee brought in a bill, which was or- 
 dered to lay on the table. 
 
 Nov. 17. — The bill entitled, an Act for the gradual abolition 
 of slavery, was read, debated, and postponed for further con- 
 sideration. 
 
 Nov. 18. — The bill was read again, and after being de- 
 bated by paragraphs, was ordered to be transcribed for third 
 reading, and in the meantime, to be published for considera- 
 tion. 
 
 On the question, whether the bill last mentioned, shall be 
 transcribed and published, the yeas and nays were called, and 
 by order taken as follows : 
 
 YEAS. 
 George Bryan, Arthur Watts, 
 
 William Hollingshead, Joseph Savage, 
 
 Jacob Schriener, 
 Michael Shubart, 
 Charles W. Peale, 
 Robert Knox, 
 Joseph McClean, 
 Edward Heston, 
 William Coats, 
 Joseph Blewer, 
 Gerardus Wynkoop, 
 Benjamin Fell, 
 William Scott, 
 
 Samuel Mechlin, 
 Patrick Anderson, 
 Joseph Parke, 
 James Anderson, 
 Christopher Kucker, 
 James Cunningham. 
 
 David Thomas, 
 Henry Hays, 
 John Fulton, 
 William Harris, 
 Sketchly Morton, 
 John Smiley, 
 John Gillcreest, 
 William Brownsen, 
 David Dunwoody, 
 Matthew Dill, 
 John Orr, 
 
 Isaac Mason. 
 
 NAYS. 
 Emanuel Carpenter, 
 William Porter, 
 James Jacks, 
 William Brown, jr. 
 John Whitehill, 
 James Dickson, 
 
 Feb. 15, 1780*.— Agreeably to the 
 
 Jonathan Hoge, 
 Abraham Smith, 
 Samuel Culbertson, 
 John Harris, 
 Frederick Watt, 
 Ephraim Steele, 
 Jonathan Jones, 
 Peter Rhoads, 
 John Ralston, 
 John Burd, 
 Joseph Powel, 
 Samuel Dale, . 
 John Procter, 
 
 David Kennedy. 
 Gabriel Heester, 
 Christian Lower, 
 Christopher Wagner, 
 Simon Dresbach, 
 William Montgomery. 
 
 order of the day pre- 
 
 *Four several petitions signed by divers inhabitants, freemen of this 
 commonwealth, were presented, expressing approbation of the bill for 
 the gradual abolition of slavery, and praying the same may be passed 
 into a law. Three petitions were also presented in opposition, one of 
 which, signed by some of the citizens of Lancaster, was dismissed 
 on account of its indecency. 
 
23 
 
 viously agreed upon, the House went into the third reading of 
 the bill, entitled an " Act for the gradual abolition of slavery," 
 and the same being again debated by paragraphs, was 
 ordered to be engrossed, and on the first of March, being 
 again taken up and compared at the table, was enacted into a 
 law, and the Speaker directed to sign it. The yeas and nays 
 on its final passage being required, were ordered, and taken 
 as follows, to wit : 
 
 YEAS. 
 
 George Bryan, 
 William Hollingshead, 
 Jacob Schriener, 
 Michael Shubart, 
 Charles W. Peale, 
 Robert Knox, 
 Joseph McClean, 
 Edward Heston, 
 William Coats, 
 Gerardus Wynkoop, 
 Benjamin Fell, 
 
 Daniel Heester ; 
 Samuel Mechlin, 
 Joseph Blewer, 
 James Boyd, 
 Patrick Anderson, 
 James Anderson, 
 Christopher Kucker, 
 
 William Scott, 
 Joseph Savage, 
 David Thomas, 
 Henry Hayes, 
 John Fulton, 
 John Smilie, 
 John Gillcreest, 
 William Brown, sen., 
 David Dun woody, 
 Matthew Dill, 
 John Orr, 
 William Montgomery. 
 
 NAYS. 
 
 James Cunningham, 
 William Porter, 
 William Brown, jr., 
 John Whitehill, 
 James Dickson, 
 David Kennedy, 
 Valentine Eckert, 
 
 Jonathan Hoge, 
 Abraham Smith, 
 John Harris, 
 Frederick Watts, 
 Ephraim Steel, 
 Jonathan Jones, 
 Peter Rhoads, 
 John Ralston, 
 John Burd, 
 Joseph Powel, 
 Samuel Dale, 
 
 Christian Lower, 
 Christopher Wagner, 
 John Van Campen, 
 Simon Dresbach, 
 Robert Martin, 
 John Procter, 
 Isaac Procter. 
 
 Thus was accomplished by a large majority, one of the most 
 important acts of legislation ever enacted in this common- 
 wealth, or perhaps in any other. One which for justice, 
 humanity, and philanthropy, has seldom been equalled, and 
 which raised the State of Pennsylvania to a high position 
 amongst the nations of the earth. 
 
 Those who voted in the negative, on the final passage of the 
 bill, entered their protest against the law. And as it exhibits 
 the train of reasoning amongst the slaveholders, and pro- 
 
24 
 
 slavery men of that day, and shows conclusively the ideas enter- 
 tained, even by the enemies of the coloured people, of the 
 rights and privileges of citizenship, which the law would con- 
 fer upon them, we quote the protest as recorded on the 
 minutes of the Assembly; to wit: 
 
 " 1st. Because, although we are the Representatives of 
 a free State, and accountable to no other for our proceedings, 
 as far as regards our internal police ; yet as we are confede- 
 rated with other States, for our common exertion and defence, 
 we are of opinion, that in adopting a measure to which some 
 of them cannot in their present invaded condition (with its 
 attendant calamities) conform, we should be highly censur- 
 able, as regardless of the safety of our neighbours, even sup- 
 posing that it could not injure ourselves ; but when we con- 
 sider, that the pernicious consequences which such a measure 
 may draw on any State or States in the Union, tend to weaken 
 that body, of which this State is a member, and indirectly to 
 involve this State in difficulties which we think we should 
 have to answer for to our constituents ; we must consider itas a 
 step imprudent, premature, and for which we have no instruc- 
 tions from them. 
 
 "2c?. Because, notwithstanding, we approve and are sensible 
 of the humanity and justice of manumitting slaves in time of 
 peace; we cannot think this the proper time,* since the seat of 
 war is likely to be transferred to the southward ; and to all 
 appearance, the force of that country may be called out, when 
 the white inhabitants will be obliged to leave their families, 
 and all that is near and dear to them, at the mercy of a supe- 
 rior force of slaves, which may, from the sound of freedom 
 that may go forth from this law, (perhaps unattended with 
 every circumstance) lead the negroes of these States to a de- 
 mand of an immediate and entire freedom, or to other disorders, 
 that may end in the greatest cruelties, which an ignorant, and 
 perhaps desperate people, stimulated by the enemies of their 
 masters, can be capable of committing. 
 
 * It is hard for the oppressor to find the " proper time'' - for liberating 
 the slave. 
 
25 
 
 " 3d. Because, if the time were come when slaves might be 
 safely emancipated, we could not agree to their being made 
 free citizens in so extensive a manner as this law proposes ; 
 we think they would have been well satisfied, and the Legisla- 
 ture would have sufficiently answered their humane purposes, 
 had these unhappy people been enabled to enjoy the fruits of 
 their labour, and have been protected in their lives and pro- 
 perty, in the manner white persons are, without giving them 
 the right of voting for, and being voted into offices, inter-mar- 
 rying with white persons, confronting them with their masters, 
 and being witnesses in every respect during the limited time of 
 their servitude, which we fear in some instances may ruin 
 families. We think that future Legislatures, might have 
 added to their privileges in proportion as they would Have 
 found them more civilized and better qualified to receive them, 
 with much more propriety, than they could abridge them 
 should they be found too extensive after being fixed by a fun- 
 damental law. 
 
 4th. Because, the motion for postponing the comparing of 
 this bill till the next session of Assembly, and a motion for 
 the previous question on the passing of this Bill, were over- 
 ruled ; as both these motions were only intended to gain more 
 time for knowing the sentiments of our constituents, and to 
 know whether a change of circumstances might not then 
 enable us to vote for the bill. 
 
 Samuel Culbertson, Robert Martin, Joseph Blewer, 
 
 James Dickson, James Cunningham, Daniel Heester, jr., 
 
 John Van Campen. John Whitehill, James Anderson, 
 
 Christopher Kucker. Valentine Eckert, Christian Lower. 
 
 William Brown, jr. Samuel Mechlin, Christopher Wagner, 
 
 James Boyd, David Kennedy. William Porter, 
 
 Joseph Park, John Procter, James Jack, 
 
 Patrick Anderson, Isaac Meason. 
 
26 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 As has been previously stated, " the Society for the protec- 
 tion of the free blacks" was not convened again until the war 
 was over and peace fully established. The first minutes 
 (before quoted) are dated in the Second month, 1784. After 
 some preliminaries for resuscitating the Society, they ad- 
 journed to meet again at Friends' committee room on Fourth 
 street below Chestnut. 
 
 Fourth month, 1784*. — A new election took place, and 
 Thomas Meredith was chosen President, John Todd, Secre- 
 tary, and James Starr, Treasurer. A new appointment was 
 also made of a standing committee, who were desired to take 
 " the Book of Articles" and to have them signed by those who 
 were absent. Thomas Meredith subsequently resigned as a 
 member, and Samuel Richards being proposed in the Fifth 
 month, was ballotted for and duly elected the second Presi- 
 dent. 
 
 It appears that a practice at that time prevailed of binding- 
 free negroes in their minority to the age of 28 years, which 
 the Society considered illegal ; a special appointment of three 
 members was made to unite with the Standing Committee, to 
 enquire respecting the Premise, and take such Council therein 
 as should be found expedient. 
 
 Fifth month. 1785. The annual election for officers, &c. 
 occurred. 
 
 James Whiteall was chosen President ; John Todd, Secre- 
 tary ; James Starr, Treasurer. 
 
 'Present at this meeting T. Harrison. Jas. Starr, Wm. Lippincott, Jno. 
 Thomas, Benj. Horner, Saml. Richards, Jno. Evans, Lambert Wilmore, 
 Jno. Todd, Jas. Whiteall, Edw. Brooks, Thos. Armit, Jno. Warner, Danl. 
 Sidrick, Thos. Barton, Robt. Evans, Benj. Miers, Thos. Meredith, Robt. 
 Wood, John Eldridge. 
 
27 
 
 The minutes show that a great many cases constantly en- 
 gaged the attention of the Society, and the Standing Com- 
 mittee had much need of legal advice, which was generously 
 given whenever needed. 
 
 Fifth mo. 1786. Jonathan Penrose was elected President ; 
 Thomas Harrison, Secretary ; James Starr, Treasurer. 
 
 The following paragraph appears on the minutes, to wit : 
 
 " The Society remembering the many instances in which 
 William Lewis, Attorney at Law, had generously rendered 
 assistance to the Society since its establishment, and being dis- 
 posed to acknowledge their gratitude, therefore agreed to have 
 a piece of plate prepared, with a motto placed thereon 
 descriptive of the intentions of the Society." A Committee* 
 was appointed to have it prepared, and when completed to 
 present it to him. 
 
 The Committee procured a three pint silver can, with an 
 appropriate motto, (of which, however, there is no copy) 
 and presented it to William Lewis, which he accepted as 
 a mark of respect from the Society, but not as a gratuity for 
 services rendered, for which he declared his determination 
 never to receive a pecuniary reward. 
 
 The minutes state, " That great inconvenience hath arisen 
 to negroes bound by Indentures and assignable, in that they 
 are often transferred out of the Government, (State,) by which 
 means they lose the benefit of the law." The subject was 
 referred to the Standing Committee. 
 
 During this and the preceding year, several prominent 
 Friends, and some of other Societies, were elected members ; 
 only two of whom are living at this time (1845.) 
 
 The Society appears to have been for several years gaining 
 in public estimation. In addition to the many valuable 
 Friends, who had been long actively engaged in its arduous 
 concerns, we find a considerable number of others, desirous of 
 being enrolled amongst the Abolitionists, a term of reproach 
 
 * Francis Baily, Jon. Penvose ; Norris Jones ; and Thomas Harrison. 
 
28 
 
 amongst the slaveholders, but deemed honourable and worthy 
 of being sought after by the greatest and most dignified 
 characters in this community. In proof of which we find upon 
 the minutes of the 2d, 3d and 4th months of this year, an 
 array of 36 names of candidates for election. 
 
 1787. At the meeting of the Society, in 3d mo. a Com- 
 mittee* was appointed to revise the Constitution, and make 
 such alterations, additions and amendments as they should find 
 necessary. In the 4th mo. they reported a draught — which 
 was read and approved. " On motion, it was Resolved : 
 That the first business of the next meeting shall be the ballot- 
 ing for the persons on the minutes as candidates, and then to 
 proceed to the election of officers, &c, under the new Consti- 
 tution." 
 
 At that time the practice prevailed in this city, as it yet 
 does in the slaveholding States, of advertising negro slaves 
 for sale. The Society taking the odious custom into consider- 
 ation, appointed a committee to wait on the printers of the 
 different newspapers, and request them to decline the publica- 
 tion of such advertisements ; which appears to have been 
 complied with, as the practice has long since been generally 
 abandoned. 
 
 At the meeting held 4th mo. there were present 45 
 members. The Society proceeded to ballot for the candidates 
 proposed, and the whole number of 36 were elected. Amongst 
 them were some of the most distinguished members of the 
 Society of Friends, who, though careful to maintain the doc- 
 trines and practices peculiar to their own religious persuasion, 
 were not afraid of contamination, by uniting with benevolent 
 minded individuals, let their belief as to religion be what it 
 might, provided they were willing to assist them in promoting 
 the abolition of slavery. 
 
 As proof of this liberality of sentiment and of practice, we 
 find on the list of candidates now elected, the names of a nimi- 
 
 *John Penrose, Tench Cox ; Wm. Jackson, Dr. Rush and Thomas 
 Harrison. 
 
29 
 
 ber who were not of the Society of Friends, but rather opposed 
 to them — some of other religious professions, and some of no 
 particular religion — as for instance, Benjamin and Temple 
 Franklin, the Rev. John Andrews, Richard Peters, and Tho- 
 mas Paine.* These individuals are not mentioned with any 
 invidious design, but to show how decidedly catholic the 
 genuine spirit of liberty makes men : intolerance of opinion 
 vanishes before it. The bigot, like the priest and the Levite 
 in the parable of our blessed Lord, may pass by on the other 
 side; but the real philanthropist, the good Samaritan, knows 
 no distinction of nation, sect or colour. The suffering, the 
 dumb, and oppressed, of whatever class, are his brethren; to 
 apply relief is his joy, and to assist others in doing good, a 
 constant source of happiness. 
 
 The new Constitution was again read over, and explanations 
 given as to the objects and purposes of the Society, which 
 now assumed the name and title of " The Pennsylvania Society 
 for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery, the Relief of Free 
 Negroes unlawfully held in Bondage, and for Improving the 
 Condition of the African Race;" it was adopted, and the 
 following officers were elected, to wit: 
 
 President — Benjamin Franklin. 
 
 Vice Presidents — James Pemberton, Jonathan Penrose. 
 
 Secretaries — Benjamin Rush and Tench Cox. 
 
 Treasurer — James Starr. 
 
 Counsellors — William Lewis, John D. Cox, Miers Fisher, 
 William Rawle. 
 
 The Preamble to the Constitution of the Society, which 
 
 * Perhaps it might be proper to remark, that the latter individual, 
 who subsequently acquired an unenviable notoriety as an infidel writer, 
 was only known at this time as a patriot and lover of equal lights to all 
 men, his peculiar principles in regard to theology not having been pub- 
 licly known, as they were subsequently developed during his residence 
 in France, where, in the time of the Revolution, he made the public 
 avowal of his sentiments by the publication of his most obnoxious Work, 
 '•The Age of Reason."' 
 
30 
 
 was now adopted, contains such a clear exposition of its funda- 
 mental principles, as to be deemed worthy of a place in any 
 historical notice of this character. It is as follows ; to wit : 
 
 " It having pleased the Creator of the world, to make of one 
 flesh all the children of men, it becomes them to consult and 
 promote each other's happiness, as members of the same fami- 
 ly, however diversified they may be, by colour, situation, 
 religion, or different states of society. It is more especially 
 the duty of those persons, who profess to maintain for them- 
 selves the rights of human nature, and who acknowledge the 
 obligations of Christianity, to use such means as are in their 
 power, to extend the blessings of freedom to every part of the 
 human race ; and in a more particular manner, to such of 
 their fellow creatures as are entitled to freedom by the laws 
 and constitutions of any of the United States, and who, not- 
 withstanding, are detained in bondage, by fraud or violence. — 
 From a full conviction of the truth and obligation of these 
 principles, — from a desire to diffuse them, wherever the 
 miseries and vices of slavery exist, and in humble confidence 
 of the favour and support of the Father of Mankind, the sub- 
 scribers have associated themselves, under the title of the 
 'Pennsylvania Society for Promoting the Abolition of 
 Slavery, and the Relief of free Negroes unlawfully held in 
 Bondage, and for improving the condition of the African 
 race.' " 
 
 The Secretaries were directed to have one thousand copies 
 of the Constitution printed, together with the names of the 
 officers of the Society, and the acts of the Legislature of Penn- 
 sylvania for the gradual abolition of slavery. They were also 
 to prepare letters to be sent to each of the Governors of the 
 United States, with a copy of the Constitution and Laws, and 
 a copy of Clarkson's Essay on the Commerce and Slavery of 
 the Africans. The Secretaries were also directed to write 
 letters to the Society in New York for the relief of free 
 negroes, &c. — to Thomas Clarkson and Dr. Price, of London, 
 and to the Abbe Raynall, in France. 
 
 A Memorial to the Convention about to assemble in this 
 
31 
 
 city to alter the Constitution of the United States on the 
 subject of the slave trade, was also prepared, and directed to 
 be signed by one of the Vice Presidents, and handed to the 
 President of this Society, who was a member of the Conven- 
 tion, with a request that he would present the same. 
 
 A letter from the Committee for abolishing the African 
 (slave) trade, recently instituted in London (July 17, 1787), 
 signed by Samuel Hoare, Jr., was read to the Society, contain- 
 ing the most friendly assurances of respect, and co-operation 
 with the Pennsylvania Society; and requesting a communica- 
 tion of s«ch facts as are known in America respecting the 
 treatment or manumission of slaves. At this time the Penn- 
 sylvania Society had been organized about twelve years; and 
 in their answer to the London Society, in reply to the first 
 question, they state: "Respecting the treatment of slaves, 
 we can say but little from our own personal observations, 
 inasmuch as the progress of truth and humanity has in some 
 degree extirpated negro slavery from amongst us; but we 
 have no doubt of the truth of the numerous histories which 
 have been published of the cruel treatment and sufferings of 
 slaves in the Southern States and in the West Indies." In 
 respect to the conduct of such as have been set free, they 
 affirm, that their behaviour, in general has been more orderly 
 than that of the same class of white people." 
 
 The dignified standing of the Pennsylvania Society at that 
 time is further exemplified by the general tone of their com- 
 munication to the London Society. They say, " To encourage 
 your Society in your present laudable exertions, we beg leave 
 to lay before you the following facts relative to the progress 
 of the principles of humanity and justice upon the subject of 
 the commerce and slavery of negroes in this country. About 
 thirty years ago, a few well disposed men published several 
 tracts upon this subject. These tracts met with great and 
 general opposition. The controversies produced by them con- 
 tributed to excite the attention of the public to the claims of 
 the Africans, and thereby increase the number of their advo- 
 cates in the Middle and Eastern Provinces of America. From 
 
32 
 
 hence originated the laws in several of them, for imposing 
 such duties upon slaves, as amounted to a prohibition of the 
 importation of them. From the influence of these publications 
 arose also that law in Pennsylvania for the gradual abolition 
 of slavery." 
 
 One other paragraph from that interesting letter may be 
 quoted, as showing the high aspirations with which they 
 viewed the approach of that period when the oppressions of the 
 poor slave should cease from the land. 
 
 " We look forward with pleasure to the time, when the 
 records of modern times shall be examined with critical exact- 
 ness, to know whether the souls and bodies of men were ever 
 the objects of commerce. Whether our laws punished the 
 stealing of a piece of plate, or a few shillings (worth) with 
 death, and at the same time conferred upon the receiver of 
 stolen slaves the honours of a nation. And whether it w T as 
 possible for men to acknowlege the principles of human 
 nature, and the obligations of Christianity, and yet inflict 
 upon their fellow-creatures the oppressions and punishments 
 which are connected with negro slavery in the West Indies 
 and the Southern States." 
 
 An account was also forwarded to the London Society of 
 two black men, of very remarkable capacities, prepared by 
 Dr. B. Rush, which may probably be found amongst his works. 
 One of them, named James Derham, was a practitioner of 
 medicine, belonging to the Spanish settlement of New Orleans, 
 on the Mississippi, a slave, sold from one person to another, 
 sometimes employed by medical men in menial services in 
 their shops, and finally, under the instructions of one of his 
 masters, who was a regular physician, became well qualified 
 for practice. He was set free, and attained to considerable 
 eminence. The other was a slave, named Thomas Tuller, of 
 seventy years of age, living at Alexandria, Va., who possessed 
 a remarkable talent for arithmetical calculation. He is a 
 native African, and can neither read nor write. He was 
 visited by William Hartshorn and Samuel Coates, of this 
 city, and gave correct answers to all their questions — such as 
 
33 
 
 how many seconds there are in a year and a half? In two 
 minutes he answered, 47,304,000. How many seconds in 
 seventy years, seventeen days, twelve hours ? In one minute 
 and a half, 2,110,500,800. He multiplied nine figures by 
 nine, &c. &c. 
 
