Glass 3 ^"" / 3 / Functional Psychology NATHAN A. HARVEY STATE NORMAL 'college yPSlLANTI, MICHIGAN ^'^i y^ Copyright 1911 NATHAN A. HARVEY ©C(.A3()or>27 I take it for granted that a teacher of psychology wants to give his students more than a mere classifica- tion of mental states, and he wants to show how the laws of mental life can be understood as part of the na- tural laws governing a highly developed organic being. What does he answer to the student's question in what manner the nervous system is modified when instincts are modified into habit? Unless he can offer the student a picture, however hypothetical, of the laws of nervous activity, he is obliged to offer mythological entities mak- ing and breaking connections at will. * * * We can- not explain to the student how our actions are determ- ined by our mental life without a detailed picture of nervous activities. Since experimental physiology at present does not offer such a picture, at least not one that serves the purpose of the psychologist, we have to develop one ourselves. We cannot wait for physiological discoveries which may never be made. Max Meyer, The Nervous Correlate of Attention, Psychological Review, Vol. 15, 1908, p. 360. PREFACE The problem of elementary psychology lies not in the discovery of new facts, nor in the detailed description of mental processes ; but in the recognition of the mental processes that the student has been experiencing all his life, their orderly interpretation, and the perception of the relations that they hold to each other. Like the man who after years of study of literature was surprised to find that he had been talking prose all his life, so the student of psychology must awaken to the fact, even though it be with surprise, that he has been studying psychology, or gathering data for it, throughout all the years of his existence. Unless the student arrives at such a conclusion, the teaching cannot be commended. The problem of elementary psychology is to lead the student to a recognition of what his own mental experi- ences are, and to a knowledge of their relations to each other. Incidentally this involves the acquisition of a vocabulary of the subject and a phraseology adapted to express the relations. The difficulties of teaching elementary psychology are multiplied by the indefiniteness of the language em- ployed and the lack of uniformity in the conclusions reached by the masters of the subject. The facts are the same for all students, elementary or advanced; but not only have we such differences as are expressed by the dualist and the monist, but in almost every department of the subject are upheld with equal vigor such divergent propositions as that will and feelings are identical, will and action, will and attention, and that there is no such phenomenon as the will in the ordinary sense of the term. But every student's experience is appealing to him and demanding explanation. Some explanation of his own life must be made, either adequate or inadequate, true or false. The following pages contain a method which is an attempt to enable a student to understand and interpret his experience, and to recognize the relations of his mental processes to each other. Starting- with the doc- trine of parallelism, which will be tolerated at least by all psychologists, the figure of a nervous current, which is a familiar one in psychology, is employed to make clear psychological relations. The device of recognizing in the different elements of a current the homologues of the elements of a mental psychon, enables us to make a clear, definite and thor- oughly understandable interpretation of the relations of mental processes to each other. We may or may not be- lieve that the hypothesis which the conception of a psychon involves is true ; we may or may not believe that it is demonstrable; but no proposition involved in its elaboration can be more startlingly divergent from our common experience than are many propositions advanced by an equally large number of eminent psychologists. The device of the psychological concomitants of a nervous current corresponds closely to that of the physi- cist who represents forces by lines, or to that of the chemist who pictures the molecular constitution of sub- stances by diagrams. No one supposes that the line is a force, nor that the diagrammatic representation of a molecule indicates anything like the molecule itself. But physics and chemistry have been transformed by the use of these devices, and it would be impossible to teach or to understand physical and chemical processes without them. For identical reasons the device of a psychon is developed in this book, and it is believed that equally satisfactory results will follow. There is also the addi- tional advantage in the conception of the psychon, that the truth of the several propositions involved in it, if not demonstrable, is to say the least, within the bounds of possibility. CHAPTER I THE CHRONOSCOPE. We know that nervous substance resists the incoming of stimulation. The resistance that it offers can be overcome only by stimuli of a certain strength. — Titchener, Outlines of Psychology, p. 96. The nervous substance of the central organs offers a greater resistance to the progress of a nerve commotion than is offered by the nerves. — Ladd, Outlines of Physiological Psychology, p. 174. We have then in the results of this series of experiments a confirmation of the inference already suggested by the long dura- tion of reflex time ; that the central elements offer incomparably more resistance than the nerve fibers to the progress of an excita- tion. — Wundt, Physiological Psychology, p. 88. Reaction to light lasts about 80 sigma longer than the reaction to sound and pressure. Sensorial reaction lasts about one-tenth of a second longer than the muscular. — Kulpe, Psychology, p. 407. It is certain that cells are more inert than fibers, and that rapid vibrations in the latter can arouse only relatively simple states or processes in the former. — James, Psychology, Vol. I, p. 156. All consciousness seems to depend upon a certain slowness of the processes in the cortical cells. — James, Psychology, Vol. JI,p. 104. The more these functions (intelligence) assume a psychical aspect, so much the longer is the duration of the impulse in the nervous system. — Moral, Physiology of the Nervous System, p. 277. The intensity of consciousness as a neural function depends upon the intensity of the decomposition of the brain tissue. And it is inversely as the ease and rapidity with which the inner work of one nerve element is transmitted to another. — Ladd, Outlines of Physiological Psychology, p. 417. Reaction Time. — Reaction time is the interval that elapses between the perception of a signal and a muscular contraction in response. It is the interval required for an impulse to be transmitted from the organ in which it is established to the muscle whose contraction constitutes the response. It is quite impossible to understand some of the phenomena of mental life without a knowledge of the facts of reaction time. The Chronoscope. — Reaction time is measured by an instrument called a chronoscope. There are several The Chronoscope 9 forms of this instrument, but the one described here is perhaps the most easily understood. It consists essen- tially of a pendulum that is long enough and properly Fig. 1 — Chronoscope. A, Pendulum; B, Pendulum release key; C, Indicator; D, Indicator control mechanism; E, Scale. weighted to swing from one end of its arc to the other in half a second. It is supported on steel bearings like knife edges such as are employed in making delicate chemical balances. The Pendulum. — When the pendulum is drawn to one end of its arc, a sharp edge at the bottom of the pen- dulum catches in one of a row of notches in the upper side of a ratchet. The ratchet is held in the proper posi- tion to receive the pendulum edge by a spring. When the ratchet is pushed or pulled down, it releases the pen- dulum and permits it to begin its swing. 10 Functional Psychology The Pendulum Release. — The ratchet may be pulled down and the pendulum released in either one of two ways: — first, the distal end of the ratchet projects beyond the axis that supports it and terminates in a key which may be lifted up by the hand, thus depressing the end of the ratchet bar that holds the pendulum, and so re- leasing it. Second, it may be released by sending a cur- rent of electricity through two coils of wire, which with their soft iron cores constitute an electro-magnet, that attracts downward a piece of soft iron attached to the ratchet bar. When the electro-magnet is energized by sending a current of electricity through it, the pendulum is released. When the current is broken, the ratchet is thrown back into place by a spring on its under side. When the ratchet is thrown up into its original position, the swing of the pendulum back to the end of its arc from which it started carries the lower edge of the pen- dulum up into one of the notches of the ratchet and holds it there until again released. The releasing of the pen- dulum by closing a ke)?- which makes the circuit, sending thereby a current of electricity through the coils of wire is the most satisfactory method. The Indicator. — The pendulum is supported upon a pillar that rises from a heavy steel bed plate. The pen- dulum swings on an axis which carries on its front end a circular soft iron plate furnished with a slender indicator arm, nearly as long as the pendulum. The circular plate is not fastened rigidly to the axis, but may move upon it, and the indicator which it carries moves with the pendu- lum in its swing until it is stopped by the attraction of the circular plate to an electro-magnet in front of which it swings. The circular plate that carries the indicator moves in front of the two poles of an electro-magnet at- tached to the pillar which supports the pendulum. When the electro-magnet is energized by a current of electricity through its two coils, the magnet attracts the circular The Chronoscope 11 plate to its poles and holds it fast, thus stoppin^g the indi- cator. When the current is broken, and the coils are de- magnetized, a spring pushes the circular plate away from the poles and allows the indicator to continue its swing with the pendulum. The Scale. — The indicator swings over an aluminum scale near the bed plate of the instrument, which is grad- uated into five hundred degrees. The pendulum swings from one side of the arc to the other in half a second, so that the indicator passes over the five hundred degrees of the scale in the same length of time, and consequently passes over one degree in one thousandth of a second. Variation in Degrees. — The pendulum starts from a state of rest and comes to rest again at the extremity of its swing. In its course it moves with a constantly ac- celerated motion through the first half of its arc, then with a constantly retarded motion through the second half. It is swinging slowest near the extremities of the arc, and moving most rapidly near the middle of its swing. It is evident then, that if each degree is to be passed over in the same length of time, those degrees near the middle of the arc must be longer than those near the extremities. In fact, on the scale, the actual gradations of the first and fifth parts are into five degree spaces instead of into single degrees. We have thus indicated the principal parts of the chronoscope, which are the pendulum, the method of pendulum release, the indicator, the indicator control mechanism, and the graduated scale. Other parts merely hold these essential mechanisms in proper position. Operation of the Chronoscope. — In order to operate the chronoscope, the person whose reaction time is to be measured, is seated at a table with one hand upon a key which when pressed will close a circuit through the electro-magnet that stops the indicator. A single cell of a good dry battery will furnish current enough for this 12 Functional Psychology magnet. The signal is given in various ways depending upon the sense that is to be measured. Reaction to Sight.^ — If we are to measure the reaction to the sense of sight, the person to be measured is seated behind a screen in which is a hole about an inch in diam- eter, on a level with the eyes. A light wooden lever is attached to the release key of the chronoscope, and the distal end of the lever is inserted in a strip of cardboard in front of the screen. The strip of cardboard is of just such a length that the upper edge of it comes to the lower edge of the hole in the screen. When the distal end of the release key is lifted, either by energizing the electro- magnet, or by the finger of the operator, the same move- ment that releases the pendulum throws the strip of cardboard up in front of the hole. The person perceiv- ing this as a signal, presses the indicator key, thus stop- ping the indicator. The interval between the appearance of the signal and the motor response in pressing the key is then read off the indicator scale in thousandths of a second. Reaction to Hearing. — The signal for hearing is given by the click of a telegraph key which is produced by the same current that releases the pendulum. In order that the person may react to hearing and not to sight, a screen is interposed between the person who reacts and the chronoscope. Reaction to Touch. — The signal for touch is given by pressing one hand of the reactor with a key which closes the circuit, thus releasing the pendulum, while the person reacts with the other hand. The reaction time is the in- terval between the release of the pendulum coincident with the starting of the touch impulse in the skin of one hand, and the closing of the indicator key with the other. Reaction Time Without a Chronoscope. — The reac- tion to the sense of touch may be measured quite accur- The Chronoscope 13 ately for the average of a large class without a chrono- scope. Let all the persons in a class stand in such a way that they may form a complete circuit by joining hands. The first person in the circuit lets fall a pendulum of such a length that it beats seconds while at the same time he presses the hand of the person next to him. That person, when he perceives the pressure, presses the hand of the person next to him, and the pressure is thus trans- mitted through all the persons in the circuit. The last person in the circuit, when he feels the pressure, stops the pendulum. The number of seconds, divided by the number of persons will indicate the average reaction time for the whole class. Favorable Conditions. — In order to make accurate measurements of reaction time, there should be as little distracting circumstances as possible. The presence of other persons in the room is very likely to modify the time measurement. Noises are nearly certain to influence the reaction. It is better to place the signal and the re- acting key in a room where there is no other person than the one reacting. Analysis of Reaction Time. — Reaction time is capable of being analyzed into several parts. The time required for the signal to establish a nervous impulse, the trans- mission along the afferent nerve, the time required for the impulse to traverse the sensory center, the transmis- sion from the sensory center to the motor center, the transmission through the motor center, the transmission along the efferent nerve, the time of muscular contrac- tion, and the time for the electric current to traverse the wire to the indicator. However, all these times are so short, except the transmission along the nerve and through the two brain centers that there is likely to be a greater error produced by trying to take them into ac- count than if they were neglected. In order to obviate 14 Functional Psychology errors to as great an extent as possible, it is usual to make several measurements and take an average. The Fact of Reaction Time. — From measurements of reaction time, several important conclusions have been obtained. The first important fact is that there is a measurable reaction time. Scarcely more than sixty years ago, the great physiologist, Johannes Miiller, asserted that it w^ould be forever impossible to measure the time of the transmission of an impulse, and v^ithin five years afterward it was measured. Length of the Interval. — The reaction time varies around 200 sigma. A sigma, represented by the Greek letter of that name, is the unit for small intervals of time, and is the one thousandth of a second. Variation in Different Persons. — The reaction time varies for different persons in the same sense. With some persons the reaction time for the sense of sight may be as small as 150 sigma, while with others it may be as great as 250 sigma. Variation in the Same Person. — The reaction time varies for the same person in different senses. Some persons have a reaction time of 150 sigma for hearing or touch, while that for sight may be 200 sigma or more. In general, those persons who have a noticeably short time for sight and longer time for hearing are called eye minded individuals. They are likely to learn better through the eye, and to make accurate judgments of size and shape, and will be likely to have pronounced ability in drawing. Those in whom the reaction for hearing is decidedly the shorter, are likely to learn better by hear- ing, to be good oral readers, to have more or less ability in musical subjects. However, this difference in reaction time is not a positive indication of ability in any one of these artistic directions. The Chronoscope 15 Effect of Practice. — Practice diminishes reaction time. This is a fundamental fact of psychology which it is nec- essary to recognize. We may not be able to understand the process by which the reaction time is decreased, but it is necessary for us to realize that the fact occurs. When a nervous impulse passes through a brain center, or nervous arc, for the first time, it encounters resistance. The second time it passes through, it encounters less resistance, apparently in consequence of some modifica- tion of the nerve cells of the arc itself. This shortening of reaction time is the fact which lies at the basis of the formation of habit. No amount of practice, however, can shorten reaction time below about one-tenth of a second. Effect of Attention. — Attention modifies reaction time. This is the source of the greatest variations that are encountered. Any circumstance that distracts atten- tion increases reaction time. The precautions that it is necessary to take in order to get a true test of reaction time are precautions against a distraction of attention. The variations that occur in successive reactions are sure to have their origin in the variations of attention, and this fact is one of the phenomena that must be considered in any theory of the nature of attention. Motor and Sensory Reaction. — Motor reaction is shorter than sensory. By motor reaction we mean that which follows when the attention is fixed upon the hand and muscle with which the movement is made. By sensory reaction v/e mean that which follows when the attention is fixed upon the signal, or stimulus. In every case it is found that the hand can move more quickly after the signal is given, if the idea of the movement, in- stead of the idea of the signal, is kept in mind. Reaction Time in Children. — The reaction time of children is longer than that of grown-up persons. This must be taken as a general fact. It is not true that the 16 Functional Psychology reaction time of every g^rown-up person is shorter than that of every child, but that the average reaction time of a thousand grown-up persons will be shorter than that of a thousand children. Also, it means that if the reaction time of a child is measured, it will be longer than the reaction time of that same child after he has grown up. Reaction Time in Educated Persons. — The reaction time of educated persons is shorter than that of unedu- cated persons. In this case also it must be understood that there are many individual exceptions, and that it is only by taking the average of large numbers of educated and uneducated persons, as well as by considering what may properly be called education, that we can demon- strate that the proposition is true. However, there can be little question of the general truth of the proposition, and that one effect of education is to diminish reaction time. Effect of Fatigue. — Fatigue increases reaction time. This effect of fatigue is shown rather promptly and decid- edly. It may be employed as a fairly satisfactory method of studying the intensity of fatigue. Effect of Disease. — The state of health modifies reac- tion time. In general, sickness, or poor health, or pathol- ogical condition of the body increases reaction time. But there may be many kinds of disease, characterized by ex- treme nervousness, in which the pathological condition may act to decrease reaction time. If the reaction time should go decidedly below 100 sigma, we may suspect a nervous condition that borders on the pathological. Demonstration of Resistance in the Brain. — It re- quires from ten to twenty-five times as long for the nerv- ous impulse to traverse a given distance in the brain as it does to travel the same distance in a ner\^e. The demon- stration of this fact is comparatively easy. Let us take The Chronoscope 17 an example in which the reaction time to the sense of touch is 187 sigma. Rate in a Nerve. — In this interval of time, the nerv- ous impulse started in the left hand has traversed about three feet of nerve in the left arm and about three feet in the right, before going to the muscles that move the fin- gers. The impulse has thus traversed about six feet of nerve. All measurements of the rate of speed in a nerve shov,' that it m.oves at a rate approximately constant and about 100 feet in a second. It has then required six-hun- dredths of a second to traverse the six feet of nerve. The difference between 187 sigma, the total reaction time, and 60 sigma, the time the impulse employs in traveling six feet in the nerve, is 127 sigma, which is the time occupied in traversing the brain. The distance that the impulse travels in the brain cannot be greater than six inches, and may be much less. Besides, part of this distance is along an association fiber connecting the sense center with the motor center, and having the same transmission rate as a nerve. Six inches is the longest distance that we can suppose the impulse to travel in the brain, and anything less than that merely makes the demonstration so much the more emphatic. Rate in the Brain Center. — If it requires 127 sigma to traverse six inches in the brain, it would require twice that time, or 254 sigma, to go one foot in the brain, and 25 and four-tenths seconds to traverse 100 feet, or more than 25 times as long as it requires to traverse the same distance in a nerve. Rate in the Brain Center Variable. — The rate of transmission in a nerve is constant, while in a brain cen- ter it is variable. All measurements of the rate of trans- mission in a nerve arrive at approximately the same re- sult, while there are scarcely two measurements of reac- tion time, even in successive trials with the same per- 18 Functional Psychology son, that do not show more or less variation. We are compelled to suppose then, that the variation in reaction time is associated with the transmission through the brain center, not in the nerve. Rate in Cell Body and in the Nerve. — The nerve fiber is merely a prolongation of the neuron, and is part of a cell, containing the same essential constituents. There is no reason for supposing that the matter of the cell dif- fers in any degree in its conducting power in any part. A nervous impulse would travel as rapidly, and at exactly the same rate, in the cell body or the dendrite as it would in the axon of the nerve fiber. Delay at the Synapse. — We must suppose, then, that the hesitation, delay, slowing up of the nervous impulse in its passage through a brain center occurs, not in the cell, but at the synapse, where the impulse passes from one cell over to another. Delay a Condition of Every Mental Process. — But the most far-reaching generalization derived from our meas- urements with the chronoscope and the demonstration of reaction time is that if it were not for this hesitation, de- lay, resistance, slowing up of the nervous impulse in transmission through a brain center, there would be no mental process other than that kind which is manifested in a reflex act, such as is seen in the knee jerk when the patella is struck. It is believed that without this delay in transmission through a brain center, we should experi- ence no feeling, sensation, perception, memory, will, at- tention, nor any other process that we call mental. This is the meaning of the quotations from James, Morat and Ladd at the beginning of this chapter. It is a fact that constitutes the basis of all of our subsequent explanations of psychological phenomena. The Chronoscope 19 DEFINITIONS. Chronoscope — An instrument for measuring short in- tervals of time. Uusually it measures to the thousandth part of a second. Sigma (Represented by the Greek letter). — The unit in michronometry. It is the thousandth part of a second. Simple Reaction Time — The time that elapses be- tween perceiving a signal and the motor response. The time required for an impulse to travel from the sense or- gan in which it is started through the brain center to the muscle that contracts in response. CHAPTER II FEELING. The sensation (feeling) of pain presupposes a reflex movement and an arrest of nervous conduction in the gray substance of the spinal marrow. It is this consciousness of inhibition in varying degrees that is felt by the consciousness as pain. — Ribot, Psychology of the Emotions, p. 84. It (pain) probably supposes the subduing of a great resistance in the central nerve organs. — Hoffding, Psychology, p. 223. Where action is perfectly automatic (without resistance) feeling does not exist. — Spencer, Psychology, Vol. I, p. 478. Drugs such as chloroform in all probability produce their effect by increasing the resistance of the synapses. — McDougall, Physi- ological Psychology, p. 47. Here we have the three familiar stages : the too easy, which does not excite any noticeable feeling; the moderately easy, which excites pleasure, and the too difficult, which excites unpleasantness. — Kulpe, Psychology, p. 255. Some part of the energy, then, of every stimulus is lost for sensation (feeling). — Titchener, Outlines, p. 97. It is highly probable that in the state of surprise we have imperfect knowledge because we have too much sensation (feeling). — Ribot, Psychology of Attention, p. 25. These several exposition, I think, make it clear that cognition and feeling, throughout all phases of their evolution, are at once antithetical and inseparable. — Spencer, Psychology, Vol. I, p. 478. Cognition and feeling must thus stand in inverse relation to each other. The more strongly one is manifested, the less strength at the command of the other. — Hoffding, Psychology, p. 98. Meaning of Feeling. — The word feeling is used with several meanings. We speak of feeling, sometimes, meaning the exercise of the sense of touch. We may speak of feeling the top of the table, or the smoothness of a piece of glass. We may mean by feeling the general state of our health, as when we say that we feel bad, or sick, or well. Sometimes a picture is described as mani- festing much feeling, meaning that it exhibits certain properties likely to arouse in the beholder considerable Feeling 21 emotion. Feeling is also used to mean an affective pro- cess of a particular degree of complexity, corresponding to an idea. Meaning Employed Here. — None of these meanings constitute the content of the word as it is used in this chapter. By feeling we shall mean any kind of an af- fective process, simple or complex, vivid or faint, pleas- urable or painful. Feeling will be employed to designate any kind of affective state, whether such as accompanies a fit of anger, or the scratch of a pin. Affective State. — It will be necessary for us to under- stand what we mean by affective state, and to distinguish it clearly from an intellectual process. An intellectual process such as sensation, or perception, gives us knowl- edge, and makes us acquainted with the quality of an ob- ject, or with the object itself. An affective process does not make us know anything, but makes us experience pleasure or pain. If we were to say that an affective pro- cess is the pleasure or pain, we should make an incorrect statement, but it would assist us in arriving at a distinc- tion between an affective and an intellectual process. Pleasure and pain are not affective processes, but they are their most characteristic properties, and affective pro- cesses can most clearly be distinguished by them. Older Treatment of Feelings. — The treatment of the feelings is the most unsatisfactory department of psychol- ogy. The older psychologists divided the powers of the mind into three groups : the intellectual powers, or the group of powers by which we know; the sensibilities, or the group of powers by which we feel ; and the will. The usual plan was to treat fully the intellectual powers, then of the will. The relation betAveen the intellect and feel- ing was not always made clear. In fact, the intellectual powers and the sensibilities were treated as if they were 22 Functional Psychology entirely distinct processes. While the admission was made that there was a relation existing between intellect and feeling, no one was able to suggest what the relation was, and no necessary connection was really recognized. Treatment By the New Psychology. — The treatment of the feelings by the New Psychology has been scarcely more satisfactory. The movement that may be desig- nated as the New Psychology may be said to have fairly begun with the work of Wundt, not far from 1870, and to have become established in the United States with the publication of James's Psychology in 1890. It is especial- ly characterized by the much greater emphasis placed upon the study of the nervous system and physiological processes in general. This has brought about a complete transformation of the subject, but the improvement has been almost wholly in the study of the intellectual pro- cesses, and but little improvement has been made in the treatment of the feelings. Difficulty of the Subject. — It seems as if the feelings have almost entirely escaped all attempts to associate them with physiological processes. If we except Mr. James's theory of emotion, which is almost certainly not true, we shall find no improvement in the New Psycholo- gy over the Old in the treatment of the feelings. Mr. Ladd, in his Outlines of Physiological Psychology, says that " Since the beginning of serious attempts to establish a scientific psychology, the consideration of the feelings and emotions has been unsatisfactory." Separation of Feeling and Intellect. — The tendency of proceed to the discussion of the sensibilities, and finally the present day psychologists has been to regard the feel- ings as quite as independent from intellectual processes as it was among the older psychologists. Most of the psychologists of the present day see no necessary con- nection between intellect and feeling, and are unable to Feeling 23 discover any way to fit the feelings into the physiological plan. Sometimes it is assumed that there are separate brain centers for different feelings, as there are for the different intellectual processes. Some of our popular school text books on physiology indicate on the surface of the brain an area designated as the location of the feel- ings. Mr. Ladd in his Physiological Psychology is in- clined to assume that there are parallel systems of end organs, nerves and brain centers for feelings and for in- tellectual processes; that the nerves which transmit the feeling impulses are distinct from those that transmit the intellectual impulses. If there are separate nerves there must be separate brain centers. Feeling as Indefinite Intellect. — A different tendency is manifested in rather a strong disposition to regard feel- ing as a process not differing essentially from an intel- lectual process, except in its clearness and definiteness. A feeling process when it becomes definite is an intellectual process. It seems that it is in consequence of this ten- dency that there has arisen a theory that pain is an intel- lectual sensation, with its own end organs, pain nerves and brain centers. The theory is widely held, although no pain end organs nor pain nerves nor pain brain centers have ever been demonstrated, nor is there any special stimulus for pain as there is for every other sensation. But it appears that this is the first step toward a definite reduction of feeling to an intellectual process, and it has therefore received very general support from psycholo- gists. Necessity for a New Theory. — Perhaps the greatest need in psychology today is some consistent theory of feeling that shall express its relation to other mental processes, and be in harmony with the tendencies of pres- ent day psychology, as well as to correlate all the facts of feeling that we daily experience. What has been said in preceding paragraphs seems to justify the attempt to 24 Functional Psychology present a theory that is somewhat diiferent from any the- ory at present advanced. This theory may be called the resistance theory, and is foreshadowed by the expressions quoted from Ribot, Hoftding, Spencer and McDougall at the beginning of this chapter. The Theory Stated. — Stated briefly, this theory is that feeling is the psychological concomitant of the resistance that a nervous impulse encounters in passing through a nervous arc. Measurements with the chronoscope show that there is a resistance through a brain center. We find that the rate of transmission is 10 to 25 times as rapid in the nerve as it is in the brain center, and that the rate in the brain center is variable. The fact of this resistance is undeniable, and is recognized by all psychologists. We know nothing of the nature of the resistance, and know only that it exists. Analogy of the Electric Circuit. — We shall be able to understand the character of the resistance by examining the analogy of the nervous arc. The current that is em- ployed in our projection lantern is a current of 110 volts, which is too much to work satisfactorily. Therefore we insert into the circuit a coil of iron wire whose only func- tion is to offer resistance, and to stop out some of the cur- rent. The current that goes through produces the light. We might connect it up with a motor and make it turn a fan or a mill or run a street car. That