^ .0^ ..•-•.. ^-^ ""■ v^^ %^^^ :^^^'^ ^^^^ -<^^^^ y^^^' ^t.. .&^ . ^-^9^" .^^-V ^^'. ^.>. .^^ -^^0^ '*o^ \i,oi\ "^^_,^'^ * 'oK .0 V '^0^ 4 O NEGRO-SLAVERY, NO EVIL; THE NORTH AND THE SOUTH. THE EFFECTS OF NEGRO-SLAVERY, AS EXHIBITED IN THE CENSUS, BY A COMPARISON OF THE CONDITION OF THE SLAVEHOLDING AND NON- SLAVEHOLDING STATES. Considered in A REPORT MADE TO THE PLATTE COUNTY SELF-DEFENSIVE ASSOCIATION, •I BY A COMMITTEE, THROUGH '' "• / B. F. STRINGFELLOW, Chairman. PUBLISHED BY ORDER OF THE ASSOCIATION. ST. LOUIS, Printed by M. Niedner & Co., Corner of Third and Pine Streets. 1854. Is obedience to a resolution adopted by the Platte County Self- Defensive Association, we proceed to lay before the public the im- mediate causes which led to the formation of the Association ; to ex- plain its purposes, and to suggest the means, which seem to us proper to be adopted by the citizens of the slaveholdiug Slates, to dofrat the designs of the abolitionists. In adopting this resolution, the Association was not influenced by any desire to defend itself at home, against Ihe absurd and false re- ports of its action and purposes, which have been so widely circulated by abolitionists and freesoilers ; for at home no defence is necessary , the members of the Association are too well known, to need defence against any charges which abolitionists might bring against them. We do but justice to the Association, when we say, that it is composed of men, who for integrity, moral worth, orderly conduct, intelligence and patriotism will favourably compare with the members of ary associa- tion, of any kind, in any country. Of those who originally composed the Association, there were a few unworthy exceptions. Such must be the case of all associations ; the more is it inevitable, where, as in ours. ;ill were invited to join. Tlie wonder is, there were so few, as in tliis instance, the hope, thus to ward ofl" susjjicion, was to the unworthy the strongest inducement to join. The purpose of the Association in adopting this resolution, was to expose I'uUy the dangers to which slave-propertj'- in Missouri, and especially on the borders of Kansas, is subjected; to arouse the atten- tion of all good citizens, not of slaveholding States alone, but of the whole Union, to the results which must follow, if the abolitionists succeed in their purposes; and, if possible, to suggest means by which those results may be prevented. It is knovv'n, that on the passage of the bills for the organization of Kansas and Nebraska, the leading abolitionisis of the Eastern cilioMers therefrom; thnt they are urt freemen, but paupers, who have sold themselves to Ely Thayer &, Co., to do their masters' bidding; who hesitate not to proclaim that they are expert in stealing slaves ; that they intend to follow their calling, self-defence n requires that means equally active, Cijually efficient, should be adopted by those who are threatened. Situated on the border of Kansas, we were the first to receive the attack. Those among us, who had hitherto been restrained by fear, emboldened by the prospect of such efficient aid, begun openly to avow their senthnents ; the timid, became freesoilers; tlie bold, aboli- tionists. The emissaries of the "Emigration Aid Societies" were ar- riving; they were boasting that "they would shortly be the strongest; and then they would drive slavehokters from Kansas !" They declared that '■'■ihcy had run off slaves, xcoxdd run ojj' 7nore, and would, finally, drive slaveholders from Missouri /" In our streets, one of the least prudent proclaimed, that lie would ^'■willinghj help to burn ihe d — d slaveholding town.'^ It seemed as if Weston were about to become the head-quarters of their operations. It w;is feared, and subsequent events have vindi- cated, that our fear was not without foundation^ that among our traders and merchants there where those who at heart were aguinst us; others who loved money so much more than their country, they would, for the gain from the abolition trade, encourage them to come among us. There were among us, too, a large number of free negroes, most of them, as usual, of bad character ; their houses, the nat»iral places of resort for abolitionists, at which to meet, and tamper with slaves, cor- rupt them, entice them to run away, and furnish them facilities for escape. About this time, a large number of slaves made their escape: three, from the neighborhood of Weston, were taken in Iowa, and free pa- pers, with l"ull instructions as to their route, were found upon them. Abolitionists were not content to confine their efforts to the expul- sion of slaveholders from Kansas, but were evidently already at work in "abolishing slavery" in Missouri. The law, seldom sufficient to punish, was wholly inefficient to prevent their crimes. It was evi- dent, that the active, individual efforts of all good citizens would be needed to aid the law in the protection of our rights, in the p eserva- tion of our property. The security ol" our skive-properly was not alone involved; our very lives were endangered. The negro-thief, the abolitionists, who induces a slave to run away, is a criminal of a far more dnngerous character than the liouse-breaker, or the highway robber, — his crime cf a far higher grade than that of the incendiary — it ranks, at least, with that of the midnight assassin. To induce a slave to escape, involves not merely to the master the loss of that slave, of that amount of property; but it brinfjs in its train far more serious consequences. Ofher sWcs are lliereby induced to make like attempts ; a hatred for their masters, vvhom they begin to regard as their oppressors, is thus be- gotten; and this, too, often is followed by arson and murder. To guard as far as possible against such fearful evils, was the im- mediate cause of our organization. Not only was the immediate pressing necessity such as to compel our organization, but the future consequences which must follow the success of the schemes of the abolitionists, are such as to awaken the fears, and to call for the ac'.ive and continued efforts of all good citizens. Even in the future, we are more immediately interested tlian those who are more removed from the field of their operations. Already the efiect of the coming of such a band of abolitionists to our border, has been not only to reduce the value of our slaves, but of our land. Slaveliolders fear to come among us ; good men who are opposed to slavery, will not come; and should Kansas be made a harbour I'cr ne- gro-thieves, ours, now the most prosperous portion of our Slate, will in a short time become a desert waste. We must at once sell our slaves, abandon the culture of hemp, our gieat staple; sufter our fields to lie idle, until slaveholders driven from our State, Missouri shall fall into the hands of freesoilers, and a new people be brought to take our places. Not less is the interest which other slaveholding States have in the end, though seemingly it be less in the beginning of this struggle. Tiie abolitionists are fully awake to the true nature, the future consequenc- es of this struggle. They proclaim the purpose of their efforts to be, to surround Missouri with non-slaveholding States; force lier to abol- ish slavery; then wheel her into their ranks for an attack upon the States south of her. Missouri vanquished, Arkansas and Texas are looked upon as easy victims. Slavery then restricted to a small space, they rejoice in the contemplation of an early exhibition of another Haytian liberation. Let not our friends in the other slaveholding States fold their arms, and by their supineness suffer us to fall victims to abolition energy. If G they do, the day will come, and that not far dislant, when they, too, will have a battle to figiit at home, at their very doors. The plan of our Association is not aggressive, but as our name im- parts, truly self-del'eiisivc. We are pledged diligently to invesligale and promptly bring to punishment every viohilion of the laws which have been enacted for the protection of our slave-properly. We iiave determined to adopt all proper means to rid ourselves of the free negroes, who are unfit and have no right by law to remain among us : and to prevent all sucli as are not members of some whiic family, and subject to their control, from residing in our county. We have also pledged ourselves to expel from our county all who shall be found ])roclaiming principles which tend tu induce our slaves to escape, to lead them to insurrection and rebellion. Thougli we fully recognise the duty of all good citizens to obey tlic law, to rely upon the law; where there is no law, the ligh.t of self-de- fence requires that we should resort to the strong liand for self-pro- tection. We have no law by which the expression of aboliiion senti- ments is inade a penal offence, and yet it is a crime of the highest grade. It is not within even the much abused liberty of speech ; bui in a slaveholding community, the expression of sueli sen'iments is a positive act, more criminal, more dangerous, than kindling the torch of the incendiary, mixing the poison of the assassin. The necessity for a law punishing such a crime, hns not, un'il now, been felt in Missouri. Until such a law is enacted, self-protection demands tiial we should guard against such crimes. Such are the means we propose to adopt for the immediate protec- tion of our property. We have thus fully slated them, not to excuse our action, but to awaken our friends in other portions of our slave- holding territory, to the dangers which v.-ill ere long surround them, if we are overcome : to arouse them to the necessity of coming to our aid, and thus keep the enemy from their borders. Tliere is another measure which we have proposed, \vhich may be deemed local and personal, and which has been grossly misrepresent- ed bv the abolitionists and their sympathisers. We have been charged with pledging ourselves to assist in the expulsion of all settlers who go to Kansas from the non-slaveholding Stales. Tiiis, like most other abolition statements, is purelj' false.' On the contrary, the only pledge we have given touching (ho expulsion of any person from Kansas, is one whieh we expect ere long to be called on to redeem by tf.e good men who have gone to K;insas from the non-slaveholding Slates. That pledge is, that we will, when called on by the citizens of Kansas, aid them in expelling those who are exported to that Territory by the Abolition Aid Societies. With these, the honest men, who go to Kansas from the non-slaveholding Slates, are not to be confounded. The latter go with the spirit of freemen to secure a home lor their chiklren, they go respecting the rights of others ; the former go, the slaves of Thayer & Co. and his associates, to do their masters' bid- ding, to drive others from the Territory, to steal negroes from Mis- souri. For the one class, however, much we may regret that they should differ with us in opinion, even though that difference may in the end result in our ruin, we teel respect, such as one freeman should feel for another. To them we shall appeal, as to good men, equally inter- ested in the prosperity and happiness of our common country; to them we shall present such arguments, as should influence true hearted pat- riots. But to that other class, hired slaves of corrupt masters, who are sent for the purpose of driving our brothers from Kansas, of stealing our property, driving us from our homes, we ofter no argument, but that of the strong hand. We have not, it is true, done that, which natural right would have justified us in doing. There is no law to bind them •to keep the peace — there can be none, until it is enacted by the Legislature of that Territory; they are to us as would be a band of Blackfect or Camanches, who should encamp upon our borders, for the avowed purpose of stealing our cattle and horses, of plundering our farms and villages. We would be justified in marching to their camp, and driving them