 It is but justice to the memory of those valuable men, 
 Benjamin Rush and Tench Cox, to say, that the letter from 
 which these extracts have been taken, was prepared by them 
 as the acting Secretaries of the Society, the rise and progress 
 of which it is the object of this memoir to portray. These 
 allusions are made for the satisfaction and encouragement of 
 the present race of philanthropists, in order, by the picture 
 here exhibited of the success of the cause they love while in 
 the hands of their worthy predecessors, to stimulate them to 
 more animated and steady exertions to carry it on, until their 
 lofty hopes shall be fully realized. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 It appears that vessels still continued to be fitted out for the 
 slave trade as late as 1788. The subject had engaged the at- 
 tention of the Society in the preceding year, and a Com- 
 mittee* appointed to devise a plan for preventing it. They 
 reported " that it would be expedient to apply to the Assembly 
 for a supplementary law,for this and other objects that it may be 
 found necessary to recommend to the attention of the legisla- 
 ture, more effectually to put a stop to the African slave trade 
 being carried on, directly or indirectly, in the State of Penn- 
 sylvania. " A petition to the Assembly in accordance with 
 this report was prepared, and being approved at a subsequent 
 
 * The Committee were : Dr. B. Rush, Caleb Lownes. James Pember- 
 ton, Dr. S. P. Griffiths, John Olden, John Todd, Junr., Tench Cox, Jno. 
 Kaighn and Wm. Rogers. 
 
 4 
 
34 
 
 meeting, a Committee of twenty-four* respectable and influen- 
 tial members was appointed to have one hundred copies 
 printed for general circulation. About two thousand signa- 
 tures were obtained to the petitions, which were presented to 
 the Assembly, where they were read and referred to a Specia 
 Committee of the House, who reported at considerable length, 
 that the grievances complained of were facts, and a very 
 efficient supplement to the law of 1780 was passed. 
 
 About this time news arrived that a number of our 
 white fellow citizens had been taken prisoners by the Turkish 
 gallies, and sold into captivity under the Algerine govern- 
 ment. This affecting intelligence coining under the consider- 
 ation of the Society, was deemed a legitimate subject for their 
 attention. A committee! was appointed to enquire into the 
 facts, who in their Report recommend that measures be im- 
 mediately taken to obtain information of the late places oi 
 abod e_the names, numbers and real situation of the American 
 citizens, now in captivity in Barbary, and that a subscription, 
 under care of the Society, be opened in the several States tor 
 the purpose of obtaining the funds necessary to administer 
 such relief as their situation may require and admit of. 
 
 A correspondence was directed to be opened with two 
 societies, which were supposed to have been recently formed 
 in the State of Delaware in relation to the slave-trade, 
 and to request their co-operation with this Society in persuing 
 their common object. 
 
 1788. At a meeting of the Society, Tenth month, informa- 
 tion was received from the State of Rhode Island, that, in open 
 defiance of the laws of that State, some persons there were fit- 
 
 *The Committee were :-Dr. S. P. Griffiths, Dr. Say, T. Parker, 
 Robert Wain, Sam. Pancoast, Jr., Thomas Savery, Robert Taggert, Jno. 
 Poultnev, Wm. Zane, Joseph Moore, Joseph Budd, Wm. Mcllhenny, 
 Sam. Baker, Caleb Lownes, Jonathan Willis, Richard Jones , Ellis 
 Yarnall, Robert Evans, Thomas Harrison, Thomas Arnott, lnilip 
 Benezett, Samuel Emlen, Jr., and Jacob Shoemaker, Jr. 
 
 t Committee: Richard Wells, Francis Baillie, Bart, W ■ istar, 1 • Har- 
 rison." Dr. S. P. Griffiths, Jno. Olden and Tench Cox. 
 
35 
 
 ing out vessels for the slave-trade. Under view of the darker 
 of such practices, it was resolved, that Richard Wells and 
 others be a commmittee* to address our corresponding mem- 
 bers m that State on the subject, and procure their influence 
 m opposing the further prosecution of the slave-trade there 
 as well as in other States. 
 
 The ardent zeal and indefatigable perseverance with which 
 the Society laboured in the cause, was manifested by the lively 
 and extensive correspondence kept up with kindred Societies 
 which were now springing up in different parts of America, in 
 their addresses to the Governors of differents States in the Union 
 and to legislative bodies. Also, to the Societies in England and 
 France, to whom they speak of the extent to which the practice 
 exists here, of petitioning the several State Legislatures, and of 
 remonstrating against the cruelties of the system of slavery 
 and the slave-trade, and the obvious benefits resulting there- 
 from, as well as from the abundant circulation (/essays 
 tracts, and numerous publications and pictorial representa- 
 tions, which were constantly issuing from our own, or foreign 
 writers, showing the utter inconsistency, injustice and im- 
 policy of slavery. They encouraged the Societies addressed 
 to persevere in application to governments; and advised 
 them against too sanguine expectations of success on one 
 hand while on the other, they were never to be discouraged or 
 cast down by disappointment; they were urged to extend their 
 correspondence in relation to this subject, as far as possible 
 amongst European nations who have colonies in which 
 negro slaves are employed. 
 
 1789. In the Eleventh month a special meeting of the 
 Society was convened for the purpose of taking into considera- 
 tion the propriety of applying to the Legislature for an Act of 
 Incorporation. After due deliberation, it was unanimously 
 resolved, that such an application should be made A com- 
 mittee* of twelve, including James Pemberton, one of the 
 
 •R. Wells, Jas. Pemberton, Caleb Lownes, Dr. Griffiths, John Todd, 
 VVm. Rodgers, Francis Bailey, and Dr. B. Rush. 
 
36 
 
 Vice Presidents, was appointed to present a petition for leave 
 to bring in a bill for that object; and if allowed, also to pre- 
 pare an essay of a bill for the consideration of the* Society. 
 They accordingly, having obtained leave of the House, pre- 
 sented before the Society an essay of such an act ; and the 
 Society aided by the Council, having approved the same, it 
 was laid before the Assembly, which was then in session, and 
 in due time it was enacted into a law, 8th of December, 1789. 
 
 1790. A special meeting of the Society was held in the 
 Second month, for the purpose of taking into consideration the 
 propriety of addressing a memorial to the Senate and House 
 of Representatives of the United States on the subject of the 
 slavery of the Africans. The measure was agreed to, and a 
 draft of such a memorial being produced, was read by para- 
 graphs, and after some amendments adopted, and directed to be 
 transcribed and signed by the President of the Society, and 
 two copies transmitted, one to the Senate, and the other 
 to the House of Representatives of the United States. 
 
 At the present day, when the Congress of the United States 
 absolutely refuse to receive petitions from any source wherein 
 slavery is in the remotest degree alluded to, the concluding 
 paragraph of this memorial is particularly worthy of notice, 
 for the strength of its diction, the extent of its demands, and 
 for its having been approved and signed by such a high and 
 dignified character as Benjamin Franklin, then President of 
 the Society, for which reasons it is presented here, viz. 
 
 " From a persuasion that equal liberty was originally the 
 portion, and is still the birthright of all men, and influenced 
 by the strongest ties of humanity, and the principles of their 
 institution, your memorialists conceive themselves bound 
 to use all justifiable endeavours to loosen the bands of slavery 
 and to promote a general enjoyment of the blessing of freedom. 
 Under these impressions, they earnestly entreat your serious 
 
 *Jas. Pemberton, R. Well?, Wm. Rogers, J. McCrea, Tench Cox, Na- 
 than Boys, Dr. B. Say, Dr. Griffitts ; T. Harrison, J. Procter, J. Olden, and 
 Caleb Lownes. 
 
37 
 
 attention to the subject of slavery, that you would be pleased 
 to countenance the restoration of liberty to those unhappy 
 men, who alone in this land of freedom are degraded into per- 
 petual bondage, and who amidst the general joy of surrounding 
 freemen, are groaning in servile subjection ; that you will 
 devise means for removing this inconsistency from the charac- 
 ter of the American people ; that you will promote mercy and 
 justice towards this distressed race, and that you will step to 
 the very verge of the powers vested in you, for discouraging 
 every species of traffic in the persons of our fellow men." 
 
 A systematic plan was this year, adopted and carried 
 into operation by the appointment of " The committee for the 
 improvement of the condition of the free negroes," composed 
 of twenty-four members, who were to be sub-divided ; to wit: 
 
 " 1st. A Committee of Inspection, whose duty should be to 
 superintend the morals, general conduct, and ordinary situation 
 of the free negroes, to afford them advice and instruction, and 
 protect them from wrongs. 
 
 2d. A Committee of Guardians, for placing out children 
 with suitable persons, that they may learn some trade, or other 
 means of subsistence by regular but reasonable apprenticeship. 
 
 3d. A Committee of Education, who were to superintend 
 the school instruction of the children and youth of free blacks. 
 This branch of the committee was also charged to procure and 
 preserve a regular record of the marriages, births and manu- 
 missions of all free blacks. 
 
 4th. A Committee of Employ, who were to endeavour to 
 procure constant employment for those free negroes who are 
 able to work, the want of which would occasion poverty, 
 idleness and many vicious habits." The labour of this com- 
 mittee proved highly beneficial to the coloured people for 
 several years. After which some of its duties became obsolete 
 and the committee was discontinued. 
 
 In the Sixth month, a special meeting was convened on 
 the occasion of the death of Benjamin Franklin, the vene- 
 rable President of the Society, which event was announced by 
 
 4* 
 
38 
 
 the Vice President. No provision having been introduced 
 into the Constitution of the Society for supplying such a 
 vacancy as had now occurred, a Committee was appointed to 
 consider of, and, in conjunction with the Council, to propose 
 such amendment as may be necessary to remedy that defect; 
 which was done: and, after the amendment submitted by the 
 Committee had been adopted, the Society proceeded to the 
 election of a President. James Pemberton was unanimously 
 elected. 
 
 The office of Vice President having thereby became vacant, 
 William Rogers was subsequently elected to supply the 
 place. 
 
 The operations and labours of the Society do not appear to 
 have ever been limited to the State of Pennsylvania. A case 
 is noticed on the minutes of a very interesting suit before the 
 Supreme Court of New Jersey, the decision of which involved 
 the liberties of a number of blacks unlawfully held in bondage. 
 A Special Committee was appointed to assist the Counsel of 
 the Society, in attending to the case, and, if necessary, employ 
 other able counsel. The Court pronounced judgment in fa- 
 vour of the negro, in whose name the action was brought, 
 declaring him to be a free man. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 1791. In the 2d month, the Society was informed that a Bill 
 had been introduced into the General Assembly 01 this State 
 to enable officers of the United States to hold slaves in Penn- 
 sylvania. The Acting and Corresponding Committees 
 forthwith drew up and presented to the House of Representa- 
 tives a Memorial upon the subject, which, together with the 
 Bill, had been committed by the House. The proceedings of 
 the Committees were fully approved by the Society, and a 
 Special Committee appointed to assist them in opposing the 
 
39 
 
 progress of the bill. They subsequently reported that it had 
 been suppressed. 
 
 At the same meeting the President, James Pemberton, com- 
 municated an invitation from the American Philosophical 
 Society, to attend the delivery of a Eulogium to the memory 
 of Benjamin Franklin. " Whereupon it was unanimously 
 resolved, that this Society will testify their respect for the 
 memory of their late worthy President by their attendance 
 upon this solemn occasion." 
 
 In the 10th month, 1791, the Committee of Correspondence 
 laid before the Society the draft of another Memorial to Con- 
 gress, on the subject of the slave trade, which being read and 
 carefully considered, was approved, and directed to be signed 
 by the President; and that Committee was charged with 
 having it presented to Congress. This memorial is remarka- 
 ble as having reference to the previous action of that body, 
 which, from its complexion, might almost be supposed attri- 
 butable to the influence of the memorial of this Society in 
 1790. The concluding paragraphs read thus : 
 
 " The object of the present application is to entreat you to 
 consider of some method speedily to put into effect the two 
 following resolves, agreed to by the Committee of the Whole 
 House, and entered on your Journals in March, 1790. 
 
 " 1st. That Congress have authority to restrain the citizens 
 of the United States from carrying on the African trade for the 
 purpose of supplying foreigners with slaves; and of providing 
 by proper regulations for the humane treatment during their 
 passage, of slaves imported by said citizens, into the states 
 admitting such importations." 
 
 " 2d. That Congrese have also authority to prohibit foreign- 
 ers from fitting out vessels in any port of the United States, 
 for transporting persons from Africa to any foreign port." 
 
 At a subsequent meeting of the Society it was reported, that 
 the memorial last agreed upon, together with others of a simi- 
 lar character, upon the same subject, from the Abolition 
 Societies of Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, Washing- 
 ton in Pennsylvania, Baltimore, and Virginia, and two Socie- 
 
40 
 
 ties on the Eastern Shore of Maryland, "had all been presented 
 to the House by the Speaker, and were referred to a Select 
 Committee." 
 
 1792. A Committee was appointed to take measures for 
 the establishment of an Abolition Society in New Jersey. 
 They subsequently reported that they had succeeded in pro- 
 curing the formation of a Society at Burlington, called the 
 " New Jersey Society for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery." 
 
 1793. First month. The Society was informed by the 
 Committee of Correspondence that a petition had been pre- 
 sented to the Legislature of this state, by the French emigrants 
 from the West Indies, praying for an alteration in the law for 
 the gradual abolition of slavery; which application they had 
 strenuously aad successfully resisted. The Committee of the 
 House of Representatives, to whom the petition had been 
 referred, made a very kind and respectful Report, but very 
 decidedly adverse to the change asked for by the petitioners; 
 affirming, in strong language, the immutability of the princi- 
 ples upon which the act was passed. They say, " That con- 
 sidering slavery as unlawful in itself, and as repugnant to our 
 Constitution, they are of the opinion, that it is beyond the 
 just authority of the Legislature to authorize it under any 
 modification whatsoever;" which Report was unanimously 
 adopted. 
 
 " The Committee for Improving the Condition of the Free 
 Blacks," laid before the Society a proposition for opening a 
 school for young black children, with information that they 
 had found a black woman well qualified for a mistress of such 
 a school, and willing to engage therein. The Committee was 
 authorized to procure a suitable place for a school for free 
 black children. 
 
 At the meeting of the Society, 4th month, a letter was read 
 from the New York Society, proposing a Convention of Dele- 
 gates from all the Abolition Societies in the United States, to 
 meet at Philadelphia, for the purpose of deliberating on the 
 means of attaining their common object, and of uniting in an 
 address to Congress upon that subject. After mature consi- 
 
41 
 
 deration, it was " Resolved, that the Society do agree to the 
 proposition of the New York Society, and will appoint Dele- 
 gates to the proposed Convention, provided a majority of the 
 Abolition Societies in the United States do agree to the mea- 
 sure." In the 12th month, Delegates* were appointed, with 
 authority on behalf of this Society, to agree to an address to 
 Congress on the subject of the slave trade; to decide on all 
 matters that should come before them which have any relation 
 to domestic slavery within the United States, and generally 
 to unite in any measures that to the Convention may appear 
 most likely to effect the common purrposes of the several 
 Abolition Societies. A Committee was appointed to prepare 
 a place and provide other necessary accommodations for the 
 meeting of the said Convention, which was proposed to be on 
 the 1st of First month, 1794. And it was subsequently agreed 
 that the Pennsylvania Society will defray all the expenses of 
 copying, printing and publishing the proceedings of the Con- 
 vention. The Delegates afterwards reported that the Conven- 
 tion assembled in the Select Council Chamber, at which ten 
 Societies had been represented, and an address from that 
 body to this Society had been agreed upon, which recom- 
 mended, amongst other matters of great interest, the institution 
 of annual or periodical discourses, or orations, to be delivered 
 in public on the subject of slavery, and the means of its aboli- 
 tion; that by the frequent application of the force of reason, 
 and the persuasive power of eloquence, slaveholders (or their 
 abettors) might be awakened to a sense of their injustice, and 
 startled with horror at the enormity of their conduct. And 
 also, that such meetings of Delegates be annually convened. 
 
 The Delegates also informed the Society that the Conven- 
 tion had prepared Memorials to the Congress of the United 
 States, and to the Legislature of this state, upon the subject 
 of slavery. A Committee! was appointed to attend to the 
 
 * The Delegates were: William Rogers, Samuel P. Griffitts, Samuel 
 Coats ; William Rawle, Robert Patterson, Benjamin Rush. 
 
 t The Committee, Jas. Pemberton, Wm. Rodgers, Wm. Rawle. Saml. 
 Coats, T. Harrison, Robt. Patterson,. Saml. P. Griffitts, and Thos. Parker. 
 
42 
 
 progress of these memorials before the respective Houses to 
 which they are addressed, and to give to the members of those 
 bodies respectively such information on the subject as may be 
 required. That Committee subsequently reported, "That Con- 
 gress had passed an act to prohibit the carrying on the slave 
 trade from the United States to any foreign place or country." 
 ^ The Society were about this time engaged in the considera- 
 tion of the question, " Whether slavery, under any modifica- 
 tion whatever, is not inconsistent with the present Constitution 
 of this state ?" It was determined to bring the subject before 
 the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania for a legal decision ; and 
 a Committee* was appointed to select a suitable case for that 
 purpose, and prosecute it to a final decision. It appears that 
 the Committee on this question were unable to bring a suitable 
 case before the proper tribunals for several years. They at 
 length made report in the 3d month, 1802: wherein it is 
 stated, " that this important question had been brought to a 
 judicial decision in the High Court of Errors and Appeals. 
 That the question was ably and elaborately discussed by Jared 
 Ingersoll, Wm. Lewis, and Win. Rawle, on behalf of negress 
 Flora, the plaintiff in the suit, and by Moses Levy and 
 Jos. B. McKean, on behalf of the executors'of Joseph Grans- 
 berry, the defendants. That at the close of the argument, 
 which lasted three days, the judges, Benj. Chew, Edw. Ship- 
 pen, Thos. Smith, Hugh Henry Brackenridge, Alex. Addison, 
 Jacob Rush, and John D. Cox, delivered their unanimous 
 opinion in favour of the defendants. So that it is at length 
 fully decided by the highest legal authority in this state, that 
 slavery is consistent with the Constitution." 
 
 1794. Towards the end of this year the Society proceeded to 
 make arrangements for the meeting of the second Convention 
 of the Abolition Societies. Delegates were again appointed. 
 A Committee was charged .to prepare an address to the Con- 
 Committee on the Constitutional question: J. Pemberton, W. Rod- 
 gers, R. Wells, Jas. Todd, Jacob Shoemaker, Walter Franklin^R. Patter- 
 son, Saml. Coats, Jno. Kaighn, Edw. Farris, Jno. Ely, T. Parker, Benj. 
 Say, Saml. M. Fox, Sallows Shewell, and Francis Bailey. 
 
43 
 
 vention, which was subsequently agreed upon. Among other 
 subjects of interest, contained in that communication, the 
 following items are selected, to wit: " In the year 1780, it is 
 supposed that there were in the State of Pennsylvania 10,000 
 blacks held in a state of bondage. But from various causes, 
 such as deaths, emancipations, &c, it appears by the census 
 taken in 1790, that there remained but 3,737, which number 
 they believe had been considerably reduced since that period." 
 They also state, that, from the best information they had 
 obtained, there appears to be near 300 families of free blacks 
 in Philadelphia, a large number of whom conduct themselves 
 with reputation, and by the laws of this state are entitled to 
 the privileges of white men. They have two houses for the 
 performance of public worship, for which purpose they regu- 
 larly assemble. A school has been established for the educa- 
 tion of the children of the blacks, by and under the particular 
 care of the Society, and taught by a well qualified black 
 woman. Two other schools for the same purpose are likewise 
 supported in the city by charitable contributions." 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 1796. Fourth Month. The Society was informed that " a 
 bill to prevent the trade in slaves being carried on from one 
 part to another of the United States, and for protecting free 
 blacks from being carried into slavery," was about to be laid 
 before Congress. It was resolved to appoint a Committee* 
 to give such assistance in the progress of the bill as might be 
 useful or necessary. 
 
 In the Address from the Convention, 1796, they suggest the 
 propriety of Abolitionists giving decided preference to such 
 commodities as are of the culture or manufacture of freemen, 
 
 * Committee: T.Harrison, Dr. S. P. Griffitts ; James Todd, John 
 Woodside, and William Garrum. 
 
44 
 
 to those which are cultivated or manufactured by slaves, as a 
 means by which every individual may discountenance oppres- 
 sion, and bear a testimony against a practice which is still 
 suffered to remain to the disgrace of our land. 
 
 A letter was received from the New York Manumission 
 Society, stating that some of the merchants of that city have 
 been engaged in supplying the Spanish West Indies with 
 slaves, contrary to the laws of the United States; and inti- 
 mating that traders in this and other ports are probably en- 
 gaged therein. The Society manifested its vigilant care over 
 the great interests of the cause, by prompt attention to 
 the suggestion of the New York Society. A committee* 
 was forthwith appointed to consider the subject, collect 
 evidence, and to act as should appear necessary, for the disco- 
 very of vessels which trade in slaves to Africa, or elsewhere, 
 in contravention of the laws of the United States, and to pro- 
 secute thereon.f 
 
 In the 10th month, mention is made of a publication hav- 
 ing lately appeared from the press of Matthew Carey, entitled 
 " A Dissertation on Slavery, with a proposal for the gradual 
 abolition of it in the State of Virginia, by St. 1 George Tucker ;" 
 the committee of correspondence were authorized to examine 
 the said work, and, if found suitable for distribution by the 
 Society, to purchase 100 copies. 
 
 The Society, in their Annual Address to the Convention to 
 be held in 1797, in answer to their former request for the So- 
 cieties to report the number of blacks who had been manu- 
 mitted or rescued from slavery through their instrumentality, 
 stated, " that although no exact account can be given, it ap- 
 pears, from an inspection of the voluminous minutes of our 
 acting committee, that assistance has been given to many 
 
 * Committee : John Woodside, Thomas Ross, Joseph Sharpless. 
 Joseph Cruikshanks, and Thomas Wistar. 
 
 t That committee made a Report in the 10th month, 1797. The facts, 
 as stated by them, will subsequently appear to have been communicated 
 to the American Convention. 
 