would be work done, and would correspond to the part of the nervous current that goes through the arc, and which is the con- comitant of the intellectual work that is accomplished. Analogous to Heat. — But that part of the electric cur- rent that is stopped out by the rheostat is used up in over- coming resistance, and is transformed into heat. This is the part of the electric current that is analogous to that portion of the nervous current which is used up in over- coming resistance, and which is the concomitant of feel- Feeling 25 ing. Feeling then, strictly is analogous to the heat pro- duced in the electric circuit, and we may describe it by saying that it is the concomitant of the overcoming of the resistance, or more briefly that it is the concomitant of the resistance encountered in the transmission through the nervous arc. Cause of Resistance Unknown. — We must not carry the analogy too far. We speak of the resistance in the electric circuit and measure it in ohms. We know noth- ing whatever about the cause of the resistance in the elec- tric circuit, nor why an iron wire offers more resistance than does a copper wire of the same length and diameter. Nevertheless, we are able to measure it very accurately, and to construct machinery that involves the employ- ment and the accurate calculation of the resistance. In the same way, we know nothing about the cause of the resistance in the nervous arc, although we are able to approximate an explanation of it more nearly than we are of the resistance in the electric circuit. But we have not as yet established a unit for it, and we are unable to measure it. What Resistance Means. — It is necessary for us to have a clear understanding of what we shall mean by resistance, for by it we shall expect to explain and make clear many divergent, obscure and apparently contra- dictory phenomena. We are using the term resistance in a slightly modified sense from that in which it is em- ployed in describing the phenomena of an electric cur- rent. As the term is employed in electricity it means the property of a conductor and its magnitude is meas- ured in ohms. Amount of Current Destroyed. — When we use the term resistance in discussing the nervous current, we con- sider it not merely as a property of the conducting ner- 26 Functional Psychology vous arc, but it will be measured by the amount of cur- rent destroyed. The amount of current destroyed will depend not merely upon the nature of the arc, but also upon the amount of energy that is transmitted along the arc, or enters the brain center. The Two Factors in Resistance. — It will be seen that this definition is intended to cover two elements; first, the nature of the nervous arc; second, the strength of the current. Resistance, then, in the sense in which we shall use the term, depends upon two factors, both variables, and varying independently of each other. First Law of Resistance. — We may state some of the laws of nervous resistance in the following manner : With a current of given strength, resistance will vary with the nervous arc through which it is transmitted. The resisting power of any nervous arc will be modified by various circumstances. In the first place, repeated transmission of an impulse through the arc will diminish its resisting power. This is sometimes called the law of neural habit, and is one of the best known laws of ner- vous action. Its explanation is to be sought for in the manner in which the molecular structure is restored after its equilibrium has been destroyed by the removal of atoms in the transmission of an impulse. Modification of the Arc. — But it is not merely the number of repetitions of an impulse through a nervous arc that decreases resistance. The resistance in the arc will be modified more rapidly by a strong impulse than it will by a weak one. A smaller number of repetitions of a strong nervous current will modify the resistance of the arc as much as a larger number of weak impulses. Modification by Other Conditions. — The resisting power of a nervous arc will be modified not only by prac- tice, or habit, but by the blood supply at any particular time and the general pathological conditions of the nerve . Feeling 27 tissue. Inflammation of the nerve tissue, or the action of different kinds of drugs may modify the resisting power of any given nervous arc to a current of any particular strength. Modification by Attention. — A third method by which the resisting power of a nervous arc may be modified is through the process of attention, whose discussion must be reserved for a subsequent chapter. Second Law of Resistance. — A second law of resist- ance may be stated as follows : In a given nervous arc, the amount of resistance encountered will vary directly as the strength of the current. As a consequence of this second law, we understand that if a current is feeble and weak, little resistance will be encountered in passing through a nervous arc, and there will be but little modi- fication of the arc by it. If a current is strong, great resistance will be encountered, and much modification of the arc will result. Variation in Strength of Current. — There can be no question that nervous currents vary widely in strength. The strength of the current at any time is dependent in some degree at least upon the amount of tissue that is oxidized. Blood supply, plenty of food, pure air, suffi- cient exercise to quicken the heart beat and send blood rapidly to the brain are all conditions that tend to in- crease the amount of tissue oxidized, and the amount of energy liberated. Narcotic drugs tend to diminish the oxidation of tissue, to weaken the strength of the current, to diminish resistance, and to deaden the feeling. Peripherally and Centrally Initiated Impulses. — We can readily recognize the fact that a peripherally initiated impulse which starts in some sense organ is stronger than a centrally initiated one. The external forces that act upon sense organs are generally greater than the force 28 Functional Psychology ^ which originates a centrally initiated impulse. It is even possible now to measure the pressure of light which was believed for so many years to be absolutely lacking, but it is scarcely possible to measure the force that can de- compose a molecule of protagon and deprive it of some of its atoms. It is very possible, too, that the end organs of sense are devices for multiplying the effects of the external force, which is not likely to be true of the cere- bral organs. Relation of Feeling to Intellect. — This hypothesis of the nature of feeling will help us to understand what is the real relation of feeling to the intellectual process which accompanies it. The two processes are described by Herbert Spencer as at once antithetical and insepar- able. No feeling is ever experienced alone, but it must always be accompanied by an intellectual process. This is a fact of profound significance, and no other hypothesis has been proposed that satisfactorily explains it. There can be no resistance unless a current is passing through a nervous arc, and the concomitant of the transmission is an intellectual process. First Law of Feeling. — We are now in a position to understand what Mr. Spencer means by saying that feel- ing and intellect are antithetical. The reciprocal relation between the two processes has frequently been noticed, and hundreds of illustrations of the fact have been ex- perienced by every one. We may state the first law of feeling as follows : With a given amount of nervous energy, the more feeling the less intellectual work can be done, and the less the feeling experienced the greater the amount of intellectual work. Illustrations of the Law. — If we are experiencing a toothache, or great fatigue, or hunger, or cold, or any other form of physical discomfort, we are unable to ac- Feeling 29 complish the usual amount of intellectual work. Our ability to study is decreased, and our decision upon any matter cannot be relied upon to manifest its usual accur- acy. Even an amount of pleasurable excitement is unfavorable to our best work. Quite as disastrous to intellectual work is a mental, as distinguished from a physical, feeling. Anger destroys our ability to solve problems, learn lessons, or commit to memory. Fear is equally destructive, and in fact any unpleasant mental feeling has a disastrous eitect. Only less destructive is a highly pleasant feeling, such as is experienced in antici- pating a holiday, or some much desired event in the near future. Other Illustrations. — A person is a poor judge of the merits of his own case, because he is likely to be exper- iencing a good deal of feeling in connection with it, and his intellectual judgment is deficient in consequence. The person who wishes to meet the arguments of an adver- sary, whether mental or physical, must keep cool and experience as little feeling as possible, for only by so doing will he have sufficient amount of intellectual capa- city to meet them. If he dissipates his energy in feeling, he will not be able to cope with his adversary intellect- ually. Second Law of Feeling. — Such examples of the reci- procal relation between feeling and intellect are those in which the concomitant resistance is determined in the larger part by the nature of the nervous arc itself. But there are other phenomena of feeling in which our sec- ond law of resistance miost immediately applies. When- ever the resistance is determined principally by the strength of the nervous current, the relation between feeling and intellect is direct and not reciprocal. What could be more directly contradictory than the statement of Hofi'ding (Psychology, p. 98), that "Cognition and feeling must thus stand in an inverse relation to each 30 Functional Psychology other. The more strongly one is manifested the less strength at the command of the other," and the statement made by an old time book on Mental Philosophy (Haven, p. 378), ''The range and power of the sensibilities, the mind's capacity for feeling, depends upon the range and vigor of the intellectual powers. Within certain limits, the one varies as the other. The man of strong and vig- orous mind is capable of stronger emotion than the man of dwarfed and puny intellect." Intellectual Men of Deep Feeling. — When we see the real relation between intellect and feeling, and under- stand the conditions upon which that relation rests, we see that both statements manifest a partial truth. Some men of deep feeling are men of great intellectual ability. Abraham Lincoln was a good example, and perhaps Colonel Parker was a better. In all cases of this kind, we shall find that such men are those who are capable of gen- erating nervous energy in an unusual amount, so that while a large part of it is used up in overcoming resist- ance, and its concomitant feeling is great, there is still an unusual amount to be transmitted through the nervous arc, and manifest its concomitant intellect. Interest in Our Work. — Here, too we shall recognize the explanation of the fact that is so generally insisted upon, that we learn our lessons better and do better intel- lectual work if wx are interested in the subject; that is, if we experience considerable feeling while engaged in study. Also that in order to remember anything success- fully we should learn it with feeling. Whatever truth there is in such statements, and they are generally be- lieved, arises from the fact that the feeling accompanying the study in which we are interested is the concomitant of resistance arising principally from the generation of energy in greater quantity. It is an application of our second law of feeling. When we are interested in study- Feeling 31 ing our lesson, we straighten up, take deeper breaths, step a little more firmly, contract the muscles more strongly, and thereby induce a more rapid circulation of the blood, and oxidize more nervous tissue. Were the feeling to arise from an increase in the resisting power of the nervous arc without an increase in nervous energy, the intellectual work would not be better done. Children Creatures of Feeling. — Children are capable of but little intellectual work, although they manifest a great deal of feeling. A little child laughs or cries a large part of the time, and it seems about as easy for it to do one as the other. Both conditions of resistance are pro- nounced in the case of the little child, and both laws of feeling are cooperative. The little child generates a large amount of nervous energy, and at the same time its brain centers are poorly organized. Both conditions conspire to increase the amount of resistance, and its concomitant feeling is very great. Effect of Habit. — The effect of habit or practice is to decrease the resistance which a nervous impulse encoun- ters in passing through a nervous arc. We know as a matter of experience and observation that feeling tends to disappear from an habitual act. We may be set to doing something that at first appeals to us as very un- pleasant; but if we keep at it long enough, we not only become skillful in doing the work, but we cease to exper- ience the discomfort that we felt at first. The explanation is easy, if we recognize that feeling is the concomitant of the resistance that is overcome. Practice renders the resistance less, and the feeling decreases. Unpleasant Becomes Pleasant. — An unpleasant occu- pation is more likely to become pleasant than a pleasant occupation to become painful. We nearly always like to do any kind of work in which we have attained a high degree of skill, and we believe that the skill is the cause 32 Functional Psychology of the pleasant feeling. Really, the pleasant feeling is not the cause of the skill, nor is the skill the cause of the pleasant feeling, but the skill and the pleasant feeling both arise out of the same condition, namely, the dimin- ished amount of resistance originating in habit. Pleasure Succeeds Pain. — An unpleasant feeling is the concomitant of a stronger degree of resistance than is a pleasant feeling. So as the resistance decreases, the pleasant feeling takes the place of the unpleasant one. There is a common saying, that "It will feel good when it quits hurting," and indeed there is much truth in the saying. There is usually a distinctively pleasurable feel- ing accompanying the cessation of pain. The excessive magnitude of the impulse which has occasioned the great resistance accompanying the painful feeling has so modi- fied the nervous arc that a smaller amount of current •meets with less resistance than the same amount would have encountered had the nervous arc previously been traversed by a current of only ordinary strength. Indifference. — In passing from a feeling of pleasure to one of pain, or from an unpleasant feeling to one of pleas- antness, the feeling passes through a point of indifference, at which it is impossible to decide whether it is pleasant or unpleasant. The pleasure is most intense just before the point of indifference is reached. The sweeter any- thing is the more pleasant it tastes until it becomes too sweet, and then it is described as sickening. A faint odor is likely to be pleasant, but there seems to be no odor that is not capable of becoming unpleasant if it is inten- sified to a proper degree. There is truth in the saying, "Too much of a good thing." Monotony. — An unpleasant feeling may diminish to the point of indifference, become pleasant, the pleasant- ness diminish until all feeling seems to evaporate, and the feeling may be described as monotony. Monotony is Feeling 33 not pain nor unpleasantness ; it is rather a lack of pleas- ure. All acts tend to become monotonous as they become habitual, and take on the form of a reflex. By varying the action we throw new cells into the circuit, increase the resistance, and break up the monotony. Interest of Artistic Accomplishment. — There is appar- ently one exception to the general principle that an habit- ual action tends to become monotonous. That is the continuous pleasure that a workman who is an artist in his business derives from it. An artist in any business always experiences pleasure from the activities of that occupation. There is a certain limit of skill that may be attained, and when the limit is reached, no amount of practice can increase the ability to perform the act. For- getting goes on at an equal rate with learning. The last cells that are reached by the nervous impulse in the process of learning are affected only slightly, and never attain such a modification that they transmit an impulse without resistance. The forgetfulness, or restoration of the cells will always be sufficient to keep in the centers a sufficient amount of resistance to furnish a pleasurable feeling. The professional player, who is an artist, must practice his scales everyday. The professional singer must not let his voice get out of practice. Ever}^ artist must keep in training, or his brain centers will lose too much by forgetfulness, or disuse. DEFINITIONS Feeling — Any kind of affective process, simple or complex, faint or vivid, pleasurable or painful. Affective Process — Any kind of a mental process which does not give us knowledge, but whose most no- ticeable characteristic is pleasure or pain. Sensibilities — An old word used to mean the entire group of feelings. 34 Functional Psychology Resistance — As here used it means the effect produced upon a nerve current by the arc through which it is trans- mitted. Concomitant — An invariable accompaniment. Reciprocal — A relation between two things which may be described by saying the more of the one the less of the other. Indifference — A high degree of feeling that marks the transition from painful to pleasurable, or from pleasur- able to painful. Monotony — An absence of pleasurable or painful tone in any feeling. It is a condition in which little or no feel- ing is manifested. CHAPTER III EXPRESSION OF FEELING. The impulse overflows the cortex and becomes partially involved in the motor paths, since the muscles themselves reveal a trace of it. — Morat, Physiology of the Nervous System, p. 518. * * * And on the principle of the radiation of nerve force, the glands would be stimulated. — Darwin, Expression of the Emo- tions, p. 178. In adult life, also, very intense stimulations cannot be held within their ordinary channels, but become diffused through many courses. Note the contortions of the man undergoing torture at the hands of the dentist. — Baldwin, Handbook, Feelings and the Will, p. 296. When an impression is accompanied by feeling, the aroused currents diffuse themselves freely over the brain, leading to a gen- eral agitation of the moving organs as well as affecting the viscera. — Bain, Mind and Body, p. 52. Feeling makes a greater demand upon the nerve centers than cognition, and the consequent tension finds vent by distributing itself over a larger or smaller number of the remaining parts of the organism. — Hoffding, Psychology, p. 269. The Principle of the Direct action of the Nervous System. It would be more correct to call this the overflowing excitation. This arises from the fact often observed in physiology that when a sensory excitation becomes too violent, it diffuses itself all over the nervous system, and also to all the centrifugal paths whether motor or inhibitory. — Morat, p. 405 (Derived from Darwin, Epres- sion of the Emotions). It is a sort of psychological law that the intensity of conscious- ness varies inversely as the intensity of the movements produced. — Ribot, Psychology of the Emotions, p. 224. The concealment of a feeling may cause it to penetrate deeper int the nature of the individual. — Hoffding, Psychology, p. 332. Expression of Feeling. — Whenever we experience any kind of feeling, there is some kind of muscular movement accompanying it which is called the expression. The muscles of the face are particularly expressive, and we can judge rather accurately by the expression of the face, what kind of feelings the person is experiencing. The facial expressions are produced by the contraction of the 36 Functional Psychology facial muscles and while we may be unable to describe the muscular contractions that produce the expressions, we are not likely to be mistaken about the kinds of feel- ings which they express. Other Muscular Expressions. — Not only do the facial muscles express feeling, but other muscles of the body do the same. The heart may beat more rapidly when we experience one kind of feeling, and more slowly when we experience a different kind. The muscles that move the lungs fill them fuller and more frequently when we exper- ience one kind of feeling, and are less vigorous in their action when we experience another kind. We can judge something of the feeling a person is experiencing by the very attitude of the body. The drooping shoulders, dragging walk, bowed head, are all indicative of a feeling that we may describe as dejection. But the upright carriage, vigorous steps, erect head, indicate a different feeling. Sometimes we can discover that a man is angry by the mere appearance of his back. We say that he is mad clear through. Glandular Expressions. — Not only are muscles ex- pressive of feeling, but the glands as well. The weeping of children is a most common expression of grief. Under the influence of the feeling of grief, the lachrymal glands are stimulated to secrete tears so abundantly that the secretion cannot be carried off in the usual channel, and the tears overflow the eyes. So the contemplation of an article of food that is much desired is likely to stimulate the salivary glands to an unusual secretion, and we say that our mouth waters. Occasionally in cases of exces- sive fright a cold sweat breaks out. The usual stimulus for the activity of the sudoriparous glands is heat; but, in case of fright, it is a different stimulus, and we experi- ence the phenomenon of cold sweat. Occasionally, also, the inhibition of muscular or glandular activity is an Expression of Feeling 37 expression of feeling. In some cases of fright, the heart seems almost to stop beating. When a speaker or singer becomes embarrrassed, he is likely to experience a sensa- tion of dryness in his mouth and throat, caused by the failure of the salivary or the mucous glands to secrete the usual amount. Identical Conditions of Glandular and Muscular Ex- pression.— Glands and muscles are both expressive of feeling. Under the proper conditions, and the influence of the proper feeling, every gland and every muscle in the body may be stimulated to activity and may express feeling. Glands and muscles are alike in the fact that they are stimulated to activity only by a nervous im- pulse that reaches them, without which they will not perform their proper function. Common Theory. — The common theory about the ex- presison of feeling is that we first experience the feeling and then express it. The feeling is experienced first and is the cause of the expression. No good reason can be assigned upon this theory for the expression, and there is no necessary connection between the expression and the feeling. It is quite commonly believed that certain muscles, particularly those of the face, are designed from the first for the purpose of expression, and have no other function. Our common ideas of expression, and the words we use to describe it, including the word expres- sion itself, are colored by this theory. James Theory. — Another theory of expression is of so much importance and has exercised so much influ- ence upon the study of pS3^chology that it is necessary for us to study it carefully. This is known as the Lange- James theory, or, in this country at least, as the James theory. This theory asserts that the expression comes first and causes the feeling. First we weep, and then we experience the feeling of grief. We laugh, and after 38 Functional Psychology we laugh we are happy. In a dangerous situation, we first jump, or shriek, and only after the expression do we experience the feeling of fear. Expression a Reflex. — According to Mr. James' theory, the muscular movement that is called the expression is purely a reflex, and has no mental antecedent nor accom- paniment. An outside stimulus affects the organs con- nected with the muscles, and the muscles contract, thus producing the expression. It is the same kind of effect that is produced by striking the patella, causing the knee to jerk, or that is produced by the action of light upon the muscles of the iris, causing the pupil to contract or enlarge without any mental process, or the perception of the amount of light. Origin of the Feeling. — Let us illustrate the process involved in the origination of the feeling by supposing that we are traveling along a lonesome road, or are in a haunted house, and see a ghost. Our hair may stand on end. The muscle that tends to cause the hair to stand up perpendicularly to the skin is found at the root of every hair, but it is a vestigial muscle, and only under extraordinary circumstances is it made to contract. One of these extraordinary circumstances is the presence of extreme danger. The contraction is a reflex and entirely beyond the control of the will. When we experience the sensation of our hair rising, we then experience the feeling of fear. If we could interpret the order of occur- rences, it might be represented by something like the following: ''Hello. My hair is standing on end. There must be danger. I am scared." Peripheral and Central Theories. — Mr. James' theory is susceptible to two interpretations. One is that it is the contraction of the muscle itself which is the cause of the feeling and determines what feeling shall be ex- Expression of Feeling 39 perienced. This interpretation of the theory makes of it a peripheral theory, or one in which the feeling is de- termined by the end organ of expression. The other interpretation assumes that the contraction of the ex- pressive muscle establishes an impulse in the muscle it- self which is transmitted to the brain, runs through some brain center, and that it is the transmission of this back- ward flowing impulse through the brain center that arouses the feeling and determines what it shall be. This interpretation makes of it a central theory, or one in which the existence of the feeling and the kind it shall be is determined by the brain center. Also, this inter- pretation would necessitate the existence of a brain cen- ter for feeling, in all probability different from the other centers that are traversed when an intellectual process is experienced. Differences. — The important differences between the James theory and the common theory lie in the fact that according to the James theory the expression comes first and causes the feeling. According to the common theory, the feeling comes first and causes the expression. How Resistance Explains Expression. — The resist- ance theory asserts that feeling is the concomitant of the resistance which the nervous impulse encounters in passing through a nervous arc. If there is no resistance there is no feeling. But when a nervous impulse encoun- ters resistance in a brain center it tends to spread out into the places and in the directions in which the least resist- ance is encountered. It is as if there were a pressure exerted upon the impulse in the brain center, or a ten- sion which forces it out along the path of least resistance. We may compare it to the water in a canvas bag, when there is pressure exerted upon it. The water will be forced out through all the openings in the bag, and if the pressure is great enough, it will pass through the meshes of the canvas itself. The greater quantity will 40 Functional Psychology go through the larger openings, but some if it will go through every opening and through the interstices of the material of the bag. Escapes Into Motor Centers. — When a nervous im- pulse thus encounters resistance, it tends to spread out into brain centers that are most easy of access. Gen- erally, the motor centers w^ill be most easily reached, since they are among the first that v^^ere organized, have been traversed most frequently, and have become asso- ciated by impulses passing betv^een v^ith almost every other brain center in the cerebrum. Then, too, the motor area is almost in the middle of the brain, and association fibers run to every part of the cerebral cortex. Hence it is that the motor centers are those that are likely to be most easy of access from every part of the brain, and the impulse under pressure flow^s readily over into them. Relation of Feeling and Expression. — Nov^ v^e can understand the true relation betw^een feeling and its expression. The expression is not the cause of the feel- ing, nor is the feeling the cause of the expression, but both feeling and expression are similarly related to the same circumstance, that is, to the resistance v^hich is encountered in the brain center. Without resistance, there w^ould be neither feeling nor expression. Expression and Feeling Synchronous. — The feeling does not precede the expression, as the common theory assumes, nor does the expression precede the feeling, as is asserted by the James theory. But feeling and expres- sion occur at the same time, w^hich is determined by the time that the resistance is encountered. It w^ill be seen from this explanation that the resistance theory is a cen- tral theory, but does not necessitate the assumption of a separate series of feeling centers in the brain. Also it is clear that the relation betw^een feeling and its expression will be a direct relation, the more intense the feeling the Expression of Feeling 41 stronger will be the expression ; and the weaker the feel- ing experienced, the less vigorous the expression will be. The concomitance in the variation, however, is not di- rectly with each other, but directly between resistance and both feeHng and expression; while it is only indi- rectly between feeling and expression, through the re- sistance. First Argument for James' Theory. — Mr. James argues the case for his theory very skillfully. His argu- ments may all be reduced to three series, and we shall need to know how to interpret the facts he adduces in its favor according to the resistance theory. The first line of evidence is that direct observation shows that the expression occurs first and the feeling appears later. Thus nearly every person has been in some kind of a dangerous situation and did not experience the feeling of fear until after the danger had been escaped. Then the feeling appeared in great intensity, and the expression took on an exaggerated form. Answer. — -The answer to this argument is a direct denial of its universality. As many examples can be adduced in which the feeling occurred before the dan- gerous situation' was encountered as can be shown in which the opposite relation prevailed. Many times per- sons have manifested great fear at the prospect of going into danger, when in the dangerous situation itself no fear was experienced. When two such series of contra- dictory experiences occur, it is evident that the theory that does not explain both cannot be true. Resistance Explains Examples. — Both may be ex- plained according to the resistance theory. In the cases in which no fear is experienced in the actual presence of danger, we may suppose that by the process of attention the impulse is directed through the brain center without resistance. When we study the phenomena of attention, 42 Functional Psychology we shall find that this is one of the effects that attention produces. But when we contemplate the situation after- ward, or even before, we are not attending in such a way as to diminish the resistance, but rather we are increasing the resistance by our method of attention, and the feeling arises. We explain our lack of feeling by saying that we did not have time to be afraid, or we did not think about it. Second Argument. — The second line of argument that is adduced by Mr. James is that the inhibition of the ex- pression inhibits the feeling. If we repress the expres- sion of any feeling, the feeling fails to manifest itself. If we stop to count ten, we do not become angry. If we refuse to run, or shriek, we do not become afraid. So any feeling will fail to come into existence if we repress the expression. Answer. — The answer to this argument is a direct denial. All of us can in some degree, and some of us in a high degree, repress the expression of feeling with- out destroying or greatly minimizing the feeling itself. It sometimes seems as if repressing the expression in- tensifies the feeling. This fact is expressed in the quota- tion from Hoffding at the beginning of this chapter. Most women have experienced the relief of a "good cry" that diminishes, not increases, the feeling. How Inhibit Expression. — Nearly all the examples that are adduced as illustrations of this argument of Mr. James find their explanation in one of two principles : When we stop to count ten, or think about something- else, we are drawing away the nervous energy from the centers in which the resistance is accompanying the feel- ing, and are sending it through some other center, thus decreasing the resistance and inhibiting at once both the expression and the feeling. The other class of cases in which we repress the expression and at the same time Expression of Feeling 43 the feeling, consists of those in which we direct the im- pulse through the brain center with little resistance by an act of attention. We may contemplate the circum- stance directly, but attend to it in such a way that we decrease the resistance to such an extent that little feeling is experienced and little expression appears. We then say that we have reasoned ourselves out of the feeling. No Decrease in Feeling. — But in cases in which the expression is inhibited while there is no decrease in feel- ing, the nervous impulse is prevented from entering the exprssion center by a process of attention. It may go into some other center or be completely repressed. Third Argument. — The third line of evidence asserts that giving expression to a feeling induces the feeling. Here again the answer is a direct denial. All of us can in some degree, and some of us in a high degree, express feelings that we do not experience, and the smoothness of polite society largely depends upon our doing so. Mr. James says that actors experience the feelings which they portray, which is true of only some actors and certain instances of feelings. Nevertheless, the best way to por- tray accurately the expression of any particular feeling is to experience the feeling. Many persons can by a proper process of attention image a scene so vividly that there will be sufficient resistance to accompany the feel- ing appropriate to such a situation. When the resistance is encountered