back to their dens, without waiting for their attack. We are not bound to wait, until they have "stolen our ne- groes," "burned our slaveholding towns." But we have been so "law abiding und orderly," that we have not done this : we have simply said, "we will when called upon," go to the aid of our friends, and assist in expelling those who proclaim their purpose to be the expul- sion of our friends. Robbers and murderers have no right to call on the law for protection. In connection with these immediate and local features of the con- test, it is proper we should say a word of the character of the Terri- tory, and its adaptedness to a slaveholding populalion. Politicians may prate, and letter-writers may scribble, about the homes for the poor, to be found in Kansas, but it is not the less true, that it is the least desirable country to the poor man ever opened for settlement. The absence of timber, there not being enough for fuel and fencing, much less a foot for cultivation, renders it utterly unfit ibr him who has to rely on his own unaided arm. Dwellings must be of brick, of stone, or if of timber, framed at a heavy expense; fencing of plank, or hauled a great distance. In the timber, the poor man with his own strong hand can build his cabin ; with his axe can fell his trees, and with his one horse plough, can put his little field in cuhivation. There is no such land in Kan- 8 sas ! It will require money to build his house ; to break prairie, six yoke of cattle arc necessary; fencing will be too cosily for small fields. To the man of capital, to him who can command labour alone, is Kan- sas desirable. To such, it is easiest and cheapest to m;ike a farm in the prairie. The soil is adapted to the culture of hemp, the raising of stock. Its climate peculiarly healthy to the negro. Nature intended it for a slaveholding State ; necessity will force it to be such, unless our friends foolishly abandon it to those who cannot occupy it. Our friends can thus see that to them the land is worth a struggle. Were there no other interest at slake, they will be paid for doing their duty. We have now shown the immediate evils to which we are exposedj the means by which we propose as far as practicable to meet those evils : we have shown, that we are now in th;it condition to which, if the abolitionists succeed, other slaveholding Slates will ere long be driven. We propose now 1o consider that which lies at the founda- tion of all these troubles — opposition to negro slavery. To slaveholders, we will first address ourselves. With all due deference to the wisdom of the great and good men who have so long governed the councils of llie slaveholding States, though it may seem presumptuous, we yet feel that we are justified in saying, that experience has shown the error of their course. In decrying discussion, in seeming to admit negro-slavery an evil to be borne, not an institution to be defended, we have not only strengthen- ed the arm of our enemies, but tied the hands of our friends. By such seeming admissions, we have deprived ourselves of the sympathies of too many good men. Our silence has b.en construed in'o a confession that the institution could not be defended. We should have learned long ere this, that the more we protest against agitation, the more abolitionists agitate ; we should remember, that victory is rarely won by retreat ; that courage wins half the battles. We have been so much accustomed to hear slavery denounced as an evil, that we have ourselves, with the evidence of its elllcts before our eyes, feared to look and examine them. With this daily cry resounding in their ears, with all the monstrous exaggeraticms of the poet's fancy, the knave's cunning, to mislead them still further, it is not strange that good men who could not see and judge for themselves, should have been taught to look with horror upon the master, with pity upon the slave. With so many to denounce, so tew to defend, it is not strange, tiiat even those who were willing to sustain our strict legal rights, the honest good men of the north, should yet feel reluctant to do any act by which so great an evil should be extended. It has been well said, tliat in our country truth loses nothing by discussion. We, who have lived in slaveholding States, have had an opportunity to see and to feel the effects of negro-slavery, have felt that it was no evil Unlil now, ive te : no' i,nple stHk.ng rule, the correctness "f "inch a, won admi' by which to test its effects. We now have the test, ami it . ourdity to apply il. It is due to ourselves, it is due to our fnends nhtnor-sav'elldin. States, that we should have ,nore than bare 1 rtirror proof. If it be true that negro-slavcry .s, as represent d by abolitionists, not only a eri-no, but a polit.cal - ■- "^ •^ , 1 * ^f tUt. TYinstpr as well fis the slave, leiaraina; flpp-radne- the character oi me master as weii . t .dv ,^e,nent of our country in prosperily and happiness, we shou d "as men teach ourselves to look the evil in the face-wc should set about ridding ourselves of such a curse. • , . if it be If however it be found that negro-slavery is no enme . lE it be fou d n^ther'L political nor a .oral evil, but that '^ eleva^s the ^w^^ acter of the master, promotes his happiness, contributes to the ad :rc:' nt of the eou'nt'ry in wealth and prosperify, ^^'^-^'^ condition tor .he slave race, all good men, all rea phdanth.op.sts a^ practical statesmen, all true patriots, will say, let us preserve such an institution, let us extend its blessings. Letusnot'be understood as suggesfing that the number of slavs should be increased by violence, by opening again our ports to the mpltuionof those wLm the now abolitionists would t.> oaptur in the wilds of -llViea. Though it has been w.sely sugges d, >f th s "ere done, abolitionis.s would give us no furfher troubles, they won d as Td heir fathers, become slave-catehers, and thus be.ng able o make a profit of sla ery, would cease to hate slave-owners , would Wet th ir mock love of the negro in their real love ef money; thougl tTay Lily be shown tlrat slavery has done more to cv.hze and iTs fan-L me African, than all the schemes of all lire p.ous mission^ a -yet our sympathies for the African are not such as for h.s good " nduce us to bring among us a horde of savages. Our ph. .n hropy do s no. extend so far as to beco.ne .he civilizers of savages, by bnng- t them into our families. We are now reaping the benefit o our taSrers' good works; we have the civilized CUr.sUan man, n, place ef the rude, vicious, and degraded heathen. We p opose to consider slavery as it exists ur our eou,..ry ■ to test its effects on .he white race a.rd on the negro i to try .t not by bold assertn, but by facts and figures, about which there can be no d,s- ^ W'e assert that negro-slavery, as it exists in the United Slates,^ is neUher a .noral nor a poli.ieal evil, but on the contrary, .s a bless.ng to the white race and to the negro. T is broad proposition will doub.less cause the abolmon.st to sneer Jt will strike as bold, the good men of the nor.h who have been . 1„„1 deceived; it may even seem hard of proof to those m the slave- 10 lioldiiifj States wlio have feared lo investigate the subject; but we have the evidence at liaud. A good lesson has been tauglit us, and we liave prollted by it. So long and so oft had it been proclaimed from the pul- pit, that slavery was a violation of God's law, men begun to doubt whether a slaveholder could be a christian. Men ol' the world, too little versed in the teachings of the Bible, feared to investigate the question. Our Divines, misled by their text-books, took for granted the dogmas of their Doctors. Yet so soon as one man dared approach the Holy Book, dared to "search the scriptures," it was found, that instead of being a violation of God's holy law, slavery was actually established by that law ! ! Tlie truth was proclaimed; discussion fol- lowed; the result was, that investigation fixed beyond controversy the fact, thai by the first law given to man by his Maker, the law pro- claimed from Sinai, slavoy was established"! Moses, the divine law- giver, was a slaveholder ! Slavery was recognised and regulated by our Saviour ! A "fugitive slave," instead ot' being aided in his escape, was returned to his master by Paul, the great Apostle, to the Gen- tiles ! So triumphantly and conclusively was the consistency of slavery with the Christian religion established, that abolitionists were driven to infidelity, lo blasphemy: they trampled under foot the Bible, spurn- ed the God and' Saviour of slave-holders ! With such a lesson, it is strange our politicians have had less bold- ness than our parsons, have not dared to discuss the political, social and moral efiects of negro-slavery. The victory was as certain and complete in the one case as in the other. Though we be.but priva'e citizens of a border county, with neiiher the leisure nor the means, had we the ability fully to present all the evidence which can be brought to sustain our position, so abundant is the evidence, so accessible the proof, we feel no hesitancy in saying, we will f^rlii^h so much that none but tb.ose who are willlully blind, shall fail to see the truth of our assertion. Slavery is no evil lo the negro. If we look at the condition of the negro in Africa, the land of his nativity, we find the most pitiable victim of a cruel master, the most wretched slave in America, when contrasted with a prince of his tribe in the deserts of Africa, is as a man contrasted with a beast ! The migth.iest of the negro race, in his native land, not only sacrifices his human victims to his Gods ot stone, but is so loathsome in his fdth and nakedness, that Giddings, or Ger- rit Smith, would fly from his presence. Mrs. Stowe eould not in fancy picture him a kinsman of poor Topsy ; Fred Douglass would disown him as a country-man. It is not for us to (piestion God's purposes, but it is certain that irom our first knowledge of the negro race, tliose only have> been rescued from the lowest stage of heathen barbarity, 11 who luive been made slaves to the white man — those only have learned io know the God ofthe Chrislian, who have been instructed by their masters. Ages have rolled on, and still the labour ofthe pious mis- sionary has been in vain; the African in his native land is still an idolater! Even now the only hope ol: his elevation in tli.e scale of hu- manity, is by means of the liberated slave. So far, then, as the condition of the slave can be contrasted with that of his tribe in Africa, to the negro slavery is no evil. But we go further and say that, wherever the negro has been the slave of tlve white man, his condition has been better, not only than that of his race in the deserts of Africa, but better than when freed from the control of the white man, in whatever land the comparison be made Whether we look to his condition in St. Domingo, the slave of the light-hearted Frenchmi^n; m Jamaica, of the energetic English- man; in the United States, of the indolent Creole of the South, or of the enterprising^ Kentuckian, as a slave, the negro has ever been bet- ter and happier than w"hen free. In St. Domingo and Jamaica^ Avhich once contained a population prosperous and wealtliy, the masters kind and indulgent, the slaves joyous and happy, witli their light labors yielding abundant harvests, robbed of the care, protection and forethought of tlie white man, Ave see them fast sinking to the starving miserable condition of wretched savages. In our own country, with the advantage of the white man's example before them, with all the watchful care of their friends, the abolition- ists, to aid them, the condilion ofthe free negro is far worse than that of the slave. Politically their condition is worse than thai of the slave, for as to all the honors and ofHces of government, the privileges of a citizen, freedom is to the free negro worse than an empty name. Subject to the burdens, they are even by the abolitionists depri\cd of the beneiits of government. They who so love the slave, that thev will steal him from the care and protection of his master, will exclude the unhappy free negro from a home in their State. Unlike the slave, they have none to protect them. To the slave, the master is the 2;-ov- ernment, a ruler with limited powers, whose interest is identical W"ith his subject. To the master alone does the slave owe allegiance, from him he receives protection. To the free negro, the government is that of a stranger — he is as an alien, with all the burdens, with none of the privileges of a citizen. Until the free negro is made politically that which nature has not made him, the equal of the white man, his political privileges are in fact the worst species of oppression. We will then contrast the social, moral and physical condition of the slave and negro. On this the census is sufficient to leave no doubt. 