45 
 
 hundreds. And numbers have been benefitted by our interpo- 
 sition, of whose case no record has been made. 
 
 The same Address informs, " that two brigs had been seized 
 and condemned by a jury in the District Court of the United 
 States for the Pennsylvania District, upon the clearest testi- 
 mony of having been engaged in a trade in slaves from Africa 
 to the West Indies. On board of both vessels were found 
 hand-cuffs, neck-yokes, chains, and other instruments of con- 
 finement and torture, all concurring to prove the horrid and 
 nefarious business in which they had been engaged." " While 
 humanity recoils at the narrative of these facts, the friends of 
 mankind will be consoled by the consideration that a kind 
 Providence has permitted their disclosure as a future terror to 
 evil doers, and as a means of preventing these daring and 
 cruel violations of the rights of human nature. 
 
 1797-8-9. In 1797, information was received that the 
 Wilmington Abolition Society, in consequence of their great 
 exertions in behalf of the oppressed blacks, the small number 
 of their members, and the low state of their funds, which were 
 inadequate to meet the expenses, unavoidably incurred in the 
 prosecution of their arduous labours in this righteous cause, 
 had become so far discouraged, as to intimate their intention 
 of suspending their operations. The Society resolved to 
 appoint a committee* to attend their meeting, with an address 
 from this Society, and a grant of twelve pounds ten shillings 
 per quarter, for the next two years, and to endeavour to sustain 
 and reanimate them to renewed zeal in the prosecution of the 
 cause, for which they were associated as a Society. 
 
 In the address of the American Convention of 1798, it is 
 stated that information had been received, that vessels are 
 fitted out with cargoes for certain of the West India Islands, 
 part of which cargoes are there disposed of, and with the pro- 
 ceeds slaves are purchased, and carried to other of the Islands 
 and sold. Also, that other vessels are laden with rum for 
 certain parts of Africa, with the proceeds of which we have 
 
 *T. Harrison. T. Parker G. Williams. 
 5 
 
46 
 
 reason to believe the natives are purchased, and afterwards 
 conveyed and sold as slaves in the West Indies. The Conven- 
 tion recommends a strict inquiry to be made into the conduct 
 of persons, thus offending against the dictates of humanity, 
 and the honour and interests of our country, and that proper 
 measures be adopted to punish and prevent such nefarious and 
 disgraceful practices. This subject was referred by the Society 
 to a committee. In the address to the next Convention, it is 
 stated that the inquiries they had recommended, had been 
 instituted, by which it appears that such a traffic is extensively 
 carried on, and although the practice is notorious, the offenders 
 escape with impunity, owing in a great measure to defect in the 
 existing laws upon the subject. The address suggests to 
 the Convention the expediency of an application being made 
 by that body to Congress, for a revision and amendment 
 of the laws in relation to the subject. 
 
 1799 A committee* was appointed in the Eleventh month, 
 to attend to and promote the passage of a bill, then pending 
 before the Legislature of this state, for the total abolition of 
 slavery. They subsequently reported that they had attended 
 the Legislature, and sedulously endeavoured to effect the 
 purpose of their appointment, but their exertions had failed 
 of success. 
 
 1800. Seventh Month. — A special meeting of the Society 
 was called at the suo-o-estion of the committee on the slave-trade; 
 their minutes were produced, by which it appears that two 
 American vessels, having on board a considerable number of 
 black people, supposed to have been bound to the Havanna, 
 had been captured by one of the armed vessels of the United 
 States, and sent into this port ; and that the said black persons 
 are now in circumstances demanding the attention of this 
 Society. A committeef was appointed to watch over their 
 situation, and that of any others who may be hereafter brought 
 
 *T. Parker, R. Patterson, Wm. West, Jas. Todd, and Wm. Webb. 
 tGeo. Williams, S. P. Griffiths, David Thomas, R. Patterson, Samuel 
 Bettle, T. Harrison, and Edward Garrigues. 
 
47 
 
 in under the acts of Congress, against the slave-trade, and to 
 afford them such assistance and protection, by co-operating 
 with the officers of the General and State Governments, 
 as may be necessary, and to provide places for such as are 
 found to be free. That committee subsequently reported, that 
 at the request and under the direction of the Marshal of the 
 United States for the District of Pennsylvania, they had 
 placed out, principally in the country, one hundred and twenty- 
 six persons, the survivors of the cargo of slaves taken from 
 the schooners Phoebe and President. 
 
 The condition of the free people of colour, many of whom 
 had but recently come out from under the grievous yoke of 
 bondage, was almost constantly a source of anxiety and con- 
 cern to the Society, the debasing effects of slavery having in 
 many instances become almost a second nature, anil when 
 released from under the control of arbitrary power, they were 
 led to indulge in idleness, intemperance, and a-il its concomi- 
 tant vices. To obviate these evils, as far as human means could 
 do so, addresses were frequently issued, containing pertinent 
 advice and counsel to the coloured people, in relation to their 
 moral duties. In the Tenth month of this year, (1800) 
 a committee, which had been appointed to devise means for 
 promoting greater regularity of deportment amongst the free 
 blacks, reported, " that they were impressed with the belief, 
 that advice on the subject of religion and morals ought fre- 
 quently to be given to them, in such a manner as to convince 
 them that we are sincerely desirous of promoting their wel- 
 fare." An address prepared for that purpose was submitted, 
 and being approved, a large committee* was appointed to 
 attend their places of public worship, to read the address 
 to them, and distribute it at their discretion. That committee 
 
 *Jos. Clark. Wm. Wigglesworth, Saml. Harvey, R. Patterson, Benj. 
 Kite, Geo. Williams, T. Harrison, Jno. Evans, Saml. Smith, Timothy 
 Paxton, Jno. Ormrod, Wm. Jones. Jos. Cruikshanks, Emmor Kimber, 
 Mordecai Churchman, I. T. Hopper, Jno. Miller, T. Rogers, James Tra- 
 quair, and Jno. B. Wilson. 
 
48 
 
 sometime after, reported that they had performed the service 
 with which they had been charged. They had attended at the 
 places of public worship, and at three societies of coloured 
 persons instituted for the benevolent purpose of assisting each 
 other and their families in sickness and distress. They had also 
 divided themselves into sub-committees, and visited the fami- 
 lies of the coloured people in the city and liberties generally. 
 They found six hundred and fifty-nine families, containing 
 about two thousand three hundred persons, and estimate the 
 number of coloured people living in white families, at four 
 hundred. They add, that the greater number of coloured 
 people, appear to live orderly, decently and comfortably, and 
 in the course of their services, the committee and the address 
 were favourably received, and in many instances strong testi- 
 mony was borne expressive of great satisfaction on the part of 
 those visited. 
 
 1801. A bill having been introduced into the Senate of 
 Pennsylvania, ostensibly providing for the total abolition 
 of slavery, but containing provisions highly injurious and 
 oppressive to the blacks ; a special meeting of the Society 
 was called, to consider the expediency of addressing the Legis- 
 lature on the subject. A memorial in accordance with the 
 decision of the meeting was prepared, from the tenor of which, 
 it appears that it had been proposed to create a fund for the 
 purchase of slaves, by a tax upon the free blacks for that 
 special purpose. The memorial states, " that the Society 
 impressed with a high regard for the Constitution of the State, 
 have ever sincerely lamented, that a mistaken policy should 
 have led to a violation of the first most clear and solemn 
 declaration of its bill of rights, which declares * That all men 
 are born equally free and independent, and having certain 
 inherent and indefeasible rights ; among which are those of 
 enjoying and defending life and liberty, of acquiring, possess- 
 ing, and protecting property and reputation, and of pursuing 
 their own happiness.' With this solid ground to act upon, 
 they had hoped that an enlightened Legislature would with 
 
49 
 
 firmness have ventured to declare that slavery in this State 
 cannot constitutionally exist, and a declaratory statute to this 
 effect, has appeared to your memorialists a consistent and just 
 mode of at once announcing a candid and irrefutable exposi- 
 tion of the Constitution, and an overthrow of the existino- 
 system of domestic slavery, by which it has been so long 
 violated. How far does the bill before you afford a prospect 
 of these expectations being realized." 
 
 " Why," they ask, " is the fund for the redemption of slaves 
 to be created by a heavy and exclusive tax on the people of 
 colour, when many of them have pined away their best days 
 in a cruel bondage, and from the weight of declining years 
 are now barely able by their industry to supply the common 
 wants of nature, and are not permitted the full rights of citi- 
 zenship 1 " 
 
 The memorial was adopted, and forwarded to the Legislature. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 1S03. At the annual meeting of the Society, held First 
 month, a communication was received from the venerable James 
 Pemberton, who had served as President for a period of thir- 
 teen years, in which he very respectfully states, that, in con- 
 sequence of his advanced age, he feels himself incompetent to 
 fill the station he has so long occupied, and urgently requests 
 to be excus ed from a re-election to that important office. 
 The Society subsequently proceeded to an election for officers, 
 and Dr. Benjamin Rush was elected President, and Robert 
 Patterson and Thomas Parker, Vice Presidents. 
 
 In noticing the election of Dr. Benjamin Rush, as President 
 of the Society, it may be proper to remark, that in addition to 
 his eminent reputation as a medical practitioner and teacher, 
 he was no less distinguished as a philanthropist, and a friend 
 of the rights of man. He was a signer of the Declaration of 
 
 5* 
 
50 
 
 Independence, and subsequently a member of the Convention 
 for the adoption of the Constitution. He also early identified 
 himself with the unpopular cause of emancipation, and, as a 
 delegate from this Society, took an active part in the American 
 Convention for the abolition of slavery, which met in Phila- 
 delphia in 1794. He was chairman of a committee which 
 drafted an Address issued by that body to the people of the 
 United States, on the subjeet of slavery, which, for vigour 
 and simplicity of style, and emphatic condemnation of the 
 system of slavery, has rarely been equalled. 
 
 As this is probably the first Address on the subject of slave- 
 ry which was ever put forth by a public body in the United 
 States, it is deemed worthy of a place here in connection with 
 its distinguished author. 
 
 " To the Citizens of the United States. 
 
 The Address of the Delegates from the several Societies, formed in 
 
 different parts of the United States, for promoting the abolition 
 
 of slavery, in Convention assembled at Philadelphia, on the first 
 
 day of January, 1794. 
 Friends and Fellow Citizens. — United to you by the ties 
 of citizenship, and partakers with you of the blessings of a free 
 government, we take the liberty of addressing you upon a subject, 
 highly interesting to the credit and prosperity of the United States. 
 
 It is the glory of our country to have originated a system of 
 opposition to the commerce in that part of our fellow creatures 
 who compose the nations of Africa. 
 
 Much has been done by the citizens of some of the States to 
 abolish this disgraceful traffic, and to improve the condition of 
 those unhappy people, whom the ignorance or the avarice of our 
 ancestors had bequeathed to us as slaves ; but the evil still con- 
 tinues, and our country is yet disgraced by laws and practices, 
 which level the creature man with a part of the brute creation. 
 
 Many reasons concur in persuading us to abolish domestic 
 slavery in our countr}'. 
 
 It is inconsistent with the safety of the liberties of the United 
 States. 
 
51 
 
 Freedom and slavery cannot long exist together. An unlimited 
 power over the time, labour, and posterity of our fellow-creatures, 
 necessarily unfits men for discharging the public and private 
 duties of citizens of a republic. 
 
 It is inconsistent with sound policy, in exposing the States which 
 permit it, to all those evils which insurrections and the most resent- 
 ful war have introduced into one of the richest islands in the West 
 Indies. 
 
 It -is unfriendly to the present exertions of the inhabitants of 
 Europe, in favour of liberty. What people will advocate freedom, 
 with a zeal proportioned to its blessings, while they view the 
 purest republic in the world tolerating in its bosom a body of 
 slaves ? 
 
 In vain has the tyranny of kings been rejected, while we permit 
 in our country a domestic despotism, which involves, in its nature, 
 most of the vices and miseries that we have endeavoured to avoid. 
 It is degrading to our rank as men in the scale of being. Let us 
 use our reason and social affections for the purposes for which they 
 were given, or cease to boast a pre-eminence over animals, that 
 are unpolluted with our crimes. 
 
 But higher motives to justice and humanity towards our fellow- 
 creatures remain yet to be mentioned. 
 
 Domestic slavery is repugnant to the principles of Christianity. 
 It prostrates every benevolent and just principle of action 
 in the human heart. It is rebellion against the authority of a com- 
 mon Father. It is a practical denial of the extent and efficacy 
 of the death of a common Saviour. It is an usurpation of the pre- 
 rogative of the Great Sovereign of the Universe, who has so- 
 lemnly claimed an exclusive property in the souls of men. 
 
 But if this view of the enormity of the evil of domestic slavery 
 should not affect us, there is one consideration more which ought 
 to alarm and impress us, especially at the present juncture. 
 
 It is a violation of a divine precept of universal justice, which 
 has, in no instance, escaped with impunity. 
 
 The crimes of nations, as well as of individuals, are often de- 
 signated in their punishments; and we conceive it to be no forced 
 construction, of some of the calamities which now distress or im- 
 
52 
 
 pend our country, to believe that they are the measure of evils 
 which we have meted to others. 
 
 The ravages committed upon many of our fellow-citizens by the 
 Indians, and the depredations upon the liberty and commerce of 
 others of the citizens of the United States by the Algerines, both 
 unite in proclaiming to us, in the most forcible language, « to loose 
 the bands of wickedness, to break every yoke, to undo the heavy 
 burthens, and to let the oppressed go free.' 
 
 We shall conclude this address by recommending to you, 
 
 First. To refrain immediately from that species of rapine and 
 murder which has improperly been softened with the name of the 
 African trade. It is Indian cruelty, and Algerine piracy, in ano- 
 ther form. 
 
 Secondly. To form Societies in every State, for the purpose of 
 promoting the abolition of the slave-trade, of domestic slavery, the 
 relief of persons 'unlawfully held in bondage, and for the im- 
 provement of the condition of Africans, and their descendants 
 amongst us. 
 
 The Societies which we represent, have beheld with triumph, 
 the success of their exertions, in many instances, in favour of their 
 African brethren ; and, in full reliance upon the continuance of 
 divine support and direction, they humbly hope, their labours 
 will never cease, while there exists a single slave in the United 
 States." 
 
 1804. In the Address to the American Convention of this 
 year, it was stated, that agreeably to a suggestion from that 
 body, as to the expediency of having a standing committee, 
 charged with the publication of suitable extracts, essays, and 
 fugitive pieces relative to slavery, the subject had been placed 
 under care of the Society's committee of correspondence. 
 
 A special meeting was held in the Second month. In 
 consequence of information being received, that a bill, entitled 
 " An Act for the Abolition of Slavery," &c, was under con- 
 sideration in the Senate of this State, it was resolved, that a 
 memorial* be addressed to the Legislature on the subject. An 
 
 * Committee to prepare the memorial : T. Parker, G. Williams and 
 Samuel Bettle. ; 
 
53 
 
 Essay being produced, was adopted. It respectfully repre- 
 sents, " That, in common with a vast majority of our fellow 
 citizens, we have noticed, with great satisfaction, that a bill 
 is now pending before the Legislature for the immediate and 
 total abolition of slavery forever in this Commonwealth. 
 Although we do not deem it necessary, at this enlightened 
 period, to go into a long detail of reasoning, yet, we believe 
 it a duty, to profess our warm and decided approbation of the 
 measure. We respectfully and earnestly solicit, that the pre- 
 sent opportunity may not be permitted to escape for wiping 
 away the opprobrium which has so justly attached to our 
 State on account of the manifest difference between the noble 
 Charter of Liberty contained in our excellent Constitution, 
 and a practice so pregnant with evil, and so directly in oppo- 
 sition to all our boasted professions." 
 
 " We humbly conceive, that in every aspect in which the 
 question can present itself, even tested by the cold maxims of 
 policy, no period has occurred wherein the measure we advo- 
 cate could, with more propriety, be adopted." " We therefore 
 respectfully entreat, an early decision abolishing slavery in 
 this State." 
 
 Such was the style in which our predecessors in this 
 glorious warfare approached the Legislative bodies, when 
 addressing them upon the important and deeply interesting 
 subject of slavery. 
 
 1804. In the Sixth month, the Society was informed that 
 the ship Rufus, Captain Hazard, had been seized, upon suspi- 
 cion of being fitted out for the purpose of being employed in 
 the slave trade. A special committee* was appointed to in- 
 vestigate the circumstances of the case. It appearing to re- 
 quire prompt attention, they informed Captain Hazard of their 
 intention to interrogate the inferior officers and seamen, which 
 he readily acceded to. They proceeded on board, accom- 
 panied by a Justice of the Peace for the District of Southwark, 
 
 * T. Harrison, I. T. Hopper, Mordecai Churchman, W. Jones, Han- 
 son Waters, John Folwell and Othniel Alsop. 
 
54 
 
 who exparti and separately examined the second mate, boat- 
 swain and several others. After mature consideration, it was 
 deemed unsafe to prosecute the business further. Although, 
 from the nature of the cargo, the manner of her fitting up, the 
 renewal of her fixtures for carrying arms, the number of hands, 
 the great quantity of water and provisions on board, and a 
 variety of other circumstances; no doubts remained on the 
 minds of the committee that the ship Rufus was, and actually 
 is intended to be employed in the transportation of slaves ; 
 yet the total want of positive, and the deficiency of strongly 
 presumptive evidence, induced the conclusion that it wouldbe 
 best to relinquish the object before any considerable expense 
 was incurred. The ship was accordingly released. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 1805. Twenty-five years have now elapsed since the law 
 was passed for the gradual abolition of slavery in this state, 
 the operation of which had so far reduced the number of 
 slaves, as in great degree to lessen the occasion for active 
 exertions by the Society in relation to the primary object of 
 the association— that of " promoting the abolition of slavery." 
 Hence we begin to find indications of the commencement of 
 that decline of energy, and gradual tendency to a state of apa- 
 thy, the fruition of which the present remnant of the Society 
 have so much reason to deplore. These remarks are induced 
 by the language of the Address to the American Convention 
 for this year, in which it is avowed that " much of the exer- 
 tions of our Society will, in consequence of the rapid decline 
 of slavery amongst us, be employed in future, less in obtaining 
 the liberation of blacks, than in the improvement of their 
 morals, and the promotion of the education of their offspring. 
 It gives us great pleasure that the blacks themselves seem 
 lately to have felt more than ordinary concern on this subject. 
 
55 
 
 In addition to the means of education heretofore provided, they 
 have established two schools in this city amongst themselves." 
 Subsequent observations will show the progress made by the 
 coloured people in the improvement of their condition mentally 
 and physically. 
 
 The increase of the overwhelming power and despotism of 
 slavery begins to be more and more apparent. Its domineer- 
 ing tendency and withering effects are visible even in the 
 communications of the American Convention as early as 1804, 
 in which it is stated " that they have to regret, not only the 
 absence of Delegates from the Abolition Societies of the 
 Southern States, where slavery most abounds, but the omission 
 on their part of sending a communication, as the Rules of the 
 Convention seem to have contemplated/' In the Address of 
 this Society for 1806, to that body, this neglect of the southern 
 Societies is adverted to, and a few of their remarks are quoted, 
 as corroborative of the sentiments just presented. 
 
 They say — " It is a subject of serious regret that these 
 annual associations have of latter years been destitute of repre- 
 sentatives from those states wherein the evil which we desire 
 to eradicate, most extensively prevails. Exertions have not 
 been wanting on your part to arouse the dormant spirit of the 
 friends of our enslaved fellow men, but those exertions have 
 proved unavailing. To what is this to be attributed? We 
 believe the true reason why ostensible and public measures 
 are not pursued by the advocates of abolition in the Southern 
 States, will be found in a pretty general impression, that it 
 would not, under existing circumstances, and in the present 
 temper of the public mind, be expedient and useful. The 
 extreme unpopularity of all combined attempts, has therefore 
 introduced the substitute of individual interference as parti- 
 cular urgencies require. Perhaps it may be questioned whe- 
 ther, all things considered, this plan may not be the most 
 eligible." 
 
 We grieve to say that this language emanated from the 
 Pennsylvania Society. Far be it from us of the present day, 
 to call in question, or underrate the sterling merit of the 
 
56 
 
 valuable and noble champions who were at that time actively 
 engaged in carrying on this righteous cause. It is perhaps 
 difficult for us to appreciate the inveterate malice by which 
 they were assailed at all points, and the incessant contumely 
 to which the advocates for the rights of the coloured man in 
 strong slaveholding neighbourhoods were constantly exposed. 
 
 In addition to the suggestions alluded to, the Address offers 
 as a subject of inquiry well deserving the attention of the 
 Convention, " whether any material injury would arise from a 
 temporary suspension of their functions." This, coming from 
 one of the most respectable and important Societies of which 
 the Convention was composed, had the effect contemplated; 
 the meetings of that body, which had previously been held 
 annually, were determined, by vote of the Convention, in 
 future, to be convened triennially. 
 
 1809. In the address from the Society, we find the diffi- 
 culties in the way of their operations again adverted to, serv- 
 ing to exhibit the idea then held in relation to the apathy, which 
 began to be sensibly prevalent, but which the writers of the 
 address do not attribute to motives which at this day but too 
 obviously appear to.attach to the relaxation of energy, and lower- 
 ing of tone with which their sentiments are expressed. We 
 quote a few paragraphs, which will also serve to explain more 
 clearly, the causes of the increasing obstructions they had to 
 contend with, viz : 
 
 "Notwithstanding the apparent advancement of the great 
 cause of emancipation, the application of the laws on this in- 
 teresting subject to the relief of the oppressed, becomes daily 
 more difficult. Prudence has become necessary to our security, 
 and persuasion to our success. While we thus candidly ac- 
 knowledge the necessity of circumspection, we deprecate an 
 inference that our conduct is in any degree influenced by a de- 
 reliction of principle. 
 