in the appropriate centers, the nervous im- pulse will overflow into the proper expression centers. The important process in inducing the feeling is to in- crease the resistance by the proper kind of attention. The expression is rather the sign that the feeling is being ex- perienced, than a method by which the feeling is induced. Origin of Particular Expressions. — ^The particular ex- pression that belongs to any given feeling depends upon 44 Functional Psychology the resistance that is encountered in passing out of the brain center in which the resistance which accompanies the feeling is experienced. The question which we need to answer is how the connection between the center in which the resistance that accompanies the feeling is en- countered and which for brevity we may call the feeling center, and the motor center, which similarly, with the serious risk of being misunderstood, we may call the expression center, has become such that a nervous im- pulse passes easily from one to the other. Ultimately it depends upon the structure of the brain and its nervous connections. In much the larger number of cases, the causes for the particular connections are so obscure that we are compelled to describe them as fortuitous. Per- haps, primarily, all were of this kind. Many expressions are learned by imitation, which places the fortuitous origin of the expressive forms farther back in racial his- tory. But no matter what the origin may have been, nearly all expressions become habitual, and become so thoroughly established and seem so ingrained and na- tural, that their fortuitous origin can scarcely be credited. Useful Expressions. — But in a comparatively small class of cases, the expression itself is an advantageous action ; and while its origin may have been fortuitous like any other variation, it has been preserved by the process of natural selection, and in all probability the nervous connection modified accordingly. Expressions of Fear. — The expression of the feeling of fear is a good illustration of this very interesting class of expressions. Running away, or escaping from the dan- gerous proximity is the natural expression of the feeling, and this action undoubtedly preserves the lives of many individuals, and so is distinctly advantageous to the race. The shriek of fear is the expression commonly employed by children, and to a considerable extent by women, who Expression of Feeling 45 are more likely to depend upon the assistance of another than to rely upon their own efforts to escape the danger. Any one who has heard the shriek of a child in fear has no occasion to be reminded how effective it is in sum- moning assistance. This expression is as advantageous to a weak or dependent individual as are the escaping movements to one who is accustomed to rely upon his own efforts. Fear Paralysis. — But there is another expression of fear, also advantageous, which consists of a fear paralysis. This is most frequently seen in children, and in such cases it often preserves the life of the child who without it would run into greater danger. It is the same expres- sion, psychologically, as the feigning death in opossums and in many species of beetles and other insects. Expressive Inhibitions. — The fear paralysis is another illustration of that kind of expression which we have al- ready had occasion to notice in connection with the dry mouth as a sign of nervousness. Occasionally the inhibi- tion of the proper activity of the muscle or gland is an expression of feeling. Grief may become so great as to prevent the shedding of tears. Under strong emotion the heart may beat more slowly and even miss a beat or two. Strong feeling is likely to interfere with the digestive processes, and persons have been known to faint from excessive emotion, nearly always of an unpleasant char- acter. Paralysis from Excessive Resistance. — The paralysis seems to be induced by the excessive resistance which breaks the circuit, preventing the impulse from passing. In such cases, it is doubtful if the feeling is so intense after the paralysis, as it was before the paralysis occurred. Other Advantageous Expressions. — Darwin has point- ed out many examples of this kind of useful and advan- tageous expressions. The crying of a child from hunger 46 Functional Psychology or pain, the shedding of tears, the contracting of the mus- cles around the eyelids in screaming, the lifting of the upper lip tending to expose the canine teeth in anger or disdain, with many more, are examples of expressions that come under this head. DEFINITIONS Expression of Feeling — Some muscular movement, or glandular activity that accompanies the feeling, and may be taken as evidence that a particular feeling is being ex- perienced. Vestigial Muscle — One that may sometime in the his- tory of the race have been functional, but by variation or disuse has ceased to function and persists merely by the processes of heredity. James's Theory — A theory of feeling, or of the ex- pression of feeling, which asserts that the expression appears before the feeling and causes it. Peripheral Theory of Feeling — Any kind of a theory which assumes that the activity of a peripheral sense organ or muscle determines that there shall be a feeling and what the feeling shall be. Central Theory of Feeling — Any theory of feeling which asserts that the brain center determines that there shall be a feeling and what the feeling shall be. CHAPTER IV THE PROPERTIES OF FEELING. The differences among feelings we must try to explain by the different cognitive elements that may be combined with them. — Hoffding, Psychology, p. 222. It is therefore an error, though common to most psychologists, to consider pleasure and pain as fundamental elements of the affec- tive consciousness. They are only marks. The foundation is else- where. What would be said of a doctor who confused the symp- toms of a disease with its essential nature? — Rihot, Psychology of the Emotions, p. 32. The sensation (feeling) of pain presupposes a reflex movement and an arrest of nervous conduction in the gray substance of the spinal marrow. — Rihot, Psychology of the Emotions, p. 84. By tone of sensation (feeling) is meant the feeling of pain or pleasure that accompanies it. — Baldwin, Handbook, Feelings and Will, p. 114. The agreeableness or disagreeableness of impressions, or states of consciousness — that emotional coloring or tone that makes them pleasant or distasteful — should be regarded rather as psychical qualities of sensation (feeling) than as separate and distinct ele- ments. — Lloyd Morgan, Comparative Psychology, p. 140. Pain is any sensation raised above a certain intensity. — Woods Hutchinson, Gospel According to Darwin, p. 213. But neither pain spots on the skin, nor a stimulus especially adapted in quality to cause sensations of pain have been shown to exist. — Ziehen, Physiological Psychology, p. 139. From this it follows that pain requires no special apparatus for its production. There is no organ of special pain sense, and there are no special conductors of pain. There is no system that properly belongs to it, no region in the cerebral cortex that is allotted to it. — Morat, Physiology of the Nervous System, p. 405. The presence of pain is distressing, its absence is fatal. — Woods Hutchinson, Gospel According to Darwin, p. 13. Properties of Feeling. — Feelings dififer from each other in several respects, and the means by which we distinguish them we may call their properties. We may discover three properties by means of which they are dis- criminated from each other. Specific Character. — Feelings differ from each other in their specific character; by which we mean that they 48 Functional Psychology are of different kinds. We do not mistake a feeling of fear for a feeling of pity, and a feeling of anger is speci- fically different from a feeling of love. It is this specific difference that is indicated by the application of different names to the feelings. Associated with Intellectual Processes.— It is impos- sible for us to understand the difference between feelings, unless we recognize that no feeling is ever experienced except in conjunction with some intellectual process. That intellectual process is always a perception, either of some object or of a relation. Different Brain Centers Traversed. — No one will question the statement that whenever an intellectual pro- cess is experienced, a nervous impulse passes through some combination of cells in the brain. When an intel- lectual process of one kind is experienced, one combina- tion of cells is traversed, and when a different intellectual process is experienced, a nervous impulse passes through a different combination. We are not able to state the reason for the association of particular mental processes with particular combinations of cells, but the facts will be admitted by all psychologists. Varies with Things Perceived. — We have seen that under proper conditions, resistance is encountered in a brain center whenever a nervous impulse of sufficient strength is transmitted through it. Whenever an impulse passes through some combination of cells, and accom- panies the perception of a raging lion or an angry bull or some other dangerous animal, if the perception is clear, the nervous impulse strong, and the resistance great enough, we experience the feeling of fear. While if the impulse passes through some combination of cells accom- panying the perception of a starving mother with her family of little children, if the impulse is strong, the per- The Properties of Feeling ' 49 ception clear, and the resistance great enough we exper- ience the feeling of pity. Depends Upon the Brain Center. — The difference in the thing^s that are seen accounts for the difference in the feelings that are experienced. Resistance encountered in one combination accompanies one feeling, while resist- ance encountered in another combination accompanies a different kind of feeling. Hence we may say that the specific difference in feelings depends upon the brain cen- ter in which the resistance is encountered. What Brain Center Means. — When we use the term brain center in this connection we must understand that we mean, not a definitely circumscribed location in the brain, but the entire combination of cells that is traversed by an impulse. Also it must be understood that the same cell or group of cells may enter into many different combinations, and at different times belong to many different brain centers. Hence we shall expect to find that m^any feelings bear various degrees of relation- ship, and whole series shade into each other. No Special Localization of Feelings. — With this un- derstanding we shall avoid the implication that there is one brain center, or cortical area, in which the feelings are located. There is not one center for fear and another for veneration, but there are as many centers in which resist- ance accompanies the feeling of fear as there are things that we can be afraid of. Number of Feelings. — As numerous as are the differ- ent kinds of feelings (Titchener suggests a list of more than a hundred), the number of intellectual processes must be indefinitely greater. This must be true, not only because of the fact that different intellectual processes are accompanied by the transmission of impulses through centers whose resistance accompanies the same kind of 50 Functional Psychology feeling, but because unless the resistance reaches a cer- tain minimum which is difficult of determination, no feel- ing is experienced, while the concomitant intellectual pro- cesses may be very clear. Many intellectual processes are accompanied by no feeling. Not Sharply Discriminated. — It is difficult as well as unprofitable to try to make sharp discriminations between feelings. The feelings shade into one another, and one feeling will be specifically related to another in exactly the proportion that the number of cells in the combina- tion that offers resistance are identical with those in the combination whose resistance accompanies the second feeling. Transformation of Feelings. — A feeling of one kind may change to a feeling of another kind even when we contemplate the same object. This is not in consequence of the difference in "attitude," whatever that may mean, but because of the change in the cells through which the nervous impulse is passing. A person who has never heard of a rattlesnake, and sees one for the first time, is not in the least afraid of it. The cells through which the nervous impulse is passing are not those that have been associated with the feeling of fear. But a person who knows what a rattlesnake can do, when he sees a rattlesnake sees also his possible death; the suffering that may accompany the bite, the action of striking which the rattle precedes. All of these different combinations are traversed by the same impulse, and the resistance encountered in this entire combination accompanies a very different feeling from that which accompanies the resistance in the combination that gives merely a visual image of the snake. Different Feelings With Same Perception. — But if the person becomes very familiar with rattlesnakes, has killed many of them and escaped many more; if rattle- The Properties of Feeling 51 snakes come to constitute an ever present element in the perceivable surroundings of the person, the feeling undergoes another change. Yet in all three cases, the supposition is that the same object is perceived, while really very different combinations of cells are traversed by the impulse. Intensity. — Feelings differ from each other in still another respect. Not only is there a specific difference, but there is a difference in intensity. There are weak feelings and strong feelings. We may experience a weak feeling of anger and a strong feeling of anger. We may pity a person much or little. But we may describe feel- ings as having different degrees of intensity even though they may differ in specific character. We may have a strong feeling of love and a weak feeling of contempt. Strong and weak are relative terms, and we may desig- nate by them indefinite degrees of intensity which every one will recognize as having been experienced. How shall we account for this difference in intensity? Depends Upon Amount of Resistance. — We have in the fact of resistance, an explanation of the various and varying intensity of feeling. The greater the resistance, the more intense will be the feeling, and the feeling will decrease as the resistance becomes less. We have in this fact an explanation of the decrease of feeling in habitual experience. No fact is better demonstrated in physiology than that habit tends to diminish resistance and the fact is generally recognized under the name of the law of neural habit. We have already seen that habit, or prac- tice, decreases reaction time, and that the limit toward which practice tends to diminish it, is that of a reflex act. But no feeling accompanies a reflex, so we can readily understand that habit, repetition, practice may so dimin- ish resistance that all feeling may disappear from it. 52 Functional Psychology Intensity of Peripheral Experiences. — We have in this explanation of intensity an explanation also of the fact that an object, occurrence or an event that is ob- served directly is likely to be accompanied by a feeling of greater intensity than is one that is merely read about. If we should see a man run over by a street car and mangled out of all resemblance to humanity, the feeling accompanying such a perception would be so strong that we should characterize it only as a feeling of horror. But if we merely read about it in the morning papers, while we may be as certainly assured of the correctness of the account as if we had been present and witnessed it, the feeling that we should experience would be much less intense. Feebleness of Central Experiences. — A peripherally initiated impulse is always stronger than a centrally ini- tiated one. In case of our personal observation of the accident on the street car line, we have the whole situa- tion presented to us by means of peripherally initiated impulses, which are strong, and the percept is vivid, the accompanying impulses meeting with much resistance. But in the case of merely reading the account, the only peripherally initiated impulses are those that enable us to perceive the printed letters on the page, while the scene of the accident is pictured by means of centrally initiated impulses, which seldom approximate the inten- sity or encounter the same degree of resistance, as do the peripherally initiated. Weakness of Remembered Feelings. — A dish of ice cream that is eaten is much more satisfying than is one that is merely thought about, because of the difference in the resistance encountered by the accompanying peri- pherally and centrally initiated impulses. It is difficult, if not almost impossible to remember, or reinstate, a feeling. We can remember, or re-experience a feeling The Properties of Feeling 53 only by reinstating the intellectual process that accom- panied it, and if this is accomplished by means of a cen- trally initiated impulse, it is not likely ever to approxi- mate the intensity and the resistance encountered by the previous peripherally initiated impulse. Decrease of Intensity From Habit. — But let us sup- pose we should see a man run over by the street car every day, or that almost every hour in the day some event of this kind should occur within our observation. It would not be long until we should look upon it as a matter of course, and rather express astonishment when some person less accustomed to such gruesome sights should reprove us for being callous and hard-hearted. The degree of resistance and the intensity of feeling ac- companying the first experience would become lessened by practice, custom, habit. Something of this kind must be considered to occur in case of soldiers who have par- ticipated in many battles. Physicians undergo the same kind of experience in their dealing with examples of suffering, and the same kind of change is observed in the case of persons whose duty it is to slaughter animals for market. Other Conditions of Decreased Intensity. — Since the amount of resistance is determined by the strength of the impulse as well as by the condition of the brain cen- ter, anything that modifies the amount of nervous energy will modify the resistance and the intensity of the con- comitant feeling. If the amount of nervous energy be decreased in any way, by narcotics, impure air, disease, starvation, or lack of blood supply, the resulting feeling will be decreased in the same proportion. This will en- able us to understand why in sleep, or as the result of a dose of morphine, the feeling is lessened. Intensity Modified by Attention. — Besides these fac- tors, the degrees of resistance and its congomitg^nt inten- 54 Functional Psychology sity of feeling may be increased or decreased, although both the brain center and the amount of nervous energy remain the same, by a process of attention, whose mechanism we shall study in a subsequent chapter. Tone. — A third property of feeling is tone, by which we mean its pleasurable or painful character. This qual- ity is of so much importance in the life of the individual that many writers on psychology have regarded pleasure and pain as constituting the feeling itself. Some have regarded pain and pleasure as qualities of the intellectual sensation, rather than of the affective process feeling. However, we shall see that pain and pleasure are asso- ciated not with the amount of nervous energy that is transmitted through the brain center, but with the amount which is stopped out by resistance. Pain and Unpleasantness. — It is scarcely advisable to make the distinction between pain and unpleasantness as some psychologists do. Pain is regarded by them as a sensation originating in a sense organ, while unpleas- antness is the accompaniment of a mental process, or a feeling. Pain is, therefore, the accompaniment of a peri- pherally initiated impulse, while unpleasantness, or men- tal pain, is the concomitant of a centrally initiated im- pulse. The distinction is in vividness and is associated with the fact that the peripherally initiated impulse is always stronger than the centrally initiated. This is the only real distinction between them. Differ Quantitatively. — Pain and pleasure are not specifically different from each other, but differ quan- titatively rather than qualitatively. Pleasure may pass into pain, and pain into pleasure, without having the specific character of the feeling altered. Or, perhaps for the sake of accuracy, we ought to say that a feeling of a painful tone may pass into a feeling of the same specific character having a pleasurable tone. We experi- The Properties of Feeling 55 ence a feeling of a painful tone when our hands are cold. When we come near a hot stove the feeling of warmth has a pleasurable tone ; but as the hands become warmer, the feeling may change to one of a painful tone. The odor of flowers is pleasant, but if the perfume is intensi- fied, the accompanying feeling will, with nearly every odor, become painful. Change of Tone. — Up to a certain point, the greater the intensity the more pleasant the tone; and beyond that point, an increase in intensity changes it to pain. We can understand that by varying the intensity we may cause a feeling having a pleasant tone to change to one having a painful tone, and conversely, we may cause a feeling having a painful tone to change to one having a pleasant tone. Change of Tone from Habit. — A feeling having a painful tone may change to one having a pleasant tone by varying the resistance, either through habit, atten- tion, or by diminishing the amount of nervous energy so as to produce less resistance and its concomitant feel- ing. Washing dishes is with many girls a disagreeable occupation, as is the weeding of the onion bed to the small boy. But by continued repetition, the feeling be- comes diminished in consequence of the diminished re- sistance incident to the habitual act, and the feeling be- comes less unpleasant, even if not positively pleasurable. It is not often that an occupation pleasant in the begin- ning remains continuously so. It becomes, not painful, perhaps, but rather monotonous, and ceases to furnish pleasure. Effect of Difference in Tone. — We may say in general that those actions which are accompanied by feelings having a painful tone are injurious, and those that are accompanied by feelings having a pleasurable tone are beneficial; or, painful feelings are injurious, and pleas- 56 Functional Psychology urable feelings are beneficial; or, still more briefly and less accurately, that pain is injurious and pleasure is beneficial. Origin of Pain. — Any activity is accompanied by a feeling having a painful tone if the destruction of tissue in the active organ, nervous, muscular or glandular, goes on at a more rapid rate than it can be restored. When the destruction of tissue is not greater than can be re- stored as rapidly as it is used up, pain will not ensue. Whenever a nervous impulse encounters great resistance, we have a condition in which there is a rapid destruc- tion of tissue in nerve and brain. We cannot have great resistance without the liberation of much nervous energy, and this implies rapid oxidation of tissue. Excessive Intensity Painful. — It seems that pain arises whenever the activity of any organ is of such a nature that its continuation will prove injurious to the organ exercised. The feeling of fatigue is a painful feeling, and the actions that give rise to it are so excessive as to be injurious if persisted in. It is pleasant to see the sun- light, but to look directly at the sun engenders a feeling of such intensity as to be painful, and is injurious to the eyesight. Mental Pain Socially Injurious. — The illustrations that have been employed have all been of that kind which is called physical pain, but the same thing is true of other kinds of pain as well. When the action is of such a kind as to be injurious to the social organism, it is likely to be accompanied by a feeling having a painful tone, ex- amples of which may be found in the feelings that have been called conscience, shame, remorse. An action that is injurious to racial propagation is likely also to be ac- companied by mental feelings having a painful tone. So we may say that in general, any action that is injurious The Properties of Feeling 57 to the physical structure or the social organism is likely to be accompanied by a feeling having a painful tone. Epicureanism. — The statement that pain is injurious is misleading if not properly understood. The correct form of statement is that those actions which are accom- panied by feelings having a painful tone are injurious, and those actions accompanied by feelings having a pleas- urable tone are beneficial. Now it seems as if we have a very satisfactory theory of life. In order to do the things that are beneficial, we need to do those things that are pleasant and avoid those that are unpleasant. We are thus landed into the philosophical system of the Epi- cureans. Apparent Exceptions. — But there are so many exam- ples of a contrary nature that we are inclined to question the philosophical soundness of the doctrine. If I should never do anything unpleasant, why am I advised to take quinine, or other equally distasteful medicine? Why am I told that the things I like to eat best are nearly always the things that are most likely to be injurious to my health? Why am I advised to get up early in the morn- ing, and to take exercise when I would so much rather not? Why am I advised to study in school the things that I like least, or why should I find it necessary to go to school at all, when I would so much rather play? How Explained. — The answer is easy. If we were perfectly adjusted to the environment in which we live, the rule would hold good in every instance. The things that are accompanied by pleasant feelings would always be beneficial, and those that are injurious would invaria- bly be accompanied by unpleasant feelings. But we are never perfectly adjusted to our environment, and never can be completely so. Our environment changes, chil- dren grow, improvements are made in methods of work, habits of living, and social ideals. Our ancestors lived in 58 Functional Psychology a different climate and in different surroundings from what we do, and our whole hereditary fabric must be readjusted to the changed conditions. Our environment changes, and our perfect adjustment is destroyed. It is in the process of readjustment that the beneficial action is accompanied by an unpleasant feeling. Any process that is now unpleasant would ultimately become pleasant if only those who performed the unpleasant act survived and left descendants ; while those who were prevented from performing it by its unpleasantness died and left no descendants in consequence. Pain and Pleasure Both Beneficial. — Not only is pain in itself not injurious, but both pain and pleasure are alike beneficial. Pain is beneficial because in conse- quence of it we are induced to discontinue an injurious action. Pleasure is beneficial, because by it we are in- duced to perform the things that are advantageous to ourselves as individuals and to the community or the race. The painful feeling of hunger leads us to eat, and the pleasurable tone of the feeling accompanying the process of eating, contributes to the same result. Both pain of hunger and pleasure of eating conspire to induce us to eat, and when we realize that to eat is the first condition of living, we shall see that the process is not too well guarded by both pain and pleasure. In animals born like Mr. Hodge's puppies that refused to eat, having the fibres of the brain non-meduUated, no eating instinct being developed at birth, and no nervous organization that led to it, death was of course inevitable. They were described by Mr. Hodge as non-viable. Advantage of Pain. — Pain is a symptom of disease. It is a warning. As Dr. Woods Hutchinson calls it, it is the great danger signal of nature. The business of treatment is to cure the disease, not merely to mitigate the pain. If the pain is not relieved by the cure of the The Properties of Feeing 59 disease, but is mitigated by the use of morphine or other narcotic drugs, or even by faith cure, or Christian Science, the relief of the pain is an evil rather than a good. Non-Painful Diseases Dangerous. — Some diseases, of which consumption may be taken as a type, are exceed- ingly dangerous, merely because in their early stages they are accompanied by no pain. More persons die of consumption every year in the United States than of any other disease, and yet in its earl}^ stages it is one of the most easily curable of diseases. If it were accompanied in its early stages by as much pain as a sore finger, no one w^ould in all probability die of consumption. Feelings of Constant Tone. — Pain and pleasure have been described as arising out of different degrees of in- tensity of the same feeling. Any feeling may have a painful tone or a pleasurable tone, depending upon the intensity of the feeling and its correlative resistance in the brain center. While in general this is true, it is possible that a modification of it is necessary in case of some of the most important activities. It is possible that some actions and some conditions are always pain- ful, no matter how little the intensity may be. It is doubtful if the feeling of hunger is ever pleasant, and possibly the feeling of fear may be the same. These feelings are of so much importance to the preservation of the individual that it would be unsafe to permit any degree of pleasure to exist in them. Constantly Pleasant. — Other feelings may be as con- sistently pleasant, as some of the race perpetuating feel- ings. It seems as if the activities of such tremendous importance cannot be trusted to the judgment of the individual; or rather, that those individuals and those races in whom certain important feelings always had these particular tones were the races and the individuals 60 Functional Psychology best adapted to leave the largest number of descendants, and whose descendants had the best chance of surviving. Such examples, however, furnish no grounds for postu- lating a separate apparatus for pleasure and pain. They are brought directly under the laws of feeling, and ex- plained by the resistance that is encountered in the brain centers traversed by the appropriate impulses. Pain Not a Universal Device. — We are so much ac- customed to think of pleasure and pain as incentives to our actions that we can scarcely conceive that other creatures may not be actuated by the same devices. But to assume that pleasure and pain are universal in the animal kingdom, and still more in the plant world, would not be justified by anything that we know. We are inclined to attribute the squirming of an earthworm when it is cut in two to the fact that it feels pain, but there is really no more reason for considering the squirm- ing a manifestation of pain than of pleasure. A be- headed hen is moved to violent action, but we can scarcely see how a hen with her head cut off can experi- ence pain, or even pleasure. So the squirming of an earthworm may be an expression corresponding to our violent exertion of laughter, so far as we can discover. The action of a sensitive plant is not different from that of many animals whose actions we call expressions of pain, yet no one believes that the sensitive plant experi- ences pain. Although insects are highly organized creatures, it is doubtful if they are protected by the device of pain. At least, it is exceedingly difficult to prove that they are. DEFINITIONS Property of Feeling — A difference in feelings by means of which we distinguish one from another. Specific Character — That property of feeling which is expressed by giving feelings different names. The Properties of Feeling 61 Intensity — That property of feeling which we describe by saying that the feeling is strong or weak. Tone — That property of feeling that is described as pleasure or pain. Unpleasantness — Mental pain, as distinguished from physical pain. Epicurean — One of the followers of the philosopher Epicurus who lived in Greece, about 320 B. C, and taught that the obtaining of pleasure constituted the highest good. CHAPTER V CLASSIFICATION OF FEELINGS. Nevertheless, the first foundation, or origin of the moral sense lies in the social instincts, including sympathy, and these instincts were primarily gained as in the case of the lower animals, through natural selection. — Darwin, Descent of Man, p. 700. It is certainly not true that there is in the mind of man any universal standard of beauty with respect to the human body. — Darwin, Descent of Man, p. 666. Purpose of Classification. — There can be only two purposes in the classification of a series of objects or processes, one is that of enabling us to remember the series more easily. When such is the purpose, the basis of classification is likely to be some purely acci- dental circumstance, and the resulting classification is not likely to possess a high order of merit. The second purpose is to show forth some relation that would not otherwise be discovered. Such a classification is likely to have for its basis some important character, and the classification will exhibit the natural relations between the objects classified, manifesting their nature more fully than would be possible without it. Natural Classification of Feelings. — As there is but one natural classification among animals and plants, which shows forth their relation by descent, so there is but one natural classification of the feelings, and that is one which manifests the relations among the feelings according to the functions that they perform in the life of the individual and the race, and the manner in which they have originated. A General Principle. — One general principle must be recognized in the study of the feelings, that is, that every feeling has now, or had in the comparatively recent past, some advantageous function to perform in the life of the Classification of Feelings 63 race or the individual. If any feeling that is now experi- enced should prove to be injurious to the individual or to the race through the individual, that feeling would ultimately disappear, as a human characteristic in conse- quence of the elimination of the individuals in whom such feelings manifested themselves in an injurious man- ner. So a feeling that has proved itself advantageous to the individual, or to the race through the individual, has become fixed as a human characteristic by means of the advantage that the individuals who experienced the feel- ing had over the individuals who did not possess it. Natural Selection in Feelings. — This is the ordinary law of natural selection, and while its operation is diffi- cult to trace in mental processes, its efficiency has been manifested in so many directions that there is no hesita- tion in making this application of it to psychological pro- cesses, especially in the domain of the feelings. Two Primary Divisions. — In the development of every species of animals and plants, some means must be employed to secure the preservation of the individual and the propagation of the species. These are the two fundamental processes, and since in the human race the feelings largely determine the actions that secure these two results, it is possible to reduce all feelings to two great classes, one class being those feelings that accom- pany actions leading to the preservation of the individual, and the other the feelings that accompany actions lead- ing to the propagation of the species. The Two Divisions Fundamental. — These two groups of feelings are basic, and it is impossible to conceive how without them, the race could have survived, or have come to constitute a factor in the living world. No system of philosophy can ever hope to prove satisfactory as an explanation of human events that does not see all human actions springing out of these two great functions. 