12 Loss of speech, of liearing, of sight, as carlainly indicate physical, {IS idiocy and insanity do mental suffering. ]^y the extent to whicli the negro, slave and free, is subject to tliese afflictions, we are enabled to determine his condition. Blindness, insanity and idiocy especially result from destitution and distress. By tlie census of 1850, we find that the negro race is much more subject to these afflictions than the white, the ratio being Of Deaf and Dumb, 1 to 2151 White. 1 to 3005 Free Negro. " Blind • 1 to 2445 " 1 to 870 '* " " Insane and Idiots 1 to 1374 " 1 to 980 '* " "We thus see that to blindness, insanity and idiocy, the negro, when free, is far more subject than the white. Such being the natural lia- bility of the negro to these afflictions, we yet find that as a slave the negro is almost exempt from them all — not only is he far less afflicted than the free negro, but even less than his master. We give from the census the ratio of each, and ask thinking men to reflect on the exhibit. Deaf ami Dumb. Blind. Insane and Idiots. White 1 to 2151 1 1o 2445 1 to 1374 Free Negro 1 to 3005 1 to 870 1 to 980 Slave 1 to 6552 1 to 2645 1 to 3080 But one explanation can be made of this extraordinary development. It is one which must present itself to every unprejudiced mind, which at once occurs to all who are familiar with the real condition of the negro slave. It is found in the watchful care of the master, the sim- ple genuine happiness of the slave. This exhibit sufficiently refutes the foolish falsehoods of abolition- ists, which represent the master as a monster, the slave a victim of cruelly. Were there neither facts nor figures, the least thought would suffice 1o convince any man not blinded by fanaticism, that the condi- tion of the slave must be the reverse of that which abolitionists would paint. Were there no other inducement, selfishness would compel the master to be kind to his slave ; it is to his interest to watch and tend him with care ; to nurse him in sickness, to guard him against disease, to protect him from injury. As mere property, its value is too great to be destroyed by cruelty, sacrificed by neglect. Torture is too expensive a luxury to be indulged in but by a fiend. No man in his senses would treat a valuable horse with cruelty. The Berk- shire pig, the Durham bull, the blood horse, are all fed, tended with care; much more is the slave, whose value is far greater. Tlie abol- itionist alone can afl'ord to indulge in the pleasure of poisoning his servant for drinking his wine. The death of the hireling is at most a slight inconvenience to his employer; the death of a slave is his mas-' ter's loss. 13 We have considered slaves as mere properly, to show how absurd are the ravings of fanatics, the idle dreams ot poets and novelists, which represent slaveholders as not only monsters, but idiots, revel- ing in the destruction oC their property. But when it is remembered that the affection wliicli naturally springs up between the master and slave, is little less than that of parent and child, it is easy to explain the seemingly strange results shown by the census. The care of the master, made watchful by afTection and interest, guards them, and pre- serves them from that physical suffering which would produce loss of the senses; while their real wants all supplied, with the simplicity of the child, taking no thought for the morrow, with no care to disturb them, there is nothing to derange their intellect. Kindly treated, carefully tended, they grow healthy and happy ; unlike the miserable free negro, they are neither insane nor idiots. But we have further evidence of the better condition of the slave. Althougli the census does not give us the statistics, we need them not to show the vast number of paupers to be found among the free ne- groes. The instances are rare in which they are able to live without labor, without toiling for their daily bread. In sickness, in old age, there is none to care for, to provide for them. We find in the census that of the free negroes there are 24,160 over the age of sixty. Who shall provide for these decrepit men, these helpless women ? Left to the cold charity of strangers, they linger out a miserable existence. Not such is the condition of the slave: of them we find also 114,752 over the age of sixty ; yet are they for their faithful services kindly treated by their masters, petted and beloved in their old age by the very children of their owners. The vast numbers of slaves who attain to extraordinary old age, greatly exceeding in proportion the white race in the non-slaveholding States, is of itself a powerful argument to show how happy has been their condition. The non-slaveholding States, with a populatioh of 13,000,000, have but 5641 whites over the age of ninety; while of the slaves, with a population of only 3,200,412, there are 4109 over that age. Of the moral condition of the slave, as contrasted with that of the free negro, the census also gives us no information. But so full are the annals of crime, of evidence on (his head, we would waste time in making the contrast. Of the slave we fearlessly assert that as to all the higher grades of crime, he will contrast favorably even with the white man. But "children of a larger growth," kindly, allectionate in their dispositions, their wants all simple, amply supplied, they have neither the temptation nor the inclination to commit crime. They may be led astray, they are easily ruled, they may commit a petty trespass} 14 but let alone, with none to corrupt thera, they pass tlirougli life happy, contented and innocent. On the other luind, the unhappy free negro, thouglitless and im- provident, driven from tlie society of the good and the virtuous, an outcast among the vicious, is regarded as a nuisance even by ihe abol- itionist ! He is not a mere nuisance, but the criminal statistics of the North sliow, that crime of the highest grades. olTences which iire pun- ished by confinement in the penitentiaries, prevail among the free ne- groes to an unheard of extent. In Massachusetts, composing less than one-hundredth part of the population, they lurnish one-tenth of the con- victs. In other States, the proportion is even greater. In the South, on the other hand, offenses of tliis character tire even more rare th.an among the whiles. Negro slavery is no evil to the white race. The most interesting aspect in which negro slavery presents itself, is in its eil'ects upon the while j^opulation in the slaveholding States, We have been so long accustomed to listen to the bold statements of abolitionists, to suflTer their broad charges, to go uncontradicted, tliat we have been ahnost led to give them credit : ihey have not forgotten that "a lie well stuck to is as good as the truth;" and we have too long neglected to expose them. We were in common wilh others, who had the opportunity even slightly to contrast the condition of the slaveholding and non-slave- holdiiig States, convinced that the condition of the former was better; but that they were so far in advance in all the essentials of happiness and prosperity, even we were not prepared to realize. To Ellwood Fisher, of Cincinnati, we are pleased to acknowledge our obligation for an able exposition of the relative condition of the two portions of our country : and we take special pleasure in now being able by un- questioned evidence to verify the correctness of his statements. He had not the olHcial statements, now for the first time given in an au- thentic shape; his statistics were denied; and so strangely were they at variance with the general impressions of the people, that men of the north were reluctant to give them credit. We have now the statistics furnished in the census : they are in reach of all; their truth can not be disputed, and we are now enabled to determine beyond controversy' the effects of negro-slavery. The men of the north are peculiarly a "calculating" people, accustomed to deal with facts and figures ; and a large majority of them we believe disposed lo be just, to listen to fair argument, to yield to the force of truth : to them we submit with confidence the startling evidcTice fur- nished by the census. Although it be true that we can not by figures with mathematical precision determine the religious, social or moral condition of a peo- 15 pie ; yet there are facts and figures which so greatly elucidate their condition, we can have little difficulty in our conclusion. It does not, for example, necessarily follow, that those who build churches, should be peculiarly pious ; the old adage "the nearer the church, the further from God," is not without foundation? ^ Vanity, pride of purse, petty ambition, may and do induce many to c'ontribute to the erection of a church, as they would to the erection of a court- house, or a theater, from mere ostentation, the hope to have their names emblazoned as public benefactors, or from a more excusable though mere interested desire to ornament their town or city. When, however, churches are erected not for mere ornament, but for the accommodation of those who desire to meet together and wor- ship God, when the purpose is to afTord to the greater number facil- ities for worship, the fair presumption is in favor of the purity of that people's religion: they will reasonably be esteemed more truly religi- ous than those whose piety is manifested in display, in idle ornament. Abolitionists have so long represented the people of the non-slave- holding States, and especially the people of new England, as a devout, God-fearing, saint- like people, free from all "pride, vain, glory and hypocrisy ;" they have been held up as such models of humble piety, virtue and sobriety, that their land has been known as "the land of steady habits." So strict are they in the outward observances of God's law, that from the puff of the steam-car, to the kissing one's wife on the Sabbath, has been made a penal offense. On the contrary, the slaveholder is held up as God-forsaken, God-despising heathen, as one regardless of all law, human and divine, as vicious, reckless, lavish of his wealth only to gratify his pride. The humble piety, the strict morality claimed for the people of New England is attributed to their having freed themselves from the curse of negro-slavery; to the blight- ing effects of which charity charges the alleged moral degradation of the slaveholder. In answer to these proud boastings, these sweeping denunciations, the men of the South have been silent, content to be judged by their works. Modesty is no longer a virtue ; the evidence is made public, and we now propose to show that slaveholders are more truly religi- ous than the sons of the Puritans. For this purpose we will take Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont. Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Connecticut, the Slaves composing New England, and will contrast them with Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina^ South Carolina, and Georgia, the old slaveholding States, which are still slaveholding States. We give the abolitionists every advantage: we take their models of religion and piely ; we take the very homes of the good old Puritan fathers; and we will compare them 16 with those who are denounced as "fire-eaters," "cut-throats," -'traf- fickers in human flesh." The free population oP the New England Slates and these five South- ern States is so Tiearly equal, tliey may be rated as equal. We give from the census of 1850 the number of churches, the value of chufch property, and the number of worshippers who can be ac- commodated in the churches, in each of these portions of our country. Me., N, H., Vt., > Free Pop. No, of Church. V;due. Accom. Mass., R. I., Conn!. ^ 2,728,016 4,607 $19,362,634 1,893,450 Md , Va., N. Ca., ? 2,730,214 8,081 11,149,118 2.896,472 o. La., Georgia. ) ' 2,198 3,474 $8,113,516 1,003,022 These five Southern States, with a free population of only 2,198 greater than the six New England States, have nearly double the number of churches, capable of accommodating a million more wor- shippers, at but little over half the cost ! * We have here these facts conclusively established, that slaveholders are more disposed to build churches ; that their object is not display, but to accommodate those who wish to worship God: while the de- generate son of the simple-hearted, humble-minded Puritan, the phar- isaicai aboliiionist, who "thanks God he is not as other men are," seeks to glorify himself rather than his God by the erection of 'costly temples from which the humble Christian is excluded. But these southern States have even yet a brighter picture to pre- sent. The "poor slave," who is represented by the abolitionist as vlrlually deprived of Christian teaching, is in these Southern States furnished with more room for his feet in God's house, than the pious white man can find in the temples of New England ! Me., Vt., N. H., ) Free Pop. No. of Churches. Ratio. Mass., R. I., Conn. \ 2,728,016 4,607 1 to 592 Md., Va., N. Ca., Free 2,730,214 8,081 1 to 336 S. Ca., Ga., Total 3,448,426 " 1 to 426 In New England there is one church to every 592 ot its inhabitants, while in these Southern States there js one to every 336 of its free , to every 426 of its whole population ! These Soutliern Slates contain a population, including slaves, of 720,410 more than New England: yet in New England there aie 200,- 000 more who cannot find a seat in the house of God ! These South- ern cluirches can not only accommodate every man that could be crowded into the temples of New England, but would then give room to more than a million of '^.iaves ! In New England .^^34,566, nearly one third of its population, is ex- cluded from a seitt in their churches ! while in these anathematised 17 Southern States there is not only room for all its free population, a seat for every man, woman and child that is free, but there is even then room for 166,258 slaves. These facts are startling ; when we look further at the origin of their respective populations, at other circumstances which attend them, they are almost incomprehensible. When we remember that the pop- ulation of New England is so much more dense than in these South- ern States : it being in the former 43 to tlie square mile, in the latter but 13: that in New England the price of labor, the cost of materials, is so much less ; tliat the people of New England live so much more generally in towns and villages; that in these Southern States they are on large farms, scattered far apart, rarely even in villages : that thus the inducements and facilities for the erection of churches are somuch greater in New England, we are the more forcibly impressed with the char;;Gler of these exhibits When we further remember that New England is the land to which the Puritans fled when proseculed for their religion; the land in which they found a home, wheie they could worship God in their simple form, fervently wiihout ostentation ; that these Southern States were first settled by adventurers in search of fortune, by Chevaliers of Charles, who in sheer hatred of the pious zealots who had vanquish- ed I hem, affected a looseness of morals, a contempt of religion, which made them a mock and a by-word of reproach to the Puritans; we are the more at a loss to comprehend such a revolu'ion. It is even stranger still ; for it reverses all experience, all history, whi. h teaches us that men of a northern latitude are more religiously inclined than those of a southern clime. There is yet another fact shown by the census, which will strike many as worthy of reflection. Of the small number of churches in New England 202 are Unitarian, 2S5 Universalist; while of the large number in these Southern States there are but 1 Unitarian, 7 Uni- versalist ! VVliile we do not intend by this to imply that the members of these churches are not good men, we purpose thus to call aiiention to the fact that opinions usually deemed by the Christian world heterodox, or infidel, lind no place among blavehok^ers : they "run not alter strange Gods," invent no new religions, but are content with old- fashioned humble Christianity. Out of the census, we can point to Mormon'&m with its polygamy; Millerism, Spiritualism, as taking their birth, flourishing alone where abolitionists are found. The Stowes, and Beechcrs, with the Fanny Wrights, and Abby Folsoms, are to l>e found alone in that land which produced Joe Smith, Miller, the Misses Fox. 2 What is it which has thus reversed the condition of these people, set at naught all our experience; lias converted the indolent thoupht- less Sonthorncr into the humble orthodox Christian; wliile the men of the north, the world over noted Tor religious enthusiasts, the sons of the Puritans, have fallen from their simple stern devotion, become setters up of strange doctrines ? We may ere we conclude be able to suggest an explanation — in the meantime we ask the good men of the north to think on this matter for tliemselves. We turn now from the religious to the social condition of the people of the slaveliolding and non-slaveholding Slates. We will take them as they are, not as they are represented ; we will test bold assertions by stern facts. We again ttike the six New England States and the five old slave States : we shall contrast their condition, because again we design to give 1o the abolitionists every advantage. When we assert, that these sluveholding Slates are far in advance of New Eng- land in all the elements of real prosperity, that the people are richer, healthier, happier ; that their natural increase of population is far greater; we know that we shall be met with a sneer at our presump- tion : we are aware, that again we undertake to show the laws of na- ture reversed, to overthrow all the teachii gs of history, of experience in other countries ; and yet tlie task is easy: the facts and figures are before us, the calculation is simple. We appeal again to the census of 1850. We find in the census the first great test of the superior condi ion of our own over other coun- tries, is in the larger proportion of our dwellings, to our families. It needs no argument to show that country the happiest which has mosl homes for its people. Not only is their jihysieal condition, their mere comfort promoted, but there is nothing which more certainly conduces to health and good morals. The watchful care of the home circle, the cheerful happy fireside, preserve not alone the body from disease, but the mind, the heart from corruption and vice. We turn then to the census, and compare the homes and families of New England with the homes and families of these old slave States. Me., N. H., Vt., > Families. Dwellings. Mass., R. 1., Conn., \ 51cS,532 447,'i89 Md., Va., N. Ca., ) 506,068 496,369 S. Ca., Ueorgia, ^ With equal population, New England has 11,.C61 more families, these Southern States 48,580 more dwellings ! New England has 70.- 743 families without a home! In New England, the land whose '"homes" the abolitionists delight to praise, one in every seven of the families is homeless ! while in these Southern Slates but one family of fifty-two is without a home. Taking the average of the number com- 19 posing a family, and New England has 373,700 of its population thrown upon the world, who have no place for a home ! Could we trace in the census the full consequences of this vast dif- ference in the condition of the people, it would present a picture far from flattering to the abolition moralist. There is no father in New England who would not place his family in the humblest cabin, his own home, there to learn the lessons of virtue, rather than for the luxury, expose them to the corrupting influence of the public house : there is no mother who would not toil with aching bones to guard her daughter with the shield of the domestic hearth. At home the virtues flourish ; abroad vice plants its seeds, takes root and thrives. If ex- amples were needed, we could point to our cities, where in the crowd- ed dens of poverty such appalling scenes of vice and debauchery are exhibited; and to the country, where the hearth of the cabin is the bed of man's integrity, of woman's purity. We have no wish to point out and gloat o^ er the evils which must attend such a destitution of dwellings in any portion of our country — we are content to show how much superior is the condition of the slaveholding States, But there are consequences exhibited in the census, which we can in some degree trace to this cause. It is claimed that New England has far outstripped the slavehold- ing States in the growth of its population. This should not seem strange, nor need we look to the "curse of negro-slavery" for its explanation. Since the barbarians of the north overrun the Roman empire, the northern countries have been deemed the bee-hives of population, from which to send forth its swarms to the more southern climes. Such has been the case in Europe and Asia: the hardy, healthy, vigorous north men have ever furnished sup- plies of their sons to the enervating regions uf the south. Such should naturally be, and such is claimed to be the case in our country. Let us not take assertions, but again apply the test of truth — let us ap- peal again to the census. We take again New England and the same five old slaveholding States. Me., N. H., Vt., ) Population. Families. Annual Births. Mass., R. I., Conn, j 2,728,118 518,532 61,148 S^ Ca^Ga^' ^''*' \ 2,730,314 506,968 77,683 With equal population, with 11,564 more families, New England has 16,535 less annual births : the natural increase by birth being 27 per cent, greater in the Southern States than in New England ! Esti- mating the number ©f families, the proper mode of estimating natural increase, and these Southern States increase by birth more than 29 per cent, faster than New Englaiid. Here again we find the laws of 20 nature vanquished;^ (he rule reversed: the North, instead of supply- ino- population to the South, is far behind in natural increase. Of the five Soulhern Slates, which we have selected for our com- parison, two of them, South Carolina and Georgia, are deemed so fatal in their climate, a northern Life Insurance Company would forfeit its policies for a visit to their territories; and yet we find them more pro- lific than the nurseries of the North ! We must look beyond the cli- mate for the cause. We find one in tlie greater niunber of dwellings, the consequent increase of comfort to their occupants in t!ie slavehold- ix\tf States. But this alone is not sufficient to produce so extraordinary a difference : other causes, equally eificiLnt, mucli conduce to this re- sult; and those causes may, without difiiculfy, be traced by their eflects. The natural increase of population indicates both the physical and moral condition of a people. To "increase and multiply," a people must be healthy and happy, virtuous and vigorous : they must labor, not toil ; their diet be nutritious, their habits regular. Luxury and indolence as naturally beget