 " Hitherto, the approving voice of the community, and the 
 liberal interpretation ox the laws, have smoothed the path of 
 duty, and promoted a satisfactory issue to our humane exertions. 
 
57 
 
 At present, however, the sentiments of our fellow citizens, and 
 the decisions of our Courts, are less auspicious. 
 
 " This change of opinion, so injurious to the cause we have 
 espoused, is to be attributed to the success, rather than to the 
 misconduct of the Society. Our early and meritorious exertions, 
 awakened the attention, and secured the approbation of a large 
 portion of our fellow citizens. The oppressor shrunk from a 
 contest against triumphant justice, and general indignation, 
 while the oppressed became emboldened by success, and 
 strengthened by the increasing current of opinion in favour of 
 emancipation. The report of our transactions spread far beyond 
 the limits prescribed for our exertions by the laws of Pennsyl- 
 vania. Hundreds of our fellow beings in the neighbouring 
 states, who bore with impatience the galling yoke of slavery, 
 availed themselves of every opportunity which circumstances 
 might furnish, to claim the protection of our statutes. Even 
 those who had obtained their freedom, resorted too generally to 
 this city, as an asylum where a repetition of the wrongs they had 
 endured was not to be feared. Freed from the shackles, but 
 not from the vices of slavery, those victims of inhumanity 
 thronged our streets in search of employment— but too many of 
 whom, serve only to swell the list of our criminals, andaugment 
 the catalogue of our paupers." 
 
 In the communication of the Convention to the Society, 
 amongst divers other interesting observations, they say : " We 
 rejoice with you that our national government has had the 
 wisdom and humanity to embrace the first constitutional op- 
 portunity offered, to pass a law which entirely prohibits our 
 citizens from foreign traffic in human flesh." " But we still have 
 to sympathize with nearly a million of human beings, who are 
 yet subject to the bonds of slavery within the United States — 
 we have yet to mourn over this dishonour of our country." 
 " Domestic slavery is a national crime, and it is our duty to em- 
 ploy the pen and the press, for the dissemination of such argu- 
 ments as shall convince our countrymen of the injustice and im- 
 policy of such slavery." 
 
 6 
 
58 
 
 1809. Tenth month. — The Society received a communication 
 from an Abolition Society, lately instituted near Frankfort, 
 Kentucky, enclosing a printed copy of their Constitution and 
 Rules of Decorum, which was referred to the Committee of 
 Correspondence. 
 
 In the 12th month of this year, the first proposition was 
 made by the Committee of Education for the Society to 
 have erected a suitable building for the accommodation of a 
 school or schools for coloured children. A plan was submitted, 
 the probable cost of which was estimated at about $2000, 
 which it was supposed might be raised by subscription. The 
 subject, however, remained undecided, and nothing was done, 
 except the raising funds for the erection of the building, until 
 early in 1812, when a new plan v, mitted, which was 
 
 adopted, and the Building Committee directed to proceed forth- 
 with to the erection. In 1813, the Committee reported the 
 completion of the building, the total cost of which amounted 
 to a little over $3,100. The Committee of Education was 
 remodelled, and made to consist of thirteen members, under 
 the title of the Board of Education. 
 
 As the establishment of schools for the education of coloured 
 children was an important movement of the Society, we pre- 
 sent a few extracts from the first Report of the Board of Edu- 
 cation after it had been reorganized. 
 
 " A teacher, well qualified, was engaged at a salary of $300 
 per annum, and the school for boys opened on the 1st of Third 
 month, 1813. Rules for apportioning the duties of the mem- 
 bers, and forming in rotation a Visiting Committee of Three, 
 were adopted. The Visiting Committee were to attend at the 
 school once in each week for the admission of scholars, and 
 for the general concerns of the school. Rules were also 
 adopted for its own government, and an early and unreserved 
 attention was devoted by the Board for carrying fully into 
 effect the views of the Society in the establishment of the 
 institution." 
 
59 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 1811. Twelfth month. — A committee was appointed to draft 
 a memorial to our State Legislature for a law effectually to pre- 
 vent the practice of kidnapping negroes within this common- 
 wealth, by the imposition of severe penalties on persons con- 
 victed thereof. And, also, to inquire what other amendments 
 may be necessary to the several abolition laws of this state. 
 The committee on this occasion were Roberts Vaux, Timothy 
 Paxson, Othniel Alsop, Thomas P. Cope, and Joseph Parker. 
 They were directed to confer with some of the counsellors ot 
 the Society, in order to procure the draft of a law embracing 
 the amendments deemed necessary to the existing act of the 
 commonwealth. The memorial was adopted, and the commit- 
 tee which had prepared it were charged with the care of having 
 it presented. In the Fourth month following, they reported that 
 one of their number had been deputed to the Legislature, who 
 presented the memorial, which was read in both Houses, and 
 referred to a committee who brought in a bill which came 
 under consideration, but was postponed to the next Legislature. 
 
 1813. Second month.— A special meeting of the Society was 
 convened in consequence of sundry conversations reported to 
 have been had, between a member of this Society and the 
 President of the United States, at Washington ; and, also, con- 
 versations and letters between said member and|a distinguished 
 Senator, relative to the trade in slaves carried on by citizens of 
 the Eastern States, under cover of foriegn flags.* A memorial 
 to Congress upon the subject was prepared, setting forth the fact 
 that " the flags of foreign countries are employed by American 
 citizens to protect this traffic, and the ports of those dominions 
 
 *The Committtee were: Roberts Vaux ; Nathan Smith, Jos. Park er ; 
 Jos. M. Paul, and Tho.f. P. Cope. 
 
60 
 
 furnish a market for cargoes thus illegally procured." It also 
 says, " From information entitled to the fullest credence, we are 
 enabled to declare that upwards of seventy thousand unoffend- 
 ing Africans were taken from their native soil in the year 1810, 
 and deprived of their legitimate rank among mankind; and it is 
 with humiliation and shame confessed, that a large share of the 
 profits derived from the sale of these unhappy beings, has 
 flowed into the coffers of citizens of the United States, who 
 conduct such illicit enterprises and evade the penalties imposed 
 by the laws, through the instrumentality of Spanish and Portu- 
 guese colours." This memorial was presented to Congress, 
 and referred to a committee of five members, who subsequently 
 reported that the approaching close of the session, and multipli- 
 city of important business yet to be transacted, would in their 
 opinion prevent due attention to this subject, and recommend- 
 ing early attention and consideration thereof at the succeeding 
 session. 
 
 1813. Third month. — A special meeting of the Society was 
 held, at which the following extracts from the Journal of the 
 House of Representatives was read : 
 
 " February 23d. Jacob Mitchell presented a petition from 
 sundry inhabitants of the city and liberties of Philadelphia, 
 stating that the number of people of colour on record within the 
 same, amounts to nine thousand s^cven hundred and sixty-two, 
 and that there are four thousand runaway negroes there who are 
 not on record ; that they are becoming nuisances ; and praying 
 that provision may be made by law, to oblige them all to be 
 registered, authorizing the sale for a term of years of those who 
 shall be convicted of crimes, for the purpose of compensating 
 the persons who may have been plundered, and for the expense 
 of their prosecution ; and also, that a tax may be levied upon 
 them for the support of their own poor." Which petition was 
 read and referred to the members from Philadelphia. 
 
 A memorial to the Legislature, expressive of the sentiments 
 of the Society in relation to the false and injurious statement set 
 forth in this petition, was prepared and directed to be properly 
 
61 
 
 signed, and forwarded to the Legislature. From it we extract 
 the following, to wit : " Your memorialists disclaim the office, 
 should it be imputed to them, of palliating or defending the 
 crimes and misdemeanors which a portion of the African popula- 
 tion, in common with their fellow beings of the great human 
 family, are too often the authors of. But as they believe it to 
 be an eternal truth, ' that all men are born equally free and in- 
 dependent, and that they have certain inherent and inalienable 
 rights,' we are imperiously bound to remonstrate and protest 
 against any and every attempt to mark for exception to this great 
 and benevolent maxim, any part of the rational creation of God. 
 If the Legislature should adopt laws wholly designed for the 
 civil control of our African fellow citizens, or enact a criminal 
 code especially intended for the punishment of offences which 
 they commit, there will be an utter forsaking of those exalted 
 opinions which the founders of the Republic have decreed to be 
 inseparable from its existence.'' The memorial also states, 
 " that although some of the people of colour are guilty of in- 
 fractions of (he laws, owing to the facility of obtaining the 
 means of intoxication from tippling houses, yet a large 
 portion of them are entitled to the reputation of respectable, 
 industrious, and useful members of society." The proposed 
 alteration of the criminal code was defeated. 
 
 1813. The Society was again specially convened in the. 5th 
 month, on account of the death of their President, Dr. Benjamin 
 Rush. The following preamble and resolution were adopted, 
 and directed to be published in the public papers of the city : 
 
 "It having pleased Divine Providence to remove from this 
 state of existence, Dr. Benjamin Rush, who was long distin 
 guished for his attachment to the cause of the African race, and 
 whose efforts to improve the condition, and promote the welfare 
 of that afflicted portion of the human family, were eminently 
 manifested, during nine years' presidency of this institution; 
 
 " Therefore, Resolved, That this Society sincerely lament the 
 termination of the useful labours of its late venerable President ; 
 that gratitude for his services, inspires this acknowledgment of 
 
 6* 
 
62 
 
 their value, and respect for his memory dictates this tribute to 
 his name." 
 
 The Society then proceeded to the election of a President, 
 and Dr. Caspar Wistar was elected to that office. 
 
 1815. Third month. — The following minute and resolution 
 appear on record : 
 
 " It being desirable that the schools instituted by this Society, 
 at their school house on Cherry street, should have an appro- 
 priate name, for readily and conveniently distinguishing them 
 from others ; therefore, 
 
 " Resolved, That the well known and highly appreciated 
 services of Thomas Clarkson, of London, in the cause of African 
 emancipation, have entitled him to the grateful acknowledg- 
 ments of the friends of humanity, and his name being insepara- 
 bly connected in their minds with the interesting object to 
 which his life has been devoted, the schools above referred to 
 be hereafter known and designated by the title of ' The Clark- 
 son schools;' and the building erected for them was subsequently 
 called Clarkson Hall." 
 
 The pecuniary rewards offered by slaveholders, for the re- 
 covery of their absconding slaves, too often proved sufficient to 
 induce many of the lower classes of our citizens, as well as 
 some inferior magistrates and constables, to assist in finding out 
 and arresting many people of colour, on some alleged claim as 
 fugitives from labour. Under cover of such pretexts, many who 
 were lawfully entitled to their freedom were taken, while others 
 were seduced by offers of high wages, to hire themselves out to 
 services which required them to go beyond the limits of the 
 state, thus becoming exposed to the danger of being kidnapped, 
 both cases frequently resulting in their being carried off into 
 slavery. The business of the acting committee appears to have 
 been greatly increased in consequence of such proceedings, and 
 in 1816, a special committee was appointed to assist them in 
 detecting and bringing to exemplary punishment, every person 
 who should be found guilty of violating the laws of the land. 
 The manner in which the Society looked upon such characters, 
 
63 
 
 and the language used on such occasions, is shown in the fol- 
 lowing resolution : 
 
 •'Resolved, That this Society hold in the utmost abhorrence 
 the conduct of a number of persons that now infest the city and 
 liberties of Philadelphia, for the diabolical purpose of seducing 
 and carrying out of this state, free people of colour, for the pur- 
 pose of depriving them of that protection which the laws of 
 Pennsylvania afford. And we will use all legal means in our 
 power, to bring to merited punishment all such violators of 
 domestic tranquillity, and the known laws of the land." 
 
 1816. At the annual meeting, a Committee was appointed 
 to consider the propriety of presenting a memorial to the 
 Legislature of this state, recommend ino- such amendments to 
 the laws relative to people of colour, as may be deemed 
 advisable. At a subsequent meeting the Committee reported, 
 " that, after full consideration of the subject, they thought it 
 inexpedient to address the State Legislature, until an altera- 
 tion shall be made by Congress in the law, under the shelter 
 of which most of the outrages on the rights of the free people of 
 colour are committed ; and that there appears to be a favour- 
 able opening for petitioning Congress to this effect. They 
 recommend that an attempt should be made to obtain an 
 amendment to the law in question ; and a memorial in relation 
 to this subject was adopted, and forwarded to Congress." 
 
 In the Third month following, letters were received from 
 Washington, stating that the memorials of the Society had 
 been presented; and that it was designed to have them 
 referred to a Committee who had charge of a similar applica- 
 tion from the Society of Friends. But nothing further appears 
 to have been done upon the subject. 
 
 In the Address of this Society to the American Convention, 
 to be held in 1817, it is stated as " a subject of great regret, 
 that the number of those actively engaged in the cause of the 
 oppressed Africans is very small. Many of our aged brethren 
 
 * Committee were: Joseph Lea, Benj. Tucker. W. Wayne. Jr.. and 
 D. J. Davis. 
 
64 
 
 have retired from the contest, and with our benevolent citizens 
 an apathy prevails — the more to be lamented, as we fear it is 
 the result of a mistaken impression that the work is nearly 
 accomplished." 
 
 In answer to a request made by a former Convention, to have 
 a list of those peculiar cases which have occasionally claimed 
 the attention of our acting committee, they state, " that they 
 have been concerned in fifty-three cases ; in thirty-six of 
 which they were successful in rescuing the objects of their 
 care from slavery, and the other seventeen were given up 
 by the legal authorities." A fear was expressed " that many 
 have returned to slavery, on account of the difficulty of procur- 
 ing the necessary documents and testimony to substantiate their 
 freedom." " Many cases yet remain under care, in some 
 of which suits are pending, to which favourable results are 
 anticipated. Amongst other cases which have claimed the 
 attention of the committee, are several in which people of 
 colour brought into this country contrary to the laws of the 
 United States prohibiting the slave-trade, have been rescued 
 from the degrading condition to which they had been illegally 
 reduced, and restored to the enjoyment of freedom. A very 
 important decision has also been lately made by the Supreme 
 Court of this State, by which the freedom of children born 
 therein is completely established, although the mother may have 
 been a runaway slave." 
 
 Amongst the various means which had been formerly devised 
 by the Society, for assisting the coloured people, the judicious 
 placing out of their children was recommended, that they might 
 learn some trade or business, by which when arriving at man's 
 estate they might be able to "earn an honest and reputable sub- 
 sistence. In order to facilitate which, a standing committee 
 was annually appointed, denominated " the apprenticing com- 
 mittee." After continuing its labours for several years, and 
 faithfully endeavouring to fulfil the beneficial objects contem- 
 plated by the Society in their appointment, they this year, 
 ( 1817) reported that they had been able to bind out but a 
 
65 
 
 very small number, owing to the disinclination of the coloured 
 people, to put their children out, until they can keep them no 
 longer, and then the committee is applied to ; and when 
 a suitable place for the child was provided, the parents had 
 perhaps moved away and could not be found, or had otherwise 
 disposed of the child." In consequence of these difficulties, the 
 committee was discontinued. 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 A committee* was at the same time appointed in conjunction 
 with three of the counsellors of the Society, viz: William 
 Rawle, John Hallowell, and William D*lany, to examine the 
 several laws of this commonwealth relative to people of 
 colour, note their defects, and report a bill to be laid before 
 the Legislature, embracing such amendments as should appear 
 to be requisite. 
 
 A memorial to Congress on the subject of the fugitive law 
 was submitted. After being deliberately considered, it was 
 adopted, and directed to be signed by the officers of the 
 Society, and forwarded to John Sergeant, at that time a 
 Representative in Congress for this State, with a request that 
 he should present it. 
 
 1818. At a special meeting in the Third month, on account of 
 the death of the President, Dr. Caspar Wistar, a resolution 
 was adopted expressive of " the loss which the Society was 
 sensible of having sustained, by that afflicting event, ■ and 
 influenced by a recollection of his services in the cause of the 
 oppressed African, the memory of this distinguished philan- 
 thropist will be gratefully cherished by the members of this 
 association." 
 
 *Dr. Jonas Preston, Benj. Tucker, J. M. Paul, Abram L. Pennock, and 
 R. C. Wood. 
 
66 
 
 The Society then proceeded to the election of a President to 
 fill the vacancy, when Win. Rawle was duly elected. 
 
 1818. In the address of the Society, adopted Eleventh 
 month 19th, to the American Convention, we have the firsl 
 notice of the " efforts then making for the establishment of a 
 colony of free people of colour, upon the coast of Africa, under 
 the auspices and control of the American Colonization So- 
 ciety ; which was, from the first, viewed with intense interest 
 by the legitimate friends of African emancipation." The 
 address recommended that a serious investigation should be 
 made as to the probable results of the measure. 
 
 The Convention referred the consideration of the subject to 
 a committee, who reported decidedly against the colonization 
 scheme, as inimical to the objects of the abolition societies, 
 and concluded by offering the following resolution, viz. 
 " Resolved, as the stnse of this Convention as explanatory of 
 its views of this interesting subject, that the gradual and total 
 emancipation of all persons of colour, and their literary and 
 moral education should precede their colonization," which 
 was adopted. 
 
 The objects of the Colonization Society, also engaged the 
 attention of the coloured people of Philadelphia, and a large 
 meeting was held in relation to the subject, at which the 
 venerable and highly respected James Forten presided. They 
 denounced the scheme as injurious and prejudicial to the best 
 interests of their people, and calculated to increase the ten- 
 sion of the chains of slavery, rather than to promote its final 
 extinction. 
 
 Another memorial to Congress was agreed upon at a meet- 
 ing of the Society held in the Twelfth month, 1818, on the 
 subject of the sale of people of colour under the act of Con- 
 gress prohibiting the slave trade. The memorial was pre- 
 pared* for general circulation and signature of the citizens at 
 ] arge. It set forth, " That your memorialists are informed 
 
 * Committee: Wm. Rawle, Richard Peters, Jr., and Dr. Nathan Shoe- 
 maker. 
 
67 
 
 and believe, that, since the passing of the act prohibiting the 
 importation of slaves into any part of the United States, from 
 and after the first day of January, 1808, sundry persons of 
 colour, who have been illegally imported into the United 
 States, or have been seized in the attempt to import them, 
 have been sold by the 5th section of that act, which declares, 
 " that neither the importer, nor any person or persons claiming 
 under him, shall hold any eight or title whatsoever to any 
 negro, mulatto, or person of colour, nor to the service or 
 labour thereof, who may be imported or brought within the 
 territories thereof, in violation of this law, but the same shall 
 remain subject to any regulation, not contravening the provi- 
 sions of this act, which the several states or territories may at 
 any time hereafter make for disposing of any such negro, 
 mulatto, or person of colour. It sets forth that such a pro- 
 cedure is inconsistent with natural justice, and contrary to the 
 spirit of the law, which was intended to prohibit the increase 
 of slaves in the United States, yet their number would be 
 increased by every seizure made under the law. That to sub- 
 ject those unhappy men to state regulations is unjust, as the 
 oppression of the individual is precisely the same, whether the 
 individual is sold into slavery by the acts of a state govern- 
 ment or by a mercenary importer." 
 
 This memorial was extensively circulated, and received up- 
 wards of 800 signatures; and the committee being enlarged, 
 the number must have been greatly increased. But no account 
 is given of its being presented, or of any effect produced. 
 
 At the same meeting a memorial* to the Legislature of 
 Pennsylvania was adopted, in which the insufficiency of the 
 laws at that time in force for the protection of human liberty 
 was complained of — "the soil of Pennsylvania having been fre- 
 quently polluted by the footsteps of kidnappers, who, regard- 
 less of the laws of God, and disdaining the penalties of the 
 statute, have violated the sanctity of domestic repose, with 
 brutal violence making captive free people, the descendants of 
 
 * Committee to prepare which was Roberts Vaux, Richard C. Wood, 
 Richard Peters, Jr., Dr. Jonas Preston and William Rawle. 
 
68 
 
 Africans, conveying them to remote places, and consigning 
 them to hopeless bondage. The Act of Assembly, March, 
 1788, provides, that upon conviction of this high offence, a fine 
 of one hundred pounds, and twelve months imprisonment shall 
 be visited upon the offender. But this law affords no adequate 
 protection to the people of colour — it holds out no availing 
 terror to avarice and cruelty." The Legislature was therefore 
 earnestly solicited to enact such penalties as will effectually 
 prevent the practice of man-stealing in this commonwealth. 
 The memorial was directed to be forwarded to our Representa- 
 tives, with an urgent request to use their utmost exertions to 
 procure a more efficient law upon the subject. 
 
 The memorial appears to have been well received, and the 
 application of the Society was successful. By a minute of the 
 Society, 3d mo. 30th, 1820, the acting committee were autho- 
 rised to have printed for distribution 500 copies of the law 
 recently enacted by our State Legislature, more effectually to 
 prevent kidnapping, as soon as a certified copy can be ob- 
 tained. 
 
 The annual report of the Board of Education for this year 
 (1818) speaks in high terms of the beneficial effects of the 
 Clarkson schools, which they say "furnish a decided refuta- 
 tion of the charge that the mental endowments of the descend- 
 ants of Africa are inferior to those possessed by their white 
 brethren." "We can assert without fear of contradiction, 
 that the pupils of this seminary will sustain a fair comparison 
 with those of any other institution, in which the same elemen- 
 tary branches are taught." There had been 102 boys and 129 
 girls admitted during the year, and 90 boys and 60 girls were 
 then in school, the latter having been organized during the 
 year under the entire direction of the Board. 
 