64 Functional Psychology Hence we may expect the primary classification of feel- ings to be into two groups, the self preserving and the race perpetuating. A Third Principle. — But early in the history of the race, another principle came into operation. This is expressed in the gregarious principle by which human beings came to live in herds, or in society. The social organization has had such a tremendous influence in increasing the power of the individual, leading to the greater efficiency of the self preserving activities, and multiplying the number of individuals that constitute the species, that in periods of time comparatively recent, the function of social organization has become of almost equal importance with the self preserving function. Hence it is that while the feelings that lead to actions which maintain the social functions have been derived from the self preserving group, we must set them off by themselves as an independent group yet showing traces of their self preserving origin. The Three Groups of Feelings. — Since there are three important activities in the life of the race, we shall recog- nize that there are three great groups of feelings that correspond to these functions. The three groups are the self preserving feelings, which are called by Mr. Spencer, the egoistic ; the community preserving feelings, which correspond very nearly to Mr. Spencer's group of altru- istic ; and the race perpetuating, which include, without having the same limitations, Mr. Spencer's group of the ego-altruistic. Self Preserving Feelings. — The self preserving feel- ings, having once been named, need no definition nor description. Thy constitute a large group of feelings that accompany actions leading to the preservation of the individual. Nearly all the feelings that accompany the physical functions belong to this type. The feeling Classification of Feelings 65 of hunger leads to the preservation of the individual by inducing actions that procure food. The pleasure derived from eating is of the same kind. Thirst, nausea, and fatigue belong to this group. The advantage of fatigue is very evident. Excessive activity of the muscle leads to destruction of tissue more rapidly than it can be re- placed, and danger of permanent injury arises. But the feeling of fatigue accompanying the increased resistance in the muscular center necessitates the cessation of ac- tivity. Self Preserving Fear. — Not all self preserving feelings are related to the physical functions. A good example is the feeling of fear. We have seen in a previous chap- ter that the various expressions of this feeling are actions, each of which in its appropriate situation tends to pre- serve the life of the individual. The shriek of the child, the flight of the man, the fear paralysis of the child or the man, each in its own situation may preserve him. Children's Feelings Self Preserving. — The self pre- serving feelings are especially dominant in the life of the little child. His only business is to live, and he makes everything else subservient to that purpose. There is no room in the constitution of the little child for feelings of self abnegation. He has no shame, modesty, rever- ence, gratitude, remorse, sympathy or pity. The doc- trine of total depravity is inevitable if we fail to tak€ into account the function of the feelings that a natural classi- fication discloses. Community Preserving Feelings. — The second great group of feelings are the community preserving, or al- truistic feelings. The name community preserving is much to be preferred, since it renders superfluous any explanation or definition of the group. While this group has been developed out of the self preserving feelings, it was split off from them very early in the history of 66 Functional Psychology the race, when it adopted the gregarious habit of Hving. It is probable that the community preserving feelings exercised little influence upon the actions of men before the time that is known to anthropologists as the period of middle barbarism. We should not expect any great strength in the community preserving feelings until there was a community to preserve, and the community would in all probability develop coincidently with the growth of the appropriate feelings. Developed Out of Self Preserving. — It is possible to show that the community preserving feelings have been developed out of the self preserving, and that they are in their origin the same. Hence it is not at all a matter of surprise to us that so much ingenuity has been ex- pended in showing that altruism and egoism are at bot- tom one and the same thing. The person who preserves and benefits himself at the same time benefits the com- munity of which he forms a part by furnishing it with a more efficient member. So the person who does some- thing to benefit the community is at the same time bene- fiting himself, since he constitutes a part of the commu- nity to whom the benefit of his action accrues. Community Preserving Actions. — Any action that directly results in benefit to some one else is properly a community preserving act, and the feelings that are ap- propriate to it are community preserving feelings. We fail to recognize it as such in many cases, because by habit the feeling has largely disappeared from most of the community preserving actions that we do. The man who shovels coal into another man's cellar window is engaged in an altruistic act, and equally so is the man who puts up a sign in front of his store to let persons know where they can buy the kind of goods that they desire to purchase. Not Necessarily Sacrificial. — Such actions are not com- Classification of Feelings 67 monly recognized as altruistic, because our content for the word is altogether too narrow and perverted. As habitually employed, it includes something of the idea of sacrifice and painful tone in the feeling that accom- panies the altruistic action. Such is not a proper mean- ing for the word, and the way in which such a perverted meaning came to be applied to it furnishes a most inter- esting chapter in the history of philosophical doctrine. Community Preserving Feelings Moral. — To this great group of community preserving feelings belong all the feelings that we call moral. Justice, truth, integrity are all of them necessary for the preservation of the communit}^, and the community is strong in exactly the proportion that these feelings dominate the actions of all its members. Courage. — But there are other feelings belonging to this group whose position is less readily seen. Courage is the great virtue, and in fact is the mother of all the others. Courage is a community preserving feeling, and finds its utility in the benefit it confers upon the commu- nity. Courage is the feeling that leads a man to go into the army and fight, even though he knows that he will be killed. In this way it comes directly into conflict with fear, which is a self preserving feeling. Courage, not hope, is the antithesis of fear. How Benefit the Community. — The individual who goes into battle and is killed, benefits the community, not directly by getting himself killed, although all of us have known men whom we have reason to believe could bene- fit the community more by getting themselves killed than they could in any other way. But the man who goes to war and fights the enemies of his community, even though he is killed himself, preserves the community for which he fights. 68 Functional Psychology Not the Death of the Individual. — The death of the individual, especially one who has courage and the vir- tues that properly associate themselves with it, is directly an injury to the community. But in case that the exist- ence of the community is threatened, it is advantageous to set aside a portion of the community, even one-tenth of its members, to fight and be killed, if thereby the safety and continued existence of the community with the other nine-tenths of its members is assured. Hence it follows that courage is a community preserving, moral feeling. Malevolent Feelings. — Among the community pre- serving feelings we must class some that at first glance appear to be directly contradictory to the definition im- plied in the word community preserving. Here belong such feelings as anger, hate and revenge. These are the feelings that are sometimes called the malevolent group. It appears to be almost a paradox to class them with the community preserving, or altruistic group, be- cause to our common thought it appears that they are community destroying feelings. How Explained. — But we must look for a justification of our grouping to the function that they have had in racial history when they became established by the pro- cess of natural selection. In certain stages of society which we have called savage, it is universally regarded as a moral obligation to take revenge for the killing of a kinsman or fellow tribesman. The killer himself, or some member of the killer's family must be killed, and a relative of the murdered man who does not seek re- venge is considered immoral, and unworthy fellowship in his tribe. Even now in warfare it is considered neces- sary to stir up hatred and revenge toward the members of the nation with whom we are at war. It is necessary to "Fire the national heart." This induces enlistment Classification of Feelings 69 in the army, prevents desertion, and makes better fight- ers. An army disintegrates if its soldiers become friendly with the soldiers of the enemy. When Moral. — It is perfectly allowable to hate an enemy in warfare, and to kill him if we can. A soldier must kill, take human life. That is what he is hired for, and the feelings appropriate to such actions, and which lead to killing, are moral, virtuous, and tend to preserve the community. When Immoral. — These feelings have their appro- priate function when they are directed toward the ene- mies of the community, and when so directed tend to preserve it. They receive their reprehensible character when instead of being directed toward the enemies of the community they are directed towards the members of the same community. Then they become immoral and detrimental to the community itself. Since warfare has ceased to be a universal and constant occupation, these feelings have largely lost their appropriate character and persist rather as vestigial feelings, than as feelings whose functions are still important. They have ceased to be regarded as moral, and have come to be considered im- moral, which fact in itself is an indication of their vesti- gial character. Among Whom Best Exemplified. — We find anger, hate and revenge best exemplified in those members of the community who are least developed ; among the un- educated and the lowest stratum of society; among the near-criminals. They are least exemplified among the bet- ter classes of persons in the community, and when they are manifested, they are never boasted about, but con- cealed with shame. So when we find anger and revenge exhibited by little children, we recognize these feelings as an indication of an undeveloped condition, and perhaps as the bringing forward of a tendency that is becoming 70 Functional Psychology vestigial, and being dropped out of the life of the race as a characteristic of a human being. Sympathy, Pity, Charity. — We recognize pity, sym- pathy and charity as the best examples of community preserving feelings, and we can readily understand that they benefit the community by preserving many of its members who would otherwise be unable to preserve themselves. They are the best examples of the moral virtues, but it is perfectly possible that they might come to be considered immoral, and to occupy the same posi- tion in the estimation of the community generally that is now held by anger, hate and revenge. May Become Immoral. — We know that there are pau- pers, criminals and hopelessly insane persons in every community who must be supported and cared for by the work of other members. They constitute a weakness to the community, detracting from its strength and ability to accomplish what it otherwise would be able to do. We can see what the effect is if we should imagine the defective and dependent classes to become very much larger than they are at present and to continue to be supported by the community. The feelings of pity, sympathy and charity would then constitute a source of great weakness to the community, and tending to destroy it, would without any doubt come to be regarded as imm.oral. Even now we are taught that indiscriminate charity giving to beggars on the street is not a virtue, and should never be done. So it is not justice to allow defectives to marry and perpetuate their kind. Race Perpetuating Feelings. — The race perpetuating feelings constitute a third group. They are fundam.ental in the development of the race, and have the same basic position as do the self preserving feelings. They are even more fundamental than are the community pre- Classification of Feelings 71 serving feelings, and even more powerful in leading to action, though their range is more circumscribed. Incident to Family Life. — The race perpetuating feel- ings are such as are incident to the rearing of children, and the propagation of the species. They are those that are especially incident to family life, such as the love of a man for his wife, or wife for her husband, present or prospective ; of parents for children, or a brother for a sister, or better, for somebody else's sister. Mother Love. — The best example of race perpetuat- ing feelings is perhaps that of mother love. This is a feeling of such intensity that it will overcome almost any other kind. A woman is likely to be influenced strongly by the feeling of fear, a self preserving feeling. But the influence of mother love will completely annihilate the self preserving feeling, and make of the mother an em- bodiment of courage. A parent can be injured in no other way so severely as through his child, and nearly any parent will, if necessary, preserve the life of the child at the sacrifice of his own. Late in Appearing. — The race perpetuating feelings are rather late in making their appearance, and scarcely manifest themselves in typical forms before the age of adolescence. Then they assume a dominant importance in the life of the individual. Religious Feelings Race Perpetuating. — The three groups of feelings that we have described are delimited from each other according to the functions that they have performed in the development of the race. The religious feelings constitute a group in a different system of classi- fication, and are separated from other groups of feelings by the object toward which they are directed. Much the larger number of religious feelings will find their place in the group of the race perpetuating feelings, and are 72 Functional Psychology derived from them. This is shown by the fact that the important reHgious experiences occur nearly coincidently with the development of the race perpetuating feelings, and in connection with the oncoming of adolescence. The terms that are employed in religious life are those particularly appropriate to family matters. Father, son, bride of Christ, born again, brother, sister, are particu- larly noticeable. Similarly, the hope that religion holds out of a reunion of the family that has been separated by death is the most convincing appeal that can be made to believe in some of the most essential religious doc- trines, such as life after death and immortality. Religious Feelings of the Self Preserving Group. — But other religious feelings belong to the self preserving group. These are the sehfish feelings, and the belief in religion as a means of obtaining assistance in one's career, or in obtaining anything whatever that is ardently desired, as well as the hope of continuing existence and escaping future punishment. All feelings that relate to these activities and are classed as religious belong to the self preserving or selfish group. Religious Feelings of the Community Preserving Group. — But other feelings are designated as religious which are allied to the community preserving group. In so far as religion enters into the development of morality, the concomitant feelings belong to the community pre- serving group. It will be recognized that there is a wide diversity among different persons, religions and races concerning the feelings that may be called religious, but that there is no necessity for establishing a separate group of religious feelings, since all of them fall natur- ally into one or the other of the three groups already established. Esthetic Feelings. — It is quite common to describe a fourth group of feelings called the esthetic. Esthetic Classification of Feelings 73 feelings are those which accompany the perception of the beautiful or the ugly. But when we undertake to decide what constitutes the beautiful or the ugly, we are com- pelled to rely upon the feelings that are awakened, or we must adopt a conventional standard. Pseudo-Esthetic. — Some things are judged to be beautiful wholly because a conventional standard has been established, and we have been taught to call them beautiful. The things adjudged beautiful are called so because they conform to this standard, not because we ourselves experience pleasure from their perception, in- dependently of the standard. Such feelings may be called pseudo-esthetic. We may experience much pleasure from owning and wearing a large diamond, but when we learn that instead of its being a diamond it is merely glass, our pleasure is very much diminished. We may be unable to discover the difference ourselves between the real diamond and the imitation, and our pleasure ought to be as great in the one case as in the other. But it is not, and consequently the feeling may be described as pseudo-esthetic. Our judgment of the beautiful in this case turns upon the opinion of other persons, and consequently we may group such pseudo-esthetic feel- ings among the community preserving. Esthetic Race Perpetuating Feelings. — But we judge other things to be beautiful that do not conform at all to the standard established by other persons. No one ever heard of a mother who was willing to accept the judgment of other persons in general upon the beauty of her children. Nor does a lover experience esthetic feelings in accordance with the judgment of the commu- nity concerning the beauty of his sweetheart. Such feel- ings are not pseudo-esthetic, nor do they belong to the community preserving group. They are excellent illus- trations of race perpetuating feelings. 74 Functional Psychology Esthetic Self Preserving Feelings. — There are two kinds of esthetic feelings that belong to the self preserv- ing group. One is that kind of feeling that is manifested in perceiving such objects as the rainbow, or a magnifi- cent sunset, or any other experience that accompanies pleasure derived from a mere exercise of the senses. This is an example of the purest esthetic feeling and does not depend upon any conventional standard, nor the judg- ment of other persons. Esthetic Adaptations. — A second kind of esthetic feel- ings that belong to the self preserving group is that ac- companying the judgment of beauty in anything that performs its function admirably. The delicate mechan- ism of a watch, or other piece of machinery, the admir- able adaptations seen in a flower or the mechanism of an animial, the adjustment of the seasons and method of distributing the rainfall may all of them awaken esthetic feelings, and they are of such a nature that we may group them with the self preserving. Many persons refuse to call them esthetic, but personally it appears to the writer that they are excellent examples. DEFINITIONS Classincation — An arrangement of a number of ob- jects in series according to the presence or absence of certain characteristics in them. Natural Selection — A principle by which those ani- mals or plants which present some characteristic that adapts them to their situation are preserved (or selected) while those that do not possess the advantageous charac- ter die off and leave no descendants. Ultimately it hap- pens that all the animals or plants that survive possess the adapting character. Self Preserving Feelings — Those that accompany Classification of Feelings 75 actions that tend to preserve the individual. Called also egoistic, or selfish feelings. Community Preserving Feelings — Those feelings that accompany actions that tend to benefit or preserve the community. Called also the altruistic, and moral feel- ings. Race Perpetuating Feelings — Those feelings that ac- company actions tending to propagate the species and perpetuate the race. Esthetic Feelings — Those feelings that accompany the perception of anything- that is adjudged to be beau- tiful or ugly. CHAPTER VI CONSCIOUSNESS. The term consciousness is equally ambiguous ; it may mean simply what is experienced; it may mean our knowledge of that experience; or it may mean a state to which our mental realities, otherwise unconscious, may somehow attain. — Kulpe, Psychol- ogy, p. 2. Many distinguished thinkers, especially on the physiological side (Wundt, Ziehen, etc.), take the ideas of consciousness and psychic function to be identical : "All psychic action is conscious" "The province of psychic life is coextensive with that of conscious- ness." In our opinion, such a definition gives undue extension to the meaning of consciousness, and occasions many errors and mis- understandings. We share rather the views of other philosophers (Romanes, Fritz Miiller, Schultze, and Paulsen) that our uncon- scious presentations, sensations, volitions, pertain to our psychic life. Indeed, the province of these unconscious psychic actions is far more extensive than that of consciousness. — Haeckel, Riddle of the Universe, p. 172. Let us repeat it, psychical and conscious are for us, at least at the beginning of our investigations, identical. — Ziehen, Physiological Psychology, p. 5. From the outstart, the conception unconscious psychical process is for us an empty conception. — Ziehen, Physiological Psychol- ogy, p. 5. The error has been in confounding two quite distinct things: having a sensation, and being conscious of having a sensation. — Spencer, Psychology, Vol II, p. 372. Consciousness accompanies the psychological processes of reasoning, sensation, recollection, etc. It does not constitute them. It is an epiphenomenon and nothing more. — Binet, Psychology of Reasoning, p. 91. Ultimate analysis of psychical processes shows that the uncon- scious is the theater of the most important mental phenomena. The conscious is always conditioned upon the unconscious. — Ribot, German Psychology, p. 191. I can receive a sense impression without recognizing it, for a sense impression does not involve consciousness. — Karl Pearson, Grammar of Science, p. 43. Consciousness may be compared to an internal light by means of which, and which alone,, what passes in my mind is rendered visible. — Hamilton, Metaphysics (Bowen), p. 120. Consciousness is the recognition by the thinking subject of his own acts and affections. — Hamilton, Metaphysics, p. 131. Consciousness 77 We can be conscious only as we are conscious of something. — Hamilton, Metaphysics (Bowen), p. 132. Consciousness is the perception of what passes in one's own mind. — Locke, Human Understanding, Bk. H, Chap. 1, Sec. 19. The radiation of nerve force from strongly excited nerve cells to other connected nerve cells may help us to understand how reflex actions originated. — Darwin, Expression of the Emotions, p. 41. It is true and universal that consciousness tends to disappear from reactions as they are oftener repeated. — Baldwin, Methods and Processes, p. 168. Consciousness. — The entire matter of consciousness is in a more confused and disordered state than that of almost any other division of psychology. The confusion arises largely from the use of the word consciousness in two distinct senses, with a strong tendency to adopt the one that is least to be commended. The first use of the word means a knowledge of our own mental states and processes that are in progress at any particular time. This is sometimes described by employing the word awareness. In the terms of the old psychology, con- sciousness was defined as the power the mind has to know its own states and actions. It gave us knowledge of our own mental states and processes. Awareness. — We no longer describe mental processes as powers, and by consciousness we mean the knowledge of our mental processes ; or we may mean the process by which our own mental states become known; or, the property of a mental process by which it is known to us. Either of these descriptions is indicated by the word awareness to discriminate it from another use of the term. Unconsciousness Loss of Awareness. — This is the common meaning of the word. When we speak of los- ing consciousness, we mean that we cease to be aware of the mental processes that are going on. We are uncon- scious when we are asleep, and when we awaken we become conscious. Chloroform brings on a condition of 78 Functional Psychology unconsciousness, and equally effective in producing the same result is a blow on the head. Unconsciousness may be produced in many ways, and the difference between consciousness and unconsciousness is always the same. Consciousness as a Synonym for Mind. — But another content of the word consciousness has come into very general use among psychologists, and by it is meant any mental process that can be experienced. It is used as a synonym for mind. Any mental process is a state of consciousness, and there can be no mental process that is not a conscious state. This is one form of the state- ment, and another form which is intended to mean the same thing is that there can be no mental process that is not attended with consciousness. In fact, the first statement that any mental process is a state of tonscious- ness grows out of the second that every mental process is attended by consciousness, or is a conscious state. It will be seen when we compare these two statements that there is involved in them a begging of the question, or an assumption of the thing that we undertake to prove. Not a Proper Use of the Word. — It would be equally possible to prove that every mental process is accom- panied by feeling, and therefore every mental process is a state of feeling; or, that every mental process is accom- panied by some muscular movement, and therefore every mental process is a state of muscular contraction; or, that every mental process is accompanied by a process of attention, and therefore every mental process is a state of attention ; or, that every mental process is conative condition, and therefore every mental process is a state of will. Any one of these statements has the same kind of justification that is shown by the definition that a mental process is a state of consciousness. Unconsciousness Not Mental. — The second meaning of the word grows out of the arbitrary doctrine that no Consciousness 79 unconscious process can be mental, and that such un- conscious state does not constitute a proper subject for discussion in psychology. Those who employ the second meaning of the word assert that there is no difference betw^een a sensation and the consciousness of a sensa- tion, and that an unconscious mental process is a contra- diction in terms. How Originated. — It appears that the idea that men- tal action and consciousness are inseparable grew out of the desire of Descartes to prove that man constituted a different order of being from other animals. As that notion was consistent with the ultra religious spirit of the earlier psychologists, holding their peculiar views of the nature of mind, it was easy of acceptance by them. Recent physiological psychologists have accepted it without sufficient criticism, perhaps in consequence of the difficulty of framing any hypothesis of a physiologi- cal nature by which the phenomena of consciousness could be presented in understandable terms. Consciousness Not Necessary to a Mental Act. — It is difficult to propose such an hypothesis, that shall sum- mate all the effects of consciousness. Let us note in the first place that consciousness is not necessary to a mental act. Consciousness is most intense when the mental processes are most imperfect and hesitant. When we are learning to skate or play the piano, or to whet a razor, we are most intensely conscious of our actions. Even if our actions are not physical but mental, as in making a difficult calculation in arithmetic, we are in- tensely conscious of the steps that must be taken in learning it. But as we become familiar with the process, and acquire skill in doing it, the intensity of conscious- ness diminishes until when we have attained the highest degree of skill, it seems almost to have disappeared. This is one of the fundamental data that we shall have to con- 80 Functional Psychology sider in expressing the relation of consciousness to other mental processes, and demonstrating a physiological hypothesis for it. Always Conscious of Something. — x\nother fact that must be considered is that we can never be merely con- scious, we must be conscious of something. Conscious- ness can never exist alone. Consciousness is the accom- paniment of an intellectual process, such as a perception, or the discovery of a relation or a feeling which it must accompany. The consciousness may be intense or feeble; it may vary in its intensity without any corresponding variation in the intensity of the process which it accom- panies. We shall expect then, to find the physiological concomitant of consciousness in some element of the nervous current, or of the transmission of a nervous im- pulse through a nervous arc whose concomitant is an intellectual act. Shadowy Background of Consciousness. — A third fact that must accord with any theory which we may present about consciousness is that in nearly every experience of which we are conscious, there is a shadowy back- ground of other facts, events and processes, less vivid than the one that we may consider in the focus as repre- senting the mental process for which consciousness is the accompaniment. This shadowy background is not necessarily present, and may be very much narrowed or altogether omitted ; but its frequent presence mate- rially assists us in suggesting a probable hypothesis for consciousness. These three facts will enable us to frame such an hypothesis when we consider them all together. Origin of Expression. — We have described feeling as the concomitant of the resistance encountered by a nerv- ous impulse in passing through a nervous arc. But we have recognized the fact that when a nervous impulse encounters resistance, it has a tendency to spread out Consciousness 81 into the surrounding cells. We have seen that this spreading out into the surrounding cells of the motor region and the glandular centers is the nervous correlate of the expression of feeling. Radiation. — But not all of the impulse that radiates out of the brain center through which it is passing goes into the motor centers. Some of it passes into the fring- ing cells around the brain center and since these are not necessarily motor centers, no movement follows. If the radiating portion of the nervous impulse were to traverse these fringing cells as if they were other brain centers, each brain center so traversed by the radiating impulse would accompany an intellectual process, fainter than the original, as the radiating impulse is weaker than the main impulse. It is in such a supposition as this that we can picture the dim, faint fringe of perceptions and other mental processes that accompany the conscious act. This would be the physiological explanation of the things that are in the fringe of consciousness. The Fringing Cells. — But this background of faint perceptions and definite mental processes is not neces- sary to a conscious act. We may be conscious of the mental process in the focus without any of the fringing percepts. The nervous impulse may, and sometimes does radiate out of the fringing cells without passing through them as a brain center and completing their circuit. We may say that it radiates into the fringing cells without running through them. This will stand to us for the concomitant of consciousness. The radiation of the nervous impulse out of the brain center into the fringing cells we may consider as the concomitant of conscious- ness. This will give us an interpretation of the process, enabling us easily to understand and to express the rela- tion that it holds to other mental processes. Radiation Depends Upon Resistance. — It is evident 82 Functional Psychology that the nervous impulse will not radiate out into the fringing cells unless some resistance is encountered in the brain center. The resistance itself is the concomitant of feeling, but the radiation Avhich follows upon the re- sistance is the concomitant of consciousness. Consciousness and Feeling. — It follows then, that if our interpretation of the physiological concomitant is correct, consciousness and feeling will vary together. Other things being the same, the greater the feeling the more intense will be the consciousness, and the less the feeling the less intensity of consciousness. This result arises, not in consequence of any causal connection with each other, but because the