efteminacy, as do destitution and oppres- sion produce imbecility. A people, virtuous, with comfortable homes, ample provision, with- out excessive toil, will even overcome the obstacles of climate, and increase more rapidly than those who in the mcst favorable climate, without a home, toil for a scant subsistence, become vicious from des- titution ; and those who from excessive wealth, with no stimulus to healthful exercise, become idle and effeminate. Virtuous women :uid vigorous men, are the materials with which to produce rapid popula- tion. We trace the cause by its efiects. When it is thus found that the people of the Soutiicrn States, with all ihe obstacles of climate to overcon^e, have reversed the laws of nature, have increased by natural increase more rapidly than the peo- ple of New England, with all the advantages of climate in their favor, we are driven to the conclusion, that the physical and moral condition of the Ibriner must be far better than that of the latter. But we have other evidence on tliis question, no less startling, not less conclusive. Altliou 2,730,316 32,216 1 to 85 S. Ca. Ga., ) 21 In New England, there are 10,152 more deaths annually than in these fatal Southern States. In the former, the deaths are in the pro- portion of 1 to 64 ; in the latter of 1 to 85, or nearly 33 per cent, in favor of the slaveholding States. Here again we find nature conquered. The physical and moral condition of the people of the South is so much better, that climate and disease are overcome, death vanquished, and his victims far less than in New England, with i^s pure air and learned physicians. We thus find that these slaveholding States which abolitionists would represent as becoming depopulated, actually increase 62 per cent, per annum faster than New England, not taking into account the artificial increase by importation : the excess of soulhern births being 29 per cent., of northern deaths 33 per cent. We have not taken into con- sideration the increase in the population of New England by immigra- tion, because we can only look at natural increase, to ascertain the physical and moral condition of a people. When we come to consider the poliiical condition of the respective portions of our country, we propose to notice the efiect of an increase of population by immigra- tion, and it will be found that it is by no' means so clear that the north has cause to congratulate itself on its advantage in this particular. But while we thus exhibit the condition of the white race, the mas- ter in the slaveholding States, we may be told by the abolitionist, that we dare not look at the condition of the "poor slave ;" that the mas- ter's ease is their oppression ; that the master escapes by casting his ills on the shoulders of the slave. While then we do not pretend that the condition of the slave is equal to that of the master; for such we know is not the case, whether the slave be the son of Africa, or of New England, his master a che- valier, or Puritan, we will not shrink from this investigation. We have the right to object, because the census does not give us the sta- tistics of servants, the "help" in New England, of those who are the heweis of wood and drawers of water, for the fortunate few wliose wealth exempts them from toil and suffering. It is not fiur that we should be required to contrast the condition of our slaves with that of the masters' of New England. With such odds against us, we are still not ashamed of the contrast. We refer to the census. Me., N. H., Vt. ) Free Population. Annual Births. Mass., R. I., Conn. \ 2,728,116 61,148 Md Va^,N. Ca. ) g^^^^^^ 1,618,210 40,496 S. Ca., Ga,, ) New England, Annual Deaths. 42,368 Southern Slaves, " " 24,790 22 Ratio of Births and Deaths. Births. Deaths. New England, 1 to 44 1 to 64 Southern Slaves, 1 to 39 1 to 65 " Free, 1 to 35 1 to 85 We find that although the slaves are not so fortunate as their mas- ters, they are more prolific, less liable to die, than the free men of New England. A class composed almost exclusively of those — the laborers — who in all estimates of life rank lowest in the scale; a race, physically inferior to the white man, outranks the white man in the scale of life ! What would be the result, could class be compared with class ; those who in New England occupy the position assigned to the slave in the South, be compared wilh the slave? Nominal freedom would kick the beam, when weighed in the scale with nominal slave- ry ; sad realities would be found, fearfully arrayed against sounding names. We have still further evidence of the better condition of the slave- holding States. That country, which has greatest wealth, is not ne- cessarily the happiest or most prosperojis. On the contrary, exces- sive wealth too often brings in its train vice and degradation. Real happiness is rather to be found where wealth is distributed ; Avhere each is above want, all are able to live free from the harassing exac- tions of poverty. This is it, which has ever presented the striking contrast between town and country: which has so fully warranted men in regarding towns as "sores on the body politic ;" has given rise to the adage "God made the country, man made the town." In the lat- ter, great wealth gathered in the hands of the few, the toiling millions struggling for bread ; the one class is corrupted by luxury, tlie other debased by destitution. In the country it is the reverse: there though there be no excessive wealth, there is no poverty: fortune is distribut- ed, if not with exact equality, yet in such fair proportions, that none can oppress another, wilh neither luxury nor idleness to corrupt, nor want nor oppression to tempt and degrade, the people are happy, virtuous and prosperous. While in New England, we admit there are more overgrown for- tunes, more towns, more seeming wealth and prosperity, in tiiat dis- tributed wealth, which marks real prosperity, in exemption from pov- erty with its ills, we assert that the slaveholding States are far in ad- vance. Of necessity, a slaveholding people must mainly be an agri- cultural people. Among such, whatever wealth there be, must be better distributed than among the inhabitants of the cities: there must be fewer paupers. The census proves this. We take again the New England States and the same five old slave- holding States, and quote from the census. 23 Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, } Paupers. Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, ^ 33,431 Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, ) 14 991 South Carolina, Georgia, ) ' Excess in New England 19,210 New England, with all her boasted prosperity, has nearly double — 135 per cent, more paupers than these Southern States, which aboli- tionists would represent as impoverished by slavery. In New Eng- land, the land of thrift, 1 in 81 is a pauper, while in these Souihern States there is but 1 in 191. To this, abolitionists will at once reply that these paupers in New England are foreigners. If this be so, those foreigners did not come from slaveholding States ! they came from States like New England, miscalled "free," where they have been taught to look on negro-slave- ry as a curse, blighting vvilh influence the energy of the white race. We have, too, another answer to this excuse : to these foreigners is New England indebted for her boasted increase of population ! With- out their aid, she would be far behind the South even in numbers; for we have seen how greatly the South exceeds her in natural increase. To these foreigners she is indebted, too, for much of her boasted pros- perity : to their strong arms is she indebted for her railroads, her ca- nals, her highways, her public works. She has no right, then, to cast them off when in this matter they count against her. But this excuse will not avail, for unfortunately the census has dis- tinguished the native from the foreign paupers : and we are thus en- abled to compare the native-born, full-blood New Englander, with all his "thrift, frugality and industry," with the "idle wasteful improvi- dent" Southerner. Ma;;.!^kS;;ie^/sl., Conn., \ Native Paupers, 18,966 Md., Va., S. Ca., N. Ca., Ga., " " 11,728 Excess of Native New England Paupers 7,238 New England has of her sons almost double the number, nearly 70 per cent, more paupers than these impoverished slaveholding States. We have still further evidence of the superior condition of these slaveholding States. From those afflictions which result from phys- ical suffering, from mental agitation, the people of the slaveholding- States are Jar more exempt than the people of New England. Me., N. H., Vt., ) Deaf, Dumb, Blind, Insane and Idiots. Mass., R. 1., Conn., ] 8,781 Md., Va., N. Ca., S. Ca., Ga., 7,809 Excess of New England 972 24 New Ent,'land has 12|- jer cent, more of those so terribly {ifllietct!. But tlie diflerrnce in the number of the Insane is most striking. New England, Insane, 3,R34 Southern States, " 2,580 Excess in New England 1,254 In the '-land of steady habits," among a people, cold, calculating in their temper, claiming to be peculiarly sober, temperate, practical, we find the number of the Insane nearly 50 per bent, greater than among the excitable, ardent sons of the South. Will the abolitionist tell us whether this sad condition be the result of physical destitution, of the anxious struggle with poverty, or is it the effect of a troubled conscience ? Crime and destitution are alike fruitful causes of insanity. We have now contrasted the condition of the New England Slates with that of the five old slaveholding States, and ha\e found that it is conclusively shown by the statistics given in the census, that the lat- ter are more religious, have more homes, are surrounded with more of those comforts which contribute to health and good morals, that the natural increase of Iheir population is far greater, their wealth more equally distributed, lliey are far more exempt from poverty, and from those alTlictions which result from crime and destitution. We now propose to contrast their aggregate wealth — and see, if even in this, the ordinary experience of man is confirmed. We deny that excessive wealth is a benefit to a State, or an individ- ual. But we need not slop to point out its evils. In a Republic ex- cessive wealth is least desirable. As between tlie individual citizens, it creates an improper distinction, corrupl s the morals of the people, leads them from that simplicity and purity indispensable to the exis- tence of the government. But in a Republic, wealtli^ fairly distribut- ed, so that each of its members, easy and independent in his properly, shall feel himself practically equal to liis fellows, is all important. Tliat State which exhibits a population practically equal, with such reasonable wealth that all are free, is tlie happiest, the most likely to preserve its liberty. Hence is an agricultural life the most suitable to republicans. All history verifies the truth of our assertion. Com- merce, and manufactures, though they being great gains, enrich the few, the masses are poor; in their train follows luxury, with all its corrupting tendcnccs. The love of money, the desire of gain crush out the feeling of manly independence ; men become slaves to fortune, and are then fit to be llie slaves of a despot. We must not then take for granted, lluit the country which has the- greatest aggregate wealth, is really most prosperous. We must 25 rather look to the source of its wealth; to tlic distribution of that wealth. We have shown that slave-liolding States must be mainly agricultur- al, and iheir weaUh of necessity more equally distributed than in those which are engaged in commerce and manufactures. The cen- sus has confirmed our position, by the vast disproportion in the num- ber oF paupers in the slave holding and none-slave holding States. Even then, if it were true, that the aggregate wealth of the none-slave- holding States is greater than that of the slaveholding, we