 In the year 1819, the Territory of Missouri applied 
 to Congress to be admitted into the Union as a member 
 of the United States. The application was opposed by the 
 friends of freedom, unless the constitution of the proposed new 
 state should be modified, so as to prevent the extension of 
 slavery. The thanks of this society were voted to James 
 
69 
 
 Talrnadge, Esq., who proposed the exclusion of slavery from 
 the new state of Missouri; also to John W. Taylor, Esq., who 
 moved the same restrictions in relation to the Arkansas Terri- 
 tory. And also to all the members of both houses who advo- 
 cated and supported these propositions. It is further stated on 
 the records as " a subject of heartfelt satisfaction to the mem- 
 bers of this Society, that with but one or two exceptions, every 
 Senator and Representative from the State of Pennsylvania 
 approved and supported those measures" of opposition to the 
 extension of the slaveholding power. 
 
 The society continued anxiously alive to the injurious effects 
 to the cause of Freedom by the measures recently adopted by 
 the national legislature upon the celebrated Missouri question. 
 John Sergeant of this city, who was at that time a repre- 
 sentative in Congress from this State, having opposed the 
 admission of Missouri into the Union as a slave state, in a very 
 able and interesting speech, it was determined that 750 copies 
 of that speech be printed for general circulation. A com- 
 mittee* appointed for the special purpose of watching the 
 progress of the question, while before Congress, made a re- 
 port, which was adopted as expressive of the feelings of the 
 Society on the occasion. It was directed to be printed, and a 
 copy was forwarded to every Senator and Representative in 
 Congress who had voted in favour of preventing the further 
 introduction of slavery into Missouri. 
 
 1820. In the 1st mo. the Society instituted measures which 
 resulted in obtaining for the children of coloured parents a 
 share of school education, to which they are entitled by the 
 law of Pennsylvania providing for the schooling of all the poor 
 children in the commonwealth at the public expense. A 
 committee was appointed to confer with the Controllers 
 of the Public Schools on the subject. They subsequently 
 reported that they had had an interview with the Controllers 
 and School Directors, who admitted that the benefits of the 
 
 * Wm. Rawle, Richard Peters, Jr., and Jas. M. Paul. 
 7 
 
70 
 
 law were equally intended for, and ought to be extended to 
 coloured as well as to poor white children. In order to facili- 
 tate a commencement of the public education of coloured 
 children, the committee were aurhorized to offer the use of the 
 school rooms in Clarkson Hall to the Controllers or Board of 
 Directors of the Public Schools for that purpose, reserving the 
 right of using the rooms at specified times for the meetings of 
 the society, &c. The committee, after having laid the offer 
 before the Directors, left it for their consideration ; they finally 
 reported that the board had informed them that they had pro- 
 cured a building and opened a school for the education of the 
 children of both sexes of indigent persons of colour, and there- 
 fore respectfully declined the offer made by the Society. 
 
 In the 12th mo. of this year a special meeting of the Society, 
 to which the public were invited, was held in the session room 
 of the Presbyterian Church, at which David Paul Brown de- 
 livered a discourse on the present peculiar aspect of affairs in 
 relation to Slavery. At this meeting an essay of a memorial 
 to the State Legislature was read and adopted. The language 
 used on the occasion to which it refers, appears to possess suf- 
 ficient merit to justify us in making the following extracts : 
 " The Memorial of the Pennsylvania Society, &c, Respectfully 
 sheweth, That forty years have now elapsed, since a full con- 
 viction of the justice due to a class of fellow beings then ex- 
 isting among us, ir^ considerable numbers, induced your prede- 
 cessors to make a provision for the gradual abolition of slavery, 
 founded on principles which left to the option of the master to 
 continue to fully assert, or fully to relinquish his claim to the 
 services of the individual." " We have every reason to believe 
 that the number (of slaves) is now so much reduced, as to re- 
 move at least one objection (that of expense) to effacing this 
 stain on our national character. It cannot now be very expen- 
 sive to carry into full effect the wise, benevolent and Christian 
 principles, set forth as the foundation of the Act of March 1, 
 1790." 
 
 " On the general subject of slavery it is needless to enlarge. 
 
71 
 
 We will merely remind your honorable body, that slavery in 
 any and every form is inconsistent with the principles of our 
 free and excellent Constitution. The act of 1780 probably 
 was carried as far as the danger of the country at the time 
 would admit. If, however, a sense of danger then restrained 
 the State from going further, a sense of danger, which, though 
 different in form, is not less serious in aspect, should now impel 
 it to proceed to the full length of the sound and noble doctrine 
 laid down in the preamble to that law." 
 
 "The present juncture presents an alarming. avowal of prin- 
 ciples vitally affecting the nature of our republican governments, 
 Slavery is not merely tolerated, but stamped and impressed on 
 the body of the constitution of a new State, accompanied by 
 an oppressive, wanton and unnecessary discrimination of the 
 rights of citizens, depending merely on the colour of their per- 
 sons. Against an innovation so alarming, and a precedent so 
 dangerous and injurious, we seem called upon to raise our 
 voice, and to regulate our conduct. The admission of Mis- 
 souri with such a constitution, no State can singly prevent, 
 but every State that abhors principles so obnoxious, seems 
 bound to remove whatever may be quoted as an example in 
 favour of them, furnished by itself. Thus the immediate and 
 total abolition of slavery within the limits of our own State, 
 becomes a reason of consistency and justice." 
 
 "Your memorialists therefore respectfully submit to the 
 Legislature, the propriety of passing a law for the immediate 
 and total abolition of domestic slavery within this common- 
 wealth." 
 
 The memorial was directed to be forwarded to the Senate 
 and House of Representatives, and the thanks of the Society 
 were presented to David Paul Brown for his able and eloquent 
 address. 
 
72 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 1821. Twelfth month. — At the stated meeting, a committee* 
 was appointed " to inquire what measures may properly be 
 be taken by the Society for endeavouring to prevent the 
 further introduction of slaves into Florida." The committee 
 subsequently reported that, in their opinion, an " act of 
 Congress to prevent the admission of slaves into that ter- 
 ritory, and to provide for the freedom of all who shall be 
 introduced there, would be an event peculiarly auspicious 
 for the momentous cause which it is the object of this Society 
 to promote." They add, " there are sufficient inducements for 
 petitioning Congress on this subject; as a government is to 
 be formed for Florida at this session of Congress, our hope of 
 success is by no means unreasonable. But even should it fail, 
 there still would be advantages derived from petitioning, 
 for the cause of humanity gains by every agitation of the 
 subject." It being afterwards understood that the American 
 Convention had determined upon presenting a memorial to 
 Congress upon this subject, the Society postponed further 
 procedure thereon. 
 
 The Society appears to have been frequently engaged in 
 visiting the coloured people in their places of public worship, 
 to communicate either verbally or by printed addresses such 
 counsel and advice as was considered best adapted to improve 
 their minds, and lead them to the practice of virtue, sobriety and 
 industry ; so that by their orderly conduct, they might become 
 good and useful citizens. At the annual meeting, Twelfth 
 month, 1822, it was resolved, " that whereas, the expediency 
 of occasionally addressing the people of colour on the subject 
 of their moral conduct and deportment being manifest, a 
 committee be now appointed to prepare an address to them on 
 those subjects." They were directed to have five hundred 
 
 * Thos. Earle, Edwin A. Atlee, J. Field, Jr., Jas. Mott, and Benj. 
 Williams. 
 
73 
 
 copies printed and distributed amongst those for whose benefit 
 it was prepared. 
 
 1823. Secorid month. — A special meeting of the Society 
 was convened, at which a copy of a communication from the 
 State of Maryland to the Legislature of this State was read, 
 and an essay of a memorial to the Legislature in relation 
 thereto being submitted, it was, after proper consideration, 
 adopted, and directed to be signed by the President and 
 Secretary, and forwarded to the Senate and House of Repre- 
 sentatives. A committee of six members* was appointed to 
 give such attention to the subject of this memorial, as it may 
 appear to require. As the application from the Legislature of 
 Maryland was of a very extraordinary character, and called 
 forth an answer at once energetic and explicit, embodying the 
 nature of the communication from Maryland, together with a 
 statement of the facts in the cases referred to, we quote the 
 principal parts of the memorial : 
 
 " Your memorialists have seen with concern, a representa- 
 tion from a joint committee of the Legislature of Maryland, 
 which has been entered at large upon the journals of the 
 'Senate." " This document contains, in the first place, a com- 
 plaint that the citizens of Maryland experience considerable 
 difficulty in recovering their fugitive slaves, when they pass 
 within the limits of the State of Pennsylvania. And secondly, 
 a suggestion that it would be for the interest of our State ' to 
 prohibit the settlement of people of colour' among us." Two 
 cases are particularly cited as grievances, viz. 
 
 1st. It is asserted ' that the inhabitants of Kennet Square, 
 (a village in Chester county), instead of assisting, gave to a 
 certain Samuel G. Griffith all the trouble in their power, in 
 his attempt to recover a slave who had escaped from him. 
 The consequence was, a determination on his part to take his 
 slave (at all events); and, in attempting to do so, himself and 
 his overseer lost their lives.' 
 
 »Wm, Rawle, Thos. Shipley, Jas. Mott, Benj. Tucker, Robt. Murphy, 
 and Philip Price. Jr. 
 
 7* 
 
The Memorial stales, from information received, the facts 
 in this case are briefly as follows: 
 
 " In the dead of night, on the 15th of December, 1820, the 
 cottage in which John Reed resided, and where he was at 
 the time entirely alone, was assailed by four persons, who 
 demanded admission to search for stolen goods. He remon- 
 strated in vain against the impropriety of such an attempt, at 
 such an hour. They endeavoured to force open the door; and, 
 in self defence, he shot the foremost, who afterwards was 
 found to be Samuel G. Griffiths, who had not announced him- 
 self. Reed afterwards, by means of a club, deprived of his 
 life Peter Shipley, the overseer, who persisted in the endea- 
 vour to enter, and who was also unknown to him. The other 
 two persons fled. So far from the inhabitants of the village 
 interfering to protect the slave, or to impede the efforts of the 
 claimant, there is every reason to believe that it w T as utterly 
 unknown to them that the attempt to seize him would be 
 made, or even that any one was in pursuit of him. The 
 assailant party had arrived after dark, and communicated 
 their intentions to no one. 
 
 " John Reed was tried at the next Court of Oyer and 
 Terminer, when the above facts w r ere fully proved, and he was 
 acquitted of the indictment of murdering Griffiths. At the 
 ensuing Court of Oyer and Terminer he was tried on an 
 indictment for the murder of Shipley, the overseer, found 
 guilty of manslaughter, and sentenced to an imprisonment for 
 a term of years. But we cannot admit that the citizens of 
 this state are liable to censure, if they do not volunteer to 
 return a slave to bondage. The people of this state have long 
 expressed their abhorrence of slavery, and it is conceived that 
 our southern brethren ought to be satisfied, if, in obedience to 
 the laws of the Union, their slaves are not knowingly har- 
 boured, nor their endeavours to recover them forcibly opposed. 
 The conscientious opinions of our citizens are secured by the 
 Constitution, and no man can be compelled to act in opposi- 
 tion to them." 
 
 " The other case presents still less reason for applying to the 
 
75 
 
 Legislature. A person was alleged to be the slave, not of the 
 claimant, but of another person, from whom it was not pre- 
 tended at the time that John Chauncey held any authority to 
 act. Destitute of the proofs of his victim's bondage, Mr. Chaun- 
 cey requests 'that this person may be held in safe custody 
 two days, to give him an opportunity of returning to Hartford 
 county, and procuring every possible proof that would be 
 demanded. But this was refused.' It requires but little know- 
 ledge of the laws, to observe, that a magistrate who would 
 commit, or a sheriff or constable who would detain any one 
 on such a request, would be liable to an action of false 
 imprisonment." 
 
 "They respectfully submit that the existing laws of the United 
 States are abundantly sufficient to enable the owners of this un- 
 happy species of property to pursue and recover it within the 
 State of Pennsylvania ; but that he, who disclaiming the assist- 
 ance of those laws, assumes a more forcible mode of procedure, 
 cannot justly complain if his pursuit is attended with trouble, 
 and his exertions fail of success." 
 
 "But the provisions of the acts of Congress are frequently 
 perverted to improper and unlawful purposes. The mode of 
 establishing the rights of the claimant is loose and summary ; and 
 it is known that many instances have occurred of free people of 
 colour having been sworn to as slaves by persons who made a 
 trade of arresting them, and had it not been for the watchful 
 care of their friends, would have been sold into bondage." 
 
 "In regard to the second division of the subject, your memo- 
 rialists have only to say, that whatever may be the disadvan- 
 tages or advantages of a large coloured population amongst us, 
 it is an error to suppose the friends of the blacks have promoted 
 it; they have not been invited nor repelled by us. But can the 
 constitutional right of every freeman to enter on our soil, and 
 settle among us, be disputed? No distinction of colour is recog- 
 nised among us ; every man is presumed to be free until he is 
 duly proved to be a slave, as every man is presumed to be inno- 
 cent until legal proof is adduced of his guilt." 
 
 "That cla^s of persons whose accession is represented as 
 
76 
 
 dangerous, is in one sense placed on an equal footing with 
 others. If industrious and honest, they prosper and are protected ; 
 if guilty of crime, they suffer under the stern and even hand of 
 justice." 
 
 The cultivation of harmony with a sister state is always de- 
 sirable, but it should not be required of us to sacrifice inborn 
 duties and inherent rights. The friendly motive of the Mary- 
 land suggestions on this subject is respected, but it is believed 
 that the wisdom of our own legislature is fully adequate to our 
 own exigencies. The present address has been induced only 
 by a desire that those who have endeavoured to advocate the 
 rights, inform the minds and sooth the sorrows of the Africans, 
 should not by their silence be considered as acquiescing in the 
 letter from the committee of the Maryland Legislature. 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 1823. The Legislature of South Carolina having recently 
 passed a law affecting the rights of free persons of colour, the 
 subject was referred to a committee,* to take such measures in 
 relation thereto as should appear expedient. The committee 
 subsequently reported, that upon a full consideration of the mani- 
 fest injustice and unconstitutionality of the law of South Caro- 
 lina,! in subjecting to imprisonment all free coloured mariners 
 
 * Committee: W. Rawle, T. Shipley, J. Mott, B. Tucker, R. Murphy, 
 P. Price, Jr. 
 
 f This odious law of South Carolina still continues in active operation, 
 and similar provisions have been adopted by other Southern States. The 
 Legislature of Pennsylvania did nothing in opposition to it. But Massa- 
 chusetts within a few years adopted some energetic measures in rela- 
 tion to the grossly unjust oppression to which some of her coloured citi- 
 zens, acting as mariners, were subjected in the ports where that law 
 prevailed. But the mobocratic spirit of the slaveholders eompletely 
 overruled every attempt of the people of Massachusetts to protect the 
 free coloured people from the operation of their vile laws; and an agent 
 
77 
 
 who'should arrive at the port of Charleston, they thought it best 
 to lay the subject before the Legislature of this state. An essay 
 of a memorial for that purpose was produced, wherein is set forth 
 the origin of the constitutional provision, whereby the Southern 
 States were allowed a Representative in Congress equal to three- 
 fifths of their slaves. "Thus, these poor people, who at home 
 were degraded from their natural rights, denied all political 
 character, and recognised only as subjects of property, were re- 
 ceived to augment the number of representatives, for whom they 
 could not vote, and of whose acts they did not comprehend the 
 nature, and seldom knew of their existence." Beside this 
 was also inserted in the constitution the privilege of pursuing 
 after absconding slaves, and retaking them from any state 
 wherein they may be found, any law of that state to the con- 
 trary notwithstanding. 
 
 "For these concessions" (the memorial states) "it formed 
 but a moderate counterpoise, that the citizens of each state 
 should be entitled to all the privileges and immunities of citizens 
 in the several states. Yet in total disregard of this constitutional 
 provision for equality of rights and privileges, the law of South 
 Carolina subjects every free person of colour, on arriving at any 
 of their ports or harbours, in the capacity of seaman, steward, 
 cook, or otherwise, to be seized, committed, and detained in jail 
 until the departure of the vessel ; and if the captain does not, 
 before his departure, pay the expenses of his imprisonment, the 
 individual is sold into irremediable slavery." 
 
 The memorial proceeds in an argumentative way to set forth 
 the necessity of the state government interfering to protect this 
 unfortunate class of its citizens, " who, by their peculiar situation 
 and by common usage, have been shut out from the most lucra- 
 tive and honourable employments of life. How hard, then, that 
 they must be prevented from following even the hard calling of 
 
 appointed by the Governor of that State to reside in Charleston, for the 
 purpose of examining into the cases of free coloured mariners arriving 
 in that port, was ignominiously expelled from the state. Such is the 
 all-controlling power of pure despotism— Slavery. 
 
78 
 
 a seaman's life, in which capacity many of them are highly 
 valued. They pray the Legislature to take this recent law of 
 South Carolina into their serious consideration, and either by 
 representation to the government of that state, or such other 
 manner as may be deemed most expedient, endeavour to avert 
 its injury and injustice." 
 
 In the address from this Society to the American Convention, 
 issued in the 7th mo. of the same year, it is stated that " several 
 of our citizens, pursuing their lawful occupation as mariners, 
 having been imprisoned in the port of Charleston, South Caro- 
 lina, pursuant to a law forbidding free coloured persons from 
 entering that state, under the penalty of imprisonment and a lia- 
 bility to be sold as slaves, this Society petitioned the Legisla- 
 ture of Pennsylvania to interfere in their behalf; but the session 
 closing soon after, it was not acted on. Since that period, the 
 case of a coloured British seaman has been brought before 
 Judge Johnson by habeas corpus, who declared the law uncon- 
 stitutional. But from recent accounts, it appears the officers of 
 that state pay no regard to his decision." 
 
 In the same address the following remarks occur to wit: " We 
 address you at this time with feelings of anxious solicitude for 
 the success of our united exertions in the great cause in which 
 we have embarked. Perhaps at no period were the efforts of 
 philanthropists more necessary to enlighten the public mind than 
 at the present. Recent events in the western parts of our country 
 have shown that the most deplorable ignorance prevails respect- 
 ing the baneful effects of slavery: instead of witnessing the 
 gradual advancement of emancipation to reduce the number of 
 slaves in the United States, we have had with sorrow to observe 
 their numbers progressively to increase. Raised like cattle for 
 the market, they are driven from one state to another, and sold 
 to the highest bidder." 
 
 " We have also seen with astonishment and regret, that the 
 slaveholder, no longer fearful of reproach, has dared to propose 
 to the citizens of Illinois and of Indiana to change their free 
 constitution and become the holders of slaves. And while we 
 
79 
 
 lament that the historian must record the fact that this proposal 
 was listened to and acted upon in Indiana, we congratulate the 
 friends of humanity that there was virtue enough in that state, 
 finally to reject it by a large majority. The trial has yet to be 
 passed in Illinois; but we are well informed that it will there be 
 opposed by the united efforts of the wise and good, and we hope 
 we may rely on the mercy of an overruling Providence to open 
 the eyes of the citizens of that state to the depth of the gulf that 
 is yawning before them. It is indeed matter of astonishment, 
 that while the Representatives of these very states in Congress 
 were engaged in the passage of a law condemning the slave- 
 trade as piracy, that this horrid proposal should have been a 
 moment listened to." 
 
 At a subsequent meeting, a lengthy but very interesting 
 essay of an address to the inhabitants of Illinois, on the 
 proposed alteration in their constitution, so as to permit 
 slavery in that state, was read and approved. It appears to 
 have been prepared by an individual as his own act, but the 
 Society directed one thousand copies to be printed and 
 forwarded to our friends in that State for circulation. 
 
 The final termination of this extraordinary attempt to 
 destroy the free constitution of a State, and extend the limits of 
 slaveholding dominion, resulted in a total defeat of the appli- 
 cation for the change, and we rejoice at the present day in 
 still claiming Illinois, as one of the free states of the Union, 
 and a fair proportion of the inhabitants of bothstates as active 
 and zealous abolitionists. 
 
 1823. Ninth month. — A printed letter from the Abolition 
 Society of Kentucky on the interesting object for which we are 
 associated, was presented and read ; an answer* to which, 
 was subsequently prepared and forwarded. From that commu- 
 nication we extract the following paragraph, viz. " In answer- 
 ing your truly acceptable communication, we are gratified 
 
 * Committee to prepare an answer: T. Shipley, E. P. Atlee ; S. Tem- 
 ple, and James Mott. 
 
80 
 
 in stating that the sentiments it contains, are in full accordance 
 with those constantly promulgated by our institution. As 
 Christians and philanthropists we rejoice in hailing you as 
 co-adjutors, earnestly engaged in endeavours in some measure 
 to wipe off the foul stain which has so long blotted our 
 professedly fair escutcheon." 
 
 " This Society have noticed with pleasure, the number of 
 individuals in your state, who have generously enrolled them- 
 selves to stem the tide of oppression. Be assured of our 
 fraternal sympathies, and of our continual and fervent wishes 
 for your prosperity. May you be strengthened to surmount 
 every obstacle, and in the end receive the reward of the 
 righteous." "Remember that the enemies of liberty, are 
 actively and industriously engaged in attempts to frustrate our 
 benevolent purposes, and that therefore in combatting with 
 cruelty and oppression, we should exercise charity, and show 
 forth by the innocence and disinterestedness of our lives, that 
 we are actuated by principle." 
 
 This Kentucky Society, located as it was in the centre of a 
 large slave population, appears to have existed from 1809, to 
 1823, a period of fourteen years ; how much longer it con- 
 tinued its valuable labours as a society for promoting the 
 abolition of slavery, we have no means of ascertaining, but 
 there appears no further notice on our records of any subse- 
 quent correspondence. 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 1824. Second month. — The Society again, by a Committee* 
 previously appointed for that purpose, prepared a memorial to 
 Congress, on the subject of slavery in the District of Columbia, 
 
 t Committee: William Rawle, T. Earle, Isaac Barton, T. Hale, and 
 J. H. Willits. 
 