two, consciousness and feel- ing, are both similarly related to the same circumstance, the amount of resistance encountered. Whatever in- creases the resistance, will at the same time increase both feeling and the intensity of consciousness. Whatever de- creases the resistance will by that very fact decrease both feeling and the intensity of consciousness. Feeling is not the cause of the consciousness, nor is consciousness the cause of the feeling, but both of them are related in the same way to the antecedent condition, resistance. Feeling and Consciousness Discriminated. — The above explanation will enable us to see the relation between feeling and consciousness, and will help us to understand that whenever we are experiencing any feeling we are conscious, and conscious of that feeling. It will show us why consciousness and feeling are not likely to be experienced separately from each other, but it will show us also how inaccurate is the expression that feeling is a state of consciousness, or that feeling and consciousness are identical. Consciousness and Expression. — Similarly, our hypothesis v/ill enable us to understand the relation be- tween consciousness and expression. We might derive Consciousness 83 this relation indirectly by saying that since feeling and consciousness are directly related to each other, the laws that express the relation between feeling and its expres- sion, would apply equally well to the relation between consciousness and expression. Consciousness Homologous to Expression. — We have explained the expression of feeling as the radiation of the nervous impulse out of the primary brain center into the motor and glandular centers as a consequence of the re- sistance encountered. In the radiation out into the fring- ing cells that are neither motor nor glandular centers we believe we have the concomitant of consciousness. It ap- pears then, that the expression of feeling and conscious- ness arise from the same circumstance and are conse- quences of the same condition. The difference between the two is merely the radiation of the nervous impulse into different kinds of cells and centers. "All Consciousness Motor." — Consciousness and the expression of feeling are, then, in a certain sense homol- ogous to each other, and both of them may vary with each other and with feeling. If we choose to stretch a point, we may assert that consciousness is as truly an expression of feeling as is muscular movement itself. This is one way in which, if we choose, we may read a meaning into the phrase, a favorite with some authors, that all consciousness is motor. Distribution of the Nervous Impulse. — We have now discovered that the nervous impulse that enters a brain center may be distributed into several portions, each the concomitant of a separate mental process. One portion passes through the brain center, and is the concomitant of the intellectual work done. Another portion is stopped out by the resistance it encounters, and is destroyed in overcoming it. This is the concomitant of feeling. Another portion escapes from the brain center, passes 84 Functional Psychology into the motor or glandular centers, and is the concomi- tant of expression. Still a fourth part escapes from the brain center, passes into the fringing cells that are a part Fig. 2 — A, the nervous impulse entering the brain center. B, the portion that runs through and is the concomitant of the intellectual process. C, the portion that- escapes into the motor and glandular centers and is the concomitant of expres- sion. D, the portion that is spent in overcoming resistance in the brain center and is the concomitant of feeling. E, the portion that radiates into the fringing cells that are neither motor nor glandular centers, and is the concomitant of con- sciousness. of neither the motor nor glandular centers, and consti- tutes the concomitant of consciousness. A clear picture of these several parts into which the entire impulse is split up will help very much in the understanding of the relations existing among the different mental processes. Consciousness and the Intellectual Process. — We have now discussed the relation between consciousness, feeling and expression. It remains to consider the rela- tion of consciousness to the intellectual process. Since we have seen that consciousness and feeling are directly related to each other, we may expect to find that the laws of feeling will apply equally well to consciousness. That is, with a given amount of nervous energy, there is a reciprocal relation between consciousness and intellect. Consciousness in Learning. — When we are learning to do a thing, we are intensely conscious of what we are doing. But as we become skillful in the act we can do it with less consciousness, and even perform it skillfully Consciousness 85 without thinking about it, or without being conscious of what we are doing. Consciousness tends to evaporate from an habitual act as truly as does feeling. Consciousness and Skill Reciprocal. — Not only is con- sciousness not necessary to a psychic process, but it is really detrimental to the action. The highest degree of skill has not been attained when we have to think how the action shall be performed. We are not conscious of the muscular innervations and contractions that are in- volved in the process of talking, and are unconscious of the movements that are made. But when we attend in such a way as to try to discover what the movements are we speak very awkwardly, and our speech is not skill- fully accomplished. The same thing is true of all our daily actions, and adjustments, both mental and physical. We know how to spell separate and many other words, if we do not stop to think, but if we stop to think, that is to become conscious of our mental processes, we are as likely to spell the words wrong as right. Example of Stropping Razor. — The writer has often attempted to discover if he could become conscious of the pressure and the movement of the thumb that turns a razor over when it is stropped, but not a single indication of any feeling or consciousness of the movement of the muscle is observable. Practice every day for years in stropping a razor has resulted in the complete disappear- ance of consciousness from the muscular contraction in- volved in the process. Nevertheless, it is a truly volun- tary act, which as the result of habit has lost all resist- ance in the brain center, consciousness has dropped out and feeling has disappeared. It is an unconscious volun- tary act. At first, in the process of learning to strop a razor, the consciousness was intense, and the feeling pain- fully disagreeable. The Noise of a Wagon. — Consciousness bears about 86 Functional Psychology the same relation to the other mental processes that the noise which a wagon makes bears to the effective move- ment of the wagon. The old conundrum "What is it that is no part of a wagon, but which the wagon cannot go without?" is directly illustrative of the point here. The wagon that makes the greatest noise is not the most ef- fective tool for the purpose for which a wagon is em- ployed, nor is it in the most satisfactory condition to use. The wagon that moves with the least noise, other things being the same, is in better condition for work. There is less energy lost in overcoming the friction. Consciousness and Feeling Both Reciprocal to Intel- lect. — Our actions, mental and muscular, accomplished without consciousness and without feeling, are better done and more accurately performed with the same amount of nervous energy than if feeling and conscious- ness accompanied them. Less resistance is to be over- come, and more energy is available for doing the work. Utility of Consciousness. — Consciousness implies hesi- tation and delay, and consequently, an opportunity to select and make choice between alternative possible actions. It is then a condition incident to deciding or choosing, or adjusting oneself to new and non-habitual situations. This seems to be its advantage in the devel- opment of the race. It is a condition that permits of deliberate adjustment, and assists in the learning of a new process. Variation in Consciousness. — Consciousness varies in intensity as truly as does feeling. Sometimes we are in- tensely conscious,and again we are relatively uncon- scious. Consciousness and unconsciousness are relative terms ; it is impossible to draw an exact line between them. Try to decide upon the instant at vv^hich you have ceased to be awake and have fallen asleep, and the diffi- culty of discriminating between absolute consciousness Consciousness 87 and a state of absolute unconsciousness will be under- stood. Effect of Habit on Consciousness. — There are at least four ways in which the intensity of consciousness may be increased or decreased. First, the effect of habit is to decrease the intensity of consciousness, as has already been described. The only way to conceive of the effect of habit upon consciousness is by recognizing that the resistance in the brain center is decreased, and the rela- tion that resistance holds to consciousness. Effect of Attention. — Second, consciousness may be increased or decreased by a process of attention, whose mechanism we are not yet ready to discuss. We may study our lesson with such intensity of attention, or be so completely absorbed in some other object of contempla- tion that we are not aware of the passage of time, or events that occur in the room in which we are studying. This is the condition in which we may escape from a great danger, without being aware of how we escaped, or the dangers that we passed through. The unconscious- ness of the hypnotic state will serve as an example of this condition of unconsciousness. Effect of Decrease of Nervous Energy. — Third. Re- sistance may be diminished and consciousness conse- quently decreased by the decrease in the amount of ner- vous energy generated. This process is manifested as the primary condition of sleep, which constitutes the subject of the next chapter. Effect of Excessive Resistance : Chloroform. — Fourth, consciousness may be decreased, or completely obliter- ated by an increase in the amount of resistance to such an extent that the circuit is broken, and no nervous current flows through any brain center. This condition of uncon- sciousness is found in cases in which a person faints from 88 Functional Psychology excess of emotion. It is also the condition resulting from the administration of chloroform, not from that of mor- phine. The probability is that chloroform causes a shrinking and retraction of the dendrites and so in- creases the resistance between the neurons in a brain cen- ter to such an extent that a nervous impulse will not pass, and unconsciousness ensues. DEFINITIONS Consciousness — The knowledge of our own mental states and processes; or, the process by which our own mental states and processes become known ; or, the prop- erty of a mental state or process by which we know it. Radiation — The running out of a nervous impulse into the fringing cells. Fringing Cells — Those brain cells which do not con- stitute a part of a brain center, but which are closely con- nected with it. CHAPTER VII SLEEP AND DREAMS. In sleep there is a diminution of arterial blood to the brain. — Bain, Mind and Body, p. 15. The condition of anaemia in connection with the withdrawal of external stimuli causes a depression of the psychical processes below the threshold of consciousness. — Manaceine, Sleep, p. 54. The psychical phenomena of dreams and the conscious life of waking hours are different, but they do not have a different psychi- cal value. — Ziehen, Physiological Psychology, />. 267. It is only in the most vivid dreams that either men or animals (especially hunting dogs) give a weak expression to the somnial ideas of motion by a few slight movements of the trunk and extremi- ties. In sleep, therefore, the initial element of the psychical process, the sensation, is produced by ideational stimulation, and the final element is almost omitted. — Ziehen, Physiological Psychology, p. 265. Sleep. — The phenomena of sleep are universal in the human race. It is a state of unconsciousness, and dreams are unconscious mental processes manifesting varying de- grees of intensity in their unconsciousness. Many psy- chologists place the phenomena of sleep and dreams in their chapter on Abnormal Psychology, but sleep and dreams are not abnormal, nor are they non-psychical. Those who define psychology as the science of Conscious- ness, and assume that no unconscious process can be men- tal, have no place for the discussion of sleep and dreams. Why Study. — It is quite necessary for us to study sleep and dreams. The universality of the phenomena, together with the amount of time that we spend in sleep, would seem to justify a great deal of attention to its accompanying mental states. One-third of our lives is spent in sleep. It is not unusual to find persons who have spent twenty years in bed, without being serious invalids. The twenty years are distributed over a lifetime of sixty. Influence of Dreams. — In the experience of dreams, we have a series of phenomena which have largely influ- 90 Functional Psychology enced our philosophical and religious beliefs, and shaped our decisions upon many questions. Perhaps the dualis- tic philosophy finds its strongest support, and belief in it has become so general, in consequence of the experience that every one has had with dreams. The person who goes to sleep and in his dream finds himself in places far distant from that in which he went to sleep, and who talks with and sees other persons, some of whom he knows and some of whom are strangers ; some of whom are living in the same places in which he himself lives, and others that he knows to be living in distant lands; some of whom are living and some of whom are dead; when a person after having such experiences awakens and finds that his body is in the same place in which he went to sleep a few hours or minutes before, it is the apparent, easy and inevitable explanation that in some way he has been able to know the things of his dream as he would know them if he were freed from the limitations his body imposes. Hence it is inevitable that he should adopt the suggestion, even if he would never originate it himself, that his body is distinctly separate from an im- material thing known as his soul, spirit, or mind, which has traveled in the places of his dreams. Belief in Immortality. — Out of this easily grows the belief in immortality of the soul and freedom from the limitations imposed, not merely by space and time, but by disease and death. If it were not for the phenomena of dreams, belief in immortality would be far more diffi- cult to inculcate. Dream Books. — Dream books are printed and sold in large quantities. Many persons have a more or less pro- found faith in the prophetic character of some dreams. The phenomena of dreams, then, influence the lives and daily actions of many persons. On this account, no study of psychology can afford to overlook the phenomena. Consciousness 91 Sleep Universal. — Sleep is universal in the human race, and is of so much importance that a person will die sooner from loss of sleep than he will from lack of food. We may readily conceive that this character of sleep has becom.e fixed in the human race by the processes of nat- ural selection. Established by Natural Selection. — Let us suppose that in the early stages of the human race, or of its pre- human ancestors, there existed a condition in which some did not sleep while others did. Our principal means of escaping from danger depends upon our being able to see. At night this means of escape is greatly lessened. Those who wandered widely at night would meet dangers from wild animals, dangerous rivers, swamps, from rock preci- pices and from many other things which those who did not wander at night would avoid. Those who possessed the habit of sleeping at night would avoid these dangers. Hence it would inevitably happen that those without the characteristic of sleeping at night would encounter more dangers, more of them would be killed, fewer descend- ants would be left, and a smaller number of them would survive, than of that group who in consequence of the characteristic of sleep remained at home at night, in their sheltered places. Ultimately, only those in whom the character of sleep manifested itself would survive and leave descendants. Nocturnal Sleep. — Our sleep is a nocturnal sleep, and recurs at intervals of twenty-four hours. It has its ad- vantage in the fact that the earth rotates on its axis in that length of time and produces the succession of day and night. Had the length of the day been different, it is probable that our interval for sleep would have been otherwise than it is now. Hibernation. — We shall be able to appreciate this only by comparing our nocturnal sleep with the winter sleep, 92 Functional Psychology or hibernation, of other animals. The black bear once ranged over North America. It lives mainly on vegetable food. It can eat animal food, but is not v^ell adapted for catching prey. In v^inter, its principal source of food dis- appears, and it must accommodate itself to the changed condition. The same conditions prevail in the case of hedgehogs, bats and birds. They may overcome the diffi- culty in three or four v^ays. They may store up food for v^inter, as man does, and as some squirrels do. They might ship in food, as man does. They might migrate, and travel from the place w^here food is not to where it is, as birds do. But bears are not v^ell adapted for flying through the air, and they have adopted a fourth method. They go to sleep v^hen food becomes scarce and sleep all winter. Sleep is a condition in which little nervous en- ergy is generated, and there is very little oxidation of tissue; consequently little food is needed. A bear sleeps about three months, using up the food that has been stored in his body as fat. Estivation. — Estivation, or summer sleep, is a mani- festation of the same principle. In countries where the seasons are only two — wet and dry — animals and plants would perish in the dry season if they maintained their usual amount of activity. This condition is avoided by the animals burying themselves in the mud before the water entirely dries up, and there they remain in sleep until the rains come again. Nocturnal sleep, hibernation, estivation are manifestations of the same principle, differ- ing only in the conditions to which by their means the different animals are adjusted. From this also we might infer something of the nature of the climate in which the human race originated. It was evidently not one in which the wet and dry seasons prevailed, nor one in which the winters were long and severe. Sleep and the Nervous System. — Sleep is a character- Consciousness 93 istic of mammals, birds, reptiles, batrachians and insects. When we arrive at a place in the animal scale in which the nervous system is less complicated than it is in insects, it is doubtful if the phenomena of sleep are mani- fested. We discover no indication of sleep in those ani- mals that have no nervous system, and even in the ani- mals that possess a nervous system we fail to discover that it is universal. It is doubtful if fishes ever sleep. It seems as if the animal must have a nervous system of a considerable degree of complexity before the phenomena of sleep manifest themselves. Sleep Correlative to Consciousness. — We have asso- ciated sleep with consciousness, and we might infer that where consciousness does not manifest itself, there is no occasion for the phenomena of sleep. Conversely, if we can discover an indication of sleep, we have a fairly satis- factory evidence of the existence of consciousness, and consequently by inference, of intelligence in a general sense of the term. Advantage of Sleep. — There is a distinct advantage in sleep other than escape from nocturnal dangers. The essential condition of sleep is lessened brain activity, less oxidation of tissue, and consequently a lessened amount of nervous energy generated. No matter what conditions bring this result about, sleep follows. When there is this lessened amount of oxidation of tissue, there is a better opportunity for the elimination of waste products that have accumulated in the system, and for the restora- tion of the tissues that the larger activity of the waking hours has depleted. How Sleep Restores Tissue. — If it were not for this diminished amount of oxidation of tissue and consequent decrease in nervous energy, there would be no advantage in sleep as a restorative. Sleep is not any mysterious process, imposed from the outside, nor is it in itself a 94 Functional Psychology restorative at all. Its efficiency results from the fact that less nervous energy is liberated. Other Ideas About Sleep. — The above explanation of sleep is quite different from that which is given in many books. Madame de Manaceine asserts that sleep is the resting time of consciousness, whatever that may mean. Just what is meant by consciousness that needs a rest is difficult to determine. Hudson affirms that sleep is the time when the objective mind ceases to work the body, and lets it have a rest. Thompson, in his Brain and Per- sonality, asserts that in sleep the Mind ceases to work the brain, and the brain is then permitted to rest. The dualist can scarcely find any explanation for sleep, and so says little about it. Equally impotent are the explanations of sleep that are given by those who make of every mental process a state of consciousness. They class it along with insanity and abnormal psychology. The Primary Condition. — As we have already stated, the primary condition of sleep is a diminished amount of nervous energy. When a smaller amount of nervous en- ergy is passing through any brain center, there is less resistance, and less feeling, less radiation and less con- sciousness. The intensity of consciousness is so slight that we properly designate it as unconsciousness. How Established. — This primary condition may be brought about in several ways or there are many condi- tions that contribute to the reduction of the amount of nervous energy. In the first place, the brain is always, or nearly always, anaemic in sleep. That is, it is supplied with a smaller amount of blood than in the usual waking state. Any process that tends to diminish the supply of blood to the brain is favorable to sleep. Under the ordi- nary waking conditions, from one-twelfth to one-eighth of the blood that leaves the heart is sent to the brain. In Consciousness 95 sleep, usually, perhaps not always, a much smaller pro- portion is carried there. , Blood Supply in Sleep. — To bring about this lessened blood supply to the brain, the heart beats slower, and a smaller quantity of blood is sent out from the heart at each pulsation. A larger proportion goes to the skin, and consequently in sleep the skin is warmer than in the corresponding waking condition, and there is a greater amount of secretion by the glands of the skin. Effect of Food. — Food taken into the stomach tends to induce sleep. The blood is determined to the stomach in digesting the food, and a smaller quantity goes to the brain. In the same way, hot baths induce sleep, deter- mining the blood to the skin, and thereby diminishing the quantity that goes to the brain. Exercise, in just suffi- cient amount to determine the blood to the muscles is also favorable to sleep, but the effect is counteracted in a large measure by the quickened circulation, and the greater amount of oxygen taken into the lungs. Loss of blood induces unconsciousness for the same reason, and pressure on the carotid arteries will bring on uncon- sciousness in thirty seconds. Effect of Diminished Oxygen. — So far, we have been considering only one factor, that of blood supply to the brain. But the diminished blood supply is favorable to sleep only because it results in a smaller supply of oxygen to the brain. If the supply of oxygen is diminished the same result follows as if the blood supply is diminished. Consequently we find in sleep that the rate of breathing- is slower, and that a smaller amount of air is taken into the lungs at one inspiration. If the air that we breathe is impure, and not v/ell supplied with oxygen, we become sleepy. Even if there is nothing deleterious in the air itself, but an unusually large proportion of an inert gas like nitrogen, sleep will follow. 96 Functional Psychology Diminished Peripheral Impulses. — There is still an- other condition of sleep. When we wish to go to sleep, we close our eyes and shut out the light. We get away from noises ; we wish to be neither too hot nor too cold ; we desire a reasonably soft mattress, and we wish to avoid experiencing the sensation of hunger. In fact, so far as possible, we avoid all peripherally initiated im- pulses. These are always stronger than centrally init- iated, and therefore have a greater tendency to radiate and to accompany the phenomenon of consciousness, which is the contradictory condition of sleep. Effect of Starvation. — While hunger is not conducive to sleep, excessive hunger, designated as starvation, is. A person who is fasting for long periods finds that he sleeps a great deal of the time. In this condition, it is not lack of blood supply, nor of oxygen to the brain that pre- vents oxidation of tissue, but it is lack of tissue to be oxidized. The effect is the same, and our explanation of sleep seems to cover all possible conditions. Variation in Depth of Sleep. — Consciousness varies in intensity from the most complete consciousness to the lowest degree of unconsciousness. Consciousness and unconsciousness are relative terms. So sleep may be intense or feeble, deep or shallow. We may be half asleep or half awake, and the difference in the two condi- tions is not very great. Experiments have been made to measure the intensity, and in one of the most successful of such experiments, the sleeper was awakened by the noise produced by dropping a metal ball upon a brass plate outside of the room door. The height from which the ball must be dropped in order to awaken the sleeper was taken as the measure of the intensity of sleep. The Sleep Curve. — By this method it was found that in the ordinary night's sleep, the deepest intensity was reached about the beginning of the second hour. From Consciousness 97 this point it gradually decreased in depth until about the end of the fourth hour, when its intensity was not very great. There was a fairly uniform intensity not much %P0 /oo / / y T , \ ' \ L \ I X _ — ,- ■~-. , , -y i f I ? 4 i . r ( » * 7 ^ HoMV Fig. 3— Curve showing the depth of sleep at each hour in the night. The height is that from which a ball was dropped to awaken a sleeper. below the line of consciousness until the end of the eighth hour, or the time of natural awakening, with a tendency to a slight second maximum, or deepening of sleep in the last hour, just before awakening. Dreams. — In sleep there is mental action going on, which we call dreaming. The older psychologists could not account for this action of dreaming and refused to call it mental. They spoke of unconscious cerebration, or brain action, as distinguished from mental action. But we have reason to believe that much of our most import- ant mental action is unconscious, and we have no reason for refusing that designation to dreams. Continuity of Dreaming. — Nearly everybody dreams. The deeper the sleep the less mental action and the less 98 Functional Psychology dreaming, while there may be occasions in which all men- tal action ceases. It is the usual thing, however, for mental action to continue throughout all the hours of sleep. We do not remember all the dreams we have, and those dreams that we experience just before waking up are the only ones that we are usually able to reproduce. Sometimes we are suddenly awakened just as we are going to sleep, and then we discover that we were dream- ing at that time. In this way we know that we dream as we go to sleep, and as we awake, and whenever we are awakened we find that we are dreaming, hence we are inclined to believe that we dream nearly all the time that we are asleep. Best Remembered Dreams. — AVe remember best only those dreams that we experience as we awake. There are two reasons for this : one is that these dreams have oc- curred most recently, and there is less chance to forget them. The second is that they occur just as the person is approaching the conscious state, and consequently the amxount of nervous energy is great enough to accompany an experience sufiBciently vivid to be remembered. Vividness of Dreams. — Sometimes we experience what we describe as a vivid dream. On examination we shall find that the vividness is mostly an illusion. Com- pared with other dreams it may be vivid, but compared with a waking experience it is never vivid. Less Vivid Than Waking Experience. — If a dream were as vivid as a waking experience, it would be as easily rem.embered. But if a dream is not reinstated, re- produced, recalled, talked about or thought of for six hours after waking up, it will be found impossible to reproduce it. Such a test applied to a waking experi- ence will show that it is different in this respect. An- other test is that of comparing the intensity of the ex- perience as soon as awakened, with corresponding ex- Consciousness 99 periences when awake. For example, a sun illuminated snow covered landscape seen in a dream was judged to appear about as bright as the same landscape would have appeared if it had been illuminated by the full moon. The probability is that the vividness of the dream corresponded to the vividness of a waking experience of the same kind as full moonlight would compare with sunlight. Lack of Vividness Explained. — This demonstration of the small amount of vividness in dreams is explained by the fact that there is but little nervous energy generated in sleep, and only weak nervous impulses traverse the brain centers in dreaming. It is not only explained by that supposition, but it directly corroborates our inter- pretation of the nature of sleep. Elements of a Dream. — When we dream, a nervous impulse passes through some brain center. If it passes through some combination of cells in the occipital lobe, we experience a visual dream. If it passes through some combination of cells in the temporal lobe, we have an auditory dream. Most of our dreams are auditory or visual, and frequently both. If a person has become blind before the age of five years, his dreams are never visual, nor will they contain visual elements. Tactual elements may enter into a dream, and so may images of taste and smell, but these latter are rare. Peripheral Direction of Dreams. — All of our dreams are faint, accompanied by nervous impulses of little inten- sity, and nearly all of them are centrally initiated. Some- times, though not always, a peripherally initiated im- pulse, started in some sense organ, gives direction to a dream. Many persons have supposed that every dream was thus originated and directed, but such a supposition cannot be maintained without giving undue extension to the meaning attached to peripherally initiated impulses. 