should still deny their greater prosperity. But even this vain boast is not left to the abolitionist ! Not only is wealth in the slave-holding Stales so much more equally distributed, that paupers are almost unknown ; but llieir aggregate wealth is far greater than that of the none-slavtholding States. We take again for our comparison the six New Enghmd States, and the five old Slave-States. Again we give the Abolitionist every ad- vantage. We take tlieir mi dels of commercial : nd manufacturing prosperity, and contrast them with those which are ever held up, pointed at us emblems of poverty ; we compare the frugal, ingenious, energetic, thrifty Yankee with the idle, improvident, careless and wasteful slave-holder. We remember that the free population is equal — and appeal again to the census. The assessed value or the property real and personal is in Me , N. H., Vt., ) Value of prouerty. Mass., R. I., Conn. ) $1,003,466,181.00 Md., Va., N. Ca., S. Ca., Ga., $1,420,989,573.00 Excess of Southern wealth, $417,523,392.00 Of this excess there is OfLmd, $127,308,838.00 Of personal property, 290,215,054.00 The ratio of wealth to the individual is, in New England, $367.00 per head Southern States, $520.00 " " ' The poor worn out slave-holding States, have in fact $417,523,392, more wealth thun New England with ;ill its bocsled prosperit}' ! This result is the more extn'ordinary because it reverses : g.iin all our experience. Since the di.ys oF Tyre and Sidon, commerce and manufactures have been regarded as sources of greater wealth, agri- cuhure of ]e:.st profit. In Europe tariffs are made to protect the farmer; commerce and manufactures are able to prolect themselves. With us on the contrary, the farmers are not only richer than the trader, the merchant, the manufacturer, but tariffs are enacted to pro- tect the latter — Agriculture not only protects itself, but carries on its 26 shoulders commerce and manufactures. In despite of oppressive leg- islation, we find these agricultural, slave-holding Stales, in -wealth, far in advance of New England, with its unequalled commerce, its unrivalled manufactures. But we will be told that in this estimate we include our slaves : that they should not be counted as property, but rated as persons, en- titled to a share ! This objection comes with an ill grace from those whose greatest objection to slavery is its unprofitable character : who regard slaves as the poorest investment of capital, a spinning jenny as more pro- fitable ; bank-bubbles, "emigration"-stock as better investments of their money. This is the very question we are considering ; we are testing the results of the investment, and when it is found that instead of being unprofitable, slaves are the best possible investment, it will not do to turn round and say they are not property. But we will give them this double character of property to the master, and of persons entitled to a share, and still we find the South is far richer than New England. Me., N. H., Vt., ) Total population. Ratio of property. Mass., R. I., Conn., I 2,728,016 $367.00 per head. Southern States, 3,448,426 412.00 " " We may be charged with selecting for our comparison the poorest of the non-slave-holding States, and be challenged to a contrast with New York, Pennsylvania and Ohio, the giants of the non-slave-holding States. The general impression, it is true, is, that these are the richest and most prosperous of all our States, but this is like many other gen- eral impressions a most egregious error. These States are not only in their aggregate, and proportional wealth, far behind the slave-holding States, but are far beiiind New England : the ratio in these Stales be- ing as follow : New York per head $231.00 Pennsylvania " " 214.00 Ohio, " " 219.00 The other non-slave-holding States are still lower in the scale. Indiana has $1.54.00 per head Illinois has 134.00 " " While of the new slaveholding States Mississippi has $702.00 per head Louisiana has 806.00 " " Kentnck)' with her barren mountains is fur ahead of Ohio ; and Missouri, the poorest of the slaveholding Slates, with a mere liandful of slaves, under all her disadvantages is richer than Illinois, the "young giant of the West;" than Indiana, with her unrivalled soil, her favour- able position.. 27 We give the ratio of each : Ohio, per head $219.00 Indiana, " " 154.00 Illinois, " " 134 00 Kentucky, " " 377.00 Missouri, " " 166.00 Taking the whole Union, with the exception of California, which as yet is of no fixed character, we find that though the non-slave-hold- ing States contain a free population more than double that of the slave-holding States, their whole property is only 16 per cent.grreater . While the proportionate wealth of the South is nearly twice as much as that of the North. We give again the exhibits of the census. Non-slaveholding States, Free Population 13,214,380 Slaveholding States, Free, ^''^^^'S? ^ u Representative, 8,446,507 Total, 9,513,311 Property to the person : Non-slaveholding States, To Free, $233.00 Slaveholding States, To Free, 439.00 u u Representative, 328.00 Total, 291.00 We have now contrasted the condition of the six New England States with those of the five old slave Stales, so far as the facts ex- hibited in the census enable us to contrast their condition, with a view to determine their religious and moral character, their progress in wealth and population. We have selected these States for our com- parison, because their free population is equal, and because they fair- ly exhibit, for they have fully tried, the effects of negro-slavery. They are not, like the new States of the South and West, creatures of a day; pushed forward, puffed up by accident; peopled by hazard, their condition all unsettled. We have taken those tried by time, and the result is, that we find all experience set at naught; the laws of nature vanquished. The people of the North, elsewhere noted for religious devotees, here are found less pious than the thoughtless Southerner. The north- ern clime, elsewhere the very hot-bed of population for the South here tails far behind the fatal regions of the South in tiie number of its births, greatly exceeds the South in the number of its deaihs The men of the North, by nature more vigorous and energetic, here, though noted for frugality and industry, with every advantage which legisla- tion can <.lve', thus levying an enormous annual tax upon the people of the South, are yet for behind the people of the South in the acquisition of wealth. 28 Commerce and manvifaclures, elsewhere the sources of greatest wealtli, liere are found less profitable than slaveholding agriculture. To all the ills to wliich man is subject, both mental and physical, the men of the north, with all the advantages of climate, are lar more liable than the southern slaveholder. In short, under all the disadvantages of climate, the cramping influ- ence of oppressive legislation, in despite of the very laws of nature, by the so called "curse of slavery," the people of the slaveholding States arc more religious, healthier and happier, multiply faster, live longer and better, and are far richer than the people of tlie North. But there are effects procured by negro slavery, which are not ex- hibited in the census, can not be set down in figures, of far more im- portance than tlie acquisition of wealth, as mere increase of population. These are, its tendency to elevate the character of tlie while race, to give to that race a more exalted tone of moral sentiment ; and in a re- public of vital importance is its influence in giving to the white race a higher, holier, more stern and unyielding love of liberty ; in making the white race emphatically a race of Sovereigns, lit members of a free government. In 1775, in a speech delivered in the British P;irliament, Edmund Burke, the Philosopher and Statesman, in support of his motion for the adoption of measures to conciliate America, referring to the influ- ences which in the respective Colonies would induce opposition to the Briiish government, and among others to the religious opinions of the northern Colonies, and to the supposed attachment of the south- ern Colonies to the church of England as likely to incline them favour- able to the government, said : " There is however a circumstance attending these southern colo- nies, which fully counterbalance this difference and makes the spirit of liberty still more high, and haughty, th;in in those to the Eistward. It is, that in Virginia and the Carolinas, there is a vast multitude of slaves. Where this is the case in any part of the world, those who are free are by jar the most proud and jealous of their freedom. Freedom to them is not only an enjoyment, but a kind of rank and privilege. Not seeing there that freedom, as in countries where it is a common blessing, and broad and general as the air, may be united with much abject toil, with great misery, with all the exterior of ser- vitude, liberty looks among them like something that is more noble and liberal. I do not mean Sir, to commend the superior morality of this sentiment, which has at least as much pride as virtue in it ; btit I can not alter the nature of man. The fact is so ; and these people of the southern colonies are much more strongly and with an higher and more stubborn spirit attaclie:Uo liberty than those to the northward. Such 29 were all the ancient commonwealths ; such were our Gothic Ances- tors ; such in our day were the Poles ; and such will ever be all masters of slaves, who are not slaves themselves. In such a people, the haughtiness of domination combines with the spirit of freedom, fortifies it, and renders it invincible." History attest the truth of every word uttered by him. Not only does the institution of slavery elevate the character of the master, and where the master is free render his devotion to liberty a high and holy feeling, fortify it and render it invincible, but, where, as in our country, the slave is of a different i ace, marked and set apart by his colour, it elevates the character not only of the miister, the actual owner of slaves, but of all who wear the colour of the freeman. With us, colour, not money marks the class : black is the badge of slaA'ory ; white the colour of the ^'reeman : and the white man, however poor, whatever be his occupation, feels himself a sovereign. Though his estate be but an empty title, he will not disgrace his station by stooping for moneys' sake to become the slave of another : he will treat with others as his equals, exchange his labour for their money, not honoured by their service, but reciprocating the favour of equal to equal. His class respects him, wiih the jealousy of rank will stand by him, and for the sake of their order will sustain him. Not only does negro slavery thus elevate the character of the white man, it ennobles woman. Relieved by the slave from the abject toil, the servile condition to which the white woman is so often subjected by necessity where negro slavery does not exist, and which strip her of womans' greatest charm, modesty; which make of her the rude drudging, despised servant of a harsh master ; the white woman be- comes, as she is fitted to be, not the slave, but the queen of her house- hold, fit mate for a sovereign. Virtuous, modest, sensitive, retiring, her only ambition to merit the love of her husband, her only pride to point to her children and say, " these are my jewels"; wor>hipped in her spliere, her gentle sway undisputed, the white woman in the slave-holding States needs no con^ entions to give her, her rights. Whether she be the mistress of a mansion, or the hnmble tenant of a cabin, to her the seat of honour is ever accorded — at home or abroad, every son of the south deems himself her champion. Such is the estimate placed upon woman, such her condition in the slave-holding States. It is no fancy sketch, but a picture for which we are sneered at by Utilitarians, who would have us "put woman to use." So too