81 
 
 it was read, and forwarded to a member of Congress from 
 this city, with a request that it be presented to that body. 
 
 An invitation having been extended by Boyer, President of 
 Hayti, through a special messenger, to induce free people of 
 colour to emigrate to that island, a committee* was appointed 
 to collect information in relation to that subject, who reported 
 in substance as follows : 
 
 " That there was at that time in this city, an authorized 
 agent of the government of Hayti, empowered by President 
 Boyer, to invite all classes and descriptions of free coloured 
 people of good character, to emigrate to that island ; with 
 assurance that they will be received as citizens and children 
 of the Republic ; that they will be protected by its laws, and 
 encouraged and assisted in their several professions." 
 
 '' The invitation of President Boyer proposed to divide the 
 emigrants into three classes. The first to consist of the cultivat- 
 ors or agriculturists. To every family of this class, consisting of 
 twelve persons, or any association, to that number, there would 
 immediately on their arrival be allotted thirty-six acres of un- 
 seated or government land, or three acres to each for their 
 support, of Avhich they would become sole proprietors, after 
 they had by their own industry improved the same." 
 
 " The second class to consist of labourers, or those who em- 
 bark with a view of cultivating the lands of citizens, already 
 planted with coffee, sugar cane, &c, either by renting or 
 working them upon shares. These would have to come under 
 obligations, on their arrival at Hayti, to enter into the above 
 situation, under the protection of the laws and regulations made 
 for governing such contracts, and to pay in six months the 
 expenses of their passage." 
 
 " The third class would consist of those who emigrate as 
 mechanics, traders, clerks or schoolmasters. These must also 
 give obligation to repay in six months the expense paid on 
 account of their passage. 
 
 * Joseph Parrish. T. Shipley, Henry Troth, Jonas Preston, J. M. Pan!, 
 and B. Tucker. 
 
82 
 
 " All religious professions are tolerated, and every man left 
 at liberty to worship his Creator, according to the dictates of 
 his own conscience, provided it does not disturb the public 
 tranquillity/' 
 
 The report of the committee further states, " that a vessel 
 with fifty emigrants had sailed from this port within a few days 
 for Hayti, and that upwards of five hundred had engaged to go. 
 The committee were not prepared to express any opinion as to 
 the consequences of this scheme, as it relates to the happiness 
 or improvement of the condition of the emigrants." 
 
 After hearing the report, and considering all the circum- 
 stances, it was " Resolved, That this Society deem it inex- 
 pedient at this time to take any steps, or adopt any measures to 
 encourage or discourage the coloured people in embracing the 
 invitation of President Boyer." 
 
 1825. In the address of the Society to the American Con- 
 vention, the following paragraph occurs, which is quoted here, 
 as an interesting item of history relating to the Abolition of 
 Slavery : 
 
 " The just and magnanimous conduct of the Colombian 
 Government, in abolishing slavery, we trust will not be lost 
 upon the United States. In a population of 3,000,000, it is 
 stated by ' RavengaJ theblacks and Indians amount to 900,000. 
 Of these, a large number were emancipated by individuals at 
 once. Bolivar gave liberty to 700, and others acted in a similar 
 manner. By a law of the state, the children were all made free 
 on the adoption of the Constitution ; and for the liberation of 
 the adults, a legacy duty was levied on all disposable property, 
 varying from three to ten per cent, which fund can never be 
 appropriated to a different object, so long as a slave remains 
 in the state, which is rapidly producing its intended effect." 
 
 We also quote the following with much pleasure, as the 
 same writer's excellent testimony of the good character of the 
 coloured people : 
 
 " Although at the time the country was overrun with hostile 
 armies, and the masters were frequently obliged to abandon 
 their property, the docility on the part of the blacks, was 
 
83 
 
 never so conspicuous ; and the confidence and security of the 
 whites were greater than at any former period." 
 
 We may be excused for making another extract from the 
 same document, which having been prepared by the steady 
 characters, who some are wont in these times to refer to, as the 
 old worthies of the Society, very conclusively shows, that even 
 at that date, violent opposition and excitement existed towards 
 the advocates for the rights of the slave. 
 
 "The sectional jealousies created by this iniquitous system, 
 — the trembling anxieties of some of the states, lest their 
 usurped rights should be infringed, and the repeated violations 
 of the Constitution, to protect the master from the slave, in- 
 dubitably prove that the evil has attained its crisis, and calls 
 loudly for a remedy." 
 
 The first notice of a periodical, devoted to the purposes of 
 the Society, appears on the minutes of this year, where it is 
 stated that Benjamin Lundy,* of Baltimore, has for some time 
 
 * The name of Benjamin Lundy, who was a valuable member of 
 this Society, and long and fully identified with the cause of abolition, 
 deserves something more than a passing notice in this connection. 
 A memoir of his extraordinary life and travels has been published, from 
 which we learn that, in early life, he became deeply affected on account 
 of the cruel wrongs and sufferings of the slaves, and determined to de- 
 vote himself to their relief. He commenced his labours at St. Clairsville. 
 Ohio, in 1815, and succeeded in organizing an Anti-Slavery Society, 
 which soon numbered five hundred members. At the conclusion of an 
 address to one of the lirst meetings, he stated '"'That he had had the 
 subject long in contemplation, and had nowtaken it up, fully determined 
 never to lay it down while he breathed, or until the end should be 
 attained." The resolution thus nobly formed, he seems never, for a 
 moment to have relinquished, or abated in the least degree his earnest 
 pursuit of the object he aimed at. A friend, named Charles Osborne, 
 having commenced the publication of a paper at Mount Pleasant, Ohio, 
 B. Lundy availed himself of its columns to publish essays upon slavery. 
 He subsequently purchased the whole concern, and devoted it entirely 
 to the promotion of the anti-slavery cause, under the title of "The 
 Genius of Universal Emancipation, '" ; the publication of which was con- 
 tinued, except frome brief intervals, during the remainder of his life. 
 From the issuing of the first number of his paper to the very last, 
 he had to struggle under complicated difficulties — penury, want of 
 
84 
 
 past published a weekly paper in that city, the sole object of 
 which is to promote the abolition of slavery in the United 
 States. Whereupon the Society resolved to patronise it by a 
 loan of fifty dollars, and recommended it to the members for 
 their support. 
 
 patronage, bitter enemies, and cold friends, notwithstanding which, 
 he persevered with unremitting energy, acting as editor, compositor, 
 and printer. He frequently woiked at the trade of a saddler, (to 
 which he had served an apprenticeship) to earn a few dollars to 
 procure materials for his paper. Besides this, he was frequently 
 engaged in travelling from place to place in almost every State in the 
 Union, lecturing upon slavery, the subject ever present and most near 
 to his heart. He was the principal means of instituting a large number 
 of Societies in the different States of the Union, many of them in slave- 
 holding districts, which were in some instances composed in part of 
 slaveholders. The inconsistency of such a mixture of opposing interests, 
 may account for the fact, that none of those Societies are now existing, 
 and are almost forgotten. Their decline was doubtless owing to the 
 jealous and all-controlling influence of slavery. 
 
 The views of Benjamin Lundy were decidedly favourable to the 
 colonization of the free people of colour, provided it could be done with 
 their own consent. To ascertain with clearness how far it would pro- 
 mote the real welfare of those people to emigrate to Hayti, he visited 
 that island twice, and was favourably impressed with the project, and 
 many removed there in consequence of his influence. He also made 
 several journeys into Texas, at that time under the Mexican govern- 
 ment, for the purpose of procuring a tract of land in that country for an 
 extensive settlement of coloured people— but was prevented from 
 realizing any of his well meant and benevolent schemes by the revolt 
 of Texas, which he then foresaw would aim at being annexed to the 
 United States, and laboured, publicly and by his pen, to arouse the 
 people of this country to see the evils which would result from such a 
 measure. 
 
 He died inl839, after 23 years of unparalleled labours for the pro- 
 motion of the abolition of slavery, and for the welfare of the free people 
 of colour, in pursuit of which no difficulties deterred, or dangers dis- 
 mayed him. In his travels, alone, often on foot, he encountered fatigue, 
 hunger and exposure to the frost and snows of winter, the rains and 
 scorching suns of summer, the contagion of pestilence and the mias- 
 matic influence of insalubrious regions — ever pressing onward towards 
 the attainment of the great object to which he had dedicated his 
 existence. 
 
85 
 
 1826. The Society being apprized that a bill had been in- 
 troduced into the Legislature of Pennsylvania, entitled " An 
 Act to give effect to the Constitution of the United States, 
 relative to fugitives from labour, for the protection of free 
 persons of colour, and to prevent kidnapping," under which 
 plausible title some very erroneous provisions were introduced 
 at the instigation of, and for the benefit of the slaveholders of 
 Maryland and other Southern states, a memorial in relation 
 thereto, was prepared, and a committee appointed to go to 
 Harrisburg, to present it to the Legislature, and endeavour to 
 frustrate the enactment of the bill. They subsequently reported 
 that in conjunction with a deputation from the Society of 
 Friends, whom they found at Harrisburg on the same occasion, 
 they had succeeded in procuring the erasure of the most ob- 
 noxious features of the bill. 
 
 At the annual meeting, a communication was received from 
 the President, W. Rawle, on the subject of the domestic slave 
 trade ; also a copy of a bill which had passed the committee 
 of the whole in the House of Representatives of this state, 
 entitled, " A bill relative to the sale of fugitives from labour." 
 A resolution was adopted, embracing the principle that the 
 Society believe it to be competent to the authorities of this 
 state to prohibit the domestic slave trade within its limits. A 
 very interesting memorial was also prepared, and presented to 
 the Legislature, in which it it stated that the feelings of the 
 citizens of the southern and western borders of this Common- 
 wealth, are frequently outraged by the passing through of 
 droves of human beings, of both sexes, and of all ages, mana- 
 cled together. And in many instances, the extremities of 
 suffering, the indecencies and enormities of the African slave 
 trade have been observed. They pray that the Legislature 
 would stigmatize this nefarious traffic with the same epithets 
 on the American, that it bears on the African shores. They 
 also assert as the belief of the Society, that, " the honor and 
 character of the state, can only be sustained by altogether in- 
 terdicting the passage through this commonwealth, of the ob- 
 jects of that cupidity, which equally transports its victims from 
 
86 
 
 the shores of Africa, or the confines of Virginia." The me- 
 morial concludes by soliciting that the bill now before the 
 House, may be so amended as to prevent the transportation of 
 persons intended for sale, through the state. 
 
 It may be proper to mention, although there is no record of 
 the fact on the minutes of the Society, that in the course of this 
 and the following year, a weekly periodical was published in 
 Philadelphia, edited by Enoch Lewis, under the title of " The 
 African Observer," which contained a large amount of useful 
 matter, tending to illustrate the necessity of abolishing slavery, 
 and proving such a measure to be at once consistent with 
 principle and sound policy. 
 
 1827. Twelfth month. — A committee was appointed to 
 consider the propriety of taking a census of the coloured 
 people of the city and county of Philadelphia, and of exa- 
 mining into their condition. That committee subsequently re- 
 ported sundry statements compiled from official documents in 
 the office of the chief marshal for the Eastern District of 
 Pennsylvania for 1820, and from books or other documents in 
 the County Commissioner's office for 1821 and 22, furnishing an 
 interesting account of that class of our population at that time. 
 The statement was probably prepared by the late Joseph 
 M. Paul, whose devotion to the cause of the oppressed, and 
 particularly to everything which had a tendency to the im- 
 provement of the coloured people, was conspicuous during 
 many years. It is only a just tribute to the memory of this 
 worthy man to state, that it was mainly owing to his assidu- 
 ous exertions, in conjunction with Roberts Vaux, while acting 
 as a member of the Board of Directors of Public Schools, 
 that the coloured people were admitted to the rights which 
 they now enjoy under the new school law of this state ; and 
 that the commodious school house, known as the Lombard 
 street school, was built and established for their use and benefit. 
 
 The statement alluded to contains the following : 
 
 Number of coloured males in city and county, 4454 
 
 Females, " " 6132 
 
 Total, 10,586 
 
87 
 
 There were 219 taxable estates reported, the value of which 
 as returned by the assessors, amounted to $114,839 ; and two 
 coloured men were assessed for a personal tax. 
 
 In relation to the means for the education of coloured chil- 
 dren, the committee ascertained that there were at that time in 
 operation, the two Clarkson schools, one for boys, and the 
 other for females, under care of this Society, having 189 
 scholars; three schools under care of the Society of Friends, 
 and known as the Willing's Alley school, one of which was a 
 night school ; in all 164 scholars ; one under care of the 
 Friendly Association, with 31 scholars. There were also two 
 schools with 58 scholars, supported by funds left by Dr. Bray. 
 Besides these, there was ten private schools, kept mostly by 
 coloured teachers, averaging from 6 to 32 scholars. Total num- 
 ber of children enjoying the advantages of school education, 
 352 males, and 272 females. 
 
 The American Convention for Promoting the Abolition of 
 Slavery, having determined to try the experiment of carrying 
 their operations into the slave states, assembled in Baltimore, 
 11th mo. 3d, 1828, and it may not be uninteresting in these 
 reminiscences of the incidents of the Society, to state the rou- 
 tine of business which the convention pursued. At this 
 meeting, there were seven societies represented by delegates. 
 Committees were appointed upon the following subjects : 
 
 1. On the African Slave trade ; 2. On the Internal or Do- 
 mestic Slave trade ; 3. On the State of Slavery in the United 
 States ; 4. On the laws relating to slaves and the free people 
 of colour ; 5. To prepare a memorial to Congress in relation to 
 Slavery in the District of Columbia; 6. To prepare an address 
 to the citizens of the United States, and one to the different 
 Abolition Societies. On these subjects some of the reports pre- 
 sented were highly interesting. 
 
 1829. Eleventh month.— fhe convention met at the city of 
 Washington. In the address of this Society to that body, much 
 satisfaction is expressed at the prospect of their assembling at 
 the seat of the general government, as they say, " There in 
 the face of the National Representatives, frankly and firmly to 
 
88 
 
 exercise the rights of freemen, in discussing, recommending and 
 promoting those pure and holy principles, on which our separate 
 and general associations are founded." The convention was 
 urged by the society, to expose by every means in their 
 power, the atrocious inconsistency of slavery with the in- 
 stitutions of free America, and especially to direct attention to 
 its existence in the District of Columbia ; they also refer to 
 some startling facts stated to the House of Representatives, in 
 January last, by C. Miner, Esq., at that time a member of Con- 
 gress; and to a resolution of the House of Representatives of 
 Pennsylvania, in 1828, on the same subject. 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 1830. A period of half a century, had now elapsed since 
 the Legislature of Pennslyvania, on the 30th of March, 1780, 
 passed the celebrated act for " The gradual abolition of 
 Slavery." By the provisions of that act, all the children born 
 of coloured parents, were declared free, on attaining a cer- 
 tain age. Thus Pennsylvania took her position amongst the 
 free states of the Union. This character, although severely 
 denounced in the slaveholding states, was soon widely 
 known amongst the victims of oppression ; many of whom in 
 their ignorance believed that if they could escape and get into 
 Pennsylvania, they would be secure from the pursuit of their 
 masters. Great numbers accordingly absconded, and being pur- 
 sued under the laws of the United States, were arrested, and 
 often dragged in the most brutal manner before magistrates 
 previously known to be favourable to the slaveholder; thus 
 they were often remanded upon insufficient testimony, and re- 
 turned into hopeless slavery. In this manner many free blacks, 
 were, under colour of law, kidnapped, and consigned to bondage 
 even without the aid of law. 
 
89 
 
 The labours of the acting committee were thus greatly in- 
 creased, Avhile the artifice of secret arrests, and hasty clandestine 
 proceedings before the magistrates, were resorted to by negro 
 catchers, (as the emissaries of the slaveholder were called,) in 
 order to prevent the hated interference of the Abolitionists be- 
 tween them and their unfortunate victims. The Society, and 
 its acting committee, were unremitting in watchful care over 
 the rights of the coloured people, and although they could not 
 prevent the recovery by a southern claimant, of what he alleged 
 to be his property, when ample proof was legally presented, 
 yet numerous cases are on record, where by active and perse- 
 vering exertions many persons were rescued from the ruthless 
 grasp of slaveholding agents, who had long before been manu- 
 mitted, and enjoyed for years the sweets of liberty. 
 
 The increase of labour occasioned by these frequent and 
 vexatious arrests induced the Society to take decided action on 
 the subject. A memorial was prepared and presented to the 
 Legislature, setting forth the grievances to which free peo- 
 ple of colour were exposed, and the difficulties which the 
 Society encountered in defending their right to liberty, as 
 a consequence of these measures. A supplement to the afore- 
 said law, for the suppression of kidnapping, &c, was enacted, 
 by which persons arrested as slaves, were not allowed to 
 be taken before aldermen or magistrates, but before a judge 
 of one of the courts. This served as a considerable check 
 upon the kidnappers, and relieved the acting committee from a 
 great deal of extra service ; for although this branch of duties 
 continues to claim the attention of that committee, and many 
 very interesting cases are annually reported to the Society, it is 
 very evident from inspection of the minutes, that its labours were 
 from that time greatly diminished. 
 
 The evil spirit of slavery seems to have frequently beset the 
 Legislature of Pennsylvania, in order to obtain some modifica- 
 tion of our laws upon this subject, as we again find on the 
 minutes of 1831, notice of a committee having been appointed 
 to confer with the members of the Legislature, in order to pre- 
 vent the passage of any law unfavourable to the coloured people. 
 
90 
 
 A memorial was subsequently prepared upon the subject, and a 
 committee appointed to go to Harrisburg, to attend to its 
 presentation. 
 
 The expediency of having public lectures delivered upon the 
 subject of slavery, appears to have occasionally engaged the 
 attention of the Society ; and in 1832, a committee was 
 appointed to consult with the counsellors of the Society, to 
 endeavour to prevail on some of them to deliver, on the 4th of 
 July, an oration " on the existence of slavery and the domestic- 
 slave-trade in the United States, and its influence on the happi- 
 ness of the community." It does not appear, however, that any- 
 thing was done. But the next year, 1833, a discourse of the 
 kind was delivered on the 4th of July, by Dr. Edwin P. Atlee. 
 
 In the course of this year, the sorrowful tidings was received 
 of the death of the celebrated philanthropist, William Wilber- 
 force, through whose indefatigable labours in the British House 
 of Parliament, the African slave-trade received its final aboli- 
 tion, so far as the British nation was concerned. The Society 
 appointed David P. Brown to deliver an eulogium on the life 
 and character of this excellent man. 
 
 The Society, although still favourable to the gradual abolition 
 of slavery, and having encouraged the formation of most of the 
 Societies which had been instituted for promoting emancipation 
 upon that system, or for protecting the people of colour in the 
 enjoyment of the rights they had acquired, appears to have had 
 no jealousy towards the new Anti-Slavery Societies, which 
 were now beginning to be formed in many places. As a spe- 
 cimen of the manner in which these Societies were viewed by 
 this, the records for this year, 1833, show that a letter had 
 been received from Robert B. Hall, the Secretary of the New 
 Haven Anti-Slavery Society. A committee was appointed to 
 prepare a suitable reply ; in which it is stated " That the So- 
 ciety had received the communication with much satisfaction, 
 and cordially welcome the New Haven Anti-Slavery Society 
 into the ranks of the friends of universal liberty, and among 
 the firm opposers of slavery and the slave-trade, both foreign 
 
91 
 
 and domestic." " In the year 1794, several Societies were 
 organized, and numbered among their members many of the 
 most distinguished philanthropists of our country. Since that 
 time we have seen one after another discontinue its labours, 
 until we were left almost alone. By the unwearied efforts of 
 Benjamin Lundy, and those who supported him, a number of 
 new institutions were formed in the southern portion of the 
 Union. But, unfortunately, they also have shrunk from a con- 
 test, which to them appeared for a time hopeless. And now, 
 even in Maryland, we know of no Association for the Abolition 
 of Slavery." " This state of torpor and insensibility," they 
 ascribe to the operation of self-interest, " the real promoters of 
 slavery being those who are engaged in manufacturing and 
 vending its products." The address concludes : " When we 
 reflect on the apathy which has so generally pervaded the 
 United States on this subject, we cannot but rejoice that New 
 England is again coming forth in her might to our assistance." 
 
 A considerable time elapsed, as appears by the Minutes, 
 without the occurrence of any thing requiring particular notice, 
 except that in 1835, a memorial was prepared to be presented 
 to Congress, praying lor the abolition of slavery in the District 
 of Columbia. In the succeeding year, 1836, the Society suf- 
 fered a loss in the death of the venerable William Rawle, its 
 senior counsellor, and for many years President of the Society. 
 In him the committee always found a prompt and faithful ad- 
 viser, and his memory was duly honoured by the Society, at 
 whose request David Paul Brown delivered a very interesting 
 eulogium, which was published at the expense of the Society. 
 Thomas Shipley was elected President in place of the lamented 
 Rawle. But again affliction awaited the Society, and a second 
 time in the same year, was the office rendered vacant by the 
 death of the incumbent. Thomas Shipley died 17th of the 9th 
 mo. 1836. Possessed of almost every requisite for usefulness, 
 he became decidedly the most efficient friend oi the slave whose 
 name at that time stood upon the rolls of the Society. 
 