100 Functional Psychology Fantastic Character. — One of the most characteristic features of dreams is their fantastic nature. Many times they appear to be wholly unreasonable, but their unreas- onableness does not appear to the dreamer. This may be accounted for by the fact that attention is completely inactive in sleep. The nervous impulse is not directed, but follows the path of least resistance at the moment. It encounters little resistance, engenders little feeling, and this in itself is a condition when any unreasonableness would not be recognized, since no feeling, even of sur- prise, is likely to be experienced. When the impulses be- come strong enough to engender feeling, we awaken. Not Prophetic. — Notwithstanding the very general belief to the contrary, dreams are not prophetic. It may be that in some cases, an event that has constituted the subject matter of a dream, has afterward occurred, but many more events dreamed about have not occurred. In the millions of dreams every night, and the millions of events every day, it would be very strange if there should not be some coincidences ; but for most of the coinci- dences very good reasons can be alleged. If an event is expected to happen, or not to happen, it must do one or the other ; and a person who dreams of the event has one chance in two of his dream being fulfilled. In a few cases, the oncoming of disease has been recognized in sleep, but this may be accounted for by the fact that in sleep the impulse is not directed by the attention, but fol- lows the path indicated by the actual condition of the brain. In this way it may give an indication of a diseased condition that has not been previously observed. This is the only kind of prophetic dream that has ever been supported by satisfactory evidence. Not of Daily Work. — Contrary to the general opinion, our dreams are not usually related to our daily work. It seems as if the brain centers that are involved in our Consciousness 101 daily work become fatigued and offer resistanec to the passage of a nervous impulse, so that when it is not directed by attention, it seeks an easier path than that in which the fatigue occurred. After an occupation has ceased to be habitual, it may become the subject of dreams. It is in the fact that our daily occupations are seldom the subject of our dreams that we may have an explanation of the aphorism that dreams go by contraries. Mental Work in Sleep. — There are many instances of mental v/ork of value having been done in dreams. In fact, any person who has a difficult lesson to learn, may practically learn it in sleep if he reads it over carefully just before going to sleep and thinks of it until sleep ensues. It seems that the mental activity in sleep has avoided the difficulties imposed by the processes wrongly directed by attention. A smaller amount of nervous energy relieved from the usual amount of resistance, accomplishes much work. Kubla Khan. — Coleridge is said to have dreamed the whole poem of Kubla Khan, and upon awaking wrote it out just as he dreamed it. He said that there were twenty or thirty lines more of the poem that he could not remem- ber, and was ever afterward unable to reproduce. Also the story is an old one of one of the great mathematicians who upon going to bed, after having tried vainly to solve a problem, was astonished in the morning to find the solution carefully written out on his table, in his own handwriting. Awake at a Previously Determined Time. — One other phenomenon of sleep deserves notice. Many persons are able to awaken at any time that they have previously de- cided to wake up. The experience is the same thing as the ability to think of anything that we have decided in our waking hours to do at any particular time. When that time comes we think of the thing we have decided, to 102 Functional Psychology do, or we are very much disposed to censure ourselves for failing to think of it. We do not know the mechanism of the process by which the result is brought about. But the occurrence of the same phenomenon in sleep is merely another evidence that the sleeping state differs only in one essential respect from the waking state, and that we have called the diminished amount of nervous energy manifested. Somnambulism. — Sleep walking and sleep talking are motor phenomena, and are explained by the fact that the nervous impulse is strong enough and encounters resist- ance enough to flow out into the motor, or expression, centers. Both of them are likely to be associated with more or less abnormal conditions, giving rise to peripher- ally initiated impulses, such as accompany the distressed feeling from an overloaded stomach, or a condition of brain tissue that more or less closely approximates in- flammation. Nervous impulses of an unusual degree of intensity for sleep readily explain the existence of the phenomena, although if the impulses become strong enough, the person awakes, the impulse radiates out into the fringing cells, and consciousness follows. DEFINITIONS Sleep — A condition of unconsciousness arising from a diminished amount of nervous energy liberated. Dream — Any kind of mental action in sleep. Hibernation — The winter sleep of such animals as bears and hedgehogs. Estivation — The summer sleep of animals in coun- tries that have the wet and dry seasons. Anaemia — A condition of diminished blood supply. Somnambulism — Sleep walking, or motor phenomena in sleep. CHAPTER VIII MEMORY. Memory is, as everybody says, on the bodily side, the rein- statement in the nervous centers of the processes in the original sensation, perception, etc. — Baldwin, Methods and Processes, p. 280. The treatment of the centrally aroused ideas is rendered easier by the present-day assumption that memory images and the origi- nally aroused sensations are of precisely the same character. — Pillsbury, Attention, p. 95. The comparative feebleness of the remembered states or ideas is, we presume, the exact counterpart of the diminished force of the revived currents in the brain. It is seldom that the reinduced currents are equal in energy to those of direct stimulation at first hand. — Bain, Mind and Body, p. 91. I think it can be shown that what the metaphysician calls con- sciousness (mind), are phenomena determined by the mechanism of associative mem.ory. — Loeh, Physiology of the Brain, p. 214. Mach has pointed out that the consciousness of the self or the ego is simply a phrase for the fact that certain constituents are constantly, or more frequently produced than others. — Loeh, Physiol- ogy of the Brain, p. 214. Forgetfulness is one of the conditions of our mental life, and a sine qua non of its development. — Lloyd Morgan, Comparative Psychology, p. 73. The faculty of forgetting details it is that makes retrospection possible. — Lloyd Morgan, Comparative Psychology, p. 112. Memory Defined. — Memory is the reinstatement of a previous mental experience with the same conscious ele- ments. It is the concomitant of the transmission of a nervous impulse through the same cells and centers that it passed through before, and the radiating out into the same fringing cells. The mental experience is reinstated and recognized. In this, as in all other definitions of memory, two different elements are introduced. One is the element of mental reproduction, and the other is the element of mental recognition. Neither, without the other, can be called memory. Mental Reproduction. — Mental reproduction is the concomitant of the transmission of the nervous impulse 1 04 Functional Psychology through the same cells and centers that it passed through before. Some psychologists appear to believe that in mental reproduction the nervous impulse traverses a dif- ferent combination of cells from those that were trav- ersed in the original experience. That is, in an original experience, such as perceiving a landscape, the nervous impulse traverses combinations of cells in the sight cen- ter in the occipital lobe, while in remembering the land- scape, the impulse traverses only combinations of cells in the association centers, and passes through none of the cells in the sight centers. An Idea. — However, this interpretation has very little to commend it, and may safely be rejected. The remem- bered process is very properly designated as an idea, and differs from the original experience principally in vivid- ness, although as a consequence of the difference in vividness, it is not so accurate as the original and is ac- companied by less feeling. As a corollary of this inter- pretation of memory, it will be seen that -there can be no memory center in the brain. Retention. — Some psychologists also speak of reten- tion as an element in memory and we have some common expressions that involve the same idea. Thus we hear of a retentive memory ; that the mind retains an impression ; that ideas are stored up in the cells of the brain ; or stored up in memory, or stored up in the mind. All of these imply a wholly wrong conception of the nature of mem- ory. Ideas cannot be stored up, nor does the mind or the brain retain any idea. A candle does not retain the light when it is put out, nor does the road retain any part of the wagon that travels over it. It is true that the wagon may modify the surface of the road so that its next pas- sage may be attended with less jolting and noise, and may be accomplished with the expenditure of less force. So an idea may be reinstated the second time with less effort Memory 105 than it was the first, but that is quite different from the storing up of an idea in the cells of the brain. Mental Recognition. — But mental reproduction is not memory. If the idea is reproduced without being recog- nized as having been experienced before, it is not mem- ory. When the original experience occurred, we were conscious of it, or it would not have been remembered. That is, the nervous impulse which accompanied it, en- countered resistance and radiated out into the fringing cells. When the impulse is reinstated, it must radiate out into the same fringing cells, thus accompanying the element of consciousness, and since the fringing cells are the same as in the original experience, we recognize the idea as one that has been experienced before. The radia- tion out into the same fringing cells is the concomitant of the element of mental recognition. Reproduction Without Recognition. — This hypothesis of memory seems to satisfy every condition and will assist us very much in understanding our experiences with it. If our interpretation is correct, we shall see that it is possible to experience the element of mental repro- duction without the element of mental recognition. The writer one time deliberately coined a word, to express an idea he wished to use in a paper, and then within a month read that same word in a book in his library. When coin- ing the word, he was unconscious of ever having seen it before. But after having read it many times in books published before the word was used in his paper, he became convinced that he had read the word many times, and when it appeared as the expression for the idea, it was reproduced without being recognized. Preacher's Defense of Plagiarism. — A preacher upon one occasion, preached as part of his sermon the graduat- ing oration of a young man, which was to be delivered on Commencement day, the following Wednesday, and 106 Functional Psychology which the young man had shown to the preacher. The preacher asserted that he was unaware of having used the oration, but said that he had a tremendous memory for words and might have used it unconsciously, without knowing that it was an oration submitted to him, or that he had ever read it. Psychologically, the defense is pos- sible, but a very large number of young men in a similar situation would have explained it more promptly by as- serting that the preacher lied. A Common Occurrence. — Probably nearly all of our brilliant ideas are unrecognized reproductions. We fail to recognize them when they appear, and we believe that we have originated them. Seldom is it possible to detect ourselves in reproducing an idea without recognizing it, but the difficulty lies in the failure to detect it, not in the fact itself. A Necessary Condition. — More than this. It seems to be necessary that the element of mental recognition shall disappear from the reproduced experience before it can be thoroughly organized into our system of knowl- edge and be completely known by us. It has not become a usable piece of our mental furnishings until such or- ganization has taken place. It is generally better for us to study one lesson from several books than it is to study the same lesson several times from the same book. The essential elements of the lesson are likely to be found in each of the several books and be reproduced, but the non- essential elements will not appear in all the books, and will therefore not obscure the more important. Recognition Without Reproduction. — But can the ele- ment of mental recognition exist without the element of mental reproduction? How do we know that we are trying to remember anything unless we know what it is that we are trying to remember? The question seems absurd on the face of it, but it may not be so absurd as it Memory 107 looks. We have seen that the element of mental recog- nition has for its concomitant the radiation of the impulse into the fringing cells, or neighboring brain centers. Sup- pose that the nervous impulse gets into the fringing cells without having reached them from che original center. Then we may experience the element of mental recogni- tion, or have the feeling of familiarity without the mental reproduction. Process of Remembering a Name. — Let us suppose that we are trying to remember a man's name. I know that there is a man and that he has a name. He is a school teacher, and principal of a school at Rosedale. The nervous impulse is traversing the combinations of cells that correspond to the ideas Principal, and Rosedale. I am trying to direct it from that center over into the name center. It will not go. I think of another circum- stance. He is a man of about forty years of age, wears sandy whiskers. The nervous impulse is now passing through a brain center corresponding to that idea. I try to make it go into the name center and it will not go. Then I think of another circumstance. He has a wife and two children. I saw them on the street car last Sun- day. Now the nervous impulse is passing through a com- bination of cells that corresponds to this experience, and I try to make it pass from this combination into the name center and it will not go. Then I think of another cir- cumstance. He wished me to write him a letter of recom- mendation to the Board at Springfield. His name is Hol- lister. The nervous impulse has, after repeated trials, found a center from which the resistance into the name center is smaller and finally passes into it. While it is traversing the centers corresponding to the related circumstances, we may say that we are experiencing with greater or less degrees of adequacy, the element of mental recognition, and we should immediately recognize the name as being 108 _^ Functional Psychology the one that we are trying to remember if we should hear it. Something like this will enable us to understand the feeling that we experience in the very common situations when we are trying to reproduce an experience and fail to do so. Advantage of Many Related Circumstances. — The illustration above will also enable us to see the advantage in having many related circumstances if we wish to re- member anything. If the nervous impulse can make a choice of a route from any one of four combinations of cells into the primary center, it is more likely to pass into that center than if it is limited to one. The chances are about four to one that it will find a passable route into the primary center if there are four alternatives instead of only one. Attention Detrimental. — The illustration will also fur- nish us another corollary which will explain experiences that have occurred to every person. We have often tried to recall some circumstance when we needed to use it, and we have been distressed at our inability to do so. We have been compelled to lower our estimate of our- selves by our failure to recall it, and when we have given up in despair, and all opportunity to use the circumstance advantageously has passed by, and we have ceased to think of it, the circumstance placidly appears, and inno- cently inquires if we called it. We are unable to give it the proper reception, but if it were a person we should know exactly what to do and how to express our opinion of it. Remember Best Without Attention. — When we are trying to recall the circumstance, we are trying to direct the impulse into the primary center by a process of atten- tion. We are in effect forcing the impulse over a path of ci:r own choosing, and in all probabilit}^ we have not selected the path most easy of access, and so the impulse Memory 109 fails to reach the appropriate center. When we cease thinking about it, and trying to direct it by atten- tion, the impulse seems to wander freely and finds the easy road into the primary center. This figure will help us much in understanding the process that we have all experienced. Memory Essential to Mental Life. — It is not too much to say that without this ability to reproduce a past exper- ience there would be no mental life. Our mental life is absolutely dependent upon the memory. If it were not for memory, our conscious life would be limited to the specious present which is the interval of one pulsation of consciousness, or the time required for an impulse to pass into, through and out of a brain center. In the larger number of cases, this interval is about three-fifths of a second. If we should learn to take a step, and could not then remember in the next three-fifths of a second what we had learned, we should be under the necessity of learning anew how to take the second step. All mental life would be impossible, and everything would have to be learned anew on every occasion. Basis of Education. — So important is memory that it has been assumed to be the chief educative process, and teachers have acted upon that assumption. Training the memory has in times past been regarded as the principal function of the school. Generally, the people regard the one who knows the most and has remembered the great- est number of facts as the most learned and the best edu- cated man. It can easily be shown that this involves a fallacious assumption. In fact, memory is sometimes a positive detriment to education. Suppose that every one in the class could remember without effort every word in this chapter, and when called upon to recite would state the words of the book. Neither the learning nor the reci- tation would be an educative process, and a phonograph 110 Functional Psychology would do as well. In reciting, the teacher would be unable to judge of the amount of thought that the words really expressed, what ideas had been obtained from the words, and whether or not the words really rep- resented to the individual any ideas at all. In order to be educated, we must think, perceive relations, organize the subject in our own mind. Memory does not do that, but only furnishes us the material for thought which we are to organize, and among which we are to perceive the relations. Importance of Forgetting. — It is just as necessary that we shall forget as it is that we shall remember. The little boy who defined memory as the thing we forget with, was not very far wrong. If we could not forget, it would take us as long to reproduce an event that occurred in the past as it did to experience it in the first place, and the result would be as disastrous as if we could not re- member anything. In the process of thinking, it is neces- sary that we should hold up in mind two ideas at the same time, and bring them into juxtaposition. If the two ideas or events were originally separated by an interval of time, such as that one occurred yesterday and another today, without the ability to forget, we should be unable to bring the two ideas together, and thinking would be impossible. Examples of Remarkable Memories. — A few men of note have been remarkable examples of memories that seemed universal. Lord Macaulay was said to remember everything that he ever heard or read or saw. Julius Caesar, Cyrus the Great, Pascal, Euler, Maglibecchi, are all of them said to have had remarkable memories. But most persons of prodigious memories have been men of mediocre ability, or below the average. The pilot in Mark Twain's "Life on the Mississippi," is not even the worst example. Up here in Michigan is a man of prodi- Memory 111 gious memory, a mathematical prodigy, perhaps the greatest that ever lived; and it is necessary for him to have a guardian appointed by the courts. This is rather the type of the man w^ith a tremendous memory, and Lord Macaulay and the others are exceptions. First Rule of Remembering. — Most of us are suffi- ciently skillful in forgetting, and we feel that it would be much better for us if we could remember more readily. There are three rules for remembering that contain everything that is of value in any system of memory instruction. One of these is that we must give the greatest possible attention to anything when we are learning it. This means that we must drive the great- est possible amount of nervous energy through the new combination of cells the first time. The greater the amount of nervous energy driven through the ner- vous arc, the more the arc will be modified and the easier it will be for the next impulse to pass through. Also, this will nearly inevitably be accompanied by considerable feeling, for the large amount of nervous energy will necessarily encounter considerable resist- ance in passing through the brain center that has not been traversed before. Memory and Feeling. — This fact will afford an expla- nation of the belief that we remember only what we learn with feeling. It shows us the relation between feeling and memory. If the feeling arises as the result of the resistance accompanying the transmission of a greater amount of nervous energy, the more feeling, the better we shall remember. But if the feeling occurs as the concomitant of the resistance arising from the poor quality of the nervous arc, then we shall not remember in consequence of the feeling. Most of the persons with prodigious memories do not experience much feeling in the process of learning. Those with ordinary memories 112 Functional Psychology who experience feeling in learning do not remember so well as do those of extraordinary memory who learn without feeling. It is not the feeling, but the condition that accompanies the feeling, that is the occasion for remembering well. Difficult to Apply. — The large amount of nervous energy driven through the brain center is the concomitant of a good deal of intellectual work. We may express it by saying that we should see a thing that we are trying to learn very clearly, we should get just the thing before the mind, not merely something like it. This is the necessary result of a large amount of nervous energy and careful attention. But attention is a difhcult pro- cess, it is hard work, and most of us are lazy, and will not likely employ this process of remembering. Second Rule. — A second rule for remembering is to associate the thing we are learning with as many related circumstances as possible. The explanation of this rule has been already discussed in the example of the process of remembering a name. The nervous impulse is more likely to find some pathway of easy access into a particu- lar brain center if it has many avenues of approach than if it is limited to a single avenue. It is true that the one avenue may be just the one that would be most easy of access, even if there were a dozen others, but the possi- bility is strong that some one will be more open than a particular one. This rule is little recognized and little heeded when we wish to remember. Third Rule. — The third rule is repetition, and is the one that we all know and the only one that we consis- tently employ. The more frequently a nervous impulse traverses a brain center, the more it modifies the arc and the less resistance is encountered. It is another illus- tration of the law of neural habit. But repitition with- out attention has little value, while repetition with atten- Memory 113 tion has much. Repitition will have value in remem- bering in just about the proportion that it is accom- panied by attention. Memory in Plants. — These several rules for remem- bering depend upon the assumption that the experience in learning has modified the structure of the nervous arc. There can be little doubt of the truth of this as- sumption. But the experience of plants modify their structure in such a way that their growth is different after the experience from what it would have been if the experience had not been encountered. Consequently some persons speak of memory in plants, and explain ac- climatization and other changed conditions of plants by asserting that the plant remembers. Francis Darwin in a widely known address speaks of the mnemic func- tion in plants. This is an unfortunate expression, iot memory is a psychological process, not a physiological, and the application of the word to plants seems to imply that plants possess psychic functions. Experimental Investigations. — Some very important investigations in remembering have been carried out ex- perimentally within a few years. The method of making these experiments is to construct a large number of non- sense syllables by inserting a vowel between two conso- nants. Then by trial discover how many of these non- sense syllables can be learned by one reading, or how many repetitions are necessary to learn a given number of syllables. Instead of nonsense syllables, series of fig- ures have been employed, or stanzas of poetry. From such investigations, valuable conclusions have been reached. Rate of Forgetting. — By methods of this nature we know how rapidly we forget. The rate of forgetting is determined by discovering how many repetitions of a series of syllables are necessary to relearn it after a cer- 114 Functional Psychology tain time has elapsed. If it required 24 repetitions to learn a series originally, and after a number of hours, the series must be repeated 12 times before it can be repro- duced, it is assumed that one-half has been forgotten in the interval. In this way it is known that we forget about half of what we have learned in the first six hours after learning it. In 24 hours we forget about two-thirds, and in six days about three-fourths, while in one month we forget four-fifths. The precise amounts make little difiference, but the general law is unquestionable that forgetting is most rapid in the first periods after the learning has occurred. Retroactive Inhibition. — Especially is this true if after having learned anything we turn immediately to learn- ing something else, or to engage in some other activity. If after having learned a series of syllables we turn im- mediately to the study of another lesson, or engage in some other activity, we forget fully one-half of what we have learned in the first five minutes. The practical ap- plication of this is that if we wish to remember what we have learned, we shall refrain from doing any kind of work, and shall let our mind be as nearly blank as possi- ble for five minutes after the learning has been com- pleted. This fact is called the law of Retroactive Inhi- bition. Divided Repetition. — Another fact, or law of remem- bering that has been discovered by experiment is called the law of Divided Repetition. This means that if we wish to learn the largest possible amount in a given time, we shall not employ the entire time at once, but will divide it up into about four intervals. That is, if we wish to learn the greatest amount possible in two hours, we shall divide the study into four periods of half an hour each, separated by an interval of an hour or more. The advantage seems to arise from what has been called the Memory 115 perseverance tendency. This is the same tendency that we have described in our lesson on sleep and dreams in which the learning seems to go on in sleep while we are unconscious. Third Law. — A third law of learning is that it is eco- nomical of effort to learn anything as a whole instead of learning part of it thoroughly before beginning to learn the next part. If we wish to commit to memory a poem of ten stanzas, it is unwise to memorize the first one before beginning to memorize the second. We should learn the whole ten together instead of each one singly. This law applies to tasks up to the length of those that require forty-five minutes to learn them, at least. Number of Repetitions. — The number of repetitions required to learn a series of syllables rapidly increases with the number of syllables. In an experiment of Eb- binghaus, it required only one repetition to learn seven syllables, while to learn 12 required 17, and to learn 16 required 30. Memory and Consciousness. — We have already de- scribed the relation between feeling and memory, and have seen the explanation of the fact that the things we learn with feeling are best remembered. In the same way, we remember best the things that we learn when we are the most intensely conscious of the process, but the thing has not been thoroughly learned until we are able to remember it v/ith little or no consciousness. When the nervous impulse passes readily through the nervous arc, with little resistance, we remember it most easily, but there is little radiation and little consciousness. In the same way, the thing that we learn with expression, such as speaking, writing, drawing, etc., is likely to be best remembered, but it has not been thoroughly learned until it is possible to remember it without expression. Feeling consciousness and expression are all similarly 116 Functional Psychology related to the fact of resistance, and memory holds the same relation to all. DEFINITIONS Memory — The reinstatement of a previous mental experience with the same conscious elements. The con- comitant of the transmission of a nervous impulse through the same brain center that it passed through before, and the radiation out into the same fringing cells. Mental Reproduction — The reinstatement of a pre- vious mental experience. The concomitant of the trans- mission of a nervous impulse through the same brain center that it passed through before. Mental Recognition — The reinstatement of the same conscious elements. The concomitant of the radiation out into the same fringing cells. Law of Retroactive Inhibition — A statement of the fact that if we turn immediately after having learned a thing to the study of something else we forget a large part of what we have learned in a few minutes after hav- ing learned it. Law of Divided Repetition — A statement of the fact that we can learn more in the same length of time if we divide the time that we spend into several periods sepa- rated by intervals. CHAPTER IX ATTENTION. The most important thing for us is to see that attention is noth- ing more than the interaction of different nerve cells and experiences in the control of other nerve cells and experiences. — Pillsbury, Attention, p. 306. If the neurons are fixed, they are necessarily immobile. If they are free from attachment, they are capable of receding and approach- ing each other under conditions that are not yet ascertained. — Morat, Physiology of the Nervous System, p. 23. The suggestion has been made that in some cases the space between two neurons may be varied by amoeboid movements of the dendrites and terminals of the elements concerned. Although much may be said in favor of this hypothesis, good histological evidence is yet wanting. — American Text Book, Vol. II, p. 207. Amoeboid movements of the dendrites were first described by Rabl-Ruckard. — Wundt, Physiological Psychology, p. 54. In the first place, the acts of attending, negating, assenting, making an effort, are felt as movements of something in the head. — James, Psychology, Vol. I, p. 300. Duval asks if we must not admit that the cerebral neuron and its ramifications are not always comparable to an amoeba with its pseudopodia, these ramifications retracting under various influences and so producing more or less intimate contiguity of the cerebral neurons. — Manaceine, Sleep, p. 52. Nevertheless, as mechanical phenomena, properly so called, are those which are most easily comprehended, as they are those which in the study of any function have always contributed to furnish the first intelligible ideas, the doctrine of amoebism (dendritic movement) by clearly defining the connection between nerve ele- ments indicates progress in the study of nerve physiology. — Morat, p. 26. Cajal regards the neuroglia as possessed of amoeboid characters, by virtue of which it is enabled to act as an isolator of nervous currents. — Manaceine, p. 53. Growth of mind and brain power shows itself most clearly in increased power of attention. — Hoffding, Psychology, p. 160. Again we see that pathological facts compel us to assign atten- tion to the frontal lobes. — Pillsbury, Attention, p. 254. A Double Process. — Attention was defined by the older psychologists as the power the mind has to turn all of its energy in one direction. We no longer speak of the power of the mind, and such a definition is un- 118 Functional Psychology satisfactory. Attention is a mental process, but we can best understand it by means of its physiological con- comitant, if we can determine what that concomitant is. We may be quite safe in asserting that attention is the concomitant of the process by which a nervous impulse is directed into and through a brain center. But this is a double process, both phases of which are manifested in every act of attention. If we direct a nervous impulse into and through one brain center, we direct it away from and keep it from passing through another at the same time. Positive and Negative. — Stating it in a psychological way, we may say that we attend to a thing and attend away from another. We cannot attend to a thing with- out at the same time attending away from everything else. If we are attending to the study of our lesson, we are at the same time refusing to attend to, or are at- tending away from, the noises of the street. The expres- sion attend to and attend away from, although common, are not at all satisfactory, and must be avoided. It is much more satisfactory to use the expression positive attention, meaning that in which we attend to a thing, and negative attention, meaning attending away from, although it will ultimately be necessary to modify the meaning of these two expressions still further. Depends Upon Resistance. — In order to direct a nerv- ous impulse into and through a brain center, the resist- ance must be decreased between the center in which the nervous impulse is and the center into which it is to go; but at the same time, the resistance must be increased between the center in which the impulse is and the center into which it is not to go. The process by which the resistance is decreased is the concomitant of positive at- tention, and the process by which it is increased is the concomitant of negative attention. In every act of at- Attention 119 tention we have these two processes, of increasing the resistance in one place and decreasing it in another. At- tention is a double process, and its physiological con- comitant must manifest this same duplex character. Definition. — We are now ready to make a satisfactory definition of positive and negative attention. Positive attention is the concomitant of the process by which the resistance is decreased between cells and centers, and negative attention is the concomitant of the process by which the resistance is increased between cells and cen- ters. Not Localized. — If our explanation of the general character of attention is at all plausible, it will be seen that there is no possibility of localizing the faculty of attention, or the process of attention in any portion of the brain. There is no such thing as an attention center, as there- is a sight center or a hearing center, for atten- tion is a process whose function is manifested in every center and between any two. Some experimental evi- dence has been adduced tending to show that the process of attention is located in the frontal lobes. The nature of this evidence is to show that when the frontal lobes are injured, there is a failure of attention. Evidence for Localizing of Attention. — We may admit the fact without admitting the correctness of the inter- pretation. The strong probability is that the excision of any considerable portion of the cortex in which nerv- ous energy is generated would result in the failure of at- tention in an equal degree. The indications of a weak- ening of attention will manifest themselves whenever and wherever there is a lack of nervous energy. We may pass by the theory of the location of attention in the frontal lobes as not only unwarranted by the evidence, but as highly improbable from the very nature of the 120 Functional Psychology case, and contradicted by other well observed phe- nomena. Method of Varying Resistance. — There are several suppositions that may be made concerning the nature of the process by which the resistance may be varied be- tween cells and centers. We have already seen reason to believe that the resistance is encountered at the syn- apses, or points of junction of the neurons, where the nervous impulse leaves one neuron and enters another. We have spoken of the neuroglia as being an insulating substance, meaning that it offers more resistance to the passage of a nervous impulse than does the cell sub- stance. Although difficult of demonstration, this is in all probability true. The problem then, or decreasing re- sistance depends upon varying the conductivity of that small portion of neuroglia which separates the arboral terminations of the neurons from each other. Change in Conductivity. — At least two methods are conceivable. We may suppose that the neuroglia changes its conductivity at the point of nearest approach