would the savages: with them woman is useful; she relieves her lord of his labour, bows her head in his presents ; kneeig to him ; waits on his pleasure ; is his slave ! Not such is the use to which slave holders put woman. The only use to which they would 30 put her, is that for which her maker intended her, "a help meet for her husband"; to be "with him one flesh." Negro shivery lias a further effect on the character of the wliite woman, which should commend the institution to all who love the white race more than they do the negro. It is a shield to the virtue of the white woman. So long i\s man is lewd, woman will be his victim. Those who are forced to occupy a menial position, have ever been, will ever be most tempted, least protected: this is one of the evils of slavery ; it attends all who are in that abject condition from tl>e beautiful Circas- sian to the sable daughter of Africa. While we admit the selfishness of the sentiment, we are free to declare, we love the white woman so much, we would save her even at the sacrifice of the negro : would throw around her every shield, keep her out of the way of temptation. Such are the effects of negro slavery xipon the individual character of the white race. Upon the character of the while man, as a member oP the Republic towards the preservation of the government in its purity, its very form, its effects arc not less important. It was truly said, by Burke, "where slavery exists, those who are free are by I'ar the most proud and jealous of their freedom," "are more strongly, and with an higher and more stubborn spirit attached to liberty," "freedom is 1o them not only an enjoyment, but a kind of rank and privilege." Tliis is the more strikingly illustrated in a Re- public, where the slaves are of a different race, distinguished from the freeman by their colour. In such a Republic, the white looks upon libertv as the privilege of his colour, the government peculiarly his own, himself its sovereign. He watches it with the jealous eye of a monarch: "proud of his freedom," he is "jealous of his privilege ;" with "a stubborn spirit," with the haughtiness of domination lie will resist every attempt to rob him of his dominion. ' 'Not r( customed to see all the exterior of servitude" attached to his colour, but taught to look on slavery as fit only for a negro, he will not stoop to call any, master, he can not be made a slave. Where negro slavery exists, money is not necessary to make the freeman ; the white man takes rank by his colour ; it is his patent of nobility, and until forfeited for dishonour, entitles him and commands for him all the privileges of his class. Not so can it be, where "all the exterior of servitude" attaches to the nominal freeman : there of necessi!y money must distinguish tlie classes — mark the master, separate him from the servant. There oolour gives no privilege, but the white man and the white woman driven to "service," are excluded from the presence of their masters. 31 dare not claim to be tlieir equals. Where money gives honour, pover- ty is looked upon as disgrace. To those who envy the negro his po- sition, we urge no argument ; but to those who would see their race respected, fit to be free, we confidently appeal to reflect upon the dif- ference which is thus effected in the condition of the while race. With all the pride and haughtiness attributed by the abolitionist to the slave- holder, we challenge a comparison of the rank in society held by the poor white man in the slave-holding, and non-slave-holding States. The northern mechanic, who has once put foot within the limits of a slave-holding Slate, has felt this vast difference, and can bear witness to it. The humble seamstress, the despised chambermaid, whose for- tune has led her to the home of the slave-holder, has had cause to re- member his courtesy to woman. Slave holders are proud of their col- our, they can not but respect it. But the influence of negro-slavery on the future destiny of our Re- public, is even more potent than its effects upon the character of those who compose the government. We have said that the preservation of our Republic in its purity, depends on the institution of slavery. For this we shall be denounced by abolitionists, as denying the truth of that principle which lies at the foundation of our government. They who daily in practice deny it, give the lie to every word in the sentiment, are ever most ready to prate about "liberty and equal- ity;" in iheir denunciations of slave liolders, are accustomed to insist on a literal interpretation of the declaration "that all men are created equal." "Tliat they are endowed by their creator with certain in- "alienable rights ; that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of "happiness." It is common with abolitionists to condense this with the declaration that "all men are born free and equal." Nei'her is true when taken literally. On the contrary, as has been wittily said, the first word is a falsehood, for men are not created ! Children are created, not men. Noi^ is there more trutli in the de- claration, that men are created equal, as applicable to the phy&ical, or mental condi ion of man. The helpless idiot, the cripple, the blind, are noi equal to tlie bright, the beautiful, the strong : unequal in for- tune is llie "beggars brat," and the petted child of a wise and wealthy father. No two of all who are created, are equal. Nor is it literally true, that "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happi- ness are inalienable." On the contrary life is taken, the pursuit of happiness is regulated, liberty is restrained from the hour of birth, to the day of death. If the abolitionist were right in their interpretaticm of this principle, our army should be disbanded, our navy dismantled, our prisons thrown up, our very laws blotted out ; they are all practi- cal refutations of their construction. 32 Though of this declaration not one word is true wlien taken literal- ly ; yet as a political principle, as applicable alone to those ^vho are members of a government, it is the very foundation of liberty. Eut as a political principle, applied as it must be to those alone who compose the government, it has no relation to the question of negro slavery. Ours is in fact, whatever it may be attempted to make it in theory, es- sentially a government of white men : it cim not be necessary that we should say a word to show, that il should be so. Wisdom suggests it, necessity compels it : the negro is a race inferior to the white ; they can not meet as equals. When we sny that the negro is an inferior race, we need not chum that his race is dilFereni or tliat i(s origin is not comn^on to that of the white. We care not to engage in a controversy of so little profit. To gratify those who so love the negro, we may admit that they spring from the same source, and still maintain that they are inferior to the white. The blood horse of Arabia, the dray horse of Holland, and the Shatland poney, are all horses, and naturalists tell us they spring from a common stock j yet none will pretend that they are equal. So too the fleet greyhouTul. the sagacious New-foundl;:nd, the mangy cur, the diminutive despicable fice, are all dogs; it may be of connnon origin, yet is the one inferior. They can neiilier be f id nor trained into equality ! Wc may then admit that negroes are men, sprung Irom a common origin with the while race, and still claim th;.t tl:ey are in- ferior. Thai they are so, we can cull abolitionists to wi:ness. for how- ever much they love the slave, they exclude a free negro from their presence, drive him from their States. Of the right of a people to declare, who shall compose the govern- ment, who enjoy ils full privileges, of the propriely of exercising this right sous to exclude many, to one who appreciates the blessings of liberty, no proof need be gi-ven. There never was, there never can be a free government, to the full privileges of which, all who may happen to be wilhin its limits, are admitted. We have restricicd this right, even in the case of the while man: and it is conceived by many that we have even been too liberal in our permission to others of the white race to come and after a short probation share with us our proud privileges. Whatever be the opinion as to the propriety of our course towards the white race, we will not admit it debateable as to the negro. Posi- tive legii-lation is not necessary to exclude them, so universal is the feeling: abolitionists indeed would never entrust the government to their hands. If then negroes can not take port in the administration of th.e gov- eruinenl, if they are neter to be admiUed lo a share in its privileges j it will be asked, how are they to ulleet its duration, preserve its pur- ity ? Our a'lsvrer is, by couiiiuiing; to occupy that position for which their iri'ktT inicuded t'lein : that ol slaves to the while man. In a Republic, where all are polilically ecjual, wealth becomes the gr^Mt object lo be altaiiicd ; for wealth alone gives distinctionj weallh is uidispensable to th.e enjoyment ot real liberty, wealth distinguishes thi! irceinan from ilie slave. There, money makes the real master, pM\erty llu; real slave, A contest between wealth and poverty ncces- ,s:!riiy be;ri:is. Each s^'oks by the means wiihin its command to in- crease i;s })owcr. Wealth by the aid of talent to increase and to se- cure i.:s fortunes. Poverty by its political power, in numbers the stronger, seeks lo be!ter its condition, to free itself from real slavery, to become at least really ''I'ree and equal." Capital seeks to extort the greatest gain for least expenditure. Labour struggling for bread, dcminds a higher recompense for its services. The interests of tha employer and the hireling, the capitalist and labourer, are antagonisticy lor the gain of the one, is the loss of the other. As a country con- tinues lo increase in population, these interests conflict the more : wealth becomes inore absorbed in the hands of the few, the demand for labouf less tlian the supp'y, the labourers become weakened by their very numbers : at last the starving millions bu^come desperate. Poli'ically the pnuper, and tlie man of wealth are equal : labour has thus the power ol numbers ; while on the other hand wealth has the power of money, the command ol' talent. The contest has ever proved unequal ; the brute force of numbers may prevail for a time, it effects a mere convulsion : Agrarian laws may be called for, a distribution of property demanded ; in the end talent and wealth will conquer ; and then, to protect itself, to guard against a like convulsion, strong laws will be enacled, a government offeree be established. The scenes of the French revolution but illustrate the issue of this contest; Anar- chy under the cry of ''Liberty, Equality, Fraternity," rules for a day, to be followed on the morrow by an Empire ! Here it is proper we should again refer to the boasted increase of population in New England. We have seen that this is not so much the result of natural increase, as of foreign emigration ; we now propose to consider whether such increase he evidence of prosperity. We may, as piditical economists insist, irnst that providence in itS' wisdom does re;^ulate th;; natural increase of population by the capa- city of a country to sustain its populalion, and may hence properly ra'e such increase as an evidence uf pro(-|i-^ritr. But the capacity of 3 34 a eountry may b« increased by wise, be tliniinii>hecl by iiijuilicious legislation ; iuul lipnce mere im-rease of population is not necessarily cvitlence of prosperity. So too, population may by ertificial means be increased far beyond its natural increase, and may greatly exceed in this manner tlie c;ipncity of the country to support is popukuiun : this would be the reverse of prosperity. There is none more ready than \vc to extend all the blessinf^s of our free government, the almost boundless resources of our favoured