 Dr. Edwin P. Atlee was appointed to prepare a suitable 
 
92 
 
 memoir of his life and useful labours in behalf of the slaves. 
 But he also paid the debt of nature, before he could have made 
 any progress in the work "which had been assigned him. His 
 death was much lamented, and the Society, in appointing Dr. 
 Isaac Parrish to fulfil the duty of delivering an appropriate 
 eulogium upon Thomas Shipley, considered Dr. Atlee worthy 
 of a respectful notice in the same discourse. The service was 
 performed to the satisfaction of the Society and of a numerous 
 audience convened on the occasion of its delivery. It was sub- 
 sequently published by order of the Society. Doctor Joseph 
 Parrish was elected President, to fill the vacancy occasioned 
 by the death of the lamented Shipley.* 
 
 * The name of T. Shipley is so sweetly embalmed in the recollec- 
 tion of all the present race of abolitionists, and is so intimately connected 
 in our minds with the interesting scenes wherein lie acted so conspicuous 
 a part, that it is deemed an act of justice to his memory, that some 
 further notice should be taken of his great services, beyond the brief 
 paragraph above quoted, which is all the minutes afford. The follow- 
 ing extracts from the interesting memoir, prepared by Dr. Isaac Parrish, 
 will serve to show the excellence of his character. 
 
 "The part which T. Shipley acted in the trying scenes so often pre- 
 sented in our courts, arising out of our connection with the system of 
 southern slavery, has invested his character with a remarkable degree 
 of interest, and caused his name to be respected by the philanthropic 
 and good throughout a large portion of our country. 7 ' 
 
 u His energy and zeal in the business of the ' Acting Committee/ soon 
 distinguished him as the most efficient member of the Society, in this 
 department of its duties. So intense was his interest in all cases where 
 the liberty of his fellow man was at issue, that, during a period of many 
 years, he was scarcely ever absent from the side of the unhappy victim, 
 as he sat before our judicial tribunals, trembling for his fate. The 
 promptings of interest, the pleasures and allurements of the world, the 
 quiet enjoyment of a peaceful home, were all cheerfully sacrificed, when 
 his services were demanded in these distressing cases. Often has he 
 left the pursuits of business, in which his pecuniary interests were 
 materially involved, to stand by the unhappy fugitive in the hour of his 
 extremity, with an alacrity and a spirit, which could only be displayed 
 by one animated by the loftiest and the purest principles of 
 philanthropy." 
 
93 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 1836. The bold aggressions of the slave power having 
 been manifested in the Congress of the United States, by the 
 passage of a rule of the House, known as the 21st, by which 
 all petitions relating to slavery, were excluded, and John 
 Quincy Adams having signalized himself by extraordinary 
 efforts against the encroachments of slaveholding domination, 
 the Society, by special resolution, passed a vote of thanks to 
 him and several other members of Congress, for their manly 
 exertions on this memorable occasion. 
 
 Many of the victims of oppression in the Southern States, 
 prompted by that natural desire for liberty, which is inherent 
 in mankind, courageously braving the dangers of recapture by 
 their masters, left their chains behind and fled towards the free 
 States. Even there, whether slaves or free, no matter how long 
 
 "The time and labour expended by Thomas Shipley in protecting 
 the interests of the coloured people would be almost incredible to those 
 who were not aware of his extraordinary devotion to this object. 
 Scarcely a day passed in which he was not engaged in some work ol 
 benevolence connected with his philanthropic pursuits." 
 
 :: In a memorandum book it is stated that his advice and assistance 
 was bestowed in twenty-five cases in a little more than a month. In one 
 very remarkable case, which occurred at Mount Holly, New Jersey, he 
 spent eighteen days, being assisted by the Abolition Society's energetic 
 and distinguished counsellor, D. P. Brown."' This was in the 12th 
 month, 1836. In the course of the trial, he performed two long journeys, 
 travelling day and night, although the weather was exceedingly cold 
 and tempestuous, the purpose being to obtain documents of gieat im- 
 portance, and by means of which complete success was the result, and 
 the liberty of a valuable and justly respected coloured fellow citizen was 
 secured." The further benefit which was produced by this trial, was 
 the change it was the means of producing in the public mind in favour 
 of the coloured people — the effect of which resulted in the enactment 
 of a law by the next meeting of the Legislature of New Jersey, granting 
 a trial by jury to all persons claimed as slaves. 
 
 9 
 
94 
 
 they might have spent in the enjoyment of freedom, they were 
 liable at any time suddenly to be arrested under the claim of 
 some person assuming to "be their master. In many such cases, 
 which came under the cognizance of the Acting Committee, 
 the rights of the pretended owner were found to be either ficti- 
 tious or very doubtful. The examinations of slave cases before 
 Judges were often very summary, and the decisions con- 
 sequently liable to error. The Society, taking these circum- 
 stances into consideration, presented a memorial to the Legis- 
 lature, setting forth the dangers to which the liberties of the 
 coloured people were exposed in such cases by the irrevocable 
 decision of a single judge, and praying that in all cases where 
 personal freedom or slavery for life was involved, it should be 
 submitted to a regular jury trial. The following year a simi- 
 lar application was made to the State Convention, for altering 
 the Constitution. 
 
 1837. One of the objects for which the Society was insti- 
 tuted, being to promote the improvement of the coloured peo- 
 ple, a Committee* was this year appointed to visit them, either 
 in their families or public meetings, as should appear most suit- 
 able. They were to extend to them such advice in relation 
 lo their rights and duties as citizens and members of the corc- 
 munity, as would tend to elevate them in the state of social, 
 moral and intellectual beings. They were also to collect as 
 far as practicable, and preserve such statistical and other infor- 
 mation, as will show the condition of the coloured inhabitants 
 of the city and districts, in relation to the following subjects, 
 viz : — Number of persons, value of real and personal pro- 
 perty, education, charitable institutions, amount of taxes paid, 
 places of public worship, &c. The committee were directed 
 to keep regular minutes of their proceedings, and to report to 
 the Society quarterly. 
 
 The committee finding the duties assigned them too exten- 
 sive, were subsequently authorized to employ one or more 
 
 * Isaac Barton, Edward Needles, James Mott, Joseph M. Truman ; 
 W. Harned, D. Neal, Peter Wright, Edward Hopper, Geo. Pennock, L. 
 C. Gunn, Isaac Parrish. 
 
95 
 
 agents to proceed with the investigations directed. They were 
 to issue a circular Address to the coloured people, explanatory 
 of the objects and wishes of the Society, and the intention of 
 the committee in sending those agents amongst them, and into 
 their families. The committee subsequently made three sepa- 
 rate reports, which were directed to be printed for general cir- 
 culation. As the information contained in these documents is 
 not familiar to the public at large, a few brief extracts may 
 prove interesting. 
 
 " The coloured population was found to amount to 18,768. 
 Of whom two hundred and fifty four were ascertained to have 
 paid an average sum of $278, each, for their freedom, making 
 an aggregate of $70,612. And of the number who had come 
 from other States of the Union, 273 individuals brought with 
 them money amounting to $130,626. The real estate held by 
 coloured people was valued at $550,000, and the personal pro- 
 perty, $800,000, making an aggregate of $1,350,000." 
 
 " Some estimate of the value of this class of population to 
 the community was deduced by the reports, from the estab- 
 lished fact, that the support of each pauper in the Philadelphia 
 Alms House, is ascertained to be $58.24 per annum. But con- 
 sidering the comforts and conveniences, known to be enjoyed 
 by a large number of the coloured people, it cannot be pre- 
 sumed that their yearly expenditures is over-rated by an average- 
 value of $65 a year, which would amount to the sum of 
 $1,219,920 per annum. A profit en which sum, to those who 
 enjoy their custom for the necessary articles of food, clothing, 
 and for other comforts, at the supposed moderate rate of 20 per 
 cent, would yield $243,984, which if divided between 1000 
 men of business, would afford them each a clear profit on that 
 portion of their trade with coloured people of near 244 dollars 
 a year." 
 
 " The yearly amount of rent paid by the coloured people is 
 $161,008. The taxes upon the property so rented, is well 
 known to be provided for by the owners, in the rent demanded. 
 The tax which is paid in that way is equivalent to an assess- 
 ment on a capital of $161,008, and is estimated at $17,710. 
 
96 
 
 Add to this $3,252, actual tax paid upon their real estate, 
 makes the sura of $20,962. Besides 454 dollars paid for water 
 rent." 
 
 " There were returns also made to the committee of no less 
 than 80 chartered beneficial Societies, instituted for the pur- 
 pose of affording mutual aid in times of sickness and distress, 
 which are believed to have a powerful influence in preventing 
 pauperism and crime." 
 
 " There are 12 schools of a public character, for the free 
 instruction of coloured children. Besides which, there are 13 
 other schools, three of which are taught by white teachers, and 
 nine by coloured people; the aggregate number of scholars 
 being 1732." 
 
 " The committee were aware of the existence of a number of 
 societies amongst the coloured people formed for the purpose 
 of their mutual improvement, and for exciting in each other a 
 laudable spirit of emulation in respect to literary and intellec- 
 tual pursuits, but the name 'and specified objects of only a few 
 were obtained." 
 
 "There was ascertained to be sixteen houses for public 
 worship, owned by five different religious societies, and com- 
 prising a body of near four thousand communicants. The value 
 of the property so held, together with their burying grounds, 
 was valued by a disinterested land broker at $100,000." 
 
 The third and last printed report of the committee con- 
 tained a register of trades and occupations followed or carried 
 on by coloured people, containing the names of 653 indivi- 
 duals, with their business and places of residence. 
 
 The meetings of the American Convention for Promoting 
 the Abolition of Slavery, &c, having been suspended for 
 several years, a committee was appointed to inquire into the 
 proper course for this Society to pursue in relation to that 
 concern. The committee reported at a subsequent meeting, 
 when it was resolved to propose, in writing, to such Societies 
 as are known to have been represented in the last convention, 
 to hold a special meeting for the purpose of taking such order 
 
97 
 
 in relation to the future assembling of the convention, as 
 should be deemed constitutional and expedient. 
 
 1838. The Abolition Societies of New York and Delaware 
 having united with this Society in the propriety of calling a 
 special meeting of the American Convention, a meeting of 
 delegates from the three Societies was accordingly convened 
 in Philadelphia, at which, " after mature consideration, it 
 was determined that, as the great object for which that body 
 was originally organized did not appear likely to be further 
 promoted by its longer continuance, the Convention had better 
 be then dissolved " — which report was adopted. After making- 
 provision for the publication and preservation of the minutes 
 of their proceedings, and an amicable division of the funds, 
 the American Convention was dissolved, and adjourned sine 
 die, having continued its valuable labours for a period of forty- 
 four years, during most of which time it had exerted a powerful 
 influence on the public mind in relation to slavery. 
 
 A committee* appointed last year to attend to the inte- 
 rests of the coloured people in the convention for amending 
 the Constitution of this State, reported, that an alteration 
 which had been proposed, to prohibit the emigration of 
 coloured people into this State, was passed over, without being 
 acted upon by the convention; but that the introduction of 
 the word " white," before " freemen," so as to limit the right of 
 suffrage to whites only, prevailed by a large majority, notwith- 
 standing the strenuous exertions used to prevent it. In like 
 manner, their endeavours to obtain a constitutional provision 
 for a trial by jury for persons claimed as fugitives from labour, 
 were unavailing — the motion to that effect being lost by an 
 equally large majority. They informed the Society that much 
 powerful argument, and splendid eloquence had been displayed 
 by many of the delegates in behalf of the rights of the coloured 
 people, although entirely lost upon the body to which it was 
 addressed, as there seemed to be in the convention a fixed 
 hostility to that despised people, and a humble subserviency 
 to southern policy was strikingly manifest. 
 
 * Committee: George Griscom, Tsaac Barton, Daniel Neal. John 
 Thoma*on, Tsaac Parrish, Edward Hopper, and James Mott. 
 
 9* 
 
98 
 
 1839. The minutes of the acting committee, which are 
 read before the Society at every quarterly meeting, still con- 
 tinue to exhibit many highly interesting cases, wherein the 
 liberties and just rights of the coloured people were success- 
 fully vindicated, and some remarkable instances of individuals 
 rescued from slavery are upon record within the period men- 
 tioned. No other branch of the concerns of the Society ap- 
 pear to have engaged special attention. 
 
 CHAPT E R X V 1 1 . 
 
 1840. Third month. — The sad intelligence of the death 
 of the late President of the Society, Dr. Joseph Parrish, w^as 
 communicated to the meeting; whereupon the regular business 
 of the Society was suspended. A committee w r as appointed to 
 bring forward to a future meeting suitable resolutions in rela- 
 tion to this afflicting event. The committee subsequently re- 
 ported the following, which were adopted : 
 
 Whereas, we have learned with deep regret the decease of 
 our late President, Joseph Parrish, M. D. : Resolved, that in 
 the death of this distinguished individual, our Society has lost 
 one of its most zealous and valuable members — that in his cha- 
 racter we recognize an unbounded philanthropy, a pure and 
 comprehensive benevolence, embracing as its object every 
 species of human calamity and suffering. 
 
 Resolved, That in his efforts to promote the purposes of this 
 Society, our departed brother w 7 as actuated by a principle of 
 universal justice, which abhorred oppression of every kind, 
 and acknowledged the rights and liberties of every human 
 being, irrespective of clime, colour or condition. 
 
 Resolved, That we deeply lament the departure of one 
 eminent for the purity, fidelity and inflexible, integrity which 
 he exhibited in all the relations of life — for his enlightened 
 and discriminating mind — for his uncompromising devotion to 
 
99 
 
 truth — for the urbane, dignified and modest deportment, which 
 always characterized his intercourse with his fellow men, and 
 which rendered him an ornament and a beautiful example in 
 our community. 
 
 Resolved, That Edward Hopper be requested to prepare a 
 discourse upon the life and character of the deceased, and de- 
 liver the same before a meeting of this Society. 
 
 Resolved, That the officers of the meeting be requested to 
 sign and present to the family of the deceased, a copy of the 
 preceding resolutions, and that they be published in the daily 
 papers of our city. 
 
 From the manuscript copy of the Memoir prepared by 
 Edward Hopper, in accordance with the above resolution of 
 the Society, we have been permitted to make the following 
 extracts : 
 
 " Joseph Parrish was born in the city of Philadelphia, the 
 2nd of 9th month, 1779. His parents, Isaac and Sarah 
 Parrish, were highly respectable members of the Society of 
 Friends." 
 
 (His father was also one of the original and prominent mem- 
 bers of the Pennsylvania Society for promoting the abolition 
 of slavery, and his children, particularly the object of our pre- 
 sent notice, profiting by his example, and careful religious 
 training, early imbibed a remarkable sense of justice and hatred 
 of oppression.) " The evils of slavery and the cruelty and in- 
 justice which consigned so large a portion of his fellow men 
 to oppression and degradation claimed much of his attention. 
 It was impossible, constituted as he was, for it to have been 
 otherwise, as every thing pertaining to the happiness of the 
 human family took a strong hold of his feelings. While yet a 
 boy, he associated himself with others in conducting the first 
 evening school for coloured persons, established in Willing's 
 Alley," (in this city.) 
 
 " Soon after attaining the period of manhood, he became a 
 member of the Society, under whose auspices we are now con- 
 vened, and on the death of our excellent ' Shipley,' he was made 
 our President. He soon became well known to the coloured 
 
100 
 
 community, and embraced many opportunities to promote the 
 welfare of that deeply injured people. He frequently accom- 
 panied his venerable uncle John Parrish," (also one of the old 
 members of the Abolition Society,) " who was concerned many 
 times to visit those in authority, to intercede for his oppressed 
 fellow creatures. His pen, his tongue, and his purse were 
 often employed on their behalf. Several years ago he prepared 
 and published in one of our daily papers a series of essays on 
 the subject of Colonization, which showed successfully that 
 that scheme was calculated in its tendency to rivet more secure- 
 ly the fetters of the slave." 
 
 " When during the session of the late Convention for amend- 
 ing the Constitution of this State, the subject of disfranchising 
 the coloured people was under discussion, he believed it to be 
 his duty to address that body under his own signature. He 
 accordingly published a letter to its honored and distinguished 
 President, giving his views at length upon the subject, and 
 earnestly entreating them not to stain the record of our supreme 
 laws by such an unrighteous distinction." 
 
 " He was ever ready in his own religious Society, to bid 
 God-speed to every movement that was likely to hasten the 
 day of emancipation, and he loved to recur to the labours of 
 Woolman and Benezet, and others, who with his own revered 
 ancestors had been active in their efforts to break the chain of 
 oppression. And however slowly the work seemed to progress, 
 he was anxious to persevere, and to embrace every right open- 
 ing to advance the righteous testimony. He had not forgotten 
 the labours of Dillwyn, Harrison, Hoare, Knowles, Lloyd 
 and Woods, members of his own religious Society, who met 
 in London, in 1783, to consider what steps they should take 
 for the relief and liberation of the negro slaves in the West 
 Indies, and for the discouragement of the slave-trade on the 
 Coast of Africa. He knew the difficulties with which they 
 were surrounded, but he also knew that the God of the op- 
 pressed had caused their work to triumph." 
 
 Dr. George B. Wood, in his memoir of the life and character 
 of Dr. Joseph Parrish, delivered before the Medical Society of 
 
101 
 
 Philadelphia, says: " A strenuous advocate on all occasions for 
 the rights of his fellow men, he suffered no motives of present 
 convenience to prevent him from interfering by word and deed, 
 whenever he believed these rights to be invaded. The wrongs 
 of the poor Indian were not unfrequently the subject of his pen, 
 and his sympathy for the degraded negro was ever active, 
 though preserved by his sound judgment within the bounds of 
 propriety". Like all the members of his sect, an uncompromis- 
 ing opponent of slavery, he never hesitated to express his sen- 
 timents upon the subject, nor to yield his aid and counsel in 
 individual cases. He was long a member and ultimately Pre- 
 sident of the old Pennsylvania Abolition Society, in which 
 office he had been preceded by Drs. Wistar, Rush, and Frank- 
 lin." " He was selected by the eccentric John Randolph, when 
 on his death bed in Philadelphia, to be a witness of his last 
 wishes in relation to his slaves; and as a necessary consequence 
 to be the organ of those wishes before the Courts of Virginia. 
 For the due performance of that office, he was peculiarly qua- 
 lified ; as with the firmness which enabled him to adhere 
 unswervingly to what he believed to be truth and justice, he 
 combined a suavity of manner, a benevolence of feeling, an 
 openness of character, and an obvious singleness of purpose, 
 which disarmed hostility, and disposed even those who were 
 most averse to his views, to admire and love him as a man." 
 
 At an adjournment of the stated meeting for the 6th month, 
 Edward Needles was elected President, and at a subsequent 
 meeting of the Society, part of a memorial of General Gaines 
 to Congress was read. Whereupon the following preamble 
 and resolution was adopted : 
 
 Whereas, Edmund Pendleton Gaines, a Major General in the 
 United States army, in his memorial to Congress, dated Nash- 
 ville, Tennessee, December 31, 1839, charges " the advocates 
 of human freedom, more familiarly called abolitionists," with 
 being organized bands of British spies, and pioneers secretly 
 employed in preparing and hastening a tragedy of blood and 
 desolation. And whereas, this charge is not true — and is a 
 
102 
 
 direct impeachment of the character and patriotism of a large 
 and reputable class of American citizens. Therefore 
 
 Resolved, That this Society feels called upon by a sense of 
 duty to itself, and to the cause of humanity in which it is en- 
 gaged, respectfully to request General Gaines to produce the 
 evidence upon which he has founded this charge of treason on 
 our part against the best interests of our common country." 
 
 A committee was appointed to present him with a copy of 
 this resolution. He soon after left here for New Orleans, 
 having paid no attention to the subject. 
 
 1841. The managers of the House of P«.efuge for juvenile 
 offenders, having constantly refused to admit coloured children 
 to the benefits of that institution, the subject engaged the at- 
 tention of the Society for a considerable length of time. Me- 
 morials and remonstrances were addressed to the managers, and 
 subsequently a committee was appointed to confer with them 
 upon the subject. They reported that the board had adopted 
 sundry resolutions favourable to the erection of additional build- 
 ings for the accommodation of coloured children who may re- 
 quire to be sent into such an institution, provided the funds ne- 
 cessary for the erection of such buildings, were procured through 
 the instrumentality of this Society, or the friends of the coloured 
 people at large. It being a time of great difficulty in monied 
 concerns, it was deemed to be a peculiarly inauspicious season 
 to attempt the collection of funds ; further proceedings thereon 
 were suspended for the present. 
 
 1842. First month. — The annexation of Texas to the United 
 States being much talked of, the Society became interested in the 
 measure contemplated, which being strongly advocated by the 
 politicians of the Southern states, was considered by many to 
 be eminently calculated to extend the area of slavery, and 
 strengthen the bands of oppression. The Society deemed it 
 worthy of enquiry ; and a committee was appointed to prepare 
 a memorial to Congress upon the subject, which was subse- 
 quenty adopted, and directed to be forwarded to our representa- 
 tives in that body. 
 
103 
 
 The Society having become considerably reduced in the num- 
 ber of members, and the interest Jn its concerns seeming to de- 
 crease, and the burden of the cause pressing heavily upon a 
 few individuals, the subject was taken up for serious considera- 
 tion. A committee was appointed to inquire what measures, 
 if any, could be adopted for its resuscitation, and to extend 
 the sphere of its usefulness. In their report, the committee 
 attribute the low state of the Society, in great measure, to 
 a diminution of the value of its active capital, the yearly 
 income from which is so far reduced as to be inadequate to 
 sustain ^the heavy expenses incurred by the acting committee. 
 Some account of the extraordinary services in which the said 
 committee had been engaged, are detailed, the expenses of 
 which for the year, amounts to $368 ; in attending to more 
 than forty cases wherein their services had been required, and 
 which gave occasion to write and receive seventy-five letters. 
 They had also prepared and sent out twelve sets of freedom 
 papers, and documentary testimony on behalf of free people of 
 colour, kidnapped or taken up at the South, and rendered liable 
 to be sold as slaves. Most of these cases occurred in New Or- 
 leans, and some in Florida. In consequence of the vindictive 
 and cruel laws of the slave states, these demands upon the 
 acting committee are constantly increasing ; and were the funds 
 at their disposal adequate, their services could be extended with 
 far more advantage than has ever yet been done. It was 
 further proposed that these subjects, together with such infor- 
 mation of a like character as may be deemed expedient to 
 circulate amongst the community, be laid before a public meet- 
 ing to be convened for the purpose, by circular notices written 
 for the occasion. The report of the committee was adopted, and 
 a special meeting of the Society was accordingly held in public. 
 Several addresses were delivered on the occasion, and con- 
 siderable interest was manifested ; the result of which was the 
 offer of a number of names of individuals as candidates for 
 membership. 
 