of the neurons, something as the insulating material of an elec- tric circuit may have its conductivity increased by be- coming wet. This is the hypothesis advanced by Sher- rington, who conceives of the neuroglia surrounding the neuronic extensions as a synaptic membrane whose os- motic conductivity is variable and functional in only one direction. No supposition is advanced about the method by which the osmotic conductivity can be varied, and the hypothesis seems less probable than the next to be con- sidered. Shifting of the Dendrites. — Instead of this, we may suppose that the tips of the axonic and dendritic termi- nations of two cells may approximate each other more closely, so as to bring them into physiological communi- cation although not likely into physical contact This Attention 121 would be the condition of positive attention, while the wider separation of the tips of the dendrites would be the condition of negative attention. The shifting of the dendrites, then, either toward each other to accompany positive, or away from each other to accompany negative, would be the physiological concomitant of attention. Fig. 4— Diagram showing shifting of the dendrites at the synapse; a, b, normal position; x, y, positions in positive attention; m, n, positions in negative attention This second hypothesis is more easily understood, and will be adopted provisionally in these explanations. Whether this shifting of the dendrites is the actual pro- cess by which the resistance is increased or decreased or not cannot be positively affirmed ; but the psychologi- cal facts that are observed would all be explained by the operation of the process. Dendritic Movement Observed. — There is some evi- dence based upon the observations of Rabl-Ruckard, M. Duval and others, that the dendrites do shift their posi- tion. The principal value of their observation for us, however, is to demonstrate that there is such a possi- bility. The amount of movement observed by them would necessarily be altogether inadequate to account for such phenomena as we find manifested in attention. The phenomena of attention demand a quick movement throughout molecular distances so small as scarcely to come within the limit of microscopical observation. And the observations would have to be made upon some ani- 122 Functional Psychology mal in which the attentive processes were as rapid as those of man, and in probably very few animals that could be observed do such processes occur. Hence it is very doubtful if the phenomena of movement that this theory demands could ever be observed. It is like the dance of the atoms that no one has seen, but the phenomena that we can observe demand such a movement for their ex- planation. Spontaneous Attention. — We may discriminate two kinds of attention, spontaneous and voluntary. Spon- taneous attention is that kind which we give without effort. There are certain things that it seems impossible not to attend to. If the teacher should stand on top of his desk and fire off a pistol, every pupil in the class would give undivided attention to the circumstance. If the ceiling of the room should suddenly fall down, no one would be inattentive to it. If the partition of this room should suddenly rise and disclose an elaborate banquet, every student who lives in a boarding house would imme- diately be thoroughly attentive. Established by Natural Selection. — This character- istic of spontaneous attention is a part of the human con- stitution. It is the only kind of attention that is possible to children and other animals. It seems to have been fixed in the constitution of animals by the process of natural selection. The things that are attended to spon- taneously are the indications of food and the presence of danger, or strange and unusual things, which are gener- ally dangerous. In times of scarcity of food, those ani- mals that attended most successfully and with least effort to the indications of food would be the ones that sur- vived, while those that failed to attend would perish. Likewise, if we imagine two animals, or young children, playing on a railroad track while a train was approach- Attention 123 ing-, the one who attended to the danger would in all probability escape, while the one that failed to attend would be killed and leave no descendants to inherit the same inability to attend. Ultimately, the characteristic of giving attention to dangerous conditions, or to strange and unusual circumstances, or to the signs of the pres- ence of enemies and indications of food would become universal. Voluntary Attention. — But there is another kind of attention which we may call voluntary. This is the kind that we give to the study of our lesson when there is a circus parade, or a monkey and a hand organ outside. We know that we are able to attend to the study of our lesson under distracting circumstances, but it requires an effort to do so. This kind of attention is always ac- companied by a feeling of effort, and always, or nearly always, by some kind of muscular movement. The mus- cular movement is the particular feature of the process from which the name attention is derived. Voluntary Attention and Education. — It is through the process of voluntary attention that we become edu- cated, and the ability to give voluntary attention for con- tinued periods of time is a mark of education. We may state the entire process of education in terms of attention. When a particular form of activity or a particular sub- ject ceases to demand effortful attention, it is no longer educative. When we learned the alphabet, or the multi- plication table, it was an educative process, but when these two subjects became mechanical, and could be re- cited without effort of attention, their repetition was no longer educative. Only those animals can be educated, in any true sense of the word, that are able to give volun- tary attention. Origin of the Feeling of Effort. — It is necessary to consider what is the source of the feeling of effort which 124 Functional Psychology is the most characteristic feature of the process. Many persons, impressed with the prevalence of muscular con- traction in attention, have recognized the muscular con- tractions as the source of the feeling of effort. In fact, some psychologists have insisted that the muscular con- traction is the attention. Ribot believes that the feeling of effort arises from the contraction of the muscle that wrinkles the forehead, and Mr. James says that whenever we attend to anything, we are conscious of the movement of something in the head. Not Due to Muscular Contraction. — But we may ex- perience the feeling of effort when there is no movement of the muscle. In cases where the nerve has ben cut, or paralyzed from some other cause, there is as truly a feel- ing of effort as if the nerve were functional and the mus- cle contracting. It appears then, that the feeling of effort has its origin in the head, but on the inside, in the brain, rather than on the outside, in the muscle. We may asso- ciate it with the shifting of the dendrites. Origin of the Movement. — Although it is impossible for us to agree to the conclusion that the contraction of the muscle is the attention, it is necessary to inquire what is the origin and meaning of the muscular movement which so commonly accompanies attention. When we experience the feeling of effort involved in the shifting of the dendrites, it is evidence that there is considerable resistance encountered by the impulse. Considerable feeling is experienced also, for the process of attending voluntarily is not pleasant, but rather a painful process. When the resistance is encountered, the nervous impulse runs out into the centers most easy of access which are usually the motor centers, and the movement follows. Illustration. — Did you ever try to teach a big boy to write? He grips his pen hard, his hands are clinched, his feet writhe around the legs of his chair, his facial move- Attention 125 ments are expressive of pain, and his tongue is likely to be thrust out of his mouth and to move in sympathy with the movements of his pen. According to the theory that muscular movement is attention, he is giving great and successful attention to the process of learning to write, but the results of his efforts do not vindicate the conclu- sion. When he has acquired more skill, his movements diminish, his facial contortions disappear, and his writ- ing is better. It is only in the absence of his excessive movements that we can say that his efforts to attend are successful. The muscular movements, instead of con- stituting attention, are indicative of a failure of atten- tion. He fails to direct the nervous impulse into the desired channels, and it escapes into the expression cen- ters and is lost for effective work. Attention and Intellect. — We are now ready to under- stand the relation of attention to the intellectual process, which may be nicely illustrated by tracing its effect upon perception. In general, the effect of attention is to heighten perception. We may hear a clock tick at a dis- tance of one hundred feet, when under the same condi- tions we are unable to hear it at a distance of ten feet when we do not attend. Explanation of Increased Sensitiveness. — The means by which this result is attained seems to be as follows : When I am attending to the ticking of the clock, I think or imagine how the ticking will sound. This means that I am setting the dendrites in the clock ticking center in such a way that the -nervous impulse will pass through them most readily. If I have heard the clock tick before, I am already sending a centrally initiated impulse through the same clock-ticking center, so that it requires a very slight peripherally initiated impulse joined with the centrally initiated impulse already passing through it, to increase the vividness of the experience to the in- tensity of a percept. 126 Functional Psychology Search for Lost Article. — So when a boy loses a knife or a ball, he throws a similar ball or knife down in a locality in which he supposes he lost it. He explains the success of this method of search by the hypothesis that the second ball or knife draws the first to it. Really, the second ball or knife enables him to establish a vivid im- pulse in the ball or knife center, so that he knows exactly how the lost article will look, and a very slight peri- pherally initiated impulse will enable him to discover the object. Law of Dynamogenesis. — This explanation shows us also, why an ideal that we hold before our minds tends to work itself out into action. It lies at the foundation of that profound psychological principle that we shall study under the name of the Law of Dynamogenesis. It shows us also why we can see a thing so much better if we know what to look for, and why it is difficult to see a thing that we are not expecting to find. Hypnotism. — This explanation of the power of atten- tion to heighten perception accounts for many of the phenomena of hypnotism. Hypnotism may be explained as a case of perfect attention, which is the explanation proposed by James Braid, its founder. This explanation has been criticised severely, but not in the light of this brain cell movement theory of attention. Some of the most astonishing phenomena of hypnotism are explain- able upon the supposition that the activity of the senses is enormously intensified. In one case, in which the hyp- notized person stood in front of another who was hold- ing a book, the hypnotized person was able to read off the words that the other person saw. Immediately the hypothesis was proposed that there was a mysterious transference of thought, but it was positively proved that the hypnotized person was reading the reflection of the words from the cornea of the other person's eye. Attention 127 (See James, Psychology, v. 2, p. 609). Similarly a hyp- notized person may be able to hear a watch tick when it is in a distant room in another person's pocket. Intellect Varies Directly as Attention. — Since atten- tion directs a nervous impulse through the brain center, and the amount of intellectual work that can be done is the concomitant of the amount that goes through, it is readily understood that with a given amount of nervous energy, the intellectual work will vary with the atten- tion, and the more successful the attention the greater the amount of work that can be done. Attention and Feeling. — Positive attention decreases the resistance that is encountered in a nervous arc, or a brain center, while negative attention increases it. Since resistance is the concomitant of feeling, it will be readily understood that feeling may be increased or diminished by a process of attention. We may attend to an ache or a pain in such a way as to cause it to disappear. This is the secret of all faith cures, or mind cures or miracle healing or Christian Science. The various formulae re- cited, or recommended by the miracle worker, and mys- teries and mummeries with which the processes are sur- rounded are merely devices by which the proper kind of attention may be induced. Hysteria and Worry. — By negative attention we may increase the resistance and increase the feeling, even to the point of great pain. A disease may be induced in this way, and probably half of all our cases of disease have more or less of this element of hysteria in them. When the disease and its accompanying painful feeling is the result of negative attention, the only thing necessary to cure the disease is proper positive attention. The general name for such disease is hysteria, which may simulate almost any form of organic trouble with which the pa- tient is already acquainted, and it is almost impossible 128 Functional Psychology to distinguish it from the real organic disease by the methods of ordinary diagnosis. In a milder form it is called worry, which may be described as the condition of continued negative attention. Experiment in Attention. — If a person will look stead- ily at the end of his finger for a minute, thinking of it all the time, he will begin to experience a very peculiar feel- ing in that spot. Under extraordinary conditions a blis- ter may even be produced by the touch of a pencil point. If we look steadily at any single letter or figure in the page of a book, we shall soon begin to feel that that let- ter is the queerest and most peculiar letter ever printed. Mental Healing. — When a disease is of this kind, su- perinduced by negative attention, the only thing neces- sary to cure the disease is to give proper, positive atten- tion to it. But there are diseases that are not the result of negative attention, and positive attention will not cure them. Attention will not heal a broken arm, nor a rup- tured artery, nor destroy the bacillus of tuberculosis. However, even in cases of genuine lesion of the tissues, positive attention may diminish the pain, or cause it en- tirely to disappear. The danger is then that the person believes the disease is cured, and may die the next day. Almost the only test that faith healers apply is the re- moval of pain. But pain is only a symptom, and not the disease itself. In such cases, the removal of the pain may be an injury instead of a benefit. It corresponds to the use of morphine or cocaine. It is like covering the crack in a broken beam with paint. Attention and Consciousness. — The relation of atten- tion to consciousness is easily stated, although in conse- quence of the duplex character of attention, its manifes- tations are complex. We can by a process of positive attention diminish the intensity of consciousness. This is the condition in which we are so much absorbed in Attention 129 our work that we are slightly conscious of other events that occur near us, and are scarcely aware of what we ourselves are doing. The typical cases of absent-mind- edness are of this kind. The absent minded man is so intensely attentive to his own thoughts that he is scarcely conscious of circumstances that might be expected to influence his actions. Unconsciousness from Negative Attention. — On the other hand, by a process of negative attention we may become conscious of things that ordinarily we do uncon- sciously. We may make ourselves conscious of the move- ment of the organs in speech, or the muscular movement in running, and by a process of attention we may become conscious of the beating of the heart and the contact of our clothes with our body. The effect of positive atten- tion is in general to diminish consciousness, and of nega- tive attention to intensify it. But in extreme cases, neg- ative attention may throw so much resistance into the circuit that it breaks the current, and unconsciousness follows. This is the condition that is sometimes called fainting from excess of emotion. Chloroform.- — The unconsciousness resulting from the administration of chloroform, although not a process of attention, involves the same mechanism. Each neuron may be considered as homologous to a single animal cell, and likened to an amoeba with enormously attenuated pseudopodia. If a drop of chloroform, or chloroform vapor is introduced into the water surrounding an amoeba, all the pseudopodia at once contract. When a person breathes the vapor of chloroform, it is taken from the lungs into the blood, carried to the brain, affects the neurons, causing all the dendrites to retract and shrink away from each other, increasing the resistance to such an extent that the nervous impulse is unable to pass through the brain center, or to radiate out of it, and un- consciousness follows. 130 Functional Psychology Attention and Memory. — The relation of attention to memory is easily understood. Positive attention dimin- ishes the resistance in a brain center, permitting a larger amount of nervous energy to pass through it, and con- sequently modifying the nervous arc more than would otherwise be done. Hence the nervous impulse more easily retraverses the same arc, and memory is more suc- cessful. The more nearly perfect attention becomes in the process of learning, the better we shall remember. If attention were perfect in learning anything, the prob- ability is that we should not forget what we have learned. Attention and Nervous Energy. — Attention is weak- ened if the amount of nervous energy is diminished. We must make a greater effort to attend if we are sick or feeling bad or out of sorts. We may understand this effect if we consider that a strong nervous impulse will pass over a larger synaptic space than a vv^eaker one will. Hence when the amount of nervous energy is small, we shall need to bring the dendrites closer together, neces- sitating a greater effort. Pulsation of Attention. — It is impossible to attend to one thing, or to one aspect of a thing for a very long time. About three-fifths of a second is the average length of time before the attention shifts, although in extreme cases six seconds or even twelve seconds have been re- ported as the result of experiments. It is the amount of time that the isomeric changes from colloidal to crystal- loidal can occur without an interval of rest. Active and Passive Attention. — Voluntary attention, accompanied by a feeling of effort, is sometimes called active attention. As the process of transmission through any nervous arc becomes habitual, it is attended with less effort until all feeling of effort seems to disap- pear. The attention that is involved in such transmis- sion is then sometimes called secondary passive, from Attention 131 its resemblance to spontaneous attention, which is some- times called passive attention. These terms passive, active and secondary passive are employed by some psy- chologists, but they are not to be commended. DEFINITIONS Attention — The psychological concomitant of the pro- cess by which a nervous impulse is directed into and through a brain center. Positive Attention — That kind of attention by which the resistance between cells and centers is decreased. Negative Attention — That kind of attention in which the resistance between cells and centers is increased. Spontaneous Attention — That kind of attention that is accomplished without effort. Voluntary Attention — That kind of attention that is accompanied by a feeling of effort. CHAPTER X WILL. For a long time any explanation of the phenomena of organic life by means of the general forces of nature was regarded as materialism. — Hoffding, Psychology, p. Z2>. In the case of willed movement, this voluntary enforcement depends upon the amount of free energy in the brain at the moment. — McDougall, Physiological Psychology, p. 166. The will of the metaphysicians, then, is clearly the outcome of an illusion due to the necessary incompleteness of self-observation, — Loeb, Physiology of the Brain, p. 216. The fondness of these writers, and of popular thought, for the term will, or activity, with the implication of something beyond consciousness, seems to be rooted in the anthropomorphic ten- dencies of the human mind. — Pillsbury, Attention, p. 290. There are large numbers of intelligent persons who rather pride themselves upon their fixed belief that our volitions have no cause, or that the will causes itself, which is either the same thing or a contradiction in terms. — Huxley, Hume, p. 145. Will is not an independent thing; it is merely the control of action by ideas. — Irving Miller, Psychology of Thinking, p. 64. The other theory, that consciousness makes adjustments, and modifies structures directly by its fiat, is contradicted by the psychol- ogy of voluntary movement. Consciousness can bring about no movement without having first an adequate experience of that move- ment to serve on occasion as a stimulus to the innervation of the appropriate nerve centers. This point is no longer subject to dispute. — Baldwin, Development and Evolution, p. 113, Wundt has shown that will and attention are intimately related, and has employed the term apperception to denote their common constituent. — Kulpe, Psychology, p. 214. Phenomena of Will. — That there is a phenomenon of mental Hfe called will, which every one recognizes as a constituent element in his own experience, no one will deny. That its nature is very complex and difficult to conceive in any way is equally evident. That most of the discussions of will have involved inconceivable proposi- tions and have been largely beside the question, is quite as demonstrable. So difficult are the problems involved in the discussion of the will that many psychologists refuse to consider it under that head, and treat of action instead. The reason adduced for this procedure is that Will 133 every act of the will must eventuate in some kind of muscular contraction. Hence a study of the will is noth- ing more than a study of the kinds of actions that muscu- lar contraction produces. Not Necessarily Motor. — It would seem that this prop- sition is scarcely demonstrable. It is as truly an act of the will sometimes to refrain from making a muscular movement as it is to move. It is as truly an act of the will to keep an idea before the mind and to think about a certain thing as it is to contract a muscle. There are no muscular contractions in the internal direction of a train of thought. The movement theory of will implies that in order to become an act of the will, a nervous impulse must enter, pass through and leave a brain cen- ter, but it must leave by way of a motor center. But it appears to be quite as satisfactory interpretation of the facts, if instead of passing into a motor center, the nerv- ous impulse should pass into a center of some other kind. Former Notions About Will. — To the older psycholo- gists, will was a simple matter. It was merely a self de- termination of the substantial entity called mind, or the ego, and was conditioned by no necessary laws. The self activity of the mind and its self determination was will. "The will determined itself." It was not neces- sarily determined by anything else. It was a funda- mental power of the mind, and no other explanation was necessary nor possible. Feelings Determine the Will. — But even among the older psychologists there were those who regarded any decision made by the will as determined by the feelings. It was a common expression that feelings formed the will. By this was meant that the actions of a person were determined by the will in accordance with the feel- ings. If one kind of feeling was experienced, the will acted of its own accord in one way; if another kind of 134 Functional Psychology feeling was experienced, the will acted in another way although if it had been so disposed it might have acted differently. This is merely another statement of the proposition that feelings are the motive powers and lead to action ; that feelings determine what the action shall be, whether it is of a mental or a physical character. Ideas Determine the Will. — In opposition to this at the present time the opinion is widely prevalent that it is the intellectual idea that works itself out into action, and determines what the action shall be. This is the law of dynamogenesis, and it seems to be supported by satis- factory observations. Either position may be defended by observations that all will acknowledge to be true, but this merely shows the complexity of the phenomena grouped together as will, and the inadequacy of the theory of will as at present understood. Identity of Will and Other Processes. — So we find that different writers at various times have considered will and feeling as identical; others have believed the same thing of will and intellect, will and consciousness, will and attention, and will and expression, or action. It will be seen that a comprehensive theory of will which shall coordinate all the facts whose partial consideration has led to such diverse interpretations is badly needed. A Double Process. — Will is a double process, and one of its elements is the process of attention which has al- ready been discussed. But there is a second element of will that has been overlooked. We can best make clear what this element is by a resume of the propositions that have been advanced in the preceding chapters. Elements of a Current. — In every current, there are certain elements which are necessary to constitute it a current. The elements that are common to all currents will very likely indicate the essential components, while Will 135 those characters that are peculiar to the individual cur- rents will be left out of the number that enter into the conception of currents in general. Concomitants of Current Elements. — We have as- sumed that all the psychological processes that can be discriminated from each other have their physiological concomitants in the elements of a current. It will help us very much to determine what the essential elements of a current are. The Conductor. — Every current must have some kind of a conductor. In the case of a river current, the river bed itself is the conductor. In the electric current, the conductor is usually a wire. In a nervous current, the conductor is a nervous arc, w^hich in its simplest form consists of a nerve, two ganglion cells, and another nerve. The Insulator. — Every current must have some kind of an insulator for the conductor, or some method by which the current is kept from leaving it. In the case of the river, the banks serve the function of an insulator ; in the electric current, the insulator is a covering over the wnre, or it may be that the air itself serves as the insulat- ing material. In the case of the nervous current, we have assumed that the neuroglia, and along the course of the nerve, the medullary sheath serves the function of the insulator. It will be seen that neither the conductor nor the insulator has any psychological concomitant. Resistance. — Every current encounters some resist- ance. In the river current the resistance is the friction of the water against the banks, the inequalities in the river bed, or obstructions that it meets. The effect of the re- sistance is to delay the current, and to warm the water in the river. In the electric current, the resistance is called merely resistance, and we measure it in ohms. 136 Functional Psychology The effect of the resistance is to produce heat. In the nervous current the resistance has no other name. We are unable to measure its amount, although we detect it by means of the chronoscope, and its physiological con- comitant is feeling. Field of Influence. — Every current produces some effect upon the bodies in the space near it. We may call this space in which it produces the effect the field of influ- ence. In the case of the river current, the field of influ- ence is indicated by the water that is drawn by capillarity out of the river into the soil along its banks. Also it is shown by the current of air that is dragged along by the surface of the water. In the electric current the field of influence is called the magnetic field, and it is mapped with a magnetic needle. In the case of the nervous cur- rent, the field of influence is the radiation of the nervous impulse out of the brain center into the fringing cells, and its physiological concomitant is consciousness. Work Done. — Every current is capable of doing some work. In the river, the work may take the form of driv- ing water wheels and turning machinery. It is meas- ured in foot pounds and horse power. In the electric current the work done is the turning of motors and driv- ing machinery. In the nervous current the physiological work is the transmission of a nervous impulse through a nervous arc, and its psychological concomitant is intel- lectual work, such as solving problems, memorizing, per- ceiving, etc. Direction of Current. — Every current is directed by changing the degree of resistance to be overcome, making it greater in one path than in another. In the river cur- rent, it is directed by dams and gates. In the electric current by switches and shunts. In the nervous current by the shifting of dendrites, and the psychological con- comitant is attention. Will 137 Driving Force. — Every current must have some kind of driving force. In the river current, this is provided by the fall of the river, or in the case of water wheels the force of the water is the difference in level between the water above the dam and the water below, which is called the head. In the electric current the driving force is called the electro-motive force, and is measured in volts. In the nervous current we have no means of measuring it, and no name for the force. The fact that there is a current is well recognized, but its driving force has not been considered. It is in some way connected with the oxidation of tissue, and after the analogy of the TABLE I River Electric Nervous Physiological. Current Psychologic. Psychon Conductor Bed Wire Nervous Arc Insulator Banks Cotton Covering Neuroglia Resistance Friction Resistance Resistance Feeling Field of Influence Capillary Water Air Currents Maflnetic field Radiation Consciousness Work Done Water Wheels Motors Transmission Intellectual Work Directed by Dams and Gates Switches and Shunts Shifting of the Dendrites Attention Drivinl Force FaU. Head Electro-motive Force Nervo-mottvc Force Will 138 Functional Psychology electric current, I propose to call it the nervo-motive force. It is this nervo-motive force that appears to be the concomitant of will, or its concomitant, the sec- ond element in the constitution of the will. The Psychon. — We have thus described the elements of the nervous current and have determined the psycho- logical concomitant of each. As we have one word, cur- rent, to express the sum of all the elements, so we need one word to express the sum of all the psychological con- comitants. Mind and consciousness are both unsatis- factory, and I propose to coin a new word to fit the new conception in psychology and call the combination of the psychological concomitants of the current elements — intellect, consciousness, feeling, attention, will — the psychon. It will be found very convenient to speak of the different elements of the psychon, instead of the different states of consciousness. TABLE 2 Concomitant of Nervo-iMotive Force WilH Attention < Positive Negative Evidence of the Hypothesis. — In order to establish the validity of the determination of will as the con- comitant of nervo-motive force, we shall need to demon- strate, first, that there is a nervo-motive force, and sec- ond, we shall need to present evidence in favor of the assumption that this force is the concomitant of will. Existence of the Current. — The best evidence of the existence of nervo-motive force is the existence of the current itself. By current we mean the change in succes- Will 139 sive molecules of the nervous arc. No one will deny the existence of the current, and no one will believe that it will flow and that successive molecules will change with- out the manifestation of some force. The nature of the force is beyond our knowledge, and perhaps beyond our comprehension. Whether it is some form of energy simi- lar to those already described in textbooks on physics, or identical with one of them, or whether it is different from any that is there recognized is beyond our province to discuss. Whether it is capable of being transformed into one of the recognized forces, and has a quantitative rela- tion to them, is also beside our present question. But that there is a force, the fact of a current abundantly proves. Oxidation of Brain Tissue. — Another evidence of the existence of a nervo-motive force is found in the fact that brain tissue is oxidized, and the resulting products have a lower degree of complexity than those which are destroyed. Whenever substances undergo a chemical change resulting in the production of substances of a lower degree of complexity, energy is liberated. The change is a katabolic change, and results in the liberation of energy. Interruption of Mental Processes. — In the next place, we find that all mental processes stop almost instantly and nervous currents cease to flow, when the conditions for this chemical action in the brain are not present. Pressure on the carotid arteries results in unconscious- ness in thirty seconds. Hemorrhage produces fainting. The brain weighs only one-fiftieth of the weight of the body, but it draws usually from one-twelfth to one-eighth of the blood. It is not necessary, however, to shut ofif the supply of blood in order to stop mental action. All that is necessary is to shut off the supply of oxygen to the brain, and this may be done by cutting off the supply 140 Functional Psychology of oxygen to the blood. The blood may continue to flow, but if the person is in an atmosphere that contains little oxygen, the same results follow as if the blood were cut off. More than this, we find that when severe