land, to the poor and the oppressed of all nations ; yet. it is possible that our hospitality may be extended too far. The statesmen of the slavehold- ing States have been, and are still willing, to extend the welcome hand to all who come to us ; their generous hospitality has not been cramped by the hard struggle for bread. But it is not so at the North : there, the increase of population is beginning to be felt as far from evidence of prosperity. Already the cry for a repeal of the naturalization laws has been raised ; pnlitienl parties, secret societies, with this for their basis, have been organized. It is not that our foreign population wield too great an iiifluence in our government ; it is not that our naturalized citizens iire corrupting, or debasing public morals ; but it is that the struggle for bread is be- coming desperate, that the contest between capital and labour is hast- ening to a close ; this it is that leads the efforts to repeal the natur- alization laws, to the growing opposition in the Nortli to the further admission of emigrants ; the capitalist fears the vast addition to tlie ranks of its enemies ; the labourers of the North feel the dread con- ecquences of such a host of competitors. We have seen the vast number of families in New England who are without a dwelling ; its host of paupers, the inequality in the dis- tribution of its property ; these, with "strikes" for higher wages, as- iociations demanding a distribution of land, "barnburners" the desig- nation of a p^riy, are all, but clouds which indicate the approach of the storm, mark the progress of the contest. Let the influx of foreign labourers continue, daily reducing the rate of wages ; let, as is threatened, the prisons and poorhouses of Europe be emptied on us; let thus labour be consumed by its own strength, capital be thus still further monopolised by the few, until the thousand famished victims of excessive population cry out for bread, rise in the power of numbers and demand their "equal rights," their "equal share;" what then shall save the Republic from wreck? When that day siiall come, which may a kind Providence long defer, if in the mean time they do not forget that we are their brothers, do not force us to disown them for our kindred, the men of the Norih will find th« slave holders ready with heart and with purse, with head and witli hand, as were our fathers in days gone hj", and seem- ingly forgotten, to save them from destruction. Upon the South, as upon the strong arm of a brother, so long as negro shivery exists, the North can rely ; it will furnish materials to its workshops, a market for its manufactures ; werdtli to its capitalist, wages to the labourer. In the South no struggle between labour and capital can arise. Where slavery exists, capital and labour are one, for labour is capital. There the capitalist, instead of exhausting hi» labourer, must strengthen, protect and preserve him. for he is his money. The interest of the labourer and the capitalist, the slave and his master, are identical ; they cannot conflict. The prosperity of the master is the happiness of the slave, for his condition is improved as his master prospers ; the master prospers, as his slave is healthy, vigorous and happy. To negro slavery is the South indebted for its unrivalled prosperity, its exemption from the fearful struggle of wealth and poverty ; the happy equality in the condition of its people ; its practical enjoyment of tlie fuU blessings of republican government. Let abolitionists succeed, let slavery be abolished, the negroes turned loose : the whites, driven from their homes, will seek a refuge among the crowded population of the North ; or else the whites vic- torous in the conflict which would follow, the miserable negroes would fly to thci- professed friends; the northern labourer would find a ruin- ous competitor; the northern capitalist a fearful addition to the strength of his enemy. In either event the struggle would be hastened to an issue. The fall of the South would bring ruin on the North ; the Re- public would give place to Anarchy, to be followed by the rich man'* rule, a despotism. In the history of the world, there is no instance of a Republic, which endured for a generation, without the institution of slavery. We have shown the cause. It is in the contest which of necessity arises between wealth and poverty. That cause operates to-day in our own country with even more force than in tho earlier ages of the world. Wc have seen that now, as heretofore, there is but one reme- dy for this evil : it is to identify the interest of the capitalist and labourer. And we have seen that this end can be attained but in one v.ay : by the institution of slavery. If then we would preserve our Ropubtift^let us protect its only safe-guard. We lib e now presented to our friends at the North, (he facts on which n e rely for our declaration, that negro slavery, as it exists among us, is no nil. In the contrast which we have made of the con'Htion of the si .veholding and non-slavcholding States, our purpose l)a» not been to "see ino;ils in a brother's evt\" hut it has been to dis- abuse our friends of error, to enable them to judge iis fiiirly. To the good men oC the North we are fjralefiil for the manliness with which Ihoy so often come forward, and in despite of the denun- ciations of demagogues and fanatics, in despite even of their ov/n pre- judices, sustained our rights, done justice to our institutions. We are ready, loo, to accord to them all praise for their many excellen- cies. We admire their efforts in tlie cause of education ; we would not diminish their praise, nor lessen our blame, by reference to llie greater facilities lor extending to all the benefits of education where population is dense. "We claim not that we are perfect ; nor while we deny that negro slavery is an evil, do we deny that it may be attended with evil. The execution of laws, the very existence of human gov- ernment, is attended with evil ; religion itself is attended with evil. We may tlien admit as an e\il attendant upon slavery, (for slavery makes a people agricultural, and this pre\ents gre:it iTuipTtliy. should nnilc to PXtiMid the limifs \\ ilhin which thty may be employed. We have uol appealed to ihe men oF the Norlji to recognize our rit:^lits; we have not. as we mi>ht have, reminded them that our slaves were purchased from them: that they are in possession oC the money jiaid by our fatlu-rs lo theirs for these very slaves ; v.'c have not ap- jjcaled to them to look into the future and consider the end, sliould the ab(>litionists succeed in confuiing the slaves to a limited space — the violent destruction of the slaves or the whites. To those who need such appeals, an appeal would be idle. In conclusion, we will say a word further to our southern friends. If, in violation of all right, we are still to be held as o\itlawf<, to be lobbed of our property, excluded from an equal sh.are of our couTitry's blessines, but one course i> loll to us. It is to follow the example set us by liie good old Puritan patriots — to say to them in the words of our resolution : "Those who ]\v.\e slaveholders, have no right to slaveholder's morev. Our purpose is to trade with our Iriemis ; our enemies we will let alone, so long as they let us alone.'' If no other appeal ])rove efi'eetivc, appeal to their jiockets ! Let those at the North, who can control the abolitionists, feel that it is to their interest to do their duty. Cease to trade with them ; to send your children to their schools ; to spend your money at their watering places ; to travel on their roads ; and you will not only escape the insults and outrages daily heaped upon you, but you will find, ere long, an abolitionist as hateful to the people of the North, as he now is to the slaveholders of the South! Forbearance is ceasing to be a virtue. B. F. STRINGFELLOW, Chairman of Committee. IB -io.a APPENDIX, CONDITION OF THE NE(iRO. • „ „ ^'\^f -"^ l'""''>- nimrt. Insane & T(lm(». Free Ne?:ro 1 to []i_m 1 to 870 1 to 'JSO Slaves 1 -(35.52 1 " 2G45 1 '< 3()S0 CONDlTiONlH' THE WHITES. Maine, New Hamp., Vermont, ) „ -r. i , Free nornl-itinn Mass, Rho.le Island, Conn, ^ew England. ^ o "''s oKi Maryland, A'a., N. du, ) , , , f's „^ ^ '' ' ' S. Carolina, GcorgiM, \ o old slave States. Excess of southern States only CHURCHES, &c. New Ensrland, 4.60. ]'J.;5G2,r)34 1 s'V.] 450 5 Southern States, 8,081 11 ,I4'J.ll8 2,MI(j 472 ".,-174 8,213,510 1,0U3,022 New England has Froe Negroes, 22,9r,l Whites, 2,705 055 Southern States have "' '• 16S,410 •' 2,501^804 New England excludes from church, Whites... 811,005— Free 834 5G6 Southern churches will bold every white man, woman and child, nnd hav<^ room for....' 334,608 slaves Will take in all the Free Negroes and hold *.* l'6o'.25V ' " ' Will hold all who could get into the N. England churches and then hold i 1,003,022 slaves. New England has 1 church to 587 White, Q M 'L . ," I '!" *^ •^92 White and Free Ne^ro, South. States h;ivo 1 do to 317 White, '' '* "' 1 ^0 to 330 White and Free Ncc^ro " " 1 do to 537 total including slaves.' FAMILIES AND DWELLINGS. -.r T^ , , J'.iiiiilics. Dwvllini:?. New England 518,532 447,789 Southern States, 500,008 496,'309 New England, 11,564 more families, 48,580 less dwel' New England has 70,743 families Avithout a home ' Southern States but 10,599 '< « a ' New England has 1-8 of its families houseless. Southern States have.. 1-50 " « « ,T T-i 1 .1 Families. Annus' New England has 518,532 Southern States have 506.'96S New England with 11,504 more families^ has IG'ss's i'*. Natural increase by birth is over 27 p. -"• ^ '" New England.. Southern Statf. Slaves Excess of New England, death. Increase of population by birth RATIO New England „ Southern States, free popuIatioL Slaves 40 PAUPKRS. TmI.iI. N:iti\-o. Now Kn-hniH :->,-l:;i : lS^)e,>\ Soutliem Starrs \-\.::i[ U..2.^ New Eii;;land nxcoss l',.'.2ll) ~i,'2',')S i;.\t;o or rArrinc::. I'.nlll. Xatlv". Now Enslfinil I to 81 1 to 14:} Sunt licrii States 1 to 171 I to 232 VALUE OF PROPERTY, REAL AN!) PERSONAL. New Eno;liin.i $1,003,406,181 Southern States J ':^r'll^^_^l'P Excess of propeitv in south.Tu Statics S;4 17,523,;>y2 Of this the excess oi' land is 127,308.338 '» «' pcr>on;il property 2'.)0,20;"),0o4 I'.ut tliis is I'vcii less tliaii it >licml(I lie. l.ainl in ili' hnutlicni States is ralcii at its value lor vit'''i- ^.„Hi;r^. — while in X'w I-liiL-latiil it is ai Uic llrijtioiir. v.iliio vl town lauut. VALUE OF PROPERTY, REAL AND PERSONAL, IN TllK SLAVE iroLDIMG AM) NON-t^LAVE llOLDIM; STATKP. Piipiiial on. Noil- slavehohlins States free I:;.214.3Si> SUivohoklini!; States free _ tJ,312.J<'J'.l R>pro>(entativo 8,440, ")U7 Total, U,513,3U Vahic or I'rcprrty. Non-slaveholtlins; State? i>;3. 180.083.824 tSlaveholdiiij!; States 2,775, 121,644 Non-slaveholding States cxrcss of rr^'c population 111'.) per cent. " " " '' wealth 10 per Cent. RATIO OF PROPERTY TO THE PERSON. Non-slavcholdino; States free to person $233.00 Slaveholding States " '" 4;;'J.()0 / Representative " 328.00 f Dividing with slaves as persons " 2"J1.00 RATIO OF PROPERTY TO PERSON IN SEVERAE STATES. Non-slavehi)l(liiii: States. :>iavcholdint; .State asachusetts, . .$")4S.no Sonth Carol na, . . $1,001.00 Islan.l, . o2i).00 Louisiana, . . 800.00 "ctictit, 321.00 Mississippi,' . 702.00 \ ampshire, . 280.00 (tcorsjia, . . . . 038.00 It, 228.00 Alaliaina, . 511.00 . 166.00 Maryland, . . 423.00 »rk, 231.00 Virginia, . 403.00 ania, . 214.00 Kentucky, . . 377.00 210.00 North Carol inn, . 307.00 . l.-)4.00 Tennessee, , . 248.00 134.00 Missouri, . 166.00 SLAVES. ^ , $42^.00 , 425.00 ^ 360 00 , 357.00 • 343.00 309.00 • 21>5.00 . 284.00 244.00 188.00 144.0(1 .J^ o • « , ^ ^/ u^*^'"'"^ * .^^ \^ -t>^ '^v / >"% ^^^^^4:^'% V ^^-■^. "^^ *• "S^^. ^^^', ,v ,AO "-0 0* ,0 •/ .■^' ► ' 5 "oV^ ^^-^^^ <^„ ** . ^^^a^^fm^ . -^0 • ^^K^x^ O V LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 11 lliillllll III lllililliil 011 899 644 6