104 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 1843. First month. A committee, appointed at a previous 
 t meeting, to propose such measures as would promote the gene- 
 ral purposes for which the Society was formed, reported," that 
 they believe it would be proper to send a memorial to Congress, 
 asking them to amend the Constitution of the United States, 
 so as to exonerate the citizens of this Commonwealth from all 
 participation in slavery. That a similar memorial be sent to the 
 Legislature at Harrisburg, asking them to repeal all laws of 
 this State that in any wise uphold slavery." The Committee 
 also reported a series of resolutions, as follows : 
 
 1. " Resolved, That while as citizens of Pennsylvania, we 
 claim no right directly to interfere with slavery within the 
 limits of the slaveholding States, we do assert that our own 
 soil ought to be really free to all that tread upon it." 
 
 2. "Resolved, That as Pennsylvania, by her laws, institu- 
 tions, public offices or property, cannot directly interfere to put 
 an end to slavery within the limits of other States, so she 
 ought not by these or any other means to lend her aid to 
 uphold or perpetuate slavery in any part of the earth." 
 
 These resolutions were adopted, and directed to be publish- 
 ed in the daily papers, and memorials were prepared in ac- 
 cordance with the suggestions of the Committee. 
 
 The provisions of the law for the education of all the chil- 
 dren of this Commonwealth having been for some time past 
 extended to the coloured people, the schools "which this Society 
 had supported for their benefit for a series of years past, had 
 become less necessary. Some attempts were made by the So- 
 ciety to establish a school wherein the higher branches of edu- 
 cation should be provided for coloured children, but the ex- 
 penses incurred exceeding the funds properly belonging to 
 education purposes, the experiment was abandoned. The 
 schools under care of the Society were suspended for several 
 years, but the funds of the Board were now (6th mo. 1843) so 
 
105 
 
 far recovered as to justify further attention to the subject of 
 education. A committee was appointed to inquire into the 
 state of the funds, and into the expediency of again organizing 
 a school for coloured children. That committee reported that 
 much inconvenience was found to exist amongst poor coloured 
 women, who were under the necessity of leaving their little 
 children at home, without proper care takers, while they were 
 necessarily absent, in pursuit of their lawful engagements. 
 The committee therefore recommended the establishment of an 
 infant school, under the care of the Society. The Board of 
 Ecucation whose duties had been suspended, was re-organized, 
 and the school put into successful operation. The report of 
 the Board to the annual meeting, states the number of children 
 on the roll to average 78, and with 58 in regular attendance. 
 The establishment of this school has given much satisfaction 
 to the coloured people, and has afforded the children the 
 benefit of a much needed preparation for admission into the 
 public primary schools, through which they must pass previous 
 to entering into the grammar schools. 
 
 1844. The following preamble and resolution was produced 
 to the Society, by a committee previously appointed for the 
 purpose, and adopted : 
 
 " Whereas, we have been informed of the death of our 
 venerable and distinguished townsman, Peter S. Duponceau, 
 who for a period of nearly half a century was connected with 
 this Society, and who maintained through life, a lively intei- 
 est in the promotion of universal liberty ; therefore, Resolved, 
 That in the death of this venerable man, the cause of human 
 rights has lost one of its earliest and most ardent advocates ; 
 a man whose heart warmed towards his fellow man of every 
 clime and colour, and who looked with abhorrence upon that 
 system of oppression which makes property of human beings." 
 
 " Resolved, That a copy of the foregoing preamble and re- 
 solution, be published in the daily papers, attested by the offi- 
 cers of the Society." 
 
 At the same meeting, a memorial to Congress was adopted, 
 again remonstrating against the admission of Texas into the 
 
 10 
 
106 
 
 Union. It was directed to be forwarded to one of our Senators 
 at Washington, and published in some of the daily papers. 
 
 1845. The Society again addressed the Managers of the House 
 of Refuge, upon their continued refusal to admit coloured children 
 into that institution. The subject was taken up by the committee 
 specially appointed " for the improvement of the coloured peo- 
 ple," who visited all their places of public worship, where, after 
 the religious exercises were over, the members of the committee 
 addressed the congregation upon several subjects pertaining to 
 their moral and religious welfare, and urged upon them the 
 necessity of taking measures to induce the managers of the 
 House of Refuge to admit such coloured children as un- 
 fortunately require the beneficial restraints of such an institu- 
 tion. Petitions to the managers for that object were presented 
 for their signatures, and about eight hundred names were sub- 
 scribed. A similar petition was circulated by the committee, 
 which was signed by a considerable number of our most respecta- 
 ble white citizens, and presented to the managers. These 
 measures are believed to have had the effect of rousing the 
 board to action upon this question. They were followed by a 
 public meeting of citizens, at which a large and energetic 
 committee was appointed for the purpose of raising money to 
 enable the managers to purchase a lot of ground, and to erect a 
 suitable building for the reception of coloured juvenile of- 
 fenders. But as the intention of the managers, and of the 
 committee, as set forth in their appeal to the public for funds, 
 was to institute a total separation between the white and 
 coloured children, the Society considered it inexpedient to par- 
 ticipate in the movement, under the impression that the intro- 
 dudtion of such a principle into our penal institutions, would 
 be a departure from the settled policy of our state, and calculated 
 still further to rivet the prejudice against our coloured 
 population. 
 
 1846. At an adjourned meeting held First month, of this 
 year, a memorial to the Legislature of the state was adopted, 
 requesting the repeal of all laws that are now in existence, 
 which tend to the support or sanction of slavery in any manner 
 
107 
 
 whatever ; also, one of a like tenor and for the same objects, 
 for general circulation. A great number of signatures were ob- 
 tained to these petitions, which were entrusted to a committee 
 appointed to attend to their presentation, with authority to send 
 a special delegation to Harrisburgh for the purpose of pro- 
 moting the objects of the petitioners. Strong hopes were enter- 
 tained that the great exertions of the Society would have been 
 successful, but the session passed over without anything being 
 done. At the next meeting of the Legislature, the Society 
 again presented a memorial upon this important subject, 
 strongly remonstrating against magistrates, judges, sheriffs, or 
 any other officers of the state, being allowed to act in any case 
 of persons claimed as slaves ; and that our public prisons should 
 not be used as receptables for the confinement of such ; and 
 that no citizen of any other state shall be permitted to hold a 
 slave within the limits of this commonwealth for the term of 
 six months, as heretofore allowed; and asking that our 
 coloured population may be shielded as far as the strong arm 
 of law can protect them, from the danger to which they are 
 now exposed of being arrested as slaves, upon fraudulent pre- 
 texts. The memorials were, as heretofore, presented to both 
 houses of the Legislature. On this occasion they were respectfully 
 received and referred to special committees, who reported a 
 bill, which was subsequently passed unanimously, providing in 
 almost every respect for what the Society had asked for. Thus 
 were their long and arduous exertions for the relief of this 
 much injured people crowned with success. It is but an act 
 of justice, however, to acknowledge, that this much desired law 
 was obtained by the assistance and zealous co-operation of the 
 Society of Friends. 
 
108 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 The rise and progress of this Society has how been detailed 
 through a period of seventy-two years. It commenced as an 
 association of a few benevolent individuals of the Society 
 of Friends, formed for the purpose of protecting the liberated 
 slave from being kidnapped, and to act as their advisers. 
 But in the gradual development of light, the great doctrine of 
 the equality of the human family, which formed the basis of the 
 testimony of the religious Society of Friends against slavery, 
 through the operation of which they had rid themselves of this 
 sin, began to be infused into the public mind. 
 
 From them as from a bright focus, emanted those rays of 
 light and truth, which illuminated the minds of some of the 
 leading men of that age, and fired them with enthusiasm 
 in favour of the rights of man. Prompted by the sentiments of 
 patrotism, benevolence and philanthropy, they saw the little 
 band of Friends, who formed the first association for the relief 
 and protection of the oppressed descendants of Africa, and 
 comprehending at once the extent and importance of the prin- 
 ciples involved, and the beneficial results they were capable of 
 producing, in favour of that unfortunate and degraded class of 
 the human family, joined themselves to the Society, and by 
 their united influence infused fresh vigor into its councils. In 
 view of the more enlarged sentiments entertained by the mass 
 of the people, in relation to the principles of civil liberty, and 
 which were acknowledged to pertain with equal force to all 
 classes, without respect to colour, the constitution was altered, 
 and the present title of the Society adopted. 
 
 In process of time, they became a numerous and influential 
 body, in the full career of dignified usefulness ; with boldness 
 and the stern independence of freemen, conscious of their own 
 rights, but liberal towards others, addressing the august tribu- 
 nals and legislatures of States and of the nation, in behalf of 
 
109 
 
 the victims of oppression, in terms of respectful but urgent 
 entreaty for their relief, so far as the utmost stretch of the 
 constitution would permit. We see them withstanding to the 
 face the angry slaveholder, maddened almost to fury at having 
 his right to the trembling object of his pursuit not only 
 doubted, but resisted, and he compelled to prove his claim by the 
 strictest rules of law. Hundreds of cases are on record where 
 such resistance has resulted in successfully vindicating the just 
 rights of the coloured man, against the atrocious attempt of 
 some unprincipled agent to establish a claim of ownership, which 
 had no foundation either in law or equity. 
 
 As the physical powers of man are incapable of sustaining 
 long and unremitting toil, but will inevitably fail under its 
 incessant continuance, so it would seem to have been with the 
 abolitionists of the last century. Their labours were of 
 a character eminently calculated to exhaust the energies of men 
 actively engaged in carrying on the great work of " promoting 
 the abolition of slavery, the relief of free negroes unlawfully 
 held in bondage, and for improving the condition of the African 
 race." They came into immediate conflict with slavery, as 
 practically carried out, and laboured actively to convince the 
 judgments of their opponents of the sinfulness of holding their 
 fellow creatures in bondage ; in addition to this, they were 
 in almost daily attendance before magistrates, Courts, and 
 judges, in defence of the rights of the poor trembling fugitives 
 from oppression. Such is a mere shadow of their labours ; 
 indeed, time would fail us, to enumerate the trials and diffi- 
 culties they -had to sustain. Is it any wonder, then, that men 
 who had seen such service should break down, and as they 
 advanced in years, feel the necessity of rest, and gradually re- 
 tire from the conflicts in which they had so long been engaged. 
 Thus by unavoidable desertion, by death, and various other 
 causes, the numbers of the Society were greatly diminished. 
 
 Fortunately, however, those cases of judicial controversy with 
 the slaveholders, which formerly occupied so much of the time 
 and attention of the acting committee, and consumed so much 
 of the funds of the Society, have for several years been 
 
 10* 
 
110 
 
 less frequency, and at the present time are comparatively 
 of rare occurrence ; so that the energy which formerly charac- 
 terized the Society, and which put to the test the courage of 
 its members, is seldom in these times brought into action. 
 Hence the apparent decline of the Society, which for want 
 of the powerful stimulus of direct conflict with slavery, is not 
 so actively engaged,, and has passed into a state of comparative 
 ease and tranquillity. 
 
 But it does not follow that the standard of its principles has 
 been lowered, or that its usefulness has ceased. Its acting com- 
 mittee is still busily employed in defending the rights of per- 
 sons seized as slaves, and it is still alive to the progress oi 
 events upon the momentous question of slavery in the United 
 States. 
 
 The condition of the coloured population of the city and 
 adjoining districts, although far in advance of what it was at 
 the organization of this Society, is also a subject^ which still 
 occupies its close attention. The schools already instituted 
 for the education of coloured children, have largely contributed 
 to benefit the people as a class, and will demand the vigilant 
 attention of the Society, under whose fostering care it is hoped 
 much may yet be effected towards the elevation of the coloured 
 vouth of our city. It would not be difficult to point to many 
 families amongst them, whose intelligence and moral standing 
 in the community, is justly referable to the early training they 
 received in these schools, and it has afforded encouragement to 
 many members of this Society, to hear the acknowledgment 
 of numbers of respectable individuals, that to these schools, 
 they were, under the divine blessing, mainly indebted for their 
 success in life. Hence has also arisen that thirst for knowledge 
 amongst the coloured population, which has lead to the forma- 
 tion of societies for promoting the exercise of their intellectual 
 faculties, and for the pursuit of literary and scientific objects. 
 
 The importance of sustaining a Society on which devolves 
 the performance of such services, must be apparent to every 
 reflecting mind, and we cannot but solicit renewed interest in 
 its concerns from all those who desire to witness the progress 
 
Ill 
 
 of those principles, which it was instituted to promote. It is a 
 link in the chain of operations, which cannot be dispensed 
 with, seeing that it performs a part of the great work which 
 can be done by no other Association. Those who really love 
 the cause of the slave, should cherish this Society, give it their 
 patronage, their devoted, active and cordial support. 
 
 Let it be remembered that it was one of the earliest instru- 
 mentalities through which the great principles of universal 
 emancipation were promulgated in America, and that by its 
 steady adherence to these principles during a long course of 
 years, its movements have become closely interwoven with 
 the yet unwritten history of the Abolition of Slavery, so 
 so far as it has yet progressed. That it may continue its 
 labors, until that great work is completed, must be the ardent 
 desire of its friends and supporters. 
 
While this memoir was passing through the press, it was sug- 
 gested to the Committee of Publication, that the Constitution of 
 the Society, as it existed at the time of the Act of Incorporation, 
 would be useful to the members, and particularly interesting to 
 the descendants of the original Corporators into whose hands this 
 publication ma)' chance to come; it was therefore concluded to 
 print the Constitution as adopted in 1787 ; and to insert such al- 
 terations and amendments as have subsequently been made. 
 
 CONSTITUTION 
 
 PENNSYLVANIA SOCIETY 
 
 FOR 
 
 PROMOTING THE ABOLITION OF SLAVERY, &c. 
 
 It having pleased the Creator of the world, to make of one 
 flesh all the children of men — it becomes them to consult and 
 promote each other's happiness, as members of the same family, 
 however diversified they may be, by colour, situation, religion or 
 different states of society. It is more especially the duty of those 
 persons, who profess to maintain for themselves the rights of 
 human nature, and who acknowledge the obligations of Chris- 
 tianity, to use such means as are in their power, to extend the 
 blessings of freedom to every part of the human race ; and in a 
 more particular manner, to such of their fellow creatures, as are 
 entitled 10 freedom by the laws and constitutions of any of the 
 United States, and who, notwithstanding, are detained in bondage, 
 by fraud or violence. From a full conviction of the truth and ob- 
 ligation of these principles — from a desire to diffuse them, where- 
 ever the miseries and vices of slavery exist, and in humble confi- 
 dence of the favour and support of the Father of Mankind, the 
 subscribers have associated themselves, under the title of the 
 " Pennsylvania Society for promoting the Abolition of Slavery, 
 and the Relief of free Negroes unlawfully held in Bondage." 
 
 For effecting these purposes, they have adopted the following 
 constitution : 
 
 I. The officers of the society shall consist of a president, two 
 vice-presidents, two secretaries, a treasurer, twelve counsellors, 
 (viz : six from the city and county of Philadelphia, and one from 
 
1 14 CONSTITUTION. 
 
 each of the following counties, viz : Bucks, Montgomery, Lan- 
 caster, York, Northampton and Delaware) an electing commit- 
 tee* of twelve, and a board of education of thirteen, and an acting 
 committee of sixt members ; all of whom, except the last named 
 committee, shall be chosen annually by ballot, on the last Fifth- 
 day called Thursday, in the month called December. 
 
 II. The president, and in his absence one of the vice-presi- 
 dents, shall preside in all the meetings, and subscribe all the 
 public acts of the society. The president, or in his absence, 
 either of the vice-presidents, shall moreover have the power of 
 calling a special meeting of the society whenever he shall judge 
 proper. A special meeting shall likewise be called at any time, 
 when six members of the society shall concur in requesting it. 
 
 III. The secretaries shall keep fair records of the proceedings 
 of the society, and shall correspond with such persons, and socie- 
 ties, as may be judged necessary to promote the views and objects 
 of the institution. ' 
 
 IV. The treasurer shall keep all the monies and securities be- 
 longing to the society, and shall pay all orders signed by the 
 president or one of the vice-presidents — which orders shall be his 
 vouchers for his expenditures. He shall, before he enters upon 
 his office, give a bond of not less than two hundred pounds, for 
 the faithful discharge of the duties of it. 
 
 V. The business of the counsellors shall be to explain the laws 
 and constitutions of the states, which relate to the emancipation 
 of slaves, and to urge their claims to freedom, when legal, before 
 such persons or courts as are authorised to decide upon them. 
 
 VI. The electing committee shall have the sole power of admit- 
 ting new members. Two-thirds of them shall be a quorum for 
 this purpose — and the concurrence of a majority of them by bal- 
 lot, when met, shall be necessary for the admission of a member. 
 No member shall be admitted, who has not been proposed at a 
 general meeting of the society, nor shall an election for a mem- 
 ber take place in less than one month after the time of his being 
 proposed. Foreigners or persons who do not reside in this state, 
 may be elected corresponding members of the society, without 
 being subject to an annual payment, and shall be admitted to the 
 meetings of the society during their residence in the state.i 
 
 * The Electing Committee subsequently was annulled. 
 
 t In 1847 the Acting Committee was made to consist of seven members, and 
 the words " except the last named committee" was to be stricken out. 
 
 # In 1830 this article was repealed and the following substitute adopted, to 
 wit : " No person shall be admitted to membership who has not been proposed 
 at a previous meeting of the society, nor shall an election take place in less 
 than one month after the time of his being proposed. The concurrence by 
 ballot of two-thirds of the members present at a stated meeting shall be neces- 
 sary for the admission of a member." 
 
 " F oreigners or persons who do not reside in this state may be elected corres- 
 
CONSTITUTION. 115 
 
 VII. The board of education shall superintend the schools 
 established by the society, and manage the funds appropriated to 
 their support. Seven* members shall constitute a quorum to 
 transact the general concerns of the board. All orders, drawn 
 by their chairman, and attested by their secretary, shall be paid 
 by the treasurer of the society. They shall keep regular minutes 
 of their proceedings, and produce them at every stated meeting 
 of the society. 
 
 VIII. The acting committee shall transact such business as 
 shall occur in the recess of the society, and report the same at 
 each quarterly meeting They shall have a right, with the con- 
 currence of the president or one of the vice-presidents, to draw 
 upon the treasurer for such sums of money as shall be necessary 
 to carry on the business of their appointment; and be authorised 
 to employ a clerk to transcribe their minutes into a book provided 
 for the purpose. Four of them shall be a quorum. [After the 
 first election, two of their number shall be relieved from duty at 
 each quarterly meeting, and two members shall be appointed to 
 succeed them.t] 
 
 IX. Every member upon his admission, shall subscribe the 
 constitution of the society, and contribute two dollars annually, 
 towards defraying its contingent expences : (Provided, that any 
 member paying at one time the sum of thirty dollars or upwards, 
 shall be exempt from all future annual contributions.) If he neg 
 lects to pay the same for more than two years, he shall, upon due 
 notice being given him of his delinquency, cease to be a member. 
 
 X. The society shall meet on the last Fifth-day called Thurs- 
 day in the months called xWarch, June, September and December, 
 at such place as shall be agreed to by a majority of the society. 
 
 XI. No person holding a slave shall be admitted a member of 
 this Society. 
 
 XII. No law or regulation shall contradict any part of the 
 ■ constitution of the Society, nor shall any law or alteration in the 
 
 constitution be made, without being proposed at a previous meet- 
 ing. All questions shall be decided, where there is a division, by 
 a majority of votes. In those cases where the Society is equally 
 divided, the presiding officer shall have a casting vote. 
 
 ponding members of the society without being subject to an annual payment, 
 ;ind shall be admitted to the meetings of the society during their residence in 
 ihe state." 
 
 * In 1847 altered to "Five." 
 
 f This was stricken out in 1847 and the Committee made to be elected 
 annually. 
 
1 16 CONSTITUTION. 
 
 RESOLUTION, ADOPTED JULY 5th, 1790. 
 
 Resolved, That in case of the death of the president, either of 
 the vice-presidents, or of the treasurer, or that either of them 
 should refuse or decline to act in their stations respectively, or be 
 removed for misconduct, notice shall be given thereof to a general 
 meeting of the Society, to be convened for that purpose, within 
 thirty days after sucb vacancy shall happen ; at which meeting 
 the Society shall proceed to elect by ballot (in the same manner 
 as at the annual election) some other suitable member or mem- 
 bers of this corporation to succeed in the place and stead of such 
 officer so removed by death or otherwise ; and for the purpose of 
 such election, the secretaries or either of them, are hereby au- 
 thorized and directed to call such general meeting, by advertising 
 the time and place thereof, at least three days before the day ap- 
 pointed for the same, in two or more of the public newspapers of 
 this city ; find in case the secretaries shall neglect or refuse to 
 perform this service, the committee of correspondence, and on 
 their neglect, the acting committee shall have the power and au- 
 thority, and are hereby directed to call such general meeting in 
 the manner and for the purposes aforesaid. 
 
 Resolved, That in case of the absence of the president and 
 vice-presidents from any meeting of the Society, the members 
 present are empowered and authorized to appoint some other 
 member to act in the station at that time. 
 
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