mental work is accomplished, there is a greater amount of kata- bolic substances produced in the brain and excreted from the system. Concomitant Variation. — The evidence for the con- comitance of will and nervo-motive force is found prin- cipally in the fact that the two vary together constantly. When we are able to make proper allowance for all modi- fications of the nerve current that arise from variation in resistance, character and modifications of brain tissue and the substance of the nervous arc, and for the effect of habit and attention, we shall always find that strength of will varies directly as the amount of nervous energy liberated. The facts that constitute this evidence may be grouped under three heads. Pathological Will. — The first group of facts are those that are derived from an examination of pathological conditions of will. We find in every case of weakened will, that the bodily conditions are such as to diminish the amount of tissue oxidized in the brain. Some of these pathological conditions are cases of habitual users of alcohol, morphine, opium, cocaine. In every case, the formation of the habit of this kind results in a condition of weakened will. Why does not the drunkard, or mor- phine eater discontinue the habit? Every one not so addicted is sure that he himself could quit under similar circumstances, so why does not the drunkard? But with his weakened will, the breaking of the habit is a chemi- cal impossibility. Diminished Nervi-Motive Force. — Indulgence in a narcotic habit always results in lessened oxidation in the brain. The entire range of metabolic processes in the Will 141 body is circumscribed, and this can usually be recog- nized in the paler complexion, due to the lessened num- ber of red blood corpuscles, which are the carriers of oxygen ; the loss of appetite ; in the sluggishness of the circulation, and in fact, in almost all the processes that we have found to be essential to the liberation of ner- vous energy. Drunkard's Red Nose. — Even the red nose of the drunkard is an indication of lessened nervous energy. The nose is red because a diminished supply of nervous energy is transmitted to the muscles that keep the arte- rioles tense and of their proper size. When the nervous supply to the muscles is diminished, the muscles relax, and the little arteries enlarge. Indications of Weak Will. — The man whose will is weak from narcotics or sickness or any other cause is unable to carry on his work and to do the things that he knows he ought to do even if it is his customary and habitual occupation. Still less is he able to undertake any new work, or devise new processes of accomplishing the old. We have a classical example of this weakness of the will from the use of opium in DeQuincey. He tells us that when he was addicted to the use of opium, let- ters would lie for months unanswered. He knew that they should be answered, knew exactly what to say, but could not bring himself to answer them. His will was weak. Treatment of Weak Will. — Many of us have unan- swered letters, or some unfinished work that corresponds to them, and the cause is the same. Our wills are tem- porarily weak, not perhaps from indulgence in opium, but from other causes. In such a case, when we feel dis- inclined to work and to do what we know we ought to do, the only proper thing is to do something that will enable us to generate more nervous energy. We need 142 Functional Psychology to take a vigorous walk, to start the blood to moving more rapidly to the brain, to breathe more fresh air so as to oxygenate the blood. In this way by generating more energy, we strengthen our will. It is a common experience that at the beginning of exercise or many other kinds of work we feel much disinclined to do it, but as we continue, the circulation quickens, more nervous energy is liberated, and we find it pleasurable. Treatment of Narcotic Habit. — The proper treatment of a narcotic habit is indicated by its efTect. The treat- ment is to do anything that will cause more nervous energy to be liberated. Good food, pure air, sufficient exercise to quicken the circulation, but not enough to produce fatigue ; and it may be necessary although this condition is secondary, to discontinue the use of the drug. But the discontinuance of the drug without the other conditions to increase the nervous energy generated will result in disappointment. Anything that will cause more energy to be liberated will strengthen the will. Some cases of weakened will do not arise from narcotic habits. Many examples are given by Ribot in his Diseases of the Will. Weakened Will From Starving. — When one is fasting or starving for several days, the most noticeable per- sistent psychological symptom is a weakness of will. Nothing can be undertaken that is not done by the force of habit. Notes of the psychological condition of a man completely abstaining from food for seven days con- tinually emphasize the facts of weakness of will. When food is lacking to repair the tissues, oxidation cannot proceed with its usual rapidity, and less energy is lib- erate. Evidence From Sensation. — Another line of evidence is derived from the fact that sensations are diminished in intensity in cases of weakened will. The senses are not Will 143 so acute nor the sensations so vivid when the will is weak. Not so small difference in touch, sight, color, nor hearing can be perceived as when the will is of its normal strength. If the amount of nervous energy avail- able for psychological purposes at any time is less than the usual amount, the impulses originating in the sense organs will be less than they usually are, and we shall be able to experience sensations of less than the ordi- nary degree of intensity. Intensity of sensation depends upon the amount of nervous energy that is manifested in the nervous impulse. The weakened will is accom- panied by a diminished intensity of sensation. The con- clusion is that since we know that the diminished amount of nervous energy is the cause of the diminished intensity of sensation, and diminished intensity of sensation al- ways accompanies weakened will, the weakened will must also be related to the diminished amount of nerv- ous energy. Function of Attention in Will. — The nervous energy that is liberated in the brain must be gathered up and transmitted through a brain center before it is available for intellectual work. It is like the generation of elec- tricity upon the plates of a battery, but no work can be done by the electricity until it has been gathered up and a circuit established through a wire connecting the plates. The energy liberated in the brain cells is the nervo- motive force, but the energy is gathered up and directed through a nervous arc by a process of attention. Hence we find that nervo-motive force, and attention, both posi- tive and negative, constitute the concomitant of will. Will and Feeling. — Since feeling depends in part upon the amount of nervous energy, or strength of the current, we shall expect to find feeling and will varying with each other. In general this is true, although other circum- stances may sometimes prevent a recognition of the fact, 144 Functional Psychology and the other condition of resistance, the nature of the nervous arc, will always explain the contradictory in- stances. It is on account of this fact that many persons believe will is identical with feeling, or that the feelings form the will, and are the motive powers. Will and Intellect. — In general, also, the man of strong will is a leader of men, and capable of greater intellectual work. If the will is weakened from any cause, the intellectual ability is decreased. So we are unable to accomplish our work when we are sick, not primarily in consequence of lack of muscular power, or any other imperatively inhibiting cause, but primarily because our will is weak. Will and the Law of Dynamogenesis. — This view of will is quite different from the one that asserts that will is capable of deciding upon any line of action and then pursuing it. No act of any kind can be willed except by entertaining a clear idea of the action, and a clear idea demands the transmission of a strong impulse through a brain center. The act of the will really consists in trans- mitting an impulse through the center. No act can be willed that has not been previously experienced. This in itself is sufficient to necessitate a new interpretation of will. DEFINITIONS Will — The concomitant of nervo-motive force directed by attention, both positive and negative. Nervo-motive force — Nervous energy liberated by the oxidation of brain tissue. The force that drives a nervous impulse through a nervous arc. Law of Dynamogenesis — A statement of the fact that an idea clearly entertained will work itself out into action. Psychon — The entire concomitant of a nervous cur- rent. The sum of all the psychological processes which are the concomitants of the current elements. CHAPTER XI FORMS OF ACTION. There are no muscular movements in the internal direction of a train of thought. — Saleeby, Psychology, p. 56. The expression reflex act is generally synonymous with an unconscious voluntary act. — Morat, Physiology of the Nervous System, p. 508. As originally employed by Marshall Hall, and since then by common consent, reflex action involves a differentiated nervous system. — Lloyd Morgan, Animal Behavior, p. 32. There is the remarkable difference that intelligent actions are centrally stimulated while reflex actions are peripherally stimulated. — Baldwin, Methods and Processes, p. 72). The mere idea of an act starts a chain of nervous processes that finally make the action real. — Stratton, Experimental Psychol- ogy, p. 206. To make any movement voluntarily, the attention must be fixed upon some kind of an idea that represents that movement. — Baldwin, Methods and Processes, p. 86. Why Consider Actions? — Instead of discussing will as a mental process, many psychologists discuss action in- stead ; or discuss will in terms of action. The theory upon which this treatment of will is based is that every act of the will must eventuate in some muscular contrac- tion. The impulse must start in some sense organ, pass through a brain center and run out into some muscle before it can constitute an act of the will, or be the con- comitant of a mental process. This theory is sometimes described as the sensori-motor arc conception. It ap- pears to be incapable of demonstration, and is in fact too limited a view of the relation between mental processes and the nervous impulse. We may agree fully with the proposition that a nervous impulse must enter, pass through and leave the brain center in order to constitute the concomitant of a mental process ; but that it must originate in a sense organ is undemonstrable, and that it must pass into a motor center is likewise unnecessary. Many impulses do originate in a sense organ, but many are centrally initiated. Many impulses do pass into a 146 Functional Psychology motor center, but many do not ; and many of those which do, bring about actions which are the expressions of feel- ing, and are more or less accidental and superfluous. Reflex Movement. — If you are sitting with your knees grossed, and strike the patella a sharp blow w^ith your knuckles, your foot will move. This is a reflex act, and is not willed, nor in fact can it be prevented. The foot moves of itself. A nervous impulse is started by the blow of the knuckles in a nerve under the patella, is carried to the spinal cord, and passes back to the muscle that moves the foot over a motor nerve, but does not reach the cerebral cortex. Other examples of reflexes are found in the contraction of the muscles that control the size of the pupil of the eye, in the movements of the digestive organs, and in many other parts of the body. Other Reflexes. — But reflex movements are not lim- ited to the human body. If we observe an amoeba or a vorticella or other one-celled animal under the micro- scope, we shall see it make movements adjusting it to the conditions in which it finds itself. It will sent out pseudopodia, and when it comes into contact with other objects will retract them. These movements are reflexes. Similarly, a sensitive plant will fold its leaflets and drop its leaves at a slight touch. Other plants will do the same in a less degree, and in fact the same kind of movement will be found universal in the animal and plant kingdoms, wherever there is protoplasm manifesting its activity. A Direct Response to a Stimulus. — If we observe the movement of the protoplasm in the leaf cells of Elodea, we shall find it move more and more rapidly under the stimulus of heat. A sharp blow on the stage of the micro- scope will immediately stop the movement. So wherever we find protoplasm, we shall find it responding to stimuli, sometimes by movement, sometimes by cessation of Forms of Action 147 movement, and this direct response of protoplasm to a stimulus constitutes the reflex action. Direct and Indirect Application of the Stimulus. — In case of the amoeba and the sensitive plant, the stimulus is applied directly to the protoplasm itself. In case of the knee jerk, the stimulus is applied to the protoplasm of the nerve, but it reaches the protoplasm of the contract- ing muscle indirectly by means of the nerve. The same application of force to the muscle v^ould produce move- ment, but it is distributed more efficiently to the muscle by the nerve than it could be directly by the mechanical shock. Three Kinds of Reflexes. — We shall be able then to discover three kinds of reflex action: First, the kind in which the stimulus is applied directly to the protoplasm, as in case of the amoeba and the sensitive plant. Second, that in w^hich the stimulus is applied to the motor nerve leading to the muscle. And third, that in which the stim- ulus is applied to the sensory nerve, is carried to the ganglion, or reflex center, and thence sent back to the muscle by means of the motor nerve. It is this third kind of movement from which the word reflex is derived, and sometimes the word is limited to this kind of move- ment. The thought is that the stimulus is reflected from the spinal cord, and thrown back as a ball is reflected from a wall. It appears, however, that this is too limited a meaning for the term, and that there is no essential dif- ference in the three kinds, except that the nerve is con- nected with the different fibers of the muscle in such a way that the stimulus can be applied to all of them at once more effectively through the nerve than it can be directly. Two Properties of Protoplasm. — Movement results from the contraction of the substance that moves. Con- tractility is especially a muscular function, as irritability 148 Functional Psychology is a nervous function. In the undifferentiated protoplasm of the amoeba, or the leaf cell of elodea, and all other examples of protoplasm of that kind, we find contractility, or ability to contract, and irritability, or the appreciation of a stimulus manifested in equal degrees. But muscular protoplasm has become highly differentiated in the direc- tion of contractility, while nervous tissue has become highly specialized in the direction of irritability, or per- ceiving the stimulus and transmitting it. The Nerve-Muscle Machine. — A stimulus so slight that it would not affect a muscle if applied to it directly, will be appreciated by a nerve ; and when transmitted by the nerve to a muscle will bring about a contraction incomparably greater than would be manifested in the protoplasm of the nerve, or in the undifferentiated proto- plasm of the amoeba. The combination of nerve and muscle constitutes a nerve-muscle machine which has the effect of intensifying both the stimulus and the move- ment. No Mental Process Involved. — So far as the contrac- tion of a muscle is concerned, every muscular contraction is a reflex. It is the direct response of the muscular protoplasm to the stimulus transmitted to it by the motor nerve. There is no mental process about it, and we shall need to look in some other place for the distinction be- tween reflex and any other kind of action. Automatic Action. — The beating of the heart and the movement of the lungs in breathing represent another kind of action which is called automatic. It is sometimes described as the most reflex of all the reflexes, and the description is fairly appropriate. The difference between reflex and automatic is not in the kind of movement but in the regularity. Automatic actions are rythmical, oc- curring at regular intervals, while reflexes occur at any time that the stimulus is applied. Otherwise we may con- sider the two as identical. Forms of Action 149 Reflex Movements of a Baby. — The first movements of a baby are all of them reflex. If a brightly colored ball or other conspicuous object be held in front of a baby from three to six months old, the sense impression pro- duced by it establishes in him a series of reflexes. If a sufficient supply of nervous energy is available, he will respond by a movement of his hands and his feet and his head and his whole body. It is the undirected overflow of nervous energy into the motor area and the entire series of reflex movements results. Functional Selection. — None of these movements are purposeful, or directed toward grasping the ball. But some of these purposeless reflexes may bring the hand of the child into contact with the ball, when the stimulus furnished by the contact establishes another impulse, resulting in the contracting of the muscles that grasp it. The next time the ball is suspended in front of the child, the same reflexes are produced, but in consequence of the previous practice, it is not likely to be so long before the hand comes into contact with the ball, and grasps it. The more frequently the hand is thus brought into contact with the ball, the more effective becomes the hand reflex and the less efficient or emphatic become the other reflexes. Finally the other reflexes almost disap- pear, and the effective reflex is the one that survives. This survival of the effective reflex is called functional selection. Sensations Established. — Whenever the baby suc- ceeds in grasping the ball, an impulse is established in the touch corpuscles of the hand, which is transmitted through some combination of cells in the touch center, and accompanies the sensation of touch. Whenever the muscles contract that bring the hand into contact with the ball, an impulse is started in the muscles themselves that is transmitted to the muscular sensation center in the 150 Functional Psychology brain, and accompnies the muscular sensation. When- ever he grasps the ball, he is likely to see his hand grasp- ing it. An impulse is established in the eye which is transmitted to the sight center in the brain, and accom- panies the sensation of sight. Perception of the Action. — These several sensations experienced at the same time, perhaps with others, com- bine and modify each other, and accompany the percep- tion of the action of grasping the ball. A perception cen- ter for this act is thus organized, and an impulse can be transmitted through it with little resistance. It ulti- mately becomes so well organized that a weak centrally initiated impulse may be transmitted through it, and when that is the case, the child can see himself grasping the ball before the movement is actually made. When this point has been reached it is no longer a reflex, but a conscious voluntary act. The Motive. — The difference between the reflex and the conscious voluntary act is that a mental process pre- cedes the conscious voluntary, while no mental process precedes the reflex. This antecedent mental process is called the motive, and is always an idea, not a feeling. Any idea that is clearly entertained tends to work itself out into action, and may constitute a motive. The state- Idea of One's Own Act. — The first motive is the idea of the act itself, or the idea of our own movement in per- forming the action. We must think just how we are ex- pecting to do the act. The first time we perform any action, it is done as the result of an accident or blunder, without any clear idea of how it should be performed. The law of functional selection applies. When we learn to skate, or knit, or whet a razor our attempts are awk- ward and far from skillful. We may have watched some one else perform these actions, but when we undertake ment of this fact is called the law of Dynamogenesis. Forms of Action * 151 to do the same things, we find that we are able to per- form them far from skillfully. Not a Complete Idea. — The explanation of this fact seems to be as follows : When we watch some one else perform the act, we obtain a visual sensation of how it should be performed; but into the percept of an action enters also the touch, and muscular sensations, with others. It is impossible for us to obtain these sensations visually, by watching some one else, hence it is impos- sible to get a clear, motivating idea from seeing some one else perform it. We must get our motivating, effective, idea by a series of trials and gradual approaches toward the correct idea. This is sometimes called the method of trial and error, although a very expressive designation for it is blundering. Idea of Result. — We are never very skillful so long as the motivating idea is the idea of our own action. But as we become skillful, we can cease to hold before our minds the idea of our own action, and hold only the result of the action. A baseball batter, when he has become skillful, does not have in mind an idea of just how he shall stand nor how he shall hold his bat, nor just how he shall swing it. He merely sees in his mind the ball sail- ing over the back field fence, or cutting the grass between shortstop and second base, and then the ball goes exactly to that place. Or if he is an ear minded individual, he holds clearly in mind the sound of the bat as it strikes the ball, and then it sounds in exactly that way. Or he may be a touch individual, when he has a clear idea of how the bat will feel when it collides with the ball. If, how- ever, the idea is not clearly held in mind, the result will not occur. Dynamogenesis as a Method of Discipline. — We have been told that in school children will do just what they are expected to do. If we understand what is meant by 152 Functional Psychology this statement, we shall find a great deal of truth in it; but it will result disastrously as a method of maintaining discipline, unless the teacher knows the explanation. If a teacher holds clearly in mind the idea of proper be- havior, that idea will work itself out into action. Every movement, gesture, word, regulation, of the teacher will express the idea that she holds in mind. The children then obtain that idea of proper behavior, which works itself out into their actions. But if the teacher antici- pates disorder, issues prohibitions and commands, there is every probability that the children will carry out the idea that the teacher's actions express, and disorder will follow. Another Motive. — But the motive is capable of still further development. Even the idea of result may dis- appear, and the action follow immediately upon the re- ceipt of the sensation without any previous contempla- tion of the idea of result. When a door begins to slam toward us, we throw up our hand to ward off the blow. There is no antecedent idea of our action, and no idea of the result to come from it. There is not the least inti- mation of the mental process that might be interpreted by saying "Now I must throw up my hand in this way in order to avoid being struck in the face." Nothing cor- responding to this process appears. Sensation as Motive. — But the appearance of the ap- proaching door starts the impulse that terminates in the action. The motive here is merely the sensation. The sight center and the corresponding motor center have been connected by so many experiences, and the pathway between the two has been traversed so many times, that the resistance is practically nothing, and the impulse flows directly into the motor center. Secondary Reflex. — This kind of an action is some- times called a secondary reflex, the qualifying word indi- Forms of Action 153 eating that it has been derived from a conscious volun- tary act. In fact, one school of psychologists insist that every reflex is of this nature. They have all been derived originally from conscious voluntary acts, and have be- come reflex as the result of habit. Unconscious Voluntary. — A much more satisfactory interpretation of these actions is found in the description of them as unconscious voluntary actions. The nervous impulse traverses the same centers that it traversed, or would traverse, when the motive was the idea of our own act ; but in consequence of repetition and habit, the brain center offers so little resistance that there is no feeling and no radiation with its concomitant consciousness. Such an action is sometimes called a sensori-motor act, the action following immediately upon the sensation. Sometimes these actions are described as involving only the "lower centers," meaning by that that the accompany- ing impulses do not pass through the cerebral, cortical, centers, but only through combinations of cells in the cerebellum or the spinal cord. There is no evidence of the truth of this supposition except the absence of con- sciousness, and we have a much more satisfactory expla- nation of that than the theory of lower centers offers. Instinctive Action. — Instinctive action is the kind that is illustrated by the activity of a bird in building its nest, or a digger wasp provisioning its cell with caterpillars, or a mud dauber engaged in the same occupation. In this case the nerve center that is traversed by the impulse is organized without any antecedent experience. It is de- veloped by the processes of growth as the result of varia- tion and heredity in the ancestral animals. So when the occasion arises, and the instinct is fully developed, the nervous impulse traverses the instinctive center and the instinctive action follows. Nature of Instinctive Action. — Three distinct ques- 154 Functional Psychology tions arise from the consideration of instinctive actions. First, is an instinctive action more closely related to the reflex or to the conscious voluntary? Many persons re- gard an instinctive action as a compound reflex, com- posed of a series of reflexes, each of which constitutes the stimulus for the next. The difficulties in the way of this explanation are so great that we may safely reject it. A Conscious Voluntary. — Then shall we say that the instinctive action is a conscious voluntary action, or closely related to it. The difficulties in the way of adopt- ing this explanation arise principally from the fact that the best examples of instinctive action are found in in- sects and other animals in which we are not inclined to recognize consciously intelligent behavior of any kind; and in man, the instinctive actions are poorly represented, and are obscured by others. But making due allowance for this fact, there appears to be no good reason for re- fusing to call instinctive actions, conscious voluntary. This implies that the instinctive action is preceded by a motive which is an idea, and nearly certainly an idea of the end, immediate or remote, to be attained by the action. Indicates Intelligence. — A second question is whether or not a thoroughly fixed instinct is indicative of intelli- gence or the lack of it. It is generally assumed that an animal that posssses thoroughly fixed instincts is thereby demonstrated to be devoid of intelligence. But in the case of the human being, the actions that are best performed are those that most nearly approximate the condition of an instinctive action. In fact we some- times speak of an unconscious voluntary action as instinctive, and assert that we performed it instinc- tively, without thinking about it. Instinctive Ideas. — Another bit of testimony is that the ideas that are most nearly instinctive ideas, conform- Forms of Action 155 ing to the definition of an instinct in every respect, are those that have sometimes been called intuitive ideas. It would be perfectly appropriate to call them instinctive ideas, and the possession of them would never be sug- gested as indicating a lack of intelligence, but the ab- sence of them would. Hence it seems to be a necessary conclusion that the possession of well organized instincts is an indication of intelligence of a considerable degree of complexity. Origin of Instinctive Actions. — A third question con- cerns the method of origin of instinctive actions. One group of philosophers affirm that they originate as the result of habit in the ancestors, which brought about a modification of the nervous system, which was transmit- ted to the descendants, so that the instinctive center was organized in the descendants as the result of heredity, not as the result of individual experience. Instinct is thus described as inherited habit. Variation and Natural Selection. — The other theory asserts that the organization of the instinctive center was accomplished as the result of variation, modifying the organization in advantageous ways, and that the experi- ence of our ancesters had no share whatever in the organ- ization. The principle is that acquired characters cannot be inherited. The latter explanation is adopted by the larger number of psychologists, although it cannot be said to be positively demonstrated. DEFINITIONS. Reflex Action — The direct response of protoplasm to a stimulus. It is preceded and accompanied by no mental process. Automatic Action — A rhythmical, regular reflex ac- tion. No mental process precedes it. 156 Functional Psychology Conscious Voluntary Action — One that is preceded by an idea. Unconscious Voluntary Action — An action whose mo- tivating idea is not attended by consciousness. Motive — The idea which precedes the conscious vol- untary action. Instinctive Action — An action whose ideational cen- ter is organized without experience, as the result of inher- ited organizing tendencies. Functional Selection — The process by which an ap- propriate and useful reflex is preserved out of a series of reflexes, most of which are useless and inappropriate. INDEX Action 14'6 automatic 148 instinctive 153 reflex 146 conscious voluntary 154 unconscious voluntary 153 iA-ctive attention 130 Advantage of sleep 93 of related circumstances. .108 Advantageous expressions... 46 Affective state 21 Altruism 6Q Artistic accomplishment 33 Attention 117 positive 118 negative 118 spontaneous 122 voluntary 123 active 130 passive 130 and feeling 127, 53 and intellect 127 and consciousness 128 and memory 130, 108 and nervous energy 130 and will 143 Awareness '77 Baby, movements of 149 Benevolent feelings 70 Brain center 49 Central theory 38 Centrally initiated impulses . . 27 Children's feelings 31, 65 Chronoscope 8 Classification of feelings 62 'Community preserving feel- ings 65 Common theory 37 Consumption 59 Constant tone 59 Chloroform 129, 87 Conductivity of the synapse, 120 Concomitants of current ele- ments 135 Consciousness 76 and mind 78 and feeling 82 and expression 82 and intellect 84 and skill 85 and attention 87 and habit 87 and excessive resistance. . 87 and decrease of nervous energy 87 utility of 86 variation in 8k 'Courage 67 Current elements 136 Conscious voluntary act Ig4 Delay at the synapses 18 Delay, a condition of mental processes 18 Divided repetition 114 Dendritic movement 121 Dreams 89, 96 influence of 89 vividness of 98 peripheral direction of 99 fantastic nature of 99 elements of 9'9 not prophetic 100 Dream books 90 Driving force 137 Drunkard's red nose 141 Dynamogenesis, law of, 126, 144 Expression 35 muscular 35 glandular 36 Expression of fear 44 Expression and consciousness, 82 Education and voluntary at- tention 123 Effort in attention 123 Egoism 66 Elements of a current 134 Epicureanism 57 Estivation 92 Feeling 20 first law of 28 second law of 29 properties of 47 number of 49 transformation of 50 specific character of 47 localization of 49 expression of 35 intensity of 51 remembered 52 classification of 62 self preserving 64 community preserving. . . 65 race perpetuating 70 malevolent 68 benevolent 70, vestigial 69 religious 71 esthetic 72 pseudo-esthetic 73 moral 67 theories of 3 • James' 37 common 37 peripheral 38 central 38 resistance 24 Feeling and habit 53 and intellect 22, 28 and expression 40 and natural selection 63 and will 133, 143 Feeling of effort 123 Fear 65 expressions of 44 Fear paralysis 45 Fatigue 16 Fringing cells 81 Forgetting 110 Functional selection 149 Habit 3i effect on feelings 53 effect on tone 55 Hibernation 91 Healing, mental 128 Hysteria 127 Idea 140 Idea of result 151 Indifference 32 Inhibitions 45 Immortality 89 Instinctive ideas 155 Instinctive action 153 Interest 30 James' theory 37 arguments for 41 Kubla Khan 101 Laws of resistance 27 of feeling 28, 29 of dynamogenesis 126 Localization of feelings 49 of attention 119 Memory 103 and education 109 and feeling Ill and consciousness 115 in plants 113 Mental reproduction 103 recognition 105 pain 56 healing 128 Monotony 32 Mother love 71 Motor reaction 15 Motive 150 Movement in attention 123 Muscular expression 36 Natural selection 74 in feelings 63 in sleep 91 and attention 123 and variation 155 Natural classification 62 Narcotic habits 142 Nerve-muscle machine 148 Nervo-motive force 138, 140 New psychology 22 Nocturnal sleep 91 Pain 54 origin of 56 advantage of 58 not universal 60 and pleasure '58 and unpleasantness 54 Paralysis, fear •. . 65 Peripheral theory of feel- ings 38 Peripherally initiated im- pulses 27 Practice 15 Protoplasm 147 Psychon 138 Radiation 81 Rate in a nerve 17 in a brain center 17 Reaction time 8 variation of 14 Recognition 105 Reproduction 105 Retention 104 Remembering 107 Reflex movement 146 Reflexes, kinds of 147 Remembered feelings 52 Retroactive inhibition 114 Resistance 16 cause of 25 meaning of 25 effect of 18 laws of 26, 27 two factors in , . 26 Resistance theory 24 Secondary reflex 152 Selection, natural,63,91,123,155,74 functional 149 S'ensibilities 21 Sensory reaction 15 Sigma 14 Sleep 89 advantage of 93 primary condition of 94 blood supply 95 diminished oxygen 95 peripheral impulses 96 food 95 starvation 96 variation in depth 96 and consciousness 93 Sleep curve 9ti Somnambulism 102 Spontaneous atention 122 Starvation 142 Unpleasantness 54 Useful expressions 44 Tone 54 Unconsciousness 77 Unconscious voluntary act... 153 Variation 156 Vividness of dreams 98 Will 138 definition of 14* and attention 143 and idea 134 and feelings 133, 143 and intellect 144 Worry 127 Wundt 22 NCTIONAL PSYCHOLOGY NATHAN A. HARVEY STATE NORMAL COLLEGE YPSILANT?, MICHIGAN